Symbols of muslim identity in bulgaria traditions and inovations evgenia krasteva blagoeva

SYMBOLS OF MUSLIM IDENTITY IN BULGARIA: TRADITIONS AND INOVATIONS Evgenia Krasteva-Blagoeva

Different identity trends among Muslim population in Bulgaria were very well studied in the last 20 years1. The constant research efforts in this respect to some extend managed to compensate the striking lack of adequate empirical knowledge about Islamic minorities and Muslim culture in Bulgaria for the period before 1989. Because of ideological reasons, no systematic research on the problem was done till the so called “Revival process”, when ethnographers were sent to the field to study peoples’ reactions on the forcible renaming campaign, organized by the state2. Respectively, in the period after 1989 minority issues became one of the most fashionable (and of course the most attractive from financial point of view as well) research topics. The great extent of these studies were dedicated to ethnic identity, interethnic relations etc.

In this paper we wish to pay attention to different forms of cultural expression of religious identity among Muslims in Bulgaria in comparative and diachronic context. The latter is needed because of the changes in the expression of Islamic faith, that occurred in the last ten years, when the pattern of traditional Islam in Bulgaria was seriously challenged. So, changes could be tracked not only along the temporary opposition before/after 1989, but also in the frames of the so called post-socialist period.

Comparisons are to be made between symbolic expressions of Muslims identity among Bulgarian –Muslims (Pomaks) on one hand and Turks on the other. Such a perspective is clearly seen nevertheless that Pomak community in Bulgaria is characterized by great differentiation (Karagiannis 1997), while the concept of “Pomak identity” is fairly relative and full of heterogeneous contents. For a number of historical, political and ideological causes, some of them strive to become integrated with the Bulgarians; others identify themselves as “Bulgarian Muslims” or keep the old historical model of 1

Among many others, here are some key texts on the problem: Georgieva 1998, Brunnbauer 1999, Dimitrova 1998, Konstantinov 1993 2 The national state forced upon the citizens of Moslem faith (Bulgarian Moslems, Roma and Turks) the adoption of Bulgarian names several times. The first victim of this renaming was the community of the Bulgarian Moslems, who were remaned several times – in 1912-1913, in the 50-ies, 1972 and finally 1985 altogether with Turks, Tatars and Roma – Krasteva-Blagoeva. About the names and the renamings of the Bulgarian Moslems (1912-2000) – Ethnologia Bulgarica, vol. 3, 2006, 63-76.

integration with the Turks3 (Georgieva 1998; Krasteva-Blagoeva, Blagoev, Brunnbauer 1999).

The main empirical data of this research were collected between 2001 and 2007 in the village of Chepintsi, region of Roudozem, central Rhodopes (inhabited by Pomaks) and the town of Karjali, Southestern Rhodopes, known as the “Turkish fortress” in Bulgaria. The data quoted above deal with groups of population with different social status – the Pomaks studied live in villages, while the Turks inhabit the town of Kurdzhali (and the surrounding villages as well). Most of their Bulgarian neighbours are descendants of migrants from Eastern Thrace, who came to town after 1912. The discrepancy of the social status of both groups is by no means reflected in the results of the empirical analysis and it makes comparison to some extent relative. Nevertheless some important conclusions could be pointed out.

Ethnic and religious identities are expressions of a conscious difference – they are result of cultural discourse, they are stemming from culture – it is perceived as their base and instrument. Direct and symbolic expressions of Muslim identity in post-socialist Bulgaria are visible in the changing naming patterns, in elements of material culture such as clothing (especially headscarves), in religious architecture and rituals – some rituals are performed in a different way, others are simply banned and replaced by new local religious practices. In the 1990s, religion became one of the symbols of the change of Bulgarian society, conceived as a transition from totalitarianism to democracy, from planned to market economy, from the Balkans to Europe, or, in other words, from the periphery to the center (Elchinova 1999 : 6). After its fierce rejection in the communist period, it was not only rehabilitated, but was also imbued with new meanings and senses, getting the halo of certain prestige and even fashion. The “return” of religion is also interpreted as a return to tradition, insofar as the faith is mostly construed as tradition by generations of Bulgarians, born and living under totalitarianism. Insofar as the return to religion for the Eastern Orthodox Christians is mostly associated with the personal freedom and the personal choice, for the confessional minorities in Bulgaria this is an expression of group self-identification and self-expression (Elchinova 1999 : 8). As a 3

