Symbols of Self: Art and Identity in Southern Africa

SYMBOLS OF SELF Art and Identity in Southern Africa

UNIVERSITY OF IOWA MUSEUM OF ART 1

SYMBOLS OF SELF Art and Identity in Southern Africa

David M. M. Riep, PhD, Guest Curator Organized by Cory K. Gundlach, Associate Curator of African and Non-Western Art Edited by Lynne E. Larsen, PhD

Symbols of Self: Art and Identity in Southern Africa David M. M. Riep, PhD, Guest Curator Published by The University of Iowa Museum of Art on the occasion of the exhibition Symbols of Self: Art and Identity in Southern Africa The University of Iowa Museum of Art Figge Art Museum Davenport, Iowa April 22 to August 13, 2017 Organized by Cory K. Gundlach Associate Curator of African and Non-Western Art The University of Iowa Museum of Art Edited by Lynne E. Larsen, PhD Photography by Steven J. Erickson Designed by Pedersen Paetz Design

Copyright © 2017 by The University of Iowa Museum of Art All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-0-9964284-1-5 This publication and exhibition was made possible through support from the UIMA Members Special Exhibition Fund.

2

SYMBOLS OF SELF: ART AND IDENTITY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA

“Not all art in South Africa is political; it just seems that way. If the art itself is not inherently political, then conversations about it or the contexts for displaying it are.”1 Although this statement appeared in a 1994 essay by Doran Ross, such sentiments regarding the relevance of politics and identity in the classical arts of southern Africa still ring true today. While a number of publications have examined the complexities of cultural attribution and issues of style and affiliation, the intersecting histories of local identity and contemporary politics have often been tabled.2 Because race and culture have been so heavily politicized in southern Africa in the twentieth century, the idea of connecting specific cultural attribution to the visual arts often carries with it a challenging legacy. However, the presence of unique visual markers that assert specific cultural, social, and individual identities are nonetheless evident in the arts produced among differing cultures throughout the region. Such markers connote levels of “belonging” that range from broad socio-political standing, to specific clan affiliation. In the same manner, the arts equally express the interaction between and across cultures through shared techniques, colors, and motifs. The notion of identity—both unique and shared—is an integral part of the visual arts of southern Africa, where peoples and cultures have used visual objects to assert their sense of self and belonging in increasingly diverse social situations, and to maintain their own social agency. Although such notions of cultural affiliation and identity were misused in support of a political system of racial oppression in modern history, local populations have nonetheless used the visual arts to promote ideas of self and society, the understanding of which advances a nuanced understanding of the diverse peoples throughout the region.

3

NOTIONS OF “CULTURE” IN SOUTH AFRICA While the arts of southern Africa provide visual links to the identity of their creators and owners, the connection between art and cultural affiliation becomes complicated when viewed through the lens of South African political history in the early to mid-twentieth century. During this period, the ruling National Party looked to the research of Nicolas van Warmelo, and focused on cultural identity as an avenue for implementing oppressive policies during the Apartheid era. Van Warmelo, who began his career as Government Ethnologist in 1930 and later transitioned to the head of the ethnological section of the Department of Native Affairs where he served until 1969, essentially classified South Africa’s various African languages and “tribes” in an attempt to define “tribal” ethnicities and provide order for what “may have appeared a jumbled mass of peoples whose relationships to one another were not immediately discernable” to the white minority.3 His book Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa (1935) was influential as a primer for the understanding of Bantu history, and his work on determining “tribal” affiliations became a venue for the segregationist philosophy held by the National Party.4 By defining “tribal” units, van Warmelo was arguably offering a solution to the perceived threat of African encroachment on white terrain; the anthropological basis of Preliminary Survey seemingly provided a framework for removing Africans from white society and “returning” them to their rightful “homes.”5 Through this, an emphasis was made on the uniqueness of each culture and language, and the necessity to cultivate it against outside “invasion,” thus upholding and reinforcing barriers between Europeans and Africans.6 With this in mind, he worked to identify and categorize as many Bantu languages as possible in order that the related cultures would be accessible to government officials, district administrators and others interested in understanding the “native” South African populations.

Thus, the emphasis on cultural affiliation in Preliminary Survey helped lay the groundwork for a system by which one could halt detribalization and ‘repatriate’ Africans to their “ancestral” ethnic areas.7 FIG. 1 (opposite page) South Africa; Ndebele artist Amaphotho (apron), mid-20th century Leather, canvas, beads 21 x 20 in. (53.34 x 50.8 cm) Gift of Diane and Dr. Keith Krell, 2012.25

4

While Van Warmelo’s work was not overtly aimed at the control of black populations under National Party rule, it was certainly appropriated by the Apartheid state in the mid-twentieth century for social engineering, and for perfecting the “divide and rule” politics from an anthropological angle.9 Thus, in the wake of the Apartheid system, the concept of classifying cultures remains a politically and socially

5

sensitive issue. However, notions of culture and identity are central to understanding the motivating factors behind art production, and the significance of the arts within local contexts. The evidence obtained through visual analysis and contemporary interviews with indigenous artists and historians points to the fact that the arts remain important expressions of local identity and affiliation, and can only be fully understood when positioned against the histories, both past and recent, of indigenous peoples, and their contextual uses. It is by recognizing the fact that specific arts are created and used by specific members of specific cultures in order to express specific ideas that we can ever gain a nuanced understanding of art production in both historical and contemporary South Africa.

ON ART AND IDENTITY The use of the visual arts as an expression of identity is not a new concept. Archaeologists, anthropologists, and art historians have long established the notion that material culture can express group identity through repeated codes of cultural symbols that form unique styles.9 Such styles can be recognized by cultural “outsiders,” and help contribute to local constructions of identity by communicating social messages to people within the group and are active symbols that form part of the alliances and conflicts that constitute societies.10 Just as archaeologist Ian Hodder’s work in the Baringo district of north-central Kenya among the agro-pastoral Turgen, Pokot and Njemps cultures linked dress code with specific affiliations and entitlements, so too the visual arts among southern African cultures identify the personal and socio-political status of their owners, and promote notions of self through public interaction.

While the aim of this essay, and the accompanying exhibition, is to demonstrate the possibility of linking visual expression to cultural affiliation, one must be aware that such definitions of “culture” are the results of complex interactive histories, rather than isolated and insulated social experiences.

Art historian Rayda Becker states that “identities are more mobile, more flexible, more manipulable (both internally and externally) than might be convenient for those who work with objects and for art historians,” and it is upon this notion of “culture” being the result of interaction—rather than isolation— that this exhibition takes a point of departure.11 While the notion of “culture” has historically been applied 6

in order to control and oppress indigenous populations throughout southern Africa, this exhibition offers an alternate reading driven by the visual arts, which assert notions of identity, affiliation, and membership. By examining the unique application of formal elements from the arts across the region, it becomes evident that the indigenous peoples of southern Africa have linked artistic style with cultural affiliation, asserting a sense of membership and belonging in a socially and culturally diverse region.

NDEBELE Perhaps the most distinct and recognizable arts of southern Africa are those of the Ndebele, whose bold geometric patterns are found across media from beadwork to mural arts.12 While much attention has been aimed at the branding of a uniquely “Ndebele style,” most recently with the global recognition of contemporary artist Esther Mahlangu, the Ndebele have a rich history of interaction and exchange that complicates static definitions of cultural identity.

