English Summary IN SHRUNKEN SUIT During the first years of the 21st century, the number of newspapers printed in tabloid format increased dramatically in Sweden. The country’s major morning papers switched to the smaller page size and the tabloid format became more or less the branch standard. The reason for this switch and its consequences are not obvious. The publishers themselves often cite the change as their salvation – a way for the printed press to regain readers, attract advertisers and challenge increasing media compe‐ tition. Analysts of the newspaper industry, however, have questioned this view and doubted that the solution of the future of newspapers lies in their format.
A STUDY OF NEWSPAPER FORMATS – AIM, METHOD AND MATERIAL The focus of this thesis is on the analysis of the morning papers’ transition to tabloid format, from two points of view – the publishers’ and the read‐ ers’. On the one hand, it attempts to determine the change in format over time and the format’s impact on the newspaper as a product and on its production, but not of the journalistic content. On the other hand, the
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intention is to analyze present and potential readers’ impressions and judgments as well as their reading habits in relation to the change in for‐ mat. This study is unique in that it is based on what is closed to a real‐time experiment. The research on the changes in format was initiated before they actually took place, which has provided the option to study them before, during and after the transition process. The timeline analyses of the newspapers’ change in format and its consequences have been per‐ formed by populating and utilizing a database of facts about the newspa‐ pers such as size, circulation, spread, printing method, etc. Document analyses of articles from industry media have also been used as source material. In addition, interviews and discussions with publishers and analyses of the newspapers’ content played a central role. Complementary material from email interviews, Gallup polls and site visits/case studies has also been important in building up basic knowledge. The analyses of reading behavior and readers´ assessments in relation to the change to tabloid format are based on surveys with representative samples of the Swedish population. These are carried out by the SOM Institute, an academic research organization at Göteborg University. The SOM surveys are unique in that they allow studies from a time perspec‐ tive and have enough sample size to analyze readers of different types of newspapers. The data from the survey are complemented with reader interviews in focus groups.
FORMAT CHANGE In 1950, less than five percent of the Swedish daily newspapers were in tabloid format. Just over a half‐century later, 90% of the morning papers are printed using this format. Development in modern times can be di‐ vided into three phases: The first is characterized by the change to tabloid format by non‐daily newspapers; during the second phase, regions with competing newspapers experience the change to tabloid format primarily among paper in a weak market position; the third phase is when the major publishers throughout Sweden change their papers’ format.
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Obstacles and Driving Forces The format change is formed by both a number of internal factors (e.g. management, financial status and competence) and external factors (e.g. society, market and economy). These have constituted obstacles as well as driving forces that have either slowed or boosted the change process. For a long time, the single largest obstacle was the widely spread opinion on the association between the tabloid format and sensational journalism. Primarily during the 1970s and 1980s, the tabloid format was used mainly by smaller newspapers so that their papers would stand out. The market turbulence during the 1990s, with new competing media, emphasized the need to reconsider strategies and in combination with technical evolution this presented ways to rationalize and reduce costs. The change to tabloid format was probably one such rationalization factor. Even transitions to tabloid format in the 21st century should be understood in the light of increasingly harder financial times for newspaper publishers as a result of declining circulation and less income from advertising. Decreased adver‐ tising also gave many newspapers a realistic option to switch format from the 1990s onward. The decreasing number of ads led to thinner newspa‐ pers, and in turn to the possibility to change to tabloid format from a tech‐ nical point of view. Printing techniques, in parallel with financial aspects, have had a major impact on the transition process in that many newspapers changed to tabloid format in conjunction with the installation of new printing presses. Despite hard competition, financial troubles during recessions and techni‐ cal possibilities to change format, all papers still have not done so. This indicates that internal forces end up being the strongest. External factors stress the importance of the matter, to different degrees, but the internal factors determine whether, when and how to go ahead with transition.
Process and Product Changes Format changes are often described as extensive, complicated and expen‐ sive. Change in format however does not have to be very extensive, since the process is often seen as an opportunity to implement changes in other
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fields as well, hence the transition from one page format to another be‐ comes a complicated task after all.
