Emergence, collapse and continuity of the first political system in the Guadalquivir Basin: Úbeda

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Emergence, collapse and continuity of the first political system in the Guadalquivir Basin from the fourth to the second millennium BC: The long-term sequence of Úbeda (Spain) Francisco Nocete a,*, Rafael Lizcano b, Ana Peramo a, Encarnación Gómez b a b

MIDAS Research Group, Department of Prehistory and Archaeology, Univ. of Huelva, Spain Department of Archaeology, World Heritage Service, Úbeda, Spain

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 14 October 2009 Revision received 1 March 2010 Available online xxxx Keywords: Spain Úbeda Long-term sequence Third millennium BC System collapse Copper industry Agrarian intensification Labour force control

a b s t r a c t Over the last decade, a long-running archaeological project in the Guadalquivir Basin (Spain) has identified the emergence (c. 3000 BC) and collapse (between c. 2500 and c. 2300 BC) of a regional inter-settlement hierarchical system centred on the south-western Pyrite Belt and the Lower Guadalquivir Basin.

Recently, a systematic program of interdisciplinary research on a settlement in the Upper Guadalquivir Valley (Úbeda, Spain) confirms this process and suggests a link between the emergence and collapse of the first supra-regional inter-settlement hierarchical system and the rise and decline of the copper industry. It also shows how the settlements in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, through a social system based on the intensification and control of agrarian surplus and labour force, preceded and were autonomous with respect to the first inter-settlement hierarchical framework centred around the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin from c. 3000 to c. 2500 BC. It also shows how they were able to resist the collapse of this system from c. 2500 BC to c. 2300 BC, materialising later (c. 2200–2000 BC) as a different inter-settlement hierarchical framework system, centred in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin and based on the control of population and land. Ó 2010 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Introduction During the last three decades, the study of the archaeological record from the fourth to second millennia BC in South Spain has brought to light an autonomous and exemplary model to explain the emergence of the earliest political systems and social inequality.

During the 20th century, Spanish Archaeology has been dominated by culture history and the interpretation of society and social change in terms of culture, ethnicity and diffusion. The first proposal of alternative models to culture history and diffusionism came, from 1976 to 1984, in the approaches of Anglo-American neo-evolutionism and its interpretation of the south-east Spain archaeological sequence between the Copper and Bronze Ages in terms of cross-cultural comparisons (e.g. tribe, big-man, chiefdom) of the ethnographic record (e.g. Chapman, 1978, 1981, 1982; Gilman, 1976, 1981; Harrison and Gilman, 1977; Mathers, 1984; Ramos, 1981). In this framework, the first ranked societies in the Copper Age ‘‘were made up of larger, more sedentary populations who invested greater labour in their domestic structures, the forti* Corresponding author. Address: Edif. Marie Curie, Campus del Carmen S/N, Univ. of Huelva, 21007 Huelva, Spain. Fax: +34 959 219462.

E-mail address: nocete@uhu.es (F. Nocete).

fications that enclosed them and the communal tombs that accompanied them. . . There were no major capital investments in production and no major changes in the means of production.

Through time there is evidence for increased social tension and physical conflict. . . The location of productive activities within settlement spaces provides some evidence for specialisation and surplus production (e.g. flint arrowheads, copper metallurgy) but mainly domestic production. Storage may have become more household – than lineage – based, although this would be in contradiction with the treatment of the dead, which now suggests inequalities in access to wealth and exotic items between lineages” (Chapman, 2003, 158–159). They were identified as simple grouporiented or collaborative chiefdoms.

Between 1984 and the present, the criticism of neo-evolutionary cross-cultural interpretations by the approaches of historical materialism (e.g. Lull, 1983; Nocete, 1984a) and extensive and intensive survey projects in the south-east Spain (e.g. Arribas et al., 1987; Arteaga, 1987; Castro et al., 1999; Chapman et al., 1987; Contreras et al., 1986, 1987; Nocete, 1989) created new proposals. These focused on the material condition of life as the basis of society and social change, and the analysis of production and relations of production in the study of the archaeological record around three factors in the process: the control of the natural con-

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dition of production (e.g. Chapman, 1990; Gilman, 1987, 1991), the control of the products (e.g. Chapman, 1990; Ramos, 1998; Harrison, 1993) and the control of the labour force (e.g. Castro et al., 1999; Nocete, 1989; Lizcano et al., 1997). In this new approach, the redefinition of types of social production and an analysis of exploitation in relation to the concepts of class, surplus and property have important implication for the analysis of the concept of stratified societies, and, particularly, for the identification of the earliest societies based on relations of class (that is, state societies) during the third millennium BC (e.g. Nocete, 1989, 1994a,b, 2000; Lull and Risch, 1995; Molina et al., 2004; Molina and Cámara, 2005) between c. 2200 BC and c. 1500 BC. A more up-dated discussion of the background evidence and theories in south-east Spain can be seen in the recent syntheses developed by Cámara and Molina (2006) and Chapman (2008).

However, the main change in the explanation of the emergence of political systems and social inequality in South Spain came from the introduction of historical materialism theories and an extensive and intensive survey project, in the mid-1980s, in a new area, the Guadalquivir Basin.

In contrast to the south-east (c. 50,000 km2), in the Guadalquivir Basis area (c. 222,000 km2), with the main alluvial valley (Guadalquivir Valley) and the main copper mining district (southwestern Pyrite Belt) in the Iberian Peninsula, a long-running interdisciplinary research project suggests an earlier and more complex process of the emergence of regional centres of aggregated population in enclosed/fortified settlements of up to 300 hectares, the use of copper objects as instruments of production rather than as items with a purely symbolic or ‘prestige’ value, large-scale copper production, an inter-settlement hierarchical framework and the inference of societies based on relations of class at the start of the third millennium BC (e.g. Nocete, 1984a,b, 1989, 1994a,b, 2000, 2001; Nocete et al., 2005a,b, 2008). This project also suggests the collapse of the inter-settlement hierarchical system in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin between c. 2500 BC and c. 2300 BC and its replacement by another such system centred in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin between c. 2200 BC and c. 2000 BC. In order to explain the causes of, as well as the relationship between, the collapse of the inter-settlement hierarchical political system centred in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin between c. 2500 BC and c. 2300 BC and the rise of the inter-settlement hierarchical political system in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin between c. 2200 and c. 2000 BC, we have undertaken a long-term evaluation (from the fourth to the second millennia BC) in the settlement of Úbeda, in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, that preceded and resisted the systems’ collapse.

In what follows, we offer a summary of the theoretical ideas and archaeological setting in the Guadalquivir Basin, a synthesis of the research in Úbeda and, lastly, an initial explanation about the regional processes of change.

The Guadalquivir Basin: a summary of the theoretical and archaeological contexts Between 1899 and 1980s, the fieldwork on the fourth, third and second millennia BC in the Guadalquivir Basin was sporadic, unsystematic (e.g. absence of intensive and extensive survey projects, absence of environmental and economic records, absence of radiocarbon dates) and centred on the burials and the interpretation of society and social change in terms of culture, ethnicity and diffusion (e.g. Almagro, 1962; Berdichewsky, 1964; Bonsor, 1899; Carriazo, 1962; Cerdán et al., 1952; Collantes, 1969; Fernández and Ruiz, 1978; Leisner and Leisner, 1943, 1956).

The first proposal of alternative models to culture history and diffusionism came in the mid-1980s through an intensive and

extensive survey project centred in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin (Campiñas Project: Nocete, 1984a,b, 1986, 1988, 1989, 1994a,b) and based on the approaches of historical materialism. This project located and analysed (by cluster and component principal analysis of site and catchment location) 210 sites (between the fourth and second millennia BC) and created (by the intensive and extensive documentation in 11 sites such as Alcores, Albalate, Cazalilla, Cotijo de la Torre, Los Pozos, Cerro de la Horca, Sevilleja, Atalayuelas, Gil de Olid, Puente Tablas and Peñalosa: in Nocete (1994a)) the first long-term sequence (third and second millennia BC) in the Guadalquivir Basin.

This research showed the development, at c. 2200 BC, of a hierarchical inter-settlement framework involving a planning of defensive systems as an effect of a colonisation guided by large movements of population, from a previous pattern of aggregated population in enclosed/fortified settlements and oriented to the maximisation of cereal production. Nevertheless, the hierarchical inter-settlement framework that started c. 2200 BC in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin suggested an underlying political motive, since the settlement hierarchy (in exponential distribution) coincides with the maximisation of strategic intervention over that of subsistence productivity. In this territorial framework, the basis of the surplus was the control of people (labour force) within the territory and not the control of exchange networks. Thus, the primate centres (e.g. Alcores, Albalate-Berral) were located in such a way as to optimise such control with a major development of defensive–offensives measures. In this context, surplus was accumulated as a result of a new pattern of territoriality with planned/directed colonisation and through a form of exploitation that appears to be translated from the kinship sphere to the relationship between sites. Here, the unequal distribution of the means of coercion (fortifications) inter-settlement and the presence of sites specialised in coercion (towers) reveal an intra-regional system of physical coercion which begins to be imposed as a means of exploitation in an earliest example of relations of class and state society.

