Monday 25 February 2024
Ireland’s Oldest Student Newspaper Vol.
BRITISH INDIE ROCK MUSICIANBAKAR
WILL HEADLINE THE UPCOMING TRINITY BALL, TRINITY ENTS has announced in a post on Instagram.
Other acts to play at the ball include HorsegiirL, kingfshr, Charlotte Plank, SHEE, Te Cope, and Bruising Shins.
From College, Tradsoc and Bruising Shins were chosen to play at the ball through a vote. MOIO, DUDJ, Trinity Orchestra, and Deep Cuts, also from College, will also play at Trinity Ball.
Bakar, also known as Abubakar Baker Sharif-Farr, is known for his experimental indie rock style. He made his professional solo debut with the mixtape Badkid in May 2018. In 2019, he released Hell n Back, the single he is most commonly associated with since it became viral on Tiktok. Bakar ofcially independently released his debut single, Big Dreams in March 2017, which then featured
Te University Times editor race has the narrowest margin by far, while polling suggests other sabbatical races have a clear leading candidate
APOLL BY TRINITY NEWS PROJECTS A LANDSLIDE WIN FOR JENNY MAGUIRE AGAINST opponent Ralph Balfe in the Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) presidential race, who is likely to secure the highest winning margin of any presidential candidate in recent years.
Eoghan Gilroy leads Sé Ó hEidhin by almost 40% in the education race, while Hamza Bana and Beth Strahan are the frontrunners in the highlycontested welfare & equality and communications & marketing races, respectively.
Both uncontested candidates, Peadar Walsh for entertainment (Ents) ofcer and Pádraig Mac Brádaigh for Irish language ofcer, are on the course for a comfortable win, while the race for University Times (UT) editor between Charlie Hastings and Brídín Ní FherraighJoyce remains too close to call.
Te poll was conducted among a representative sample of 724
students between February 19 and 23, with the margin of error estimated at plus or minus 5%.
President
Jenny Maguire is set to receive an overwhelming majority of frst preference votes in the race for president. Te former gender equality received 81.7% of frst preferences among decided voters polled, while 13.9% of respondents indicated they would cast their vote for Ralph Balfe. Just 4.4% of respondents intend to vote to reopen nominations in the election for the union’s most senior role.
Maguire leads by a comfortable majority among all demographic groups, which grows to almost 90% among female and nonbinary students and respondents who indicated they would vote for a lef-wing party in a general election. Balfe, conversely, is
strongest among male voters and respondents who indicated they would vote for a centre-right or right-wing party, though Maguire still leads among these groups. Male respondents are signifcantly more likely to vote to re-open nominations (RON) across all races, a pattern which may also translate into support for joke candidates.
Maguire’s lead refects an unconventional race, in which her opponent has primarily supported rather than challenged her candidacy. With only 27% of respondents undecided, and Balfe’s campaign attracting voters who might otherwise have voted RON, the race for president appears headed for a landslide victory for Maguire.
Education
In the frst contested race for
education ofcer since 2021, Eoghan Gilroy holds a sizable lead over Sé Ó hEidhin, polling at 65.4%. Ó hEidhin received 26.1% of frst preferences, while 8.5% of respondents indicated they would vote RON in this race.
Although current Arts, Humanities and Social Science (AHSS) convenor Gilroy leads among all demographics, Ó hEidhin is most popular with STEM students and students who indicated they would vote for a lef-wing party, polling at 40.1% with both groups.
A strong STEM turnout could narrow the gap between the two candidates, and with almost 53% of respondents undecided in this race, there’s room for Ó hEidhin to win over voters before the polls
Gilroy secures comprehensive lead
Healing in the wake of the Prague university shooting
2024 celestial calendar
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polls close on Tursday. However, Gilroy’s 39-point lead indicates a near-certain victory.
Welfare & Equality
Ethnic Minorities Ofcer Hamza Bana is the clear leader in the welfare & equality race, polling almost 30 points ahead of OfCampus Ofcer Hannah McAuley. With 56.2% of frst preference votes, Bana looks set to be elected on the frst count in a race that has drawn attention for controversy surrounding candidate Nathan Harrington.
McAuley received 28.2% of frst preferences among decided voters, while the option to reopen nominations received 3.6%. Harrington is currently polling at 12%, with most of his support coming from students who have not held a position within TCDSU and who indicated they would support a centre-right or rightwing party in a general election.
Bana is favoured by students in all year groups and faculties, with the exception of health science (HS) students, who were more likely to indicate a preference for McAuley. However, with a sample size of just 23 HS students decided in this race, the margin of error is too large to draw broader conclusions from this statistic.
Communications & Marketing
Beth Strahan leads the highly contested communications & marketing race with 43.2% of frst preferences among decided voters, followed by Connor Dempsey at 30.1% and Sarah Murnane at 22.7%, while just 4% of respondents intend to vote to RON.
Engagement Ofcer Connor Dempsey is the most popular with students who have held a position within the union, polling at 41.9% among this group which accounts
for one-ffh of poll respondents.
With no candidate set to reach a majority on the frst count, this commonality between Strahan and Murnane’s voters may determine the outcome of the race. Analysis of additional preferences indicates that about two-thirds of Sarah Murnane’s voters would cast their second preference for Strahan over Dempsey, indicating a path to victory for the Trinity Musical Teatre director in a second or third round afer the elimination of RON and Murnane.
Ents
Peadar Walsh is set for a straightforward win as the sole candidate in the race for Ents ofcer with 81.8% of frst preferences among decided voters. Despite a RON vote of 18.2%, the highest of any race in this poll, the current JCR Ents ofcer has majority support among all demographics and polls particularly strongly with Junior Fresh and Senior Fresh students.
Oifgeach na Gaeilge
Pádraig Mac Brádaigh will be elected as TCDSU’s frst ever full-time oifgeach na Gaeilge (Irish language ofcer) with an overwhelming majority of frst preferences, polling indicates. Te current part-time Oifgeach na Gaeilge is polling at 94.4% compared to 5.6% for RON.
Te position of Oifgeach na Gaeilge was introduced in a referendum earlier this year, alongside other measures to give equal status to the Irish language within the union, which passed by a landslide 90% majority amid notably high voter turnout for a union referendum. Mac Brádaigh, who proposed the motion to hold the referendum and led the campaign for a Yes vote, is the sole candidate in the race.
Te widespread support for the referendum appears likely to translate to support for Mac Brádaigh’s uncontested bid, which could see him receive the highest margin of any sabbatical candidate in recent history. No candidate in an uncontested race has received over 92% of frst preference votes in at least the last six years.
University Times Editor
Charles Hastings has a 6-point lead over Brídin Ní FhearraighJoyce in the race for University Times (UT) Editor, the narrowest margin of any race in this election period.
Hastings, who currently serves as chair of the editorial for UT, received 48.7% of frst preferences among poll respondents ahead of Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce, current deputy news editor of UT and former TN2 editor on 42.5%. RON received 8.8% of frst preferences
Support for the two candidates appears to be split along demographic lines, with male respondents favouring Hastings at 54.9% and female and non-binary respondents slightly favouring Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce at 45.5% and 66.7% respectively. Respondents who have held a position in TCDSU are more likely to cast their frst preference for Hastings or RON than for Ní FhearraighJoyce, though among the larger group of students who have not held a TCDSU position the gap between the two candidates is within the margin of error.
Te closeness of the race suggests that the UT editor race is likely to go to a second round, where Hastings’ slight lead makes him the candidate most likely to be elected following the redistribution of RON votes.
Polls conducted by Tom Comer, Maggie Larson and David Wolfe
on the ofcial soundtrack of FIFA 19 the following year.
HorsegiirL is a German DJ, singer, and songwriter who hides her identity behind a horse head mask. Her 2023 single My Barn My Rules became a popular sound on TikTok and later that year, the song appeared on Dazed’s “20 best tracks of 2023” list.
Speaking to Trinity News about the lineup announcement, Orr said: “I’m really excited to announce the lineup for this year, I think there’s such a variety of music for the night, so there will be something for everyone.”
“We are so happy to have such a range of Trinity acts playing too - MOIO, Trad Soc, Raw Cuts, DUDJ, and the orchestra. Tis
shows how diverse the talent in Trinity is. I hope everyone is as excited for it as all of us on the ents committee are!”
Ofen described as “Europe’s largest private party”, this year’s Trinity Ball was not a guarantee. Tere was previously doubt as to whether the ball could be held on campus, with Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) previously announcing that Trinity Ball 2023 would be the last on campus for 5 years, due to conservation works associated with the Old Library Redevelopment Project.
Current TCDSU Ents ofcer Olivia Orr ran on a platform of fghting to “keep the Trinity in Trinity Ball”, and announced that
she had succeeded in her promise last month in an Instagram post.
Te main stage of Trinity Ball was moved from New Square to Front Square last year as construction work began for the redevelopment project. Tis year New Square is occupied by the newly-built Book of Kells Experience and the main stage is expected to be on Front Square once again.
Trinity Ball has been held on campus every year since its inception in 1959, with the exception of 2020 and 2021 when the event was not held due to pandemic restrictions.
Tickets will go on sale on Tursday, February 29 at 9am.
Activist group EmpowerTeVoice noted Harrington previously referred to people with disabilities as “disableds”
WELFARE AND EQUALITY CANDIDATE
NATHAN
HARRINGTON has been accused of using his platform to “mock marginalised groups” in a stunt by campaign group EmpowerTeVoice.
Te accusation was on the blackboard of the Tomas Davis lecture theatre ahead of the sabbatical election media hustings.
“He thinks queer sex ed is a laughing matter,” it read.
Te blackboard included Harrington’s original references to students with disabilities as “disableds” in his manifesto and “Per/Ve”, a reference to the pronouns that appear on the candidate’s personal Instagram account.
EmpowerTeVoice told Trinity News it believes Harrington “is using his platform to mock the very voices we hope to empower”.
“His pronouns in his Instagram bio are Per/Ve. [Tis] acts to mock the very nature of using pronouns and undermines the normalisation of the practice,” it said.
“It also evokes the demonisation of trans people as predators which is a dangerous notion, especially at a time when the very existence of trans people is so threatened.”
EmpowerTeVoice noted everything written on the
blackboard was “directly quoted” from Harrington, including that he believes giving out sweets “would go further than a lump sum to food banks”.
If elected, Harrington promises to use 100% of his salary to fund free sweets for all students throughout the academic year.
“
Tis attitude is born out of
unchecked privilege; food banks are not a joke and neither are the people that use them,” it said.
EmpowerTeVoice noted other issues it had with Harrington’s campaign, including his “free the nipple” promise.
“He wants to ‘free the nipple’ but also to put up shower curtains in the men’s bathrooms,” it said.
“We feel he is co-opting a feminist movement for his own unsettling male gaze, prioritising the dignity of men, and the objectifcation of people of marginalised genders,” it concluded.
Harrington did not attend the media hustings.
Harrington called accusations against him “disgusting and defamatory”
WELFARE AND EQUALITY CANDIDATE
Nathan Harrington has
apologised “unreservedly” for “any upset” caused by his campaign afer he was accused of “using his platform to mock marginalised groups”, which he described as “defamatory”.
Activist group EmpowerTeVoice wrote a message on the blackboard of the Tomas Davis lecture hall before media hustings took place, accusing him of ofending people during his campaign.
Te message also referenced “(per/ve)”, the pronouns that Harrington has listed on his personal Instagram account, and “disableds”, a term he used in the original version of his campaign manifesto.
In a statement to Trinity News, Harrington said: “I’d like to apologise unreservedly for any upset I’ve caused and I would like to make it very clear that my campaign is not one of hatred”.
“I really do just want to hand out chocolates on campus”, he added.
“I think that writing such disgusting and defamatory things about me hoping to catch me by surprise and upset me at the hustings was a terribly low blow and totally uncalled for”, he continued.
“I am not a homophobe, nor am I an ableist, marginalised-group basher”, he said. “My campaign team and my friends outside of
[Trinity] include many members of various marginalised groups who have expressed shock and disgust at this stunt.”
Harrington further claimed
that “members of university press and contributors have been sending [him] abusive Instagram DMs while writing articles about my campaign”.
He continued by stating: “I accept that despite the preferences of some members of my campaign team and students I spoke with I was wrong to use the term “disableds”, which is why I changed it in my manifesto more than a day before this stunt.”
Harrington concluded his statement by saying: “I’m devastated about this but I can’t and won’t let this take away from my campaign of love and inclusivity, which will continue onward.”
With two vastly diferent candidates, the presidents race saw the highest proportion of decided voters
on track for the highest landslide victory in years with 81.71% of the decided vote, compared to Balfe’s 13.9%, while 4.38% wish to reopen the nominations (RON).
Te stark contrast between the candidates, appears to have helped voters to decide between them, with 72% of voters saying they know how they intend to vote, the highest proportion of any race by a margin of almost 16 percentage points. With a signifcant margin between the two candidates and a relatively low number of undecided voters, an upset is highly unlikely at this stage of the race.
THE TRINITY COLLEGE
DUBLINSTUDENTS’ UNION (TCDSU) PRESIDENTIAL RACE has been a tale of two very diferent candidates, with union staple Jenny Maguire facing of against comedic outsider Ralph Balfe. Maguire’s campaign has taken a traditional form with a clear manifesto which focused on student workers, housing, and engagement. Balfe on the other hand has centred his campaign around banning tourists and replacing the campanile with the Burj Khalifa.
According to a Trinity News poll of 724 students, Maguire is
Maguire, who has previously served as LGBTQ rights ofcer and gender equality ofcer, leads strongly with students across all faculties and year groups, although slightly less amongst Junior Freshmen at 72.73%. Tis drop of is to be expected with such an experienced candidate as frst years are less likely to know of her work within the union than students who have been in college for a longer time.
Balfe polls signifcantly higher among male voters (27.51%) than among female voters (6.86%) and non-binary voters (0%). Te RON vote was also roughly three times higher among male voters compared to female voters. Tese results suggest that there may be a gendered bias against Maguire from some male voters.
Maguire is faring extremely strong among non-binary voters and those who chose not to state their gender, polling at 100% with both groups, although the small sample size indicates a large margin of error. Maguire’s experience as a co-organizer of Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin, campaign promises to push for harm reduction policies for transgender students and to make the college name and gender change process easier for non-binary students may have contributed to her popularity among this demographic.
An unusual race
Tis year’s President’s race had a noticeably light-hearted tone in comparison to the other races. Tis mostly stemmed from stand up comedian Balfe’s supposed joke campaign. Manifesto pledges such as the creation of a “Book of Kells World” theme park and a house swap with Provost Linda Doyle, made Balfe’s level of seriousness clear to voters despite his insistence that he is “absolutely committed to everyone of [his] pledges”. It remains uncertain as to whether Balfe would actually serve his term as President in the unlikely scenario that he is elected or if he
would remain “in character” for the duration of his term.
Despite the professional tone of her campaign, Maguire, who has a background in improv comedy, was eager to play along with many of Balfe’s jokes. Troughout the campaign the pair formed a friendly and entertaining rapport with each other, even swapping campaign t-shirts at Tursday night’s Piranha hustings.
While entertaining, this informal tone did leave the race lacking in terms of hard hitting questions and scrutiny compared to the other contested elections. Te comedic nature of Balfe’s candidacy, lef Maguire’s performance at hustings without anything of substance to measure up against and the treatment of Balfe as a serious candidate, meant that Maguire had to answer just half the questions that an ofcially unopposed candidate would have to.
Te traditional reverse constitutional order of hustings also lef the presidential questions feeling rushed and tacked on to
events which were already particularly lengthy. Tis was most prevalent at the council hustings on Tuesday which ran nearly an hour over time. Overall these factors resulted in the contest for the union’s highest position feeling like one of the least important of all the races.
Tat isn’t to suggest that Maguire faced zero scrutiny during the campaign. At Tuesday’s
support students with a Learning Educational Needs Summary (LENS) report. She said that policies were under the “student supports” category in her manifesto instead of their own category because “accessibility is for all of us”.
Balfe too came under scrutiny at Friday’s media’s hustings when he was asked if running as a “joke candidate” risked undermining the seriousness of the union. In response, Balfe denied that he was a “joke candidate” but said that should such an “obnoxious and attention seeking” person run as a joke, they would serve to “highlight the seriousness” of their opponent and promote engagement with the union.
Overall, both candidates performed well at the husting events, coming across as confdent and standing frmly by their manifesto points.
Student centric campaigns
council hustings, Maguire defended herself well against a question asking why she did not have any policies on her manifesto aimed at supporting students with disabilities.
Maguire pointed to a number of policies on her manifesto including the creation of a framework for the Academic Registry, IT services and disability service to
Despite their very diferent campaigns, both Maguire and Balfe centred their policies around students and placed an emphasis on increasing engagement with the union.
Both campaigns have focused on student workers, with Maguire promising to fght for a “frst of its kind” student workers policy, and Balfe’s commitment to employ all students as security guards to keep tourists out of Trinity.
Maguire would like to see the union become “less top down” in its approach to engagement. Tis is evident in her housing policy where she wants to train grassroot housing activists in both private and campus accommodation.
Tis sentiment has been echoed throughout Balfe’s campaign, through his proposed “president for a day” policy which would allow every student to become TCDSU President for “about three minutes”.
In order to increase engagement Maguire wants to reform the TCDSU’s freshers week campaign which she says the union currently does “too much like a society and not like a service and support for all students”.
Maguire would also like to see council reformed calling it a “bureaucratic mess” and “completely inaccessible”.
Although when asked to elaborate on this point at Friday’s media hustings, Maguire did not get into any specifc changes. While Maguire’s campaign focused on a lot of far-
reaching themes such as the housing crisis and workers rights, it is clear that she made a concerted efort throughout her campaign not to forget the smaller day-today issues afecting students. In her manifesto she promises to supply a kitchen budget for St. James’ to ensure that tea and milk are kept regularly in stock for Students there. She also intends to set up an ofce at St. James’ and to work with the welfare ofce to organise an ofcial lab coat swap for STEM students. Policies such as these likely contributed to Maguire’s cross faculty appeal and strong results amongst students less entrenched in union life.
Balfe meanwhile promises to instigate all of Maguire’s policies on top of his own if elected.
A Familiar Approach
One of the central themes of Maguire’s campaign has been her intention to continue on the work of the current sabbatical team whom she has praised at numerous times throughout her campaign.
“ Te union has taken great radical steps this year but we can’t stop now”, Magurie said in her campaign video.
Tis commitment was further shown through her support for the changing of article 1.4 of the constitution, saying that the union’s current apolitical status “doesn’t represent the reality of what it’s like to run a union”.
At a time where students are facing a
persistent housing crisis, increased far-right activity in Dublin and concerns about the on-going genocide in Gaza, Maguire’s promise to be “the loudest, most annoying voice in the room” when fghting for student interests has cleary resonated with students.
Maguire has polled strongly with both students who have held a position in the union (89.47%) and those who have not (77.86%) demonstrating her popularity across diferent levels of engagement in the student body.
While Maguire does lead across all political leanings, her lead is the most signifcant amongst lef wing voters at 92%, followed by centre-
RON and Balfe voters were also more likely to describe direct action from the union as “not efective” than Maguire voters. Tese results indicate that there is a small but not insignifcant cohort of students who difer from the union’s radical lef-wing approach, and could potentially be using Balfe and RON as a protest vote.
Given Maguire’s overall strong results, it is clear that a radical and direct action based approach to the union still appeals to many students. However, it remains unknown how this strategy would fare against a serious candidate fering a diferent approach.
With 44.6% undecided, Ó hEidhin will have to appeal to voters on the fence to catch up to Gilroy
FOR THE FIRST TIME SINCE 2021, THIS YEAR’S SABBATICAL ELECTIONS FEATURED AN education race which was contested by more than one candidate, laying the grounds for a more divisive and polarising race. Both candidates held starkly opposing visions on the future of the Union, with Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences (AHSS) Convenor Eoghan Gilroy and and Deputy STEM Convenor Sé Ó hEidhin ofering suggestions of increased student outreach and total union reform respectively, promising a close cut race that would hinge on where the preferences of the student body lay.
However, despite Gilroy securing a comfortable lead ahead of Ó hEidhin, a large portion of voters remain undecided, according to Trinity News polling.
Gilroy’s stolid stance on bolstering education resources and increasing student engagement with the union appears to have appealed widely as polling data fnds that 65.7% of decided voters gave him their frst preference vote. Accordingly, Ó hEidhin’s bold call for the union to “touch grass” appears to not have been as popular with 26% of the frst preference votes.
With 44.6% of voters in the poll remaining undecided, the race is still very much in anyone’s hands. Poll data suggests Ó hEidhin will have an onerous task in closing the wide margin between themselves and Gilroy by winning the favour of the vast majority of undecided students. However this may prove to be too difcult and too late.
