40 minute read
Methodology
Land and Tenure
Due to the interesting intersection of formal and informal settlements within the Camrabhat community, they have a complex relationship with land rights and tenure. The overall site is owned by the municipality and they have legally built the housing blocks and bungalows to be rented to residents. The informal settlement is illegally occupying the land owned by the Municipality. The Municipality was not involved in the establishment of the informal housing block, yet they did not seriously oppose its construction. Through illegal additions to the formal housing structures, and illegal subletting of these properties, aspects of informality also pervade the formal areas of the community.
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Although the apartments and bungalows are rented form the municipality, there is still a strong sense of security and ownership in the occupants tenure. The occupants feel able to make illegal additions to these properties, which have not been punished by the municipality, and they are responsible for funding and carrying out their own maintenance to their properties. However, this sense of security is tied to their employment through the municipality and it is not clear if these properties could be retained if they ceased employment. The tenure of the informal settlement residents is less secure as they are illegally occupying the land owned by the municipality, and the latest Outline Development Plan has marked the area as a commercial zone (Greater Panaji Planning and Development Authority, 2019). This indicates it could undergo redevelopment in the future. However, as the vast majority of residents have been there for 12 years or longer, the residents acquire certain rights and cannot be evicted with ease (Times of India, 2019b).
In the wider community there is a negative connotation towards the informal settlements, and there have been many conversations about moving the residents to more secure housing. This topic has been widely discussed by politicians in each election cycle but nothing has come to fruition to see the plans executed (Team Herald, 2015). This increases the vulnerability of the informal settlements tenure and their connection to the Camrabhat community. As the majority of the settlement is built over underground power lines and water pipelines, this further increases the vulnerability of their tenure. Due to the complications with rehousing the informal settlement residents, their living situation is tolerated by the municipality and the local Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) and gives an arguably false sense of security to the residents (Team Herald, 2015). It is likely they may be relocated in the coming years, but whether this is to new formal housing structures established on the site or elsewhere is difcult to determine.
It is understood that over the years the local MLA has supported the community through money and public assets in exchange for political support, in a relationship akin to clientelism. Many of the shrines and public areas built on the site are considered illegal additions under planning legislation, but these have been supported or funded by the MLA.
Overall, the community can be considered relatively secure in the short-medium term, and none of the community have expressed any fear of eviction. The informal additions to the formal housing blocks and construction of the informal settlement has also been tolerated by the municipality as a solution to the overcrowding of the site, rather than them having to provide further formal housing structures.
INFRASTRUCTURE Sanitation
In 1997, the community at Camrabhat was connected to the Sewage Treatment Plant (STP) at Tonca through newly-laid sewerage and a pumping station. Both the formal bungalows and apartment blocks have toilets and washing areas which are connected to the municipal sewage system. For the apartment blocks these facilities were included in the original construction, while for the bungalows these were added on in informal additions. It is understood that all sewage produced by residents in these formal housing structure is collected through the municipal sewage system and none of this waste contaminates the site. However, Taleigao’s sewerage has been described as “largely dysfunctional”, and it is possible that it does not always operate as designed (Royal Haskoning DHV, 2019). There is a sewage pumping station in the community which pumps the sewage directly to the Sewage Treatment Plant (STP) at Tonca, and the community do not pay any fees for these services.
As there are no formal toilets within the informal units which has led to open defecation and the direct disposal of sewage on land and in the Creek. In an attempt to address this, two
paid public toilets have been built on site for use by the informal settlement residents and these are legally connected into the municipal sewage system. The frst toilet block was constructed by the Taleigao Village Panchayat and located next to the creek beside the central informal rubbish dump. The second public toilet is located inside the informal settlement and was constructed by the Sulabh International Social Service Organisation. (Figure 4.15) Both of these toilets charge a small fee, approximately 2 INR per visit. There are also three tiny informal toilets set up in the settlement, which are reported to be connected to the municipal sewage system, but could in reality be connected to stormwater drains.
Figure 4.15 - Public toilets constructed by the Sulabh International Social Service Organisation inside the informal settlement. However, evidence suggests that the residents don’t regularly use these facilitates and frequently defecate in the open outside their shanties or in other open areas, leaving the waste in the Creek, elsewhere onsite or into the storm water drainage systems. This mostly occurs at night due to safety concerns of using public toilets, with women being particularly afraid to venture from their homes after dark.