During the 1990s, a similar intensive and extensive survey project (Odiel Project: Nocete et al., 1993, 1997, 1999, 2000) centred on the south-western Pyrite Belt, one of the most important mining districts on Earth (Sáez et al., 1996) and next to the Lower Guadalquivir Basin, identified and analysed (by cluster and principal components analysis of site and catchment location) 610 archaeological sites (between the sixth and second millennia BC) and created the first long-term sequence for the third millennium BC in south-western Spain.

This project showed how, prior to the development of the societies that in c. 2200 BC imposed an intensive system of subjugation of agrarian populations by means of an explicit use of coercion in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, a political system based on a different hierarchical inter-settlement framework centred on mining exploitation (e.g. copper, variscite, volcanic rock) had been developed at the beginning of the third millennium BC in the south-western Pyrite Belt. In this survey project, an interdisciplinary research program (chronological, geochemical, isotopic, petrological, morphometric and contextual analyses) of copper production in the mining-metallurgical settlement of Cabezo Juré identified a high and previously unknown degree of technical complexity, a rigid spatial division of labour, and an optimised industrial production during the first half of the third millennium BC (Nocete, 2004; Sáez et al., 2003). In a parallel way this showed how the political management of this industrial production was run by an elite group who had no direct link to the mining and metallurgical activities, yet controlled the specialised and dependent metallurgic activity and the circulation of its products. This was achieved by the control over labour through an exclusive control of the means of destruction (fortifications and weapons), storage-subsistence (water cistern and grain containers), means of transport (horses),

Please cite this article in press as: Nocete, F., et al. Emergence, collapse and continuity of the first political system in the Guadalquivir Basin from the fourth to the second millennium BC: The long-term sequence of Úbeda (Spain). J. Anthropol. Archaeol. (2010), doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2010.03.001

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means of production (furnaces) and means of social reproduction (by exotic products such as gold, oolitic limestone blades, pottery, marble and variscite).

In Cabezo Juré, the contextual analysis suggests (Nocete, 2004, 2006) that the greater part of the site (95%) lying on its northern and southern slopes was densely occupied with copper-working processes. The remaining 5%, lying in the fortress on the summit, was contemporary with, but dissociated from, this activity. The contrast between the character of the fortress and its external contacts on the one hand and the dedicated industry of the metalworking areas on the other shows the existence of a deep social asymmetry between two sectors of the population. Although both social groups shared a similar consumption of meat (cow, pig, deer, wild boar), the residents of the fortified place consumed three times as much as their equivalents in the north village. The people occupying the summit had at their exclusive disposal the only means of defence (weapons, fortification). They also had exclusive access to the circulation networks of exotic food (sea shell) and imports (pottery and marble cups, stone blades, gold ornaments, etc.), the reward for which can only have been copper products. The occupants of the village, living outside the fortified place, without means of defence and with no access to such rare products of exotic origin, engaged in intensive and specialised metallurgic production, as well as ore extraction, transportation and the systematic exploitation of the forests for fuel. The animal bone evidence suggests that they had little right to dispose of either the horses that facilitated the transport of copper ore, or of the herds of sheep for dairy and textile production. Nor is there evidence for storage facilities that would suggest some access to surplus. Numbers of terracotta figurines, featuring riders or fertility themes were found in the residential areas of the north village. These perhaps point to the development of an integrating ideology or group identity; but the use of such standard idols could also suggest the ideological apparatus of class, justifying the social relationships of Cabezo Juré and hiding their inequalities in a legitimating myth. The implication is that, without participating in the processes of production, the residents of the fortified place had exclusive access to the rewards of production, protection and social reproduction (horses, sheep, cistern, fortification, etc.). By contrast, in spite of making use of a wide range of tools and materials, the villagers had no ownership of the principal means of production (furnaces) or defence (fortification). This transformation of the social relationships of production and the introduction of new forms of social organisation in which the inequalities were enlarged and reproduced with greater facility was possible for many reasons: firstly, the occupa-

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tion of a new territory and the absence of the traditions and social relationships of agrarian forms of society in which the producers have control of the means of production; secondly, the appropriation of a new resource (copper) foreign to the agrarian history and its social limitations; and lastly, the need for mechanisms to ensure the continuity of production and circulation, through economic dependency and a political network. Thus, a profoundly asymmetrical and unequal social form is developed, in which one group of the population expresses itself as the dominant class through its monopoly of the use of force and the ownership of horses and sheep, as well as of a new and critical resource, namely copper, that did not have to be subjected to the traditions and limitations of collective property (such as land). By annexing the furnaces of copper ore reduction to the fortified place, from which the huts of the producers are excluded, and having exclusive use of the main means of transport (the horse), they materialised their ownership over the mines and the workforce.

Between 2000 and 2001, in order to contrast the south-western Pyrite Belt vs. Upper Guadalquivir Basin social models and explain their relationships, a systematic and long-term study (between the sixth and second millennia BC) of the settlements, burials and territorial planning along the Guadalquivir Basin (Nocete, 2000, 2001) identified a prior and linear process in kinship segregation and ranking (in terms of a lineage-societies model from Dupré and Rey (1973), Gailey and Patterson (1988), Meillassoux (1977), Nocete (1989, 2000), Plog (1990), and Rey (1975)), a prior and linear process in the emergence of regional centres of aggregated population in enclosed/fortified settlements (in terms of Renfrew’s (1975) Early State Module and the spatial modular-patterns model from Adams and Jones (1981), Bintliff (1982), Cherry (1987), Renfrew (1985), Nocete (1984a, 1989), and Paynter (1985)) in the Central Guadalquivir Basin and an inter-regional interaction with the circulation of goods between agrarian and mining territories in the last quarter of the fourth millennium BC. In addition, the study noted the emergence of a more complex regional political system in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin at the start of the third millennium BC (Fig. 1A) based on a hierarchical inter-settlement system (in terms of the spatial primate-patterns model from Bruneau (1982), Higham et al. (1982), Hodges (1982), Nocete (1984a,b, 1989), Paynter (1985), Stein (1999)), on the intensification of the agrarian and artisan production, on the increased circulation of goods and raw materials and on a division of labour by territory.

This diachronic study of the archaeological record suggested that the hierarchical inter-settlement framework, the intensification of production and the intensive territorial division of labour

Fig. 1. Hierarchical inter-settlement system in the Guadalquivir Basin c. 3000 BC adapted from Nocete (2001): 131. (circle: unfortified settlement; circle empty: fortified settlement; triangle: megalithic necropolis; square: mining-settlement). (A) Peripheral territory in the Iberian Pyrite Belt (1: La Junta; 2: Cabezo Juré). (B) Hierarchical and primate pattern in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin (3: Valencina; 4: Carmona). (C) Modular pattern in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin (5: Albalate-Berral; 6: Alcores; 7: Úbeda).

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was the result of an early core/periphery relationship (in terms of core/peripheries models from Amin (1974), Bate and Nocete (1993), Chase-Dunn and Hall (1991, 1995), Gailey and Patterson (1988), Modelsky and Thompson (1995), Sanderson and Hall (1995), and Stanley and Alexander (1992)) generated as a result of the social, economic and ecological contradictions and limits of the earliest-class society, together with the extensive and progressive organisation and control of the labour force and a centralised circulation of products and raw material (for earliest-class society and earliest-state societies models see Bate and Nocete (1993), Gailey and Patterson (1988), and Nocete (1989, 2000, 2001)).

The inability to apply direct violence within the lines of relationships (within-settlement) to increase a direct organisation and control of labour (intensive) in order to materialise the inequality in the agrarian communities of the Guadalquivir Basin, during the fourth millennium BC, produced the following: an increase of the ideological apparatus (e.g. figurines), supra-regional centralisation in the circulation of products and raw materials, and an alternative (extensive and progressive in space and time) system based on the external (inter-settlement) organisation and control of the labour force and the transformation of surrounding societies through the rise of large regional centres (of aggregate previous and dispersal populations) in enclosed/fortified settlements relatively distant (c. 10 km) from one another and located in regions of the greatest productive potential (the modular pattern) during the last quarter of the fourth millennium BC. In addition, the limitations of this system, centred on agrarian production and relationships, to organise an internal craft specialisation and the progressive need for external mining products (such as copper artefacts) associated with the reproduction of social inequality caused an additional transformation of surrounding societies during the last quarter of the fourth millennium BC: the peripheral emergence of settlements specialised in their production (such as the copper mining-settlement of Cabezo Juré in the south-western Iberian Pyrite Belt) and distribution (such as the settlement of Valencina in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin).