Faculty support
Although Gilroy maintains a lead over Ó hEidhin across all demographics, Ó hEidhin’s vote is strongest among STEM students with 40.68% of frst preferences, possibly due to their role as deputy STEM convenor. While Gilroy received 47.46% among STEM students, this is the closest margin between the two candidates, giving Ó hEidhin the opportunity to pull ahead.
While Ó hEidhin may have the chance to win over undecided STEM students, they face a considerably larger gap to catch up to Gilroy in the health sciences faculty, where Gilroy leads with 81.82% of the votes. Gilroy’s decisive lead amongst this category may be linked to his policies on improving response times to emails, an issue that nursing and midwifery students have reported difculties on in the past.
However, both STEM and health sciences students did not respond to the polls anywhere near as much as AHSS students (67% of responses), where Gilroy sees his strongest lead. Te AHSS unsurprisingly received 67.8% of frst preference votes, compared to 24.3% for Ó hEidhin.
Political persuasions
While Gilroy maintains a lead with voters of all political positions, this lead is smaller amongst voters who identified as being left-wing, where Gilroy and Ó hEidhin received 47.37% and
40.35% of frst preference votes respectively. Tis gap widens as voters consider themselves to be more politically right, with Gilroy managing to secure 77.14% of centre-right voters. Such polling data indicates a more radicalised voting base for Ó hEidhin, while Gilroy comfortably appeals to the broad central majority.
Te lack of disparity between voters with and without experience on the union refects that both of these candidates are well acquainted with the union, and means that, unlike many other races this year, neither candidate will be able to rely on superior union experience to bolster their campaign.
Campaign policies
Both Gilroy and Ó hEidhin have faced a balancing act between political issues and obligations as education ofcers throughout campaigns. At the Dining Hall hustings, both candidates were much more concerned with problems relating to outreach and engagement. Ó hEidhin’s only reference to education policy during this hustings was to call on the college to “fx lecture recordings”, before repeating some of their campaign mantras, such as getting the union to “touch grass” and reform union structures.
While Gilroy has also spent time discussing policies not specifc to education, such as “getting the union out of Teach a Sé”, he also honed in on some of his fagship campaign promises. Explicit proposals of swif response to student emails and policy creation with regards to AI will likely have appealed to students in a way that Ó hEidhin failed to consider.
Further questioning about these fagships proposals from Gilroy, however, has revealed the rhetoric of a candidate possibly hoping to decide the fner details if elected. While promising to respond to all emails within a day without the use of automated replies, Gilroy has admitted he does not know exactly how emails the education ofcer receives a day beyond an awareness it fuctuates in line with assessment seasons. Questions about his plans to introduce comprehensive AI policy across faculties have also so far revealed a lack of ideas on what
those policies should be, although he himself notes that those within the faculties themselves will know best.
Ó hEidhin’s campaign stood to gain where they had the opportunity to place emphasis on their unique campaign proposition of fundamentally altering the structure of the union, something which Gilroy was not focused on. Tey have consistently called out the union for perceived
shortcomings, promising to “take a sledgehammer” to the union.
However, a failure to address how the mechanism to achieve this would have aligned with their other campaign promises and inconsistencies in calling out the union on more specifc educational policies may have shot them in the foot. At media hustings, for example, when asked how their proposed welfare and academic senate would work better than council, Ó hEidhin instead emphasised that “anything would be better than what we have now” rather than promoting their plans. Furthermore, at council hustings, when asked what they would do diferently from other education ofcers to introduce a “working student status”, Ó hEidhin said they “wouldn’t do anything diferent”. Tis may have thrown of voters hoping to see more decisive action taken regarding the union reform Ó hEidhin has promised. Indeed, out of the voters who said they did not feel well represented by the union, 75% of them gave their frst preference vote to Gilroy.
Politicisation
Te diference between Gilroy and Ó hEidhin is most clearly seen when wider political issues have been addressed, revealing one
Ó hEidhin has emphasised that “education is a political role”. Tis political diference revealed a rhetoric strength from Ó hEidhin that may not have infuenced voters’ decisions yet but may have infuenced Gilroy’s approach to education and politics over the campaign period. When both candidates were asked about their opinions on cutting ties with Israeli institutions at welfare and equality hustings, Gilroy’s reasonably strong promise to put pressure on College was overpowered by Ó hEidhin’s bold proclamation that “we are past the point of talking” and promised to take direct action.
media hustings, when asked about balancing political campaigns with the obligations of the role, such as day-to-day casework, Ó hEidhin echoed previous beliefs that “you need to look at welfare issues through a political lens”. Gilroy, meanwhile, took a hard stance: “It’s all very well and good doing direct action, but if students are going through a shit time, that’s more important.”
Where Ó hEidhin has diverged from focusing on education for favour of political mobilisation, Gilroy has built his campaign on foundational promises alluding to diferent areas of education in Trinity.
Gilroy’s fagship campaign policies have been his promise to ensure all students get a reply to their emails within one working day, as well as a vow to improve the college’s “laissez-faire” approach to AI. Gilroy received the opportunity to further explore this at the media hustings, where he remarked that the “College has been lazy in their approach to dealing with AI”. Tis ofered Gilroy’s campaign a breath of fresh air in the form of holding the College to account, something which is absent in his policies on the Irish language and inequality, where he opts for the safer middle ground of working “with the college”.
A fnal push for undecided voters
From the outset of this race, it has been clear that both
candidates running are experienced union members. Furthermore, both candidates seem to be looking for a substantial change in the union: Ó hEidhin speaks of total reform, while Gilroy pushes to expand awareness of the union beyond the steps of Teach a Sé.
Te deciding factor throughout the campaign, however, seems to have been whether students are looking for a change targeted at their educational needs, or one that is more broadly encompassing and will alter the very structure of the union itself.
Although the education ofcer race remains very much undecided, Gilroy’s candidacy, which ofers an accessible route to tangible change within the union, has resonated with students, while Ó hEidhin’s broadreaching strategy to entirely restructure the union has not. Ó hEidhin will have to convince undecided students they are ofering something substantive and attainable.
candidate who may simply follow the lead of others if elected and another who seemingly wants to lead the charge. When asked about politicising the union, Gilroy admitted he “does not know where he stands on this issue”. Conversely,
Perhaps aware that he would not break ground in political issues compared to Ó hEidhin, Gilroy later took the opportunity to promote when an education ofcer shouldn’t be political. At
Although a signifcant amount of poll respondents remain undecided, neither McAuley nor Harrington are well positioned to pose a threat
THE 2024 RACE TO BE TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN STUDENTS’ UNION WELFARE AND EQUALITY ofcer has followed a dramatic script, with a clear protagonist in Hamza Bana, Hannah McAuley as a fan-favourite with not much screen time, and an undeniably antagonistic character played by Nathan Harrington. Tere are even side characters added into the mix to provide last minute drama.
While all of this may be true, one must admit that the race has also been at times subdued and amicable, with the two front runners, Bana and McAuley, ofen agreeing on policy and practice. Tis, however, is not at frst apparent in the annual Trinity News election poll, in which Bana has a majority of frst preferences from decided voters – 56.16%, to be exact. McAuley places second with 28.23% of the vote, while Harrington trails in third with 12.01%.
Bana was consistent in maintaining support across faculties, genders, and experience in the students’ union, although he did lag behind in the health sciences faculty, with 30.43% of the vote in a category in which McAuley won a plurality of votes with 34.78%. Harrington, for his part, gained his strongest support from health sciences students (21.74% of frst preferences), which nonetheless still placed him last out of three.
Indeed, it was a trend for Harrington to have an apparent boost in support from one particular demographic: for example men, health sciences students, or supporters of the Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, Green Party coalition government. However, despite this boost, he was still beaten by both Bana and McAuley in each of these categories.
Direct action and welfare
Bana’s likely victory can be put down to multiple factors: a lef-wing lean within TCDSU and wider student body, a mix of original campaign ideas and staple legacy issues, and a strong social
media presence to atone for his poor performance at key campaign events.
It is undeniable that TCDSU has spent most of this year attempting to overtly politicise itself, beginning at frst with a
string of direct action protests, most notably pertaining to College’s implementation of a 2% rent increase for students living on campus. More recently, multiple attempts have been made, in vain, to change a clause in TCDSU’s
Constitution which currently mandates that the union act apolitically.
Bana, as the union’s ethnic minorities ofcer, has played a part in these attempts, thus leaving little doubt in the student body’s mind on how he will carry himself if elected. Furthermore, some of his most prominent manifesto points verge on the political, namely his stance on housing. He proposes implementing “workshops [that] will focus on equipping students, particularly those residing in student accommodations like halls, with knowledge about their rights as tenants’’, and promises to “advocate for legislation safeguarding the rights of student renters, especially those in digs, and advocate for increased funding for student housing”.
Te success of these proposals in garnering support in the student body is evident in Trinity News’ election poll, in which 78.13% of voters who identifed themselves as politically lef threw their support behind Bana, with a further 50% of centre-lef students following suit.
Campaign policies
Te support for Bana, however, may also be thanks to the more original, if not unique, ideas he has put forward. A strange staple in student politics is microwaves –sabbatical ofcers love to use them as a symbol of their connection to students’ everyday struggles (cold lunches). Bana goes one step further than this, and has proposed facilitating a secondhand household appliances donation system for students.
He has also argued for diversifying the counsellors working in the Student Counselling Service, to include POC counsellors and gaeilgoirí, and although McAuley has fervently agreed with him on this throughout campaigning, Bana seems to have a monopoly on this issue due to his experience setting up the Ethnic Minority Students Support Group.
Bana has coupled these proposals with promises on steadfast issues of student politics – particularly that of decolonising the curriculum and the wider College, a movement originally led by former TCDSU President Gabi Fullam and subsequently adopted by current President László Molnárf. Bana promises to push for the inclusion of “darker skin tones when showing skin conditions in the health sciences” and to urge Trinity to make diversity and sensitivity training compulsory for teaching staf, two clear stances on the issue of Eurocentric ideas embedded in Trinity.
Tis mix of old and new serves two purposes: to energise his base of voters (through addressing staple TCDSU issues) and to attract new ones (through new and engaging ideas). Te success of this strategy is evident by the fact that Bana boasts the highest Instagram following out of all three candidates.
Hustings performance
All of this perhaps works to reduce the blowback from Bana’s admittedly lacklustre performances at key campaign events, notably council hustings, in which he preempted his answers with an admission of tiredness. Indeed, McAuley has fen outshone Bana when they
been interpreted as a quiet confdence, and her personality was noted at Piranha hustings, the revival of the satirical magazine’s role in the sabbatical elections, when Uainín Lindsey, co-editor of the Piranha, asked her “Why are you so nice?”.
“
Tere’s people and systems that need help” in Trinity, she stated at the frst campaign event, and in the most recent event, media hustings, she promised to “have ofce hours in as many ofces as [she] can get”. Te promise of oneto-one contact with students while still keeping an eye on the bigger picture has been a thread that has stitched together her campaign.
She promised to write “a signed letter” to the Dáil to outline the plight of students who are ineligible to the SUSI Grant due to what she sees as “unforgiving” income thresholds, while also promising to increase the TCDSU welfare loan available to students.
McAuley, however, sufers from an acute lack of name recognition. Indeed, she severely lags behind both Bana and Harrington in terms of Instagram followers on campaign accounts, and is yet to break the 100 follower mark. Tis, however, may be mediated by the high number of students engaged in the elections this year, who would doubtlessly know her and her performance.
Tis would perhaps explain the fve-percent drop in support between people with experience in TCDSU and those without it. She gains a plurality of support from health sciences students, most probably owing to herself studying radiation therapy. Furthermore, her experience within TCDSU may prove to be overlooked, as although she has been the ofcampus ofcer for two years running now, she is yet to be seen as a well-connected union insider, as is evidence in her relatively disappointing 30.84% of support from respondents who have held a position in the union. She is, however, much less consistent than Bana in terms to where she harbours her support, with her support numbers ranging from just 14% (students identifying themselves as politically lef) to 38% (senior fresh students). Nonetheless, she maintains a strong second placing.
Controversy
Nathan Harrington has had an undoubtedly troubled time throughout this election, with him receiving a harsh strike by the Electoral Commission for a somewhat innocent campaign violation on the frst day of campaigning.
Being the subject of a stunt orchestrated by Empower Te Voice, “a non-proft communitybased platform for all people of marginalised genders”, in which they accused him of “[using] his platform to mock marginalised groups”, and made reference
to unfavourable statements he has made, such as his use of the term “disableds” in his original manifesto and saying that using his sabbat salary to buy sweets and chocolates for students would “go further than a lump sum to a foodbank”, has not helped his campaign, either.
Although he has repeatedly insisted that his manifesto points are serious, for example he promises to “house [his] homies with [him] in Front Square” and to implement “LGBTQIA+ lectures to teach people how to have queer sex”, it is more than questionable that the student body believes him. Perhaps this is a reason for his mere 12.01% of frst preference votes in Trinity News’ poll.
Tis weak result for Harrington can be chalked down to many things: a widely-held belief that he isn’t the right man for the job, an absolute rejection by students of some of the terms used and ideas proposed in his manifesto, or a clear indication that he isn’t as funny as he thinks he is.
Within this 12% of respondents, the demographic breakdown of his supporters is interesting. While Harrington generally did not prove to be popular with people of any gender, nearly twice as many men support Harrington than women do - a discrepancy of nearly 7%. Furthermore, he did see a boost in support from Junior Fresh students, his third-strongest support group, with 20.45%. It must be noted, however, that any apparent win for Harrington rarely results in him not coming last.
Moreover, 27.45% of respondents who said that they support the Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil,
Green Party coalition government also throw their support behind Harrington, with a further 42.42% of centre-right and right-wing voters supporting him. Both of these being his two highest results, this shows a clear base of support, and presumably has quite a bit of overlap between them.
Tis creates a very niche base for Harrington, which perhaps has led to his lack of support amongst the wider student body. He nonetheless has shown of his ability to gain attention, as although he has come last in the Trinity News poll, he has gained more Instagram followers than McAuley, although not as many as Bana, and undoubtedly has been the focus of much controversy and coverage during this election cycle.
Perhaps there exists a conservative, frst year, male student within the health sciences department who adores Nathan Harrington. Te same, however, cannot be said for the wider student body.
To conclude, despite numerous plot twists and plot holes throughout this story, the ending seems to already be written: Bana, the candidate who has aligned themselves most with the now traditional student radicals, is set to win the race. Although he does beneft from a wider support base than is typically expected, this is a story we’ve seen before. However, the inclusion of McAuley as an underdog is not to be underestimated throughout the voting period, and Harrington’s ability to get attention may prove to be an asset when the factor of in-person voting is taken into account.
Candidates echo each other on contentious matters but poll indicates voters’ preferences for Strahan’s campaign
THIS YEAR, THE RACE TO BE THE NEXT COMMUNICATIONS AND MARKETING OFFICER IS unprecedentedly contested, with Connor Dempsey, Sarah Murnane, and Beth Strahan campaigning for the position. Tis Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) sabbatical position has historically been uncontested.
Teir campaigns have been exceptionally similar thus far, all echoing student engagement as their foremost objective if elected. Other topics of importance include transparency, sponsorships, politicisation of the union, and inclusion of the Irish language.
Strahan, a fnal-year drama and theatre studies student, has received 43.25% of decided votes, a considerable lead from her racemates, according to Trinity news polling Dempsey, a fnal-year politics and sociology student, received 30% of votes. Murnane, a fnal-year history and politics student, is close behind with 22.7% of votes. And 3.9% wish to reopen nominations (RON).
However, 44.6% of voters remain undecided, meaning that Strahan’s current lead may not guarantee her win. If Dempsey and Murnane can convince undecided students to vote for their campaigns, Strahan could fall in the polls. Terefore, the 2024/25 comms and marketing sabbatical ofcer position remains within reach for all three candidates.
Demographics
According to Trinity News’ poll, Strahan tops the poll across faculties, gender, and political afliations. 45% of her voters come from Arts and Humanities, compared to Dempsey’s 27% and Murnane’s 21%. However, a majority of Dempsey and Murnane’s voters, albeit fewer than Strahan’s, belong to the STEM and Health Sciences departments.
In terms of gender, 50% of Strahan’s voters are non-binary, 43% identify as female and 39% as male. Interestingly, for both Strahan and Dempsey, a majority of their voters declined to state their gender-identity, 57% and 42% respectively. Murnane is almost equal in male (23%) and female (22.8%) voters.
For political afliations, Strahan’s voters are almost equally represented across ideologies:
35% lef, 39% centre-lef, and 38% centre-right. A majority of Dempsey and Murnane’s voters are lef-leaning.
SU Engagement
Te candidates have spent a large portion of their campaign calling attention to the lack of visibility between the SU and the wider College. Similar to previous years, lack of engagement has been the primary topic of discussion. However, this year, candidates are adamant their plans will miraculously rectify this issue.
Strahan’s approach to engagement has largely centred around her theatrical experiences. Citing skills in marketing, directing, and the ability to put “bums in seats”, she believes student outreach hinges upon transparency and connecting with the majority. To achieve this, she stated that a comms ofcer must understand demographics, and the responsibility of student outreach rests solely on the ofcer, stating: “If our communications ofcer has given up how can we expect our students to engage?”
Similarly, Dempsey has
focused on “bursting the bubble” of the SU, relying upon his experience as the current union engagement ofcer. Accessibility and visibility of the union are at the forefront of his engagement plan, valuing in-person outreach and canvassing to increase union involvement. He has committed to working at St. James’ Hospital and the Hamilton Building once each week to build rapport with students.
At the Media Hustings, Dempsey was questioned on his role as engagement o and how he has yet to achieve bursting the SU bubble. He responded by seemingly evading the question, stating he created the role because he was “tired of everyone talking about engagement and doing nothing about it”, without ofering any specifc details as to how he has managed to not increase engagement in a position where that is his sole responsibility.
Although Murnane shares the objective of transparency, her campaign is founded upon the tagline “Make the SU Craic Again”. Her plan to improve union-tostudent relations is to make the SU “as fun as possible”. Sufce it to say she has taken an untraditional comms approach by proposing hosting events and SU information sessions as the key to engagement.
Further, when questioned on the “endgame” of
attendance are not the pinnacle metrics of student engagement. Conversely, Murnane unsurprisingly stated that engagement is about student attendance at College events and council, given her unrelenting campaign focus on events.
c strategy to make such
Dempsey has taken a notably erent approach, focusing on the value of in-person relations and modernisation of the union’s website. He believes cers must go beyond social media to have the greatest impact. Although this proposition may be compelling in theory, indisputably, social media is the primary source of connection between students and the union. At media hustings, the candidates were asked who they believe speaks for the SU. Murnane and Strahan stated that the comms cer is the “glue”
Digital Engagement
Social media and marketing are the foundation of the comms sabbatical post. Weekly emails, newsletters, and Instagram graphics have long been hallmarks of the position. But along with criticising the inefectiveness of past comms ofcers, the candidates have outlined the need to restructure the union’s approach to digital engagement.
Strahan and Murnane both proposed podcasts as an innovative approach to revamping SU media. Strahan has promised to launch a podcast series aimed at providing an audio alternative to weekly emails for updates on SU projects. Murnane hopes to establish a podcast reminiscent of the viral Chicken Shop Date series. Her goal is to sit down with other sabbats and union members to uncover the veil of the SU in a lighthearted manner.
Murnane stated that the student union’s social media is being “criminally underused”, pledging to post content on a daily basis to maximise the potential of union engagement. To her, rapid posting will not lead to student burnout from SU content and guarantees the quality of her work will decrease. Although she has previously served as PRO for the politics society, she has no practical experience with this
and “middleman” of the union, tasked with promoting balance and collaboration between all the sabbats. Dempsey similarly shared that comms is the “mediating force” of the union.
Irish language
Te hot topic of this year’s election has been inclusion of the Irish language. Candidates repeatedly responded to questions regarding how they plan to approach Irish in union communications.
Tey all stressed the importance of integration and equality of the language.
Dempsey hopes to normalise the language in a manner that is not “tokenistic” and ofer resources that encourage students to learn Irish.
Murnane sets out to expand the use of Irish online, sharing that her focus is on producing
exclusive Irish content, rather than translating English posts and videos to Irish.
Strahan detailed similar plans to Dempsey and Murnane, but uniquely highlighted that due to policy reasons, if frst-years are to have equal access to the Irish language, the comms ofcer must work closely with the Junior Common Room (JCR) in Trinity Hall. She stated that equality of the Irish language is paramount.
Inclusivity and Accessibility
As with every year, inclusivity and accessibility were frequently
discussed.