Water
Although the site is surrounded by natural surface water sources, they cannot be used due to high levels of solid waste and sewage pollution. Instead the residents rely on water supplied through the municipal water supply system and in two historic wells located in their community. It is understood that all the formal housing structures are legally connected into this water supply, and they all pay regular water bills. Most of the informal slum dwellings also receive piped water inside some of their homes, and also have access to water in the communal washing spaces. None of the residences appear to have water flters so the water must be boiled before it can be consumed.
Water is supplied by pipes for two hours per day, at alternative times for the diferent housing communities. Most of the apartments and bungalows have small water storage barrels inside their homes, which are topped up during their water access hours to be used during the disconnected periods. Some of the informal shanties also have barrels, but access to water through the day has been raised as a particular challenge. There have been periods in the past where they have had communal water storage tank, but as the settlement has expanded new informal housing has been prioritised, and the tanks have been moved and damaged such that they are now unusable.
Waste Collection
Waste is collected by the Corporation of the City of Panaji, despite the fact the community is in Taleigao. The community theoretically follows municipality waste collection schedule, with dry and wet waste kept separate and collected on alternative days from the site by waste collection trucks.
There are six green wet rubbish bins located in the centre of the community, across from the main public toilets, that are meant to hold the wet waste for all households in the community. It appears there is far more wet waste produced than what can be held in these bins, so the rubbish often spills onto the ground below. Dry waste is also meant to be collected beside the green bins in separate white rubbish
Figure 4.17 - Central rubbish dump location next to Panchayat toilets.
sacks, although this system is often not used by residents. Instead many residents dump their waste on the ground beside the bins, or on empty land behind the apartment blocks, creating large rubbish piles. (Figure 4.16) These rubbish piles are often not dealt with and grow to be large dumping areas, with the rubbish being eaten by dogs, cows and goats that frequent the site. Occasionally the community will burn the rubbish piles, leaving large piles of ash. Many residents do not like this but see it as the only solution to deal with the abandoned rubbish.
Roads and Stormwater Infrastructure
There is one paved road leading up to the site and over the bridge, but as the road enters the site this transforms into a dirt road. The majority of paths throughout the site are dirt paths, although there are some attractive paved areas in the single story formal settlement. This causes mild air pollution throughout the community, especially during the dry season, due to high dust levels in the air.
Figure 4.18 - Main entrance to the community over the bridge.
After the damaging foods occurring in 2014 and 2016, the residents requested for better stormwater management on their site. This was provided by the Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) in his 2018 election bid and subsequently there are storm water drains running through the majority of the site and the bridge walls have been raised. The storm water drains are covered with concrete pavers to protect residents from sanitation and contamination issues, although these are completely inefective during the annual foods. These storm water drains lead into the creek and wetlands behind the site. This has contributed to the increase in pollution of the Creek, as solid waste and sewage dumped in the drains is then carried into the Creek.
Figure 4.19 - Informal settlement is built over stormwater infrastructure.
Community Facilities
Camrabhat has a diverse range of public facilities. Due to funding from local residents, organisations and the MLA, the community has built multiple shrines and temples on their site as well as an open public area with a stage. On a day to day basis the shrines are occupied by men associating with the Hindu religion, although they are communally used for religious ceremonies. The main shrine at the entrance to the site is only used by the residents of the bungalows. There is a seperate, more informal shrine inside the slum settlement used by those residents.
Figure 4.20 - Main Hindu shrine at the entrance to the site
The public space area with the stage is used as the girls play area and a public gathering space for community events. There is a disparity between access to community facilities for diferent genders - the boys and younger men report playing and socialising in almost all areas of the site, however the girls tend to only play in one area next to the stage. There is one allweather cricket pitch by the school, but three other sporting areas (a volleyball feld and two cricket pitches) which are only available for use in the dry season. There is also a local park called Palmar Garden located outside the community which the children often use to play.
Figure 4.21 - Children play cricket in the alleyways between the bungalows.