Within the Ottoman Empire, where those of the right faith had priority regardless of their ethnic origin, the Pomaks were considered “Osmanli” – an appellation attributed to the Turks and to all the other nationalities of the Islam confession

result Islam became more visible in the country – in Pomak and Turkish villages and town neighbourhoods lots of new mosques were built with common efforts. The reappearance of the mosque in the first decade after 1989 was a symbol of the revival of Islamic faith. The advent of the mosques as architectural stress and the visual domination of their minarets over Muslim villages and neighbourhoods was considered prestigious in the eyes of local believers (Blagoev 1993: 83). Almost everywhere old mosques were restored; new ones were erected in the villages without a mosque; minarets were made in those places where mosques were without minarets. Local houses of prayer – mechits were on a mass scale transformed into mosques as well. For instance, in the socialist period in Chepintsi there was a main mosque in the center of the village and two or three mechits in the different neighbourhoods. Now all of them had become mosques by adding minarets. There is a silent competence between local communities whose mosque will be the largest and most beautiful one. The only one in the country with two minarets was erected in the village of Chepintsi. It is an emblem of high level of religiousness among local people. One of its’ main “rivals” in the Rhodopes is the mosque of the village of Turun, region of Smolyan. It is deliberately built on a hill in order its’ enormous minaret with three sherfets4 to be seen from a distance. The climax of using a mosque as a primary symbol of Muslim identity was the erection of a symbolic tomb tiurbe of Kurdza Ali, the legendary founder of the town of Kurdzali, in the yard of the main mosque in town.

The powerful reversal to religion of the Pomaks secures a new collective identity, which community badly needs. In a situation when all other elements of identity prove insecure or insufficient, religion turns into a mainstay of their self-consciuossness. In the village of Chepintsi5 strong trends towards classical Islam of the Arab world were registered from the second half of the 90-ies onwards. This is a way of proclaiming Pomak difference mainly from the Turks. Since in their conceptions the Arabs are the bearers of true Islam, such as the Prophet had created it, they naturally impose models of behaviour and ways of life characteristic of the Arab states to the local community.

4

Sherfet is a balcony on a minaret - the imam calls the so-called izan or ezan (an appeal to people to pray) from it.

5 And in some Pomak villages in other parts of the country as well –for example the village of Krayshte, region of Blagoevgrad – Kozareva 2008

Ideological basis of such trends are to be found in the appearance of a new, mythological history, claiming that Bulgarian Muslims had adopted Islam much earlier (some time between the 9th and the 12th century) than the actual infiltration of that religion in the Balkans at the end of the 14th century; i.e. they are much older Muslims than the Turks as they had adopted the faith not after, but ages prior to the Ottoman invasion in the Balkans (Lozanova 1998). This quasi history rehabilitates the members of the group in their own eyes, saves them from the historical “guilt” of betraying Christian faith, which is traditionally given to them; and most of all inspires them with a sense of self-importance.

As a rule, Islamistic missionaries from the Arab world point at Pomaks, because of their incomplete religious knowledge and because they are in a way isolated by Bulgarian Christians and Turks as well. Most of the Turks in Bulgaria are in constant contact with Turkey – they watch Turkish television, some of them use to study in Turkey and as a whole along with lay issues religious ones are also accessible to them. That is why they confess a moderate Suni Islam. Pomaks lack such a religious background, they are also more poor than the Turks and for economic reasons they are sending their children to religious schools (supported mainly by the Turkish state in the region of Kurzhali). All these factors, combined with their vulnerable and contested identity, make them more susceptible to foreign influences. New Pomak religious leaders appeared – they are young men, who succeeded to study in Saudi Arabia and who are among the few able to understand what actually is written in the Koran. People started asking them on religious matters and in a way they replaced the imams – adherents of traditional Islam. This leaded to open conflicts in both villages – Chepintsi and Krayshte. Two years ago the big mosque in Chepintsi was seized by local imams, supporting the Turkish party Union for Rights and Liberty, who started preaching there in Turkish (nevertheless that local people do not know this language). So the new religious leaders transformed their local mechit into a mosque and started meeting their followers there. According to them traditional Islam professed by the community has been modified under the impact of the Turks who had introduced a great number of their customs in the religious system: honouring of the tyurbe and teke6, the making of amulets and the organizing of Mevlid7 : “This does not