The presence of Ndebele peoples can be traced back over four centuries, when Nguni-speaking peoples moved north across the Vaal River from present-day Natal in approximately 1600.13 These migrants are believed to have originally been part of the Hlubi culture who inhabited the area along the upper Buffalo River (Mzinyathi), and moved northward while the core peoples remained in the region through the nineteenth century.14 As this splinter group moved northward into the interior, it encountered various Sotho-speaking peoples, and eventually settled among them.15 Some authors suggest that these Sotho-speakers referred to the newly arrived Nguni encroachers as “Matabele,” a derogatory term that was eventually adopted, thus establishing the Ndebele (Amandebele) identity.16 As a result of such cross-cultural interactions, new norms and practices were established, while older expressions of identity were reshaped. Through this, one can find unique visual expressions in Ndebele arts that assert cultural uniqueness in an active social climate. The assertion of such unique visual markers is perhaps a response to conquest and dispossession of land that came about through the mid- to late 1800s as interactions with European invaders increased. While exchanges between the Ndebele and Europeans were initially fairly peaceful, tensions quickly developed as Boer 7

trekkers (farming peoples of Dutch descent) moved northward from the Cape Colony and began to settle in the eastern Transvaal in the 1840s. Boer settlers claimed farmland throughout the region and demanded rent and taxes from the settled Ndebele communities, giving rise to conflicts over land ownership and access.17 Resistance from the local populations eventually led to armed conflict in 1882, and resulted in the surrender of the Ndebele in July 1883. As a result, all Ndebele lands were claimed and distributed to members of the Boer commando, and the remaining Ndebele inhabitants were placed under contract to labor for Boer families for five years without compensation.18 In spite of this, the Ndebele peoples maintained key elements of their cultural identity, such as the visual arts, to assert a sense of continuity within a changing situation.

Ndebele visual arts include both unique forms and formal elements that are used to assert individual status and cultural affiliation. Such elements are found on personal arts of adornment, such as the various square aprons worn by women, which mark stages of social advancement, including the onset of puberty or marriage. While unmarried women assert their personal status by wearing a rigid, square apron known as isiphephetu, which is recognized by its lack of any fringe or extending flaps, older married women promote their social standing through more elaborately FIG. 2 South Africa; Ndebele artist Amaphotho (married woman’s apron) Mid-20th century Glass, plastic, beads, leather, cloth 19 x 18 in. (48.26 x 45.72 cm) Museum purchase, 1998.66

adorned aprons called ijogolo and amaphotho, which are equally recognizable by their unique visual elements (Figs. 1 and 2).19 While the ijogolo, which was typically reserved for special occasions, is recognized by a series of rounded flaps that extend downward from the apron’s bottom hem, the amaphotho was formerly an everyday object of adornment, and is recognized by two square flaps and a

8

central strip of fringe extending from the garment’s lower hem. While these aprons assert individual social identity and status, their beaded embellishments equally promote cultural affiliation through distinct color and pattern. Ndebele beaded arts have widely been recognized for their use of white beads, which formerly may have been the result of available trade stock. While artists continue to use white as an organizing element in contemporary Ndebele pieces, wider ranges of colors, including bright primary and secondary hues, as well as black, purple, and dark blue, entered the vocabulary in the 1950s and remain important visual elements today.20 In spite of the change in color palette, Ndebele beaded arts continue to rely on conventions that include broad geometric fields of color, which are more recently often outlined in black, arranged against a contrasting field of white.

ZULU In contrast to the distinct formal elements found in Ndebele arts, the variety of objects created by and attributed to Zulu artists assert different visual conventions that reflect local conditions.

However, despite the presence of a uniquely identifiable visual style, the complex histories of the region impact notions of belonging and identity making “Zuluness� difficult to define.

At its apex, under the rule of King Shaka in the early nineteenth century, Zululand extended from the Drakensburg Mountains in the West to the Indian Ocean in the East, and spanned northward to the borders of present-day Mozambique and Swaziland from its southern borders along the former Transkei.21 The process of expansion and political centralization caused inter- and intra-cultural strife, which complicated the strict notion of identity among Zulu speakers, with a legacy that is still evident today. As a culture formerly organized around lineage-based social units (clans), there had been no large chiefdoms in Zululand until the late eighteenth century. Expansion and centralization began as a result of economic opportunities at Delagoa Bay and increased competition for limited natural resources throughout the region.22 By the end of the eighteenth century, three major chiefdoms emerged as the result of consolidation: the Mabhudu in the north, the centrally located Ndwandwe, and the Mthethwa to the south.23 Conflicts began to intensify among these three larger chiefdoms, 9

causing their weaker neighbors to assimilate or relocate. It is within this climate that King Shaka directed the minor Zulu chiefdom (a subordinate of the Mthethwa) to embark upon a mission of diplomacy and military might, and had essentially absorbed or expelled all competing chiefdoms from the heartland of the region by 1826, thus solidifying the authority of the Zulu Kingdom.24 Although King Shaka’s ambitions eventually led to his downfall by assassination at the hand of his half-brother and successor Dingane, the kingdom he established would persist for decades to come, in spite of being faced with the complexities of a changing and interactive world.

Perhaps the most significant changes were initiated by the migration of the Boers from the Cape into the central interior in the 1830s, which sparked off decades of conflict over natural resources and land rights. These foreign invaders, along with the growing British presence at the trading settlement of Port Natal (present-day Durban), would play a role in steering local politics through the late FIG. 3 South Africa; Zulu artist Itunga (milk pail), 20th century Wood 14 13 16 x 6 x 7 in. (37.6 x 15.2 x 17.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.1 FIG. 4 South Africa; Zulu artist Itunga (milk pail), 20th century Wood 15 ½ x 7 ¾ x 7 in. (39.4 x 19.7 x 17.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.2 FIG. 5 South Africa; Zulu artist Itunga (milk pail), 20th century Wood 14 ½ x 7 x 7 in. (36.8 x 17.8 x 17.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.3

10

nineteenth century, eventually breaking up the Zulu Kingdom into thirteen independent chiefdoms, and crippling the authority of the royal house.25

Clockwise from far left FIG. 6a South Africa; Zulu artist Ukhamba (beer pot), mid-20th century Earthenware 10 ¾ x 13 in. (27.31 x 33.02 cm) Gift of Travis von Tobel, M.D., 2015.133 FIG. 6b South Africa; Zulu artist Uphiso (vessel), mid-20th century Earthenware 17 x 14 in. (43.18 x 35.56 cm) Gift of Travis von Tobel, M.D., 2015.128

FIG. 6c South Africa; Zulu artist Ukhamba (beer pot), mid-20th century Earthenware 13 ¼ x 18 in. (33.66 x 45.72 cm) Gift of Travis von Tobel, M.D., 2015.138

FIG. 6e South Africa; Zulu artist Ukhamba (beer pot), 20th century Earthenware 7 ½ x 11 ½ x 11 ½ in. (19.05 x 29.21 x 29.21 cm) An anonymous gift, 1998.132

FIG. 6d South Africa; Zulu artist Ukhamba (beer pot), mid-20th century Earthenware 9 ¾ x 12 ¼ in. (24.77 x 31.12 cm) Gift of Travis von Tobel, M.D., 2015.136

FIG. 6f South Africa; Zulu artist Imbenge (beer pot lid), mid-20th century Basketry, glass beads 3 x 8 x 8 in. (7.62 x 20.32 x 20.32 cm) Purchased with funds from the Stanley-UI Foundation Support Organization, 2003.288

11

While the role of both African and European entities contributed to the notion of “Zuluness,” it is the visual arts that promote notions of belonging and identity. Just as the arts of the Ndebele support visual conventions linked to cultural affiliation, Zulu arts likewise promote visual elements that are uniquely identifiable. Such visual markers include unique and regionally specific color palettes and patterns in beadwork, as well as the raised patterns known as amasumpi that are found on a variety of three-dimensional objects in both clay and wood, and whose shape and orientation are linked to group identity and regional styles.26 Examples of amasumpi can be found on objects such as ithunga, or wooden milk buckets (Figs.