In 2013 the GSIDC completed a Government Primary School on the site. This is a modern, multi-purpose facility including classrooms and an internal gymnasium and is open from 8am - 12pm Monday to Saturday. The school educates children in kindergarten and up to 3rd grade who come from a range of families in the Camrabhat community as well as of-site. The children use the outdoor area surrounding the school building as a play area as well as the concreted sports court next door.
Figure 4.22 - GSID Government Primary School.
Access to Energy and Technology
Both dwellings in the formal and informal settlements are connected to the municipality electrical system, which are tolerated by the authorities. This provides all residents with power to run internal lights, televisions and use some basic kitchen appliances. Many residents also have small decorative lights strung along their exterior walls and roof edges outside which add to the character of the communities and provide some external lights for safety. Throughout the site there are street lights along the main access road which provides some light at night. These are often unmaintained and broken, so there is a lack of sufcient lighting throughout the site at night, although through discussions with residents this was not raised as a concern, including amongst women. Most residents own smartphones and can access the internet through data plans.
Transportation
There is high vehicle ownership in both the formal and informal settlements. Most immediate families own one form of transportation which is predominantly used by the male family members. The most popular form of vehicle is a scooter, although some families own motorbikes or small cars. Many children also own bicycles and use these to move around the site. Some of the women who work ofsite use the public bus to get to and from work. The closest bus stop is located along St Inez Road, a fve minute walk from the site.
Figure 4.23 - High car and scooter ownership in the bungalow settlement
NATURAL CAPITAL
The natural capital of the community is identifed as the land, soil, air, fauna, fora and all aspects of the natural world which bring ecosystems services for the community. Camrabhat is set at the edge of the built-up area of Panaji, on a transition zone with traditional Khazan farming lands which are now largely abandoned.
WELLS
Figure 4.24 - Historic well in the community. The community has two historic agricultural constructed wells located on site, situated between homes in the informal settlement area. They are mainly used by the residents from the informal settlement to provide washing and drinking water outside the water supply hours. These wells are generally well maintained, and appear to be a natural gathering place for many of the women in the community. The well provides some resilience of supply, but it has been suggested that the groundwater is at risk of contamination from leaking septic tanks outside Camrabhat.
ST INEZ CREEK
The St Inez Creek has historically been an important natural asset to the community, being used for fshing, washing and bathing. Older residents describe fshing for mackerel, sardines, crabs and other ocean-going fsh which used to migrate all the way to the community and were a source of sustenance. Over the years its degradation due to pollution has resulted in the water being unsanitary for human use and consumption, and many edible species of fsh no longer migrate there. The main basin of the Creek is situated at the only vehicular entrance to the site and is the main focal point of the entrance to the community. The Creek has a restricted fow underneath the bridge, creating
a secondary basin leading into the neighbouring wetlands.
Figure 4.25 - The Creek at the entrance to the community.
Figure 4.26 - The Creek alongside the Vision Park Colony leading into the wetlands.
After the establishment of the new Sewage Treatment Plant at Tonca in 2005, many blamed it for a fall in water quality. The same blame is also attributed to the surrounding colonies, who are accused of discharging human waste directly into the Creek due to their septic tanks being under-sized. Observations suggest the community itself is also a big source of solid waste pollution. It is impossible to attribute blame to a single source, and it is likely that a multitude of stakeholders share responsibility for the degradation of the Creek.
“We used to swim in the Creek, if you dropped a coin, you could still see it in the bottom of the creek. Now the creek is dirty and we don’t use it, it has been like that for a long time”
- elderly man
The area of the Creek along the adjacent roads is bordered by a concrete retaining wall, which was installed in May 2019 as a method to combat fooding during the rainy season. There was opposition to this from local activists and organisations who identifed the importance of the natural vegetation along the banks of the creek to the ecosystems and natural fltration processes occurring in the Creek. Worryingly, Taleigao Panchayat is proposing a similar level of concretisation along the entire length of the Creek. There are still some natural ecosystems fourishing, and there are regular sightings of fsh, frogs, otters and crocodiles by the residents, but it is clear the health of the Creek has drastically declined over recent years.
“The Creek is the lifeline of the city...we are killing it”
- engineer
FARMLANDS AND WETLANDS
Figure 4.27 - Rubbish build up along edge of wetlands behind bungalows.
