UT December Issue - Broadsheet

The University Times’ General Election Poll: How Did Students Plan to Vote?

Amy Wei gives her advice to those coming to Ireland to follow their heritage.

Mercedes Hamilton dives into the people behind Student Counselling Services.

Seanad Election

Sixteen candiates will contest the Dublin University Seanad election.

Molly Wetsch speaks to Bridget Farrell, founder of Bullaun Press, about publishing works in translation.

Erin Keenan considers the surge in mainstream listenership to Irish artists.

Emma Rouine speaks to College society committee members about their New Year’s resolutions heading into 2025.

James Grace asks if there’s any originality left for the WWII movie genre.

latest exhibition.

Trinity Board Announces Student Centre

Trinity’s Board has approved a plan to place a designated student space on the ground and first floor of the Naughton Institute almost a decade after students voted to financially support a Student Centre in 2017. An email with the news was sent on Wednesday December 4th to the College community from Bursar Eleanor Denny, TCDSU (Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union)

President Jenny Maguire, Dean of Students Richie Porter, and CSC (Central Societies Committee)

Chair Faith Olopade. In the communication, the Centre was described as a place to “accommodate multipurpose breakout spaces, social spaces, and other spaces for student use”.

Development of the Student Centre is expected to begin soon with plans to open in 2026. This would mark nearly ten years since 88% of students chose to accept an annual levy of €30 to finance the construction of the seven million euro Centre, as reported by The University Times in 2017. According to the reporting at the time of the vote, College will additionally assist in financing the space through fundraising and acquiring a loan.

In a statement via Instagram, TCDSU have said that “students will be in full control of the building, with its own entrance and new lifts included in the plans”.

The email from Maguire, Denny, Porter, and Olopade announced that the Centre will take over the

Science Gallery Dublin’s space in the Naughton Institute after its construction. The announcement preceded an email from University Dean of Development Gerard McHugh which confirmed the official permanent closure of the Science Gallery. The Science Gallery was opened in 2008 and served as a public-facing museum which was a part of a network of art and science galleries at leading universities. The museum accrued significant debts during its operation, with one year’s exceeding 1.65 million euro. In 2022, the museum was temporarily closed to solve problems of funding and create a new operating model for the space. The email from McHugh stated that “despite the College’s best efforts to develop a sus-

tainable model, it was not possible to deliver this for Science Gallery Dublin and a decision has been taken by the University’s Board not to reopen the Gallery”. The communication from College also stated that the re-use of an existing space on campus is due to the fact that it “aligns with Trinity’s sustainability agenda regarding campus development”. By using an existing space, College will save on construction costs and carbon commissions while still accomplishing the goal to give students an additional space. This will be the university’s first dedicated Student Centre, which comes after calls of lack of student spaces on campus.

Walkout Staged Mid-Debate Over Debating Society’s “Pure, Blatant Racism”

Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce

APhil Udoma debate resulted in a mass walkout of People of Colour (POC) debate speakers in the midst of the debate on November 7th. The walkout was initiated by Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) Welfare Officer Hamza Bana. The controversy began when a debater told the audience that she experienced a committee member of the Phil making monkey noises in her direction during a council meeting.

The Udoma subcommittee holds debates that “aim to represent POC and Ethnic minorities in the spheres of debating, public speaking and discourse”. Following the debate on the motion “This house believes POC solidarity is impossible”, multiple members of the Phil’s Udoma committee spoke to The University Times about their personal experience of racism in the society. During the debate, Hilary, debate convenor of the Udoma subcommittee, stated that “this will be my last debate”. She said, “I wasn’t allowed to be on council last year, because I was deemed too aggressive for first years and too unfriendly.

Isabel Norman COP 29: The Baku Workplan and its significance for Indigenous voices in climate discussions.

Because when someone else was making monkey noises towards me on council, up there in council [pointing upwards], I stood up for myself.”

She referenced former TCDSU President Gabrielle Fullam’s statement about racism within the Hist, saying that “everything she said is true”. In the original statement, which was published as a manifesto during Hist auditor elections, Fullam stated, “In both my personal and professional capacity at the Hist, I was frequently subject to demeaning racist remarks.”

Speaking after the debate, Hilary said, “as a Black woman I’ve definitely felt a strong anti-Black culture within the Phil”. She further continued that “institutions like the Phil and the Hist, especially in the GMB, have been historically built on racism”. Anthony, the PRO Steward of the Phil and the Udoma subcommittee stated, “hopefully they will wake up to the amount of racism that goes unnoticed”. He further stated that he is currently in the process of making a dignity and respect complaint to the Phil. Hamza Assaf, a member of the

Eve McGann Trinity students recount

Phil, stated he walked out with his fellow debaters to demonstrate “that we are not afraid to go against the pure, blatant racism in the Phil.”

When I say racism in the Phil [...] I don’t mean that members of the Phil are inherently racist. I just mean that we have faced what is racism, and we call it what it is.”

He further continued, “It’s no secret that [in] most chamber debates, it’s white speakers. All chamber debates, I’d say there’s only like one person of colour at most, or two if you’re lucky, that are on that week. So it does feel like as a person of colour in the Phil, you aren’t given the same hand as a regular white person in the Phil.” Assaf, who is also a Hist committee member, shared that he has not experienced the same level of racism in the Hist as the Phil. He also stated that in the run-up to the debate, a senior Phil committee member expressed his concern regarding “the capability of speakers”.

“You wouldn’t ask that if it were a regular Phil chamber,” Assaf said.

“That was just blatantly racist.”

Article continued on page 2.

Flossy Whittow Women’s rugby is seeing a rise in popularity, but underfunding and inequalities persist.

Three

Month Wait Time for

Psychiatrist Appointments at College Health

Trinity’s Health Service or College Health is one of the most widely used student services on campus. With sickness and issues with student’s mental health currently being at their peak, The University Times spoke with College Health’s Practice Manager Catriona Curran and Medical Director Dr. David McGrath about what College Health is doing to keep up with the high demand for appointments.

The Health Service currently has nineteen staff members, which Dr. McGrath stated is “the largest number of staff we have ever had”. Stating the move to Printing House Square as the reason for an increase in medical, nursing and administrative staff, Dr McGrath called this change “very welcome”.

Regarding the alleged waiting times Dr. McGrath spoke about why this time of year is especially challenging: “The main reason is that this is the time of year where we have to designate well in excess of two thousand doctor and nurse appointments for those students in clinical courses”. For students in the Health Sciences, Social Work and Social Policy, Clinical Speech and Language, as well as other courses, these appointments are necessary in order to commence clinical placements. The requirements include pre-registration screenings and vaccinations. Each individual student would require five consultations at College Health to participate in clinical placements, which contributes to the Health Service’s increased workload.

The University Times also spoke with College Health’s Practice Manager Catriona Curran about waiting times for regular and emergency appointments. For a routine appointment such as regular checkups or blood tests, students should expect approximately two and a half weeks of waiting time. As stated by Curran, College Health takes twenty emergency appointments in the morning and fifteen in the afternoon. This difference is because of shorter time slots in the morning. The wait time

for an emergency appointment varies depending on the annual leave of the GPs as well as on the season. To get an emergency appointment students were advised to call at nine a.m. in the morning, when College Health opens, to secure a same-day appointment. Otherwise, specific emergency appointment waiting times were not stated.

When asked about the psychiatrist appointment waiting times, Curran confirmed that to get an appointment with a psychiatrist after referral students would have to wait around three months. Curran believes that this wait is much shorter than that of a community psychiatrist, should a student seek an appointment with the HSE.

For emergencies, however, the Health Service does provide, according to Curran, emergency appointments and emergency prescriptions that students can get filled while they are waiting for their appointment. Additionally, Dr. McGrath stated that some staff are removed from routine consultation dates because of new developments, like the spe-

cialised clinics which provide free contraception such as implants and coils. When asked about emergency appointments and acute medical issues, Dr McGrath provided greater detail stating that students can receive a same-day referral to College Health from the Disability Service, Student Counselling or their tutor. Addressing the complaints of short appointments, Dr McGrath stated that during his eighteen years at Trinity, he has not received a complaint. He also stated that College Health’s consultation time is longer than most general practices. When asked about the threemonth psychiatric waiting time, a College spokesperson stated that, “Trinity has the best sourced College Health service in the country. However this is a very busy time of year, student numbers have increased, and unfortunately, there can be a wait for a routine appointment. We do offer same-day emergency clinics every day.”

Saskia McDonogh-Mooney covers DUPA’s

Natalia Kamendy

Molly Wetsch and Eliora Abramson

PHOTO BY RACHEL CONWAY

PHOTO BY IVAN RAKHMANIN

Walkout Staged Mid-Debate Over Debating Society’s “Pure, Blatant Racism”

Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce

Continued from front page.

An Udoma subcommittee member who wished to remain anonymous said via text messages, “as a nonwhite immigrant, I found yesterday’s debate brought up a lot of my own experiences of being an ethnic minority, while also acknowledging the harsh reality that many of my own actions in the past may not have been as supportive of my fellow humans as they could have been”. He also added that he found what was revealed that night “worrying” as someone “new to debating”.

The debater clarified, “In general, if you’re an Udoma subcommittee

member, you’re not necessarily considered part of Phil council. This is the same for Phil members. Meetings for the Phil council and Udoma are often separate, but at its core we’re still dependent on the Phil for budget and sometimes event approvals”.

The Phil has an equity policy publicly available online which states that implicit and explicit racism in the society is not tolerated.

The Phil’s sent a statement regarding Thursday’s debate and the allegations made on that evening, writing that “it is vital to note that the Phil has a zero tolerance policy for racism and takes any allegation very seriously.”

The statement continued that “This

is the first time this year these allegations have been raised to us and as a result our President and Senior Member of Council are currently investigating this matter, along with the Dignity Respect and Consent Service.”

While the Phil says that the walkout was the first time allegations were made, it is unclear if they were referring specifically to Hilary’s allegations or to allegations of racism in the society as a whole.

“Furthermore to address the evening itself, the Udoma chamber debates are for both Udoma and Phil members and by the Udoma Council, with the support of the larger Phil council. [the debate on November 7th] was organised by our Udoma Chairs, Blessing Kaseem and Grace Kodia, with the support of myself, our President, Librarian and Auteur teams, along with their Udoma counterparts.”

The Phil went on to say that the speaker, in reference to Hilary, “is also a valued member of the society; she has been an active member since joining the college and will be representing the Phil for a second year in a row at the World University Debating Championships.”

“While Thursday’s walk-out caused a stir, the Udoma and the Phil will continue to be an inclusive space for people of colour, in pursuit of fostering a safe space for discourse for all.”

The allegations of racism made by multiple POC members of the Phil is at odds with the Phil’s statement that there is a zero tolerance policy for racism in the society.

Paul Mescal Woos Trinity

Paul Mescal delighted students with a surprise visit his alma mater Trinity College Dublin on the afternoon of November 7th. Mescal was in Dublin for the premiere of his newest film, Gladiator II which is being held tonight at the Lighthouse Cinema in Smithfield.

The Oscar-nominated actor earned a Bachelor of Arts in Acting in 2017 from the Lir Academy at Trinity College. The Lir posted a video on their Instagram today with a video of Mescal during his time there. They captioned the post, “We are so very proud of you Paul,” celebrating the upcoming release of Gladiator II, expressing their joy at his “amazing journey”.

Mescal was on campus from roughly 2:30-3:30 pm. In a statement to The University Times, a College spokesperson confirmed that he was visiting for an “external filming engagement”. The actor was seen at the College’s Rose Garden, the Old Library, and the Book of Kells. The Trinity alum also met Provost Linda Doyle who shared a photo of them to her X (formerly Twitter) account with the caption, “Look who I bumped into on campus just now. Great to see him back!”

Mescal’s appearance comes just hours after a Paul Mescal lookalike contest was held in Smithfield. The contest, inspired by Timothée Chalamet’s appearance at his own look-alike contest in New York City, boasted a prize of twenty euros or “3 pints”.

Trinity students expressed their delight at catching a glimpse of the heartthrob. Student Iris Fletcher shared that she was a “big fan”. Iris told The University Times, “I was kind of like, oh, I might not see him, and the crowd’s really big”. However, all hope was not lost with Fletcher stating that she managed to get front row seats as Mescal emerged from a car. “It was quite funny,” she said, “there were people in the post grad reading room who were looking out

Fintan O'Toole Delivers Annual Edmund Burke Lecture

Renowned Irish author, journalist, and public commentator Fintan O’Toole delivered the annual Edmund Burke Lecture on Tuesday November 26th to a sold-out audience. The lecture series is supported by the Fallon family in honour of Padraic Fallon, a Trinity alum. O’Toole, who was awarded an honorary degree from Trinity in 2019, has written for The Irish Times since 1988 and has also worked for New York Daily News and The New York Review of Books. The author of many books, most may know O’Toole for his 2021 book, We Don’t Know Ourselves: A Personal History of Ireland since 1958, which was an Irish Times number one book and made The New York Times’ “10 Best Books of 2022”. Graduating from Trinity College Dublin in 1748, Edmund Burke was a champion for political emancipation. The Trinity Long Room Hub stated that, “One of Burke’s central and

life-long concerns was what moral codes should underpin the social order, constrain the use of power and inform our behaviour as responsible citizens. The Edmund Burke lectures provide a prominent forum for contributing in his spirit to the wider discourse about what society we want to live in and what traditions, perspectives and values we need to draw on in the shaping of our future.” Previous lecturers in the Edmund Burke series include Professor Joanna Bourke, former President Mary McAleese, Paul Muldon, Robert Fisk, and Baroness Onora O’Niell.

O’Toole’s lecture’s subject was on “Terror and Self-Pity: The Reactionary Sublime”. He was introduced by Director of the Trinity Long Room Hub Arts & Humanities Research Institute Professor Eve Patten, who listed his numerous accolades and emphasised his significant work as a journalist.

O’Toole gave a fascinating lecture, focusing on Aristotle and Burke’s theories of terror, pity, and the sublime as a way to understand the current

rhetoric of reactionary politics, particularly those of Donald Trump in the United States.

Using Aristotle’s ideas about terror and pity being the feelings that were purged by Greek tragedies, Burke was interested in what feelings are evoked by works of art. Burke stated “terror is a passion which always produces delight when it does not press too close. And pity is a passion accompanied with pleasure because it arises from love and social affection.” Burke then ties this into the sublime by suggesting that terror is always the ruling principle of such, reshaping Aristotle’s ideas into thoughts about the sublime and the beautiful.

O’Toole explains that Burke suggests the effect of the sublime is not the purging of the terror but is actually the paradoxical experience of terror in a place of safety. This is how Trump successfully has adapted this into a potent form of reactionary politics as Trump’s power is a modification of the sublime. O’Toole states, “Contemporary reactionary politics are a politics of pain. Pain evoked. Pain distanced. Pain rendered politically delightful.”

Before Trump, politics in America had a “grammar of uplift”. What differentiated Trump from this was his aggressive confrontation of this grammar with his visions of the US as a “hellhole” on the verge of obliteration, complete with American carnage. This became particularly apparent when Harris became the candidate. Instead of belittling her on the basis of sex (though he certainly did), he additionally reversed his rhetoric and instead inflated Harris into a monster of terror. By turning her into a mythical monster often conjoining her with the “monstrous” illegal immigrants, Trump utilised a sense of scale - a key feature in the sublime - to convince his followers of the terror they could avoid and the pleasure they could feel from that.

O’Toole’s lecture and usage of Burke’s ideas of the sublime was additionally enlightening when it came to understanding Harris’ loss. He explained that our pleasure in beauty is linked to our capacity for love and beauty is a social emotion. Love and social affection were key in Harris’ campaign and those two emotions are key to pity which is the direct juxtaposition to terror.