Interestingly, Murnane has taken a backseat approach to inclusivity and accessibility. Neither her manifesto nor her answers at the various hustings indicate an interest in improving SU disability measures. At media hustings, she was questioned on her lack of accessibility plans and if she truly believes “Making the SU Craic Again” is enough to promote an inclusive and accessible environment for all students. She answered that she wants “everyone to view the
union as a wider community than themselves”. Murnane was given the opportunity to rectify her silence on the subject but merely stated that accessibility is a byproduct of increasing engagement and she plans to focus on “everything”. Unfortunately, disability accessibility does not appear out of thin air.
Dempsey and Strahan, on the other hand, are outspoken on their plans to lower barriers for disabled students by working with them to guarantee equal access and accommodations within the
SU. Tey also plan to continue to build upon current SU procedures relating to alternative text, descriptive audio, and more.
Sponsorships
Tis year, TCDSU have cut ties with Domino’s following proIsrael content promulgated by the company. Tis has sparked serious debate within the union as to the ethics of sponsorships acquired by the comms and marketing ofcer.
Dempsey outlined that his focus for sponsorships is to “balance perks with essentials”. With this, he hopes to make basic necessities more afordable for students, like partnering with healthcare companies. To make sponsorships accessible, he plans to create a “centralised hub” on the SU website listing all available student deals.
Strahan echoed Dempsey’s goals of alleviating student fnancial pressures. with CSC societies and surveying students for relevance and demand of partnerships are core tenets of her agenda.
Murnane diverges where she aims to be “Irish-led” in sponsorships, partnering with local companies for mutual beneft. She said she values ethical sponsorships and branding.
Politicisation of TCDSU
Along with sponsorships, the Domino’s case brought into question whether the union should be political, and as if reading of a script, they all answered along the same lines: when it comes to politics, listen to the student body.
Dempsey added: “boycotts really have worked, as we saw with Domino’s. However … every
instance deserves a conversation… If we can boycott for a purpose, that’s something we should engage in”.
Both Murnane and Strahan stated that the “SU is a democracy” and that students will be political irrespective of whether the SU is.
None of the candidates stated their actual views on the political status of the union.
Candidates were also asked about how they would work to stop the spread of right-wing misinformation to protect queer and ethnic minority students in the wake of the Dublin riots.
“We need to put faces to these stories. We need to show queer people exist,” Dempsey responded. He failed to efectively answer the question of how he plans to stop the spread of misinformation.
Murnane explained that the role of the union is to be as honest and engaged with students as possible for their safety. Her approach to counteracting misinformation is, therefore, to “correct it as much as you possibly can” and “take the punches as they come”.
Strahan repeated similar objectives. She stated it is the role of the comms ofcer to platform
union voices and ensure students are aware of the resources available to them.
Overall, Strahan seems to be the likely winner of this year’s comms and marketing race. It is anticipated that second preferences of both Dempsey and Murnane will swing Strahan’s direction in the fnal voting process. However, given the large number of undecided voters, Strahan may not yet be in for a comfortable victory.
Te variety and optimism of Peadar Walsh’s aims have made him a favourite across the board
THOUGH THE ONLY CANDIDATE TO PRESENT THEMSELVES IN THIS YEAR’S RACE to be the next Trinity College Dublin Students Union (TCDSU) Entertainment (Ents) Ofcer, Peadar Walsh’s campaign is by no means lacking in its variety of aims. Due to this being one of two uncontested races in the elections, Walsh could focus more on his campaign and manifesto, as opposed to promoting it in a higher-stakes, more competitive environment. Based on the Trinity News polling results Walsh’s strategy of concrete goals clearly proved successful, giving him a clear lead over ‘RON’ in virtually every category assessed.
Amongst the 724 total votes received in this year’s Trinity News poll, 370 were cast for Ents. Accounting for a 4.95% margin of error, 82% of those 370 votes were cast in favour of Walsh, leaving the remaining 18% to RON. Walsh’s popularity is strikingly apparent with respect to Junior Freshman students, where of the 57 polled, 88% voted for him. Tese statistics broadly retain their nature with respect to Senior Freshman students, where though the sample almost doubled in size (counting 98 pollees), 84% casted a vote in his preference. Walsh also retains a signifcant lead over RON for those in their fnal two years of study, gaining favourance with 78% of the 92 Junior Sophister voters, and 77% of the 132 Senior Sophister voters. Similarity of statistics remain amongst the 8 post-graduate pollees, 75% of whom casted a preference for Pedar as next Ents ofcer.
Walsh’s popularity is highest amongst non-binary and female students, gaining 100% and 85% of the vote amongst the 11 and 238 polled, respectively. A 15-point percentage drop is noted with respect to the 135 male pollees, with 70% casting a preference for Walsh. Tough sample sizes difer, Walsh remains
most popular amongst STEM students, amassing a total of 83% preferential votes amongst the 60 polled. Of a much greater sample size, though remaining broadly statistically similar: of the 281 Arts & Humanities students polled, Walsh was a favourite amongst 80% of them. Of a comparatively lesser sample size, Walsh still retains much advance over RON amongst those in the Health Sciences, wherein he accrued 78% of the preferential votes amongst the 23 voters.
Lastly, with respect to political afliation, Walsh’s popularity is seen more-or-less equal amongst the assessed spectrum. Notwithstanding diferences in sample sizes, Walsh accrued a similar percentage of popularity for those identifying both progovernment (Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and Green) and antigovernment (any other political party); as well as among those who noted no such political afliation (78%). More specifcally, his popularity is highest amongst those afliated with the Lef and the Centre-Lef, counting 81%and 80% of the 58 and 193 casted votes. Tough none of the pollees seem afliated with the Right, 79% of the 53 identifying as Centre-Right casted a vote in his favour.
Uncontested but confdent
Walsh’s clear, varied, and allaround alluring stances have made him a consistently strong candidate amongst every category assessed in this year’s race –despite the lack of an opposing candidate.
A second year student of computer science & French, Walsh has ofen referenced his
current role as JCR ents ofcer as well as his previous involvements with Rag Week, College Christmas Day, and secondary school events as reasons to elect him to an ofce he will run with “satisfaction”. Amongst other things, Walsh sees great accountability in the Ents ofce as one responsible for the making of relationships between students of campus, and as such has placed much emphasis on student welfare, accessibility, and better organisation of events; at both an inter-society and inter-university level. During the campaign, he mentioned the EmpowerTeVoice movement and he has pledged to increase awareness and action around safety in nightclubs. As extrapolated from within his manifesto, other principle themes of his campaign include increased efciency in society planning and the holding of larger-scale events. If elected, Walsh would be the youngest TCDSU ofcer in a number of years – perhaps explaining his noted popularity amongst First and Second year students.
Student welfare
Following Max Lynch and Olivia Orr’s successful 2022 and 2023 campaigns as College’s next Ents Ofcer, many prospective candidates have seen themselves placing great importance on student welfare. Building of of an already successful campaigning scheme, Walsh has pledged to have the Ents Ofce become the primary mechanism for socialisation on campus and the main responsible engine for ensuring safety on nights out and other similar events. Accordingly, his proposals for welfare training for all Ents committee members, as well as his proposed implementation – in collaboration with Welfare ofcers and nonprofts (like EmpowerTeVoice) – of anti-spiking and drug safety measures for events in order to ensure that people can enjoy themselves in a safe and judgementfree manner have undoubtedly made him an evidently favoured candidate amongst younger students and those identifying as female. His policies would extend to other, more specifc aims: for example the placing of a crowd barrier at this year’s Trinity Ball to ensure greater crowd control, and the ofering of by-stander training.
Accessibility
Having mentioned a preference of “cater[ing] to everyone’, Walsh has mentioned collaborating
with other universities’ ents committees to make city venues more accessible for people with disabilities. He later appended, in more general terms: “I cannot organise an event where I think someone will be mistreated or discriminated against.” Although these promises have not been intensely scrutinised during campaigning, the promise of higher accessibility and increased welfare has demonstrably resonated with the majority of students.
Larger-scale events
Perhaps the most innovative aspect of his campaign, and one that feeds largely into his accessibility measures, Walsh has put forth numerous ideas to novelise university eventmaking, such as accentuating
the importance of activities that don’t revolve around drinking or clubbing, and ofering an increased incidence of day-time events. He has noted that these events are especially attractive for those with long commutes. He has also mentioned making Ents resources available to all other societies in order to facilitate planning, allowing other societies to expand their events and maximise their exposure. He has also proposed to put together a greater number of intervarsity events and has proposed measures to increase attendance at larger-scale events, notably with the aim of amassing greater funding for philanthropic purposes. Again, his primary focus remains student welfare – in the broadest sense. As noted above, his proposed measures have proved appropriately popular among students of younger age; whereas his measures for increased society exposure, intervarsity events, and on activities less focused on drinking have made him a popular candidate across the board. His approach to variety of events has been well-balanced, demanding in addition to the aforementioned increase in nightclub security structural reform to the Pav. Tis may also have served to increase his overall popularity amongst all pollees.
Propsects
Tough the race is far from over, the large sample size and relatively small margin of error have shown not only that Walsh is very much a popular candidate across the board, but is also, to all practical purposes, guaranteed a win in this year’s race for Ents ofcer –thereby securing his position over his only adversary: RON.
Le 94.01% de vótálaithe, tá Pádraig Mac Brádaigh chun ollbhua a bhaint amach leis an bhfuinneamh on bhfeachtas “Gaeilge Initiative”
DAR LEIS AN BPOBALBHREITH TRINITY NEWS, TÁTHAR PÁDRAIG MAC BRÁDAIGHSan toghchán le haghaidh Oifgeach na Gaeilge, le 94.4% den vóta. Ní haon iontas é, toisc gur chruthaigh sé gur feachtasóir iontach ann mar chinnire an feachtais “Gaeilge Initiative”. Agus é ina aonar sa rás, ní raibh air ach an taobh praiticiúil den chéad Oifgeach na Gaeilge shabóideach a mhíniú. Dhírigh an feachtas ar chearta teanga agus spreagadh na Gaeilge, agus is léir gurb fiú é agus gur thaispeán sé é féin mar dhuine fadcheannach, cumasach agus éifeachtach.
Is é Mac Brádaigh Oi na Gaeilge páirtaimseartha reatha de chuid Aontas na Mac Léinn Choláiste na Tríonóide (AMLCT) agus bhí sé ina cheannaire ar an bhfeachtas “Gaeilge Initiative”, a d’eirigh leo reifreann a dhéanamh, a ceadaíodh le tromlach 90%, oifgeach Gaeilge lánaimseartha a chruthú, stádas oi thabhairt don teanga san AMLCT, agus maoiniú a chur ar fáil do chomhlachtaí eile de chuid an Choláiste chun an Ghaeilge a threisiú ar an gcampas. Mic léinn sna hEalaíona, sna Daonnachtaí, agus sna hEolaíochtaí Sóisialta ba ea 67% díobh siúd a vótáil ar a shon, agus léiríonn an pobailbhreith go bhfuil níos lú díograis ag mic léinn i gcúrsaí Eolaíochta Sláinte agus ETIM (Eolaíocht, Teicneolaíocht, Innealtóireacht agus Matamaitic), a bhí 26% den vóta ar a son.
Bhí mná níos mó tógtha le Mac Brádaigh (94%) ná Bíonn sé seo coitianta sna
toghcháin AMLCT go mbeadh go leor vótálaithe neamhchinnte ann, ach bhí an dara líon is lú vótálaithe idir dhá chomairle (57%) ag an rás seo. Is léir gur féidir le Mac Brádaigh a bheith sách muiníneach sa toghchán. Ar fud an feachtais, ní dhearna Mac Brádaigh mórán chun cur orógra. Bhí seisean chun tosaigh ar ghluaiseacht na Gaeilge ar an gcampas cheanna féin. Ag eachtais , leag sé béim ar an gcaidreamh a bhí aige leis an teanga ar an gcampas le ceithre bliana anuas, ag geallúint go dtabharfar deis do mhic léinn a labhraíonn Gaeilge tráchtas a scríobh i nGaeilge beag beann ar a ndisciplín acadúil agus cur le líon na modúl a mhúintear trí Ghaeilge: “Níl sé cothrom ná ceart. go gcaithfí céim iomlán a dhéanamh trí Bhéarla”, ag gealladh straitéis margaíochta níos dátheangacha
freisin.
Mar mhac léann idirnáisiúnta, thug sé dearcadh nua-aimseartha ar phobal na Gaeilge mar phobal atá réidh le glacadh le foghlaimeoirí ó gach cearn den domhan. Labhair sé ar a thaithí féin mar mhac léinn idirnáisiúnta, agus dúirt sé go raibh pobal na Gaeilge “croíúil” agus “fáilteach”. Ag déanamh tagairt dá thaithí múinteoireachta, dúirt sé “gur mian le go leor mac léinn idirnáisiúnta go mbeidís in ann dul i ngleic níos mó le teanga agus cultúr na hÉireann ach ní i gcónaí a faigheann siad na deiseanna sin.
Léirigh sé freisin go bhfuil sé toilteanach ranganna Gaeilge a mhúineadh do mhic léinn idirnáisiúnta agus do dhaoine eile nár foghlaim an Ghaeilge ar scoil, ag rá gur “slí iontach chun cur le rannpháirtíocht leis an nGaeilge” a bheadh ann.
Ó thaobh na himeachtaí agus eachtraí de, dúirt sé féin go bhfuil sé thar a bheith tábhachtach “gnáthrud” a dhéanamh as labhairt na Gaeilge in aitmaisféir shóisialta: “Bhí taithí agam in áiteanna sóisialta nuair a mhothaigh daoine drochbhéasach chun an Ghaeilge a labhairt – ní ceart é sin, sí ár dteanga í.
Is é an rud is suimiúla faoin rás seo ná cé go raibh an rás seo ann, cé nach raibh aon iomaíocht ann, go raibh an Ghaeilge i mbéal an phobail sna rásaí eile, rud nach bhfuil feicthe againn cheana. Dúirt Mac Brádaigh go raibh lúcháir air an bhéim a cuireadh ar an toghcháin seo a feiceáil, agus is léir gurb é an fuinneamh ón bhfeachtas “Gaeilge Initiative” is cúis leis seo. Feicfmid i gceann tamaill an dtiocfaidh torthaí ar an móiminteam seo, nó más rud é nach bhfuil i gceist ach athrú cosmaideach.
While candidates in the UT race have both appealed to voters with experience, a low polling turnout has lef the election as anyone’s game
THE RACE FOR THE UNIVERSITY TIMES (UT) EDITOR RACE HAS BEEN INCREDIBLY CLOSE throughout the duration of polling. According to the Trinity News poll, Charlie Hastings has 156 frst preference votes, a comfortable 48%. However, Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce has 138 frst preference votes, 43%. Meanwhile, reopen nominations (RON) has 28 frst preference votes, totalling 8.7%. With only 18 votes separating the candidates, it is di to say who will win the election until the count of February 29.
Due to the tight margins, it is likely that this race will go into a second round of voting.
Looking into second choice preferences, 45.8% of respondents chose Hastings, 46.3% chose Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce and 7.3% chose RON. Removing all people whose f choice preference is RON, Hastings also pulls forward in a slightly more comfortable lead.
In the early days of polling, Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce was leading by a similarly small margin, but fnal opinions have shown favour growing for Hastings. He took the lead towards the end of day two
of polling and has maintained it since then.
Aside from the nature of the margins between the candidates being so thin, what also makes this race hard to call is best summed up in what Hastings himself said in Media Hustings: “[students] don’t know about us…they’d rather read Trinity News than the University Times.” Te overall poll closed with 724 responses, but only 322 respondents declared their intentions in the UT editor race.
However, turnout in the Trinity News poll in the case of the UT editor may not refect fnal turnout at sabbatical elections. Trinity News combined online and in-person polling through Google Forms, while the TCDSU sabbatical elections will be conducted solely by paper ballot, the frst election to do so since the Covid-19 pandemic. Te recent referendum on the Gaeilge Initiative, done by paper ballot, saw a substantially high turnout, suggesting the sabbatical elections may also see an increase in votes. is opens the possibility that while the UT editor race might not be the highest priority for students, a high turnout could swing the results in favour of
students in STEM courses tended to prefer either Hastings or RON for their frst choice candidates, although this demographic tends to support male candidates and RON across races. In the case of UT editor, 55% of men prefer Hastings and 10.6% prefer RON, with Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce getting 33.6% of male votes. 50% of STEM students prefer Hastings and 15% prefer RON, while only
been focusing more on STEM inclusion. Both candidates are hoping to improve science and technology reporting within the newspaper, but Hastings has been pushing harder for it, whereas Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce has been looking more towards inclusions of ethnic minorities. It is worth noting, however, only 50 respondents were from STEM backgrounds, and are a demographic historically less likely to vote in union elections.
Health sciences students tend to prefer Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce, taking 53.3% of the votes from that faculty, RON getting none and Hastings getting 47.2%. It is important to note that there were only 21 respondents from this faculty.
Students from the faculty of arts, humanities and social sciences (AHSS) made up the majority of poll respondents with 250 votes. 48.4% of respondents gave their frst preferences to Hastings, while 42.8% supported Ní FhearraighJoyce, and 8.4% went to RON.
AHSS students making up the largest percentage of voters is common among races. Previous years indicate that AHSS are the most active voting group in elections, making their preferences key to the success for any
themselves as centre-lef and those votes were split almost evenly down the middle, just barely showing preference towards Hastings. 30 students identify as centre-right and those went mostly in favour of Hastings. Of the 52 students who identify as lef as opposed to centre-lef, 48% would choose Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce, 15% would choose RON, and only 36% would choose Hastings.
Students who have been in the student union strongly tend to prefer Hastings, with 49.5% of frst preferences going to him compared to 36.6% for Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce. Tis group also sees the highest RON votes of any other demographic, with almost 14% of respondents wanting to reopen nominations for the role. However, only 93 respondents said they had union experience, compared to 243 who did not. Students who have not participated in the union also prefer Hastings, but by a much smaller margin of only 3%. Tis might be due to the candidate’s performance in hustings. Students in the Union are more likely to attend and believe that Hastings has been performing well where students who have not been attending hustings and are not in the union like Ní Fhearraigh-
Joyce’s claimed experience.
Hastings and Ní FhearraighJoyce have both run campaigns centred around ideas of inclusivity to expand the paper’s reporting, both relying on past experience in journalism roles to appeal to the student body. Hastings has worked with University Times for his entire college career and promises reform in the paper afer being one of the members of staf fred by Ailbhe Noonan. He promises to create an environment focused more on mental health and creating a welfare state.
Meanwhile, Ní FhearraighJoyce has worked for several diferent publications including UT, TN2 - of which she was coeditor, Evergreen, and Trinity News and touts over 30 pieces written and 100 pieces edited this year.
Campaign policies
While a more stable year in UT allowed candidates to discuss more bread-and-butter policies, such as increasing the Irish language, the lingering memory of the last few tumultuous years within UT is refected in both campaigns, in particular increasing recruitment and improving staf welfare.
Ní Fhearraigh Joyce has promised to increase staf across sections, emphasising
her Gaeilgeoir background by promising to recruit more Irishlanguage writers and include an Irish article in every section. In contrast, while Hastings has also promised to increase Irish visibility and recruitment, he suggested focusing on numbers and recruitment has failed in the past: “We need to think about the welfare of our paper… then we can talk about recruitment.”
Te opponents have also clashed somewhat in their response to whether the UT editor should be an impeachable role, an issue that resulted in a mass drop in staf last year. Hastings, who previously sought to impeach Noonan with the other fred staf members, has come out strongly in favour of making it an impeachable role, while emphasising student welfare is the primary issue that must be addressed to prevent future controversy.
While Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce has also emphasised student welfare, proposing the introduction of regular town halls with the student body and hiring an ethics editor to hold both the paper and the editor to account, she has taken a weaker stance on impeachment. Te former TN2 editor previously said in hustings she is “not against” making the editor impeachable, but noted creating this mechanism would require constitutional changes. Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce said impeachment “should only happen at crisis point”, arguing that the editorship was not a position.
Overall, both Hastings and Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce’s campaign has clearly garnered support with those interested in the race, but polls indicate this interest is not very high. Between so few votes being cast in the poll and the narrow margins, Trinity News will not be making any ofcial call in the University Times race.
US
SENATOR
BERNIESANDERS VISITED DUBLIN THIS WEEK AS A PART OF A BOOK TOUR for his new book, It’s OK to be Angry About Capitalism. He attended various events across the city, promoting his book about challenging the “uber-capitalist status quo” and being commended for his contributions to public discourse. Sanders’ clashes with protestors at University College Dublin and Trinity, however, also showed the extent to which he believes protests are efective.
Sanders was born to workingclass parents in Brooklyn in 1941, has been active in the US Civil Rights Movement and the Peace Movement, and is seen nowadays as his country’s most prominent lef-leaning politician.