To the south and east of the community sit large, expansive semi-abandoned farmland which form part of the catchment area of the St Inez Creek. These areas used to function as brakish rice paddy felds when the land was used for agricultural purposes. Due to the low lying nature of the community, these agricultural wetlands are an asset as they help to maintain and attenuate excess water during the rainy season. However, in the last 10 years much of this land has been lost due to colony development, which has reduced the permeability of the area and restricts the fow of surface water across the felds. This doubtless contributes to the growing fooding that the community experiences on an annual basis. During the dry season the felds are used as a cricket pitch for the boys and men in the community.
The agricultural areas are jointly owned by the Communidade and private farmers outside the community, but are largely abandoned and function as wetlands for much of the year.
Figure 4.28 - Agricultural wetlands behind Camrabhat.
SOCIAL CAPITAL
The social capital are the interpersonal relations and networks that residents form inside and outside, which are rooted in trust and provide benefts for people’s livelihoods (DFID, 2015).
FAMILY STRUCTURES AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS
There are complex community relationships at play within the Camrabhat community and wider community of Panaj. The Camrabhat community is not homogeneus and can be split into fve diferent population demographics; the original residents who migrated from Karnataka several generations ago renting the single story formal units, the recent Karnataka migrants and local Goan families occupying the informal housing settlement, and the Nepalese migrants and Muslim families who rent units in the multistory formal housing blocks. These diferent populations groups are largely segregated within the site, with the adults having little social interactions with each other, although some of the children do play together. Religion also plays a part in the segregation of the community as members of the community identify as Hindu, Christian and Muslim. There is mutual acceptance between the Christian and Hindu Muslim populations, but there is little interaction between the groups. The is a very small Muslim community of 3-6 families and the Muslim children typically attend a separate school.
The families who originally migrated from Karnataka occupying the formal single story units and slum dwellings have large joint family structures. As the families situated in the formal units have been occupying the site for over 40 years, they have many generations of family members living across multiple dwellings. They can include up to 20 family members living across 4-5 dwellings. The recent Karnataka migrant families occupying the slum dwellings have smaller family structures, usually of up to 8 people from 1-2 generations, who all share 1 dwelling. These large family structures mean adults usually only interact with others in the family, restricting social interactions among the wider community. The children are generally not as segregated in their interactions, and often play with children throughout the community and also children from the neighbouring colonies.
Although these two groups have a similar cultural background as they both migrated from Karnataka, they are somewhat segregated based on our informal interviews. The more recent arrivals from Karnataka are looked down upon by the others who have lived in the community for several generations, due to their poor living conditions in the informal settlement and ‘unsocial’ family structures. It is noted that there are high levels of domestic abuse and general abuse of women occurring in the informal settlement, which is looked down upon by other groups in the community but not dealt with. These frst generation Karnataka migrants also have a more communal family structure, with some men father children from multiple women. Due to this the adults sometimes look after all children within the community rather than those biologically considered their own. This community does not feel overly settled in Camrabhat, and still consider Karnataka home, going back to visit their families multiple times a year.
In both the Karnataka migrant communities it appears there is still much segregation between genders, with girls and boys having diferent roles in the family structures. For the girls it is seen as a privilege to attend school and after school they are expected to stay home and help with housework and cooking. For the boys they are expected to play after school and have no set rules to abide by on the site. This greats further segregation between the genders in the community, with the children only interacting with members of the opposite gender within their families. The Nepalese migrants feel like outcasts in the community, due to their diference in race and religion. They feel they do not belong in the community or wider city of Panaji, and only see their time residing on the site as temporary.
“We don’t feel at home here, we feel like tourists when we walk through the community” - Nepalese woman
The community has experienced a great deal of exclusion from the wider city of Panaji, both due to their migrant status and standard of their living conditions. Although much of the community has settled on the site over 40 years ago, many of the residents are still not perceived as Goans, and are treated as outcasts in the wider community. It is also well known among the wider community that due to their original cultural ties to Karnataka, they do not conform to the societal norms of Goans and have diferent family and social structures. It appears they are looked down upon by others in society. Interestingly, our interviews suggest there is little interaction between the Camrabhat community and the neighbouring colonies, unless it is for employment purposes.
SOCIAL INVESTMENT IN THE COMMUNITY
Local activists and community organisations have identifed the emergent vulnerability and isolation of the Camrabhat community within the wider city of Panaji, and have begun to act to rectify this through involvement with the community.
