BY ABDULLAH AL GHOSAIBI QUAZI TAUSIF IQBAL MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING AMERICAN UNIVERSITY OF SHARJAH
ABSTRACT The following projects illustrate a wide array of adaptation strategies Dubaians pursue in their everyday urbanism practices. These case studies are by no means exhaustive in scope, but tend to exhibit the pervasiveness and effectiveness across the so-called fragmented Dubai. It is equally noteworthy to think that while adaptation in its broadest and simplest form serves as a medium for ameliorating or solving a problem that if not addressed, would either portend a larger problem down the road, or ultimately diminish the quality-of-life of the residents in their interaction with the city. Having said that serving a broad framework to better explain why certain forms of adaptation arise, this concept should be closely examined with three other related themes that are recurrent in Dubai: conflicting identities, competing goals, and cooperative coexistence. These three recurrent themes demonstrate that the road from fragmentation to adaptation is neither linear nor smooth. There are times when consciously or unconsciously, adaptation or seeking temporary solutions to persistent structural problems might compete with legal, cultural, or social norms and practices. Yet, there are also times when in order to mitigate or resolve the incompatible consequences associated with certain global practices conflicts arise. Conflicts certainly exhibit the incompatibility of two or more adaptation strategies that threaten the local cultural practices. In a city known for its fragmented urban form, conflicts seem inevitable especially with regards to discourses surrounding the global versus local cultural norms and practices. Yet, there are times when various forms of adaptation may not conflict or compete, in which case two or more local and non-local practices can join forces or cooperate to more effectively mitigate or solve an urban problem. These nuances of adaptation attest to the fact that characterizing Dubai strictly as a fragmented global city that perpetually intensifies social exclusion and segregation is not accurate. With all the diverse forms of adaptation, Dubai introduces a potent, nuanced, and active gamut of urbanisms that range from informal, traditional and vernacular to hybrid and global.
CONTENTS 1
URBAN PLANNING IN DUBAI ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1
2
Dubai Urban Design History and Context Discussion ......................................................... 10
STUDY AREAS AND CONTEXT ................................................................................................... 11 2.1
FRAMEWORK FOR SITE SELECTION ................................................................................... 11
2.2
STUDY AREA ..................................................................................................................... 11
3
METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................................... 12
4
UNDERSTANDING THE STUDY AREAS ....................................................................................... 13 4.1
5
THE CASE OF GLOBAL-COMMERCIAL – THE BEACH, JBR .................................................... 13
4.1.1
1998 – PROPOSAL FOR DUBAI MARINA .................................................................... 13
4.1.2
2002 – WORK FOR JUMEIRAH BEACH RESIDENCE (JBR) BEGINS ................................ 14
4.1.3
2007-2012 – HANDOVER OF JBR AND ‘THE WALK’ OPENS ......................................... 15
4.1.4
2012-2014 ‘THE BEACH’............................................................................................ 16
4.1.5
BEYOND 2014 – BLUEWATERS ISLAND ...................................................................... 18
4.1.6
REFLECTIONS ON SITE EVOLUTION ........................................................................... 19
4.2
THE CASE OF GLOBAL-RESIDENTIAL – AL WASL SQUARE ................................................... 20
4.3
THE CASE OF HYBRID-COMMERCIAL – KARAMA MARKET ................................................. 22
4.4
THE CASE OF HYBRID-RESIDENTIAL – OMNIYAT THE SQUARE, AL MAMZAR ...................... 24
4.5
THE CASE OF INFORMAL-COMMERCIAL – BANGLA MARKET, SONAPUR............................ 26
ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................................. 28 5.1
GLOBAL-COMMERCIAL – THE BEACH ................................................................................ 28
5.1.1
PHYSICAL ANALYSIS .................................................................................................. 28
5.1.2
FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS............................................................................................. 30
5.1.3
SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS ............................................................................. 31
5.2
GLOBAL RESIDENTIAL – AL WASL SQUARE ........................................................................ 33
5.2.1
PHYSICAL .................................................................................................................. 33
5.2.2
FUNCTIONAL ............................................................................................................ 35
5.2.3
SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS ............................................................................. 38
5.3
HYBRID-COMMERCIAL – KARAMA MARKET ...................................................................... 40
5.3.1
PHYSICAL ANALYSIS .................................................................................................. 40
5.3.2
FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS............................................................................................. 42
5.3.3
CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ............................................................................................ 43
5.4
HYBRID RESIDENTIAL – OMNIYAT THE SQUARE, AL MAMZAR ........................................... 45
5.4.1
PHYSICAL/FUNCTIONAL ANAYLSIS ............................................................................ 45
5.4.2
SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS ............................................................................. 47
5.5
INFORMAL COMMERCIAL – BANGLA MARKET, SONAPUR ................................................. 48
6
7
5.5.1
FUNCTIONAL ANAYSIS .............................................................................................. 52
5.5.2
CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ANALYSIS ............................................................................. 52
CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................................... 55 6.1
REFLECTIONS FROM CLASS READINGS .............................................................................. 55
6.2
FINAL WORD .................................................................................................................... 56
References............................................................................................................................... 56
LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Future Development Scheme of Dubai ................................................................................. 7 Figure 2 Al Warqaa and Warsan Site Plan .......................................................................................... 7 Figure 3 Dubai International City located in Warsan. ......................................................................... 9 Figure 4 Study areas in the context of Dubai .................................................................................... 12 Figure 5 The Beach-site context map ............................................................................................... 13 Figure 6 Proposed Dubai Marina in 1998 and early plan showing new Dubai Central District ........... 14 Figure 7 Early construction photo of Dubai Marina & JBR ................................................................ 14 Figure 8 Google earth image of the site as of 2012 .......................................................................... 15 Figure 9 'The Walk' as it exists today................................................................................................ 15 Figure 10 Plan showing early proposal for JBR with 'the beach' area as landscaped park ................. 16 Figure 11 'The Beach' site area at the time of construction of JBR .................................................... 16 Figure 12 Site photos ....................................................................................................................... 17 Figure 13 Blue waters island as of March 2014 ................................................................................ 