3, 4 and 5). The raised patterns on these utilitarian objects, commissioned by the male heads of homesteads and created by male artists, not only provide the user additional grip when holding the FIG. 7 South Africa; Zulu artist Isicholo (woman’s hat), 20th century Basketry (plant fiber), human hair, ochre, animal fat 5 ½ x 18 x 18 in. (14 x 45.7 x 45.7 cm) African Art Purchase Fund, 2003.49

object between his knees during the milking process, but also promote cultural and clan affiliation.

The significance of such patterns and their link to the identity of generations past and present takes on further significance when one considers the role of cattle, which were historically passed down as inheritance. Thus, they function as a filial link that is intensified by the fact that cattle are used as offerings to honor deceased family members through slaughter and sacrifice.27 While woodcarving was an exclusively male occupation, female Zulu artists equally maintain a strong artistic tradition with beadwork, weaving, and clay. The variety of earthenware vessels attest to the way in which visual conventions move across media to assert local notions of identity and belonging. Ukhamba (clay beer vessels) are still a large part of Zulu culture, and play a central role in maintaining positive relations with amadlozi (one’s familial ancestors), from whom such artistic traditions were passed down.

Female Zulu artists not only create a variety of coil-built vessels with specific uses, such as beer drinking vessels and uphiso (water collection vessels), but they historically oversaw the beer brewing process which took place during life transitions and celebrations, and was used to invoke the presence of one’s ancestors during these activities (Fig. 6a-f). In addition, the vessels themselves have a strong link to the female gender, as the amasumpi patterns resemble scarification marks formerly applied to women’s bodies, and also appear on the leather pregnancy aprons that were formerly used to cover a woman’s torso.

Female artists also create plaited objects that support beer production and consumption, such as the woven imbenge. These fiber objects are primarily used as lids for the beer vessels and are

12

also placed on imbiza (brewing pots) to simultaneously keep pests out, and allow access for one’s ancestors to partake of the freshly produced libation.28 As these are made with one’s ancestors in mind, it is not surprising that one often finds unique plaited patterns and beadwork embellishments, the designs of which are often locally specific, and assert clan affiliation.29 On a micro-level, personal objects further the link between art and identity by not only expressing cultural affiliation, but also individual notions of status. For example, isicholo is a headpiece worn by married women to assert their social standing (Fig. 7). Formerly, married Zulu women grew their hair and formed it into recognizable styles by mixing in mud and ochre as a visual marker of their personal status. The impact of Western economic systems across southern Africa ushered in innovations, where migrant workers developed removable headgear that allowed the wearer to maintain local traditions while providing some practical solutions for commuting to urban centers. Nonetheless, many examples of isicholo still rely on human hair as the primary media, while other examples are made from cotton and other commercially produced materials that are dyed with ochre.

While the aforementioned objects all assert a sense of “Zuluness” through form and surface embellishment, the notion of art and identity is complicated when examining the variety of staffs collected throughout present-day KwaZulu-Natal during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While such objects, known as ubhoko iwesikhundla, were historically used on ceremonial occasions as symbols of authority and status, recent research suggests that the majority of staffs collected in more contemporary periods were probably not made for a local Zulu market, but were aimed at a growing tourist populace among white settlers (Figs. 8 and 9). In spite of this, such 30

objects have been attributed as “Zulu,” largely due to the fact that they were sourced in and around Pietermaritzburg and Ondoni.31 However, extensive analysis of the objects has led scholars to link them to an artistic tradition beyond Zululand, thus highlighting the fluidity of cultural exchange across southern Africa. The reach of this artistic exchange has proven to be quite extensive, with recent research suggesting that the carvers of such staffs were not locally trained, but were likely migrant Tsonga artists from the northern provinces of Mpumulanga and Limpopo who formed workshops in the Colony of Natal.32 Such fluidity and exchange make labels challenging for this type of art, while, in contrast, the aforementioned Zulu forms promote focused notions of identity.

FIG. 8 South Africa; Zulu artist Ubhoko iwesikhundla (staff), 1800-1925 Wood 35 ½ x 2 ¼ x 1 in. (90.2 x 5.7 x 2.5 cm) From the Collection of Al and Margaret Coudron, 1996.260 FIG. 9 South Africa; Zulu artist Ubhoko iwesikhundla (staff), late 19th century Wood, metal 36 x 1 ½ x 1 ¼ in. (91.44 x 3.81 x 3.175 cm) From the Collection of Al and Margaret Coudron, 1996.245

13

SOUTH SOTHO The South Sotho, located westward from KwaZulu-Natal toward the central interior, present another unique visual tradition that is quite distinct from neighboring populations. South Sotho peoples have resided in the central interior of South Africa for over six centuries, and were consolidated under Morena Clockwise from bottom FIG. 10a South Africa; Tlokwa artist Thethana (fibre skirt), mid-20th century Plant fiber, glass beads, cotton sheeting, sinew 11 ½ x 46 x 2 in. (29.2 x 116.8 x 5.1 cm) Stanley Support Organization Grant, 2009.4a FIG. 10b South Africa; Tlokwa artist Ibhanti (waistband), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton sheeting, sinew, cotton thread 16 x 2 ¼ x ½ in. (40.6 x 5.7 x 1.3 cm) Stanley Support Organization Grant, 2009.4e FIG. 10c Lesotho; Baphuthi artist Imishino (side tassel), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton sheeting, sinew, brass bell 28 x 1 x 1 in. (71.1 x 2.5 x 2.5 cm) Stanley Support Organization Grant, 2009.4b FIG. 10d Lesotho; Baphuthi artist Lisira (headband), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton sheeting, cotton thread, mirrors 20 x 1 ¼ x 3 8 in. (50.8 x 3.2 x 1 cm) Stanley Support Organization Grant, 2009.4c FIG. 10e Lesotho; Baphuthi artist Usalibethe (necklace), mid-20th century Glass beads, nylon 14 x 2 x 1 ½ in. (35.6 x 5.1 x 3.8 cm) Stanley Support Organization, 2009.4d

14

(king) Moshoeshoe I as the Basotho polity in the early nineteenth century.33 Historians have labeled this early nineteenth century period the lifiqane, or “scattering,” due to the scale of political change, including the Zulu king Shaka’s cultural expansion, and the migrations, both African and Western, that took place.