Local activist Vishall Rawlley has taken great interest in the community and identifed many issues with their living conditions and community interactions which he wishes to address. He has been working with the community for over three years acting to establish strong relationships with a range of community members. He has implemented workshops and activities to generate relationships within the community and further educate the children, including skill building and social interactions through theatre, football and study groups. He also conducts annual summer camps in the community, focused on getting the children to interact with their surrounding natural environment, specifcally the Creek.
He has also seen great potential in trying to reestablish the communities’ relationship with the Creek. Due to its highly polluted nature, the community has a negative relationship to the Creek and a general lack of understanding towards the importance of maintaining their natural environment. Vishal has tried to regenerate interest in these areas, and educate the community on their importance through establishing a community vegetable patch and a foating garden. (Figure 4.29)
Figure 4.29 - Floating garden implemented by Vishal in the Creek at Camrabhat.
He also advocates on their behalf in local government where decisions are made that might negatively afect the community or their area of the Creek and surrounding natural environment. He has been active in his opposition to the concrete retaining walls established along the river bank and is petitioning for the local municipality to not implement these on further banks on the entire length of the Creek. He has also argued against the designation of the Creek as a ‘nallah’ and the lack of designation of the wetlands surrounding the community as agricultural land in the recent Outline Development Plan.
Other community organisations such as the Taleigao Village Panchayat, Communidade, Goa Forgiving and the Rotary Club of Panjim have been involved in the community through diferent development initiatives. These have mostly been unsuccessful or not seen to fruition, which has created a false sense of hope and led to distrust of the community in these organisations and their actions. In 2005 the Rotary Club carried out an initial slum redevelopment proposal alongside a local architect. This looked at relocating the informal settlement to the northern area of the site alongside the Creek, which is now occupied by the public toilets. At the time the community was told about the project but little community consultation was undertaken in this initial design proposal. This led to confusion within the community when the Rotary club did not return to their site and the proposal was not seen to fruition. Moreover, the Public Works Department (PWD) does near-annual assessments of the drivers of fooding, but every year has failed to implement any substantial solutions that address the root causes.
This pattern of unfulflled promises and proposals has been more widely seen through the involvement of municipal organisations and politicians in the community. In each election cycle local politicians often highlight the need to provide further support to the community and address the issues associated with the quality of their living conditions and the security of the informal settlement. For many years the informal settlement residents have been promised upgrades to their current slum dwellings or relocation to another area in the community or in the wider city of Panaji, but nothing has come to fruition. Through these unfulflled promises the community has lost trust in the local government and does not rely on them for assistance.
HUMAN CAPITAL
Human Capital is defned as the “labour resource available for households” (Radoki, 2002) which can be drawn upon to bring value for the wider household. It considers the skills, knowledge and good health that a household can draw upon to achieve their livelihood objectives (DFID, 2015).
EMPLOYMENT AND SKILLSETS
The rates of employment vary among the diferent cultural groups within the community, due to their ability to access education and skill building resources. Most men in the community undertake some form of employment, while only some women do. The men in the migrant families from Karnataka occupying the bungalows are employed by the municipality, with some residents having employment since migrating to the site over 40 years ago. Women occasionally work as maids in the colonies adjacent to the community. The Nepalese migrants are employed in more ofcial roles in the city of Panaji, with both the men and women undertaking employment. In the informal settlement, most of the men do not have secure jobs and instead they fnd labour jobs on a day to day or weekly basis so their source of income is unstable. The women in these communities typically do not work and tend to stay at home looking after the children, rarely leaving the community, even for shopping. The adults of the families from Karnataka appear to have limited education and no professional skills, as they have historically all been employed by the City of Panaji Waste Management Corporation. This continues to limit their employment to work with the Corporation. Some women from these families have small businesses run from their homes in the informal and single story formal settlements. These include sewing and clothing repair services. There are also low levels of education among the men in the informal settlement, although they appear to have a wider skill set as they must undertake various types of employment to make a living.