So why didn’t it work? O’Toole explained that it’s because of the variant of pity that is self-pity. If democracy depends on fellow feelings, reactionary politics turns this inward and due to a sustained lack of empathy, America, and in turn democracy, has lost pity to self-pity.

O’Toole also touched on the subject of the climate crisis, using the lens of Freud’s writings on the ‘uncanny’ saying that, “The uncanny is now the everyday”. Banal things, like conversations about the weather, are now “pitched between the past tense of lost opportunities and a future of extensional dread”. For both the climate and democratic crises, “the suspension of disbelief has become a form of somnambulism”.

The end of the lecture saw O’Toole take questions from the audience, with inquiries about whether O’Toole thought Trump is “mirage” and how progressives in America and globally could counteract reactionary politics built on terror. Throughout the entirety of the lecture, O’Toole kept the audience engaged and charmed as he joked and made the digesting of such a serious and heavy subject easier. The relevance of the lecture’s topics, particularly in light of the American election as well as how heavy the climate crisis weighs on the global psyche, went perfectly with honouring Edmund Burke and his legacy.

the window, and then a massive crowd, and then as soon as the doors opened everyone pulled out their phones.” When asked if he was as good looking in real life as on-screen, Fletcher hesitated before saying yes but confirmed her hesitation was due to his lack of GAA shorts.

Another student, Alice, also shared her Paul Mescal experience with The University Times. “I heard he was here in Dublin for the Gladiator premiere,” she said. Alice said

she was not disappointed by the actor in person and that she was “very happy to have had the opportunity just to see him”. Gladiator II is the much anticipated follow up to Ridley Scott’s 2000 film Gladiator which earned Russel Crowe an Academy Award. The film will

College Announces Plans to Increase Staffing at Oifig na Gaeilge

Alannah Wrynn

Following a campaign by Trinity College Dublin Student Union (TCDSU), College has announced their intention to increase staffing at Oifig na Gaeilge (the Irish Language Office) on November 11th, from their current level of one staff member. Actions taken by TCDSU included hanging a banner to the Campanile with the words “Cá bhfuil an Ghaeilge?”

(Where is the Irish language?’), which they removed following College’s announcement.

The decision was described by TCDSU Oifigeach na Gaeilge (Irish Language Officer) Pádraig Mac Brádaigh as “a win”, but highlighted that this is not the end of TCDSU’s campaign.

“It’s great to see that they’re listening to student voices. But at the same time, it’s important to note as well, this is really just the beginning, and this is really bare minimum stuff. This is only to achieve the targets of what’s in the current legislation.”

The Official Language Act 2003 places on all public bodies, in-

cluding universities, the responsibility to ensure that all stationery, signage and oral announcements are provided either in Irish or in Irish and English, and that any correspondence received in Irish is replied to in Irish. The Official Languages (Amendment) Act 2021 sets out the goal that by the end of 2030, at least 20% of staff in public bodies be competent in Irish, and that 20% of advertising done by any public body will be in the Irish language. College has been criticised by TCDSU for failing to comply with Official Language legislation, with TCDSU calling for an Action Plan as to how College intends to achieve the goal of 20% of its staff having upper-intermediate level Irish by 2030. TCDSU is also calling for a tripling in funding for Oifig na Gaeilge in order to see at least two more staff members fully employed.

“This is the law. … it’s not an opt in […] and Irish speakers shouldn’t be made to feel like our rights are opt in” Mac Brádaigh said.

Eliora Abramsom

Eliora Abramson

News

Ethnic Minority Support Group Works to Address Mental Health Gap for Students of Colour

As Ireland grapples with a mental health crisis marked by limited resources and long wait times, people of colour are met with an additional barrier to getting the help they need, unable to find culturally appropriate resources.

The Higher Education Authority (HEA) identifies ethnic minorities as one of the student groups at greater risk of mental health difficulties.

Additional at-risk groups include LGBTQ+ individuals, international students, asylum seekers, refugees and those from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds.

This issue manifests at Trinity College Dublin, where students from ethnic minority backgrounds, including Kiran Singh in an op-ed for The University Times last year, have spoken out about significant challenges in accessing culturally sensitive mental health care. Many students who are a part of this community may approach therapy hesitantly and flee quickly due to its predominantly white environment and the stigma surrounding mental health.

“In my experience, ethnic minority students do not seek mental health support for a significant amount of time because of the belief that they can tough it out. They tend to look towards their community or social support system,” said Ejiro Ogbevoen, founder of Black Therapists Ireland.

“When they do overcome the limiting belief of not seeking help, the fact that they do not see anyone like themselves in the service may further confirm to them that this is not the place for them.”

According to Student Counselling Service (SCS) data, the majority of clients at SCS are white, with 54.2% identifying as White Irish and 21.2% as other White backgrounds, followed by 11.6% identifying as Asian or Asian Irish, 2% as Middle Eastern, and 1.9% as Black or Black Irish; 5% preferred not to answer, and 3.9% identified as other, including Irish Traveller or multiple ethnic backgrounds.

Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU) Welfare and Equali-

ty Officer Hamza Bana spearheaded the establishment of the Ethnic Minority Support Group after noticing there were only white counsellors at Student Counselling Services (SCS).

Bana said he and many of his peers have experienced racism on campus, whether it be in a class lecture or in a society meeting. While students may talk to their peers about it, many never report it or unpack it with a counsellor out of fear of being invalidated.

“It was a bit of an issue […] If a student of colour came in and asked for a person of colour, they wouldn’t be able to get that,” he said. “The support space allows students to go to a space that’s dedicated to them and talk through their feelings and be able to relate to other people that have the same experience.”

The group aims to offer Trinity students from cultural and ethnic minority backgrounds, including Irish Travellers, an open and safe space where they can engage in group therapy led by a therapist who shares and understands their lived experiences.

The group meets every Monday from 5 to 6:30 p.m. in the Seminar Room and Group Room of the SCS building on 7-9 South Leinster Street, and is facilitated by SCS counsellor Sinead Crowley and Ogbevoen. Any student can drop in at any time.

“Joining a drop-in group may sound intimidating at first, but groups can act as a support network and sounding board for members,” Crowley said. “Members of the group often help each other come up with ideas around improving a difficult experience, listen and empathise with one another and often can relate to the issues brought by other group members.”

As a white therapist co-facilitating this group, Crowley emphasised the importance of practising cultural competence to build trust and achieve better therapeutic outcomes, approaching her role with cultural humility, openness to learning about different cultural experiences, awareness of power imbalances, and a commitment to ongoing self-reflection.

“I feel that supporting the needs

of ethnic minority students, empowering their sense of belonging in Trinity, and supporting them in advocating for their needs is all of our responsibility, and not just the responsibility of members of ethnic minority groups,” she added.

Having a facilitator from within the ethnic minority community has been integral to the group, as students voiced it was important for them to have a facilitator they could identify with and could understand their lived experiences.

“I immediately said yes to Sinead from the SCS when she brought this to my attention. I thought it was a very important space to create, and I wanted to be part of it,” Ogbevoen said. “Black Therapists Ireland focuses on bringing counselling to people from minority ethnic communities living in Ireland. An opportunity to partner with one of the prestigious

TCDSU to Provide Free Injection Supplies for Transgender Students

Trinity College Dublin Students Union (TCDSU) announced a new collaboration with trans mutual-aid group Trans Harm Reduction to provide free and safe injecting supplies for transgender students on DIY hormone replacement therapy (HRT), on November 29th via Instagram.

HRT is a hormonal medication that is used by transgender and gender non-conforming individuals to align appearance more closely with one’s gender identity. As part of the initiative, the Welfare and Equality office will be supplying students who reach out with alcohol wipes, syringes, as well as drawing and injecting needles. Students will be able to request the supplies by sending an email to welfare@tcdsu. org. In a statement for The University Times, TCDSU Welfare Officer Hamza Bana, said: “[safe injecting materials] are in very high demand”. While a definite time frame for the initiative has yet to be established, he went on to express hope and “to be able to provide this service as long as there is a demand for it”.

Fiadh Tubridy, an organiser for Trans Harm Reduction, spoke of the principles underlying the project: “Having access to safe injection supplies is one of a series of basic harm reduction measures that can be taken to safeguard people’s health”. Trans Harm Reduction is in the process of organizing similar initiatives within

other educational bodies including IADT, UCD, and Maynooth University. Trans Harm Reduction is a volunteer-run, grassroots harm reduction organisation that provides help for trans people in Ireland and Scotland. Besides providing free injection supplies, the organisation also publishes laboratory results of commonly used HRT sources and curates a list of GPs willing to do blood work for self-medicating patients. Transgender self-medication has previously been a contentious issue in Trinity. In September, The University Times reported a public dispute between TCDSU President Jenny Maguire and the College Health Service over the provision of blood tests for trans and gender non-conforming students who self-administer HRT to monitor their hormone levels - a service currently not provided by College Health.

This echoes a broader national debate. A 2022 report by Transgender Europe ranked Ireland last in Europe for transgender healthcare. Care for gender dysphoria in Ireland has been centralised by the National Gender Service (NGS), which faces criticism for long waiting times (some estimate it to be over ten years) and extensive psychological screenings, which the NGS defends as a necessary part of the evaluation.

GPs in the country are also discouraged by the service to provide blood work or prescribe hormonal treatments for self-medicating patients

who have not been evaluated by the service.

Yet Trans Harm Reduction argues this approach actively hurts the population. “People are self-medicating, it’s a reality [...]. What we can do is make it as safe as possible” says Fiadh, lamenting the lack of governmental support for such initiatives.

She also paints a picture of a system in shambles: “We have seen the [transgender] healthcare system get worse over the past few years due to decisions made by the Irish government. [...] The current situation is really quite abysmal”. Welfare Officer Hamza Bana corroborates this view, claiming “[long waitlists] force many trans people into having to DIY their Hormone Replacement Therapy”.

With many transgender activists arguing for an overhaul of the system, the HSE is drafting a new model of care for transgender healthcare. While it is supposed to be finished within the next two years, it is unclear what changes this new system may bring.

The works are headed by the clinical lead of the NGS Dr Karl Neff, who has previously supported psychological evaluations, and recommended that GPs do not provide hormonal blood tests for self-medicating patients. Fiadh, speaking in a personal capacity, does not expect fundamental change, positing “it will be a reflection of the existing NGS system”.

Trinity College counselors to pioneer such great work is one not to be missed.”

Some of the most common issues students may face include loss, longing for what is lost or left behind, belonging, racist acts, systemic racism and oppression, according to Ogbevoen. These may lead to insecurities, anxiety, low self-esteem, identity problems and poor physical health.

From familiar faces to new participants each week, Bana said student feedback has been positive, with many expressing that they feel heard and comfortable sharing intricate details of their experiences.

As more colleges, such as Maynooth University and Dun Laoghaire Institute of Art Design and Technology, join in on the initiative, Bana said he hopes to see it carried out nationwide.

“I’d love to see it go towards the

west and just nationwide, have it be in Galway, Limerick and Cork, because there are minorities in those parts of Ireland as well,” Bana said.

Additionally, he said he hopes to see SCS bring in a counsellor from an ethnic minority community for oneon-one counselling as the next step.

According to Director Patricia Murphy, SCS is actively recruiting counsellors from diverse backgrounds and regularly provides professional development courses in cultural competency. The service has been working with its professional bodies to provide equity, diversity and inclusion scholarships to encourage individuals from diverse backgrounds to pursue psychotherapy training, increasing diversity among professionals available to work in SCS services.

Barriers to people of colour in Ireland pursuing careers in mental health counselling and therapy in-

clude cultural and societal stigma surrounding mental health and therapy, racial discrimination, the cost of education and training in psychology and psychotherapy and a lack of culturally appropriate training programs and support networks. Ogbevoen considers representation in counselling fundamental to the well-being of society as a whole. She emphasised the importance of recognising that people are shaped by both nature and nurture to acknowledge individual and communal uniqueness.

“Counselling needs to also acknowledge that aspect of the individual that was shaped through nurture — both favourable and unfavourable — culture, traditions, migration, social status, marginalisation, oppression,” she said. “We live in a society that prioritises certain standards, which excludes by default.”

TCD Academics for Palestine State College Taskforce “Will Do Nothing”

Trinity College Dublin Academics for Palestine (TCD AfP) state that they have been “blocked” from sitting on the taskforce agreed as a term of the encampment agreement made on 8th May 2024.

TCD AfP member and Assistant Professor of Geography Rory Rowan stated to The University Times, “We have expert knowledge, and we’re not being represented”.

The activist group sent a press release claiming that the taskforce is “designed to do nothing” and have criticised the taskforce’s stalling.

TCD AfP writes that the agenda of the taskforce has changed since the agreement was made to create a taskforce.

“Instead the remit of the taskforce has been broadened, with any mention of Palestine, Israel, genocide, human rights, etc. omitted,” TCD AfP states.

A recent statement from the College’s press office on the taskforce’s composition and goals state that the taskforce “will address the issues raised in the resolution statement (8th May) arising from the encampment regarding the conflict in Gaza”.

The College’s statement does not mention Israel or Palestine, or cutting ties with Israel, but does mention Gaza.

TCD AfP claims that “Such expan-

sive framing is clearly intended to avoid ‘singling out’ Israel, and its vagueness and imprecision seem designed to ensure Trinity will not take any measures to sanction Israel”.

The taskforce will met for the first time on November 22nd, with a total of 26 members sitting on the committee. Fifteen members are appointed by the College’s selection. Nine members of the group will be appointed from the Group of Unions, Trinity College Dublin Students Union, and the Central Societies’ Committee.

TCD AfP writes of the taskforce’s make-up that: “Membership reflects Trinity Governance structures but not expertise. Direct AfP TCD representation has been blocked, and there is no clarity on how College Officers will be expected to consult or represent their constituents (staff and students) or how submissions from the community or “invit[ed] presentations” will be selected.”

When it was communicated to the activist group over the summer that AfP TCD could not sit on the taskforce due to their lack of formal representation as a College body, the group then went into talks with trade unions.

TCD AfP approached trade unions, which have the ability to nominate representatives to the

taskforce, to consider nominating a member of TCD AfP to the taskforce. According to Rowan, AfP TCD were denied representation by the Irish Federation of University Teachers (IFUT).

In a statement to The University Times, a College Spokesperson stated that “The Taskforce will address the issues raised in the resolution statement (8th May) arising from the encampment regarding the conflict in Gaza, by developing a set of ethical principles to inform future links and exchanges between Trinity College Dublin and higher education institutions and commercial enterprises in jurisdictions where armed conflicts occur and / or there are violations of international law.

Existing representative organisations of College are on the Taskforce alongside key College Officers. For example, as has been announced already, the 26 members of the Taskforce will include four nominated by the Group of Unions.”

Two other participants in May’s BDS encampment have spoken to The University Times under the condition of anonymity expressing their disappointment with the College’s taskforce.

Olivier Fitrzyk-Barral

Mercedes Hamilton

Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce

PHOTO BY RACHEL CONWAY

Social Democrats the Most Popular Party with Students, Sinn Féin in Second Place

Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce

The Social Democrats are the leading party that students plan to give their number one vote for in the upcoming general election, with 31% of students planning on giving the party support on the ballot.

Sinn Féin took second place for student’s first preference votes, polling at 21%. Fine Gael polled at 15% and was the third choice option amongst students surveyed.

Of the issues that students identified as the most important issue for them this general election, 35% said cost of living, 33% said housing, and 7% said climate change. 4.9 % of students said immigration, and 4.7% of students said Palestine. The demographics of student voters who filled out the survey featured 235 women, 205 men, and seven non-binary people. 225 students from Arts and Humanities courses voted, 155 respondents from Science

Technology Engineering and Maths courses made up the vote, and 38 students who study health sciences – including medicine and dentistry students – were also polled. Of the students who were polled 87% were registered to vote. Of those registered to vote, 71.1% will be voting for the first time. The poll was open last week from Tuesday evening to Friday evening, on November 19th to November 22nd.