Because the central interior was separated from the Eastern lowlands by the immense Drakensburg

mountain range, it served as a natural refuge for numerous disenfranchised peoples who were fleeing from the chaos of the East. As the events continued to unfold, various groups of Sotho and non-Sotho speaking peoples were driven toward the region, subjecting the local South Sotho residents to waves of attack. This political climate eventually led Moshoeshoe to consolidate his power and grow his supporters by allowing any disparate peoples to settle under his protection and oversight.34 As a result, the strength and authority of Moshoeshoe was soon recognized throughout the region, and other neighboring chiefs began to submit to his rule. In spite of this, the combination of increased conflicts with migrant Boer settlers and a growing British presence forced Moshoeshoe to enter into a number of treaties, each resulting in the reduction of his polity’s territory.

Eventually Basutoland became a British Crown protectorate under the direct authority of the British-run Cape Colony in 1868, resulting in the national border of the Kingdom of Lesotho that one finds today.35 Given the complexity of South Sotho history, as well as the fact that Moshoeshoe’s polity was comprised of peoples from culturally varied backgrounds, one might assume that South Sotho arts would not reflect a shared visual expression. However, as with the Ndebele and Zulu arts discussed above, the visual evidence of objects collected in the central interior do indeed reflect formal and stylistic conventions that promote South Sotho cultural sensibilities.

One such object, the thethana (pl. dithethana), or fringed waist skirt, historically functioned as an undergarment for South Sotho females from the age of four or five through adulthood (Fig. 10a-e).36 It consists of a waistband constructed of woven fiber rope or a tightly twisted strip of cloth to which individually braided strands of fibre are attached, the length of which increases with the corresponding age and status of the wearer.37 The production of dithethana, which are made by women, is immensely time-consuming, taking anywhere from twelve to eighteen months to complete, and requiring the artist to harvest mass amounts of leaves from the plant Gazania serrulata, which are used

FIG. 11 (left) South Africa and Lesotho; South Sotho artist Ukhotso (woman’s seed waist belt) Mid-20th century Glass seed beads, cotton fiber, seeds, bottle caps 29 x 8 x 1 ½ in. (73.7 x 20.3 x 3.8 cm) General Education Fund, 2009.15d FIG. 12 (right) South Africa and Lesotho; South Sotho artist Thethana (woman’s plastic beaded panel and waistband), mid-20th century Plastic beads, cotton, metal bells 29 x 10 x 1 in. (73.7 x 25.4 x 2.5 cm) General Education Fund, 2009.15h

15

FIG. 13 South Africa and Lesotho; South Sotho artist Isitipe (man’s shoulder decoration) Mid-20th century Plastic beads, cotton fiber 22 ½ x 22 ½ x ¼ in. (57.2 x 57.2 x 0.6 cm) General Education Fund, 2009.15a

to make the garment’s fringe. Like most South Sotho objects worn around the hips by females, the

FIG. 14 South Africa and Lesotho; South Sotho artist Isitipe (man’s shoulder decoration) Mid-20th century Plastic beads, cotton fiber, metal bells 18 x 28 x 1 ¼ in. (45.7 x 71.1 x 3.2 cm) General Education Fund, 2009.15b

castor oil (mhlakwa/mohlafothe) or lacryma seeds connecting to several salibene (beaded cylinders)

FIG. 15 South Africa and Lesotho; South Sotho artist Isitipe (man’s shoulder decoration) Mid-20th century Plastic beads, cotton fiber 24 x 20 ½ x ¼ in. (61 x 52.1 x 0.6 cm) General Education Fund, 2009.15c

beaded elements of the dithethana typically consist of a cylindrical beaded waistband. While color combinations vary, the typical pattern on the waistbands of dithethana features a spiral of two or more colors extending across the length of the band. In a similar manner, members of certain South Sotho clans wear a variation of the thethana called ikoso, which typically consist of a waistband of beads and (Figs. 11 and 12).38 Other forms of South Sotho adornment are more versatile and are not gender specific. The setipe, for example, was formerly a cloak of bovine skin, although contemporary examples consist of commercially manufactured textiles. Such modern setipe, which are typically cut into a triangular shape and draped over one’s shoulders, are most often worn by the wife of a deceased man during her required period of mourning, and are made from black, unadorned fabric. However, the setipe is also worn by newly graduated male initiates, and features brightly colored fabrics as opposed to the austere black hue that is linked with funerary contexts. For this occasion, it is bedecked with various eye-catching attachments, including mirrors and tinsel—and is often created completely from beads— which serve as a visible marker of the young man’s transition to adulthood (Figs. 13, 14, and 15).39

16

Historically, the most significant event in the life of a South Sotho person is his or her initiation into adulthood, or lebollo. The process of initiation features its own range of visual arts, all of which vary according to gender and clan affiliation. Perhaps the most notable object among some South Sotho female initiates is the lesira, a veil made of mosêmê grass (Cyperus marginatus Thunb.) that is worn over the face during several phases in the process (Fig. 16).40 It consists of woven grass stitched together with twine, and is later adorned with beadwork and other decorations which hang loosely over the foundation and assist in hiding the wearer’s identity from onlookers, while still allowing her to see clearly. Thus, the decorative elements not only assert the wearer’s cultural and clan affiliation, but also protect her from any potential malicious attack while in this liminal, anonymous state.

Toward the end of the initiation process, the lesira, along with the other accoutrements of adornment, is typically destroyed. While the grass foundation is often burned, the decorative beaded panels are typically removed and reused, either in their entirety, or by unraveling the beads and incorporating them into other pieces. It is not uncommon for South Sotho ngaka (religious practitioners) to purchase beaded panels that remain intact, in order to incorporate them into their own outfits. While this may be done purely for the sake of visual embellishment, it is possible that these panels have become imbued with seriti (powerful energies) throughout the initiation process, which some religious specialists may hope to absorb and manipulate for their own purposes.41

FIG. 16 South Africa; South Sotho artist Lesira (veil) for female initiate bale (outfit) Late-20th century Grass, glass seed beads, plastic beads, cotton 22 ¼ x 22 x ½ in. (56.5 x 55.9 x 1.3 cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2008.63b

17

Beyond the context of initiation and social advancement, arts of adornment also play a role in identifying specific types of religious specialists among the South Sotho. One such example is the lihola, a collective term used to describe the distinctive outfit worn by Mathuela healers (Fig. 17).42 Mathuela specialize in mental disturbances and seizures, both of which are attributed to an oppressive spirit. When called upon for treatment, Mathuela gather in a group and rhythmically sing and dance for an entire night, highlighting the importance of the various hanging accouterments on their uniforms, which resonate with the performance. When the patient, who accompanies them in this activity, reaches the point of exhaustion, they often enter into an altered mental state in which the oppressive spirit can commune with its host and reach a place of balance and stability. In addition to the variety of decorative elements, Mathuela are largely recognized by their red garments which are distinct from the clothing worn by other types of South Sotho religious specialists.43

XHOSA Historically inhabiting the eastern seaboard between the border of present day KwaZulu-Natal in the North to the area around present day Port Elizabeth in the South, Xhosa-speaking peoples represent one of the largest segments of the population in South Africa. The peoples in this region all speak dialects of isiXhosa, but maintain unique histories, customs and artistic expressions. Such unique expressions of identity led ethnographers to classify Xhosa-speakers into twelve “tribal clusters” consisting of the Xhosa, Thembu, Mpondo, Mpondomise, Bomvana, Bhaca, Hlubi, Xesibe, Bhele, FIG. 17 South Africa; South Sotho artist Mathuela (healer’s) outfit, early 21st century Mixed media Dimensions variable Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2008.60a-d, i-r, t-x