Process Changes Changing format affects the organization of production. Most newspapers have experienced impacts on their production flow from format changes. Employees have had to learn new advertising price models, which might have delayed the transition process since advertisements define the news‐ paper’s layout to a high degree. Deviations from established production procedures are inevitable, which obviously draws attention to the interfer‐ ence of the format change with production flow, i.e. missed deadlines due to new journalistic guidelines or editing rules. However, the greatest production flow interferences are not direct conse‐ quences of the format change but by other changes that are implemented simultaneously. Since these changes differ among newspapers, the impact on the production flow also varies. The major production difficulties are linked to delays from technical reconfigurations. Also, increased complex‐ ity in page pairing makes it difficult to distribute the paper on time, which is linked to technical issues. Layout in tabloid format requires new editing software, a new way to compose a paper from all its subparts and a new way to utilize the graphical technique, which all stress the indirect need to educate staff. Change to a new format is often seen as an opportunity to reorganize and reduce headcount. It offers a possibility for rationalization, since the tran‐ sition phase is a good opportunity for change. Since tabloid newspapers are easier to edit, more production tasks can be performed by less total staff. Furthermore, increased cooperation between departments in order to facilitate page pairing is a direct consequence of the transition. In order to achieve this, the newspapers should reorganize their departments to boost this cooperation. The changeover can thus apparently lead to long‐term production flow enhancement. The relationship between the advertising and the editing departments is often directly impacted by the change process, since possible fluctuations in advertising volume have to be balanced by the editorial content. One additional indirect change comes from a penetration of editorial depart‐
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ments’ floor space requirements. New departments are formed while others are dissolved and resources are reallocated.
Product changes The described process changes were strongly linked to the modified pub‐ lication, e.g. the product. To maintain a balance between introducing new things while keeping the old was perhaps the most significant issue, though the format change was a major modification of the product: Half the size suit. The change in the product was actually not very great over‐ all, but in some areas it had a greater influence than in other. Changing to tabloid format demanded an intelligent setup of the editorial material to facilitate page pairing in the printing/press department. This was probably the reason why most editorial departments were relocated during the transition period. Put in another way, it was more that the tabloid format created different opportunities than the full size format did, but publishers saw and used these opportunities differently. After analyz‐ ing the product change, it makes sense to say that these are significant changes in content and presentation. As a rule, a change in page format led to decreased advertising. Most newspapers also reduced their number of pages. In the editorial content’s volume different trends can be traced. Even if it is not possible to extract general results from the actual text volume of the studied newspapers, it is clear that the number of words per article was reduced by an average of 10‐15%. In addition to this, there was a change in how pictures were used, with generally more and larger pictures in the tabloid‐sized newspapers, than that had been in the broadsheets. In sum, it meant that the newspaper changed their content character.
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READERS AND FORMAT CHANGES From a reader’s perspective, the significance of the morning papers’ for‐ mat change is not easily apparent. One of the reasons for this is that it is difficult to isolate the format as a quality in itself, as the papers make many other unrelated changes at the same time they change their format. However, a summary of the results shows unequivocally that opin‐ ions/assessments as well as reading habits have been affected by format change – either directly or indirectly. Readers as well as non‐readers ap‐ prove of the format changes and there have also been tendencies toward increased reading.
Paper formats and reader opinions Reader’s attitudes toward the format changes have grown increasingly positive with time. Morning papers that have changed their page size from a larger format to the smaller tabloid format are assessed positively by a majority of their readers – as well as by non‐readers. However, the assessments on the change differ. It is, however, more correct to speak of more or less positive than positive and negative dimensions. For example, younger people are more positive to the changes than older people are, and women are more in favor of the new format than men are.