18 Figure 14 Plan view of the Blue waters island. Part of 'The Beach' project can be seen in the right bottom corner. ................................................................................................................................ 18 Figure 15 View of the Blue waters Island with JBR in the background .............................................. 19 Figure 16 Al Wasl Square site context .............................................................................................. 20 Figure 17 Bird's eye view of Al Was community ............................................................................... 20 Figure 18 Al Wasl Square ................................................................................................................. 21 Figure 19 Karama market context .................................................................................................... 22 Figure 20 Karama market ................................................................................................................ 23 Figure 21 Omniyat The Square, Al Mamzar context map .................................................................. 24 Figure 22 Residential & Hotel block of Al Mamzar............................................................................ 24 Figure 23 Omniyat The Square, Al Mamzar ...................................................................................... 25 Figure 24 Bastakiya after demolition (Zandi, 2008) ............................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Figure 25 Potential Unesco heritage site 2014. sourcehttp://gulfnews.com/multimedia/graphics/full-frame/dubai-creek-bids-for-unesco-world-heritagesite-status-1.1244158 ........................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Figure 26 Bangla market, Sonapur context map ............................................................................... 26 Figure 27 Sonapur site photos ......................................................................................................... 27 Figure 28 Top-Figure-Ground map; bottom-Block layout and roads ................................................. 28 Figure 29 Permeability and graphic representation of the section aa ............................................... 29 Figure 30 Similarities and difference between typical shopping mall layout and 'The Beach' ............ 30 Figure 31 Elements of The Beach ..................................................................................................... 30 Figure 32 Brand promotions & Plantation boxes as seating.............................................................. 31 Figure 33 Functional characteristics of spaces and flow of pedestrians ............................................ 31 Figure 34 Pedestrain density in The Walk and The Beach ................................................................. 32 Figure 35 Top-Figure-ground map; Bottom-Block and street layout ................................................. 33 Figure 36 Type of residential & commercial units ............................................................................ 34 Figure 37 Monotonous streets and the dominant cube facades ....................................................... 34 Figure 38 Street space in the evening .............................................................................................. 38 Figure 39 'U' shaped layout ............................................................................................................. 40 Figure 40 Top-Figure-ground map; bottom-block layout and street patterns ................................... 41 Figure 41 Using corrodors as display, view of the advertisement boards on the north block ............ 42 Figure 42 Interactions in the north block courtyards and mashrabiya .............................................. 42 Figure 43 Adapting to meet a functional requirement ..................................................................... 43 Figure 44 Stairs used for sitting and interacting; corridor parapets used for sitting .......................... 43
Figure 45 Outdoor dining area in Karama ........................................................................................ 44 Figure 46 Figure-ground map; Block layout and street pattern of The square in Al Mamzar ............. 45 Figure 47 The outer corridor and the inner courtyard ...................................................................... 46 Figure 48 The language of facade borrowed from mud architecture ................................................ 46 Figure 49 Babecue; Kids playing; Smaller courts, Swimming pool ..................................................... 47 Figure 50 Figure fround map; block and street layout of area around Bangla Market ....................... 48 Figure 51 Typical accommodation block in Sonpaur ......................................................................... 49 Figure 52 The boundary wall and the view of waste dumping yard across the road in the north end 49 Figure 53 Ground at which market opens. This photo was taken at 2 pm in the afternoon .............. 49 Figure 54 Types of vendors in the market ........................................................................................ 50 Figure 55 view of the warehouse (top-left); vendors carrying goods (top-right); unloading of goods from mini-vans (bottom-left) ........................................................................................................... 51 Figure 56 Panoramic view of the market at 6.30 pm on a weekday .................................................. 51 Figure 57 Various activities & user density ....................................................................................... 52 Figure 58 Pedestrian circulation in and around the market .............................................................. 53
1 URBAN PLANNING IN DUBAI Dubai is becoming a world creative hub site with numerous urbanized areas on the rise within a metropolis that hosts a collage of different functions, peoples, cultures, traditions and ideas. It is composed of, and balances the elements of living, working and leisure in an environment that provides close proximity between its various functions.
Figure 1 Future Development Scheme of Dubai
The Al Warqaa and Warsan sites are a specimen extension of Dubai’s city core, but create another center of cultural gravity and a focal point for creative energy. With this dynamic approach, these parts of the city and the surrounding neighbourhoods will witness a revival in its scene that will stimulate and instigate the exchange of ideas and inspirations with the engagement of the neighbouring communities, as well as the international scene.
Many newly residential developments have rapidly sprouted near the outskirts of Dubai city, such as “International City”. Dubai’s infrastructural heart has grown at such a mindboggling rate that it had unexpectedly spread into industrial areas and brownfields, with lack of planning and thought. Many industrial units release harmful pollution but the most incommodious to residents is the infamous Al Aweer sewage treatment plant and Sonapur Landfill, which is in relatively close proximity to the city core of Dubai. There has been much awareness and grievances about the problem of extreme odor
emanations in certain regions of Dubai, particularly in the areas of Al Warqaa and Warsan, where the Al Aweer Sewage Plant is situated, and Sonapur, where the Landfill is situated. The residents of Dubai have been very vocal about the issue through the news and various other social medias.
Figure 3 Dubai International City located in Warsan.
The relationship between the two newly developed areas (Al Warqaa and Warsan) and their surroundings, simply illustrates as dynamical advances of the previous infrastructural, environmental and societal framework. The way in which to render a cohesive and interactive zone through such a utilitarian pattern became the seeming challenge. In terms of a developed platform, this also transgresses into the relationship of its functions: the social vs. the academic, which can also be translated as unstable vs. stable moments, spaces or interactions. In order to create cohesiveness in this field of polarities in terms of the structure, space, and function, the disparate structures has to be read as a whole, their divisions being treated as both separator and connector simultaneously. What is meant by the “Social” are the leisure and interactive entertainment dimensions of neighborhoods. What is meant by the “Academic” are the educational and professional interfaces of the environment. Leisure, education and work exist, cohabit and are required in our inhabitable settings to spark any significant and lasting creative market. They are some of the building blocks that create a prosperous and healthy functioning society. Our built environment plays a key role on the quality of human regime within a society. Urban forms can shape our lifestyles and be a determinant on the cohesiveness and enrichment of living in our communities.