18

Zizi, Mfengu, and Ntlangwini.44 Xhosa-speaking peoples are believed to have migrated into the area in two major waves, the first of which took place between 1300 and 1554, and the second as a result of the Zulu king Shaka’s conquests in the first two decades of the nineteenth century.45 While it is assumed that Europeans first encountered Xhosa-speakers in 1552 by survivors from the wrecked Portuguese vessel Sao Joao,

FIG. 18 (top right) South Africa; Mfengu artist Iqhiya (woman’s scarf), mid-20th century Cotton fabric, glass beads, mother-of-pearl buttons 11 x 21 x 3 8 in. (27.9 x 53.3 x 1 cm) Purchased with funds from Robert F. and Delores DeWilde Bina, 2008.31 FIG. 19 (left) South Africa; Mfengu artist Ingqosha (woman’s collar), mid-20th century Glass beads, mother-of-pearl buttons, cotton, hide 16 ¼ x 5 ½ x ¼ in. (41.3 x 14 x 0.6 cm) Purchased with funds from Robert F. and Delores DeWilde Bina, 2008.32 FIG. 20 (bottom right) South Africa; Mfengu artist Inyamo Yen Kuku (anklets), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton, mother-of-pearl buttons 12 x 1 ¼ x ¼ in. (30.5 x 3.2 x 0.6 cm) each Purchased with funds from Robert F. and Delores DeWilde Bina, 2008.36a,b

continuous contact began in the 1770s as Boer farmers gradually began moving northward from the Cape Colony.46 Such interactions became increasingly adversarial, and shifted to open conflict within a decade.47 With the arrival of the twentieth century and National Party rule, the historical territories of Xhosa-speakers were divided into the two independent states (Native Reserves, or Bantustans) called the Transkei and Ciskei, where individuals were relocated according to their defined cultural affiliation.

The visual arts of Xhosa-speaking peoples adhere to an immensely complex visual system that asserts cultural affiliation and individual status. In this system, locally specific colors and patterns, as well as specific object-types can be linked to specific cultural divisions. While this exhibition includes objects from several Xhosa-speaking peoples, the majority are from the Mfengu, a culture that arrived in the present-day Eastern Cape in the early nineteenth century following the upheavals in present-day KwaZulu-Natal.48 Upon their arrival to the region, they were suppressed by local Xhosa and Thembu chiefs, giving rise to their cultural moniker “Ama-Fengu,” which was initially a term of contempt linked to their lack of resources due to displacement.49 While their beaded arts of 19

FIG. 22 South Africa; Ndlambe-Xhosa artist Iphoco (love letter necklets), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton fiber, sinew, mother-of-pearl buttons 11 x 3 ½ x ¼ in. (27.9 x 8.9 x 0.6 cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2009.11r

20

FIG. 21 South Africa; Ndlambe-Xhosa artist Unonkciywana (boy’s headband), mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton fiber, sinew, mother-of-pearl buttons 3 x 18 x ¼ in. (7.6 x 45.7 x 0.6 cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2009.11s

FIG. 23 South Africa; Thembu artist Ithumbu legqirha (collar for Amagqira diviner) Mid-20th century Glass beads, cotton fiber, sinew 4 x 26 x ¼ in. (10.2x 66x 0.6cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2009.11aj

adornment are thought to have been

Clockwise from bottom right

adapted from the Xhosa, it remains

FIG. 24a South Africa; Xhosa artist Inqawa (woman’s beaded pipe), 1960-1969 Wood, glass beads, tin, reed 13 ¼ x 1 x 4 ¼ in. (33.7 x 2.5 x 10.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.13

visually distinct, as is evidenced through this exhibition.

Perhaps the most recognizable object of adornment found among Xhosa-speaking peoples are the cotton breast wraps, which go by many local names, and are tinted to differing degrees of orange and red according to one’s cultural affiliation. Known as isibhingqelo among the Mfengu, these garments are often embellished with glass seed beads and Mother of Pearl buttons. Such objects were typically worn over a woman’s shoulders or wrapped under her arms to allow the beaded additions to be viewed by passersby. The inclusion of Mother of Pearl buttons can be found on numerous other Mfengu arts of adornment, such as iqhiya (scarves and headwraps), ithumbu (beaded collars), and inyamo yen kuku (anklets), all of which follow strict formal guidelines linked to cultural expression (Figs. 18, 19, and 20). Specific hues found among the seed beads also serve as indicators of cultural affiliation, and create patterns linked with individual status and identity. Similarly, the Ndlambe-Xhosa people use color to assert their affiliation, and often include varying shades of blue, while also bringing in additional hues, as is seen in the unonkciywana (boy’s headband) and iphoco (“love letter” necklets) (Figs. 21 and 22). Furthermore, Xhosa religious practitioners, or Amagqirha, favor exclusively white beads that serve as indicators of their profession, symbolizing their spiritual foresight, and protect against malevolent forces (Fig. 23).50

FIG. 24b South Africa; Mfengu artist Inqawa (pipe), mid-20th century Wood, glass beads, cotton fiber, tin, sinew 11 ½ x 4 ¼ x 1 in. (29.2 x 10.8 x 2.5 cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2009.12q FIG. 24c South Africa; Xhosa artist Inqawa (woman’s beaded pipe), ca. 1900 Wood, glass beads, tin, reed 13 ¼ x 1 x 4 ¼ in. (33.7 x 2.5 x 10.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.15 FIG. 24d South Africa; Thembu artist Inqawa (wooden beaded pipe for young boy) Mid-20th century Wood, glass, beads, cotton, sinew, tin 6 ¾ x 1 1 8 x 3 in. (17.1 x 2.9 x 7.6 cm) Purchased with funds from the Friends of the Museum of Art, 2009.11d

Common forms among Xhosa-speakers are shared across “tribal clusters” throughout the Eastern Cape, and like color, they promote notions of status and identity. One such form, the isipeliti, or “love letter,” is often used to fasten textiles, or is pinned to tobacco bags and head-wraps as decorations. The isipeliti, and similar items are not only decorative, but also communicate specific, encoded messages about the wearer, and are used by both genders in many Xhosa-speaking communities.51 21

Lastly, the inqawa (pipe) is an item used by both male and female members of Xhosa-speaking societies (Fig. 24a-d). While tobacco is used among many indigenous communities across southern Africa, pipes and tobacco bags among Xhosa-speakers continue to delineate notions of status and belonging through their unique form and embellishment. While the distinct shape of inqawa is found among all Xhosa-speaking populations, the relative length and girth plays a role in identifying its owner, where long, slender pipes are the prerogative of women, and short-stemmed pipes are indicative of the male gender.52 Beaded embellishments are often found on pipes reserved for special occasions, and these adhere to the prescribed color palette of each respective Xhosa-speaking cultural cluster, further serving to assert clan and cultural affiliation.