HEALTH
Due to the open defecation and contamination of human waste on the site and in the creek, the community is exposed to poor sanitary conditions. This does not appear to directly afect their health on a day to day basis, but may lead to severe health related issues in the future. Based on the culture of the families, there are mixed opinions towards the use of local health services. The Nepalese migrants use the local health services in Panaji, especially the free Military and Children’s Hospitals located in Campal. Other families from the Karnataka migrants do not regularly use the local health services, and instead may choose to attend to the health of their family members in the local temples and churches.
EDUCATING AND INVESTING IN THE FUTURE
The importance placed on children’s education varies between diferent families in the community. The Nepalese migrant families and existing Karnataka migrant families occupying the bungalows view education as important for their children, and invest in sending some of their children to private schools in Dona Paula and Taleigao. Many of these children also attend after school tutoring sessions either run of site or in their community. Some of these children have expressed plans to attend university or train as teachers, but whether this can be fulflled is unknown. Families in the informal settlement send their children to local public schools but are less strict about their attendance, often letting their children make the choice whether or not they attend school. There is no expectation that their children will fnish school but they should take up employment when possible to contribute to the family fnances.
Local community activist Vishal Rawelley has been very interested in investing in the future of the community. He has set up activities and groups for the children to provide further education and increase their skill sets. He has helped to set up weekly theatre, football and tutoring groups within the community that are tailored towards all children, and has also run workshops and summer camps teaching children about the creek and nature restoration. (Figure 4.30)
Figure 4.30 - Vishal conducting a summer camp with children in Camrabhat.
FINANCIAL CAPITAL
Financial resources can be drawn upon by families and communities to support diferent livelihood options - and includes loans and credit, in addition to liquid assets (Radoki, 2002).
LOCAL BUSINESSES AND ECONOMIES
There are several local businesses run in the community which are mostly owned and run by local residents. These include food and goods stores, bars, a mechanics workshop and sewing and clothing repair services. The main food and goods store run on the site is situated opposite the central rubbish dump, and has been run by the same family for over 40 years. Another store selling similar products is run on the site by a couple who live in a diferent community but saw the opportunity to start up a business when the migrants frst moved to the site over 40 years ago. Ofsite vendors from Taleigao visit the community on a daily basis to sell food products such as fsh and vegetables. The quality of these items are varied between the diferent groups in the community, based on what they can aford to purchase. Due to the abundance of food sold in the community, the residents often don’t leave the site to buy food products, but if they do they will purchase these from the Panjim market.
Figure 4.31 - Locally run food and goods strores in the community
Some informal bars have been established in the informal community and are generally only used by these residents. There has also been a mechanics workshop established in the multi-storey housing block which is used by all residents on the site. A clothing repair and sewing business has been set up by the residents in the formal housing units, and is used by their families as well as residents in the informal settlement. Local urban farming is carried out through chickens and goats bred onsite, although some residents feel these are not safe to eat as they consume much of the onsite waste.
“The goats are eating plastic and we are eating the goats, and it is not good for us”
- middle aged women
FAMILY INCOME AND SAVINGS
Many families are able to draw on their fnancial assets to invest in private education for their children, as part of an implicit strategy for reducing long-term vulnerability whilst others are able to invest in the community through the establishment of communal shrines. However, a signifcant proportion of the community reportedly don’t have access to bank accounts due to their residency status, which restricts their ability to raise fnance. This is particularly pertinent for residents who have recently migrated from Karnataka. The Nepalese families appear more accepted within the wider community due to their higher incomes, secure jobs and wider position within society, and due to this they are able to have bank accounts.
The family members employed by the municipality earn a low wage and are paid in hand with cash. Due to this they tend to live paycheck to paycheck and do not have any formal savings. Any cash that is saved is generally stored in containers in the kitchen of their homes, or on the body of an adult female family members. Their wealth is also established through the gold and silver jewellery worn by the women in their families. Their inability to be classifed as Goan residents, makes these families very fnancially vulnerable as they would be unqualifed to receive any formal loans or fnancial support.
As most of the informal settlement residents do not have fxed employment, their fnancial security is highly vulnerable. They fnd small jobs from day to day or week to week so have no reliable income. Most of the women in these communities don’t work and stay at home, often not leaving the site, so the sole income of these families is reliant on male employment.
05
FINDINGS, IDENTIFYING ISSUES AND PROBLEM STATEMENT
The information gathered through the participatory exercises illustrated issues afecting the community and the St Inez Creek. To analyse these further we have categorised these fndings under two main themes; vulnerability of the community and the environmental degradation of the creek.