The sequence of people and their interactivity with the zone was conceived of various filters that became layers to the zone, dealing with axis, views, sound, light and materials. These filters became the quintessential interfacing between these different moments, thus creating a structure that can be read and experienced as a whole, legibly and cohesively. We realize over the years that many new developments in the city core are invariably examples of hybridity and globalization amidst the existing and reconstructing of traditional Emirati i.e. ArabIslamic architecture. Concurrently, we find near the outskirts growing pockets of informal and humble settings, such as the labor camps sprouting in various areas. However, due to the rapid urban sprawl in Dubai, several of the known global and hybrid projects are growing around and passed these informal areas, such as in Jebel Ali, Al Quoz and Sonapur. These pockets of informality virtually being a stone’s throw distance from global developments are becoming a noticeable trend in Dubai’s urbanization and unique in the prospect of its previous contexts.
1.1 Dubai Urban Design History and Context Discussion There seems to be a great lesson to be learned from the built environment setup of the Emirates. Urban form has always held some fascination to the Emirati people. I have known of Indian, Egyptian, Japanese, Gothic, Middle Eastern and several other ancient architectures, but not of Emirati architecture per se. The reason was not far to seek. The U.A.E. was technically founded in 1971 after sovereignty from the British i.e. post-colonialism, and at that time, the Emirates were mostly uninhabited. Naturally, due to the arid desert conditions existing in the region, dwelling structures were rudimentary. There existed very basic organic settlements, but they too contained functional structures in ways that allowed for social interaction and a connected community. An important observation to note is the absence of virtually all the odorous pollutants that exist in our city today. It is only since the 1960s, since the exploitation of oil and gas, when an authorized master plan materialized and modern buildings began to be erected. The latest notable example is the Burj Khalifah. Even this particular structure was designed by Skidmore, Owings and Merrill – Non-Emiratis. Unfortunately, many foreign professionals who are involved in the built environment advancement of Dubai are heedless of its existing public policy issues, and end up swelling the issues via lack of logistical consideration of the physical environment i.e. poor planning. Nothing in the world was begun that was not begun. Architectural traditions had also their beginnings wherever they exist today. Ancient Indian or Egyptian architectures were unique in their independent identities. However, modern urban designs cannot be said to be unique and bearing the stamp of a particular culture or a country. That is why if I were to show you a picture of a cluster of modern buildings from a particular city, it may be hard to distinguish the city from others as the buildings in question have something indistinguishable about them. In this context, to create a unique Emirati urban “utopian” identity may be a daunting task. Is it possible/ or practical to evolve a unique Emirati architectural and planning innovation? Architecturally, ancient structures are unique and are not emulated anywhere. Nonetheless, modern designs begun in one city are “cut and pasted” all over i.e. literally dittoed, sometimes with cosmetic changes. It is precisely this mentality that has driven the U.A.E. into deep holes of dejection financially, socially, culturally and environmentally in several of its regions. This also highlights the pockets of informality when compared and situated proximate to the high-end global/ hybrid developments. Naturally, as the construction sector is booming and more developments are emerging, subsequently
more labor workers are needed and thus, more labor camps will sprout and develop i.e. increased pockets of informality and humble settings. The informal growths in Dubai are undeniably sewed into the fabric of Dubai’s identity. In what way can we contribute to modifying a planned city with a unique and pragmatic identity? Can our attempt succeed in developing one? What factors shall we consider in the construction of such a plan? Will I take up the spatial, technical, or conceptual aspects of it or all of it? Everything had a beginning. The only thing is that some had early beginnings and some had late beginnings. In that case, cannot some start now, beginning in modern times?
2 STUDY AREAS AND CONTEXT 2.1 FRAMEWORK FOR SITE SELECTION This study identified three broad parameters which represent various forms of urbanization in the city of Dubai. These are – 1. Global Dubai – In Global Dubai, urban form corresponds to the spectacular urban development projects that Dubai is known for. It gains immediate visibility among the residents and tourists and instantly defines the image of Dubai to the world. These unique and extravagant star projects place Dubai on the world map and represent the economic achievements of Dubai. 2. Traditional/Informal Dubai – The traditional urban form is a reflection of the past of Dubai prior to the urbanization. It represents the urban form which is evolved from the unique culture and climate of Dubai. The Informal Dubai is self-regulated and ambiguous form that is generally located in the expatriate working class regions of Dubai. These are mainly located in the South-Asian expatriate market spaces and residential settlements. 3. Hybrid Dubai – Hybrid Dubai is the urban form that borrows from both Global and Traditional or Informal and results in an urban form that imitates the past using modern construction materials and techniques. Each chosen area of study conforms to one of the above three types of urban forms.
2.2 STUDY AREA
The below map shows the location of the chosen sites in the context of Dubai.
Figure 4 Study areas in the context of Dubai
3 METHODOLOGY Urban Planning in Dubai follows the top-down approach and therefore much of the development decisions are taken by the higher authorities only to be implemented by the consultants and contractors. The end users are rarely involved in the planning process. However, in the absence of direct participation in the city planning process, the end users therefore are bound to adapt spaces to suit their demands and needs. In the course of analysis of the case studies, this report will elaborate on the proposed hypothesis of the study which is that Adaptability is an integral part of the story of Dubai. This adaptability is classified into four types namely – 1. Physical 2. Functional 3. Social 4. Cultural. In its simplest form, observing various examples of adaptation involves noting not only how or why they are created or caused, but also in what ways they may conflict, compete or reinforce the institutionalized norms. The analysis will be an attempt to explore the various types of adaptations present in each of the case studies. The combined findings of each of the case studies are presented in a table at the end of analysis of case studies.
4 UNDERSTANDING THE STUDY AREAS This section will describe the evolution of the selected site over the years and reflect upon the macro level site adaptations observed from the study.