Cost of living and housing emerge as the most important election issues for student voters

32 students polled made an error on one question or more. In these instances, their responses have been removed from the poll.

The poll has a margin of error calculated at 4.6% more or less than our current polling data.

The Ipsos/Irish Times B&A poll published on Monday was based upon 1,200 face-to-face interviews. Its accuracy is estimated at plus or minus 2.8%. The poll was conducted between Wednesday and Saturday

and showed that support for Fine Gael is at 19%, Fianna Fáil at 21%, and Sinn Féin is at 20%.

The Social Democrats are polling at 6%, while support for the Green Party and Labour is at 4%. People Before Profit-Solidarity and Aontú are polling at 3%.

This shows a wide disparity between the voting preferences of those enrolled in higher education in Trinity College Dublin compared to the general public.

The University Times polled students in person and online. The in-person component of polling took place in the Arts Block, the Hamilton Building, Students and the Pav. The majority of students polled opted to poll via a QR code or link online that was shared to The University Times website and social media.

Sinn Féin has seen an unprecedented amount of popularity amongst the Trinity student electorate

Trinity Counselling Services Work to Tackle High Demand

Mercedes Hamilton

As the term begins to culminate and we quickly approach exam week, student anxiety is reaching its peak for the semester as is expected of wait times for appointments at Student Counselling Services (SCS) to cope with this stressful time. Last year’s State of College Counseling and Health Services report put together by Trinity College Dublin Student Union (TCDSU ) addressing the long wait times year round identified that historically wait times rise before exams and decline after exams.

As of early November, nearly 1,200 students have accessed SCS services during the 2024–25 academic year, with students typically waiting less than a week after their initial SNAP (Support and Needs Assessment Planning) appointments to be matched with a counsellor. Emergency consultations are available immediately for those in crisis, ensuring urgent needs are met without delay, according to Chuck Rashleigh, who organises statistical reporting SCS.

In 2023-24, students waited an average of about 8.6 days for assessment and 28.8 days for counselling. Previously, average wait times for assessments were 10.8 days in 2019-20, 9.6 days in both 2020-21 and 2022-23, and 10.3 days in 2021-22. For counselling, wait times were significantly longer, averaging 23.5 days in 2019-20, peaking at 41.8 days in 2020-21, followed by 27.9 days in 2021-22 and 24 days in 2022-23.

Shorter Wait Times and New Models Rashleigh said the improvements were achieved through several measures devised during the summer, including the new “3 sessions & review”

model, intended to ensure “equity of access for students in need throughout the entire academic year.” This approach provides students with an initial block of three counselling sessions, with the option to extend in increments based on their progress and needs.

The model does not include emergency sessions or Student Learning Development (SLD) sessions, which may be the most appropriate forms of support during times of academic stress, according to SCS Director Trish Murphy. Counselors are committed to assisting students during peak pressure periods, regardless of the service model in place, she said. This year, drop-in SNAP appointments (Support and Needs Assessment Planning) were introduced to make SCS support quicker and more accessible. Unlike last year, when SNAPs were only available through online bookings with wait times of up to two to three weeks, students can now walk in on weekday mornings to receive same-day support on a firstcome, first-served basis, significantly increasing accessibility. As of early November, the wait times for a SNAP appointment booked online were one to two weeks max and zero working days for a drop-in.

The appointments are limited to two students per day because SCS only has enough resources for one counsellor to work drop-ins each morning. This limited availability may present challenges for the large student body of over 22,000, potentially leaving many students unable to access timely support. However, Rashleigh said both of these SNAPs have been booked most mornings so far, and there have been very few days where more than two students have arrived seeking them.

Students who are in immediate crisis can request an emergency consult every weekday with zero wait time.

“The challenge for all counselling services is ensuring there is capacity to serve clients throughout the year, especially during peak demand times,” Murphy said.

Other College counselling centres face similar challenges. University College Dublin’s (UCD) SCS Information Sheet states students may have to wait “a number of weeks” for an initial counselling appointment. Similarly, University College Cork’s (UCC) Counselling and Development website says it may take two to three weeks on average before an appointment is available.

This is reflective of a nationwide dilemma, with 44% of people in Ireland encountering one or more issues accessing mental health services in comparison to an EU average of 25%, according to a Eurobarometer poll.

Staffing Challenges

With low staffing also a concern in last year’s report, the staffing levels for 2024-25 remain largely the same as the previous year, with 5.17 administrative staff, 2.58 assistant psychologists, 13.82 counsellors, one director, and 3.26 sessional counsellors. However, a reduction of 0.5 in the number of assistant psychologists has occurred, though this is expected to be resolved later this month, Rashleigh said. Additionally, sessional counsellors starting in September this year, instead of October as in previous years. These counsellors work one to three days a week during busy times to support the core counselling team.

The SCS staffing numbers are reported in Full-Time Equivalents (FTE), which account for part-time and seasonal roles. For example, a

full-time employee working five days per week for the entire year equals 1.0 FTE, while part-time or sessional staff working fewer days or months contribute smaller fractions. This explains why decimals appear in the staffing figures.

SCS has international accreditation from the International Accreditation of Counselling Services (IACS), requiring it to have a ratio of one counsellor to every 1,000 – 1,500 students, which SCS has met, Murphy said. The current student-to-counselor ratio at many colleges in Ireland is approximately 1:2,240, which exceeds the internationally recommended ratio of 1:1,000 to 1,500, according to the Union of Students in Ireland (USI).

In a USI press release, Colette Murphy, USI Vice President for Welfare, argued that the current student-to-counselor ratio is insufficient given “the struggles young people currently face.” A survey from Jigsaw and UCD School of Psychology’s found that 58% of higher education students were outside the normal range for depression and anxiety, with college, finances and the future being the top three stressors. According to USI, some students are hesitant to use mental health services because they believe counselling centers may be too busy.

“Exams increase stress and anxiety, and this has a pressure or triggering effect on many students and so they struggle intensely at these times,” Murphy said. “This can naturally drive the rates of students seeking help upwards during those times of the academic year. Our advice to students is to seek help early rather than wait until the time just before exams, so we can better assist them with their needs.”

Referendum to Be Held on Section 1.5

A motion passed by eighty per cent at TCDSU/AMLCT (Trinity College Dublin Students Union) council to hold a referendum to amend the wording of section 1.5 (formerly 1.4) of the TCDSU constitution. The current wording reads the Union, “Shall pursue these objects independent of any political, racial or religious ideology”. This has previously prevented TCDSU/AMLCT from aligning with the USI’s (Union of Students Ireland) motion to publicly express no-confidence in the current government and advise its membership to vote against it. If the referendum passes it will permit the union to adopt a position of no-confidence in a government as a matter of long-term policy.

The new proposed wording that will be voted on in a college-wide referendum is “The Union shall pursue these objectives independent of any political party or religious organisation”, which will allow the Union to openly speak out against the government.

The Union have struggled in the past to define what consti-

tutes as political, with people citing previous campaigns such as supporting Repeal the 8th and the legalisation of gay marriage as examples of successful political campaigns that the currnet wording of 1.5, when enforced, technically would prohibit. The new wording hopes to provide greater clarity around what the Union is and isn’t allowed to endorse and campaign on. A speaker against the motion stated that the proposed new wording risks “inherently alienating students”.

“My existence is political” was the common discourse in favour of the motion, with TCDSU Welfare Officer Hamza Bana and the PWO (Postgraduate Workers’ Organisation) co-founder Seathrún Sardina citing this argument.

In a previous town hall held to discuss the new wording 21 students voted for the new proposed wording, while 8 students voted for alternative options. The referendum will be held in the first three weeks of Hilary term.

Graphs by Conchúr Ó Cathasaigh

Aoife Bennett

Health Science Students Protest Study and Working Conditions

Health Science students and researchers gathered to protest study and working conditions in front of the Dining Hall at Front Square on November 20th at 1 pm. College, the HSE and Government came under criticism for a lack of action in response to the needs of Health Science students, with the placement conditions of student nurses featuring heavily.

Protesters held a variety of signs some of which read ‘Australia looks good right?’, ‘Pay All PHDs’, ‘Cá Bhfuil Ár Meas’, ‘13 hour shifts: Nothing to show’, ‘Training Us To Leave’ and ‘Fund Us’. Students present at the protests spoke of the frustration they felt at consistently being ignored by College, the HSE and Government.

Fi Vives Lynch, a fourth year Children’s and General Nursing Student commented “I’m tired of not being able to live my life because I can’t afford groceries because I have to spend my money to get to Wicklow on a placement that wasn’t even paid for. I’m tired of getting up at two in the morning and risking my life on dangerous streets of Dublin just so I can get to a placement on time.” Among the main frustrations of students was the unpaid nature of student placements.

“We are tired of being told we are not staff, we don’t deserve any rights when we are grinding our teeth, helping with the understaffing crisis the hospitals are facing and being told we’re not staff but still being expected to pick up the slack,” said Lynch.

Protestors expressed a general feeling that College had abandoned students and was not willing to defend their interests to Government.

Lynch cited the building of the €2.2 billion National Children’s Hospital as an example of the inappropriate use of available funds that should be directed toward ensuring fair pay for nurses commenting: “You can have a hospital but you don’t have anyone to care for your patients if you don’t have the staff to do it.”

Lara Rios Heffernan, a 4th year Children and General Nursing Student also present at the protest echoed Lynch’s view on the treatment of student nurses on placement ‘‘We are students, we’re on the wards to learn but we’re treated as staff and that doesn’t come with a lot of learning opportunities as well. Sometimes we’re sent out to certain placements and certain hospitals that are really low staffed and you’re treated as a healthcare assistant when you are a student nurse.”

Heffernan felt that conditions for student nurses were getting worse:

“My lecturer told us she was paid £120 a week. We were given €100 a week for placement during Covid. That was for two 13-hour shifts and a 10-hour shift per week.” In April-August 2020 student nurses were paid as healthcare assistants due to the Covid-19 crisis in hospitals. Since then, apart from a continuous placement students complete in the final year of their studies, placements are unpaid. Accommodation for students on placement and transport allowances were also issues raised by protestors.

Among the demands the protestors have of College are increased financial support for uniform costs, mental health supports, a student cafeteria and improving college accessibility and shower maintenance.

Protestors are also calling for equal support to be granted to postgraduates and undergraduates and an increase in library opening hours. Trinity College Dublin Students Union has committed to delivering testimonials of the experiences of Health Science students to the Provost and the head of the Health Sciences Faculty.

Sixteen Candidates to Contest the Dublin University Seanad Election

There have been sixteen candidates that have nominated themselves to run for Seanad Éireann in the University of Dublin (Trinity College) Constituency. The candidates for election include two current incumbents, Tom Clonan and Lynn Ruane. Tom Clonan was first elected to the Seanad in the 2022 by-election following Ivana Bacik’s election to Dáil Éireann. Clonan is a retired Irish Army Captain, and previously worked as a security analyst for The Irish Times.

Lynn Ruane has been a Senator for the Dublin University constituency since 2016. She is a member of the Civil Engagement Group in the Seanad. Ruane previously served as President of Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU). Ruane is an active campaigner in favour of drug decriminalisation.

Katherine Zappone, an independent politician who previously

served as the Minister for Children and Youth Affairs, is also set to contest the election. She lost her Dáil seat in the 2020 general election. She also co-founded An Cosán, an organisation focusing on adult education.

Two members of the Green Party are set to contest the election, Hazel Chu and Ossain Smyth. Hazel Chu is a member of Dublin City Council, having previously served as Lord Mayor of Dublin. She previously unsuccessfully contested the 2022 Dublin University by-election and the 2024 General Election in Dublin Bay South. Ossain Smyth has previously served as a Minister of State and TD for Dún Laoghaire before losing his seat in the 2024 General Election. Hugo MacNeill, who formerly played rugby for Leinster and for the Irish National Team, is also set to contest the election. He later worked as a Director for Goldman Sachs, and is married to Jennifer

Deportation, Enforcement, and Detention Centres

Fine Gael, Sinn Féin, and Fianna Fáil party manifestos promise the implementation of stricter immigration rules.Migration was the one of the biggest issues this election period, to a degree that has never been seen in previous elections. The big three mainstream parties reference new immigration systems in their manifestos.

Fine Gael Fine Gael’s manifesto has promised “[D]esignated accommodation with restricted freedom of movement” for prospective asylum seekers. The manifesto reiterates plans to place “limits” on “movement” and that asylum seekers will “have removal decisions completed within 90 days”. How Fine Gael intends to enforce the restrictions on the movement of asylum seekers is not detailed in the manifesto.

The manifesto also details: “Asylum seekers will be required to contribute towards their accommodation costs, promoting personal responsibility”.

According to the Irish International Protection Office, the largest percentage of international protection applications made in 2024 was by Nigerians. The average Nigerian salary is 1,826 euro per annum, according to Salarymonitor.org.Simon Harris was recently quoted as saying that the state must take a “compassionate but common sense” approach to asylum seekers. In Fine Gael’s 2020 manifesto, there was no mention of immigration.

Fianna Fáil

Meanwhile, Fianna Fáil’s manifesto states that they will “charter deportation flights when necessary”. The party also promises to: “Establish a ded-

icated division of the High Court: A specialised division will be created to handle all immigration cases, ensuring timely legal proceedings”.Fianna Fáil’s 2020 manifesto did not mention immigration in any capacity.

Sinn Féin

Sinn Féin’s manifesto promises action on: “Returning immigrants who are not entitled to be here to their countries of origin including enforcement of deportation and other orders and investigating illegal immigration”. How exactly deportation will be enforced is not described.

Sinn Féin did mention immigration policy in their 2020 manifesto, stating: “Sinn Féin does not want open borders”. However, the word count took up less than a page, in comparison to the three pages dedicated to immigration in their current manifesto.

Green Party In the Green’s Programme for Government manifesto in 2020, the party committed to ending Direct Provision, a promise which has yet to be implemented. Direct Provision is the system where asylum seekers waiting for their international protection applications to be processed are housed and provided with basic necessities.

Amnesty International Ireland’s website states “For more than 21 years, Ireland’s Direct Provision system has been a human rights scandal”.

Deportations currently in practice Berkeley solicitors, a law firm that specialises in immigration law, states that “A person issued with a valid deportation order may be directed by an immigration officer to attend their local immigration office at specified times. It is a criminal offence to con-

travene the provisions of a Deportation Order, and in this circumstance a person may become liable for arrest and detention for the purposes of deportation.”

At the end of 2023, 117.3 million people worldwide were forcibly displaced as a result of persecution, conflict, violence, human rights violations or events seriously disturbing public order, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency. The Irish Refugee Council lobbied various government party’s manifestos to “End punitive measures aimed at people seeking protection, including those without documentation. Ensure adequate safeguards that ensure anyone who wishes to apply for protection is afforded the right to do so”. The organisation believes that those without documentation are entitled to seek asylum

According to the Irish Refugee Council, 13,276 protection applications were lodged in 2023. The European Union as a whole received 1,100,000 applications for international protection. Ireland received 1.2% of the total applications made to the European Union to seek international protection. Ireland as a whole, makes up approximately 1.1% of the European Union’s total population, and has the second highest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in the EU. 104,870 asylum seekers from Ukraine received temporary protection in Ireland between March 2022 and February 2024, according to the Central Statistics Office. The UN Refugee Agency UNHCR has recorded that 6.8 million Ukrainian refugees have been recorded globally.

Carroll MacNeill, a Fine Gael TD and Minister of State.

Other candidates include Paul Mulville, a Social Democrats councilor on Fingal County Council and Sadhbh O’Neill, a Labour party member who unsuccessfully contested the 2024 General Election in Waterford.