Formats and changes To get an idea of what it actually is that readers and non‐readers assess, one can consider the more or less positive assessments of format changes in relation to opinions regarding the significance of format per se. From a time perspective, one can assume that the general tendency has been that possible or actual format changes have gone from being judged as mostly negative and unimportant to now be considered increasingly important, and as more papers have changed readers have become less negative. Different readers, however, have different opinions. Perhaps
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most notable is that young people comprise the group that is overall the most positive to the format changes but at the same time feel that format as a quality of a paper is less important. This suggests that it is not the format (size) that young people are positive to but rather change in and of itself, that is, what the format means (change in itself) and/or the content it results in, for example more pictures. In its turn, the background to the different bases of assessment can be found in the fact that individuals expect satisfaction in different ways from their morning paper – expectations that are based on our ideas and emotional reactions.
Perceived format benefits That young people have more positive opinions regarding format change than do older people might be explained by the fact that a paper that is smaller in size better addresses young people’s expectations and better fills the function they want it to, regarding both the indirect consequences of format change upon product presentation (more visual material), easy handling and the format change itself. For example, young people live a more mobile life than older people do, and the new format is better suited to such a life. The qualities that go along with a format change are, in other words, changes that increase young people’s expected benefit from their morning paper. The opposite can be said of older people: they tend to have a considerably more regular reading routines than younger people do, and it is not only the product itself that they assess but also the actual reading situation and opportunity. They can no longer find what they are looking for in the paper – they don’t recognize the landscape. They do not like the fact that texts have become shorter, etc.
Ideas about format The difference between younger and older readers in their assessments of format changes might be explained to a certain extent by different levels of experience. Our newspaper reading habits actually form the ultimate framework for our gathering of knowledge about what newspapers are. Since reading is different we have different frames of reference, a situation that creates varying conditions for our knowledge about newspapers and their content. Long‐term surveys show that today’s youth are less loyal to
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a single morning paper than are older people, and have not developed the same routines or habits. Free papers and magazines, for example, have given younger people a great deal of experience with different page sizes. However, differences between older and younger people’s opinions and assessments regarding format changes can also be a result of varying knowledge about symbols. Young people of today have not lived with the concept of the tabloid format being associated with evening news journal‐ ism, or a full format being considered serious, as older people have. They are also not attached to the full format through more socio‐culturally stressed evaluations, which also means that full format largely lacks the prestige it has traditionally enjoyed in other social groups. Different age groups’ opinions regarding paper format could also go a long way in explaining differences in assessment, but this explanation is in no way comprehensive and must be complemented with other perspectives. Dif‐ ferences in assessment can also be determined different emotional reac‐ tions, and as these are usually learned behaviors they are often very dif‐ ferent in nature – not least between age groups. The younger and older people’s different assessments regarding paper format can thus be seen as a consequence of the fact that they have grown up with different page formats. From a time perspective, it is also reasonable to imagine that our knowl‐ edge about the tabloid format has generally gone from negative symbol awareness to more positive one, parallel with the fact that our experience with morning papers in this format has increased. Increasingly more peo‐ ple have come into contact with morning papers in tabloid format and it has been accepted as a kind of newspaper norm. A changed paper format, however, means not only that readers and non‐readers assess it, but also that reading conditions can be affected. According to the theories, assess‐ ments affect not only individuals’ general inclination to seek media ex‐ change, but also how they understand and assess the actual usefulness of the media.
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Newspaper format and reading The majority of people do not change their reading behavior due to a paper changing its format. This means that most of those who read a morning paper before a format change continue to read – regardless of format – and most of those who did not read before the time of change do not read after it either. But change tendencies do exist, and these result in a changed readership in connection with the format changes.
The significance of media characteristics Generally spoken, format change tends foremost to have significance for the reading behavior of a certain group of individuals – namely, younger people. It has been shown that it is predominantly younger people’s read‐ ing behavior that is affected by format changes. This suggests that changed media characteristics affect foremost those who do not yet have an established paper‐reading habit or a set daily routine. A changed page format does not affect the paper‐reading situation to the degree that the majority who received the paper before stop receiving it. Furthermore, many have yearly subscriptions that are already paid for, and thus receive their paper as usual – even if the format is now half the size it used to be. Those who already have an established newspaper read‐ ing routine are not affected by changes in media characteristics such as format change. The change in format likely has the most significance in its context by stirring curiosity, and it is conceivable that the smaller format is better suited to young people’s more mobile lives. However, it is most likely not the format itself that is the main reason more young people begin reading the paper. Instead it seems mainly be affected by changes in connection with the format change, such as a different newspaper product in the form of increased number of pictures and shorter texts. The ex‐ pected satisfaction from the paper increases with the change in the paper – and along with it, the will to read the paper.