In the context of the community, vulnerability can be understood as the ‘insecurity and sensitivity in the well-being of individuals and households in the face of a changing environment’ and ‘their responsiveness and resilience to risks that they face during such negative changes’ (Moser, 1998). In the face of climate change, the community is exposed to many environmental changes that may threaten their welfare in terms of their ecological, economic, social and political stability. These threats to their welfare can occur through sudden shocks, long-term trends, or seasonal cycles which can increase the risk in the sustainability of their livelihoods and access to assets, creating a sense of uncertainty and declining self-respect (Moser, 1998). We found that there were many factors causing vulnerabilities in the community’s livelihood sustainability and security due to their marginalisation within the wider Panaji community. These were infuenced by the conditions on their site as well as their relationship within the wider city of Panaji, and recognition by their municipality and local government. The livelihoods of some archetypal ‘personas’ that we’ve identifed in the community are shown in Figure 5.01. These are of course generalisations, but have been useful for helping us to understand and work with people’s livelihoods in the community.
Figure 5.01 Personas Diagram of community members.
Typical personas................................................in the three communities of Camrabhat
WOMAN MUNICIPAL APARTMENT BLOCKS
WOMAN
SLUM DWELLINGS
WOMAN
MUNICIPAL BUNGALOWS
MAN
MUNICIPAL BUNGALOWS
Family
Employment
Water & sanitation
Food
Education
Home
Society
“We have a big bed, and a small bed for my child. The apartment is [illegally] sub-let from a municipal worker. The apartment is in good structural condition.” “I have lived in Camrabhat for 11 years, but only have friends in the apartments. I don’t like to walk through the other parts of Camrabhat.” “I have a husband and two children, and we moved from Karnataka around 5 years ago. I share parental responsibilities with my neighbour” “I’m unemployed and stay in the community, my husband works as a casual labourer with an unstable income”
“Eight members of our family all sleep on the oor together ur home is unstable, often ooded and leaks in the monsoon season.” “We ve lived here for five years, but some look down on us. I occasionally talk to other people in the bungolows who originate from Karnataka” “ I have husband and three children, but also has a huge extended family - almost everyone is a relative in some way. We’ve been here for three generations.” “I’m unemployed, but my husband works for the municipality managing waste collections.”
“My family sleeps in the living room on mattresses and sofas. Our home is in good structural condition, but is ooded almost annually.” “We’re strongly connected with people in the bungalows, and we have some friends in other areas of Panaji. We occasionally meet up with them for picnics on the beach.” “I have a wife and two children, and my Mum and sister live in same house.”
VULNERABILITY
The community exhibits aspects of vulnerability, and residents feel a sense of insecurity and helplessness
Many factors contribute to the vulnerability of the residents in the community, namely their ability to access and maintain livelihood assets, strengthen their housing tenure on site and limit their exposure to damaging natural weather events and other shocks. The community identifes their lack of 24 hour access to clean water and increased exposure to on site fooding as the two factors most afecting their livelihoods. The residents have little power to address these issues themselves, as they require changes in government policies or funding from external sources for better resources on their site.
This lack of ability to solve their own issues, and the lack of assistance from the local government and organisations, has resulted in a sense of insecurity and helplessness within the community. In many cases they have lost trust in these organisations to provide help when they are in need or try to better their living conditions in the community.
ACCESS TO WATER
Limited access to fresh water resources limits the livelihoods and opportunities for many in the community, especially women and girls
Access to water is a major issue afecting all residents in the community, and is something they have wanted to be solved for many years. With many residents there is a misconception of why this issue is occurring, with some blaming themselves and the community for their lack of access to water while others identifying it as a government-controlled issue. Although all homes within the formal and informal settlements are connected to the municipal water supply system, they only receive metered access to the water supply within their homes for 2-3 hours per day in the evenings. Some residents in the bungalows and apartments have small water storage barrels inside their washrooms which provide them with further access to water. The residents lack of water access impacts their livelihoods as it dictates how they schedule their day. It restricts the tasks the can carry out in the morning when no water is available, and forces them to clean, wash and cook during a short period in the evening.