The continuity of these two processes suggests the emergence of the first hierarchical inter-settlement system in the Guadalquivir Basin at the start of the third millennium BC (Fig. 1) and the appearance of the over 300 hectare site of Valencina. With its peripheral position to the system, its location near the maritime exit next to the south-western mining district, the presence in it of raw material coming from all the geographical areas of southern Iberia (marble, gold, variscite, flint, oolitic limestone, volcanic rocks, copper ores, etc.) and artisan areas linked to it (Nocete et al., 2008), Valencina became an entrance/exit gateway (in terms of gateways models from Hodges (1982) and Nocete (1989)) and distribution centre of raw material and products from regional (e.g. copper), supra-regional (e.g. variscite, flint, marble) and transcontinental (e.g. ivory) networks, as well as the head of a primary territorial network (in terms of exponential distribution of settlements surfaces form Higham et al. (1982), Nocete (1984a,b, 1989), Paynter (1985) in the Guadalquivir Basin.

Between 2002 and 2005, a new interdisciplinary research program regarding the production and circulation of products (e.g. pottery, ivory, gold, variscite, copper, marble, etc.) along the Guadalquivir Basin during the fourth and third millennia BC (PIGMLIOM Project: Nocete, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2008; Nocete et al., 2005a,b) identified and confirmed the direct relationship between the agrarian settlements in the Guadalquivir Basin and the mining countryside in the surrounding mountains (south-western Pyrite Belt, north Ossa Morena, south Subbetic, etc.). Similarly, this suggested a link between the intensity and form of this distribution and the hierarchical and territorial expansion rhythms in the Guadalquivir Basin.

In this research program, the distribution of large oolitic limestone blades in the inter-settlement system of the Guadalquivir Basin and surrounding countryside (Nocete et al., 2005a) suggests the expression and reproduction of political inequalities in term of Ratnagar (2001) model. The circulation of silicified oolitic limestone blades acts as a parameter that allows for the explanation of the mobility of other products, such as marble, pottery, variscite, sheets, gold, and copper. It also supports the identification of an early and representative core/periphery system characteristic of the inter-regional precapitalist structures where social interaction – as an essential requisite for the reproduction of social classes and of their dominance mechanism – leads to relationships of dependence and inter territorial domination (in terms of core/periphery concept from Bate and Nocete (1993), Chase-Dunn and Hall (1991, 1995), Gailey and Patterson (1988), Kristiansen (1991), Mathien and McGuire (1986), McGuire (1989), Modelsky and Thompson (1995), Nocete (1988, 1989, 2000, 2001), Sanderson and Hall (1995), Stanley and Alexander (1992)). It identified, in the first half of the third millennium BC, the limits of the political territory, and the inequalities of their hierarchical inter- and intra-social body, its central settlements at a regional scale, the dominant elite within them, and the subordinated social groups. Moreover, this circulation of blades goes beyond a mere recognition of the type of social relationships existing from and between the elite, where political figures acquired and kept their power by controlling the circulation of valuables necessary for debt payments, damages and other ceremonial functions, determining the relationships in the management of the earliest Guadalquivir Valleys political system. This hierarchical inter-social body took control of the external circulation networks as an indirect mechanism for organising and controlling the labour force, accumulating surplus, reproducing inequalities and at the same time making the elite the main benefactors. This was achieved by centralising the circulation of other products aimed at supporting the specialised artisan sector and the agricultural intensification process, as well as by situating its main political centre in the periphery and becoming a priority structure.

By 2005–2008, the analyses of the archaeological record (within-settlements) and the environmental impacts of this inter-settlement hierarchical system suggested that mining and smelting were particularly significant in the political and hierarchical framework between c. 3000 and c. 2500 BC. The large scale of copper production was confirmed in its environmental impact. The pollen and charcoal analyses in two settlements from the south-western Pyrite Belt, Cabezo Juré (Nocete, 2004, 2006) and La Junta (Nocete, 2005, 2008), suggested a rapid (from c. 3000 BC to c. 2500 BC) deforestation, on a regional scale, and showed the relationship between trees felled and fuel for metallurgic production. In addition, the terrestrial and phytoplankton bio-indicators in sediment cores from the coastal zone of the Guadiana River confirmed this deforestation on a regional scale c. 2500 BC (González et al., 2003) in the south-western Spain. At the same time, the presence of high concentrations of Cu, Pb, Zn and As in sediments of the Tinto River (in the south-west) c. 2500 BC with the presence of slag remains and minute charcoal fragments suggested regional scale pollution linked to the copper mining and smelting activity (Leblanc et al., 2000). In addition, by c. 2500 BC heavy metal pollution, on a regional scale, associated with the copper mining and smelting activity is noted in the waters of the Gulf of Cádiz, and can be measured in a biological indicator (the marine mollusc shells Venerupis decussata) from the Tinto-Odiel (in the south-west) and Guadalquivir (in Lower Guadalquivir Basin) estuaries by trace elements such as Cu, Zn and As (Nocete et al., 2005b, 2006).

The large-scale of social transformations (appearance of new classes within the centre and periphery of a clear political system)

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and processes of territorial domination (core/periphery relationships through the production and circulation of raw material and craft products) in the formation process of the hierarchical system (in terms of Costin (2004), Gailey and Patterson (1988), Patterson (2005), and Schortman and Urban (2004)) linked to copper production was conďŹ rmed in Cabezo JurĂŠ and Valencina. The archaeological contexts in the copper workshop of Cabezo JurĂŠ (Nocete, 2006), in the south-western Pyrite Belt, and the nine hectares of copperworking in the primary centre and the system-gateway of Valencina (Nocete et al., 2008), in the Lower Guadalquivir Valley, within a complex spatial division of labour, pointed to a model of ‘‘full-time attached artisanâ€? (in terms of BrumďŹ eld and Earle (1987), Clark (1995), and Clark and Perry (1990)) and ‘‘retained workshopsâ€? (in term of Costin (1991)), up until now registered only in the large Iranian political centres of the third millennium BC (Tosi, 1984).

However, the evolution of territorial planning and the sequences of Cabezo JurĂŠ (Nocete, 2006), La Junta (Nocete, 2008) and Valencina (Nocete et al., 2008), in addition to other nearby, dated sequences in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin (e.g. Carmona (Conlins, 2004), Amarguillo (Cabrero, 1997) and Alamillo (Lara et al., 2005)), when compared with the evolution of territorial planning and the sequences of Albalate, Cortijo de la Torre, Cerro de la Horca, PeĂąalosa (Nocete, 1994a), in addition of other nearby, dated sequences in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin (e.g. Berral (Nocete, 2001) and MarroquĂ­es (Lizcano et al., 2004; Nocete, 2001; PĂŠrez and CĂĄmara, 1999; PĂŠrez and SĂĄnchez, 1999)), suggest an additional key factor to the explanation of this inter-settlement hierarchical system: between c. 2500 and c.

2300 BC this specialised copper workshop industry, the circulation of products and the inter-settlement hierarchical system centred on the Lower Guadalquivir Basin and south-western Pyrite Belt collapsed (Nocete, 2001, 2006, 2008; Nocete et al., 2005a,b, 2006, 2008).

In contrast, from c. 2200 to 2000 BC, another specialised workshop copper industry, another circulation of products and another intersettlement hierarchical framework system emerged in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin: By c. 2500 BC, in the Lower Guadalquivir Valley, the copper smelting quarter of Valencina was abandoned and the area of this primary centre decreased (Nocete et al., 2008). A similar process was documented in the nearest sites of Carmona (Conlins, 2004), Amarguillo (Cabrero, 1997) and Alamillo (Lara et al., 2005) in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin.

By c. 2400 BC, in the south-western Pyrite Belt, the smaller defensive sites such as La Junta (Nocete, 2005, 2008) were abandoned, and the biggest mining and smelting settlements such as Cabezo JurĂŠ (Nocete, 2004, 2006) reduced the intensity of copper production. As a result, the deforestation and heavy metal pollution associated with the copper mining and smelting activity drastically decreased (Nocete et al., 2005b, 2006).

By c. 2300 BC, in the south-western Pyrite Belt, the biggest mining and smelting settlements, such as Cabezo JurĂŠ, were abandoned (Nocete, 2004, 2006).