At his frst visit to Trinity, he was awarded an Honorary Patronage by the University Philosophical Society (the Phil). Te last-minute ceremony saw a huge queue form outside the Graduate Memorial Building an hour ahead of the event, mostly Trinity students availing of the free entry.
Although Sanders is typically very well-received in young and progressive circles, his brief trip to Ireland was blighted by small, but vocal, protests regarding his stance on Israel’s assault on Gaza.
While he disagrees openly with US President Joe Biden’s stance on the escalating confict, and has recently voted against sending military aid to Israel, Sanders has consistently refused to label Israel’s actions in Gaza as a genocide and does not agree with the implementation of a permanent ceasefre.
Sanders has also previously noted his disagreement with the Boycott, Divestment and Sanction (BDS) movement. While he voted against legislation that would limit Americans’ right to boycott Israel in 2019, he was clear in saying that he does “not support the BDS movement”.
Tis stance has been perceived by some as complicity in the US’ support of Israel, as shown by Sanders’ visits to Irish universities afer the Phil.
Te frst show of discontent took place on Tursday night outside of UCD’s O’Reilly Hall, where Sanders was in conversation with economist and journalist David McWilliams. Te presence of UCD BDS was undeniable from the get go, with protestors draped in Palestinian fags and donning Kefyehs, chanting “it’s okay to be angry about capitalism, what about zionism?”.
Inside the event, which was organised by Dalkey Book Festival and was independent of UCD as an institution, Sanders’ warm welcome was weakened by protestors interrupting his response to a question on the confict.
“Resistance is an obligation in the face of occupation” they shouted, adding that “occupation is terrorism”.
Sanders simply responded to protests by asserting public meetings were an essential part of democracy and disrupting them was wrong: “Good slogan, but slogans are not solutions.”
Less than 24 hours later, Sanders and his team were waiting in a side room of Trinity’s Exam Hall. In an event organised by the Sanders Institute and New York Ireland Project, Sanders was interviewed by Irish journalist Fintan O’Toole. While turnout for this event was also huge, the €45 ticket forged a diferent audience from the students who focked to the Phil the previous day.
Outside the Exam Hall, a small group of pro-Palestinian activists gathered, and were quickly told by security to remove a banner with the words “Boycott Apartheid
Israel” painted on it from the locked gates of the Chapel. While they obliged, the group persisted in their protest.
Tey positioned themselves in prime view for the growing queue that had formed, which tidily snaked across Front Square from the steps of the Exam Hall to far outside Front Gates.
Teir chants included the to-beexpected “Free Palestine”, “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free”, and the more pointed “USA what do you say? How many kids have you killed today?”, as well as short speeches critiquing Sanders’ position.
Tey were, at times, met with boos from the queue, and a small group of young men shouted back that they should “protest Biden” instead. One young woman, who stood alone in the queue, responded with “from Hamas” afer each individual “Free Palestine” chant (with a consistent mispronunciation of the word Hamas).
During the discussion between Sanders and O’Toole, one could occasionally hear the protestors chanting outside, with a small yet persistent alarm reminding Sanders he was not welcomed by all at Trinity.
Broadly speaking, the event was a success, with interesting dialogue between the interviewer and the guest, the occasional joke and subsequent laugh, and applause for Sanders when he praised the Irish people’s 2018 vote to legalise abortion.
It wasn’t until the end of the event, however, in which O’Toole asked two pre-submitted questions from the audience, that protests broke out within the Exam Hall itself.
A young woman stood up and walked down the aisle, loudly asking the senator why he is yet to call for a permanent ceasefre in Gaza. She was eventually stopped by security, while O’Toole called for polite engagement.
“I don’t like people interrupting me” Sanders said, and was met with applause from most of the audience. He did not answer her question, but saw an opportunity to address the elephant in the room.
Sanders insisted that he had made his “views on Gaza” clear. He pointed to his opposition to US military aid to Israel, harshly criticised Benjamin Netanayahu and his government, and insisted that he was doing everything he can.
People reacted to this fnal statement, shouting from the very back of the Exam Hall “no, you’re not!”, and “ceasefre now”.
At this, Sanders threw up his right arm in frustration and looked at O’Toole, as if to ask him what would be done. A man, sitting within the frst three rows of the audience, calmly asked Sanders about a ceasefre. Sanders then suggested that the man himself should “call Mr. Netanyahu and say, you know, Bibi, I think you should have a ceasefre”.
Tese disruptive scenes continued for a short while, and Sanders did indeed speak extensively about the topic, concluding in saying “I am more than aware of 27,000 people being killed, two-thirds of them [being] women and children, 70,000 people wounded [and] of 75% of the housing being damaged or destroyed. People can believe it or not – I’m trying to do my best to end that horror.”
Sanders emphasised that calling for a ceasefre was not as efective as cutting aid to Israel, but while he received consistent applause from the audience, the continued protests showed this is not a view shared by all.
Te senator’s Honorary Patronage from the Phil couldn’t have struck a more diferent tone from Friday’s protests. Indeed, reports state that “he was met with wild enthusiasm” by those in attendance. Te structure of the event, however, did demonstrate once again the limit to Sanders’ preferred discourse on this visit.
Typical Honorary Patronage events consist of a speech made by the guest of honour, followed by a dialogue between them and the President of the Phil, and then open questions from the audience. Tis was not the case for Sanders, who was not asked questions by audience members, but presubmitted online questions from audience members.
Sources close to the Phil say that Sanders’ team asked them to avoid direct questions about current afairs, presumably in the knowledge of Ireland’s staunch support of the Palestinian cause and the fact that the audience would be primarily studentbased. His team, perhaps, did not anticipate the overwhelmingly positive reception that he received.
Sanders’ team likely also did not anticipate multiple interruptions over the course of his other appearances, judging by his frustration with protestors. Despite both Trinity events being hosted by societies who value themselves on dialogue and discourse, it is evident that dissent from Sanders’ preferred topics was discouraged. Sanders is undoubtedly a popular politician. However his complicated stance on Israel’s assault on Gaza, which depending on point of view can be viewed either as refreshing or frustrating, proves him to not be a populist one.
Working alongside FutureNeuro, the research provides a “starting point” for further treatment and therapies
AGROUP OF SCIENTISTS FROM TRINITY HAVE published novel research further explaining neurological reasons behind COVID-related “brain fog”.
Te team of researchers, jointly-led by Professor Matthew Campbell of the Trinity department of genetics, and Professor Colin Doherty, head of the school of medicine, is working within FutureNeuro, a research centre for chronic and rare neurological diseases within Science Foundation Ireland (SFI).
Researchers within the institution are based in the host university RCSI, and collaborate with scientists and researchers from Trinity College, DCU, UCD, UG, UCC, and WIT.
Published in the leading international journal Nature Neuroscience, the results of the experiment outlined the efect of long-COVID and brain fog on the blood vessels in the victim’s brains. As noted in the abstract of the published research, the investigation shows that “bloodbrain barrier (BBB) disruption is evident during acute infection and patients with long COVID with cognitive impairment, commonly referred to as brain fog”.
Speaking to Trinity News, Professor Matthew Campbell of the Trinity Department of Genetics, outlined the efects of the research and the importance of the fndings for future learning.
Beginning with a “call to arms” by Science Foundation Ireland following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Campbell and Doherty sought to tackle the “social problems, medical problems, and scientifc problems” which arose.
“ Te only acute neurological feature was that patients were losing their sense of smelldeveloping a condition called anosmia”, Campbell said. “We thought that maybe it’s the virus getting into the olfactory bulb, and maybe it’s damaging those blood vessels.”
“We had this hypothesis that maybe that’s why patients are ending up in hospital,” he added, however noted that as research continued, it appeared that “there was no association at all between
those getting anosmia, and those ending up in hospital”.
Despite this, further pathways for research opened following the development of “brain fog” as a result of Long COVID.
“We know that blood vessels in the brain become damaged in Alzheimer’s disease, they become damaged in Multiple Sclerosis,” Campbell noted, explaining how this knowledge led to the hypothesis developing to reveal the question that “maybe there was a dysfunction in blood vessels in the brain”.
Recruiting long COVID patients both with and without reported brain fog, the FutureNeuro team, led by Campbell and Doherty, utilised a particular dye during an MRI scan to identify issues with the BBB.
“One of the key properties of the dye is that it doesn’t cross the blood brain barrier” Campbell explained. Te dye used allowed for the MRI scanner to clearly show where the “barrier is disrupted in any way because of disease”, as the dye would “leak across blood vessels, deposit in the brain, and the MRI scanner would pick it up”.
Alongside providing a deeper insight into the efects of long COVID, the research published reveals a clear identifying factor for those sufering with the condition.“It was really an objective way to be able to say, there’s something here”, Campbell noted, as long COVID ofen results in few clinical indications.
“ Te problem with long COVID, and with a lot of conditions like chronic fatigue, is that there’s no real overt clinical indication that there’s something wrong.”
Campbell outlined that “the most important part of our research is that we have an objective signal that can say there is actually something wrong,” ofering both a baseline for medical research, and a reassurance for those afected by Long COVID.
Alongside renewed patient and clinician clarity, the research allows for further treatment of the condition. “When you have that type of signal and data, you can start exploring therapies,” Campbell said. “We could reposition and pivot specifc therapies for patients with long COVID.”
Defned by the HSE as “not a medical term” but a term used to “describe a range of symptoms including poor concentration, feeling confused, and mental fatigue”, “brain fog” is a symptom of long COVID, which is classifed by the World Health Organisation as “the continuation or development of new symptoms three months afer the initial COVID infection”.
With approximately 10%-20% of people infected going on to develop long-COVID, the research presented in Nature Neuroscience provides a crucial breakthrough in the understanding of the disease, and allows for an improved treatment of such symptoms.
“If misinformation is platformed on socials, then yes… responsibility lies on the SU.”
“If you have the ability to be loud, then I think you should use it.”
“I really do just want to hand out chocolates on campus.”
“Ba chóir dúinn a bheith in ann aon ábhar a staidéar trí Ghaeilge, ní hamháin an Ghaeilge.”
“It got to the point where I sat down and was like, can we just abolish council?”
“How many disciples did Jesus have?”
Following an FOI request from TCDSU President László Molnárf, a list of Israeli institutions with investments in Trinity has been published
FOLLOWING THE PUBLICATION OF AN FOI REQUEST, IT HAS BEEN REVEALED that Trinity’s University Endowment fund includes stocks from UN- blacklisted Israeli frms.
Te request, submitted by Trinity College Dublin Students Union (TCDSU) president László
Molnárf, sought to clarify the involvement of Israeli institutions within Trinity through investment, provision of services and funding, and partnerships held by departments within.
Tough the FOI request for a list of Israeli institutions that had provided funding for research within Trinity and its related schools was refused, this was due to there being “no record of funding from any Israeli entity is recorded”.
“No records on Israeli partners could be located as the country of origin of partners is not recorded by Contract and Consult,” the letter stated.
Te letter clarifed the partnerships held by Trinity with Israeli institutions, both academic and otherwise. Tese links included a partnership between the department of Near and Middle Eastern Studies and the Hebrew University Jerusalem, and a partnership between the school of religion, theology, and peace studies with Bar Ilan University.
Following a request for a list of Israeli companies which provide services to, trade with, or hold investments of any form with College, a list of 10 suppliers
were identifed by the Finance Department.
Alongside this, the letter included a list of Israeli stocks included in the University Endowment Fund Investment portfolio.
Te list, published in a report by the United Nation Human Rights Ofce in 2020, includes three of the thirteen connections listed in the letter; Shapir Engineering
NPV, Energix Renewable Energy, and Bank Leumi.
However, the letter notes that the power to choose the companies included in the endowment fund does not fall to the university, instead decided by the fund managers.
Te fund comprises a collection of over 400 individual endowments, with the use of the donation specifed by the donor.
“As the parent of a single mother…”
“It’s all very well and good doing direct action, but if students are going through a shit time, that’s more important.”
“If I was elected, by the time I fnish, there would be less people feeling alone with no idea where to go.”
D’oscail an coláiste an foirm mar freagra ar ghearán chuig an gCoimisinéir Teanga
MAR FHREAGRA ARE GHEARÁN CHUIG AN GCOIMISINÉIR
Teanga, tá foirm oscailte ag an gColáiste le clárú chun vótáil sa Seanad.
Rinne Seathrún Sardina, Uachtarán Postgraduate Workers’ Organisation (PWO) na Tríonóide agus taighdeoir PhD, an gearán.
I gcomhfreagras feicthe ag Trinity News, dúirt Oifg an Choimisinéara gur sa chás go
bhfuil foirm chlarúcháin curtha ar fáil ag comhlacht poiblí, nach mór go mbeadh sé “de dheis ag duine den phobal an foirm sin a chomhlánú i nGaeilge faoi alt 9(2) d’Acht 2003, más mian leis/léi sin a dhéanamh”.
“Forálann alt 9(2) nach mór do chomhlachtaí poiblí cumarsáid i scríbhinn a freagairt sa teanga oifgiúl chéanna.”
“Is í léiriú na hOifge nach féidir cosc a chur ar dhuine den phobal cumarsáid i scríbhinn a dhéanamh le comhlacht poiblí forordaithe ina rogha teanga oifgiúil faoi alt 9(2) agus dá bhrí sin sa gcás go gcuirtear foirm ar líne ar fáil i mBéarla amháin, nach mór go mbeadh socrú curtha in áit ag an gcomhlacht poiblí chun gur féidir le duine den phobal ar mian leis/léi clárú i nGaeilge é sin a dhéanamh, agus eolas soiléir curtha ar fáil faoin mbealach ar féidir clárú trí Ghaeilge.”
Toghann an toghcheantar Ollscoil Átha Cliath, una bhfuil Coláiste na Tríonóide an t-aon bhall, triúr Seanadóirí. Níl cead ach ag céimithe nó scoláirí ón gColáiste vótáil.
Students claimed runners up spots as teams and individuals
On Friday 23 February, Trinity students faced of with other colleges and the King’s Inn in the Irish Times’s 64th annual Debate fnal.
Trinity students claimed runners up positions in team competitions and individuals.
In the individual competition, second year law and politics student Athena Wu from the College Historical Society (Te Hist) took runner up.
In the team competition fourth year law and politics students Louise Cullen and Eoin Ryan from TCD’s Law Society took the runners up spot.
Also in the individuals fnal were Matilda Brewe from the Phil and in the team competition Martha McKinney Perry and Andy Cullinan from the Hist and Stephen O’Sullivan and Ellen McKimm from the Bram Stoker Club
Winners of the team competition were Ciara McLoughlin and Ceara Tonna-Barthet from the King’s Inns and individual awards went to Clíodhna McHugh from the Solicitors’ Apprentice Debating Society. Solicitor’s Apprentice Debating Society took the award last year as well.
Trinity students swept awards in the semi-fnal where students debated use of artifcial intelligence.
Te fnal topic was: “ Tis house believes referendums are no way to run a country.” Tose in favour argued referendums as an efective democratic practice where those in opposition argued that the practice trivialises issues.
Te competition began with around 300 contestants with only 12 making it to the fna competing for the Demosthenes Trophy and the Christina Murphy Trophy.
AS TRINITY STUDENTS DELIBERATE ON THE FUTURE MAKEUP OF THEIR student union, a number of decisive ballots are set to take place in the near future which have ramifcations that go far beyond Campus – and, for that matter, these shores.
Tis year’s spate of referendums and local, European, and general elections will be the frst exercises of democracy via the ballot box in four years, and the frst ever opportunity to vote for many reading this article.
In particular, this year’s European elections mark the frst in which the majority of what is considered “Generation Z” –that is, those born between the late 1990’s and the early 2010’s, will have the right to vote for their Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), and in turn the power to infuence the future direction of the European Union (EU).
Protestors gathered outside Irishtown Garda Station demanding the release of the two men
TWOI MEN HAVE BEEN CHARGED WITH PUBLIC ORDER OFFENCES following pro-Palestine protests in Dublin city centre.
Gardaí said the two men were arrested this on Saturday February 17 and charged later that same day.
Tey will appear before court at a later date.
It is understood the two men were arrested afer the National Demonstration for Palestine, which saw thousands march from Parnell Street to St Stephen’s Green.
Some continued protesting on Grafon Street and Nassau Street, where it is understood the two men were arrested.
Afer learning the two men were brought to Irishtown Garda Station, some protestors went to the station to demand their release.
Some attempted to enter the station but were removed by Gardaí, who then blocked the entrance.
Chants by protestors at the station included “Let them out”, “Drew Harris RUC”, and “Who’s cops? Israel’s cops”.
Palestine demonatrations have taken place in Dublin on most Saturday afernoons since the escalation of violence in the region afer October 7.
June’s elections represent a crossroads for Europe, at a time of concerns over the ongoing wars in Gaza and Ukraine; immigration and the continued rise of the far-right; the cost of living and infation, and so many more issues mattering to individual member states and the Union as a whole.
Also up for discussion is how the EU has responded to these problems, and what direction it will take once the new Parliament has been elected and the new Commission assembled.
Our generation has watched the world turn before our eyes, but mostly without an ofcial voice in public afairs. Te last of this generation were only being born as the Great Recession took its course, whilst Brexit had become part of normal lexicon whilst most of us were still at some stage of school. Even when Greta Tunberg became the global face of the “Fridays for Future” climate movement, it seemed like few were taking seriously the ambitions and hopes of the still-largely disenfranchised youth.
In these elections, our generation will have the right to be heard. Whether they choose to shout or whisper, however, is another question.
Te last few years have seen a wave of events that have galvanised the attention of Generation Z, from
the Black Lives Matter protests that followed the killing of George Floyd in 2020, to the ongoing wars in Ukraine and Gaza.
Alongside the all-consuming efects of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the recent rioting that plagued Dublin in November, younger people have been particularly exposed to sociopolitical developments in a way that distinguishes many of them from past generations, thanks to the spread of information through social media.
It feeds into a narrative that Generation Z are not only politically mobilised, but also particularly conscious of the need for equality, justice, peace and human rights – the cornerstones of European values. Tose carrying the mantle of the European project would certainly hope so, at least.
Certainly, at least on a macro level, there is evidence to suggest that Gen Z supports a more united, progressive, and forward-thinking EU. According to a Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) and TinkYoung study from 2022, two-thirds of the cohort believe the EU should involve them more in its public afairs.
Similar numbers believe in the EU taking more authoritative steps to protect LGBTQ+ rights and to clamp down on climate change, and on member states that fail to respect human rights and democracy.
Te same study also found that more than 70% of Europe’s young people want their politicians to better communicate the role and impact of the EU — a sign that some don’t fully understand its purpose, or believe in its capabilities to tackle the problems
our generation faces.
Indeed, the EU faces a great challenge in the coming months as it tries to present itself as being on the side of a voting-age Gen Z.
Even in Ireland, where support for the Union is consistently among the highest in the bloc, views on the EU’s response to various issues are mixed.
A recent Ireland Tinks poll, released earlier this month, showed a majority of 18-34 year olds here (53%) rating the EU’s performance on the ongoing crisis in Gaza as ‘very bad’, with threequarters afrming that their view of the Union has in some way disimproved as a result.
Young Irish voters are also largely unimpressed by, or at best ambivalent to, the EU’s performance on the climate crisis, with 46% judging the response to be in some way ‘bad’, with another 35% being neutral on the question.
Tough the bloc’s performance on the economy and on Ukraine was received much more positively by the youth in Ireland, this is not a blanket sentiment across the continent, where worryingly enough a rise in support for farright parties has been identifed among young voters in many countries.
In the recent Dutch elections, the Party for Freedom (PVV), led by ‘Nexit’ supporter Geert Wilders, won a larger share of the vote among the youngest demographic compared to the national average, according to ofcial exit polls.
Troughout Europe, in countries both east and west, farright parties with anti-EU and anti-immigration policies have pocketed signifcant swathes of support from under-35’s, and are now hoping to capture the
hearts and minds of an infuential Generation Z.
Tis trend has been attributed to various factors, many of which stem from local and regional issues, be it widespread unemployment, housing crises or quality of life –all of which are being tapped into by populist parties.
Curiously enough, however, it appears that the classic right-wing talking points of opposition to the EU or to an ‘infux of foreigners’ are not the primary attractors of support for such parties among Europe’s youth.
Tis may be due to the fact that in the west, young people
have grown up together with a more culturally and ethnically diverse set of peers than did their parents, whilst those in the bloc’s eastern countries have grown up in economies benefting from two decades’ worth of EU membership and investment.
Terefore, it mighn’t be the EU that Generation Z has a problem with, but if the institutions fail to get to grips with the many problems they do have, it risks losing the trust and faith Europe’s youth has in its ability to ensure the security, equality and justice they desire, both within their own countries and beyond.