All Trinity graduates who are Irish citizens and over 21 years of age are eligible to vote. The election will take place via mail in ballots, and ballots will be mailed to registered voters. Polls close on January 29th, 2025. The full list of candidates is as follows: Abbas Ali O’Shea, Derek Byrne, Kevin Byrne, Hazel Chu, Tom Clonan, Laoise de Brún, Hugo MacNeill, Marcus Matthews, Aubrey McCarthy, John (Jack) Mulcahy, Paul Mulville, Ade Oluborode, Sadhbh O’Neill, Lynn Ruane, Ossian Smyth, Katherine Zappone.

Alannah Wrynn

Brídín Ní Fhearraigh-Joyce

Patrick Keegan

PHOTO BY ISABELLA WOOD

USI Survey Finds Political Parties Unresponsive to Student Issues

The Union of Students Ireland (USI) published the results of its survey, which asked political parties running in the general election their stances on a number of issues. Their survey found none of the governing parties responsive with Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and the Green Party providing no answer for the vast majority of issues. While the Green Party provided no response, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil responded No to the question of abolishing the contribution charge on a phased basis.

The other issues included in the USI survey were: funding affordable student accommodation, funding third level courses through the medium of Irish, a minimum 28,000 Euro stipend for PhD students, improving access to transgender healthcare in Ireland, funding Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) to get one counsellor for every 1,000 students and enacting the Occupied Territories Bill. The questionnaire was sent out in the form of an email containing 7 questions asking about the party’s commitment to these issues.

Sinn Féin, the Social Democrats and People Before Profit answered Yes to all these issues, signifying that they would like to enact all of the proposed policies if elected into office. Labour answered affirmatively to all issues as well, rejecting only the funding of third level courses through the medium of Irish.

The University Times spoke with USI’s Vice President for Campaigns, Nathan Murphy, who detailed the contents of the survey as well as who USI contacted for each party. The survey was sent by email on September 13th. Murphy stated: “I followed up multiple times

for those who didn’t answer” and that “…we asked the party spokespeople for higher ed and the parliamentary party chair or those in charge of the party manifestos”.

From Sinn Féin, Mairéad Farrell, Pádraig Mac Lochlainn and and David Cullinane were contacted. Murphy detailed the process saying, “Mairéad came back on the trans healthcare question and directed us to ask David Cullinane their spokesperson on health”.

Regarding communication with the Green Party, Murphy said, “Pauline O’Reilly is the green spokesperson and was in charge of their manifesto, we had met her shortly before we asked these and still received no response”.

Further, communication with Fianna Fáil was facilitated, however, ended shortly, with Murphy saying that, “Fianna Fáil got back with Malcolm Byrne who wanted a meeting and then stopped replying when pushed the questions again”.

Finally, Fine Gael was contacted and answered the email, however, they said that they would not answer any questions before the finalisation of their manifesto.

From the Social Democrats Gary Gannon and Cian O’Callaghan were contacted. Labour’s Annie Hoey and Duncan Smith were contacted and People Before Profit’s Richard Boyd Baret was reached out to. Since the release of the results, People Before Profit have commented on the results of the survey on Instagram stating that “[Fine Gael and Fianna Fail] couldn’t even bother to answer students.”

The results of the survey were released eighteen days before the polling day.

Ability Co-op Hosts Senator Tom Clonan Alongside the Vincent de Paul Society

On December 3rd, in celebration of the International Day of Persons with Disabilities, the Trinity Ability Co-op hosted The Disability Experience: A Panel Discussion. This collaborative event, organised alongside Trinity Vincent de Paul (VDP), brought together members of SignSoc, DUNeS, the Trinity Ability Co-op, and Senator Tom Clonan to delve into the lived realities of disability. While SignSoc couldn’t participate due to an ISL booking falling through, the event successfully explored poignant themes like media representation, mental health, and inclusive practices.

A recurring message was the need to distinguish equity from equality, as highlighted by speakers Ash Muldoon and Tom Clonan. The discussion underscored that equity is not about giving everyone the same assistance but about tailoring support to help everyone reach the same destination.

One of the most moving topics was the grief and anxiety many disabled individuals feel when thinking about their futures. Panellists shared the emotional toll of navigating a world that often fails to accommodate their needs or recognise their potential.

“Planning for the future becomes an exercise in managing expectations,” explained a member of DUNeS. “Not because of what we are capable of, but because of what society often denies us.” The speakers emphasised that these feelings of grief stem from systemic barriers, not from disability itself.

Yet, the panellists also conveyed hope. Acknowledging these emotions, they explained, is the first step in reducing these anxieties, not just for disabled individuals but for society as a whole. This dual narrative of grief and resilience resonated deeply with attendees, including Provost Professor Linda Doyle, who attended to show her support.

Universal Design emerged as a central theme in the discussion, with speakers advocating for its integration as a baseline for accessibility.

Suad Aldarra Awarded the 2024 Rooney Prize for Literature

Dublin-based Syrian writer Suad Aldarra has been awarded this year’s Rooney Prize for Literature. Each year the Prize is awarded to an Irish writer under forty for an “outstanding body of work”. Established in 1976 by Dr Daniel Rooney, the Prize has been renowned as one of the most prestigious Irish literary awards. It is currently administered by the Trinity Oscar Wilde Centre for Creative Writing in the School of English at Trinity College Dublin, with its winners receiving a grant of 10,000 euros.

Aldarra’s debut a memoir titled I Don’t Want To Talk About Home came out in 2022 and came as a result of Aldarra wanting to change the narrative about Syria and become “in control of the story”. Spending her childhood in Saudi Arabia, Aldarra decided to study software engineering at Damascus University, hoping to regain a sense of freedom in her native land. However, her situation changed drastically after the beginning of the war. The plot focuses on Aldarra’s journey from fleeing a war-torn Syria with her husband, a Palestinian-Syrian refugee in 2012, her subsequent arrival in Ireland on a working-visa and how this move changed every aspect of her life. I Don’t Want To Talk About Home further explores Aldarra’s arrival in Ireland, describing the struggles of a lost homeland and feelings of belonging as well as the Syrian community in Ireland.

The Accessible Events Generator, by Co-op members was celebrated as a practical tool for ensuring inclusivity.

“Universal Design is about dignity,” stated a representative from the Ability Co-op. “It means never having to apologise for being yourself.” By proactively designing systems, spaces, and policies to accommodate all, Universal Design removes the need for individuals to repeatedly request supports, fostering a sense of belonging.

The panel emphasised that accessibility benefits everyone. For instance, a wheelchair-accessible shop is also accessible for parents with strollers. When additional accommodations are needed, consulting directly with disabled individuals ensures practical, person-centred solutions.

The discussion extended to media representation, celebrating the casting of Marissa Bode as Nessarose in Wicked. Bode, the first authentic wheelchair user to play the role since the musical’s debut 21 years ago, exemplifies the importance of authentic disability representation.

“Consultation with disabled individuals is crucial to making workplaces accessible and bringing authentic disabled characters to life,” Bode shared in a recent Teen Vogue interview. On the Wicked set, Access Coordinator Chantelle Nassari, also a wheelchair user, ensured accommodations met the needs of cast and crew alike.

This casting decision was hailed as a step forward in challenging traditional Hollywood practices, which often rely on non-disabled actors to portray disabled characters. As a panellist remarked, “Authentic representation provides visibility and challenges outdated narratives about what disability means.”

The panel also explored the dynamic and evolving nature of disability. They highlighted that disability is not a static experience—it changes over time, shaped by personal, social, and environmental factors. This fluidity underscores the need for medical pro-

fessionals, educators, and therapists to adopt more nuanced approaches.

“We need more professionals who get it—who don’t just sympathise but truly empathise because they’ve lived it,” one speaker stressed. Increasing representation of disabled professionals in these fields can help bridge the gap between theory and practice, fostering systems of care that are inclusive, compassionate, and effective.

Provost Professor Linda Doyle commended the Trinity Ability Co-op and DUNeS for their advocacy, stating, “I learn so much from the Ability Co-op and DUNeS. Their voices continue to shape how we understand inclusion and equity at Trinity.”

Her presence underscored the importance of institutional leadership in advancing disability rights and amplifying the voices of those with lived experiences. Genuine change, as she emphasised, requires active listening, collaboration, and a willingness to learn.

The discussions aligned closely

with the UN Sustainable Development Goals, particularly SDG 10 (Reduced Inequalities) and SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions). By advocating for universal design, fostering inclusive policies, and amplifying disabled voices, the panel provided a roadmap for dismantling systemic barriers.

From addressing grief and anxiety to championing resilience and representation, the event was a powerful reminder of the work still needed to create a more inclusive world. As one panellist concluded, “Disability rights are human rights, and our future depends on all of us recognising that truth.”

This event, while celebrating the strength and wisdom of the disability community, also issued a challenge to society: to listen, learn, and act to build a future where equity and accessibility are universal principles, not exceptions.

Three New Books Found From Oscar Wilde’s Collection

Three new books found from Wilde’s personal collection by the University College London Library team provide new insight into the life of the famous writer. In a recent discovery, three books from Oscar Wilde’s personal collection were identified at University College London (UCL). This revelation marks a new step in retroactive LGBT justice for the Gay Irish playwright and Trinity alum.

The original collection of Oscar Wilde included over 2,000 books. However, after Wilde was arrested for “gross indecency with another male” in 1895, the collection, along with the rest of Wilde’s belongings, was possessed and auctioned off to pay for legal debts incurred. This came after an accusation made by the Marquess of Queensbury, father of the English poet and Wilde’s secret lover, Lord Alfred Douglas.

This auction has resulted in a serious gap in LGBT literary history considering only 40 of the original books have since been identified.

Wilde’s diverse and eclectic tastes as well as his Asian literary influences.

“The fact we have been able to identify these books at all is a miracle really. They are a slice of LGBTQ+ history,” said Pipkin.

One of the books discovered was Wilde’s personal copy of his own play Salomé, published in French after it was banned in England by the official censor, Lord Chamberlain, for its depiction of Biblical characters. Unfortunately, Wilde never saw an on-stage production of the play, which premiered in Paris a year after his imprisonment.

The two other books uncovered are The Golden Lotus and Other Legends

of Japan by Edward Greey and an 1882 translation of Persian author Mullana Abdulrahman Jami’s The Book of Joseph and Zuleikhaa. The notes made in the copy of The Golden Lotus reveal a previously unknown connection between the author Edward Greey and Wilde. The title page includes a note written for Wilde by the author, wishing him a Happy New Year in a mixture of Japanese and English. The book was a gift from Greey to Wilde. These discoveries signify a step in undoing the remarkably unfair punishment and censorship imposed on one of Ireland’s greatest writers.

and

“It’s about the enduring love for a home that ceased to exist, building a life out of the

However, due to the work of Sarah Pipkin, outreach and exhibitions coordinator in UCL special collections, three new books from the collection have been identified. After the librarian noticed corresponding hand-written notes made by the buyer in all three books, they were confirmed to have been sold at the Wilde auction. The new books confirm

Natalia Kamendy

Natalia Kamendy

Declan Treanor, Director of the Trinity Disability Service

Charlie Swan

PHOTO COURTESY OF SUAD ALDARRA

Behind the Reception Desk at Trinity Student Counseling Services

Mercedes Hamilton

Between frantic phone calls, crisis appointments and juggling schedules, receptionists at Student Counselling Services (SCS) start their mornings at full speed and rarely slow down.

Michael, an assistant psychologist, was the first to arrive on Monday, November 18th, at 8:30am, milk in hand for the team’s coffee and tea throughout the week. Soon after, Aga, the front office supervisor, and the Director Trish made their way into the office, engaging in their usual friendly tussle over which radio station would set the tone for the day.

The morning rush kicked off when reception opened at 9am — often the busiest hour of the day. Emergency appointment requests were handled by the receptionist Sheila and the duty counsellor, ensuring every student who approaches the student counselling service in crisis gets support. Meanwhile, Aga navigated cancellations, working to release highly sought after same-day Needs Assessment and Planning (SNAP) sessions.

“By mid-morning both dropin SNAP appointments have been booked. With more students coming in hoping to book one, the front office is shuffling through schedules relentlessly to try to find a cancellation to offer to the student,” Aga said.

Last Monday, a spot opened up just five minutes away at House 47, thanks to the team’s quick thinking and schedule adjustments.

Compared to last year, when SNAPs could only be booked online with wait times stretching up to two or three weeks, students now have the option to walk in on weekday mornings for same-day support on a firstcome, first-served basis.

Tech issues are a common occurrence during these busy mornings. Marianne and Dorothy worked tirelessly to troubleshoot persistent IT problems. The reception area buzzed as an alert came in about a student using SilverCloud, the service’s self-guided digital mental health tool grounded in cognitive-behavioural therapy, prompting the Outreach Team to step in.

“Thankfully, they always manage to outsmart our smart devices,” Aga said.

The team remained high in spirit and worked to create a calming environment, with the team’s resident plant caretakers, counsellors Sinead and Joanna, checking on the greenery in the office around lunchtime. The underwatering versus overwatering discussion came to a halt as more students arrived. Anne organised a quiet room to calm down a distressed student and accompanied them until the duty counsellor could see them. Anne said the student was given biscuits from the office stash that often helps students.

Soon after, another student came in looking for their Peer Support meeting; reception directed them to Student 2 Student (S2S) in House 47. S2S is a student-run program at Trinity that provides peer support, offering students a welcoming space to chat, seek guidance or ask questions when they’re unsure where to turn.

wrapping up the call, a referral from College Health arrived in the inbox. The Deputy Director Jo stepped in to handle the referral while the duty counsellor remained in session.

Once all emergencies were under control, Aga tried for a third attempt at contacting a student with an appointment offer. Their spot would be offered to the next student if the service didn’t hear from the student by the end of the next day. They also needed to “chase down” another student who received a referral the previous Friday.

Even as the reception area cleared out in the evening, receptionists continued working. Reminders were sent for the next day’s sessions — especially the late-night ones until 8pm on Tuesdays and Wednesdays. They also ensured that the

As everyone wrapped up their tasks for the

By this time the office was ready for the second round of coffee, accompanied by concise, friendly chats at the queue behind the two coffee machines, which were donated to the office by colleagues.The afternoon brought another wave of activity as students attending two group sessions filled the reception area. Some students chatted with peers while others opted for quiet activities like the colouring books scattered throughout the waiting area.

semester SCS will run the Families and Friends in Addiction Group on Tuesdays and Mindful Menstruation on Thursdays.

SCS offers a number of weekly drop-in groups, including the Ethnic Minority Support Group on Mondays, the Addiction Recovery and Wellbeing Group on Tuesdays, the Drop-In Therapy Group on Wednesdays and the Rainbow Group on Fridays. Next

How May Donald Trump’s Victory Affect Ireland?

he Associated Press de-

Tclared Donald J. Trump the 47th President of the United States in the morning of November 6th after he secured the necessary 270 electoral votes by winning the state of Wisconsin. The election culminates an aggressive, racist and misogynistic campaign against Vice President Kamala Harris, who is the first woman, the first Black American and the first South Asian American to hold this office and secure a presidential candidacy in the United States.

The American businessman first took presidential office in 2016 and will return after 34 felony counts, a conviction and two impeachments. Key issues that drove his campaign include immigration control, tax cuts and protecting gun rights, while Harris’ campaign was driven by restoring the federal right to abortion, expanding healthcare access and advancing racial and economic equity.

Despite pre-election polls showing a tight race, Trump currently holds over 72 million votes, while Harris has just over 68 million. Both numbers may continue to increase as final tallies come in from two remaining states, though these will not alter the overall outcome.

How may this affect Ireland and the concerns of Irish people?