The duration and character of changes in reading A great deal of the reading changes identified in connection with the for‐ mat changes gives indications that they are short‐lived. Even if it is mostly
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young people who make a positive (from the papers’ point of view) change in their reading habits, there is no indication that any great num‐ ber of them subscribe to a paper. Furthermore, subscriptions increases in connection with format changes tend to be temporary. This forces the question of what the significance of the format changes is for readership from a slightly longer perspective. A review of circulation trends reveals a very limited (and in many cases nonexistent) increase for newspapers that have changed format, an in‐ crease that was furthermore temporary at best. But when looking at the reading regularity estimated by the readers themselves we can observe a significant and long‐term (inasmuch it is possible to speak about long‐ term here) tendency toward a gradual change in perceived reading behav‐ ior among readers of papers having changed their format in comparisons with the others. However, changes in newspaper reading patterns can also occur in many different ways and be of varying character. It can be a matter of reading the paper more often or for longer periods of time, or reading it in differ‐ ent places or beginning with another section than one usually does. To simplify, we could talk about changes in reading regularity, readership pattern and/or reading situation. Judging from the empirical information, it is mainly the two former aspects that change after a format change, and even these changes can be seen primarily in young readers. Papers that have changed format show a gradual increase in regular readership break‐ ing a stable or declining development curve – which the papers that have not changed format do not. This is not in line with what we see in the circulation curves, but may represent an increased reading interest that cannot be seen in simple circulation statistics. It is a general, but limited, increase that characterizes the reading of newspapers that change format – primarily when it comes to amount of time spent reading, but also regard‐ ing frequency and points in time. This result could be interpreted as im‐ plying that the actual reading behavior is temporary (circulation curves temporarily turn up) while the experienced behavior is more habit‐based and thus long‐term.
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Reading and assessment – a question of format? Is it possible, then, to draw any conclusions about the role of readers’ assessments and opinions regarding format change and the paper in its new format in relation to their reading? Indeed, the tendency one can see is that a positive assessment and opinion create conditions for an in‐ creased reading level, but this is not necessarily a fact. In these cases, one’s current newspaper habit is the decisive factor: it is those who do not read regularly who change their reading habit – primarily because there is room for change, but certainly also because the change appeals to them – both from a curiosity perspective and with regard to the benefits they expect to receive. There are tendencies that indicate that it is also the irregular readers who read less (or stop reading entirely) if they feel the newspaper has gotten worse – even if the basis of this feeling is insufficient for drawing such a conclusion. Taken together, this means that a “successful” change in the paper as a product can lead to irregular – primarily young – readers be‐ ginning to read more, while an unsuccessful change can cause the paper to lose them. Newspaper changes can thus be important for the future of a newspaper in a competitive media environment. On the other hand it is doubtful if the positive results for the change period can be generalized for a longer period of newspaper reading.
PERSPECTIVES ON FORMAT CHANGE The empirical starting point of this thesis is format change, but it can also be applied to other noticeable changes in the newspaper product. In other words, the thesis provides a picture not only of format changes and what they have meant to the newspaper and its audience, but also of what the traditional newspapers’ product development means more generally. There are, however, two circumstances that make format development unique and fairly alone in its category: One is its scope, and the other its built‐in connotations.