TCDSU President
László Molnárf said he
and others will continue to ignore chapter 1.4, “the apolitical stance in the constitution”TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN STUDENTS’ UNION (TCDSU)
COUNCIL HAS BEEN BRANDED “undemocratic” afer a motion to hold a referendum to change the political aims of the union failed once again.
While 64% of council members voted in favour of holding the
referendum, a two-third majority was required to call a referendum.
Te referendum proposed to replace the current wording of chapter 1.4 of the TCDSU constitution, which states the union will achieve its objectives “independent of any political, racial or religious ideology”.
Te referendum sought to change the wording to: “ Te union shall pursue their objectives in a radical, egalitarian and autonomous way, and shall not afliate with far-right groups.”
Te motion was proposed by School of Languages, Literatures, and Cultural Studies Convenor Niko Evans and seconded by Molnárf.
Mólnárf told Trinity News this motion’s failure “sets a bad precedent in ignoring students’ wishes to hold a referendum on an issue of great importance”.
“As a result of council not letting students have a vote, we will not back down, and we will keep being political in defance of 1.4, the apolitical stance in the constitution,” he said.
“ Tis will consist of continuing
our stance of no-confdence in the government, which is a majority position amongst the student body.”
Evans said tonight’s result is “disappointing but unsurprising”.
“SU council makes no efort to reach out to the average student and they blatantly ignored a petition to call for a referendum signed by 520 students in 5 days,” he said.
“ Tis organisation is undemocratic and unft to represent the student body.”
Te previous wording of the referendum proposed that the union “shall not afliate with farright groups, including, but not limited to, white supremacists and Christian extremists”.
Te referendum, due to take place in February, was later cancelled following complaints the proposed wording was “incompatible with statutory antidiscrimination legislation”.
Te motion noted that the new wording has “been verifed by the union solicitor”.
“
Te current wording of the Constitution inhibits the
ability of the Union to properly advocate for its members. Radical action is a necessary tool for a robust students’ union, and our Constitution should refect that reality.”
Speaking against the motion, one man said this would risk tying students to political ideologies they do not agree with.
Another student pointed out a defnition of what far-right means should be included to avoid confusion.
Additional reporting by Kate Henshaw, Gabriela Gazaniga, Stephen Conneely, Charlotte Kent, Conor Healy, Madison Pitman, Emily Sheehan, David Wolfe and Aidan Cusack.
Te Student Sport Bursary and Student Parents Bursary will each receive €20,000 from the HEA fund
Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) council has voted to create two separate bursaries for student parents and students who wish to access sports.
Both bursaries will receive funding of €20,000 from the
Higher Education Authority (HEA) fund to ofer fnancial support to students.
Both funds will be distributed annually over a fve-year period starting in September 2024.
Te motion to introduce a student bursary was proposed by TCDSU President László Mólnárf and seconded by Student Parent Ofcer Sheila Keegan.
Speaking at council, Keegan said any student parent that joins Trinity “really needs our support”.
She noted the struggle parents have to balance their own academic obligations with childcare and their children’s lives.
“Coming to college is complicated anyway but as a student parent there are other things happening,” she said.
Speaking to Trinity News ahead of council, Mólnárf said a bursary “ is crucial in a university setting as it recognizes and supports the unique challenges faced by individuals balancing
academic pursuits with parenting responsibilities”.
Te motion to introduce a student sport bursary was also proposed by Mólnárf and seconded by Citizenship Ofcer Ella Mac Lennan.
Te bursary was proposed following last year’s failed referendum for the union to stop supporting College’s sports levy, an annual €120 payment to Trinity Sport Union (TSU) unless all booking fees and equipment charges are abolished.
Te referendum proposed by the union failed to pass with a 68% opposition afer concerns were raised by TSU that abolishing the fee would lead to less access and capacity for student sport.
Te motion noted that while the referendum was defeated, “raised considerable attention to the issue of extra equipment, club subscription and court use costs which have a negative efect on the ability of underprivileged students to engage in sports”.
Council also voted to increase support for Professional Masters
of Education (PME) students.
Proposed by Mólnárf and seconded by Education Ofcer Cat Arnold, TCDSU will establish ofcial links with the Association of Secondary School Teacher’s of Ireland and support its campaign to ensure second-level teachers receive increased pay.
Te motion notes that “the union has a duty to support P.M.E students’, the motion states, ‘and the best way to do that is through solidarity and combining [union] forces with ASTI”.
Te motion praises work carried out by the ASTI, noting a motion passed in 2022 to campaign for student second-level teachers to be paid for the hours worked by students during their second year of study.
Te ASTI is the main second level teacher’s union in Ireland, representing 18,800 teachers.
Te union’s aims include the promotion and protection of teacher’s interests, maintaining and improving teachers’ conditions of employment, and uniting and organising all second level teachers.
With campaigns for the TCDSU sabbatical positions well underway, and the high number of 13 candidates fghting for our votes, there’s been great debate and discourse around campus. Two candidates in particular, Ralph Balfe, (presidential candidate), and Nathan Harrington, (Welfare and Equality candidate), have received much attention for their so-called “joke” campaigns.
At the start of the campaign, you would have been fair to assume that between the two candidates, Balfe would garner the majority of attention. Promises such as the creation of a “Book of Kells World” theme park seem pretty outrageous, and the idea of allowing every student to be president of TCDSU for a day is ambitious. However, it is his outlandish manifesto and his bizarre “beliefs” that make him distinctly a “joke” candidate.
Despite Balfe’s many attempts to win the hearts and humours of Trinity students, much more attention has been paid to Nathan Harrington’s meme-flled manifesto. Harrington, who blurs the line between genuine and jest, has stirred major discourse throughout the College. Within his comic-sans manifesto, Harrington promises to house his “homies” in “the front square accommodation you get when elected” and “make shag week more shagalicious”.
Pretty similar to Balfe’s humorous promises, right? Te issues come when you examine the other aspects of his manifesto.
Promises to use his entire salary of €19,042 to buy students chocolate are placed alongside plans to improve student counselling and the introduction of prioritised fre escapes for disabled people. Harrington is playing a dangerous game by refusing to defne his campaign. While he pointed in his interview with Trinity News that
the cost of living crisis is afecting students and young people, he also stated at Welfare and Equality Hustings that donating his salary to a food bank would do little to help anyone. While he has noted that abortion is an important topic to him, he also referred to the 2018 referendum on the issue as the “repeal the eighth thing”.
Tey say that actions speak louder than words, but there will be little action for Harringotn within the Student Union if he continues to choose his words as such.
Te difculty with defning Harrington’s campaign is a direct result of the language that he chooses to use. Te person that claims to have an interest in the needs of disabled people has also utilised the word “r*tarded” on his personal Instagram.
Te candidate has stated that he is running a “campaign of love and inclusivity”, but has made a mockery of LGBTQIA+ students in his manifesto, using them as the butt of a joke in a reference to queer sex education.
On Friday, February 23, the electorate’s reaction to Harrington’s campaign of “love and inclusivity” was thrust further into prominence. Empower the Voice Dublin, a group that describes themselves as “a nonproft community for all people of marginalised genders”, accused Harrington of using his platform to mock marginalised groups.
Speaking to Trinity News, the group stated that his “attitude is born out of unchecked privilege”.
Te question of whether or not Harrington’s campaign is a “joke” comes down to the question of if it is funny. While humour is subjective, many of us can agree that targeting the very students that walk through our campus every day is a pretty low blow.
While there can be a great deal of privilege that comes with having the time, money and resources to run as a “joke” candidate, there have been “benefts” to their existence. We have seen similar occurrences of joke campaigns outside of College. In 2018, presidential hopeful Bunty Twuntingdon-McFuf ran a joke campaign for the position in Áras an Uachtaráin. She suggested burning dead people for fossil fuels and turning the Áras into a hunting lodge and spa. Following a failed campaign, McFuf claimed that she “had to make her campaign outrageous to make her point”. Te candidate believed that the quality of the other candidates was not up to standard, therefore felt that a joke campaign was the best way to draw attention to this.
Such benefts are not relevant to campaigns such as Harrington’s. His campaign has drawn attention to the worst aspects of student politics, whether or not you agree with the statements that he is making. Yes, myself and many other students are in disagreement with Harrington’s position on most issues, but there are also issues with his approach to the arena of student politics. Harrigton has utilised his platform
to actively argue against students who are critical of him, personally fghting against students in the comments of social media posts. When his manifesto was criticised for being harmful to marginalised groups, Harrington used his campaign Instagram to comment that he is “glad the hear” that the student “speaks for all of those groups”. While defending himself against EmpowerTeVoice’s protest, he called their statements “disgusting and defamatory”. Even if you are not concerned by Harrington’s position on Welfare and Equality issues, you should be concerned with his inability to take accountability. Tis is especially relevant when we compare Harrington’s campaign to that of Balfe’s. As a “joke candidate”, Balfe is doing similar work to what Bunty Twuntingdon-McFuf did in 2018. Tink about it, students hate tourists and can be critical of their student union. Although outrageous, some students, in an ideal world, would jump at the opportunity to ban tourists or have more of a say in their student union. Whether you like it or not,Balfe is drawing attention to prominent issues in our College. Te lines are not blurred between humour and genuine concern, however. Balfe shys away from making genuine promises and claims. Instead, when asked about serious issues during the Welfare and Equality Hustings, Balfe pointed to his opponent Jenny Maguire’s manifesto,
noting that it was “maybe the best manifesto [he] ever read” and that he simply proposes everything Maguire had said. In a battle for the position of the joke candidate, Balfe wins by defnition. Balfe’s campaign should not go without criticism, of course. Tere is a great deal of privilege that goes along with running as the joke candidate, and this argument extends to Harrington’s campaign as well. Running for a sabbatical position takes extensive time, money and resources that many students do not have access to. On top of this, other students give up their time to interview, platform and photograph these candidates as part of their campaign, and to be met with such lacklustre answers can be insulting to those on the receiving end.
Te Cambridge Dictionary defnes a joke as: “something, such as a funny story or trick, that is said or done in order to make people laugh”. Te presentation of both Balfe and Harrington’s campaigns, through their manifesto, unserious speeches and lack of political awareness suggests that both candidates have aimed to be considered a “joke”. However, the lack of laughs garnered by Harrington’s campaign proves the danger of running as the “joke” candidate. When your campaign lacks defnition, “funny” becomes foggy, “ambitious” becomes ofensive, and “voters” turn into enemies. Nathan Harrington, joke candidate or not, has taken it too far.
of their own. Tese are all costs that the student has to bear, with no fnancial support from the university – something incredibly problematic for students who took out loans or may otherwise struggle fnancially. Te Global Room, an organisation designated
For a campus that boasts of providing an excellent international student experience, Trinity does remarkably little to ofer a hand, let alone a second glance. Tree international students write this letter with distress, disappointment, and perhaps regret, over their chosen university thousands of miles from home, studying in a community that promised robust institutional support.
Trinity actively recruits international students with the promise that they are committed to equality and diversity, however, their actions show that they are more than happy to use international students for their advertising and then leave them in the dust afer they are enrolled.
Inside and outside of the
On the 8 March 2024, Irish citizens will be asked to vote on two referendums. Te goal: to make Ireland more inclusive and protective of those previously neglected by the constitution. If passed, the defnition of family in articles 41.1.1 and 41.3.1 will be expanded, and gender-specifc language relating to women in the home in articles 41.2.1 and 41.2.2 will be replaced with new article 42b.
Te Family Amendment seeks to bring positive changes for many thousands of people in Ireland. However, it seems that there is nothing inherently revolutionary about this referendum. Te constitution is running to catch up
classroom, we have seen barriers in place that prohibit a functioning learning environment and full participation of all students. Not to mention, facing mandatory, fnancial obligations that are not prior disclosed in the application process which further adds a burden on top of the higher tuition fees that international students must pay.
Specifcally, for the postgraduate environmental science programme, and others, we are required to participate in a study abroad feld trip. Attendance is mandatory and those who do not attend will fail the course. At the beginning of the semester, a professor informed us that last year there was an option for students to remain in Dublin and still complete module requirements, however, this has
since been withdrawn. Tese decisions appeared to be made without student feedback. Te feld trip itself is over a thousand euros, already an extreme amount for students to cough up on top of their fees. Tis does not include fees for the VISA that students without powerful passports must obtain, which is another one hundred and twenty euros. Tat is a base cost - other fees include booking the incredibly competitive VISA appointment, which an agent (extra cost) is likely needed for, as well as necessary documentation.
All of this is wrapped up in a lengthy, stressful process amidst attending classes and completing coursework – additionally, this does not guarantee getting the VISA, some students may be rejected, ultimately leading to a failed module through no fault
for international students, ofers minimal services limited to
Instagram posts, pizza nights, and speed friending – we’d rather see substantial support that ensures our excellent experience, including fnancial aid for academic expenses, (like the VISA applications), and student guidance on career and future planning, like obtaining residency afer graduation.
Tis does not include the many issues that need to be addressed including lack of communication with job limitations, no resources for students unable to fnd housing – so students like one of us don’t have to commute for hours every day to classes – and in-class accommodations for students who are non-native English speakers. We expected communication and guidance at the bare minimum from a school that advertises itself as the 16th most international in the world.
Instead, throughout our studies, we have seen disorganisation, a lack of communication and resources, and have been forced to rely on the knowledge of our classmates in place of the administration. In other words, Trinity College Dublin has more than shown where their true values lie – using students only for diversity points and then abandoning them without a care.
with the realities of contemporary Irish life. Te typical nuclear family structure idealised by the Catholic Church is not, and has not been
for a long time, the only existing model in Irish society. Of course, this model is still quite common and perfectly acceptable, but a range of others exist alongside it, and room must be made for them within the constitution. According to the Irish Times, over 40% of children born this year are in nonmarital families. Te current wording of the constitution marginalises those whose familial structure is not based on marriage, such as single-parent households and long-term cohabiting partners.
On Monday 22 January, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the law preventing Mr. O’Meara, father of three, from getting a widow’s pension, was unconstitutional. Due to s.124 of the Social Welfare Consolidation Act 2005, which confnes the pension to widows, widowers, divorced persons and civil partners, Mr. O’Meara was
barred from receiving the pension as he had not been married to his partner before she died. Tis of course afects the three children of that family too, and goes to show that maintaining equal rights for children under the law that are not based on the marital status of their parents is of the utmost importance. Any contradiction of this idea is reminiscent of an Ireland of the past, one that had to campaign extensively for the abolishment of the status of illegitimacy, achieved at long last in 1987.
Should Ireland vote a majority of ‘yes’, then the language of the constitution will be changed to include, in the words of Minister for Children Roderick O’Gorman, “the diversity of family in Ireland today”, and will pave the way for more signifcant changes in the future.
Te Care Amendment, like the
other, seems like a long overdue change to refect a well-established societal reality. Since the current article came into being almost ninety years ago, it’s efect has simply been to signify archaic views of a woman’s rightful duties, rather than actually ofer any real support. Te amendment aims to recognise that the role of caretaker is not gender-specifc, and may be taken on by anyone. It also takes a further step, in pushing the State to ofer increased tangible support for family care.
On a university level, political opinions are widely very liberal, and it appears that most people are in agreement on the positive nature of a ‘yes yes’ vote. It is easy to forget the presence of rightwing politics in Ireland that are decidedly against the changes proposed by the referendum. It is of vital importance that citizens show up to the ballot boxes on the 8 March to make their votes count, and ensure that these positive steps are taken.
Disinformation is rife, so for further information about the referendum, visit reliable sources such as the Citizens Information website, or reputable news outlets like the Irish Times or the Journal.
Recently, I was lucky enough to score tickets to Noah Kahan’s sold out Dublin concert. In order to enjoy the concert, as soon as the bridge of ‘Your Needs, My Needs’ began, I promptly put my coat hood on (backwards) to cover my entire face until the song was over. Confused? I assume everyone else around me was too.. I swear, I’m not (entirely) unhinged. I’m just epileptic.
To avoid the triggering of a seizure by intense strobe lights, I resorted to my coat hood. It worked - no seizures in front of Mr Kahan - but as I lef the concert later it struck me what an odd position I had been put in.
As far as I could see, there were no warnings about strobe lights. None in the venue, none in any emails I had received about the concert, not even any on the tour’s website. Te only reason I even knew about that specifc song was because Noah Kahan had posted a reel on Instagram from another gig that instantly set of my alarm bells. By then, I already had tickets. Now I knew that there was defnitely at least one song with intense strobes but I had no idea about the rest of
the set list. Googling yielded no results so I emailed the venue, who gave me another email to contact, who gave me another, who said they would liaise with the tour team and get back to me. Te week before the concert I emailed again (twice) having still not heard back and getting increasingly worried about whether I’d have to sell my tickets. (Tired yet?)
In all fairness, when I did get a reply it was exactly what I needed: correspondence from the tour’s lighting director laying out which songs were safe for someone with photosensitive epilepsy and which were not. Tey even provided some descriptions, such as certain songs having colour changes or bright fashes. Of I went with my hood covering my face and managed to safely attend the concert. It might seem like the bare minimum that the lighting team knew about the lights for the show, but this was one of the few times I’ve actually received useful and specifc information. Over Christmas, I was planning to go with my family to a show in one of Ireland’s leading theatres. Having noticed a “ Tis production may contain fashing lights or smoke” warning on the website, we reached out to get more information. (Frustratingly, in my experience a lot of productions and venues slap strobe/fashing light warnings onto anything that
uses light or smoke efects, when strobe is a very specifc speed of fashing light. A lot of times, shows with these warnings contain no strobe lights at all. It’s a bit of a Russian Roulette.) We were frst
for me to attend before eventually refunding our tickets. I’m not sure if it was a particular staf member or general disregard for patron safety but it is astounding to me that a major theatre could have such lax accessibility policies. I have had better luck with other theatres. When I reached out to another theatre’s accessibilityspecifc email, I was given the timings of fashing lights in a recent production of Blood Brothers. Afer some digging (and contacting a head ofce in London), I was able to get similar information for an unrelated production of Te Commitments. Both of these shows had strobe light warnings. Neither contained any actual strobes. Afer reaching out directly to the management of a smaller artist I love, I was told the performance was extremely strobe-heavy and therefore unsafe for me. Again, there was no warning online. Instead, I had taken the initiative to reach out afer seeing clips on social media.
able to access it easily myself. I have to repeatedly disclose my medical condition to strangers who rarely seem to understand it
told that the show was okay for me to go to, then when we followed up asking for details of the lights (such as what was provided for Kahan’s concert), someone else replied and said it was absolutely not safe
Having only been diagnosed in 2022, this is all still new to me, but in my experience there seems to be no uniform respect for or understanding of accessibility information. Te majority of the time, it has either been inaccurate or entirely absent. 100% of the time I have had to request the information. I have never been
despite working in one of the few felds (except medicine) in which it is imperative to consider people with photosensitive epilepsy. On one memorable occasion, I asked the organisers of a college society event whether there would be strobe lights at their live event. In response I received a screenshot of a text from a society member reading, “I have no idea so just tell her yes”. It shouldn’t have to be said, but if you are responsible for organising and promoting an event, you should be aware of what machines you or your team are using at said event, regardless of whether you are an amateur organisation or not.
It should not be this hard. As proved by Kahan’s concert, the information is there. At every event there is at least one person who is responsible for lights, for their programming and operation, usually synchronised with whatever’s happening on stage, be it a concert with a set list or a play with a script. Having to fght tooth and nail to get an answer - an answer which is ofen something along the lines of ‘we don’t know’ - takes half the fun out of going to anything. I’m not naive. I’m not going to nightclubs or concerts where you might expect very intense efects. I am just asking basic questions which no one seems to have the answers to.
It is honestly ironic how inaccessible accessibility information is. I am a relatively able-bodied person who has only had this diagnosis for a short time. How difcult must it be for people with more complex needs than me? Just because we are disabled doesn’t mean we should be rendered incapable of enjoying life. Putting aside the accommodations we should be entitled to, providing the facts for people to make informed decisions is the bare minimum.
For a week, the SU elections were the most contested they’ve been since 2015. Michael McInerney dropping out of the Comms race makes the number of candidates the same as in 2021, but that nine-year high of candidates should still be discussed. Afer all, McInerney stated that he only dropped out of the race because of pressures outside the Union.e must assume that this high number of candidates proves that there is signifcant interest in student politics right now.
Tis only considers the most active students in student politics, of course. A look at the precampaigning bios of candidates reveals, unsurprisingly, more senior students who have been heavily engaged with the Union for quite some time, or politically active outside the College. You
could point to the increased number of student demonstrations, such as blockading the Book of Kells, as a sign of broader engagement at large, but these are carried out by only a handful of people at a time. As it turns out, the Book of Kells can be very easily blockaded by a very small number of politically dedicated students. It's the same with Regent House. Perhaps College ought to put more than one door on these places (or engage with protesting students meaningfully, but that’s another matter entirely). Tough the frequency and style of protest has changed under the current sabbats, this does not necessarily point to higher levels of engagement in the student body at large.