TSONGA SHANGAAN The final culture featured in this exhibition are the Tsonga-Shangaan. Although recent scholarship highlights the unique history of these peoples, many twentieth century ethnographers viewed them as a diffused culture that lacked any coherent notion of identity.53 However, such histories highlight the fluid nature of identity and affiliation, and convey further complications to the preconceived notions of static, absolute cultural units across southern Africa. Tsonga identity is largely linked to coastal peoples from southern Mozambique who maintained no central political system, and migrated south into the present day Transvaal of South Africa between the sixteenth and late nineteenth centuries.54 As these newcomers arrived in the eastern Highveld, they settled among various local chiefs, paying tribute in exchange for access to land and protection.55 Although they FIG. 25 South Africa; Tsonga artist Snuff bottles with stoppers, c. 1920 Wood 13 x 1 ½ x 1 ½ in. (33 x 3.8 x 3.8 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.9a-c

22

quickly integrated into local societies politically, they remained culturally “separate” through language, visual arts, and customs.56 Later, a second wave of immigrants from southern Mozambique arrived in the Transvaal following a conflict in 1897 known as the Luso-Gaza wars. While this conflict culminated toward the end of the nineteenth century, its roots reach back to the late 1820s when the Zulu king Shaka was expanding his kingdom to the South. It was during this period that Chief Shoshangane of the

Nguni-speaking Ndwandwe peoples fled northward into southern Mozambique, disturbing previously settled communities within the region.57 These independent peoples were forced to either flee the region, or become absorbed by Shoshangane forces, which gained control over the area and established the Gaza-Nguni Empire.58 While internal conflicts arose over the rights of succession among the chief’s descendants, it was their conflicts with the Portuguese, who had been trading in Mozambique since the 1500s, that eventually drove Shoshangane’s people from the region.59 In 1894, Portugal’s desire to annex Mozambique as a colony resulted in the final defeat of the Gaza-Nguni Empire in 1897, forcing any remaining refugees to move westward to the South African Transvaal.60 It was these remnant peoples, who were descendants from the Gaza-Nguni Empire, who are officially classified as “Shangaan” or “Tshangana” and in this way are distinguished from the descendants of earlier immigrants, the Tsonga.61 In spite of these distinct histories, the assimilation of the Tsonga and Shangaan among existing communities across the Transvaal blurred their cultural affiliations and identities in the eyes of Western ethnographers. However, the formation of a specific Tsonga-Shangaan identity is likely the result of Western missionaries who divided regions for proselytization according to geographic and linguistic boundaries, and thus identified a unique “Tsonga-Shangaan dialect” among the various peoples residing in the Northern Transvaal and central-southern Mozambique.62 When turning to the visual arts, the unique forms and motifs produced by Tsonga-Shangaan speakers support these revised histories. For example, Tsonga wood carvings are recognized by distinct formal innovations, and often include personalized elements that may be marks of specific carvers or workshops.63 This is illustrated by the inclusion of wooden chain links that are found in a variety of carved objects, and are sometimes included in pieces as a testament to the virtuosity of the artist who carved them from a single block of wood with no breaks or separations. The creation of intricately beautiful utilitarian objects, such as the ladle and double snuff box, reflects not only the skilled artistic tradition among Tsonga carvers, but also points to the growing market of both local and foreign patrons in the late nineteenth century (Figs. 25 and 26).64 While the beaded arts produced among the Tsonga-Shangaan are highly recognizable due to their unique use of color and pattern, this artistic tradition seems to be a fairly recent development; there

FIG. 26 South Africa; Tsonga artist Ladle, early 20th century Wood 27 3 16 x 4 in (69.09 x 10.16 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.10

23

is no strong evidence that supports an extensive beading tradition prior to the 1920s.65 While TsongaShangaan beadwork maintains markers of influence from both their Ndebele and Swazi neighbors, it developed a clearly distinguishable style by the 1930s featuring geometric designs in red, orange, green, and blue, set against a predominantly white background.66 In addition, heavy use of translation geometry is featured in Tsonga-Shangaan beaded arts, and can be seen in the patterns on the xipereta (beaded panels) attached to xigejo, which are short dance skirts made of salempore (Fig. 27). Such skirts were worn by unmarried women and were meant to draw attention to the performer’s pelvic region through its massive gatherings of cloth.67 The beaded attachments were not only indicators of cultural affiliation and identity, but also emphasized the hip-flicking motions of the performer.

Such links to gender and status are also found on n’wana (child figures), which represent unmarried women at the height of their reproductive fecundity, and embody ideals of youth and femininity (Fig. 28a,b).68 Such objects were created by senior female relatives and were typically presented to a young woman upon her completion of vukhumba (initiation).69 The newly initiated woman would then carry the beaded figure as a visual sign of her recently acquired status.70 In some cases, n’wana were not given until marriage, when the bride-to-be would carry it to the groom’s family as a sign of her willingness and preparedness to bear children.71 N’wana are typically created around a wooden core, although contemporary examples often have an empty tin filled with earth, around which the salempore and beaded panels are added.72 The beaded panels on both n’wana and xigejo equally reflect TsongaShangaan conventions of color and form, further serving as signifiers of cultural affiliation and identity.

FINAL REMARKS FIG. 27 (opposite page) South Africa; Tsonga-Shangaan artist Xigejo (dance skirt), early to mid-20th century Cotton sheeting, glass beads, sinew 48 x 9 ½ x 3 in. (121.9 x 24.1 x 7.6 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.8

24

The complexities in examining southern African art and history make this topic both rich and subtly intricate. Although each of the cultures of this region have undergone significant change through both formation and interaction, one can nonetheless locate strong continuities in the appearance and use of the visual arts as expressions of self, and reflections of one’s worldview. Such unique visual markers are present in both the range of forms, as well as in the techniques and formal elements

25

found in the arts. Although specific cultural indicators are often subtle, they can nonetheless link the visual object with specific cultural expression. Although this exhibition by no means represents the historical cultural production of southern Africa artists in its entirety, it presents a broad sample of art forms that highlight the shared and varied motifs and techniques among numerous populations throughout the region. This in itself presents the opportunity to explore the broader notions of identity in southern Africa, and its development from the colonial era to the present in spite of a challenging legacy linked to notions of “culture” and belonging.

FIG. 28a South Africa; Tsonga-Shangaan artist N’wana (child figure), mid-20th century Cotton, glass beads, sinew, metal 7 ½ x 10 x 9 in. (19.1 x 25.4 x 22.9 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.4 FIG. 28b South Africa; Tsonga-Shangaan artist N’wana (child figure), mid-20th century Cotton, glass beads, sinew, metal 7 ¼ x 8 x 7 ¼ in. (18.4 x 20.3 x 18.4 cm) Museum purchase with funds from the Stanley-University of Iowa Foundation Support Organization, 2008.5

26

A provincial map of the Republic of South Africa. Map created by the author.

27

ENDNOTES

1 Doran Ross, “On Museums in South Africa before the Elections,” African Arts 27, no. 1 (1994): 1.

2 See, for example, Elizabeth Dell and Rayda Becker, Evocations of the Child: Fertility figures of the southern African region (2001); Teri Sowell, ed., Asking for Eyes: The visual voice of southeast Africa (2004); Johannesburg Art Gallery, ed., Art and Ambiguity: Perspectives on the Brenthurst collection of southern African art (1991); and Sandra Klopper, Karel Nel, and Kevin Conru, The Art of Southeast Africa: from the Conru Collection (2002).

3 Sara Pugach, “Carl Meinhof and the German Influence on Nicholas van Warmelo’s Ethnological and Linguistic Writing, 1927-1935,” Journal of Southern African Studies 30 (2004): 825.

4 Ibid., 826. The term Bantu refers to a family of languages that are spoken by peoples throughout the southern half of the African continent, numbering anywhere between 300 and 800 specific dialects.