By c. 2200 BC, in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin emerged a hierarchical inter-settlement system involving a planning of defensive systems, such as that documented in the 1980s by the CampiĂąas Project (Nocete, 1984a,b, 1986, 1988, 1989, 1994a,b).

By c. 2100 to 2000 BC, in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin there emerged a specialised copper workshop industry in peripheral mining and smelting settlements, such as Peùalosa, in the mining district of Linares-La Carolina (Contreras et al., 1986, 1987; Nocete, 1989, 2001) and the circulation of copper ores and the rise of copper workshops areas in regional centres, such as Guta, Tiesas, Aragonesas, Castulo or Marroquíes (Nocete, 2001, 147–155).

In this sense, the study of the long-term sequence (from the fourth to the second millennia BC) from Ăšbeda, in the Upper Gua-

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dalquivir Basin (Fig. 1) suggests an initial explanation about the causes of, as well as the relationship between, the collapse of the south-western inter-settlement hierarchical political system (Lower Guadalquivir Basin and south-western Pyrite Belt) between c.

2500 and c. 2300 BC and the rise of the north-eastern (Upper Guadalquivir Basin) inter-settlement hierarchical political system between c. 2200 and c. 2000 BC.

The long-term sequence from Ăšbeda (fourth – second millennia BC): a summary Ăšbeda is, at present, one of the most interesting and valuable archaeological sites within the Iberian heritage. Together with the uninterrupted occupation of the last 6000 years lies a pioneer program of interdisciplinary scientiďŹ c research that turns this settlement into an exceptional and unique laboratory for explaining and displaying the history of the birth of the City and the central settlement in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin in an exemplary way.

Similarly, its location on the edge (Fig. 2) of the present city of Ăšbeda (World Heritage Site), through a program of ‘‘public useâ€?, materialises and orchestrates a model of sustainable development for the community residing in its surroundings and a framework of social integration and cohesion, creating training programs aimed at integrating its community into the future project of this city.

This program of ‘‘public use� and their archaeological background can be seen in the recent edition developed by Lizcano et al.

(2009). In the next pages, we offer a summary of the archaeological setting.

In a researched area of 2960 m2, radiocarbon dating (Table 1) has identiďŹ ed an uninterrupted development of prehistoric urbanism (in terms of Chapman (1995)) between the second quarter of the fourth millennium BC and the ďŹ rst quarter of the second millennium BC. This provides the means to interpret, through the results of the interdisciplinary program of scientiďŹ c analysis (pollen, seeds, fauna, raw materials, artefacts, etc.), the historical process of the ďŹ rst agrarian societies of the Upper Guadalquivir Basin and, with it, the origin and transformation of the regional centres of aggregated population in enclosed/fortiďŹ ed settlements in the Guadalquivir Basin.

The settlement and the development of its constructive systems were the expression and effect of the consolidation process of an early agrarian society which, with over 2000 years of development, ďŹ nds its roots within the fourth millennium BC. The ďŹ rst settlement (second quarter of the fourth millennium BC/last quarter of the third millennium BC) was initially formed by a fortiďŹ cation and an organic pattern of circular structures (Fig. 3 A) with constructions of adobe and vegetal elements, as well as levels excavated in the ground. These structures were small and

Fig. 2. Location of the large stratigraphic sequence registered in the city of Ăšbeda (JaĂŠn, Spain).

Please cite this article in press as: Nocete, F., et al. Emergence, collapse and continuity of the ďŹ rst political system in the Guadalquivir Basin from the fourth to the second millennium BC: The long-term sequence of Ăšbeda (Spain). J. Anthropol. Archaeol. (2010), doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2010.03.001

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Table 1 14 C calibration in Úbeda by Cal Pal 2005 and OxCal v3 10 2005.

Nª

Ref. archaeology UB

Context

Sample

Ref. laboratory

System

Age BP

1 Sigma

2 Sigma

Direct Calendar Age Cal BC

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

1178 (F7B) 2299 (F36) 1436 (F11) 1225 (F15A) 1685 (F7G) 5109 (E12) 1318 (F20) 1403 (F15B) 1334 (F25) 11,113 4698 4930 1382 (F19A) 4993 1074 (F10A) 1060 (F7) 2493 (F50) 4464 1797 (F17) 4324 4740 2199 (F18) 1977 (F43) 4276 4366 6030 7019 2961 2742 6084 2627 2512 8161

Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Burial Lithic manufacturation Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Domestic Lithic manufacturation Ores and slag Domestic Ores and slag Burial, crucibles, ores, and slag Domestic Crucibles, ores and slag Burial F 18 Domestic Ores and slag Ores and slag Ores and slag Ores and slag Ores and slag Domestic and burial Domestic and burial Domestic and burial Domestic and burial (Ivory) Domestic and burial (Ivory)

Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley Oak Barley Oak Oak Barley Oak Barley Barley Oak Oak Oak Oak Oak Barley Barley Barley Barley Barley

Beta 229,721 Ua 26,017 Ua 229,720 Beta 229,719 Ua 34,705 Ua 34,715 Ua 34,704 Beta 229,718 Beta 229,717 Ua 21,453 Ua 34,711 Ua 34,713 Beta 229,716 Ua 34,714 Ua 34,703 Beta 229,722 Ua 26,014 Ua 34,710 Ua 34,706 Ua 34,708 Ua 34,712 Ua 26,019 Ua 26,016 Ua 34,707 Ua 34,709 CSIC 1769 CSIC 1822 Ua 26,013 Ua 36,015 CSIC 1821 Ua 26,012 Ua 26,020 CSIC 1820

AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS AMS

4780 ± 80 4495 ± 40 4470 ± 70 4420 ± 60 4415 ± 35 4300 ± 35 4300 ± 35 4270 ± 60 4210 ± 40 4210 ± 45 4180 ± 40 4175 ± 35 4170 ± 50 4155 ± 40 4150 ± 35 4130 ± 60 4120 ± 40 4100 ± 35 4090 ± 35 4085 ± 35 4085 ± 40 4070 ± 45 4060 ± 40 3925 ± 35 3865 ± 35 3791 ± 45 3788 ± 32 3705 ± 35 3620 ± 45 3611 ± 32 3575 ± 45 3545 ± 45 3504 ± 31

3645–3383 3341–3095 3343–3020 3265–2923 3093–2937 2914–2892 2914–2892 2912–2877 2887–2758 2889–2707 2875–2678 2875–2678 2878–2638 2872–2635 2871–2635 2871–2578 2860–2581 2840–2577 2835–2575 2834–2574 2835–2572 2833–2497 2627–2496 2471–2347 2456–2285 2288–2141 2281–2146 2190–2033 2031–1919 2022–1923 1972–1884 1941–1779 1885–1762

3703–3367 3358–3024 3365–2912 3344–2903 3318–2916 3004–2880 3004–2880 3017–2697 2901–2670 2904–2636 2891–2624 2886–2627 2894–2577 2883–2578 2879–2579 2888–2492 2874–2567 2866–2498 2861–2495 2858–2493 2863–2490 2860–2476 2852–2476 2546–2295 2465–2204 2400–2045 2297–2134 2200–1976 2132–1882 2113–1887 2032–1772 2020–1747 1920–1741

3533 ± 103 3217 ± 93 3170 ± 131 3119 ± 145 3041 ± 73 2937 ± 37 2937 ± 37 2869 ± 98 2799 ± 81 2795 ± 84 2778 ± 81 2778 ± 79 2753 ± 92 2757 ± 86 2756 ± 85 2727 ± 106 2730 ± 100 2715 ± 111 2708 ± 115 2705 ± 117 2703 ± 118 2669 ± 130 2623 ± 101 2413 ± 55 2360 ± 69 2230 ± 70 2221 ± 56 2102 ± 53 1992 ± 59 1976 ± 41 1927 ± 67 1874 ± 70 1831 ± 48

seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds

seeds seeds seeds

seeds seeds seeds seeds seeds

Fig. 3. The constructive process in Úbeda. (A) c. 3000 BC; (B) c. 2200 BC; (C) c. 2000 BC.

had multiple uses: human and animal (dogs, cows) burials, dumps and residential areas (household) with the preparation and consumption of food, manufacturing (pressure-flaked) of stone artefact (sickle blades) and textile activities (loom weights) (Fig. 4).

With the start of the last quarter of the third millennium BC, this settlement underwent a partial transformation. The houses, whose designs continue to be circular, appear, for the first time, different, constructed with masonry plinths (Fig. 3 B). It grew in size and a technical and spatial division of labour began to develop within the houses (preparation and consumption of food, manufacturing of stone artefacts, copper-working and textiles were differentiated in space) (Fig. 5). The absence of rubbish dumps suggests new concepts of periodic cleaning and spatial division of functions.