4.1 THE CASE OF GLOBAL-COMMERCIAL – THE BEACH, JBR
Figure 5 The Beach-site context map
‘The Beach’ is a horizontal shopping destination spread between Sheraton and Hilton hotels on west and east, the Arabian Gulf in the north and the Jumeirah Beach Residence (JBR) in the south. As seen in the above map, its location is close to the Sheikh Zayed Road which is a major highway that runs across one of the most dense and high-rise developments in Dubai. It is surrounded by residential settlements like JBR, Dubai Marina, Jumeirah Lake Towers, Jumeirah Islands, and Emirates Hills etc.
4.1.1 1998 – PROPOSAL FOR DUBAI MARINA Dubai Marina was the first conceived as early as 1998. Figure 3 shows the early proposal for the Marina by Emaar properties. It was expected to accommodate 150,000 residents and was to contain best elements of urban living in the 21st Century. Figure 3 also shows the larger Dubai Marina community which was expected to hold 400 towers and 200,000 residents. The area in Figure 4 was envisioned as new Dubai Central District. All these were early proposals before Jumeirah Beach Residence (JBR) (top purple area in Figure 3) or the Jumeirah Late Towers (bottom orange area in Figure 3) across Shk Zayed Road were envisioned.
Figure 6 Proposed Dubai Marina in 1998 and early plan showing new Dubai Central District
4.1.2 2002 – WORK FOR JUMEIRAH BEACH RESIDENCE (JBR) BEGINS The project however underwent many modifications although the idea of the canal was retained in subsequent proposals. After the man-made canal was competed and work for Dubai Marina was underway, Dubai properties announced JBR in 2002 which was then the largest single phase development in the world with 35 residential towers and 5 hotel towers. The proposal would also include beach-front commercial development called ‘The Walk’ which was conceived as a European shopping street and would include restaurants, boutiques, cafes, clothing stores etc.
Figure 7 Early construction photo of Dubai Marina & JBR
4.1.3 2007-2012 – HANDOVER OF JBR AND ‘THE WALK’ OPENS
Figure 8 Google earth image of the site as of 2012
Handover of JBR apartments started in 2007 and ‘The Walk’ which was a 1.7 km stretch facing the Arabian Gulf was also open in 2007. The Walk was successful in attracting residents and tourist owing to the unique experience it had to offer. The 1.7 km stretch had a 5-8 metre wide paved street with outdoor dining and cafeterias
Figure 9 'The Walk' as it exists today
4.1.4 2012-2014 ‘THE BEACH’ The early proposal for JBR presented ‘the beach’ as a recreational park (figure 7). However, the success of ‘The Walk’ at JBR prompted the developers to envision another unique experience in the form of ‘The Beach’. Hence the idea of a horizontal-open shopping mall was proposed. The dotted area represented in figure 5 and figure 8 show the corresponding site boundaries of ‘The Beach’ project. Figure 5 shows the area used as a parking space in 2012 and figure 8 shows the area being used as a make-shift accommodation at the time of construction of JBR.
Figure 10 Plan showing early proposal for JBR with 'the beach' area as landscaped park
Figure 11 'The Beach' site area at the time of construction of JBR
Work on ‘The Beach’ project started in 2013 by Meraas Developers of Dubai. The idea was to translate the Mall typology to the unique context of the site with beach on one side and ‘The Walk’ on the other side. This gave rise to a unique spatial experience in the already vibrant urban setting.
Figure 12 Site photos
4.1.5 BEYOND 2014 – BLUEWATERS ISLAND In February 2013, the ruler of Dubai approved another large scale project just 500 metres off the coast of JBR. Reclamation of land for the project is already under way as shown in the figure 10 below.
Figure 13 Blue waters island as of March 2014
The island will host retail, residential, tourist and recreational facilities in addition to a bazaar and the world largest Ferris wheel which is to be called Dubai eye and will stand 210 meters tall. The wheel will offer stunning views of Dubai’s coastline and also the nearby Palm Islands. The project is expected to attract 3 million visitors every year. The estimated cost of the project is 6 billion Dhs.
Figure 14 Plan view of the Blue waters island. Part of 'The Beach' project can be seen in the right bottom corner.
Figure 15 View of the Blue waters Island with JBR in the background
4.1.6 REFLECTIONS ON SITE EVOLUTION The position of ‘The Beach’ as a global destination is evident from the above description. In addition to that, the staggering scale of financial investments which are estimated at 6 bn AED each for Bluewaters Island and JBR, add to that the cost of largest man-made marina which runs up to 3 kms and other infrastructure amenities, the numbers for which are unavailable. The initial proposals are undoubtedly a result of a top-down planning process but the subsequent changes in the plans seem to be in reaction to the user response. For instance, the change of plans from park when JBR was proposed to The Beach after the user response to The Walk when it opened in 2007. These changes correspond to the policy/site level adaptations. One can argue that ‘The Beach’ or ‘The Walk’ should ideally be a part of an existing urban fabric, but here is a case where on the one hand it has been placed far from the vibrant social fabric of the existing city but on the other hand it has been merged successfully with the newly built JBR. Although this conflict is a result of Dubai’s struggle to maintain a balance between serving as a tourist destination for the world and also fulfilling the demands of its residents. More on this in the analysis section. However, the space serves well as a destination for visitors and tourists and as a place to unwind for the residents of JBR and nearby Marina. In conclusion, The Beach and The Walk are a manifestation of Global Dubai in its truest form. The space, the users, the culture and the overall ambience have more in common with any global city and very little, if any, reference to the context of Dubai itself as an Arab city.
4.2 THE CASE OF GLOBAL-RESIDENTIAL – AL WASL SQUARE
Figure 16 Al Wasl Square site context
Al Wasl Square is a new community development in the center of the Jumeirah district, which comprises of residential townhouses, apartments and retail space. Al Wasl is a global urban development project that seeks to complement the global market of Dubai’s city center by establishing itself in the heart of Jumeirah. Moreover, the location is literally walking distance to Jumeirah Beach and Al Safa Park, making it an attractive prospect in the market, and distinctive in the prospects of its surroundings. With Dubai’s diverse population, particularly in the Jumeirah area, Al Wasl Square has potential to be a lively community with ease of accessibility to facilities and activities. The design of the residential units is very modern and high-end, which makes it suitable for middleclass families who would enjoy modern-day settings.