Experts warn that Trump’s proposed 10-20% tariffs poses a significant risk to the Irish and European economies. Around 1,000 U.S. companies contribute substantially to Ireland’s GDP, and higher tariffs could reduce American foreign direct investment in Ireland, potentially putting jobs at risk, according to Euro News. Additionally, his proposal to lower the U.S. corporate tax rate could weaken Ireland’s competitive edge in attracting American multinationals

A Trump presidency may also impact European national security and global conflict, the Irish Times

reported. He previously suggested that he would back a land-for-peace deal in Ukraine that reduces U.S. military aid, potentially pressuring the EU —especially eastern member states with histories of Russian influence—to increase their own defense efforts.

This shift could complicate Ireland’s stance on neutrality, as growing European Union (EU) security commitments may prompt Ireland to reassess its traditional non-involvement in defense matters. Since World War II, Ireland has upheld a policy of military neutrality, choosing not to join NATO or engage in formal military alliances. However, as the EU increasingly emphasizes collective security, Ireland faces occasional pressure to align more closely with EU defense policies.

Trump’s close relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is also expected to delay a cease-fire in Gaza. Though Trump promised to bring peace to the Middle East, his unwavering support for Israel makes it clear his proposed solution may heavily favor Israel interests over Palestinian ones.

As president from 2016-2020, Trump recognised Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and proposed a peace plan viewed as favoring Israel, which hindered Palestinian statehood. More recently, Trump told Netanyahu in a recent call to “do what you have to do”. He also suggested Biden should let Israel “finish the job” in a June debate.

“Dear Donald and Melania Trump, Congratulations on history’s greatest comeback! Your historic return to the White House offers a new beginning for America and a powerful recommitment to the great alliance between Israel and America” Netanyahu wrote on X (formerly Twitter).

As a key–figure of American extremism, Trump’s win may also come with consequences for the Irish political landscape. Immigra-

tion has become a key issue in Irish politics, with the Irish Times reporting there were 307 protests related to immigration and accommodation centres throughout the State in 2022 and a similar number in 2023.

Xenophobic rhetoric was a significant part of Trump’s campaign, and part of his agenda includes the largest deportation of immigrants in American history.

Research carried out by Sky News in 2023 found that American accounts are a major driving force behind anti-immigration sentiment on Irish social media. The Sky News research also found that 54.4% of anti-immigration tweets with the hashtag #IrelandIsFull came from the United States, while 57% of tweets that used the hashtag #IrelandBelongsToTheIrish were from American Twitter accounts.

Trump and other American extremists are expected to continue to influence Ireland’s small far-right scene, which has been growing since the legalization of same-sex marriage in 2015 and the expansion of access to abortion, according to the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism.

Ireland and the U.S. share close economic, cultural, and diplomatic ties, and many Irish politicians find it favourable to maintain a peaceful relationship throughout Trump’s presidency, with Taoiseach Simon Harris and Tánaiste Micheál Martin congratulating him on X.

“This year marks 100 years of diplomatic relations between Ireland and the United States. Ireland’s relationship with the United States draws its strength from our deep, historical people-to-people connections, the support of the US to peace on this island, as well as our significant, and mutually beneficial, economic relationship” Martin wrote in a press release.

There are also several groups students can pre-register for ahead of next semester, including the Bereavement Support Group, Compassion-Focused Therapy, Social Anxiety Group, Surviving Your Postgraduate Experience, Unified Protocol, and Mind, Body, Boost. SCS also offers

a referral-only Ongoing Therapy Group and Emotion-Focused Group Therapy for Eating and Body Concerns. Time, location and additional information about all groups can be found here.

As the group session prepared to begin, the reception area grew momentarily quiet before a tutor called seeking urgent assistance for their tutee, prompting the team to involve the back-up duty counsellor. While

checking on one-to-one appointments and workshops with Student Learning Development and liaising with S2S colleagues to ask if they need the seminar room for mentors or peer supporters, someone checks in that everyone is OK and that all the crisis situations are stable so they can go home. “Sometime around 3am, I wake up and think, Did I double-check if that student was offered another opportunity to connect with us?” Aga said.

Tic teaic, an Bhliain Dheireanach Athruithe Séasúracha na gClog?

Hannah Joung

Imbliana, chuir an feisire eorpach Séan Kelly comh-litir chuig Ursula von der Leyen ag iarraidh go gcuirfeadh críoch le ham choigilte sholas an lae. De réir leis, “Tá sé in am cur críoch leis an am choigilte sholas, a bhfuil tionchar diúltach ar fholláine agus sábháilteacht. Níl sé oiriúnach a thuilleadh sa lá atá inniu ann.”

Rianaíodh an coincheap am choigilte sholas an lae sa 18ú haois. Chuir contraitheoir tógála Sasanach darbh ainm William Willett é chun chinn go poiblí leis an paimfléad “Waste of Daylight” (1907). An príomhchúis ná níos mó am saoire a chruthú do na hoibritheoirí. Chomh maith le seo, ceapadh go raibh buntaistí ó thaobh sábháil leictreachas de, agus go tagadh feabhsú ar mheabhairshláinte agus sláinte fisiciúil daoine.

Cuireadh an Am Coigilte Sholas i bhfeidhm go hoifigiúil don chéad uair sa Ghéarmáin i 1916. Is chun fuinneamh a shábháil le linn an Chéad Chogaidh Dhomhanda a tugadh isteach é ar dtús. An bhliain chéanna, rinne an Bhreatain, agus Éire san áireamh, an rud céanna (toisc go teastaíodh am caighdeánach leis an Bhreatain a bhí i gceannas ar Éirinn). D’éirigh go geal leis, le córas éagsúil le fáil ar fud na hEorpa. Tar éis an chogaidh éiríodh as an chóras, ach thug cuid mhaith tíortha isteach arís é le linn na géarchéime fuinnimh sna seachtóidí. Ní raibh sé go dtí 1980 go mbeadh am caighdeánaithe mar a fheictear inniu. Mar gheall ar dhomhandú, rith an tAontas reachtaíocht don chéad uair maidir le socruithe ama samhraidh i 1980; treoir a bhí ansin lena ndearnadh na cleachtais a bhí ann cheana a chomhordú chun cabhrú le feidhmiú rianúil an mhargadh aonair a chinntiú. Ar dtús, shocraigh sé dáta chomónta don tús am choigilte sholas an lae agus níor mhar sé ach ar feadh dhá bhliain. Ansin, tháinig an treoir reatha i bhfeidhm in 2001.

Faoi fhorálacha na treoracha sin, athraíonn gach Ballstát go dtí am samhraidh an Domhnach deireadh an Mhárta agus filleann siad ar an am caighdeánach (‘am an gheimhridh’) ar an nDomhnach deiridh mhí Dheireadh Fómhair go deo. Faraor, bíonn ceistiú maidir le praiticiúlacht an cleachtaidh thar na blianta. Bíonn neamhréiteach sna tuairiscí faoi na heifeachtaí de. Deirtear leath dóibh go mbíonn sé go maith dúinn, agus ar an thaobh eile den scéal is mó de dhochar ná de mhaitheas a dhéanann sé. Da bhrí seo, tháinig an ceist de, an gcoinneofá é? I mí Feabhra 2018, bhí vóta pharlaiminte ann ag iarraidh ar an Choimisiún staidéar eile a dhéanamh. I mí Lúnasa stiúrigh an Coimisiún Eorpach vótáil ar líne. Fuarthas 4.6 milliún freagraí ó fiche hocht de na bállstáit, an uimhir is mó riamh i gcomhairliúchán póiblí an Coimisúin. Ba é tátal na tuarascála go raibh 84% na ránnpháirtithe i bhfábhair fáil réidh leis. Da bhrí seo, cuireadh togra i láithair i 2019 chun deireadh a chur leis na hathruithe ama, le spriocdáta de 12 mhí ag gach mballstáit cinneadh a dhéanamh. Áfach, ní raibh aon dul chun cinn déanta ó shin. Bhí easaontas ag an

léibhéal stáit an bhfanfaí in am an tsamhraidh nó am an gheimhridh agus ar an cheist de athrú na hama. Ag an am, bhí Éire i gcoinne an athraithe. An príomhchúis ná an Bhreatimeacht - d’fhéadfadh sé tarlú go mbeidh dhá amchriosanna idir Poblacht na hÉireann agus an Thuaisceart, toisc nach bhfuil an Bhreatain mar bhall den Aontas Eorpach a thuilleadh. In ainneoin seo, tá Séan Kelly ag iarraidh é a chur ar ais ar an gclár sa téarma phairliminte atá le teacht. Luaigh Séan Kelly tábhacht na ceiste. Dúirt sé, “Léiríonn na tuairiscí go cuireann na hathraithe na gclog isteach ar choladh, go meadaíonn sé baol ó taom croí, agus go mbíonn níos mó timpistí boithre ann.” Go háirithe, agus muid i mbun géirchéime fuinnimh, “chomh maith leis sin, is argóint seanchaite í go sábhálann sé leictreachas. Déanta na fírinne, tá a fhios againn anois, go meadóidh sé, i ndáiríre, caitheamh fuinnimh le linn míonna an gheimhridh.” Céard atá i ndán dúinn? An í seo an uair dheireanach gur chóir dúinn ár gcloig agus ár n-uaireadóirí a athrú? Is maith an scéalaí an aimsir, mar a deirtear, agus is cinnte go nósfaidh an aimsir sa chás áirithe seo.

Mercedes Hamilton

PHOTO BY RACHEL CONWAY

PHOTO COURTESY OF UNSPLASH

“We Essentially Pay a Bunch of Full-time Student Activists”: The Freedom for Students Movement and the Rise of Anti-TCDSU Politics

The Trinity College Dublin Students Union (TCDSU) constitution mandates the body to act “independent[ly] of any political, racial or religious ideology”. Ambiguous as the exact implications of this clause are, it is safe to say that our Student Union is not apolitical. A growing number of students think this fact both violates the TCDSU constitution and is a slap in the face to students who oppose the Union’s political ideology, given Union membership is compulsory for all students.

This disillusionment with TCDSU has crystallised in the Freedom for Students movement whose aim is, according to their Instagram bio, “craic and to make TCDSU membership a voluntary and informed choice”.

Speaking to The University Times, Eric Grelet, a Senior Fresh PPES student who is involved with the Freedom for Students movement, said the group “aims to unify students who feel their money is being misused” by a Union that “has alienated them and their interests entirely”.

Grelet’s contention with TCDSU derives from the fact it is “funded by the student body indirectly via the student contribution fee, which is a mandatory fee imposed on all students by the college itself”.

“These fees are pooled together and redistributed among various student-led groups within the college”, including the SU. He thinks it “noteworthy” that “all students are automatically enrolled as members in the union” as a result.

Because of this mandatory membership, Grelet thinks the SU has

a responsibility to “ensure it represents the interests of all students” rather than “using funding for political motives”.

The Students’ Union constitution defines the body as “apolitical” to “ensure it does not contradict” students’ beliefs, said Grelet.

Grelet sees the Union as having been “hijacked by a group of students who aim to use SU power to pursue their own political interests” and who, in his opinion, carry out “illegal actions” as a result. He referenced an email sent by the Students’ Union wherein Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were said to “not care about students and young people” and were consequently “blamed for the ongoing accommodation shortage”. Not all students agree with this sentiment, he argued, pointing out the existence of the Young Fianna Fáil and Young Fine Gael societies.

“Pro-choice messaging is painted on the walls of the student common room” in Teach 6 (House Six), he said, which is antithetical to some students’ beliefs, “including devout Muslims and Christians,” said Grelet.

Further, Trinity Boycott, Divest, Sanction’s (BDS) organisation was recently incorporated into the Union, which Grelet says has “caused donors within the college to pull funding, resulting in a loss of financial aid for many students”.

Grelet offered examples of apolitical campaigns the TCDSU could focus on more, such as “their fight to bring down the cost of the laundry services in Trinity Hall, fighting the parental overnight guest policy, ensuring all lectures are recorded and their continued fight for free

sanitary products”.

Speaking to The University Times, TCDSU President Jenny Maguire noted that success in so-called apolitical campaigns like their digs drive and the doubling of period product funding was achieved “because of the new tradition of agitation within all that we do”.

She said this “new direction is not only effective but incredibly engaging” as the union has seen “record numbers of class reps, social media numbers and voters”, giving rise to “a wider array of voices and perspectives”.

“Every decision is grounded upon the policy brought to us, and every officer is chosen by the members. If people wish to vote for a direction of the union, it is our job to honour that.”

The desire for an apolitical union is a stance Maguire “cannot get behind because it doesn’t make sense to” [her]. For Maguire, an apolitical union is neither feasible nor desirable. “What is an apolitical union? To be a student is to be political,” she remarked. “Who decides what is and isn’t political? If a person of colour stands up for their rights, should the union tell them to shush because they are being political?”

“A neutral position on something inherently benefits the oppressor, which is taking a stance. This would hurt our ability to engage with the marginalised students who need our support.”

“We are a union that illegally published information on accessing abortions. We are a union that, because of the support of the sabbatical officers, saw QSoc officially recognised. We are the union that

Cad is Féidir Linn Foghlaim ón gCosc ar Chupán Aonúsáide i gCill Airne?

Tá cultúr na caife tar éis fás go tapaidh in Éirinn - is minic a fheictear daoine le cupán caife ina lámh acu. Óltar an caife, téann sé síos an t-éasafagas… ach cá dtéann an cupán? An tuairim choitianta atá ann ná gur féidir na cupáin seo a athchúrsáil. Áfach, de bharr líneáil poileitiléin plaisteach an chupáin, cuirtear iad go láithreán líonadh talún nó dóitear iad de ghnáth, a ndúirt Pauline McDonagh ó Recycling List Ireland. Áfach, is féidir le roinnt cupáin caife aonúsáide a bheith mhúirínithe. Rinne comhlacht agus banda stíl mhaireachtála in-athúsáidte darbh ainm Ecoset (lonnaithe i gCill Mhaintáin) stáidéar ar an méid dramhaíola de chupán caife aonúsáide in Éirinn. De réir leo, bhí 22,000 cupán úsáidte in aghaidh na huaire - 528,000 gach lá, agus mar sin 200 milliún cupán in aghaidh na bliana. Ar an iomlán, sin 3,700 tona de dramhraíl gach bliain - sin a lán dramhaíola. Mar sin, chun dul i ngleic le seo, chuir an rialtas ‘tobhach latte’ i bhfeidhm i 2022 leis an Acht um an nGeilleager Ciorclach. An prionsabal taobh thiar de ná chun cinntiú go dtógann na táirgeoirí freagracht as a dtairgí ó thaobh inbhuanaíochta de. Chun laghdú dramhaíl na caife, bhí sé i gceist acu daoine a spreagadh gan cupán aonúsáide a úsáid trí thobhach de 20%. Ar an drochuair, ní raibh mórán ratha ag an gníomh seo transa na tíre.

Áfach, cuireadh tús le togra pobail i gCill Airne anuraidh. Is ansa le lucht turasóirí an áit, agus feictear na héifeachtaí ar an bhaile idir mhaith agus olc. Léirigh na glantacháin is deanaí gurb é an cupán aonúsáide mar an cineál de dramhaíl is comónta sa bhaile. Mar sin, cuireadh straitéis timpeallachta i bhfeidhm ar fud an bhaile chun deireadh a chur le cupáin aonúsáide de réir a cheile. Dá dtaisteodh cupán caife uait, chaithfeadh tú do chupán féin a úsáid nó dhá euro sa bhreis a íoc as cupán inúsáidte, de gháth ón gcomhlacht 2GOCUP.

Nuair a bhí mé i gCill Airne, is léir go raibh an feachtas seo faoi lánseol. Cé go raibh sé iontach, bhí ionadh orm toisc go raibh sé mar choincheap coimhthíoch amach is amach é domsa.