One of them, perhaps the most noticeable one, is found in the absence of burial areas in the habitat, a fact that indicates the existence of true burial sites situated outside the living quarters.

With the start of the second millennium BC, a deep restructuring and transformation of the settlement begins to develop which, endowed with a greater complexity, gives shape to a new constructive process. Following a general terracing, a constructive pattern is initiated, characterised now by houses of rectangular format (Fig. 3 C). These present a higher level of internal spatial division of labour within the houses (consumption/production spaces were differentiated by constructive means) and offer, as a novelty, the inclusion of burials under its floors with various methods of burial interment (in chambers, ceramic cups, etc.) (Fig. 6).

This account of the origin and transformation of the settlement has a parallel shared narrative in the levels of economic organisation. The first occupation of Úbeda (c. 3500 BC–c. 3000 BC) shows how the origin of the regional centres of aggregated population in enclosed/fortified settlements is linked to the residential, defensive and other needs of an agrarian community. It was characterised by

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Fig. 4. Plan of archaeological contexts between c. 3500 BC and c. 2500 BC. Areas F7B (Direct Calendar Age Cal BC 3533 ± 103), F7G (Direct Calendar Age Cal BC 3041 ± 73) and F7E (Direct Calendar Age Cal BC 2727 ± 106).

Fig. 5. Plan of archaeological context between c. 2200 BC and c. 2000 BC. Area 2B (Direct Calendar Age Cal BC 2102 ± 53).

a stable agriculture based on cereals, legumes and an incipient olive grove (Table 2 and Fig. 7). Next to it, and despite important fishing and river (Unio, Barbus) harvesting (Pérez, 2009) and hunting

(deer, wild boars, roebucks, rabbits, etc.), a solid ranching of cows, pigs, sheep, goats and horses was developed (Riqueme, 2009) which guaranteed the meat, dairy and textile supply, as well as

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F. Nocete et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology xxx (2010) xxx–xxx

Fig. 6. Plan of archaeological contexts between c. 2000 BC and 1800 BC. Area 2A (Direct Calendar Age Cal BC 1831 ± 48).

the development of activities to support agriculture (draught, traction) (Table 3). Together with this initial model, there was a local supply (<10 km) of abiotic resources (e.g. clay, stone) coming from the South (Guadalquivir River) and North (Guadalimar River) (Nieto, 2009; Nocete et al., 2009a,b; Sáez, 2009) and an important textile activity using both animal fibres (wool) and vegetable ones (linen) and linked to the loom weights presence (Fig. 4: areas F7B and F7G).

Between the start and the last quarter of the third millennium BC, the pollen sequence points to a process of development and consolidation of the initial economic model (Fig. 7). The agricultural development increased, involving an increase in the deforestation of pine and birch forests. The tree mass was reduced from 70% to 30%, and the pollen records identify this process in relation to the increase of the cultivated surface areas of cereals, legumes and olive trees. In like manner, the emergence of an oak forest in relation to the increase of the pig (Fig. 7 and Table 3) determines a change in the ranching profile with the consolidation of this species as the principal protein intake. The decrease in hunting points to the link between hunting activities and the safeguarding of the harvests as well as to the definite consolidation of ranching as the main source of meat supply. Similarly, the supply system of abiotic resources (e.g. clay, stone) begins to surpass the local scale, with the ever more numerous arrivals of raw materials (e.g. flint) and products (mills, hammers, axes and chisels polished in volcanic stone) on a regional scale coming from the northern and southern (>100 km) slopes of the Guadalquivir Valley (Ossa-Morena, Sub-

betic Mountains, etc.) (Nieto, 2009; Nocete et al., 2009a,b; Sáez, 2009). In addition, the appearance of new artisan sectors, such as the metallurgic activity (confirmed by the presence of copper ores, slag and crucibles: Fig. 4: area F7E and Fig. 5) suggests a new technological and social setting (Nocete et al., 2009a,b).

With the start of the second millennium BC, this system sees itself markedly transformed. The deforestation has reached its maximum development, with the tree mass at levels below 20% (Fig. 7).

However, this does not respond exclusively to the progression of the harvested areas. The increase in plants such as poacea, lentiscus, etc., points to a change in landscape, with grazing land becoming dominant at a regional scale, as is equally registered by the nearest (10 km) pollen sequence of Baeza (Fuentes et al., 2007). Nonetheless, this process does not correspond to a climactic change, but rather to the development of a new and more intensive exploitation of the territory, where sheep ranching acquires great prominence (Table 3). Likewise, the incorporation of Úbeda into more complex political and territorial networks involved deep economic transformations. The disappearance (absence of copper ores, slag and crucibles in the archaeological context: Fig. 6) of the local metallurgical handicrafts and a regional supply of metallic products coming from the nearest (20 km) mining district of Linares (confirmed by lead isotope analyses in all the metallic products – e.g. copper punches, points and daggers; silver bracelets-between c.

2100 BC and 1800 BC: Nocete et al., 2009a,b); the increase in the textile (loom weights) activity (Fig. 6); the presence of new activities of agricultural transformation, such as the manufacture of

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F. Nocete et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology xxx (2010) xxx–xxx Table 2 Evolution of seeds presence in the dated (14C) domestic context from Úbeda (Spain).

Seeds

c. 3500–c. 3000 BC

c. 2200–c. 2000 BC

c. 2000–c. 1800 BC

N°

%

N°

%

N°

%

Hordeum vulgare c.f. nudum Hordeum vulgare c.f. nudum – frag.

Hordeum vulgare var. nudum Hordeum vulgare var. nudum – frag.

Hordeum vulgare subsp. vulgare Hordeum vulgare – frag.

Hordeum/Triticum Hordeum/Triticum – frag.

Raquis frag.

Lathynus sativum/cicera Lathynus sativum/cicera – frag.

Leguminosa – frag.

Lolium sp.

Malva sp.

Medicago sp.

Phalaris sp.

Pisum sativum L. Pisum sativum L. – frag. cf Pisum sativum L. Triticum aestivum/durum Triticum aestivum/durum – frag Triticum aestivum/durum tipo compactum Triticum monococcum Triticum monococcum – frag.

Triticum dicoccum Triticum dicoccum – frag.

Tubérculo – frag.

Vicia faba L. Vicia faba – frag.

Vicia sp.

Vicia/Pisum – frag.

105 43 31 7 122 45 34 256 – – – 3 – – – – – – – 350 58 6 – – 6 1 – 9 – – –

9.75 3.99 2.88 0.65 11.33 4.18 3.15 24.72 – – – 0.27 – – – – – – – 32.52 5.33 0.55 – – 0.55 0.09 – 0.83 – – –

2075 422 9 2 5 – 341 1865 1 1 1 – 1 1 1 1 82 5 2 3722 407 39 328 18 66 5 1 886 38 1 136

19.83 4.03 0.08 0.01 0.04 – 3.25 17.82 0.01 0.01 0.01 – 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.01 0.78 0.04 0.01 35.57 3.89 0.37 3.35 0.17 0.63 0.05 0.01 8.28 0.36 0.01 1.29

202 75 – – 48 25 60 438 – 5 6 – 2 – – 1 87 6 – 649 72 4 6 3 125 10 1 817 38 – 282

6.81 2.53 – – 1.62 0.84 2.02 14.78 – 0.16 0.20 – 0.06 – – 0.03 2.93 0.20 – 23.39 2.43 0.13 0.20 0.10 4.22 0.33 0.03 27.58 1.28 – 9.52

Total

1076

10,462

2962

Fig. 7. Pollen percentage diagram of the long-term sequence in Úbeda.

malt through barley fermentation (Buxó, 2009); the presence of products of transcontinental origin, such as ivory bracelets (Fig. 6) of Elephas Maximus identified by Fourier Transform Infra Red Spectroscopy and the Schreger structure of the objects (Nocete, 2009); or the increase of foreign stone products are all evidence of this, and of a regional division of labour in which Úbeda will specialise in the agriculture, ranching, pottery and textile sectors.

Nonetheless, the origin as well as the constructive and economic transformations that shape the appearance and development of the regional centres of aggregated population in

enclosed/fortified settlements is of a different nature, dependant on the constructions of social relationships (property, inequalities, etc.) which determine the need and ways to arrange the systems of attached and constant residence of the previous, dispersed smallsettlements in one location.

Even though in order to recognise the specific format of the social relationships we should wait for the possibility to rely on an extensive record of each one of the settlement-phases, the evaluation of 21 household contexts (Table 4) dated between c. 3500 BC and c. 1800 BC (such as F7B/F36/F11/F7G between c. 3500 BC and

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Table 3 Evolution of faunal consume in the dated (14C) domestic context from Las Eras (Úbeda, Spain).