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Change to tabloid format – a rite of passage? We wish to first, on a macrolevel, establish the significance of format change in relation to the great transformations that have taken place within the daily press during modern times. The parallels between format development and various milestones in modern newspaper history have created great similarities but also great differences in the course of devel‐ opment and its background. The best parallels can be drawn between the morning papers’ format change and, on one hand, the introduction of offset technique, and on the other hand the entrance of the Internet news‐ papers. To a certain degree, the explanation for this naturally lies in the significance and the character of the changes. For example, it is easy to see the format change as a technical issue, which admittedly does not involve new technical knowledge or a new technical breakthrough but instead involves changing the technique: repositioning the plates, redirecting the paper’s production, etc. Format change can also relatively easily be seen simply as product development, not of the newspaper in a new form (such as Internet publication) but in its current state. Although the course of development has taken on different appearances between the introduction of offset technique, the expansion of Internet publications and the format development, its background and conse‐ quences have been of the same significant character for the newspaper industry – as regards the product itself as well as the newspaper produc‐ tion, readers, advertisers and employees. This definitely allows format change to be considered an important change among the others. However, it is very difficult to evaluate the relative significance of all changes in the newspaper industry in the latest decades. The introduction of the press subsidy in the 1960s and 1970s, the decline of the party press and the rise of professional journalism, represent changes of very different scope and consequences. To evaluate their importance also very different time have to be applied. Thus, even is significant in terms of immediate conse‐ quences the tabloidization is not yet ready for a final evaluation in com‐ parisons with the other changes.
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Tabloid as phenomenon and ideology Secondly, format changes on a microlevel, can finally be related to our starting point in the concept of tabloid and the definitions and reflections surrounding it. Voices have often been raised regarding the tabloid for‐ mat, saying that there is some form of systematic tabloid logic in that the tabloid format itself determines the consequences around context as well as reader effects. In working with the Swedish morning papers’ change to tabloid format, however, it is difficult to find such logic – at least in any systematic sense of the word. However, there is a connection between the concept of tabloid and a cer‐ tain type of journalism. The concept has, over time, come to be detached from the format and connected more with a specific content. The debate over content within the tabloid concept has also intensified. But although it is historically possible to see a certain degree of connection between format and content, there is no necessary connection. Today, the collection of newspapers is so varied as regards these factors that it is not possible to use the concept of tabloid to convey an unambiguous meaning. In other words, it is impossible to talk about a common tabloid ideology. The increased space for headlines and pictures in connection with the format change is not a consequence of the format itself, but rather of time. In a world where increasingly more actors fight for attention, visualization becomes yet another technique within the media logic to capture consum‐ ers’ attention and interest. In this sense they are dealing with capturing the television generation, that is, young readers who have grown up with television. These readers are assumed to be more visually oriented, and in the struggle to attract them the papers need to be more visual. Another major issue is the spread of the American newspaper esthetic and design. At the same time, it has been noted that new readers who appear after a format change do not do so primarily because of the format itself but be‐ cause of curiosity and what the “new” paper might offer – more pictures. Taken together, this means that the tabloidization of our Swedish morning papers and its consequences can not be seen as an isolated phenomenon, as it actually does not simply concern format changes. Against this background, the change to tabloid format we have described should not be seen as a unique, non‐transferable phenomenon, but as one
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way among many to adapt a product to time and fashion – something newspapers have always done.
IN SHRUNKEN SUIT The breakthrough of the tabloid format among the larger Swedish morn‐ ing newspapers during the beginning of the 21st century is often described as the papers’ salvation. The question is, however, from which perspective can format be considered a miracle medicine, and in relation to what? There is naturally no simple answer to this question. From a company perspective, for example, many problems remain. For many, the cost of the format shift was too high in relation to its benefits ‐ many newspapers continue to fall in circulation. However, attracting a somewhat larger share of young readers has proven successful, which from a branch per‐ spective should be seen as fairly fortunate. The increased reading can certainly not be detected in the circulation development or economic re‐ ports, but if the papers can keep their new readers and also get them to subscribe, there is nonetheless reason to say that the format development (at least indirectly) without a doubt can be described as a miracle medicine – seen from a branch perspective. Add to this the positive attitude toward the papers’ changes, which can be seen as a step in the right direction. The conditions as the papers face the future have thus been changed to take on a positive direction, but only the future can tell whether the format will be seen as a long‐term vaccine or simply an aspirin.
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