Bhunaigh Kevin Murphy 2GOCUP i 2018, leis an aidhm cupán inúsáidte a chur ar fáil do chomlachtaí agus do chaiféanna araon. Is proiséas simplí atá i gceist leis. Do chustaiméirí, íoctar dhá euro sa bhreis as, úsáidtear é, agus tógtarar ais go dtí caifé a bhfuil rannpháirteach sa fheachtas agus faightear an dhá euro ar ais. Don chaifé nó comhlacht, déantar ordú orthu (costas dhá euro in aghaidh an chupáin) agus cludaíonn éarlais an chustaiméara an costas mura bhfaightear an cupán ar ais. Cé gur tionscnamh maith é 2GOCup, léigh mé tuairisc eolasach faoi. Más mian leat na tairbhí timpeallachta maithe a bhaint amach,

caithfidh tú úsáid a bhaint as an gcupán , ar a laghad, cúig uaire dhéag. Chomh maith le seo, de réir Michael Cagney agus Frances Dallaghan sa University Times, tharraing an comhlacht conspóid i gColáiste na Tríonóide i mí Aibréain. D’ordaigh siad 3,000 2GOCUP i mí Feabhra, ach ní bhfuarthas iad. Mar gheall ar an easpa stoic, níorbh féidir leis na caifé i gColáiste na Tríonóide páirt a ghlacadh sa seachtain Glas. Cad is féidir linn foghlaim ón gcosc ar chupán aonúsáide i gCill Áirne? An príomhrud ná go raibh an scéim rathúil toisc gur d’oibrigh an pobal le chéile, ar léibhéal aonair agus institiúdeach. Áfach, i mo thuairimse, is saghas útóipe é an coincheap seo i mBaile Átha Cliath. Ag maireachtáil i ndomhain tomhaltachas, go háirithe muidne i bpríomhchathair na tíre, tá sé deacair a bheith ag smaoineamh i gcónaí ar son na timpeallachta. Mar gheall ar seo, cruthaíonn sé, gan amhrás, dá laghad go dtosnaíonn an t-athrú ag an leibhéal institiúideach (na comhlachtaí, an rialtas áitiúla, m.sh). Is mór an tionchar a bhíonn acu ar ár saoil laethúil. Ó 1998, bhí céad chomhlacht freagrach as 71% de hastaíochtaí gás ceaptha teasa domhanda. Agus sa lá atá inniu ann, is iad na rialtais a ndéanann na polasaithe. Má thógann cách freagracht, mar i gCill Airne, níor chaill fear an mhisnigh riamh é.

achieved a historic BDS win.”

According to Maguire, calls for an apolitical union constitute a “failure to recognise the vital role the union plays within broader cultural and political life”. “An attempt to remove this is just, ironically, conservatism” which, as she noted, is “also politics”.

In an opinion piece published in The University Times last February, László Molnárfi, then Students’ Union president, characterised members of the anti-Students’ Union movement as “a tiny minority of right-wing agitators who mislead students” and pedal “conservative ideology presented via populist rhetoric” in an effort to “kill the union’s progressive policies and impede its ability to campaign for our rights”.

But contrary to Molnárfi’s portrayal of the movement, Grelet claims it has gained “major traction” and quadrupled in size since its inception. The movement now encompasses “a wide variety of students of various beliefs and backgrounds”.

When asked by The University Times for his thoughts on Molnárfi’s comments, a member of the Freedom for Students movement who wished to remain anonymous claimed that the “majority” of people in the Freedom for Students movement are “left-leaning, politically moderate individuals” of “all genders, religions, sexual orientations, races, and nationalities”.

Referring to him as “Comrade

László”, he compared his behaviour to that of a dictator, suggesting that there would be “international outcry” if “any leader in a Western democracy acted as he did” while incumbent.

“Even people who fully agree with the SU’s campaigns are fed up with the fact that we essentially pay a bunch of full time activists. People are beginning to lose sight of the value that the SU provides.”

An Tuairisciú

“I hope that the movement continues to grow, so that we can finally extract some accountability from [the SU’s] leaders. We have already had success electing members of the movements to class representative roles within the SU, and as the movement grows I expect resistance within the SU to grow as well.”

a Rinneadh ar Bhás Liam Payne

Níl aon bhealach eile chun é a rá: bhain bás tobann Liam Payne geit asam, ar mhórán bhealaí. Bás tragóideach a bhí ann d’fhear óg de 31 bliain d’aois, agus mac óg aige chomh maith. Is cuimhin liom an buacphointe a cháil agus é i One Direction, sular scaireadar i 2016, agus an stádas íocónach a bhí ag an mbanna sna meáin. Níor bhraith mé riamh go dtiocfadh nuacht den chineáil seo amach mar a tháinig i mhí Dheireadh Fómhair, agus is mórán díoma a bhí orm as roinnt den tuarisciú a dtáinig as. Ba iad an easpa cumha agus easpa measa a bhain an gheit is mó asam. Is ar na meáin shóisialta agus na suíomhanna cúlchainte – TMZ ach go háirithe – a tháinig an nuacht amach ar dtús. Neamhréalaíocht ar fad a bhí i gceist leis na tuairiscí seo a léamh: ar nós nárbh ach scannal nua a bhí ann, rinne TMZ tuaraisciú ar láthair an óstáin ar uair a bháis, agus na húdaráis ag teacht. Tuairiscíodh go raibh “na póilíní agus na céad freagróirí eile mórthimpeall an óstáin anois… tá puball dearg curtha suas thar an chorp agus iad ag tosú lena n-imscrúdú ar bhás Liam” agus tá an eolas seo scríofa faoi phictiúr den phuball dearg atá i gceist. Níos measa fós a bhí an foilsiú de phictiúir dá chorp, bainte den suíomh anois, ach ag an am céanna, bhí mearbhall le feiceáil ar fud na hidirlíne, agus daoine ag iarraidh a oibriú amach cad a tharla don fhear bocht, ar éigin ag tabhairt go leor ama do na húdaráis lena chorp a chlúdú. Ní na tablóidigh amháin a bhí ag scaipeadh eolais ar luas lasrach, áfach. An lá dar gcionn dá bhás, roinn an BBC an taifeadadh agus an athscríbhinn den ghlaoch 911 a rinneadh ar a shon roimh a bhás. D’éist mé leis, agus léigh mé na tuairiscí ar an eachtra. Cúpla ‘memes’ agus b’fhéidir seachtain níos

déanaí, agus bhí sé ar nós go raibh an eachtra iomlán dearmadta. Chaith mé cúpla seachtaine ag fanacht ar chomhrá nár tharla: gurb i measc an ró-thuairisciú a bhí neamh-mhothálacht, aimhréiteacht agus gáifeacht, agus i measc an eolais íogair a roinneadh – faoina bhás agus faoi na caidrimh a bhí aige – ní fhaca mé an chiall daonna á bhaint leis: gur duine a bhí ann a bhí i bpian, agus a bhí ag streachailt. An é seo an chaoi gur chóir dúinn caitheamh le daoine a bhíonn os comhair an phobail? I ndáiríre, níl mórán gur féidir a dhéanamh chun na suíomh ar nós TMZ a shrianadh; b’fhearr dúinn a cheistiú conas a bhfuil sé go bhfuil margadh acu leis an gcineáil tuairisciú seo a dhéanamh? Cinnte, feidhmíonn an chineáil gháifeachas seo le haire a tharraingt chuig an suíomh féin, agus tá sé sin i ndiaidh dul thar fóir le tamall fada anois. Bliain i ndiaidh bliana, tá meon trioblóideach le feiceáil: nárbh ach ábhar siamsaíochta iad daoine cáiliúla, fiú agus iad ag fulaingt, nó ag fáil báis. Ní thuigtear cé chomh dáiríre is atá na scéalta seo. An cheist í seo den saoirse preasa, nó an chomhartha é de mheath an phreasa ? Leis na meáin shóisialta sa lá atá inniu ann, táimid chomh cleachtaithe ar drochnuacht nach gcuireann sé isteach orainn; tá dochair déanta dár gcuid bá. Seachais daonlathú a dhéanamh ar na meáin, ar na meáin shóisialta creideann muid ar fad gur tuaraisceoirí muid go léir, gan smaoineamh ar na heiticí agus na freagrachtaí atá ríthabhachtach don obair. Cén fáth go mothódh éinne gur chóir dóibh a bheith freagrach? Cinnte níl sampla maith tugtha ag na nuachtáin den chineáil seo. Is dócha gur chomhartha den atmaisféar pholaitiúil domhanda atá ag meath bliain i ndiadh bliana é – in aois na bréagfaisnéise, tá iriseoireacht le hiontaofacht níos tábhachtaí ná mar a bhí sé riamh. Feictear an tábhacht le hiontaofacht sna meáin i dtuaraisceáil báis Liam Payne: nuair atá sé in easnamh, déantar taispeántas d’fhulaingt an duine, gan soicind a thógáil le cumha a thaispeáint don duine, ná dá chlann. Tá sé dosheachanta: bíonn impleachtaí ag tuaraisceáil na pholataíochta ar thuarascáil an indibhid.

Mia Craven

Hannah Joung

Anna Ní Chonaill

Secret Street Tours Are More Than a Tourist Attraction

Taylor Wyatt

If you’re seeking to enhance your perspective of a city, you can’t go wrong with a good tour. But it really has to be a good tour. I’m not talking about the colourless, automated experiences that you get from most of the big monopolies of the industry these days, whose services you find on pamphlets at museum gift shops and pop up as the first advertisement on your web browser when you look up things to do on your holiday in Rome. Well-intentioned as they may be, these tours are often so tethered to the facts and logic of their region’s history that interest begins to wane among the less inquisitive majority of the audience. This is especially the case with a scripted storyline, where even the guide loses interest and starts to develop the mindless cadence of a dial-tone. Surviving purely on the grace of the product they are marketing, one can only equate the experience to that of watching a modern-day Rolling Stones concert. When a washed-up Jagger is mumbling into the microphone on a sold out death-bed tour, you’re not paying for the quality of the thing as much as the legend that it represents. Although there’s a time and place for this nostalgia - the same gravitational pull that brings tourists around the world to well-trodden tours of the Grand Canyon or the Cliffs of Moher - part of the beauty can be taken away by its commercialisation, and the sheer magnitude of its demand. Thus, a far more gratifying and authentic tour can be found on a path less taken. Anyone who knows anything about the guiding industry knows that it’s not about what you’re selling, but how

you sell it. This all boils down to the guide themself. A quality guide - who is deeply familiar and enthusiastic about the grounds in question - can turn an ordinary commuter’s route into something as archaeologically rich as an ancient Roman ruin. It’s all in their ability to personalise the experience, and sell a good story. This is exactly what happened during my experience with Secret Street Tours, a non-profit touring organisation that hires local Dubliners affected by the homelessness to provide tours around impoverished parts of the city. Noel Murray, the kind-hearted and personable guide in charge of my tour, imbued our amble of the Northside streets of Phibsborough with an infectious sense of pride and pathos for its history. As we quickly learned, these charming but beaten streets suffer a tragic history of systemic drug abuse, highlighted by the number of failed recovery centers that Murray identified. On numerous corners of the neighborhood, around the beautiful Garden of Remembrance and the famously spooky Black Church, Murray told personal stories of his own experiences cycling in and out of these well-intended havens for hope, only for them to become run-down due to interior drug abuse. The crux of the journey was marked by our entrance through the gates of Mountjoy Prison, where Murray spent 30 years in and out of its cells. Incarcerated for the first time when he was nineteen, he remarked disturbing anecdotes on the prison grounds and over occupied cells. At the same time, Murray regarded the facility in high esteem. As tough as it was behind the bars,

there was a sense of comfort and community that was not offered to him on the streets, which had become a one way ticket to drug-abuse and profound hopelessness. Along with the aid of a priest who offered support during his recovery, Secret Street Tours has given meaning to Murray’s life as he navigates sobriety. His hard-learned experiences as a former convict turned local hero have equipped him with a natural penchant for delivering high quality and entertaining tours. The tour ended at Blessington Street Park, where we were led down a lovely promenade, canopied by the leaves of great sycamore trees. Displayed on one of the knobby trunks, a photograph honored the life of a young man who had taken his life from its branches. Murray was acquainted with him, and offered a touching moment of silence to respect his old peer. Perhaps all too familiar with similarly fatalistic outlooks, he thanked God for his fortune of having made it out okay. The tour ended on a high note in which Murray recounted the epic

NiteLine: Students Supporting Students for Over 30 Years

In the lead up to exams, The University Times spoke to NiteLine’s head of publicity, Jamie Dugdale about all the charity does to support students, how it has grown over the years and how you can get involved.

NiteLine is a listening and information service that began back in 1993, operating between Trinity College Dublin and University College Dublin. Today the charity has expanded across eleven universities throughout Ireland, expanding beyond Dublin to include Louth, Kildare and most recently Limerick. Talking about how the charity had developed over the past 30 years, Dugdale pointed to this “expansion and growth […] a kind of flourishing” as the key development. “We’ve never changed in our values and what we stand by, which is; run by students, for students, it’s all about

peer support […] but now we’re available to around 150,000 students.”

Dugdale’s journey to being involved in NiteLine began with a tutor advertising them at the start of a lecture in second year. Later that year, a friend of Dugdale’s became a Niteline public face and he approached him to find out how to join. After a successful application he got involved with charity and went onto run for head of publicity. Dugdale says creating “a real visible presence with NiteLine” is at the forefront of his plans for the year, as “publicity is so fundamental to the success of a charity”. The service’s focus is peer support and empathy, which Dugdale emphasises are “an integral thing to have at the centre of a university environment. College can be such a stressful time, whether it’s a part-

time job, whether it’s college exams, assignments, thinking about what you want to do after college, you know, there really is a million and one things going on so peer support is such an important thing to have there.”

NiteLine pride themselves on the diverse nature of their calls, with users of the service ranging from PhD students to those on Erasmus. Their statistics from 2023-2024 show that 18.6% of their calls were college related, 13.4% of calls were relationship related, 8.1% were related to loneliness and 4% were related to suicide.

For those feeling a bit nervous about reaching out or availing of the service, Dugdale pointed to NiteLine’s four pillars to provide insight and reassurance. The first is anonymity, so the caller and the volunteer both remain anonymous. The second pillar is confidentiality, meaning anything the caller says to the volunteer will stay between them. The next pillar is non-judgemental; NiteLine is a non-judgemental service. Dugdale explains, “Non-judgmental in the sense that it’s a safe space, we’re not going to judge the callers for anything that they say. I suppose that kind of links to our motto, and we do truly believe it, that no problem is too big or too small […] there’s no triage system where we rank to see which one’s coming first, it really is, when we press the button to accept a call, just the caller, and the volunteer for those twenty

minutes, an hour or two hours that the caller needs to talk.”

The final pillar is non-directive, which Dugdale suggests is perhaps a lesser known but important part of the service. “We’re never going to tell the caller to do something, we’re just there to listen, and to support them any way we can. We also are an information service, so we are able to direct them towards information that might be able to help them more, or a resource that might be valuable to them. We also have such close links with universities that we have lists of resources from each of our affiliated colleges, only if they feel comfortable to share with us what university they go to, because, obviously, it is an anonymous service.” As well as a phone service, in 2012 NiteLine introduced an instant messaging service that students can

avail of if they would feel more comfortable communicating over message. NiteLine reopened their phone lines this year on 16th September with close to 100 volunteers and are opening a second call taking centre in Limerick, following the recent affiliation. They hope to continue to grow the service over the next few years to reach even more students. Additionally, as a service committed to student mental health, they are planning to work with different youth organisations and mental health charities. For students who would like to get involved or support the charity, Dugdale recommends following the NiteLine social media where they post information on events, upcoming information stands as well as ways to get involved.

Additionally, they always accept expressions of interest for volunteers, including non-call-taking volunteers. By emailing info@niteline. org you will be directed towards what you can do at the moment to get involved.

Finishing up the interview, Dugdale reinforced the NiteLine motto; “We really do mean it when we say no problem is too big or too small […] it’s as simple as that. We are available and able to listen and help in whatever way possible.” NiteLine is open every night of term, including weekends from 9 pm - 2.30 am. The service is available for undergraduate, masters, and PhD students as well as students on placement or Erasmus.