Specimen

N° of samples

Identified samples (%)

Weight in grams

Weight identified (%)

Context by c. 3500–c. 3000 BC Bos taurus Ovis aries Ovis aries/Capra hircus Capra hircus Sus domesticus Equus caballus Cervus elaphus Oryctolagus cuniculus Lepus granatensis Bos primigenius Identified Unidentified Total

13 21 80 3 38 2 7 88 1 1 254 274 528

5.12 8.27 31.50 1.18 14.96 0.79 2.76 34.65 0.39 0.39

839 687

33.35 27.3

316 53 77 72 2 470 2516 720 3159

12.56 2.11 3.06 2.86 0.08 18.68

Context by c. 3000–c. 2500 BC Bos taurus Ovis aries Ovis aries/Capra hircus Capra hircus Sus domesticus Canis familiaris Equus caballus Cervus elaphus Oryctolagus cuniculus Lynx pardina Identified Unidentified Total

129 17 242 5 278 8 33 47 108 1 868 1360 2228

14.86 1.96 27.88 0.58 32.03 0.92 3.80 5.42 12.44 0.11

6677 2099

38.93 12.24

4464 63 2847 943 49 8 17,150 7027 24,177

26.03 0.37 16.60 5.50 0.28 0.05

Context by c. 2500–c. 2200 BC Bos taurus Ovis aries Ovis aries/Capra hircus Capra hircus Sus domesticus Canis familiaris Equus caballus Bos primigenius Cervus elaphus Capreolus capreolus Oryctolagus cuniculus Lepus granatensis Identified Unidentified Total

187 30 458 5 415 46 61 2 76 1 72 4 1357 1921 3278

13.78 2.21 33.75 0.37 30.58 3.39 4.50 0.15 5.60 0.07 5.31 0.29

10,506 3889

37.67 13.95

6186 217 3821 1260 1952 5 46 5 27,887 8929 36,816

22.18 0.78 13.70 4.52 7.00 0.02 0.16 0.02

Context by c. 2200–c. 2000 BC Bos taurus Ovis aries Ovis aries/Capra hircus Capra hircus Sus domesticus Canis familiaris Equus caballus Cervus elaphus Oryctolagus cuniculus Lepus granatensis Identified Unidentified Total

188 31 340 10 431 7 29 69 66 3 1174 1696 2870

16.01 2.64 28.96 0.85 36.71 0.60 2.47 5.88 5.62 0.26

9295 3777

36.69 14.91

7490 62 2611 2052 47 3 25,337 8683 34,020

29.56 0.25 10.30 8.10 0.18 0.01

Context by c. 2000–c. 1800 BC Bos taurus Ovis aries Ovis aries/Capra hircus Capra hircus Sus domesticus Canis familiaris Cervus elaphus Oryctolagus cuniculus Identified Unidentified Total

35 9 137 3 61 4 2 16 267 417 684

13.11 3.37 51.31 1.12 22.85 1.50 0.75 5.99

1385 1044

42.49 32.02

763 13 42 13 3260 1239 4499

23.40 0.40 1.29 0.40

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F. Nocete et al. / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology xxx (2010) xxx–xxx Table 4 Archaeological frequencies in household-contexts dated by

14

C in Úbeda.

Phases 14

Household-contexts dated by C Consumption of fauna (in grams) Consumption of malacofauna (in grams) Seeds of cereals and legumes Grain storage pottery-vessels (5–20 l) Grain storage pottery-vessels (20–50 l) Grain storage pits (50–100 l) Grain storage pits (>200 l) Consumption pottery-vessels Pottery cheese press Small grinding stones in local raw material (<2000 g) Large grinding stones in foreign raw material (>5000 g) Bone tools (punch, scraper, needle) Bone ornaments (figurines) Polished stone tools (axes, hammers, adzes) in local raw material Polished stone tools (axes, hammers, adzes) in foreign raw material Polished stone ornaments (collar beads, archers bracelets) in foreign raw material Polished marble ornaments (vessels, figurines) Residues of flaked activity (in grams) in local raw material Residues of flaked activity (in grams) in foreign raw material Flaked blades (<10 cm) in local raw material Flaked blades (<10 cm) in foreign raw material Flaked blades (>20 cm) in local raw material Flaked blades (>20 cm) in foreign raw material Flaked sickles blades in local raw material Flaked sickles blades in foreign raw material Flaked sickle teeth in local raw material Flaked sickle teeth in foreign raw material Flaked arrowhead in local raw material Flaked arrowhead in foreign raw material Copper ore (in grams) Copper slag (in grams) Clay crucibles Copper points in local raw material Copper points in foreign raw material Copper daggers in foreign raw material (under-floor burial) Copper knifes in local raw material Copper knifes in foreign raw material Copper punches in local raw material Copper punches in foreign raw material Silver ornaments in foreign raw material (under-floor burial) Ivory bracelets Spinning clay bowls-fusaioles (10 g) Curve-shape clay loom weights (10–30 g) Circular-shape clay loom weights (50–100 g) Circular-shape clay loom weights (200–500 g) Pyramidal truncated-shape clay loom weights (100–200 g) Rectangular-shape clay loom weights (10–30 g) Rectangular-shape clay loom weights (100–200 g) Rectangular-shape clay loom weights (500–1100 g)

3500–3000 BC

3000–2500 BC

2500–2200 BC

2200–2000 BC

2000–1800 BC

4 3159 140 320

7 24,177 270 636 10

4 15,236 180

3 22,126 2600 10,462 7 9 4

3 4499 100 2692 9 7

25

40

28

8

20

16

17

20 1 5 15 1

9

5230 15

6

9

17

32 3 9 3 8

2 30 5 5 7 4

12 1

5 4

3 150

1 1200 20 13 12

1 150

3 60

22

3 11

9

7

7 5 7 1 3

18

19

5 2 3

10

3 15 3 2

1 30 12 3

1

20 42 18 6 1 1

1

2

3

3

25

2 2

6 7 6 8 19

36 10 12

3 16 3

c. 3000 BC; F15B/F25/F19A/F10A/F7E/F50/F17 between c. 3000 BC and c. 2500 BC; EA2/EA4/EA6/EA7 between c. 2500 BC and c. 2200 BC; E5B1/E6B1/E2B between c. 2200 BC and c. 2000 BC; E2A/E2B/ E2C between c. 2000 BC and c. 1800 BC), allows us to make an initial proposal.

The explorations of the residential spaces in Úbeda support the inferred development of the agrarian system from the fourth millennium BC and allow us to correlate it with the one that materialised in the transformation of the settlement. The first economic and construction model (by c. 3500 BC–c. 3000 BC) suggests the expression of a social system in which the residential units are mere units of consumption (Fig. 4 and Table 4). The presence of polished adze-axes and flaked sickle blades, as opposed to the absence of grain storage and large grinding stones, as well as of economic asymmetry (absence of differences in internal activities, in access to productive activities and consumption) and the presence of a fortification suggest a model (tested in the local settlements of Martos and Los Pozos: Nocete, 1994a; Lizcano, 1999) of collective

12 4

8

6 10

appropriation and defence of the territory and/or forms of dependent peasantry deprived of property (if an internal asymmetry was detected in the group) in a system of lineages (tested in the settlement of Albalate-Berral: Nocete, 2001). Contrary to this model, after c. 3000 BC, the progressive appearance of cereal storage (pottery-vessels and pits) and large grinding stones in the houses (Table 4) point to new forms of social organisation based on the private property of the land and the herd. The change in external/internal grain storage and large grinding stones from c.

3500–3000 BC to c. 3000–2200 BC suggests a change from community or lineage group to individual household property.

However, the progressive inter-household differences based on large grain storage (pottery-vessels and pits), large grinding stones and possible inequalities in access to productive activities (such as the inter-household differences based on presence/absence of loom weights) and food consumption after c. 2200 BC (Figs. 5 and 6; Table 4) suggest the unequal property of the land and the herd as bases of social inequalities.

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Similarly, exploring the sectors of craft production allows us to go one step further in the explanation, given that its arrival was closely linked to the origin of the regional centres of aggregated population in enclosed/fortified settlements, and its development to its subsequent transformation. Hence the emergence, at the start of the third millennium BC, of new craft sectors inside the houses – such as copper metallurgy (Fig. 4: F7E; Table 4) – suggest an initial link between the individual household property, the individual household surplus and the emergence of copper. Similarly, it suggests the limitations of this model of agrarian society to organise craft specialisation (full-time craftsmanship). After c. 2200 BC and with the gradual increase of the land as private property (in terms of grain storage and grinding stones present within the houses: Figs. 5 and 6; Table 4) and the private and unequal grain storage, the craftsmanship grew and gave impulse to a technical and spatial division of labour (Fig. 5) that affected first the settlement itself, transforming its constructive system, and subsequently, in the second millennium BC, the entire territory (intersettlement division of labour).