6

Tyrbe – a tomb of a Muslim saint around which a teke is built, i.e. the dwelling of the community of Dervishes. The worship of such cult places is characteristic of Shiite Islam, but under the influence of

exist in Islam and now we are waging struggle to abolish this thing here”. They openly object some specificities of the lifestyle Islam, traditional for the community, which is a specific mix-up of canonic and pre-Islamic beliefs, as well as behavioural stereotypes determined by it. For instance, they reject traditional blood sacrifice for a funeral and taking pictures as well. According to them, if person has his photograph taken, he will be punished in the outer world. Maybe this is a reflection of the canonical ban of all kinds of images of living beings, typical for the Islamic religion.

Both in the villages of Chepintsi and Krayshte (region of Blagoevgrad) the religious leaders make a circle of their own, which sets the norms of behaviour of all the remaining members of the group and openly disputes with those who do not accept them.

As recorded by Elena Kozareva, those in Krayshte even use to talk demonstratively to each other in Arabic in public (Kozareva 2008). They consider themselves reformers of the local religion, imposing and introducing set of religious practices, which were not typical for the community up to now. In the past these people went to pilgrimages to the tekes of Osman Baba in Haskovo and of Enihan Baba in the region of Smolyan, while now they renounce that pilgrimage as delusion, because according to classical Islam Allah alone is worthy of worship, and not the holy man buried in the teke. Some 5-6 years ago they used to drink alcohol and even keep photos of similar gatherings of men, and today they have fully rejected drinking8 and even often have quarrels with their aged parents, who take the liberty of drinking a glass or two. Some of the leaders of the group had had a fairly “violent life” in the communist period; for instance a current zealous teacher in Islamic religion used to be a DJ, while today he renounces that profession as immoral, and eroding the mainstays of the family. These people and their families pray most zealously five times a day; they observe fasts and all the norms of behaviour set by the Koran; both old and young women keep their hair covered in the presence of a

different orders of Dervishes it is also encountered in the traditional culture of Sunites in Turkey and in the Balkans.

7 Mevlid – literally “mevlyudu-sherif” – a holiday honouring the birthday of Prophet Mohammed, accompanied with readings of his life. As a religious custom it is practiced also on other occasions – hatim (annual exam on reading of the Koran), inauguration of a new home or a mosque, burial or commemorative service, etc. The religiously enlightened Pomaks renounce “mevlid” as being a “bida”, i.e. a novel introduction, not being a fruit of classical Islamic culture, but written during the Ottoman period., 8 The traditional “cheverme” or barbecued lamb, eaten in the open air, is particularly interesting. The men taking part in it drink only fruit juices.

strange men; boys aged above 12 cannot wear shorts: a seven-year old boy did not obey the order of his mother to put on shorts in 40 degrees heat saying “It is a sin for me.”

One of the most visible expressions of Islamic affiliation for the women is the headcloth. It is part of the traditional clothing of Bulgarian Muslims, Christians and Turks as well. In the socialistic period it was used only by old women. With the striving of religious orthopraxy among the Pomaks, covering women’s heads became widespread, mainly in the villages. What is more, the traditional kerchief was replaced by local variant the Arabic kerchief, covering the head and the shoulders, but leaving face open – hijab. In fact, this Arabic term is rarely used, but the transition to a new form of head covering is obvious. It is not accidental that the first court claim against states’ ban for wearing religious symbols at school was made by two Pomak girls from Smolyan. In the most zealous families, the women adopt not only the Arabic way of covering their heads, but the entire clothing instead of their traditional clothes.

