The Legacy of Colonialism

Neocolonialism in the international realm, segregation in our cities. by Inês Ribeiro

Colonialism. The geographical, civilizational and epistemic hierarchization of societies. The profound dichotomy between “I”, the civilized, and the “other”, barbaric and irrational. In our current times, colonialism changed its shape and its logic is reproduced in so many other ways.

International Law itself, which gave equality on the sovereignty realm to the New States, continued to legitimize in practice the persistence of power relations dating back to the imperial era, considering that they were obligated to submit to the preexisting legal rules in the international sphere, regardless of whether or not they contributed to their creation.

The concept of colonialism emerged in the 18th century, representing a continuous action of domination of certain territories, predominately the Western hegemonic power over the Asian and African Continents. Some think that imperialism ended with the processes of decolonization, while others argue that imperial power relations are still manifesting themselves in an informal shape, through political domination and economic exploitation. We can state that, despite the New States, those that were formed after the decolonization process, achieved independence, an informal relationship of dependence remained in the following decades. “Western” states exercised economic and political influence, thus continuing a process of colonization, that is now manifesting itself in the form of neocolonialism.

“Here, most European countries, when they decolonized, from the 1950s on, replaced it with a neocolonial pact. They realized that it is easier to exploit, expropriate, through trade relations with “free countries” than to keep them as expensive colonies.”

— Boaventura de Sousa Santos

Since the begging of their independence, we can identify diverse ways of neocolonialism. Oftentimes, these practices emerge associated with economical exploitation by western multinationals, economical pacts or loans. However, the biggest symbol of this neocolonial influence today is international corporations, mainly in the oil industry and mining sector, and international organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank. This doctrine also manifests itself in the political domain of the New States, through the interference in their international affair by “Western” interests.

In addition to the economic and political power relations, identities, mentalities, and language, there is also maintained continuous colonial hierarchical structure. Terms and expressions of “Western” origin acquire a normative character, imposing themselves on other geographies. Notwithstanding this persisting legacy of colonialism is present in the international politics or economic sphere. In European cities, particularly those with an imperial and colonialist background, we can observe the remaining impact and prevalence of this historical period and its suppositions. Racism is oftentimes framed as a sporadic and exceptional phenomenon. This can hinder the very necessary debate about institutional racism and its implications on people’s lives. Today, this type of racism is more difficult to identify but no less destructive. We can see it in political and social practices, displayed as inequalities in the access to justice, education, health, housing and on a bigger scale of police brutality. In Lisbon, for example, media hypervisibility has consolidated the image of its peripheral neighbourhoods as spaces of tensions and disorder. Usually, these areas are described as “problematic” and “dangerous” by the media and political institutions. This type of statement is the major legitimizer of repressive state action. Black youth in so-called “challenging” districts, more than any others, are subjected to stop and frisk procedures, in a racial profiling logic, which associates black people with illegality and crime. Police brutality has resulted in beatings, assaults and even death of too many young blacks, often without any effective convictions. By allying with the political and mediatic agendas, that black youth is the one to blame for the © Jeanne Rimbert On the picture, we can read “The Same Effort for Everyone?”. This recognizes that many minority groups might be at disadvantaged and have a harder time to access certain opportunities and goals.

supposed increase of urban violence, this equalized peripheric neighbourhoods to blackness, poverty, and delinquency. Hereafter, a narrative in which these territories were seen occupations on the fringes of the law, inhabited by traffickers and criminals, most of them black and immigrants, was manufactured. As a result of this framework, these racialized neighbourhoods were turned into spaces of exception, where restrictions on the rights of these citizens were manifested through precarious public facilities, arbitrary evictions, and hostile police operations. The construction of social housing quarters was the solution to remove from the urban centre unwanted populations, the ones that the Portuguese state considers to be the “other”: black, immigrants and Roma people. By pushing them towards segregated urbanizations, with scarce transport networks and little access to goods and services, the ethno-racial segregation and the precariousness of the living of these communities have expanded. On the other hand, this stigma serves also to maintain an unequal power relation through the disqualification of the claims of these vulnerable and marginalized groups for better living conditions. Thus, as a result, legitimating the state regulation practices that assume a more authoritarian nature. The educational system is also infected by institutional practices that block the access of black people to diverse opportunities from a very young age. This is promoting the perpetuation of the low social status amidst this community. Schools are paradigmatic in these stratification processes. By living in these peripherical territories, you are practically condemned to attend deeply marginalized schools. The fundamental rights such as security, work, justice, and education are crucial and fundamental rights. Yet, they are far from being accessed on equal terms by black people.

© Miguel Feraso Cabral, O Público