Nonetheless, it is within the sphere of consumption where we can further advance in the characterisation of social relationships, as it correlates all these changes with a progressive development of inequality and social conflict. Within this sphere, and succeeding

the social model during the fourth millennium BC, when no housing units display differences in the consumption of foods and artefacts and enjoy a homogeneous social distribution, the year 2200 BC gives rise to a new scenario marked by the progressive increase of new foreign products dissociated from the needs of the agrarian sector (Table 4) and with an unequal inter-household distribution (Lizcano and Gómez, 2009). This is the case in the appearance of the sophisticated cut arrow heads (Figs. 5 and 8) in 2200 BC (when hunting has decreased) and the ivory bracelets (Fig. 9), the silver bracelets and copper weapons (e.g. points and daggers) during the first quarter of the second millennium BC (linked to the household with large grain storage, such as E2A: Fig. 6), which, additionally indicate that, parallel to the distinction, the competition and the social segregation, the use of force and violence (coercion) has become one of the instruments to mediate in social relationships.

We can record another one of the correlations of this process in the settlement itself. The results of the analysis of human remains and their burial sites allow us to identify two differentiated population models. The first one (Fig. 10), occurring between the first occupation and the last quarter of the third millennium BC (Table 5), exhibits a population that in spite of having a short life expectancy (men 20 and 40 years old, women 12 and 14 years old), par-

Fig. 8. Arrowheads (c. 2200 BC).

Fig. 9. Ivory bracelets (c. 1800 BC).

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Fig. 11. Dog burial (c. 3000 BC).

Fig. 10. Male burial (c. 3000 BC): Tomb E 12.

Table 5 Age and sex data in human burial.

Burial

Sex

Age (years)

Context by c. 3000 BC–c. 3500 BC F 17 Female F 18 Male F 18 Female E 12 Man

12–13 20–21 13–14 30–35

Context by c. 2000 BC to c. 1800 BC T2 Male T3 Male T4 Female T7 Male T9 Male T9 Male T 10 Male T 11 Female T 12 Female T 13 Male T 14 Male T 15 ¿?

T 46 Male

1–2 2–3 19 10 50–59 40–49 35–40 19 39–40 39–40 <1 7 39–40

ticularly relevant in women due to complications in childbirth, enjoyed good health and food conditions, and were capable of surviving child diseases. Tall for this period (reaching 1.70 m), men and women show strong muscles in their upper and lower limbs, determining the concurrence of both in the agrarian tasks and with no substantial discriminatory differences of gender (Jiménez et al., 2009). The absence of differentiated burial treatment between men and women indicates, additionally, the non-existence of ideologies designed to generate, reproduce and/or justify gender segregation. Similarly, the absence of buried young individuals suggests a system in which the access to social roles was determined, initially, by age. In contrast, the burial of sacrificed animals (cows and dogs), points to a complex system of ideological organisation of the group (Fig. 11) documented along the Guadalquivir Basin (Conlins, 2004; Lizcano, 1999; Lizcano et al., 1997).

Unfortunately, we are unable, for the time being, to determine the evolution of the physical features of the population during the last quarter of the third millennium BC, given that the burial spheres were removed from domestic contexts as well as the settlement as a whole and we shall have to wait for the identification and recording of these burial sites. However, this intended separa-

tion of the world of life from the world of death, and the appearance of the first necropolises (e.g. megalithic tombs, hypogea), allows us to verify the model of evolution towards the public reproduction and materialisation of differentiated and segregated lineages in Úbeda. This suggests the definite consolidation of first class societies in the hierarchical cores of the agrarian territory in the Valley of Guadalquivir (Nocete, 2001), of which Úbeda represents one of the most characteristic forms, the modular pattern.

The second model (Figs. 12 and 13), which begins in the second millennium BC (Table 5), involves the return of the burials to the living areas, and with them the generation of a new ideological setting in which inequality is shown in the family and individual spheres, with a clear hereditary component. This shows that child individuals are now present and with them, the possibility of fulfilling a more complete exploration. At c. 38%, child mortality (Table 5) initiates the characterisation process of a population that, in

Fig. 12. Burials c. 1800 BC. (A) Tomb T 12 (female burial) and (B) Tomb T 14 (children burial).

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and supra-regional circulation of products with the growth of the population concentration and the consolidation of the modular pattern in the Guadalquivir Basin in the last quarter of the fourth millennium BC. Moreover, it relates the centralisation of a supraregional circulation of products and raw material, the intensiďŹ cation of copper production and the territorial division of labour to the rise of an inter-settlement hierarchical framework and a peripheral primate centre (primate pattern) in the south-eastern and Lower Guadalquivir Basin c. 3000 BC. However, it also shows how the degrees of their political system, circulation, territorial division of labour, copper production and environmental impact on the Upper Guadalquivir Basin were contrary to those in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin during the third millennium BC.

Fig. 13. Burial c. 1800 BC. Tomb T 13 (male burial): distribution of silver products.

spite of increasing its life expectancy (men 59 years old and women 45 years old), experienced a more deďŹ cient nutrition (based on carbohydrates) that caused serious effects in their health (growth problems, etc.) (JimĂŠnez et al., 2009). The average height decreases and the different muscles developed indicate sexual dimorphism in the division of labour (JimĂŠnez et al., 2009). The men maintain the muscle development of all limbs and the execution of agricultural tasks (JimĂŠnez et al., 2009). However, the increase in slipped discs, fractures, etc. indicates a noteworthy increase in the intensity of the work, as well as more violent lifestyles (JimĂŠnez et al., 2009). For their part, the women, with a visible loss in the development of leg muscle, appear to have started a path that has separated them from the ďŹ elds and are carrying out the upkeep of the artisan sectors in the domestic sphere (textile manufacture, use of grinding stones, etc.) indicating a segregation of gender (JimĂŠnez et al., 2009). Correlated with the appearance of dimorphism in the burial treatment, it now becomes possible to explore the ďŹ rst materialisation of gender inequalities in the settlement.

This break in the settlement design â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the economic-social organisation that shapes Ă&#x161;beda, and which we can generalise to the most eastern zone of the Upper Guadalquivir Basin â&#x20AC;&#x201C; corresponds to a break in the physical proďŹ le of the population itself, opening up the possibility of evaluating the cultural and political dimorphism which, in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, brought about the separation and probably the confrontation of its eastern and western populations. Disregarding whether a process of population movement from south-east Iberia towards the Upper Guadalquivir Valley, or a process of class segregation (which will have to be tested in future phases of research), we must point out that the strong cultural rupture of Ă&#x161;beda after c. 2200 BC coincides in time with a strong increase in the defensive models of neighbouring societies, such as those occupying Las CampiĂąas. In them, emerged a new inter-settlement framework of a small number of heavily fortiďŹ ed centres located at the centre of a territory of agricultural production, with smaller defensive sites (towers) placed for their visual and physical control (Nocete, 1994b).

Discussion and conclusions This research identiďŹ es the start of the political system in the Guadalquivir Basin (Spain) in the ďŹ rst half of the fourth millennium BC through the agrarian intensiďŹ cation and the rise of large regional centres of aggregate populations in enclosed/fortiďŹ ed settlements relatively distant from one another (Âą10 km) and located in regions of the greatest productive potential a modular pattern.

Similarly, it links the widespread adoption of copper metallurgy

From c. 3000 to c. 2500 BC, an intensiďŹ ed copper production and large regional raw material circulation in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin caused high levels of impact on the environment (deforestation, water pollution, etc.) and gave rise to an (the ďŹ rst) inter-settlement hierarchical system with the emergence of mining-settlements and a primate-peripheral centre in Valencina based on the control of the external and internal (regional and supra-regional) circulation of raw material and products.

In contrast, in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin the modular pattern continued and the territorial division of labour was limited. The long-term sequence of Ă&#x161;beda suggests a process of agrarian intensiďŹ cation and an increase in surplus and population, but shows a local level of products and raw material circulation, a copper-working characterised by small-scale and non-specialised production and a limited environmental impact (low deforestation process) strictly related to agro-pastoral economies.

From c. 2500 to c. 2300 BC, the specialised copper workshop industry declines, the mining-settlements and the circulation of raw material decreases and the inter-settlement hierarchical system collapses in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin.

In contrast, the long-term sequence of Ă&#x161;beda conďŹ rms the continuity of the modular pattern in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin and suggests an agrarian intensiďŹ cation as well as an increase in the population and in the circulation of raw materials and products on a regional level.