Phone: 1800 793 793

Online: https://niteline.ie

Instagram: niteline.ie

Aoife Bennett

PHOTO COURTEY OF SECRET STREET TOURS

PHOTOGRAPHY COURTESY OF NITELINE

Features

“It Feels Like a Second Job”: The Scoop on Schols

What do Mary Robinson, Samuel Beckett, Oscar Wilde, Bram Stoker, and Sally Rooney all have in common? Each was once a recipient of “Schols”, Trinity’s Foundation Scholarship. While Normal People has thrust Trinity’s oldest withstanding tradition (formed in 1592) into the spotlight of popular culture, much mystery still surrounds this prestigious award. Earlier in November, I spoke to several hopeful candidates to learn more. Trinity Scholars are entitled to free on-campus accommodation for up to nine months of the year, their college fees waived for five years, a €254 annual salary, and to attend Commons (a three-course meal in the Dining Hall) free of charge. They can also put ‘Sch.’ after their name if they wish. “You feel pressured to do it because the perks are so good […] there’s no way I wouldn’t do it even though the chances [of getting it] are so small,” says Tristan Holloway, a Single Honours English student. Amelia Sikora, another English student, tells me her thought process was “why not, what is there to lose?” Schols is completely voluntary and Trinity students in their second year sit these exams at the start of January. To achieve Schols, a student must receive a First Class Honours average across all four exam papers, over 70 in three out of the four exams, and no less than 65 in the other. Students are examined on material based on the modules they have taken in both the first and second year of their course. For Amelia, studying for schols was an opportunity “to look back at areas that interested you in first year but that you didn’t have time to go into… now you have that freedom to do your own research,” and to delve into past topics you enjoyed with a more experienced set of eyes.

For one student studying Chemistry, Schols seemed like “an important part” of the Trinity experience, “It’s just something you don’t get offered anywhere else…I thought I would go for it, even just to say that I tried.” “My family would definitely hope I would try to get it,” said Maedbh Nolan, a Law and German student, who entered college with the mindset that she was going to do it. “University education is so expensive…masters are so expensive…accommodation is so expensive…so that’s definitely a big thing for me.”

However, while the incentives are

high and numerous, many students find their current commitments getting in the way, especially as Christmas exams loom. “I’m just too busy at the moment” says Tristan, “[Schols] feels like a second job.”

“It’s hard to strike a balance between what you’re doing now and what you’re doing for Schols,” says one student in Engineering with Management, whose study for Schols is “dictated” by course deadlines. Ultimately though, he sees this challenge as a positive thing: “I like the challenge…the stress of the Leaving Cert was pretty bad but it also pushed me to do very well…I think these stressful environments in the long term can be quite good for you.”

Studying for Schols can be a lonely endeavour, “None of my friends are doing it so it’s been quite a solitary thing,” admits a student in Chemistry, “it has been difficult because I’m so used to sharing what I’m doing with someone.”

When I tell Maedbh that most of the students I’ve spoken to so far are studying alone, she is surprised: “The biggest advice that I got from previous scholars was get a study group... it’s so helpful because other people think of things that you don’t and sometimes you can be in a bit of a one track mind.” Her study group has a shared Google doc and when they meet in person everyone “brings whatever they’ve studied that week to the table.” The group has also brought her a lot closer with others in her course.

Study routines differ from student to student, with many currently just doing as much study as they can in between other commitments. “I just lock myself in the library until I have to leave,” says one BESS student, “my mum calls me at some point in the evening and then I just take the next bus home!”

“I like to get my study done early in the morning, because after 4 or 5 pm my brain just switches off,” says an Engineering student. “I feel fine with four hours a day…I’d be happy out with that actually… two hours on one topic, break, then two hours on another topic…I do past paper questions mainly.”

Over the Christmas break, Maedbh envisions, “it’s going to be like studying for the Leaving Cert where I didn’t have a plan, I just had a list

of things I had to get done and was hoping that I would get done.”

Schols is “always on the back of my mind,” says Amelia. “But at the moment I’m not cancelling anything, or trying not to…I don’t want it to take over.”

“There’s definitely sacrifices for sure,” says a student in Engineering. “There’s a couple of things on my radar like UCD Christmas day… Twelve pubs…New Years… I’ll be there but I maybe won’t be able to enjoy myself as much. It’s also not just the day you give up, it’s about the day after,” you need to have energy the next day to be able to focus.

Some students are finding it difficult balancing study with part-time work, especially as jobs become more demanding in the run up to Christmas. One student foresees having to work more in December: “I’ve started being rostered for more days than I can actually do… I don’t know what to do about that.”

For some, achieving Schols would mean the chance to live independently for the first time. “Schols would be the only way that myself, and I know a lot of people, would

be able to move out of home” says Amelia, who doesn’t see herself being able to move out anytime, “in the next few years at least” given the cost of housing in Dublin.

The title and prestige that Schols offers is also a part of the appeal. “The status it gives you…it looks really good for job applications,” says Maedbh, “which I know shouldn’t be a big reason to do it but that’s the way it is.”

“Especially for people in the humanities, there’s an anxiety…what am I going to do once I finish this degree?” says Amelia. “Whereas if you get this…you can go and do postgraduate research… it’s kind of a safety net.”

For many years, there have been ongoing debates within Trinity about the elitist aspects of Schols. “I feel like I don’t have as much of a stake in it,” Amelia says. “I have family here, I’m living at home, so if I get the accommodation great, if I don’t, it’s not the end of the world. Whereas for other people it’s more like if I don’t get this…my academics will suffer, I’m going to have to keep working, paying rent… I feel like for some people

it’s more worth it than others, which I am extremely privileged to be able to say.” We discuss the amount of money the college devotes to Schols and whether some of this could be spent in a better way: “What’s that economics term? The opportunity cost, the opportunity cost [of Schols] is crazy.”

“The problem is that people who are already privileged are much more likely to get those additional privileges that come with becoming a Scholar,” says Maedbh. Those who don’t have to work part-time or who don’t have caring responsibilities are often able to devote more time to study.

“Not everyone has a place to study at home, not everyone has a warm home with good food to come home to, and that does impact your studying […] I’ve met some really intelligent people who just don’t have the energy or the capacity to reach their potential in that way. There are a lot of people that can’t afford to give up their part-time jobs…or a lot of international students, they don’t have a family network here,” all these things can make studying harder so the idea

that achieving Schols is solely about working hard (meritocratic) “is the biggest lie ever.”

Also not everyone arrives at Trinity on the same “educational basis”. “We don’t all enter university on an equal playing field,” Maedbh points out. She found that those in her German classes who went to private schools were often a lot better at the language initially than those who went to public school. Although this was not the case with Law because “none of us had ever studied it before.” Is Schols a test of intelligence? “I think it is much less about intelligence than your willingness to work,” says one student.

“Obviously you have to be very intelligent to be a Scholar but that’s definitely not the only thing it tests,” says Maedbh. “The whole elitism thing as well….you could be a really smart person but you just don’t have the time or the energy because you’ve got other things going on in your life.” She sees the exams as a test not only of intelligence but of student’s ability to be creative, to explore the material on their course from a unique perspective and the student’s ability to be “really critical,” to question “everything”. In a villa north of Rome a few months after being elected as a Scholar, Connell Waldron tells Marianne: “I feel like the scholarship has made everything seem possible.” Trinity’s Foundation Scholarship undoubtedly unlocks a lot of new possibilities for the students who manage to achieve it and many find the experience of going for Schols extremely rewarding. While the scholarship remains an important Trinity tradition, it also raises an important question: how should academic achievement be rewarded in a world where people with the same potential do not have the same opportunities? Does Schols simply exacerbate a cycle of privilege? Out of the 350 current Trinity Scholars, how many are mature students and people from the Trinity Access Programme? Could some of the money and resources invested in Schols be better spent elsewhere? Opinions may differ but most students are in agreement over one thing: it was “really really unrealistic” when both Connell and Marianne got Schols in Rooney’s Normal People.

Cuireadh Seirbhís Nua 24 Uair an Chloig de Chuid Bus Bhaile Átha Cliath ar an Méar Fhada go Dtí an

híodar ag súil go gcuirfí tús leis an tseirbhís nua bus gan stad a théann trasna na cathrach, an E-Spine, ar an ochtú lá de Nollaig, ach níl sé sin chun tarlú. Tá an tseirbhís ríthábhachtach seo curtha siar ag an tÚdarás Náisiúnta Iompair go dtí Eanáir 2025, ar a laghad. D’fhreastalódh na seirbhísí atá molta - an E1, an E2, agus an 19 - ar cheantair tuaiscirt na cathrach comaitéireachta ar nós Baile Munna, Seantrabh, Glas Naoíon, agus Baile Phib. Chomh maith, chuirfí seirbhís ar fáil chuig ceantair deiscirt na cathrach chomh fada le Cill iníon Léinín agus Bré. Chiallódh seo go mbeadh seirbhís ríthábhachtach gan stad chuig agus ón gcathair ar fáil. In ainneoin a bheith mar uasghrádú don gcuid eile de Bhaile Átha Cliath, tá díomá ar chónaitheoirí estáit Páirc Wadelai i nGlas Naoíon. Chuirfí an bus 19, a chríochnaíoann ag Cearnóg Parnell, ar fáil in ionad an 11, bus traschatharch a fhreastalaíonn ar mhuintir Pháirc Wadelai. É sin ráite, bheadh an rogha ag cónaitheoirí Wadelai siúil ocht nóiméad sa bhreis chun teacht ar shlí an E-Spine. Tá na hathruite seo tagtha mar chuid den chlár BusConnects. Is í an aidhm ag an gclár seo ná feabhas a chur ar éifeachtúlacht do chomaitéirí Bhaile Átha Cliath. Bhí rath ag an gclár seo cheana féin i gceatair ar nós Leamhcán agus Má Nuad le

thabhairt isteach busanna an C-Spine i 2021. Áfach, tá moill buailte leis na pleananna tar éis feachtais de chuid Gary Gannon, TD na nDaonlathaithe Shóisialta. An t-ainm atá ar a fheachtas ná “Sábhail an bus 11”. D’éirigh lena achainí níos mó ná míle síniú a fháil ó chomhaltaí a thoghcheantar, Baile Átha Cliath Láir, le muintir Pháirc Wadelai go háirithe i measc na n-achainíoch. D’ainneoin go bhfuil olltoghchán ag druidim linn, dúirt Gannan le The Journal, nach “éacht toghcháin” atá i gceist lena sheasamh chun vótálaí i mBaile Átha Cliath a naoi a mhealladh ina threo. Dar leis, is rud an-ghar dá chroí é seo, agus é tar éis bualadh le cuid de na daoine a dtéann sé seo i bhfeidhm orthu. Cuireann sé i gcás na daoine i measc mhuintir Wadelai atá faoi mhíchumas nó atá ina seandaine. Ní bheadh bealach díreach ag na daoine seo chuig lár na cathrach muna dtógann siad an Luas nó na bealaí bus ag Parnell, nó fiú má shiúlann siad níos faide chuig an bealach E-Spine. Ar bharr é seo, chuir Gannon a imní in iúl maidir le bunús an bhus ionaid, an 19. Thosódh an bus seo in Aerfort Bhaile Átha Cliath, agus faoin am a shroichfí Wadelai, ní bheadh neart spáis ar an mbus. Tháinig an cheist seo chun cinn i rith réamhbhabtaí de chomhairliúchán poiblí agus na gcruinnithe ar leasú bus, a thosaigh

i Meán Fómhair 2018. Mar gheall ar an bhfadhb seo, chuirfí busanna de chuid an 19 sa bhreis ar fáil, ag tosnú i bPáirc Wadelai in ionad Aerfort Bhaile Átha Cliath. Ní gá a rá nach maith le duine ar bith a nósanna taistil a athrú. Rachaidh an athrú seo go mór i bhfeidhm ar sheandaoine a mbíonn gnáthchúrsa lae dochta go daingean acu. Áfach, tá Baile Átha Cliath ag gluaiseacht i dtreo córais iompair sofaisticiúil, ar nós a leithéid i bPáras nó Londain. Sna príomhchathracha seo, tá ar phaisinéirí athraigh idir modhanna iompair éagsúla chun teacht ar a gceann scríbhe. Tá an córas iompair níos dírí agus níos éifeachtaí do chách, le seandaoine ina measc. Ina theannta sin, bhí imní ann maidir le cur i bhfeidhm an C-Spine cosúil leis an imní a bhfeictear maidir leis an E-Spine. D’éirigh leis an C-Spine thar barr agus tá cuma ar an scéal go mbeidh an rath céanna ag an mbus nua. Tá busanna an C-Spine anois ar fáil níos minice, ní bhíonn moill curtha orthu, agus, an rud is tábhachtaí, ná go bhfuil siad ar fáil gan stad, 24 uair an lae. Más mian le Baile Átha Cliath a bheith níos éifeachtaí ó thaobh iompair de, tá sé soiléir go gcaithfimid go léir glacadh le hathruithe, ionas go n-éiróidh ár gcathair níos inrochtana do chách.

Eve McGann

Abí Ní Mhuircheartaigh

Tomás Mac Giolla Aoláin

Direct Action for Direct Results: How Students Can Enact Change

Patrick Keegan

If the past year has taught us anything, it’s that student activism, and specifically direct action works. May’s 2023 encampment organized by Trinity BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) led to an unprecedented victory for students, with Trinity agreeing to work towards total divestment from Israeli companies doing business in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and has led to Trinity setting up a task force to address links between Trinity and Israeli institutions. The very nature of this victory in the face of pushback from college is evidence that direct action works and is effective. For years, Trinity students have stood up against the college for what they believe in through engaging in direct action, and it is through direct action that time and time again we, as students, have been able to push the college to improve their policies on various issues.

In another prominent example of direct action, students occupied the dining hall back in 2018 in what would become known as ‘Take Back Trinity’. Students led this occupation in response to college introducing a €450 fee for resitting examinations. This occupation, like the Trinity BDS led encampment, garnered national attention and resulted in protesters’ demands being met. Like the encampment, the occupation that Take Back Trinity culminated in was effective because it targeted a prominent place within the college, with the dining hall being chosen due to it being the location where fellows and scholars of the university have their

commons in the evening. These examples are just two prominent examples out of many in Trinity’s history, which time and time again show that direct action works. But why?

Direct action encompasses various strategies, but the core element that makes it effective is in disrupting the usual flow of activities. It is through disruption that students cannot be ignored, and it forces the college to address concerns. It also draws attention to issues more than is often possible through non-disruptive

means, allowing students to kill two birds with one stone and make other students aware of issues within the college. This is the crux of why direct action is the most effective form of student activism, and it’s why students often turn to direct action when nothing else is working. Direct action takes the power from the hands of the college and puts it into the hands of students. In Trinity, like any other college, there’s an inherent power imbalance between students and the college. Through normal, non-disruptive

means of student activism, like lobbying, students can make headway but only if the college agrees to negotiate, which is often on their terms. Direct action, however, disrupts that power imbalance and allows students to have the upper hand in negotiations. It’s the primary tool which students have to enact change when facing pushback from college. When done correctly, it forces colleges to come to the negotiating table on students’ terms, rather than students going to the negotiating table on Trinity’s terms. Direct action

isn’t, and shouldn’t be the first port of call for students, negotiating should be. However, direct action is often the only way in which students are able to enact change and get Trinity to do what’s right. There are student representatives on most college committees, but this often is an imbalanced relationship. College can all too often seem more concerned with external actors rather than the students themselves, who are the beating heart of the college community. Direct action changes the nature of these negotiations, and forces the college to meaningfully take students’ concerns into consideration.