5 Ibid., 827.

6 Ibid., 830. Van Warmelo was greatly influenced by his mentor, Karl Meinhof, who held that language was a reflection of mental structure particular to each ethnic group. This idea was later similarly used to argue separate school systems in the 1930s.

7 Ibid., 838. Preliminary Survey was written when fear that the erosion of tribal identities, in conjunction with 28

the “denigration” of poor whites, would eventually precipitate a mixture of races that would prove disastrous for the future of South Africa. Thus, it was seemingly directed at informing one population of the behaviors of another, with the underlying intent of aiding the first in controlling the second.

than 150 years earlier. Mzilikazi and his Ndebele were eventually driven north of the Limpopo River in 1838 by Boer forces and their African allies, where he founded a powerful Matebele Kingdom in Zimbabwe.

For more, see Sekibakiba Peter Lekgoathi, et al., Africa Meets Africa: Ndebele Women Designing Identity (2008).

8 Sekibakiba Peter Lekgoathi, “‘Colonial’ experts, local interlocutors, informants and the making of an archive on the ‘Transvaal Ndebele,’ 1930-1989,” Journal of African History 50 (2009): 61.

13 Sekibakiba Peter Lekgoathi, “The Amandebele of South Africa, Past and Present: The case of the southern Ndebele,” in Africa Meets Africa: Ndebele Women Designing Identity, eds. Jeremy Gordin, Deborah Gordin, and Elaine Silver (Johannesburg: The Africa Meets Africa Project, 2008), 6. Nguni and Sotho are unique Bantu language families that are spoken by the majority of indigenous peoples in southern Africa.

Nguni languages are generally spoken by inhabitants of the eastern seaboard, while Sotho speakers have historically inhabited the central interior.

9 Thomas N. Huffman, Handbook to the Iron Age: The archaeology of precolonial farming societies in southern Africa (Scottsville: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2007), 104.

10 Huffman, 104; Martin Hall, Farmers, Kings, and Traders: The People of Southern Africa, 200-1860 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1990), 70.

11 Rayda Becker, “Tsonga headrests: the making of an art history category” (Unpublished PhD diss., University of the Witwatersrand, 1999), 38.

12 This group of peoples was identified by anthropologists in the 1930s as the Transvaal Ndebele, not to be confused with the Matebele of Mzilikazi, whose Ndebele peoples fled from the authority of King Shaka in approximately 1816, and did not recognize any kinship ties with the Transvaal Ndebele, who had migrated north more

14 Ibid.

15 Isaac Schapera, ed., The Bantu-Speaking Tribes of South Africa: An ethnological survey (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Ltd., 1959), 53. Transvaal Ndebele are divided into southern and northern. Northern group were influenced

by Sotho (Pedi), among whom they settled and integrated. The southern group is comprised of a senior tribe (Manala) and a junior tribe (Ndzundza).

16 Lekgoathi, 6.

17 Ibid., 13. When Boer forces defeated Mzilikazi’s Ndebele in 1838, driving them north of the Limpopo River, the European settlers believed the victory resulted in possession of lands in the Transvaal.

18 Ibid., 14.

19 Diane Levy, “Southern African Beadwork: Issues of classification and collecting,” in Art and Ambiguity: Perspectives on the Brenthurst Collection of southern African art (Johannesburg: Johannesburg Art Gallery, 1991), 112; Kevin Conru, “Catalogue Entries,” in The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection (Milan: 5 Continents Editions, 2002), 217.

20 Levy, 112; Anitra Nettleton, Julia Charlton, and Fiona Rankin-Smith, Engaging Modernities: Transformations of the commonplace (Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand Art Galleries, 2003), 64, 82. This unique visual expression is known as the “middleburg style,” which gained popularity between the 1950s and 1970s, and featured urban motifs such as houses.

21 John Laband, “The Land of Zulu Kings,” in Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners (Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996), 17.

22 Ibid., 17-18.

23 Ibid.,18.

24 Ibid., 18-19.

25 Ibid.

26 Lindsay Hooper, “Domestic Arts: Carved wooden objects in the home,” in Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners (Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996), 77.

27 Hooper, 78.

28 Jannie van Heerden, “Zulu Grassweaving,” in Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners (Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996), 132.

29 Ibid., 134.

30 Gillian Berning, “The Matter of Kings in Not Kept,” in Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners (Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996), 57; Sandra Klopper, “‘Zulu’ Headrests and Figurative Carvings: The Brenthurst Collection and the Art of south-east Africa,” in Art and Ambiguity: Perspectives on the Brenthurst Collection of southern African art (Johannesburg: Johannesburg Art Gallery, 1991), 89, 96.

31 Klopper, “ ‘Zulu’ Headrests,” 89, 93.

32 Ibid., 89, 96; Conru, 183; Anitra Nettleton, “In Search of a Tsonga Style: figurative and abstract woodcarving,” in Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, ed.

Nessa Leibhammer (Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007), 126.

33 D. Frederic Ellenberger, History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern (Morija: Morija Museum & Archives, 1992), xix.; Leonard Thompson, Survival in two worlds: Moshoeshoe of Lesotho, 1786–1870 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 17; Huffman, 99, 429.

34 John Widdiecombe, Fourteen years in Basutoland: A sketch of African mission life (London: The Church Printing Company, 1891), 13.

35 Eugene Casalis, The Basutos (Morija: Morija Museum & Archives, 1997), 23; Edwin W. Smith, The Mabilles of Basutoland (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1939), 173.

36 David Riep, “House of the Crocodile: South Sotho Art and History in Southern Africa” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 2011), 255.

37 Young girls were typically given a version of this garment called thethana ea banana ba banyenyane, which was made entirely of beadwork and served as a precursor to the fibred thethana. Likewise, as a female advanced in age and social status, the length of her thethana would increase, and various additions would be made to signify her place in Sesotho society, such as the knotting of fibres, and tinting them with ochre.

38 Thomas Arbousset, Missionary excursion into the Blue Mountains being an account of King Moshoeshoe’s expedition from Thaba Bosiu to the sources of the Malibamatso River in the year 1840, eds.

David Ambrose and Albert Brutsch (Morija: Morija Museum and Archives, 1991), 74, 167.

39 Riep, 319.

29

40 While initiates of the Bakwëna and Bataung sebôkô wear the mesira, members of the Makgolokwe, as well as those of the Batlôkwa ba Mota do not. Rather, initiates from these cultures wear seqotsana, a beaded headband which is often adorned with mirrors, and seyala, a stringed veil adorned with chicken feathers.

41 Seriti is a Sesotho concept of energy or force present in the living world. All matter contains varying degrees of seriti, and it can be harnessed, strengthened or weakened through various means.

42 Riep, 171-172.

43 It is believed that mathuela developed amongst Xhosa-speaking peoples on the eastern side of the Drakensburg escarpment, and gradually spread north and west. For more, see Robin E. Wells, An Introduction to the Music of the Basotho (1994).

44 W. D. Hammond-Tooke, “Segmentation and Fission in Cape Nguni Political Units,” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 35, no. 2 (1965): 144.

45 Hammond-Tooke, 143; Schapera, 46-47. The Bantu migration into the area included the Xhosa, Thembu, Mpondo, Mpondomise, and Bomvana. The remaining peoples were part of the second wave in the first two decades of the nineteenth century.

46 Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. I (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 78; Schapera, 333.