From c. 2200 to c. 2000 BC, the Upper Guadalquivir Basin sees an increase in the copper production and large regional and supraregional raw material circulation with the emergence of a new inter-settlement hierarchical system and a new copper workshop industry located along the north-eastern Guadalquivir Basin periphery (Nocete, 1988, 1989, 1994a,b, 2001).

This unequal development (Lower Guadalquivir Basin and south-western Pyrite Belt vs. Upper Guadalquivir Basin) suggests an initial link between the rise and decline of the ďŹ rst inter-settlement hierarchical system with a primate and peripheral centre (primate pattern: Nocete, 2001; Nocete et al., 2005b), the centralisation of a supra-regional circulation of products and raw materials, the territorial division of labour and the adoption of a specialised workshop for copper metallurgy. Similarly, it suggests the existence of two economic models and two alternative sociopolitical processes (Lower Guadalquivir Basin and south-western Pyrite Belt vs. Upper Guadalquivir Basin) preceding the decline of the specialised copper workshop industry, the decrease in the mining-settlements and circulation of raw materials, and in the ďŹ nal collapse of the inter-settlement hierarchical system in the southwestern Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin from c. 2500 to c. 2300. It also shows how the settlements in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, such as Ă&#x161;beda, through a system based on the intensiďŹ -

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cation and control of agrarian surplus and labour force, were autonomous with respect to the first inter-settlement hierarchical system centred around the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin from c. 3000 to c. 2500 BC, and how they were able to resist the collapse from c. 2500 BC to c. 2300 BC materialising later (c. 2200 to c. 2000 BC) a different inter-settlement hierarchical system centred in the north-eastern Guadalquivir Basin (Nocete, 1994a,b, 2001) and based on the control of people and land.

The archaeological record of Úbeda indicates that the modular pattern of the Upper Guadalquivir Basin preceded and continued during and after the first inter-settlement hierarchical system located in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin. Similarly, it suggests an environmental-productive stable and autonomous system.

In contrast, the archaeological records from Cabezo Juré, La Junta and Valencina indicate that the inter-settlement hierarchical system centred in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Low Guadalquivir Basin started c. 3000 BC and collapsed from c. 2500 to c.

2300. Similarly, it suggests an environmental-productive unstable and dependent system as a consequence of: (1) the copper-working specialisation, (2) the regional inequality and dependence on the mining district (south-western Pyrite Belt) and the primate and peripheral centre (Valencina) with respect to the surplus from

15

the agrarian settlements of the Guadalquivir Basin, (3) the emergence of new social relationships by a division of labour into (artisan, peasant, non-producer, etc.) and between (mining, gateway, agrarian, etc.) settlements and (4) the (unsustainable?) high level of environmental (deforestation, heavy metal pollution) impact.

However, the long-term sequence of Úbeda, in addition to the evolution of the spatial pattern in Central and Upper Guadalquivir Basin (Nocete, 1989, 1994a,b) and the archaeological record from the Albalate-Berral and Alcores settlements (Nocete, 2001) suggest an additional explanation regarding the resistance of the modular pattern and its continuity after the collapse of the inter-settlement hierarchical system in the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin: the modular pattern was a more efficient political system in the reproduction of the early class society (Myrhe, 1977; Bintliff, 1982; Nocete, 2000). Úbeda suggests an initial link between the start of the modular pattern (Figs. 14 and 15) and the emergence of social inequality.

With an initial low level of technological development, a local supply of resources and production on a domestic scale, surplus can only be increased by a concentration of the population (tested in the spatial pattern evolution: Figs. 14 and 15), an expansion of the resource catchment area (tested in the pollen diagram and supply sources: Fig. 7; Table 4) and, simultaneously, by an increase in working hours and in the intensity of the work (tested in the

Fig. 14. Settlement pattern in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin c. 3500 BC (adapted from Lizcano (1999), Nocete (1989, 1994a,b, 2001).

Fig. 15. Settlement pattern in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin c. 3000 BC (adapted from Lizcano (1999), Nocete (1989, 1994a,b, 2001)).

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Fig. 16. Evolution in the agrarian technology: the flint sickles ((A) c. 3000 BC; (B) c.

2200 BC; (C) c. 2000 BC). Direct Calendar Age Cal BC.

anthropological study). However, the modular pattern does not only imply (therefore) more adaptive advantages, but rather the presence of a political management, together with an aggregated population, which serve to create more complex and unequal social relations, especially when this concentration involves the unequal integration of a previously autonomous local population and where the surplus generated by said intensification is not allocated to the improvement of the reproductive capacity of the society as a whole. This can be seen in the progressive increase in the regional and supra-regional supply and technological production of the symbols of power and political prominence (weapons, luxury products, iconographic representations, etc.) in comparison with the continuity in the supply and technological production of agrarian artefacts (Table 4 and Fig. 16).

This last approach suggests that the organisation and control of the labour force by an increase and/or concentration in the population is established as the predominant means for increasing surplus. The human labour was increased to support the appropriation of surplus. In addition to wealth, physical and ideological coercion guarantee the unequal accumulation of the surplus

generated. In this way only could wealth be produced and reconverted into goods for reproducing and increasing social inequality.

Nevertheless, it suggests an additional link between the limitations of this agrarian society (with the population centred around agrarian production) to organise an internal craft specialisation, the progressive need for products associated with the reproduction of social inequality (such as copper artefacts), the regional circulation of products, and the peripheral emergence of settlements specialised in their production and distribution.

The non-collapse of this system from c. 2500 to c. 2300 BC and an increase in the unequal presence of cereal storage, grinding stones, foreign products not linked with the needs of the agrarian sector (ivory, marble, silver, etc.) and means of coercion (weapons) in some residences in Úbeda after c. 2200 BC suggest the emergence of a class society based on the private and unequal property of the land and herds, and the appearance of a dependant peasantry deprived of agrarian property and the means of defence.

This internal record of Úbeda, in addition to the range of the new inter-settlement hierarchical framework that emerged in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin from c. 2200 to c. 2000 BC (Fig. 17), suggests the consolidation of an organisation and control of the labour force by coercion as the predominant means to increase surplus and reproduce inequality, confirms this alternative way in the political process and explains their resistance and continuity after the collapse of the south-western Pyrite Belt and Lower Guadalquivir Basin inter-settlement hierarchical system through its political efficiency in the reproduction of an earliest-class society.

Hence, the new inter-settlement hierarchical system centred in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin from c. 2200 to c. 2000 BC is not found within a unique primate and peripheral centre oriented towards the control of an exchange network, as occurs in the Lower Guadalquivir Basin from c. 3000 to c. 2500 BC. The new primate-regional centres were located in a central position within the settlement pattern. This fact, in addition to the unequal distribution of the means of (defence and destruction) coercion (e.g. fortification, weapons, etc.) and the emergence of sites specialised in coercion (e.g. towers) suggests, once more, that the basis for creating surplus is not found only in the control of exchange or in the distribution of raw material and products. In the Upper Guadalquivir Basin, from c. 2200 BC to 2000 BC (Nocete, 1994b), and from c. 3500 BC to 2200 BC, the main objective of the surplus was to control the land as well as the people within the territory.

Lastly, the relationships between the copper industry and the emergence and collapse of the first south-western European inter-settlement hierarchical system, in addition to other similar processes of the first specialised mining and smelting industries

Fig. 17. Settlement pattern in the Upper Guadalquivir Basin c. 2200 BC (adapted from Lizcano (1999), Nocete (1989, 1994a,b, 2001)).

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(Abbott and Wolfe, 2003), provide a powerful vehicle for reflecting (Hornborg and Crumley, 2007) on the limits and (social–political– environmental) sustainability of ancient and modern Political Systems, such as pollution, territorial division of labour, unequal circulation of raw material-products and political and economic dependence.

Acknowledgments This publication has been carried out within the objectives and the financial framework of an archaeological project (PIGMALIOM PB 98-0958, BHA2002-0437-C02-02) and a collaboration agreement between the University of Huelva and the City Council of Úbeda. We thank the team responsible for developing the registration and analysis of the archaeological remains of Úbeda: C. Pérez: Department of Archaeology, World Heritage Service, Úbeda; Drs. R. Sáez, J.M. Nieto, M.R. Bayona, N. Inacio, M., D. Abril and J.C. PérezQuintero: University of Huelva; Drs. J.S. Carrion and N. Fuentes: University of Murcia; Drs. J.A. Riquelme and S. Jiménez: University of Granada; Drs. J.I. Gil-Ibarguchi and J.F. Santos: Iniversity of Vasque Country and Dr. R. Buxó: National Museum of Catalonia. We gratefully thank R. Nelson and R.W. Chapman for the comments and text-revision.

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