What does point to higher levels of student body engagement in politics, however, are referendum campaigns. Tis year has seen a number of attempts made to change the SU Constitution - some successful, some not.
Te recent referendum for a sabbatical Oifgeach na Gaeilge
was not only a stunning success, but had the highest turnout for an SU referendum in six years.
Te unsuccessful Chapter 1.4 referendum campaign paints a clearer picture. In response to the Union’s anti-Israeli stance in the current confict, a movement began to “depoliticise the Union” on the basis that it must represent all students, as all students are signed up to it upon entering the College. New language of pursuing Union objectives “in a radical, egalitarian and autonomous way” was moved to replace the current fnal line in Chapter 1.4 but failed to reach the council votes needed to amend the Constitution. It then became a public campaign, gathering the 500 petitioners needed to bring it again. All this generated signifcant publicity and sparked a conversation with students otherwise not involved in student politics. . Te radical goals of this year’s Union have not only been in the spirit of popular politics, but have had to engage popular politics too.
Tough not all newly invigorated political activity is prounion policy. Te “TCDSU4ALL” campaign to “depoliticise” the Union, although claiming to be apolitical, presents a reaction to the lef-wing policies of the majority of the Union. A policy of advocating neutrality when the Union attempts to take lef-leaning stances, such as supporting BDS, organising renters’ protests, and afliating with lef-wing Unions and parties, is not apolitical; it is reactionary. While it is less active than either the Union or independent lef-wing groups on campus, it still claimed a role in the defeat of the 1.4 motion in council. It appears that the vast majority of politically active students are not reactionaries, judging by the online unpopularity of this movement and their lack of in-person mobilisation, but strategies for combating reaction and right-wing movements are worth consideration as we, and Irish society as a whole, move into a more divisive political culture.
Tis brings us to a clear motivator for increased engagement with student politics that’s been lef out so far - the necessity of engagement with politics outside of college, too. It is worth noting that the nineyear high of candidates coincides with the end of the recession. We are now seeing a similar cost-ofliving crisis, similar conditions for students (particularly focks of medicine students emigrating), and a housing crisis that was never fully solved since that time. Visibility is one thing - no doubt every student council president aims to get as many people as possible involved in their campaigns - but it isn't the whole story. Postgraduates aren’t going on strike because of idealism. It’s because it is getting harder and harder to live, let alone be a full-time student or researcher in Ireland.
Te right-wing riots at the end of last year show another factor that pressures people into political engagement. Politics are getting divisive, even violent, in a way that Irish political culture, previously proud of “not really having lef or right,” has had a harsh wake-up call to.
Te right-wing is mobilising in a way we have never really seen in Ireland, and a political establishment proud of not doing something so impolite as taking a partisan position can’t muster a proper response to popular needs and desires such as tackling the far right, making sacrifces of private property rights to solve the housing crisis, or to take a bolder stance on Israel. Engagement and visibility are secondary; the underlying motivators of political participation are material.
Linking national and international politics with immediate student issues has been a deliberate and successful strategy. I asked László Molnárf to comment on whether he perceived a link between increased radicalism and increased engagement. Te Union’s new visibility is “is in no small part due to focusing on material issues that students care about, and then connecting it to a larger picture…At each turn, we connect [the recent campaigns of the SU] to a larger picture of the world, what is wrong with society and how we can chart a course to fx it.” It’s part of moving the Union away from single issues and toward “the transformation of society as a whole” - a tactic that has caused the pushback mentioned above, but judging by the general reaction of apathy or annoyance that has met the reactionary campaign, a tactic which was well-judged.
In a climate of radicalism and increasing engagement outside a core group of student politicians, a holistic political platform, rather than a list of single-issue promises, will win over the electorate.
Afer having been suspended for around two years, Stormont was reopened at the beginning of the month, and Northern Ireland’s frst Nationalist and Republican First Minister, Michelle O’Neill, was sworn into ofce. Tis comes in the wake of the historic 2022 Northern Irish Assembly elections, where Sinn Fein, for the frst time, won the popular vote. Tis has been a psychological blow to the Unionist movement, and many Nationalists see this as a new dawn in Northern Irish politics. However, although this has a possibility to cause drastic changes to the political landscape north of the border, it might not be in the way that those focused on the sectarian divide might expect.
O’Neill has similarities to past leaders of Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. Having grown up during the Troubles and coming from a Republican background, many of her family members were members of the IRA. One of her cousins who was in the IRA was killed in an SAS ambush, while another one of her cousins was injured, also while serving in the IRA. Her father, through whom she would eventually become involved in politics, was imprisoned while serving in the IRA. With such connections, it’s unsurprising that she herself has attended memorials for many IRA members. In this sense, she has close connections to the IRA in the same way that former leaders like Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams would’ve had.
Where O’Neill breaks with this tradition, however, is in how these connections have not been the centrepiece of her public image. Her frst experience with Republican politics was working for her father, who had at that point been released from prison and was serving as a councillor.
Afer joining Sinn Féin in 1998, by which time the Good Friday Agreement had been signed and violence had mostly ceased, she worked as a researcher for the MLA France Molloy, until being elected to the Northern Irish Assembly in 2005. Tis culminated in her appointment as health minister in 2016, during which she repealed the ban on gay and bisexual men donating blood, and her election to the leadership in 2017, where she won out over former IRA
member Conor Murphy. Tis was seen by many as Sinn Fein ending its direct association with the IRA, representing a drastic
people through the cost of living crisis, in addition to voicing support for abortion rights, both issues unionist parties overlooked. Troughout the campaign, she claimed she would act as a “First Minister for All”, and even went so far as to promise to respect the Royal Family. Tis was a strategic decision since Sinn Féin has yet to win the argument on unifcation north of the border. A poll done by the Irish Times in November of last year gave the Union with Britain majority support, and a twenty point lead over unifcation with the Republic. For this reason, a strong case can be made that Sinn Féin won despite their Republican philosophy, rather than because of it.
of a British, a Unionist tradition…”, and in conversation with Sky News’ David Blevins refused to rule out attending unionist events such as Orange Marches. She used her frst speech to primarily discuss greater investment in public services and an end to public sector strikes, both of which with the aim of supporting people through the cost of living crisis.
In the afermath of this series of events, there is a possibility that senior Unionists have recognised their error and are attempting to change course.
Although her own family has connections to loyalist paramilitaries, the DUP’s new Deputy First Minister, Emma Little-Pengelly, has likely seen the value in working with O’Neill on these terms. Tis sentiment is displayed in her frst speech in her new position, when she acknowledges that “Michelle is an Irish Republican, and I’m a very proud Unionist. We will never agree on those issues. But what we can agree on is that cancer doesn’t discriminate, and our hospitals need to be fxed”.
Te fact that Northern Irish politics has reached such a stage grants us a glimmer of hope.
shif in the political landscape. Since assuming the leadership, O’Neill has downplayed her party’s Republicanism and violent roots. While campaigning prior to the 2022 Northern Irish Assembly elections, she avoided discussions on Irish unifcation. She instead focused on “bread and butter issues”, such as supporting
Sinn Féin’s victory was a psychological blow to unionists since this entitled O’Neill to become Northern Ireland’s frst Republican First Minister. As a result, the DUP boycotted Stormont, allowing Sinn Fein to present them as an obstacle to the efective governance of Northern Ireland. Another strategic decision made by Sinn Fein, this reduced the DUP’s popularity, and eventually led to them being pressured to end their boycott, allowing O’Neill to formally become First Minister at the beginning of the month.
In her frst speech in the role, she reiterated her promise to be a “First Minister for All”. In this speech, she pledged “cooperation… with those
Although both major party leaders come from sectarian backgrounds, First Minister O’Neill has set a new tone. Tis tone is one which focuses less on sectarian division, and more issues that economically support the people of Northern Ireland. Tis message is gaining traction, which is why the DUP has been forced to follow suit. Although unifcation likely remains out of reach in the long term, this may be a sign that sectarianism in Northern Ireland has been sidelined in favour of a more conventional and inclusive politics. Although it's understandable to have doubts due to the backgrounds of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, at this point, all we can do is have hope.
Another election season is upon us, with a handful of candidates promising to deliver for students and build upon, improve or completely reform what previous unions have done. Among the most prevalent campaign promises is that of engagement – several sabbatical hopefuls have pledged to fnally fx what has become a dark cloud hanging over the union’s head and increase the amount of people who engage in the union. However, when it comes to the ever-present issue of engagement in Trinity College Dublin Students Union (TCDSU), union members, sabbatical ofcers and election candidates too ofen fall into the trap of thinking about it wrong.
In every sabbatical election cycle in memory the topic of students' engagement with TCDSU has been on almost every candidate's lips. Many note the
individual courses to represent them, part-time ofcers (PTOs) and faculty convenors are elected within the union and up the very top, six sabbatical ofcers are elected by all students to represent the entire student body on a College and national level. Tis representative democracy on the College level means that each and every student in Trinity technically has someone representing their interests. It's a good system, in theory.
In practice, a large number of students likely see TCDSU less as a student union and more of an overblown student society. According to Trinity News polling, 38% of students feel represented by the union and 9% feel strongly represented, which is by no means a small number. However, 16% disagree with this sentiment, 11% strongly disagree and 26% have no opinion on the matter whatsoever. Some of those who feel unrepresented by the union might do so because they disagree with the policy and campaign decisions the union has taken. It is more likely, though, that most of these students see the union as a bubble they cannot enter. Tis isn’t to say that many union representatives don’t put the time and efort they feel is necessary to support students, or that they all see the union as a means of personal gains. Attitudes suggest, however, that energy spent on increasing engagement and making students aware of what the union actually does may be misdirected.
During elections cycles candidates spend so much time talking about the issue of engagement when in fact, if all of the sabbatical ofcers, parttime ofcers (PTO), faculty
convenors and union members are representing the students as they’ve been elected to do, the general student population should be able to feel the efects of the union’s work without having to be engaged with the union.
TCDSU has shown before that it can take direct, political action that gets to the heart of matters most afecting all students, such as the Book of Kells blockade last semester. For eight hours, roughly two dozen students across the day blocked the entrance to College’s cornerstone tourist attraction – approximately 0.15% of the student population. However, their eforts resulted in the Book of Kells shutting down, costing College thousands in tourist revenue.
Te protest, along with other lobbying, also resulted in College scrapping the 2% rent increase they had planned for Trinity accommodation. Tat action will be felt by all students living in Trinity accommodation next year regardless of whether they are engaged with the union, some of whom aren’t even in College yet.
Te political branch of union works, however, can also ofen devolve into administrative debates that go over students’ heads, including students closest to the union. Several union council meetings this year have been dominated by debates about changing the political remit of the union, allowing it to take harder and more radical stances than the union currently allows. While the union is in dire need of constitutional changes and support for these changes was shown through a student-driven petition of 500 signatures, these debates around the political nature of the union were consistently
driven by the same voices. Many class representatives at council meetings on behalf of entire course years ofen did not take part in these discussions, resulting in voices unheard and students feeling like they wasted two hours of their lives in the Stanley Quek lecture theatre. Failing to engage from within the union will only make it more insular. And if class representatives themselves don’t
students that this is not all the union does. Not all representation for students requires protests that will generate national attention or debates about overhauling the union. In many cases, what is most efective in getting students on board with the union is the day-today, ofen thankless, work behind the scenes, which ofen risks being overshadowed by politics.
Te roles of education and welfare and equality ofcers exemplify this. Much of their dayto-day work focuses on individual student case work - fghting for extensions, deferrals, dealing with student grievances, even being a shoulder for students to cry on in times of crisis. While academic and welfare issues can ofen be traced back to political issues, this grunt work is extremely important work on a very individual level, even if it is ofen not measured in the statistics we hear. Sometimes the students that reach out to these ofcers for help haven't even voted in sabbatical elections. Te role of a sabbatical ofcer is to represent all students, regardless of if they’ve voted in the election or even if they know who the sabbatical ofcers are. If ofcers are doing this well far more students are actually “engaged” with the union than voting statistics would imply.
feel represented, what is lef for students looking from the outside? TCDSU should not abandon its political aims or fail to address administrative issues; a union exists to push back against the crushing weight of housing, the cost of living and much more and it can only do so when its institutions are solid. However, the union should remind more
need to increase engagement with the union as a priority for them. We hear time and time again about how the general student population is disinterested in TCDSU and the union’s work. In a college of over 20,000 students this is unsurprising. Not every student will want to attend TCDSU council, go to union town halls or even vote in TCDSU elections.
Attendance at hustings this week, where sabbatical candidates have the opportunity to demonstrate how they can represent students, is largely attended only by campaign teams and journalists. 100% engagement with the union is, in many’s opinions, an unattainable goal.
Te way union representatives are decided does not appear to be the reason so many feel disconnected. Te way the union currently functions relies on a representative system. Class representatives are elected by their
A good union doesn’t rely on members to be fully engaged with every little thing it does. It recognises that the good it does should be felt by the maximum number of students possible regardless of whether those students know or care about TCDSU. A good union is one in which engagement doesn’t only mean seats in chairs and bodies at protests, but it means the students who simply go to lectures everyday and go home again know they too are represented. When they have peers that represent them in the union, sabbatical ofcers to go to when needed and their lives in College are improved by the union’s actions, that is enough. While fghting the good fght for students and bringing the needed changes to the union’s administrative issues, TCDSU must also ensure their members know there’s more to the union than a good protest.
In all these debates about union engagement sometimes it feels like TCDSU members want more engagement in the union not so students are more represented but instead so there are more students who can give them a pat on the back. Te entire student population is never going to have the will or the desire to engage with the union. However as long as they can feel the changes coming from the work the union does, both political and individual, that is enough.
layperson’s guide to be a responsible, plantbearing parent
The frst of its kind for Trinity News: Sébastien’s attempt at drafing a simple star-gazing guide for the year
Upending UCD’s nine-year winning streak, DULTC
Ladies claim gold at Intervarsities
Te all-female answer to the Knights of the Campanile has been formally restarted
Division 1A status looks unlikely for next year
College’s latest sport campaign aims to promote gender equality in sport
Enjoy a night of theatre at Bestseller
Codeswitching on dating apps
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liteartha Choláíste na Trionóide
What’s blooming with BotSoc?
Spotlight on: TMT’s
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want to go into the legal profession whether you are a law student or not.”
Refecting on the subcommittee’s objective, Houlihan said: “Ofentimes in more senior law positions in society, women are underrepresented despite being the majority of law graduates … Take the average law class, the gender ratio is quite in favour of women yet, for some reason when it comes to who is placed in the most senior positions, it is overwhelmingly men. Te founder of TWIL refected on that and was determined to empower women so that we can change this.”
International Women’s Day is celebrated every year on March 8. However, this year is diferent for Ireland. On this day, Irish people will also be asked to vote in two referendums. Tese proposed amendments provide a broader meaning to the concept of family under Article 41. Tey also remove Article 41.2 and replace it with a proposed Article 42B, bringing Irish women’s rights into the 21st century.
Trinity News spoke with Trinity Women in Law’s (TWIL) Events Ofcer Isobel Houlihan about the upcoming referendum and what it means for Irish people.
To give a bit of context on TWIL, it is a subcommittee of the Trinity Law Society. Celebrating its sixth year, the third-year law student described that it’s “still in its infancy.” Despite this, it’s been a “great success” in providing a “community … for women who
Te main event of the year is the Mentorship Programme. Houlihan refected on their latest launch of the program last October, where Noeline Blackwell — former CEO of the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre — was the Keynote Speaker at the event. In Blackwell’s speech, Houlihan recalled how “Noeline spoke about how much had changed in the last ffy years in Irish society and how sometimes circumstances can look really bad politically or culturally but over time if you persist … things can change and that they have changed. A lot of backtracking has happened in the last few years for the rights of women and minorities, so much so that it becomes very easy to become despondent for the future. Noeline’s speech really put into perspective for us young women that long-term change is possible even if in the short-term circumstances look really bad. I think it’s important to remember that.”
And it’s true: Ireland has changed a lot in the last ffy years with repealing the eighth amendment in 2018 and even further back to the Marriage Bar, which was abolished in 1973. Before this, women would have to give up their public service jobs once they married. Houlihan pointed out: “ Te Marriage Bar had a double efect. Firstly, creating direct discrimination by removing women from their jobs. Secondly, creating indirect discrimination by barring women from the most fnancially secure jobs in the country.”
Te lead-up to this 39th amendment constitution has been a long time coming.
In 2012, Te Constitutional Convention recommended several amendments to the constitution, including bringing more women into political positions, legalising gay marriage and also to make article 41.2 gender neutral including other carers both “in the home” and “beyond the home.”
Tey also recommended for the state “a reasonable level of support” to carers.
However, in 2024, the proposed wording is very diferent to this recommendation. Houlihan says the constitutional convention recommendations read as giving “a stronger likelihood that the wording would put an obligation on the state to support care in the home as opposed to the wording of the amendment that is being proposed now.”
She continues on this noting, “Overwhelmingly the democratic will is that there should be an obligation on the Government
to support this domestic labour but they have pushed a provision before us that only really gets rid of the over-sexist wording that frames domestic roles as solely a woman’s role. Tis provision is unlikely to give women or carers any substantive rights to support.”
“ Te Government’s wording is an attempt to make the Constitution look like it’s more progressive on its face, but this amendment is unlikely to actually progress any rights at all.”
And because it has taken so many years for this amendment to come, Houlihan says: “Some people hoped that there could be a progressive interpretation of Article 41.2 as it is, in the sense that women would not be forced to work and that they would support a woman’s choice through state fnancial support, but Article 41.2 historically has never given rise to such state support.”
In response to people encouraging a “no” vote to the proposed article 42B, Houlihan says: “Making it gender neutral does not erase the fact that it’s mostly women who perform such domestic roles, it just means that heterosexual couples where the man may prefer to ‘stay in the home’, or those who are not in heterosexual relationships can also potentially beneft.”
For those campaigning for a “no” vote on the Family Amendment, Houlihan questions: “But what do people mean when they say family?” She says: “ Tey are not talking about family as it comes in its many forms ... Ultimately, they are just recognising the nuclear family and purposely wish to not
support a lot of people out there who exist diferently. Irish society has changed. Many people now compared to the past do not believe that marriage as a legal construct is necessary for long, fulflling, and loving relationships. If you really care about the welfare of the family as a social unit, whether they be single-parent families, unmarried families et cetera, you would recognise the need to update the legal defnition of the family to refect the social meaning.”
Refecting on her connection with the proposed amendment, Houlihan says: “My mom got divorced a few years back. Te support for single parents like her just is not there. In my late teens I was lucky to have my step-father come into my life and he has had an overwhelmingly supportive role. Yet, my mother, my stepfather and I, we are not recognised as a family, even though I would recognise my step-father as my true father.”
“ Te passing of this amendment would mean a lot to me. My mother, my step-father and I, we could fnally be seen as a family, that would be nice.”
For anyone contemplating whether to use their vote or not, Houlihan acknowledges that while it can be looked at as both an improvement and a disappointment, “some change is better than no change. I guess we cannot expect legislative and constitutional reform to always occur perfectly in line with the democratic will.”
“Progress isn’t perfect, sometimes you have to do it incrementally.”
As we approach the mid-way point of the semester, the end is in sight for fnal year students. Only a few short weeks (and a frightening amount of work) stand between us and graduation. Endings like this bring about a lot of refection, on some of the best moments and the worst, as well as those that could’ve been. For the class of 2024, the frst group to enter college during the pandemic, there have been a lot of moments lost. Te excitement of freshers’ week, the buzz of campus life, the routine of in-person classes – all absent for half of our time at college. Tere is a sense of restlessness in the air as we try to make up for lost time, cramming in what’s lef on our college bucket lists before the summer arrives. Whether it’s joining the ultimate frisbee club, volunteering for the Trinity Arts Festival, or writing for a campus publication, I’m sure most of us are doing all that we can to take part in college life for our fnal semester.
public parks, I no longer believe that there is any right way to “do college”. Yes, many of us are taking on too much in lieu of our imminent departure, but I do believe that this is better than the “too little” we took on during the Covid era, so I think I’m at peace with the current state of panic we’re all in. Getting involved in college life is a daunting task for any new student, but for those of us who had to do this digitally, it was a monumental challenge. Trying to fnd your place in the endless labyrinth of societies, clubs, and teams was not easy when sat in your bedroom, far out of reach from any physical realities. Even afer the fnal lockdown was lifed, it remained difcult for many to get involved, as we were nearing our third year of study and, in many ways, it felt as though it was too late to be starting from scratch. Going to a society event for the frst time can ofen feel like you’re awkwardly trying to join somebody else’s friend group. It’s as though society life is a game of jump-rope, always looping around and impossible to join in on, let alone stay in. Te feeling of being an outsider has probably been more prevalent for our year than most others. Despite its rocky start, many of us have managed to make the most of our far-from-traditional college experiences. We have now had two years of normality to compensate for those years lost, and that time has not been taken for granted. Whether we’re writing shows for Players, hosting casual book clubs, or forming alt-rock bands, the class of 2024 have certainly turned lemons into lemonade and found new ways to connect and create meaning throughout our time in Trinity.