“A water tank would solve lots of our issues - we’d be able to plan our day in a diferent way!”
- Teenage girls from Camrabhat
Under the Imagine Panaji 24/7 development plan, they aim to implement 24 hour access to water throughout Panaji by 2021. Many locals are sceptical of this, including those residing in the community, based of the lengthy implementation timeline of previous infrastructure redevelopments. For many years locals have asked for permanent on site water storage tanks that would be supplied by Public Works Department (PWD) to provide them with some form of water access on site outside of their controlled water access period. On two occasions these have been provided alongside the informal settlement area, but were then later moved to make way for more housing and appear to have been accidentally destroyed.
Figure 5.02 - Water meters in bungalow settlement.
FLOODING
Annual fooding is seen as the primary issue facing the community by many residents, and has broad and tragic implications for household assets, including health
Flooding is a constant issue that afects the community during the monsoon seasons. Each year there are approximately 3-5 foods which cause damage to infrastructure in the community and block their access to and from the site. The frequency and spontaneity of the fooding makes the community vulnerable as they are not able to protect their homes from damage. The efects of the fooding increase the vulnerability of the communities livelihoods, damaging their physical and natural assets and restricting the ability to be fnancially stable. As extreme weather events are only becoming more frequent due to climate change, the safety of the community is continuously under threat and their exposure to fooding is ever increasing. The community is susceptible to foods and their subsequent damage due to its low lying position at the head of the St Inez Creek and basin of the Nagali Hills. Flooding is further afected by the loss of permeable land from development. These restrict the food waters in the monsoon season from naturally fowing into the wetlands behind the community. Due to the large
concrete wall built into the Vision Park Colony along the edge of the wetlands, food water is directed straight into the community. Due to the decrease in water retaining vegetation along the banks of the Creek, the Creek also rises under heavy rainwater and often spills over the smaller concrete retaining walls around the creek into the community. Downstream from Camrabhat, fows are restricted by extensive siltation and the narrowing of the Creek due to development. Whilst the Creek is up to 30 metres wide at Camrabhat, downstream this drops to just four metres in places. These aspects make the community extremely vulnerable during foods as water enters the site without being attenuated, and remains there as it cannot easily drain away. This causes signifcant damage to the single story bungalows, informal shanties and lower levels of the apartment blocks as well as community buildings on the site. Flooding is also a signifcant health risk, with residents reporting snakes, dengue fever and exposure to open sewage as some of the biggest sources of misery.
In both 2014 and 2017 Panaji was hit by heavy rain causing damaging foods which greatly afected the Camrabhat community. (Figure 5.03 and 5.04) These foods saw over 20 informal dwellings submerged, greatly afecting the livelihoods of the occupants.
Figure 5.03 - Flooding at the entrance to the community.
Figure 5.04 - Debris built up from the fooding. During and after the foods, some support and aid was provided by local organisations, such as the Public Works Department (PWD) and Taleigao Panchayat. Afected families were temporarily rehomed in local schools, while work was done to restore their permanent living quarters and clean up the contamination. Although there is some support for the community when they are afected by the foods, this is only temporary and in many cases does not help restore and secure their livelihoods. Some physical aid is provided for the clean up of their site and rebuilding of homes, but very little fnancial support is provided. Instead the families are reliant on their own funds and support systems which drains their assets further increases their fnancial vulnerability. This is especially evident for the residents of the informal settlement, whose housing structure are particularly vulnerable to damage in foods and who have the least fnancial capital within the community. Many of the foods have damaged their electrical appliances which they then have to rebuy with the little money they have.
Government organisations recognise that fooding is an issue increasingly afecting the community and contributing to their vulnerability, but little action has been done to properly address the issue. Each year the PWD carries out a food risk assessment of the community but has yet to implement any substantial solutions to mitigate the issue. After the damaging foods in 2018, the Taleigao Panchayat installed concrete retaining walls along the edge of the Creek inside the community to prevent cars falling of the road and into foodwater. (Figure 5.05) During his 2017 election cycle, the local MLA also implemented an improved stormwater drainage system throughout the site. This was designed to collect stormwater and direct it out into the wetlands behind the site, but does nothing to mitigate the large annual foods.
Figure 5.05 - Concrete retaining walls estabished along Creek for food mitigation.