Figure 17 Bird's eye view of Al Was community
Figure 18 Al Wasl Square
4.3 THE CASE OF HYBRID-COMMERCIAL – KARAMA MARKET
Figure 19 Karama market context
Karama market is a commercial district located in the heart of Dubai’s expatriate residential zone. The market itself is a mixed-use zone with the ground level occupying shops and upper 3 levels of residential use. Al Karama is traditionally home to expatriate South Asian population of Dubai and dates back to 1980s when Dubai was still in its transitional period from an oil and trade based economy to global tourism and trade hub. The market is famous for its imitation accessories of well-known brands of leather bags and watches. With the absence of any traditional marketing tools and advertisements like other well-known tourist and commercial areas of Dubai, this market thrives on word of mouth and is very famous in the online forums for visitors to Dubai. And hence surprisingly, even though it is located far from the global tourist attractions of Dubai, an considering the fact that Karama is known for South Asian expatriate population, the area has a number of tourists coming in on scheduled tourist bus trips. The Karama metro station which is almost 1 km from the market and Karma bus station further enhance the connectivity of the market to the rest of Dubai.
Figure 20 Karama market
4.4 THE CASE OF HYBRID-RESIDENTIAL – OMNIYAT THE SQUARE, AL MAMZAR This is a residential block located in Al Mamzar region of Dubai that borders with the emirate of Sharjah. It is largely a high-end residential zone, with a football club and a couple of civic buildings in its vicinity.
Figure 21 Omniyat The Square, Al Mamzar context map
The surrounding neighbourhoods are high-end residential villas and the area has relatively low vehicular traffic due its location. The area is best accessible by cars with closest Al Qiyadah metro station at a distance of 3.2 km. The nearest bus stops are at least 1 km from the study area It is a private development with one block for residences and an adjacent hotel block. The residential block is five storey tall and the ground level is used for commercial facilities and amenities such as gym, beauty salons, day-care centre etc. that cater mainly to the residents.
Figure 22 Residential & Hotel block of Al Mamzar
Figure 23 Omniyat The Square, Al Mamzar
4.5 THE CASE OF INFORMAL-COMMERCIAL – BANGLA MARKET, SONAPUR Bangla Market is an informal evening market in the Muhaisnah labour camp in Dubai which is also known as ‘Sonapur’. The labour camp itself is located on what used to be a burial and cremation ground for expatriates in 1950s. Sonapur in India has two meanings – one is ‘City of Gold’ and the other being ‘City of Sleeping Dead’ which seems to be most apt considering the history of the place (Dharmarajan 2007). The labour camp lies on the eastern border of Dubai close to Sharjah. To the north of the camp is a waste disposal yard less than 50 meters from the northern border of the camp. This proximity to the waste disposal results in an unpleasant odour for a large part of the day depending on the direction of the wind. To its east is Oud Muteena housing for the local population, which however due to its proximity to the waste yard has largely been rented out to expatriates. The boundary wall on the perimeter strongly segregates the camp from its immediate neighbourhood and gives it a sense of a fortified city within a city. Similar experience is translated into the overall experience of the camp with its narrow streets, lack of street lights, a visibly male-only population
Figure 24 Bangla market, Sonapur context map
(although female labour quarters do exist inside but are nowhere to be seen) and an unusually large pedestrian population. These attributes of the camp complement the freedom of movement and activity to an extent of offering a liberating experience to its residents who probably do not enjoy other luxuries in life. In conclusion, the neglect of the government authorities is evident from the state of infrastructure of the camp, BUT this neglect is what gives the camp its unique character. In an age where behaviour of individuals in public spaces is under heavy scrutiny, Sonapur is surprisingly liberal and perhaps lives up to Hannah Arendts’ definition of a public space albeit minus the political influence that she proposes.
Figure 25 Sonapur site photos
5 ANALYSIS 5.1 GLOBAL-COMMERCIAL – THE BEACH 5.1.1 PHYSICAL ANALYSIS
Figure 26 Top-Figure-Ground map; bottom-Block layout and roads
Comparing the figure ground map and the block layout it can be observed that although the density of the buildings is relatively low, the block size is very large and hence reducing the permeability of the urban form. The promenade in the figure ground map makes up the entire block which although creates interaction spaces at the upper level, its overwhelming scale discourages any activity to occur on the street to the south of promenade. The inactive and dull Al Sufouh street deceives of the vibrancy of the activities in The walk to the north of the promenade.
Figure 27 Permeability and graphic representation of the section aa
The arrangement of the blocks in ‘The Beach’ allow visual access and seamless transition from the relatively formal activities in ‘The Walk’ to the informal space that is a beach. ‘The Beach’ itself is a semi-formal shopping mall which functions as a transition space. The Beach and The Walk function in an isolated pocket as seen in the above section and the corresponding figure-ground map. The overwhelming scale of the adjacent JBR which would otherwise cause suffocation is mitigated by the openness of the Arabian Gulf.
5.1.2 FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS
Figure 28 Similarities and difference between typical shopping mall layout and 'The Beach'
The adaptations at macro level with respect to the change in policies has already been discussed in the site evolution section. The above sketches try to illustrate the similarities and differences between a typical shopping mall and ‘The Beach’. The overall layout of atriums and linear movement between atriums remains the same. However, while a typical shopping mall is a fortified structure, the mall in ‘The Beach’ is has been adapted to suit the natural surroundings of the Arabian Gulf. In addition to this, the design language used in ‘The Beach’ itself is an attempt to imitate the tradition souk with its central courtyards and a street around it (figure 19).
Figure 29 Elements of The Beach
5.1.3 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS The Walk exhibits certain peculiar characteristics. On one hand, its spatial quality is that of an unhindered and unregulated public space but on the other hand it functions no different from the streets of an indoor shopping mall with people moving in a linear pattern from one end to the other gazing at the el fresco diners and coming across temporary stalls of various brands ranging from mobile phones to beauty products at regular intervals which display their products outdoors for advertisements. Although in terms of demographic variation, it is far less vibrant than a typical shopping mall in Dubai and ironically has very limited free-standing benches (excluding restaurant seating) for seating. However, the plantation boxes function as an alternative as shown in figure 32.