Nevertlesess that beard has a special meaning in Islamic culture (Muslims use to swear in the beard of Mohammed, hairs of his beard are paid homage to, etc) traditionally Muslim men did not wear beards. Till recently, the few exceptions were some imams from the Rhodopes. In the last three or four years the new religious leaders in Chepintsi started having typical Wahabistic beards. In shape they differ from local ones ( if ever existing) – they are short and dense. This is also an expression of strive towards Arabic Islam. No perfumery articles could be used containing alcohol and fragrances without alcohol produced in the Arabic world are preferred; in rare cases besides the common toothbrushes, special brushes of wooden fibre are used, resembling the brush used by the Prophet.

The following of classical Islam is particularly evident also in the new Islamic names, not typical for the community, which are given to the children born in the 1990s.

Besides the Bulgarian and the so-called compromise or ambivalent names (having the ring of both Bulgarian folk names and of Muslim names), as well as the great number of Western names, which also produce the desired compromise, some Turkish and a great number of Arabic names are typical for the community. They substitute the so-called “genuine Muslim names”, i.e. the names of the prophets and the 99 names of Allah like Abdullah, Brahim, Myumyun, etc., which can already be found only in the old registers

and which are still used by the Bulgarian Turks. According to the tradition characteristic of the community, in talking the Muslim names are substituted by “Bulgarian-sounding” diminutive names: Vahdi is called Dichka, etc.Despite of the fact that a great number of the Arabic names are not religious in meaning, they are an expression of the rejection of traditional Islam by young people. Particularly indicative is the case with the 2-year-old son of a teacher of the Koran in one of the villages studied, who has been named Mohammed. At variance with the mass practice, in that religious family the name of the Prophet has not been substituted by the traditional diminutive when addressing the child.

Every time we pronounced the name with a “wrong”, i.e. non-Arabic stress on the third syllable, we were politely corrected that the name is pronounced as in Arabic – Mohammed with a clearly expressed stress on the second syllable. The trend of largely ignoring the old peigamber names which are being replaced by Arabic and Western ones provokes disagreement of the elderly people: “Confused world – confused names.

Appearing here are such that had not been known earlier.” As a whole, the elderly people are not always inclined to adopt the new norms of behaviour, imposed by the younger. This is the cause of frequent family and kinship conflicts.

Unlike the elderly, who find it hard to give up their customs and habits, the children and youths adopt the Islamic norms of life with particular ease and willingness.

They are trained to read the Koran in extracurricular studies and pass the annual exam on the Koran – the “hatim”, which turns into a holiday for the entire community. The small children often learn first the Arabic alphabet in order to be able to mechanically learn by heart various passages of the Koran, without being able to translate them. They learn the Bulgarian alphabet only when they go to school. They are very diligent studying the foundations of their religion, and some of them even get in some state of fatalism, which is not typical for their age. Particularly indicative in this respect is the answer of a 16year old girl, asked about her dreams: “I do not dream much, because Hazreti Ali, one of the righteous caliphs, says, that dreams are like a snake, and the snake has a soft touch, but its kiss is deadly. That is why I do not dream, I only address dyuvi (prayers), happen what may … I fully leave myself to fate”. In the same way as Western Europe and America are desired places to get higher education for a great number of Bulgarian Christians, the Arab world proves to be a center of attraction for the young members of

the Pomak community, because “the heart of Islam is there”. To some of them even the education in theology, got there, is more desirable than any other higher education, received in Bulgaria. No doubt the fact that the few ones who manage to go there have secured upkeep by the Arabic country, plays a major role in that motivation, whereas a higher education in Bulgaria is beyond the means of most of the Pomaks, among whom the unemployment rate is the highest. As a whole, however, the direct access to “the pure Islam” of the Arab countries turns into a source of prestige.

Quite different is the religious situation among the Turks in the town of Kurzhali.