47 Ibid., 333. As Schapera explains, the Boer invaders commenced a private war on the Xhosa by 1779, which the British government (Cape) sanctioned in 1780 by appointing a Boer commandant. This was the first of a long series of “Kaffir wars” on the Cape Colony’s East frontier, and resulted in the European occupation of most land between the Fish and Kei rivers.

48 Ibid., 47-48.

49 Ibid., 335, 342; Wilson and Thompson, 346.

50 Dawn Costello, Not Only for its Beauty: Beadwork and its cultural significance among the Xhosa-speaking peoples (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1990), 33.

51 Costello, 56.

52 Ibid., 11-12, 66.

53 Nessa Liebhammer, “Tsonga and Shangaan: The making and moulding of identities,” in Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, ed. Nessa Leibhammer (Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007), 17, 21.

54 Liebhammer, 17. These initial migrants were known collectively as the Gwamba or Knobneuse (or by their clan names Baloyi or Maluleke).

55 Ibid.

30

56 Ibid.

57 Ibid., 19.

58 Ibid. This area became known as Gazaland, KaTshangane, or Nchangani.

59 Ibid., 20.

60 Ibid.

61 Ibid., 21.

62 Ibid., 23.

63 Klopper, Nettleton, and Pethica, 56.

64 Conru, 209. Bulbous snuff containers joined by a carved wooden chain is typical of those carved by Tsonga artists in the Northeastern Transvaal and Mozambique.

65 Anitra Nettleton, “Breaking Symmetries: Aesthetics and bodies in Tsonga-Shangaan beadwork,” in Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, ed. Nessa Leibhammer (Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007), 80.

66 Ibid., 82-83.

67 Ibid., 88.

68 Ibid., 93.

69 Jean-Marie Dederen, “Toy or Treasure: Exploring n’wana, the Tsonga ‘doll’,” in Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, 111.

70 Ibid.

71 Ibid., 105.

72 Nettleton, “Breaking Symmetries,” 92.

REFE RENCES

Arbousset, Thomas. Missionary excursion into the Blue Mountains being an account of King Moshoeshoe’s expedition from Thaba Bosiu to the sources of the Malibamatso River in the year 1840, edited and translated by David Ambrose and Albert Brutsch.

Morija: Morija Museum and Archives, 1991.

Becker, Rayda. “Tsonga headrests: the making of an art history category.” Unpublished PhD diss., University of the Witwatersrand, 1999.

Berning, Gillian. “The Matter of Kings in Not Kept.” In Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners, 43-72. Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996.

Casalis, Eugene. The Basutos. 1861. Reprint, Morija: Morija Museum and Archives, 1997.

Conru, Kevin. “Catalogue Entries.” In The Art of Southeast Africa from the Conru Collection, 181-223. Milan: 5 Continents Editions, 2002.

Costello, Dawn. Not Only for its Beauty: Beadwork and its cultural significance among the Xhosa-speaking peoples. Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1990.

Dederen, Jean-Marie. “Toy or Treasure: Exploring n’wana, the Tsonga ‘doll’.” In Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, edited by Nessa Leibhammer, 105-120. Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007.

Ellenberger, D. Frederic. History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern. Translated by J.C. MacGregor. 1912. Reprint, Morija: Morija Museum and Archives, 1992.

Hammond-Tooke, W. D. “Segmentation and Fission in Cape Nguni Political Units.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 35, no. 2 (1965): 143-167.

Hooper, Lindsay. “Domestic Arts: Carved wooden objects in the home.” In Zulu Treasures: Of Kings and Commoners, 73-92.

Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996.

Huffman, Thomas N. Handbook to the Iron Age: The archaeology of pre-colonial farming societies in southern Africa. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2007.

Klopper, Sandra, Anitra Nettleton, and Terence Pethica. The Art of Southern Africa. Milan: 5 Continents, 2007.

Klopper, Sandra. “ ‘Zulu’ Headrests and Figurative Carvings: The Brenthurst Collection and the Art of south-east Africa.” In Art and Ambiguity: Perspectives on the Brenthurst Collection of southern African art, 80-103. Johannesburg: Johannesburg Art Gallery, 1991.

Laband, John. “The Land of Zulu Kings.” In Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners, 17-26. Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996.

Lekgoathi, Sekibakiba Peter. “‘Colonial’ experts, local interlocutors, informants and the making of an archive on the ‘Transvaal Ndebele,’ 1930-1989.” Journal of African History 50 (2009): 61-80.

Lekgoathi, Sekibakiba Peter. “The Amandebele of South Africa, Past and Present: The case of the southern Ndebele.” In Africa Meets Africa: Ndebele Women Designing Identity, edited by, Jeremy Gordin, Deborah Gordin, and Elaine Silver, 6-26.

Johannesburg: The Africa Meets Africa Project, 2008.

Hall, Martin. Farmers, Kings, and Traders: The People of Southern Africa, 200-1860. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1990.

31

Levy, Diane. “Southern African Beadwork: Issues of classification and collecting.” In Art and Ambiguity: Perspectives on the Brenthurst Collection of southern African art, 104-125. Johannesburg: Johannesburg Art Gallery, 1991.

Leibhammer, Nessa. “Tsonga and Shangaan: The making and moulding of identities.” In Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, edited

by Nessa Leibhammer, 15-36. Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007.

Nettleton, Anitra. “Breaking Symmetries: Aesthetics and bodies in Tsonga-Shangaan beadwork.” In Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, edited by Nessa Leibhammer, 79-104. Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007.

Nettleton, Anitra, Julia Charlton, and Fiona Rankin-Smith. Engaging Modernities: Transformations of the commonplace. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand Art Galleries, 2003.

Nettleton, Anitra. “In Search of a Tsonga Style: figurative and abstract woodcarving.” In Dungamanzi: Stirring Waters, edited

by Nessa Leibhammer, 123-138. Johannesburg: Wits University Press and Johannesburg Art Gallery, 2007.

Pugach, Sara. “Carl Meinhof and the German Influence on Nicholas van Warmelo’s Ethnological and Linguistic Writing, 1927-1935.”

Journal of Southern African Studies 30 (2004): 825-845.

32

Riep, David. “House of the Crocodile: South Sotho Art and History in Southern Africa.” PhD diss., University of Iowa, 2011.

Ross, Doran. “On Museums in South Africa before the Elections.”

African Arts 27 (1994): 1+6+8+10+12+13.

Schapera, Isaac. The Bantu-Speaking Tribes of South Africa: An ethnological survey. Cape Town: Maskew Miller Ltd., 1959.

Shaw, E.M. “Some Native Snuff-Boxes in the South African Museum,” South African Museum Annals 24 (February 1929-August 1938): 141-162.

Smith, Edwin W. The Mabilles of Basutoland. 1939. Reprint, Morija: Morija Museum and Archives, 1996.

Thompson, Leonard. Survival in Two Worlds: Moshoeshoe of Lesotho, 1786-1870. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976. van Heerden, Jannie. “Zulu Grassweaving.” In Zulu Treasures: Of kings and commoners, 131-142. Ulundi: KwaZulu Cultural Museum, 1996.

Widdiecombe, John. Fourteen years in Basutoland: A sketch of African mission life. London: The Church Printing Company, 1891.

Wilson, Monica and Leonard Thompson. The Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. I. New York: Oxford University Press, 1969.

University of Iowa Museum of Art 150 N. Riverside Drive, 100 OMA Iowa City, Iowa 52242

2