Now, with only a few weeks lef to go, the focus is shifing towards life afer graduation. Students are rushing to fnd opportunities that might fuf-up their CV, schedule meetings with supervisors and career counsellors, and apply for grad programs (afer googling exactly what a grad program is). Te future is in sight, but that doesn’t mean we’re all ready for it.
In many ways, it feels as though we have only just begun to settle into college life, and as quickly as we have arrived, we have to go. Although it is terribly exciting to have the rest of our lives waiting for us, with a thousand pathways we could take towards our futures, leaving the familiar structure of the education system will surely bring some challenges. Soon, the world will be whatever we make of it. While some of us are busy applying for grown-up jobs and master’s programs, others are planning to emigrate to whichever European city ofers the cheapest rent prices. Tere will be a number of tearyeyed farewells this autumn as we depart from our community and the lives we have led thus far to go on and create new ones.
Although college for the Covid cohort has been less than ideal in many ways, I wouldn’t trade my experience for the world. Trough a couple of online group chats and awkward frst meetings, I have met some of the most amazing people who I hope to have in my life for many years to come. Te lessons we have learned, the friendships we have forged, and the memories we have made have been worth the untraditional route it took to get here. Now it is time to take what our years in college have given us and hope that it’s enough to help us survive the big scary unknown of the rest of our lives.
Some of you may be thinking, “Well, isn’t your fnal semester the worst possible time to take on extra-curriculars when you have a dissertation to write?” And to this I say, “Yes. Yes, it is.” I do not recommend trying to ft four years of college experiences into one semester, especially when you have the largest project of your academic career tapping on the glass for your attention. However, afer years spent attending classes via zoom in tea-stained pyjamas, and making friends over cans in
Ayear afer discovering that I was queer, I downloaded my frst dating app. Being only 15, my app of choice was one called Yellow –later renamed Yubo – which was marketed to teenagers as a place to “make friends” and “meet new people”. Conveniently, this app mimicked the swipe-and-match interface of Tinder and Bumble, so it was no surprise that my peers and I used it for the same purpose. Now, at 22 years old, I have accumulated a delightful and shameful eight years of experience on the apps, which, for better or for worse, has taught me several things about digital dating.
First and foremost, I have learned that creating your profle is a delicate art. You should include a bio, but it shouldn’t be too long or too short. List your interests, but don’t be too basic – no “pints”, “TV”, or “music”. It’s best to have at least two attractive photos (to prove you’re not a monster), one funny one (to prove you’re not too serious), and one taken with friends (to prove you’re not a loner). Miniscule details such as cringe-worthy Snapchat flters or unfattering angles could be the diference between a potential match swiping lef or right. Because of this, we all make sure to put our best foot forward and present the most attractive version of ourselves on dating apps. Tis subtle manipulation of our own presentation conveniently pushes the parts of ourselves we deem least desirable to the background, letting us switch between our real and refned selves at whim.
Tis strategically selective process is, in my opinion, a digital form of code-switching. Codeswitching, while originally a term used in linguistics to describe alternating between two or more languages, has taken on a second, colloquial meaning in recent years. It now also refers to the process of intentionally presenting or concealing certain parts of your identity, such as ethnicity or sexuality, to best adapt to
specifc situations and gain social approval. While everyone on dating apps is doing this to some extent, I believe that queer people experience an added pressure to code-switch when using the apps, as we are a minority within an overwhelmingly heteronormative user base.
From the queer men in my life, I have learned that there is ofen pressure for queer men to conceal their more efeminate traits while dating, as they are ofen expected to perform masculinity if they want to fnd a partner. Although this issue is prevalent among queer men dating other men, it is especially pertinent for those dating women. Te pressure to present an edited version of the self causes queer people to code-switch when using the apps, reducing themselves to an acceptable, heteronormative version of who they actually are.
In my own experience, I have found this process of reduction to be a tiresome efort. As someone who has dated various genders, I’ve learned that diferent demographics require diferent approaches, whether it’s the way I communicate, the pictures I choose to feature, or the parts of my personality I choose to highlight.
Over time, I have noticed that I tend to code-switch depending on both the gender I am swiping on, and the app that I am using.
On mainstream dating apps, there is more of a need for codeswitching as its users are a mixture of queer and straight people, and there is a greater sense of heteronormativity built into their interfaces. Take Bumble, for instance. Its interface was designed with only straight couples in mind, as its unique selling point of women texting frst becomes redundant and impossible to implement when it comes to samegender couples. Oversights like this alienate queer users and make queer-centred apps much more desirable to us. While Tinder, Bumble, and Hinge are the mostused mainstream dating apps, HER and Grindr are two popular queer alternatives. For those who are monosexual, i.e. individuals who are attracted to a singular gender only, such as gay or straight people, the mainstream apps can be a perfectly viable option. However, for those dating beyond the binary, there is a bit more to consider. Apps that are exclusively queer are ofen favoured by this demographic as they ofer a much more comfortable environment for their users, and centre queer people as the rule and not the exception.
As someone who has used both mainstream and queer apps, my experience has varied greatly depending on which box I tick
under “looking for: men, women, or all”. When I am presenting myself to men, I ofen fnd myself reduced to a heteronormative, 2D version of myself, but when I am presenting for women and non-binary people, I feel more comfortable being authentically myself and expressing my queerness freely. Because of this, queer dating apps have always provided a more authentic experience for me, and require less efort when it comes to codeswitching.
Internalised gender roles also have a signifcant impact on the ways in which I code-switch. I have ofen felt boxed in by the role thrust upon me when I date straight men. Having to be the “woman” to someone’s “man” changes how I present myself and how I behave on the apps, from selecting more revealing photos to being more hypersexual when messaging. However, when I am dating other queer people, I am not restricted to this gender role, and I am given the freedom to be unapologetically myself (or as much as I can be on a dating app). While historically men have appreciated the highly feminised, heteronormative version of me, my fellow women tend to appreciate a more authentic presentation, which is more achievable on queer-centred apps as they were not designed with only straight couples in mind.
On the mainstream apps, I fnd myself constantly codeswitching between a “straight” and a “gay” version of me, toggling my queerness on and of. While this is ultimately, the product of a heteronormative society, what could help prevent this issue is a reimagining of the dating app interface altogether. If we were to design an app which doesn’t reduce people to such fnite versions of who they truly are, many of us wouldn’t feel forced to “pick a side” when it comes to queer dating.
So long as dating apps exist in the format that they currently do, their users will have to continue bending themselves to the whims of the app’s features and reducing their identities to easily digestible profles with little room for nuance. What queer dating apps succeed at, is reducing this efort, at least marginally, as their features are not entrenched in heteronormative ideas of dating.
To any queer students reading this, I would suggest that you ditch Tinder for HER, and Bumble for Grindr, so you too can spend less time presenting yourself within the rigid constructs of heteronormativity, and more time fnding matches as your genuine self.
An bhfuil tú go maith?
Mar tá tú ag féachaint go maith.
Cloiseann
Gaeilgeoirí na briathra meala den saghas seo níos minice ná a mhalairt ar Tinder. Gan amhras is fearr linn an beart seo ná an teaictic chliúsaíochta chun litriú ár n-ainmneacha a chíoradh agus an easpa céille (dóibh) a luaigh. Cé a dúirt go bhfuil deireadh leis an rómánsúlacht?
Cloíonn na Casanóvaí flistíneach seo lena mantra; “ná bain leis mura bhfuil sé briste” ach, i gcás Tinder, dar ndóigh bhí rud ar leith briste le tamall anois. Le hardú ar chásanna de chluain fíorúil a chur ar dhuine, tá an mhuinín a bhfuil ag daoine sna haipeanna seo ag dul i léig. Dá bhrí sin b’éigean dúinn an cheist a chur; An fú na haipeanna coinne seo, nó an chóir dúinn iad a chaitheamh san aer?
D’ath-íoslódáil mé Tinder agus Hinge le déanaí díreach do chúiseanna taighde (ní amháin go raibh Lá Fhéile Vailintín ag druidim linn!) agus faraor géar tá sé fíor gur éirigh mo chorp stromptha agus mé á athoscailtní ag déanamh áibhéile atá mé! Is beag an baol gur éirigh liom ar na haipeanna cheana má táim ag scríobh an ailt seo ach, déanta na fírinne, rinne mé iarracht thar lear. Ach ar mhí-ámharaí an tsaoil dá mba rud é go bhfuil; ‘Anseo ar Erasmus’ mar chuid do do ‘bio’, tá teachtaireacht amháin á sheoladh
agat.. ní mhairfdh an margadh seo i bhfad! Tar éis easpa torthaí fádtéarmach agus mórmhór torthaí foghlamtha chuir sé masmas orm an cófra Phandóra a athoscailt tar éis mo thaithí thar lear… an ndealraíonn sé gur leibide mé i ndiaidh seo a admháil daoibh.
Ar an gcéad dul síos, chuamar i ngleic le haipeanna coinne sna 2000idí chun míchompord ár sochaí frithshóisialta a sheachaint. Ár nglúin bhocht; níor thógadh muid don chultúr ‘dms’ agus íomhánna lomnochta; tagann fuarallas orainn fú ag smaoineamh faoi choinne leis an dochtúir a chur in áirithe, gan trácht ar chuireadh a thabhairt do dhuine éigin dul chuig an bpictiúrlann linn! Is é fadhb mhór na linne seo ná go bhfuil orainn trácht agus comparáid a dhéanamh idir ár gcaidreamh féin agus scéalta grá ár dtuistí. Formhór dóibh; bhuaileadar lena chéile i mbeár, bhí glaonna fada teileafóin acu, roinneadar ‘bedsits’, agus cheannaíodar teach ag fche bliain d’aois (táim ar mire ag smaoineamh faoi!). Ní iontas ar bith é go bhfuil orainn rómánsú a dhéanamh ar ár siúlóid chuig an siopa chun rud a chinnt a mhothú. Níl i ndóthain rómansúlacht inár gcuid caidrimh na laethanta seo agus is mórán fanaise doshéanta iad na cailíní uilig gafa le “Mr. Darcy” agus “Mr. Rochester”. Ní feadair cad atá cearr linn nach féidir linn bualadh agus siúl amach le daoine sa chaoi chéanna lenár dtuistí. An é gur glúin na ngeanc muid; an bhfuil ár gcuid caighdeáin ró-ard agus curtha as riocht de dheasca na meáin sóisialta? Nó an gá dúinn go díreach an faitíos a bhfuil againn teipeadh a shárú?
B’furasta a smaoineamh faoina haipeanna seo cosúil le físchluichí; ‘Subway surfers’ agus a leithéad. Ar an dóigh chéanna a bhlaiseann an t-uachtar reoite ab ansa leat le linn d’óige anois; mothaíonn na grafaicí iontach bréagach. Freisin cruthaíonn na pictiúir ar chaighdeán íseal mothúcháin as cor ionam. Is cuimhin liom ‘ag imirt’ Tinder le mo chairde ar an traein ar an tslí abhaile ón nGaeltacht; díreach mar foinse siamsaíochta, ag smaoineamh faoi mar chluiche
in ionad suíomh chun grá a aimsiú. Bhíodh muid ag gáire, ag tabhairt measúnú, agus ag fanacht do na teachtaireachtaí náireach ó strainséirí, gan riamh buaileadh leo ina dhiaidh. Bhíomar ag tapáil is ag ‘swipe-eáil’ gan stró ach rinneamar dearmad gur daoine dhaonna iad agus chuir sé ina luí orainn gur féidir bata agus bóthar a thabhairt beag beann ar na hiarmhairtí. Ní dearcadh dearfach ar an saol é seo, agus dar ndóigh is cultúr mífolláin é.
anois. Níl sé dodhéanta teacht ar dhuine éigin sách macánta ar na haipeanna seo, ach braitheann sé ar cibé aip a úsáideann tú. Is acmhainn den céad scoth iad mura bhfuil aithne agat ar dhaoine mórthimpeall na háite. Mar shampla, íoslódálann cuid mhaith de dhaoine na haipeanna den sórt seo ar Erasmus agus b’féidir go rithfeadh an t-ádh leo agus beidh leannán nó díreach páirtí chun teanga nua a cleachtadh. Ní mholfainn triail a bhaint as i d’áit dúchais féin (go háirithe más as an tuath tú) mar beidh col ceathracha, cairde do dheartháireacha agus deirfúracha agus fú múinteoirí meánscoile le feiceáil agat sa pholl d’áit seo. Deirtear gur aipeanna coiscthe iad i nGaillimh mar shampla, i gcomparáid le Baile Átha Cliath ina mbíonn mór le rá faoi. Ar ndóigh tá scagairí ar leith ar fáil dúinn chun an tubaiste doshamhlaithe a sheachaint ach is deacair an rud é ag cur isteach gach uile chol ceathrair agus chara do dheartháir! Chun an fírinne a rá níl na ‘jumpscares’ seo ag teastáil uaim … ní fú é an fontar!
Spring is on the horizon; change is on the way. Soon, we will be able to shrug of our cosy jumpers and faunt some skin. Trinity’s Fashion Society took this season of change as thematic inspiration for this year’s annual fashion show. According to Chairperson Yasmin Ryan, the theme–Primavera–celebrates the four seasons as well as the four years she has been a Trinity student.
to the point where sometimes the light was shining directly into the models’ faces–creating a whitewashed efect–while at other points, the illumination was too dark to appreciate the outfts fully.
Further, the palettes of each outft were not all that synonymous with the seasons. If it wasn’t for the switch in lighting cues, the change in seasons would be difcult to comprehend based solely on the looks alone. Whereas the show began with Catriona Duyile’s brilliantly yellow mini dress, signifying summer efectively, model Sadie Benson’s blue and white foor-length dress–while beautiful–failed to represent spring in my opinion.
Despite these minor hiccups, the show triumphed on multiple fronts. Some notable merits include the location, diversity,
brilliance.
Te diversity of models in terms of gender, ethnicity, and sizing proved a refreshing choice considering the prevailing exclusivity of the fashion industry.
Te same can be said for the designers, as many source their material from within Ireland, which further accentuates the society’s commitment to thoughtful inclusiveness.
Model Rosie Fogarty’s look, for example, displayed Claire Garvey’s handiwork: an eye-catching, redgemmed dress and matching trousers. Tis fashion-forward Dublin-based designer not only has a couture shop in Dublin but has also been featured in multiple fashion weeks and the most recent Oscars.
Creideann muid de bharr na haipeanna seo gur ionann abhatár amháin agus abhatár eile. Ach, ní haon ionadh go bhfuil an meon seo againn nuair a feictear gach uile bhuachaill ar Hinge díreach ag lorg duine chun caife a ól leo. Ina theannta seo, bíonn an pictiúr ceannann céanna de ghrúpa lads ag EP lena spéaclaí eitleora gan t-léine orthu. I gcónaí bíonn triúr sa phictiúr fosta agus chuirfeadh sé mearbhall ar dhuine mar; Cé leis a bhfuilim ag tabhairt an diabhal ‘like’ chuig?
Ní haon chur i gcéill í a bheith gafa leis na haipeanna seo. Faighimid cic dopaimín ón atreisiú dearfach den ‘match’, le meascán faitíos den diúltú agus sceitimíní go bhfuil duine eile tógtha leat. Cuid mhaith dúinn, níl fú grá nó céile féideartha á lorg againn agus muid ag ‘scróláil’ gan stró. Ina theannta seo, bíonn fontar ann go bhfuil páirtí ag daoine cheana féin agus nach bhfuil ach deis uastrádáil ag teastáil uathu. Is oth liom a rá gur eachtra coitianta é, dar le mo chairde, an chaint gan iarraidh a chuirtear ar ár gcoirp sna teachtaireachtaí ar an aip. Cara eile, dúirt sí go raibh an cumhdach bainte de roinnt fr le fuath amach is amach do mhná.
In ainneoin seo, caithfdh mé a rá go bhfuil aithne agam ar a laghad triúr a bhuail lena comhpháirtí ar Hinge/Tinder agus fós tá siad ag siúl amach le chéile le cúpla mhí
De réir dealraimh is léir gurb é an rud is tábhachtaí in easnamh ón phróiseas seo; ná an splanc idir beirt. Conas a éiríonn siad lena chéile- ní an chaoi ina luíonn siad lena chéile (ach dar ndóigh is gné thábhachtach í sin freisin!). Conas an féidir linn an splanc seo a chinntiú? Ceist mhaith; ar dtús báire déan cinnte go bhfuil ar a laghad cúpla rud i gcoitinne eadraibh. Ní gá daoibh aontú lena chéile ar gach aon taobh ach beidh sé deacair labhairt lena chéile mura bhfuil fú rud amháin ina bhfuil suim agaibh. An dara rud, agus an rud is tábhachtaí dar liom ná; na ‘vibes’... sin é an ‘ceimic’ eadraibh. Go pearsanta is fíor rud é an fuinneamh idir beirt agus b’féidir gur smaoineamh gan mórán téagair é ach mothaím é go domhain. Ní hé seo go díreach go bhfuil dúil agaibh ina chéile.. ach tá rud níos breise fós; ‘je ne sais quoi’ a chuireann muid ag smaoineamh. Mar a dúirt Peig; ba chóir do dhuine “(lasadh) suas mar bhladhmfadh tor seanaitinn feoite nuair a chuirfá tine fé nuair a luaitear a ainm os a comhair.”
Cinnte, b’féidir nach bhfuil mise an duine is cáilithe chun saineolas grá a roinnt ach fós, dar liom féin tá sé deacair teacht ar nasc den chineál seo díreach ó grianghraif duine a feiceáil. Ach, b’féidir gur soineanta an mhaise dom a leithéid a rá mar ní hé sin fú cuspóir na haipeanna den chineál seo ar chor ar bith. Ag cur seo san áireamh b’féidir gurb iad na haipeanna seo bun agus barr gach oilc seans nach gá dúinn fáil réidh leo go hiomlán, pé scéal é tá cúis ar leith dóibh.
Comprising forty models, the show was split into four sections: summer, fall, winter, and spring. Each ensemble harmonised with the showcased season, radiating dazzling colours for summer and embracing layered silhouettes with cool blue hues for winter.
While each look was charming in its own right, the fnale was the most striking. Crafed by designer Leah Cohen and gracefully modelled by Lucy Arbuthnott, the head-to-toe monotone red ensemble–complete with tights, gloves, and a veil–lef an indelible impression. Te show exuded professionalism and savoir-faire, which is a testament to the collective efort of the approximately one hundred individuals who brought the show to life.
While undeniably successful, some shortcomings were hard to overlook. Te concept of coordinating spotlight colours with the seasons was ingenious, yet the execution fell short. Te placement of the lighting was inconsistent
and unique theme. To begin with, the show was held in Trinity’s exam hall, as opposed to last year’s EPIC Museum location. Hosting the event on campus allowed for a greater sense of community and connection to college. Transforming a space typically associated with dread and stress into a vibrant, creative environment was a stroke of
In regards to the theme, Primavera utilised seasonal transformation as a metaphor for the ever-evolving nature of both fashion and life itself. Much like the shifing seasons, each section brought its own distinct energy, colours, and moods to the runway, creating a dynamic and immersive experience for the audience. Te runway, a emblematic canvas, became a living representation of the human experience, evolving with the passage of time.
Beyond these visuals, the
atmospheric mood of the performance played a crucial role in elevating the overall experience. Te lighting, despite minor inconsistencies, succeeded in crafing a transformative ambiance. It mirrored the shifing seasons, casting warm, golden hues during summer and cooler tones for winter.
Primavera didn’t merely show of gorgeous clothing–it imagined a narrative that resonated with the universal themes of growth, transformation, and the cyclical nature of life–akin to progressing through four years of college. As the models gracefully glided through the changing seasons, the audience was transported into a realm where fashion became a refection of the human journey.
Chances are if you frequent the Arts Block, you’re more than familiar with Bestseller, Dawson Street’s cosiest cofee shop. But did you know that the dimly lit seating area also doubles as a wine bar and dinner theatre in the evening? Whether you have never been to Bestseller before or you’re a regular, you have to check out their evening entertainment. For the chill, exhausted student who needs a night out that’s not too crazy, watching a performance over a glass (or two) of wine and a charcuterie board is a great way to decompress afer the library or a hard day of smoking outside the Arts Block.