Figure 30 Brand promotions & Plantation boxes as seating
The Beach functions as a transition space between the structured organization of The Walk and the organic movement of pedestrians in the beach. The promenades are mainly used by the residents and therefore reduces the conflict between the visitors and the residents. The Walk and The Beach remain
Figure 31 Functional characteristics of spaces and flow of pedestrians
vibrant throughout the day and merge harmoniously with the surroundings.
Much of the activity is concentrated in the centre of The Walk with relatively very less activity towards the end of the street as shown in Figure 35. Another interesting observation is that unlike a street that leads to an alternative destination, the street ends abruptly at south-west end and leads to a hotel on the other end although most visitors turn around after reaching the hotel at the north-east end. This further reinforces the image of The Walk as an isolated destination rather than a part of the urban fabric.
Figure 32 Pedestrain density in The Walk and The Beach
The Walk also lacks any specific focal point and therefore makes the experience monotonous and repetitive with only street dining placed along the entire stretch and lack of any form of engagement with the built environment.
5.2 GLOBAL RESIDENTIAL – AL WASL SQUARE 5.2.1 PHYSICAL
Figure 33 Top-Figure-ground map; Bottom-Block and street layout
Al Wasl is a township of row houses places in continuous succession as seen in the figure ground map. It is situated in a low density, low-rise neighbourhood. Although the access to the housing is not restricted, its exhibits characteristics of a gated community. The layout follows a grid pattern and the residential units are monotonous repetition of typical block.
Figure 34 Type of residential & commercial units
Despite being inclose proximity to the Al Wasl street which has heavy traffic, the neighbourhood remains a very calm and peaceful environment. This may be due to the commercial blocks which act as a visual and noise barrier for the residences. Unlike most residential developments in Dubai, the architectural language of Al Wasl square in using aluminium cladding and the dominance of cuboidal pattern on facade and sharp right angles give it a global appeal. Neither the spatial qualities nor the materials used are reflective of the climate and culture of the place.
Figure 35 Monotonous streets and the dominant cube facades
5.2.2 FUNCTIONAL
Basketball Hoop on Footpath
Basketball hoop in back street which functions as a secondary access and also a good place to socialize and interact with neighbors. This narrow street can be said to be adapted from a tradition Arab cities which are very crucial interaction space especially for women.
Water Pipe Drilled into Several Holes in the Complex
Several Pots of Plants Placed Outside the Villa
Figure: Several Pots of Plants Placed Outside the Villa
Wall Trellis
Several Pots of Plants Placed on the Wall
Figure: Several Pots of Plants Placed on the Wall
To create more of a sense of security and privacy, some residents place several pots of plants on the walls and in front of their gates to block out vision from outside towards inside the premises. Also, trellis fixtures are seen in several of the villas to increase the height of their walls for more privacy. There is a high possibility that these particular residents may be Arabs because in the Arab culture, high walls and privacy are customary. An issue we noticed in Al Wasl Square was that it was lacking spaces for recreational activities within the confines of the complex, which forced many children to setup basketball hoops outside the residence and leave footballs, bicycles, etc. lying around the neighborhoods on sidewalks, roads and driveways. Another issue is lack of parking spaces. Many guests who visit the residents, either by car or bicycle, find it difficult to spot parking or free parking. Even residents who own more that one vehicle tend to park their bikes and cars on the sides of roads, or footpaths, or even in the paid parking area around the piazza where several shops and restaurants are located. Perhaps a more transitoriented renovation of the complex is needed in order to facilitate the various resident choices of transportation in future and more public recreational facilities to alleviate the issues discussed.
Motorcycle Parked on Sidewalk
Figure: Motorcycle Parked on Sidewalk
Figure: Two Bicycles Tied to a Lamp Post
5.2.3 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS The demography of the residents based on observations can be said to be mostly high-income expatriate families. Despite many potential nodes of interaction, the neighbourhood remains inactive and there was hardly any activity noticed in the street. Observations were also made in the evening since most children remain in school during the day. However, there was still no activity either in the main street or the secondary street behind the single unit residential units. This might be due to cultural and social preferences of the resident population.
Figure 36 Street space in the evening
However, the commercial block due to presence of coffee shops, generates some activity in otherwise very subtle and ‘sleeper’ community.
5.3 HYBRID-COMMERCIAL – KARAMA MARKET 5.3.1 PHYSICAL ANALYSIS The layout of Karama market is representative of a phase of Dubai’s history. It has certain unique features such as the ‘U’ shaped layout of blocks with parking spaces in the voids (figure 39 & 40). The blocks are composed of commercial shops on the ground level and 3 storeys of residential apartments.
Figure 37 'U' shaped layout
Figure 38 Top-Figure-ground map; bottom-block layout and street patterns
From the above figure ground map, we can observe the courtyard space in the northern block of the site area. This courtyard space is a direct manifestation of the traditional houses. Other physical adaptations can be observed in the form of mashrabiya although it is for aesthetic purposes.
5.3.2 FUNCTIONAL ANALYSIS The courtyard space in the northern block as mentioned above, is utilized for common activities. These spaces turn into interaction space and also a dining space for a small restaurant inside. The mashrabiyah although does not fulfil its original function of blocking the sunlight, it is used to hide the air conditioning units.
Figure 40 Interactions in the north block courtyards and mashrabiya
Figure 39 Using corrodors as display, view of the advertisement boards on the north block
Another peculiar aspect of the market area can be observed in Figure 41 where the low height of the building results in the terrace space being utilized for advertisement billboards. A feature which is very common in the south Asian countries especially India. There is also a lack of seating spaces, however the parapet of the corridors is used for seating and results in interesting interactions among the visitors and the sales people of different shops. This is another interesting and unique aspect which does not happen in the shopping malls and other formal shopping areas.
The lack of sufficient staircases can also be seen which has resulted in users installing iron stairs at regular intervals all around the market.
Figure 41 Adapting to meet a functional requirement
5.3.3 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL The market is very active in the evening and based on observation it was noticed that it attracted users of all nationalities. Social interactions can be observed in the corridors of the markets where not only visitors but also the shopkeepers were talking amongst themselves.