Religion for the Turks of Bulgaria as a whole is bound up with the acquisition and observance of a particular moral codex rather than with certain religious institutions or a system of orthodoxy and orthopraxy. According to M. Elchinova, “only through maintaining the relevant social structure, norms of behaviour and cultural possessions can a person become “a true Muslim” – a quality which distinguishes the Turks from members of any other ethnic or religious community” (Elchinova 2005: 99). That is why in their views people who were socialized in other cultural milieu are not able to become “true Muslims” nevertheless of their Islamic confession. This is the starting point of their attitude towards Pomaks. Similarly to Bulgarian Christians, Turks perceive religion mainly as tradition (Elchinova 1999:8-11). Most of the women in Kurzhali use to cover their heads for entering a mosque9 or for taking part in rituals – for example visiting a dead man10. As a rule, if a woman with headcloth is seen in town, she turns out to be immigrant from Turkey visiting her relatives or, more rarely, a Pomak girl studying in the religious school. In the villages around Kurdzhali kerchiefs are used more frequently, but mainly by older women. Some Pomak women also use to take down headcloths when going to town – especially if it is a big city far from their village.

9 Traditionally Pomak and Turkish women rarely go to the mosque and use to pray at home. Nevertheless that there is special place for them in the balcony, they do not go there, even for the most important celebrations – the two Bayrams. In the two Pomak villages mentioned – Chepintsi and Krayshte – this is presented as a relatively new practice, introduced by the new local religious leaders. The explanation is that women will disturb prayers of men. In Krayshte carpets depicting mihrab niche were recently been imported from Turkey and hanged on the walls in order women to pray in front of them. In Kurzhali, maybe because of more active connections with Turkey, such carpets were used for a long time.

10 Traditionally women do not go to funerals and use to visit the house of a dead person before the funeral ceremony.

It is indicative that Islamistic influences from Turkey do not gain ground in Kurzhali. Turkish women in town are much more influenced by Western fashion instead.

As a whole, they have become “more modern” – field records from the 50-ies depict young women as unrecognizable in terms of religious affiliation (Mihaylova 1996). Of course, this was due to state policy of rejecting all kinds of religious symbolism and it was valid for the Pomak young women from the socialist period as well. What is important then is the fact that while before 1989 “Turkish women used to be more grey, more timid, while now they are conspicuously modern. Turks as a whole had become more obviously Turkish and European as well”11. The observed Western influence is due to the fact that many young people use to work temporarely abroad. It is also seen in some of the names of the Turkish children, born in the last 10-15 years. After taking back their Muslim names in 1991, Turks started giving their children names with “European” and Turkish sounding as well. The most widespread name among Turks (and Pomaks as well) is Denis (“sea”). It became widespread during the renaming campaigns because of its typically ambivalent and even triple character: apart from a Bulgarian and a Turkish connotation, it also contains a Western one (associated with the French personal name Denise). Modern Turkish names such as Aidan, Erkan, Ervin were also registered.

As a whole, religion among Turks is challenged by secularization and modernization - their cultural characteristics, depicted above, are the main basis for differentiation of Turkish immigrants from Bulgaria in their new homeland – Turkey (Dimitrova 1998). In fact, the span of these changes in religious symbolism among Turks is relative. They concern outer expressions of religious affiliation mainly among young people, but as a whole in Bulgaria Turks remain more religious and attached in religionbased patterns of behaviour than Bulgarians (Buchsenschutz 2000). Religion keeps its importance in their identity construction as well, but in a quite different way. Because of their stable ethnic identity, Turks do not need to use it for compensatory reasons as some Pomaks do. Participation in Islamic rituals (as in all other religions, too) contributes to the integration of their community.

The two patterns of using religious symbolism in identity construction, presented above, are of course, too rough and for sure they are not applicable to all members of the 11

Informant K.A., 40 years old, journalist, Bulgarian living in Kurzhali.

respective communities, especially for Pomaks. Nevertheless they are indicative for outlining the basic features of current dynamics on the matter.

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Kyurkchieva,I. Svetut na bulgarite-musulmani ot Tetevensko.[The World of Bulgarian Muslims from Teteven region – transition to modernity]. IMIR, 2004 Konstantinov 1993 – Konstantinov, Y. Minority Problems of Self-Definition: Conventional and Minority Representations. In: Ethnicity and Politics in Bulgaria and Israel, 66-80. Aldershot - Bookfield USA-Hong Kong-Singapore-Sydney.

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