On a normal evening, Bestseller shuts of lights at 6:00pm for the evening, its green signage lying in darkness and its red and white striped awning rolled up to protect it from the wind characteristic of a Dublin night.
But tonight the cast has been preparing and the food is being prepped. Te normal tables and chairs of the upper seating area have been sectioned of from the counter by a curtain marking the back of the theatre while a makeshif stage is rolled out mere millimetres away from closest audience members. Tis seating has been closed to its normal customers since 5:30pm, but Bestseller will stay open later tonight.
drink so make sure to show up with plenty of time because once the curtains open and the play starts, no more orders will be taken. Seating is unassigned but not to worry, the Glass Mask Teatre advertises as a theatre “where every seat is a front row seat”. Now, if you are easily overstimulated this probably doesn’t sound like a ringing endorsement, but there are in fact seats further from the stage from where you can enjoy the show with room to breathe. With the extra room, you may also be less likely to knock over your wine glass in the dark while shifing your seating position or reaching for another slice of cheese (disclosure: advice is not derived from personal experience).
So you’ve taken your seat and settled in with your acquired treats, the candles from each individual table have been removed, and you’ve gone to the bathroom just in case to avoid the risk of not being let back in. Te faint lighting of overhead bulbs wanes even further setting the audience into complete darkness. Te show is about to start.
Ross Gaynor. Tickets are €20 on Mondays and Tuesdays, and €2225 from Wednesday to Saturday. Debuting on February 6, the show runs until March 2. Overwhelmed by school and not able to make it? Not too worry, the Glass Mask Teatre will be back on March 19 for the showing of Mother and Child. With its continuous rotation of performances, there’s no excuse and while a €20 ticket (with the evident glass of wine and antipasto board) may sound dear, and girl math does not work in my favour in convincing you to attend as you’ll be more sober and painfully aware of the money you’re spending, it’s probably not much more than the last night out you went on.
At this point, you’ve gotten your post-worthy pictures to prove to everyone that you do fun stuf and project a bougie vibe, if deceivingly so. It almost doesn’t matter how the play goes, right? Well, it is always an added bonus when it’s enjoyable.
He stands motionless, centre stage. Not a twitch, an expression of foreboding and pain fxed in place, fooding the room with a presence more profound than the lights and music combined.
Suddenly everyone is in motion. Moving back and forth across the stage, setting up the props, two chairs with a box underneath to signify the front seat of a car. A nineteen year old Jamie sits next to his girlfriend and it’s clear there’s something wrong. Is it the stolen car? Te fact that no matter how far they run they will never be able to get away?
mind, I highly recommend the experience. Bestseller’s personal atmosphere allows the audience to truly engage with the play with a
Te show starts at 7:00pm, but doors open at 6:00pm for food and
Running under 75 minutes, the Glass Mask Teatre presents the Irish premiere of Country Music by Simon Stephens, directed by
Te curtains open and a blue haze emanates from upstage. Ominous music enters the atmosphere with a jolt, making the audience jump. While it flls the air, the blue lights morph into a red glow that lights up a man’s fgure.
In four scenes, the play dives into the psyche of a rough Dublin lad forced to grow up too fast. Each scene presents a signifcant shif in time. We see Jamie at 19, 29, 39 and then again at 19. Each scene was a full immersion into this story of murder and heartache. When the characters smoked, the actors smoked, flling the room with that distinct smell of tobacco. Each chew of a piece of candy or crunch of a crisp was seen by the audience. With its intimate setting, the play felt more like a conversation between audience and storyline. Whether the performance strikes your fancy, or you end up bored out of your
perfectly lit ambiance.
Te close-knit environment truly allows the actors to invoke emotion through their performance: the intention of all good and important art.
examines the historic roots of Palestine’s cuisine and the shameless appropriation of its dishes
The cuisine of Palestine is a wonder of the culinary arts steeped in history and oozing with culture which has been meticulously cultivated over thousands of years. Te invasions of the Arab Umayyad, Persian Abbasids and Ottoman Turks, from the 7th century onwards, brought about dramatic advancements in Palestinian cuisine with the introduction of a myriad of ingredients and cooking techniques such as cumin and za’atar — a highly unique and pungent spice blend synonymous with Middle Eastern cuisine whose roots originated from Palestine.
Te countries that border Palestine have had a diverging efect on the country’s cuisine with three predominant culinary regions present across the country in Galilee, West Bank and Gaza. Each region has their own unique oferings and their dishes incorporate ingredients related to its surroundings. For example, fsh is a foundational ingredient in the cuisine of Gaza due to it being on the coast of the Mediterranean where fruits of the sea are plentiful. Dishes associated with
the culinary landscape of Gaza are marked by the colourful traces of Mediterranean-style cooking with a staple being sayadieh (fsherman’s dish), a hearty stew of rice and fsh fllets simmered in a broth laced with the warmth of cumin and turmeric. Tis is also served with lashings of fresh herbs and nuts. It is a gastronomic speciality that emphasises the importance of the fshing industry to the livelihoods of Gazans and translates their love of the sea into a material piece of that feeling. However, the blockade of Gaza which started in 2007 and the ongoing siege of the region by Israeli forces has laid waste to its number of food imports with recent UN data showing that just 2% of total food deliveries actually
tower-like structure with layers of long grain rice, aubergine, onions and lamb or chicken meat. Tese foors of food are placed in a pot with various essential spices and cooked slowly in the rich broth produced by the chunks of meat, before the pot is heaved and upended triumphantly onto a large plate for serving.
Maqluba has also become a symbol of defance during times of confict as numerous portions of the dish were cooked to feed Palestinian protestors at Al-Aqsa in 2018. Te coordinator of this act of courage in front of Israeli forces, Khadija Khweis, stated: “ Te true maqluba is not made with rice, chicken and vegetables but with steadfastness, persistence and perseverance and with shouts and cheers when fipped upside down.”
Te Israeli occupation of the country from 1948, known as the Nakba, has signalled the shameless appropriation of Palestinian culture, the genocide of countless innocent people, and the displacement of many, many more. In regards to the cuisine of Palestine, some of its most revered gastronomic gems such as hummus, shakshuka and maqluba,
have had their Palestinian foundations discarded by Israelis who falsely forged ownership of these goods—a remarkable showing of how fervently obsessed zealous supporters of Zionism are with trying to plunder Palestine’s
Many Palestinians have been cornered into the besieged sliver of land known as the Gaza Strip while their most essential services are reduced to rubble and Israeli forces immorally massacre with utmost prejudice. On 11 February 2024, the southern Gazan territory of Rafah, inhabited by vast numbers of Palestinian refugees was bombarded in what is possibly one of the most atrocious cases of crimes against humanity committed in the 21st century. It is as clear as day that this a crusade permitted to continue for far too long while international authorities turn a blind eye to the blatant war crimes being orchestrated currently by Benjamin Netanyahu.
enter Gaza. Tis also accounts for their fsh supplies as boats are relentlessly being bombarded by Israeli artillery.
Te monumental destruction being done to the fshing industry and food importation has forced citizens to adapt in the face of oppression. People have turned to preparing dishes using only local produce instead of relying on external goods. An example of this is shakshuka (mixed), as many can locally procure tomatoes and eggs. Shakshuka is a traditional Middle Eastern breakfast dish that consists of eggs sofly poached in a warm and tangy nest of tomato sauce and enriched with the kick of garlic, heat of paprika and coriander to contrast these punchy favours.
Tere is a prominent sense of community within Palestinian cooking and cuisine as sizable portions of dishes are ofen made to be shared amongst a group of people. Tis displays the unifying power that cooking provides for the Palestinian people. No fner dish brings people together in the country’s cookbook than Maqluba (upside down). Maqluba is a historic delicacy of the Levantine period with the dish’s presentation being notably remarkable as it comes in the form of a beautiful
magnifcent cultural and culinary tapestry. Tis confict has claimed the lives of over 28,000 Palestinians since 7 October 2023 and tens of thousands more prior to this most recent eruption of bloodshed.
Terefore it is imperative that we proactively make an efort to keep the fres of Palestinian cuisine alive in Ireland through supporting restaurants with Palestinian roots like Te Cedar Tree and Bethlehem along with generating never-ending awareness around the terrible events unfolding in the country. Otherwise we shall bear witness to the complete eradication of a country’s entire culture at the hands of cruel forces.
outlines the woes and comforts of Valentine’s Day for the average Valentine’s Day sceptic
Ihave never met anyone who is wholly unafected by Valentine’s Day. Tere is one half that eagerly awaits this day while the other half absolutely resents it to the point of indignation. In all honesty, up until writing this article, I had always been a member of the latter gang.
Most single people secretly
ironically, is a word a lot of us claim to hate. I can make a fairly confdent prediction that those who scorn Valentine’s Day will be reading this article with more intrigue than others.
I am, by no means, Cupid telling you how to fnd your soulmate or how to fnd a date this Valentine’s Day, but it can be enriching to learn about the history of the day. It is the one day of the entire year that we could all spread a little love. Afer all, the world needs that right now!
Saint Valentine, as we know, is connected to Valentine’s Day. Given that the Catholic church recognised three diferent Saint Valentines, the custom has three distinctive backstories. According to a tale, Claudius II, the Roman Emperor, forbade young men from getting married because he thought unmarried men were better soldiers than married ones. Valentine, a priest, defed the law by surreptitiously marrying young lovers. Unfortunately, he was imprisoned and then beheaded for disobeying the emperor. Te other legend suggests that an imprisoned Valentine wrote his last letter to a girl he fell in love with and signed the letter with the much-used expression “from your Valentine.” According to a lesser-known legend, Valentine may have been killed trying to help Christians escape harsh Roman prisons. While these stories don’t have the happiest endings, Saint Valentine still represents hope, bravery and romanticism.
connected to love as the result of a tradition. Bachelors would select a single woman’s name from an urn, with whom they would then
Tis concept, unfortunately, is still prevalent in many parts of the world but not in Japan. In Japan, receiving gifs from women is quite a conventional concept. According to the ancient Japanese text, Kojiki, the sun goddess Amaterasu, the highest Shinto deity in Shinto mythology, is said to have given her grandson Ninigino-mikoto three pieces of royal regalia: Yasuka curved beads, a mirror, and the Kusanagi sword. Tis displays how the tradition of female gif-giving has transcended into Japanese culture.
explores how to deal with imposter syndrome when making friends in collegeBY FAYE DOLAN FOR TRINITY NEWS
tend to look forward to this day as much as couples do ( trust me, I know!). A survey conducted on over 15,000 Hinge users suggested that the majority of Gen Z users are actually looking for something more “traditional”: love. Which,
Furthermore, some people also believe that Valentine’s Day was not created to honour Saint Valentine, but to paganise Lupercalia. It was a festival celebrated in the middle of February to honour Faunus, the Roman god of agriculture. Te celebration then became
be matched for an entire year: basically a super long blind date, or a free trial. I barely manage to complete free trials for gym memberships, so honestly, even I do not fnd this appealing, but we have plenty of stories to choose from so don’t lose hope yet.
If you are a logic driven individual and refuse to be swayed by these tragedies, then I am here to tell you that Valentine’s Day is also celebrated because February is the mating month for birds. Love is literally in the air!
So why not spread some love this Valentines day? My advice to you would be that if you have a little crush on someone, stop overthinking it and making excuses to hate this day. Be brave and make your move! I am aware that admitting your feelings can be intimidating, especially as a woman. For quite a while, society upheld the notion that men should proclaim their feelings for women frst and not the other way around.
In 1936, Morozof Ltd., a confectionary company, introduced Valentine’s Day to Japan for foreign residents living in Kobe. Valentine’s Day became a part of Japanese customs. Tere were just a few tweaks to the celebration. As mythology suggests, it is usually the women who give the gifs. Interestingly, celebrating Galentine’s Day may be a relatively modern concept in other parts of the world, but not in Japan. In Japan, Valentine’s Day is not about celebrating your partner, but about appreciating all of your loved ones. While the partners receive Honmei Choco, “true feelings” chocolates, the friend from the HR department gets Giri Choco or obligatory chocolates. Te girls get Tomo chocolates or friend chocolates. In my opinion, your girlfriends deserve the most amount of chocolates for supporting you.
Te appreciation on Valentine’s Day in Japan may sound like it is one-sided considering it is only the women who show their afection, but fortunately, their love is not unrequited. White Day (March 14) is the day that partners reciprocate this gesture of gif giving and appreciation with deeper afection referred to as Sambai Kaeshi (threefold reciprocation).
For many people, Valentine’s Day, whether it be in Japan or Ireland, is just a commercial construct. Companies make use of Valentine’s Day as a pretext to promote their products, ensuring that the occasion remains relevant. Nonetheless, your vehement dislike for this day because you see red hearts or chocolates everywhere is not always the most valid response. One does not necessarily have to be in a committed relationship to celebrate the day. You could just appreciate the amazing people in your life! Besides, you could always be sad before or afer eating chocolates but not while eating them! Go out and buy some chocolates or bake some warm brownies and if you are not doting on anyone else, then appreciate yourself that day. You’re doing great. We all need to hear that once in a while. While Valentine’s Day has passed for this year, don’t worry - it will come around again and hopefully you’ll remember this then.
Now that I’ve roped you into reading this, (because everyone loves doing the opposite of what they’re told) I’ll have to make sure you enjoy this piece or at least relate to it slightly. I have honestly never been very good at conveying what I really want or even being able to talk to people for that matter.
I only realised this when I came to college. So do forgive me if you fnd this repetitive, boring or odd.
I came to college expecting my life to be much like every lead in a teen movie who fts right in. I expected to fnd both comfort and excitement as soon as I set foot in Trinity. Let's just say it wasn’t quite like that. For one, I barely remember my frst day at Trinity and it was only my second day in Ireland.
Te frst week at college,
shares her experience of fnding a second home with Trinity Indian Society
Ihope Vin Diesel’s face popped in your head afer reading the title, and if that isn’t a hook for an article, what is? Now, setting aside my fear of sounding cliché, I truly feel like I’ve found my “home away from home” as a frst year international student with the Trinity Indian Society (TIS). Moving halfway across the world for college is no easy task, especially when you’ve grown up accustomed to the more than abundant love and care Indian families shower you with (mostly in food). When I say I’ve met my closest friends here, I mean that. I’ve found the people I complain about missing the hot and aromatic food from home
however, is always exciting. You meet tons of people, make small talk and move on, never to see them again. It is usually these seven days that can be most misleading. One day you’re at a speed-friending
I made so easily came down to about 5. Barely any of my friends were from my course so there were times I would eat lunch all by myself while seeing large groups of friends around me. I admit, it did feel lonely. Honestly, I completely blame my school friends for this. You see, I went to boarding school at 9, met my best friend at 11, and lived with a large group of rowdy yet the most afectionate girls till about 19. I practically grew up with them. I had become too used to that comfort and friendship.
you will fnd your kind of people at an event in a month from now. Don’t worry about what to say.
event and the next you’re trying to convince the flm society why Kung Fu Panda is a masterpiece. You’re sitting at the Pav with a pint in your hand wondering why everyone complains about adulthood so much when it's so wonderful and freeing.
For me, that dreamy aspect of adult life began to fade in my second week of classes. I was suddenly bombarded with tons of assignments and readings I didn’t understand. Te 30 friends that
Adjusting to a whole new life and making new sets of friends seemed difcult and quite frankly intimidating. I felt like I wasn’t ftting in and that’s all I really wanted, to ft in. I was worried about being judged. I joined many societies but barely attended any events because I didn’t want to seem odd or weird. Tis is not a drab sob story. Te selfpity had to stop at some point. I eventually started putting in the efort to communicate more. I think I’ve fgured it out better in my second year. So I will lay it out for you if you’re looking to make a friend or two.
Once you join a society, attend their events and participate in competitions. Don’t worry about looking stupid, we’ve all been there. If not at an event tomorrow,
Just start by introducing yourself. Tere will always be something to talk about afer that. Don’t get me wrong, I’m not telling you to go out every night. All I’m saying is that go to events you think you may enjoy. If you join societies that interest you, you’ll always have something to talk about. We exhaust ourselves and sometimes don’t even enjoy the outing.
At this point, you probably want to stop reading this because it's advice you’ve heard before. Try it, trust me. It does work! I’m not an expert. I still have friends I could count on my fngers but meeting people has given me more perspective and made me more confdent. You don’t have to hang out with them every day of your life but at least you had a large pint and a nice laugh for the night. Enjoy
what you have now. We never actually give the present credit for how nice it is. We feel nostalgic about the past and hope for a nice future. We just love to hate the present. Te most important lesson I’ve learnt about friendship is to never compare diferent relationships with each other. Te relationship with your friends from back home will be very diferent from those in college. You’re meeting diferent people so stop searching for the same friendship. If you look at most people and think they’re living their best life, think twice. Everyone is battling
with, but completely abandon even the possibility of cooking some for ourselves and opting to starve instead. Te moment I truly knew that the people I met from this society were my new family, was when I realised that we all cry a little afer converting currencies while buying anything and everything in Dublin.
College ofers an incredible amount of options when it comes
to preserve a connection with home amidst my quest for new and diverse connections. However, being a member of this society did much more than just that. I was put in an instant state of comfort at all of the events that were organised which served as a sanctuary from the chaos and big changes that came with moving countries. It’s safe to say that the friends I’ve made here are already ones I will treasure for life, and the sort of companionship that being part of this cultural society has brought about is something I’m beyond grateful for. TIS events flled my entire frst semester calendar (they continue to) and attending them genuinely makes me feel like I was back home.
So far, I feel like this may sound like an advert to join the Indian society (truly think of joining though, we have the best music), so I’m going to gracefully segue into what is going to be a play by play of the events that I’ve attended so far, and then you can decide for yourself!
event into the best dancers you have ever seen in your life. From belting out half formed lyrics of
adulthood at this point. College is an extremely electrifying yet humbling experience. If it's not
about relationships then it's about academics, internships and extracurriculars. I don’t think I’ve ever been rejected from jobs and other opportunities as much as I have in college. It was difcult to grasp those rejections. I suddenly felt and knew I was not the best at most things I did. Tere was always someone better. Tis led me to question if I deserved to be at Trinity at all. My grades and my confdence were struggling. Tere were days I felt overwhelmed and exhausted. Tere was never a moment when I was sitting idle. Although, by the end of the week I would feel unproductive. If you haven’t experienced this yet then I’m pretty impressed. Although, if you have, just know that you’re not alone. My experiences at college have taught me to be patient. Rejections do sting but there are always more opportunities coming your way. You tried and that’s all that really matters. Whatever your aim is, don’t give up but also, don’t let the end goal devour you. It is ok to slow down sometimes. Take a break. Go out with your friend and get a pint every once in a while. If you don’t have anyone to grab a pint with, you’ll always see a little lost girl with messy short hair (me) strutting around campus, you could always come up and say hi.
to joining societies, but joining TIS seemed like a very natural and instinctive move for me. I wanted
Let’s begin with the best, Bollywood nights: Stellar music, a bit (a lot) of booze and unmatched energy transforms everyone at the
Hindi songs to not remembering how we ended up dancing for four hours straight, I’ve made the majority of my most memorable experiences here. Additionally, my Bollywood main character alter ego is given her rightful spotlight at these events, which I believe is on some level of a necessity for everyone to experience for
themselves.
Next, the cricket world cup fnal event. Cricket is a highly celebrated sport in India! One of my favourite memories from back home is sitting in the afernoon with a spread of snacks and drinks with my parents. We would yell at professional sportsmen through the TV screen about how we could perform a particularly bad play of theirs better than they ever could. I can guarantee you that this is one of those universal experiences everyone somehow has, and the screening of the fnal brought out everyone’s inner “annoyed parent attitude”. We screamed in rage ofen, got up from our chairs for no apparent reason, hugged everyone when a good shot was played and most importantly, we made sure to not change our seating arrangement so as to not change the luck of the game (yes that’s a real thing). I felt right at home. Although we lost this match (I’ve still not recovered), at least we could mourn together.
Finally, I shif your focus to an experience with only smiles, the Diwali party! Tis is undoubtedly one of the biggest events of the calendar year in India and
celebrated in the most grandiose way possible with traditional clothes, food and without a doubt, lots of music and dance!
Te Indian Society organised an evening stacked with dance performances and as you can very well imagine, my friends and I were on that set list. We (like every other college student) missed a day of classes to practise for the event afer procrastinating for an entire week…priorities right? At the end of the day, it was more than worth it. I remember being part of an innumerable amount of dance performances while growing up, and my absolute luck to have found an outlet for this passion of mine in this society at College is sometimes beyond my comprehension.
As I force all the friends I’ve made through TIS to read this, I’m confdent that every single one of them shares the same sentiment and has truly had an overwhelmingly positive experience. I know for a fact that by attending the events organised by this society, I will continue to meet new people, create those core college memories and add to my chosen family!