Figure 42 Stairs used for sitting and interacting; corridor parapets used for sitting
The experience of Karama Market is unique in the context of Dubai. There are not many, if any, places that convey the journey of Dubai from its humble beginnings to what it is seen as today. Even the traditional markets and souqs are air conditioned and museumified to a great extent. But Karama retains its unique essence with outdoor walkable spaces where people can sit and define the spaces to their own will unlike the structured and strictly regulated shopping malls.
Figure 43 Outdoor dining area in Karama
Moreover, Karama market forms the bridge between the rich Dubai and the more disadvantaged population of Dubai. It is a space where people from both the ends of economic spectrum can feel safe and comfortable without one overpowering the other like in the case of a high end shopping mall or a labour camp environment.
5.4 HYBRID RESIDENTIAL – OMNIYAT THE SQUARE, AL MAMZAR 5.4.1 PHYSICAL/FUNCTIONAL ANAYLSIS
Figure 44 Figure-ground map; Block layout and street pattern of The square in Al Mamzar
Al Mamzar is a low density high end neighbourhood bordering Dubai and Sharjah. The most prominent feature of the residential block as seen from the figure ground map is the courtyard at the centre. This courtyard is a direct form of adaptation from the courtyard houses of traditional Arab cities albeit in
an apartment block. The ground level of the building is used for commercial activity and the upper 5 levels are residences.
Figure 45 The outer corridor and the inner courtyard
As seen in the above image, the ceiling of the corridors are an imitation of traditional roofs which are used for reinforcement purpose although here they are merely for aesthetics.
Figure 46 The language of facade borrowed from mud architecture
The faรงade itself is heavily borrowed from the traditional mud architecture with the round columns, the geometric pattern railings, the narrow openings, the wood in the ceiling and the cornice detail at the bottom.
5.4.2 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL ANALYSIS The apartments are resident to mainly expatriate well to do families. During the time of visit, it was noticed that the courtyard was used by a few people for activities such as barbecue and for playing by kids. A few people were seen sun bathing by the pool at the centre of the courtyard. Another interesting aspect of the courtyards are the smaller courts on one side of the block which are basically the backyards of the ground level commercial shops. These remained inactive during the day.
Figure 47 Babecue; Kids playing; Smaller courts, Swimming pool
5.5 INFORMAL COMMERCIAL – BANGLA MARKET, SONAPUR
Figure 48 Figure fround map; block and street layout of area around Bangla Market
Sonapur (Muhaisnah) is labour camp settlement with a strict grid-iron layout. It is a fairly low density development with large open spaces around building blocks and maximum heights reaching up to 3 floors. Corridors running around the building blocks with inner corridor running along inner courtyards is the typical layout of most buildings in the camp. As has been described earlier, one of the main conflicts in the land uses in Sonapur is the adjacent waste dumping yard which results in unpleasant odour for the residents. The camp is also surrounded on three sides by a wall topped with a barbed wire fence.
Figure 50 The boundary wall and the view of waste dumping yard across the road in the north end
The market itself is an open ground with no pre-installed permanent or temporary structures. It starts operating at 5 o clock in the evening and remains open till 10.30 pm to 11.00 pm. The below image shows the empty ground which is used for the market.
Figure 49 Typical accommodation block in Sonpaur
Figure 51 Ground at which market opens. This photo was taken at 2 pm in the afternoon
MARKET SPACE ADAPTATIONS The lack of any infrastructure allows the vendors to innovate and adapt the space to suit their needs. This results in a very dynamic market space with the layout of the stalls changing every day. The vendors occupy their places in a first come-first serve basis.
Figure 52 Types of vendors in the market
Type 1 – Most fruits and vegetable vendors use this for displaying products. These are also the highest in number and define the form of the market. Stalls are arrange in a linear fashion as will be shown in the map below. They are the most organized of the three types discussed here. Type 2 – These are the second highest in number after Type 1. They lay their god on the ground over a big sheet of cloth. Type 3 – This type of stalls are used by vendors selling tobacco products and by those selling cooked food such as grilled chicken and fried egg products. Most vendors are residents of the camp and work in the market as a second job in lure of extra income except for a few who travel from the Al Awir wholesale market located in Dubai. Apart from these, there are those who sell pirated movie cds carrying them in plastic bags. During weekends, barbers can be found under trees with plastic chairs offering haircuts at cheap prices. Gambling also is an important recreational activity and there are many to be found at regular intervals spread across the
camp. They use small ironing table to lay out the cards. Although very few people play these games, there are a number of people who gather around for the entertainment value it provides. Also electronics dealers with permanent shops in other locations set up temporary stalls using car as display for laptops with Bollywood music playing in them. These laptop dealers distribute pamphlets with only phone numbers and no address which gives a hint of the legality of their business. Most vendors store their equipment and good at a nearby warehouse and manually transport good to the ground. Those that travel from Al Awir market use the minivans.
Figure 53 view of the warehouse (top-left); vendors carrying goods (top-right); unloading of goods from mini-vans (bottom-left)
Figure 54 Panoramic view of the market at 6.30 pm on a weekday
All the above described elements constitute the physical elements of the market which are a result of a bottom-up end user adaptations. It is in complete contrast to the top-down planning approach which is evident all over Dubai. The result is a dynamic market space and a colourful user experience which is completely self-regulated without any interference from a regulating authority.
5.5.1 FUNCTIONAL ANAYSIS The market does not function in isolation. There are various other activities running parallel to the market space which contribute to the character of the space. Below map shows the various activities around the market at different times and the density of users in the market area.
Figure 55 Various activities & user density
5.5.2 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL ANALYSIS The market area has a strong resemblance to the markets of the Indian Subcontinent who constitute the residents of the Sonapur camp. In attempt to find a higher paying job, most workers borrow huge sums of money to move to this region. Bangla market is an important source of recreation for these residents after a day’s hard work. Most people move about in groups of 2-3. Pedestrian movement is also very organic except for circulation on streets that are used for to and fro trips from their respective accommodations. During peak time such as on a Friday evening, it is difficult to move about the market without running into someone at every step. The below map shows the pedestrian movement in and around the market. Forms of adaptation can be seen even in the way people find a place to sit. All that is required is a cardboard to lay on the ground and it gets transformed into a piece of furniture for the duration of sitting. When one person abandons the cardboard, it is moved around by the next group of people to suit their angle of seating. Although there is no order or pattern to seating around the market, most people tend to face the market and seem to enjoy the chaos being played out in the market.
Figure 56 Pedestrian circulation in and around the market
6 CONCLUSION 6.1 REFLECTIONS FROM CLASS READINGS Attoe and Logan (Attoe & Logan, 1992) describe the four stances of urban design in the Western world. These are Functionalist, Humanist, Systemic and Formalist. Correlation between the chosen sites and all the four types of urban planning can be found. For instance The Beach exhibits characteristics of the Functionalist approach wherein, a land use, in this case the el fresco dining street and the shopping mall are isolated from the hustle and bustle of a city centre. Not only is it isolated from the city, it is visually and physically disconnected even from its immediate neighbourhood of Dubai Marina. However, it remains active and widely used like most tourist attractions in Dubai, most of which are scattered around the city. There is little scope for the users to improvise the space to suit their needs as it is strictly regulated. The criticism of Functionalist stance for not responding to the culture is also applicable to the Dubai Marina. The humanist stance can observed in varying forms at Karama market in Karama, Bangla Market in Sonapur and in Bastakiya. Bastakiya is a restored traditional settlement of Dubai which today remains a museumified version of the original structures and plays the role of reminding Dubai of its past. The structures with narrow streets, mud plaster walls, courtyards and a central mosque reflect the sociocultural and climatic conditions of the place. On the other hand, Karama market reflects the transitional period of Dubai from largely trade and oil based economy of the 70s and 80s to the Global tourist hub of today. It reflects the Hybrid Dubai with its midrise structures and perhaps marks the beginning of replicating a typical block layout in a large area. Large open spaces and height of the structures which do not exceed more than 3 or 4 storeys give the space a human dimension. And finally Sonapur is a reflection of the concept of ‘Everyday Urbanism’ as discussed by Margaret Crawford (Crawford, Speaks, & Mehrotra, 2005) in a region which is known for a strict regulations and a top-down planning approach. The settlements in the labour camp area a reminiscent of student hostels in colleges, only the users here are middle to old age labours who are likely to have a family back home. While they have little control of the place of stay, the Bangla market area is a complete contrast to this. It is a self-regulated market with temporary structures as explained earlier and the Humanist approach is very evident in the market layout, its dimensions an in its use of everyday props (bucket, boxes, plywood planks etc) as structural and functional elements. Attoe and Logan (Attoe & Logan, 1992) also discuss the concept of ‘Urban Catalysts’ in cities. These catalysts can be found in albeit very contrasting forms. In the case of The Beach, The Walk can be said to have played a catalyst for the policy makers to envision the subsequent projects i.e. The Beach and the new Bluewaters Island. In the case of Sonapur, Bangla Market fuels the activities around it in the form of extensive social interactions, cricket and a lot of people who are merely spectators enjoying the chaos of the market and surrounding spaces and do not necessarily take part in any of the activities. We can deduce from the Karama Market figure ground relationship, the U shaped blocks which reflect the traditional single unit dwellings as described by Basim Hakim (Hakim, 2012). Although the character of space is very different and the scale of the market is much bigger, its similarities cannot be neglected. Moreover, the structures in Karama Market belong to the transitional phase of Dubai as described earlier which points out at its hybrid character. Apart from the market area, one of the dominant characteristics of the adjacent residential settlements as seen in the figure-ground maps is the presence of ducts which are functionally completely different but the layout is similar to that of
inner courtyards. The presence of courtyards is clearly felt in many buildings outside the study are as seen from the map.
6.2 FINAL WORD All the above discussed cases play a very important role, albeit for a different user group in enhancing the quality of life in Dubai. For example, it is important to allow the activities in Sonapur to flourish as they are designed to suit the requirements and culture of the people using them. This also disproves the overarching assumption that all planning in Dubai is from the top. It can also be said that adaptation is very much present in varying degrees and forms in all the cases. In the case of The Beach, adaptation can be observed in the planning policy. In the case of Karama market, adaptations can be observed in the functionality of spaces. On the other hand, pure aesthetic and physical adaptations can be observed in Al Mamzar in the architectural language of the building. And finally Sonapur exhibits adaptations in terms of functionality and the physical environment itself. It is important to note that when there is strict regulation and the planning process takes the topdown approach, the adaptations at the ground level are reduced considerably and they also lead to rather monotonous experiences. Dubai’s obsession with everything big and perfect may in fact work against its attempt to create a vibrant and multicultural society. Finally, Dubai is a relatively very new city. Ben Hamouche in his article talks about the aspects of age and maturity in Arab cities (Ben-Hamouche, 2009). It can be said that the complexity and maturity are clearly lacking when it comes to Dubai. Most of the cases discussed in this study are a result of topdown planning policy. For example, if left for the residents to decide, it may have been possible to stop the demolition of Bastakiyah and it may perhaps become a true surviving example of history of Dubai rather than merely a museum. The richness that results from allowing people to take control of their spaces is the only way a city can mature and become truly for its citizens. No matter how efficient the policy making, no number of planners can come together and define the physical, functional and socio-cultural requirements of a population as diverse as Dubai.
7 References Attoe, W., & Logan, D. (1992). American Urban Architecture. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Ben-Hamouche, M. (2009). Complexity of Urban Fabric in Traditional Muslim Cities. Urban Design International. Crawford, M., Speaks, M., & Mehrotra, R. (2005). Everyday Urbanism : Margaret Crawford vs Micheal Speaks. University of Michigan. Dharmarajan, S. (2007). Sonapur: Welcome to the dark side. Retrieved from http://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/uae/general/sonapur-welcome-to-the-dark-side-1.463591 Hakim, B. S. (2012). Neighborhood Test Design Based on Historic Precedents. International Journal of Architectural Research. Zandi, D. (2008). After the Fall. In S. Pakravan, Those Were the Days - Journals of Dubai. Dubai.