Student Activism is also incredibly diverse, and isn’t limited to just direct action. Less disruptive action, for good reason, is often the first port of call for students seeking change. Other means of student activism like postering, petitions, etc. provide a powerful tool for students to enact change and test the waters. However, these don’t always work, and it’s when these don’t work that direct action becomes the only option for students to engage in. Student activism and direct action also provides an important training ground for students to learn what forms of activism are the most effective, and every action we take is a learning process. Every action builds upon the actions of the past, and over time, we as students have been able to efficiently gain the tools to enact change by doing so. It’s through engaging in activism that we can also

COP29 - What Really Happened in Baku?

President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan called oil and gas as a gift of God at the beginning of the COP29 - annual UN Climate Conference. The leader of the host country highlighted sun, wind and gold in the same remarks. The COP29 Climate Summit finished last weekend with an absurd agreement on the financial support for the global south and posing a question - what change these conferences really bring? The politics behind this year’s COP in Azerbaijan were extremely controversial, starting with the human rights index of the COP host which scores at 0.36 together with Libya and Venezuela. In spite of a negative, and in many instances true, portrayal of Azerbaijan on the international stage COP29 has broken the record for the number of participants as more than 80 000 people attended the conference. The citizens of Baku were extremely proud of the fact that their country hosted the conference - from the taxi drivers to policemen guarding the streets making sure that participants were taken care of (at least in my case). To really understand COP29 we must go back to President Aliev’s remarks about oil, coal and wind as the gifts of god. The status quo is not

going to change, Azerbaijan used this conference to expand their fossil fuel business, but even denialist policymakers are aware that natural resources have their limits and it is hard to believe what the Azerbaijani leader said about wind and sun without a reason.

This year’s COP was my fourh in my journey as climate advocate which I started in the Greta Thunberg movement Fridays For Future. This November I attended COP in person together with Emily Laverty and Sheenagh Rowland as Trinity Delegates. Personally I was representing environmental NGO Earthday.org, the organization standing behind the first Earth Day in 1970. Our mission in Baku was to advocate EU member states to integrate climate education in the NDCs (climate goals) updates in 2025, the ultimate goal is for all EU member states to teach about climate change at schools and universities. The task was not easy, we had planned to meet 27 EU governments during 6 days of our stay in Baku and encourage them to support our proposal for climate education in the NDCs. You might ask, is taking a 8 hour flight with a stop in Istanbul to attend a climate conference in a country based on fossil fuels climate friendly? The

answer would be an honest yes, as instead of 27 flights to EU capitals we traveled to Baku where all negotiators and policymakers were at hand, and there is no other such climate event with key actors in one place. If we succeed with our goal to educate all Europeans about climate change the carbon footprint of our travel would definitely be compensated by the actions folks will take as a result of this education.

Nevertheless, this COP was different from any other from the very beginning. Already on the plane to Baku seemed different, delegates were exchanging news about the ongoing negotiations and worrying about the future climate progress in the era of the Trump Administration.

The BBC report of the COP29 President making deals under the table at the heart of climate negotiations has made the civil society and many diplomats really upset. Unfortunately, it did not come as a great surprise - according to the Global Witness the UAE oil company, whose CEO was President of COP28 Conference last year, earned close to $100 billion in 2023 using the international platform for climate negotiations to make business deals.

The atmosphere was really negative, with many key heads of states including President Joe Biden, President Lula of Brazil or EU Commission President Ursula Von Der Leyen choosing the G20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Nov 18-19th as a better platform to discuss investments in the green transition. The international community seemed a bit divided between the most powerful leaders attending G20 in Rio and thousands of diplomats, entrepreneurs and civil society members going to COP29 in Baku. The location of the COP determines not only the results of the conference but also the geopolitics behind the climate diplomacy process. The question everyone asks is why was the COP in Azerbaijan? The answer is quite simple: Russia. It is important to remember that at the UN the world is divided into five regions (African, Asia-Pacific, East Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Western European and Other States which include US, Canada and 5 other countries) , Each of the region-

learn to apply these tools nationally and internationally, allowing students, who are future leaders, to know how to enact change in the future. What’s consistent over time is that in order to effect change, the students must be radical and continue fighting for what they believe in. We’ve come a long way over the years, with students being at the forefront of change on various issues from abortion rights to student fees to action on Palestine. Going into the future, we must remember this and continue to push the boundaries for what we, as students, believe in. This is how change is achieved, we cannot sit back passively, we must be active in our engagement. Students are the largest stakeholders within this college community, and college often seems to forget that. It’s through direct action that we can change that. This year, there has been less direct action than last year, and that’s because college (at least so far) seems to be more willing to negotiate with us, however, this is only because the college knows we can and will resort to direct action if necessary. Over time, this will fade as it always does, and it’s important that we continue to remind the college that students have the power and means. After May’s encampments led by Trinity BDS, the college agreed to set up a taskforce to address our demands. We’ll see where this goes, if the college is willing to make meaningful changes, and only time will tell if we must, as students, return to direct action on this issue.

al groups hosts the COP every five years - COP27 Egypt (Africa), COP28 UAE (Asia-Pacific) and this year time came for Eastern Europe. In the UN definition this vast region spans from Poland to the Azerbaijani shores of the Caspian Sea. The tradition is that before one COP ends the host country for the next COP is announced, before that happens member countries of the regional group need to agree on the candidate. Last year in Dubai the Russian Federation rejected the proposal of all EU member states and its allies to host the annual climate conference, naturally the EU block rejected Russia. Therefore Armenia and Azerbaijan were left as an option. Baku was chosen in the process of consensus. Neglecting the geopolitical arrangements, the capital of Azerbaijan is well prepared to host conferences for 80 000 people as it has two terminal international airports, an abundance of hotels and it has organized international conferences in the past. From a perspective of the participant COP29 was extremely well organized - buses could take you from the center to the conference venue, there were lots of spots to buy food and drinks at the conference, the stadium where COP took place was manageable for walking or (like in some cases like when

you are late for meeting the French delegation ) for running distances too. Nevertheless the view of the COP in the media and the lack of ambition in the negotiation process outweigh the infrastructure advantages of this location.

Climate politics may seem disencouraging and complex, but in the end it gets to a simple term: money. At the beginning of the talks Azerbaijan countries discussed $.1.3 trillion to be transferred to the most affected country by climate change every year till 2035 for the purposes of advancing the green transition and mitigating the effect of climate change. The funds will come from 23 developed countries and the EU block. When negotiations came to an end the outcome was disappointing for the Global South. The richer nations have agreed to transfer 300 billion USD a year, posing a question of where 1 trillion has gone?

Ms. Chandni Raina, an advisor with India’s Department of Economic Affairs, speaking on behalf of her country at the plenary session said that this amount is a paltry sum and not something that will enable conducive climate action.

After such an outcome the effectiveness of the COPs is under ques-

tion mark. Although 300 billion is definitely not enough for the Global South to transfer their economies to meet the targets of the Paris Agreement, we need to accept that it is better than nothing. From the perspective of Baku being my fourth COP it is important to observe not only the downturns but also the positive trends. The fact that climate ambitions are not met does not mean that we are not making progress, because actually we are, it is just slower than we planned it to be. The main indicator of this positive change is that the share of primary energy consumption from renewable sources has increased globally and is estimated at nearly 15% of world consumption - more than 5% increase since 2010. Although the future of the Trump Presidency does not look promising for the international climate process, we need to keep the negotiations going and remember that we have made important progress since the 2000s with the signing of the Paris Agreement at COP21. When I asked President Mary Robinson about how we as a civil society should proceed in the coming years, she answered with humbleness and perseverance: stay positive, continue your action, and do the right thing.

Johnny Dabrowski

PHOTO COURTESY OF DEPARTMENT OF THE ENVIRONMENT, CLIMATE, AND COMMUNICATIONS OF IRELAND

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Trinity’s Encampment was a Squandered Opportunity

Seoirse Mac Aimhréidh

In the opinion of the author, the BDS encampment organised in May this year snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. On the 8th of May, an agreement reached between representatives of Trinity BDS, the Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union (TCDSU), and the Postgraduate Worker’s Organisation (PWO) was announced. The encampment boldly demanded full divestment, the severing of academic ties, and the revocation of the bogus fine placed on student activists. The result was far from that. The agreement included a commitment by the university to completely divest from Zionist companies active in the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” (limited to the West Bank and Gaza Strip) which also appear on the UN Blacklist in this regard. No true deadline was stipulated, but the carrying out of this measure was expected in June. Of the fifteen Zionist companies, institutions, and individuals which Trinity was found to have ties to in Trinity BDS’s Freedom of Information Request in November, this definition did not cover a single one of those bodies.

That is not to say, however, that other ties to Zionism were totally ignored by the agreement. They were addressed in the form of the commitment to create a taskforce which will review Trinity’s other investments and academic ties. As of the time of writing, this taskforce has been formed, but it has yet to meet. Not a single gain has been achieved

by this taskforce so far. In fact, it is generally difficult to point to any definite gain or concession won by the TCD BDS encampment outside of rhetoric and various commitments held to no deadline. The use of “a taskforce” should not be new to the student protest movement. In November 2022, the Maynooth Student’s Union (MSU) achieved a similar “Action Group” in response to the #WheresMyLevy protests calling for the resumption of a cancelled Student Centre project. While the MSU Executives, under the moderate Niall Daly, originally demanded a solid commitment to the resumption of the project, which had been paid for with student levy funds, by settling on an action group, nothing has been done. At protests, Daly had promised students escalation if his original demands were not met.

The danger of agreements based on good faith like the one reached by the Trinity BDS encampment is that they can be stalled perpetually, without any commitment or deadline to suggest otherwise. Concerningly, the attitudes of the agreement’s negotiators reflect a lack of nuance in assessing or even recognising this fact. A triumphant statement on the 11th of May by TCDSU President László Molnárfi, despite his left credentials, seemed to betray little caution towards the BDS “victory”, stating that history had been made and rather prematurely that Trinity “will end its complicity with

genocide, occupation and apartheid.” Regularly engaged in Marxist polemics, he dismissed accusations of being a reformist as “ultra-left waffle.” Conor Reddy, the now-councillor who took part in reaching the agreement through the PWO, stated that “we won”, and openly refused to engage with any criticism of the victory. Reddy is politically interested in his agreement, publicly branding himself as a “negotiator” of the BDS “victory”.

There were a number of issues with how the agreement was reached, primarily in communication. While evening discussion involving a sizable body of the campers regarding a potential wrapping up of the camp took place as early as May 6th, the specific terms of the agreement were not put forward until they had already been reached by a small cohort of representatives. As a result, there was some confusion over the contents of the agreement, along with other concerns which have yet to be addressed within the Trinity BDS campaign, such as reports of discrimination against Muslim students. Despite Molnárfi’s fascination with a “horizontalist” approach to organisation in polemical works he has authored on “The Marxist Humanist Initiative” website, his leadership style was ironically quite topdown.

A true victory would have seen a revocation of the anti-student fine, the immediate and unconditional cutting of academic and institution-

“Can we connect?” While People Can Try to Connect, LinkedIn Won’t Help

“The business of business is relationships; the business of life is human connection.”Robin S. Sharma. Have you ever had someone ask for your LinkedIn? Ask to connect? The question will, at that point seem, to the uninitiated, ridiculous. Their asking to link their professional life to yours publicly, as if a little lapel medal. Should one be flattered? Is this the new and evolved way of communicating – professional flirting? Either way you view the question, saying no or rather that you, God forbid, don’t possess an account, is an affront. Should this delicate world of professional flirtation be limited to the workplace or is it ok to connect (on LinkedIn of course) with your college peers? Once you have succumbed to the constant external pressure to present an organised front on your future – make a LinkedIn profile, the professional phalanx –why not take it a step further and get LinkedIn Premium? Then you could see who looks at your profile! The days of paid Instagram view apps spring to mind. I doubt LinkedIn intended, at least initially, to appeal to the ever-growing and deathly-appealing inclination for movement towards a surveillance state. But how alluring is the concept of being able to see who your professional dating profile has attracted! The emotional manipulation of user-interfaces is nothing new. Nearing a revenue of 15 billion in 2022 and even experiencing a surge since then, this dating app is like no other – not only because it is unlikely one ever finds a date but also because your parents are on it. Between MCQs and essays though, maybe it starts to look like a good idea – well it certainly can’t hurt anyway, right? This is the first step, not to recovering from but gaining an addiction. Soon the train of thought of even a lightly vocationally interested student will be consumed and taken to a whole new station. Just thinking about your future, the way nearly everyone else seems to be (When you secretly watch someone else’s laptop in a lecture

and they’re applying for an internship on the first day of JF), transforms before you know it into opening LinkedIn at a house party. You have suddenly become incapable of forming an actual connection with this peer, the LinkedIn blue tells the solicited that whatever you had, your ironically enough, connection was false. We use people everyday whether we like it or not, but telling them this? No more use for the 19-yearold politics student you just met who’s somehow convinced you they’re in line for Taoiseach.

While it may be true that the Irish job market is looking, at best, tumultuous, is LinkedIn truly going to give you the edge?

The truth is that it probably will.

I implore those of you who are true career-romanticists (Def: You believe you can get your dream job), to download the app – so long as I cease to hear “Can we connect?” on campus. Soliciting LinkedIn connections should be a more subtle process. You cannot ask for someone’s professional association as easily as you ask how they are – one of these questions is simply alien, especially in conventional Irish society where saying how you are is odd. But the subtle LinkedIn user, although this author admits they are not one themselves, could get the knife edge advantage they need to secure that coveted Big Four contract. Use of the platform without developing a dependency mirroring that of STEM students’ need for Zyns is something society is yet to see. If someone can show me an instance of this, I would delight in the innovation, novelty and social implications.

The more students on LinkedIn, the more normative it will become – a vicious cycle. But should we normalise something so potently addictive, all consuming? Seeing everyone around you strive for professional success when you’re still trying to get citations right (Chat GPT isn’t cooperating) is more than stressful. There is no stopping the onslaught of pressures for young people and for

college students, of which both groups create a Venn diagram that looks more like a circle. How could we support students in the pressure of growing their professional profile? Of not just making friends but connecting with people. Truly, we can’t– or at least it is my opinion that efforts are futile. Seminars on the topic will only increase the syntheticity of these student’s approach. The best way to attract employers is an approach identical to the best way to use tinder – have an account, use an account – but promptly forget that account when a real prospect comes your way. Meeting someone who could actually get you a job, or an opportunity? That’s an incredible coincidence, don’t ruin it with the blue LinkedIn glow emanating from your skin as you become the connection creature. In an interview, depending on the tone of the interviewer (i.e. provided they’re not completely stone faced), something like a small self-deprecating joke or an appeal to their awareness of your nervousness can play in your favour. But on LinkedIn, not presenting the most idealised version of yourself? A complete faux pas. Please, LinkedIn population, stay human! If I hear one more “Can we connect?” I will in fact have to inform this inquirer of their apparent inability to connect with me. They can trade our real connection for another number on their networking tally. But if they need a favour, I certainly won’t be the best person to ask.

al ties, and full divestment guaranteed to be carried out on a strict deadline rather than on a help-yourself-buffet basis under the advice of a nominally powerless taskforce. Seeing the incredible political and financial pressure that was placed on Trinity College by the encampment, achieved by the hard work of a broad range of student activists, had the camp’s representatives played hardball, something akin to the original demands of the Trinity BDS movement could have been put forward. From the ground, in the author’s view, the persisting attitude among students was far more radical and battle-ready than what their representatives brought to the table, including in support for the Palestinian resistance and an optimism about the camp standing all Summer if necessary. The Union of Students Ireland has seen a reformist shift in general, but there is an incredible irony in such a missed opportunity for the radicals from a leadership which so readily branded itself as such.

PHOTO BY FIONN

Dealbh Molly MaloneSiombail Náisiúnta nó Léiriú ar Easpa Measa na mBan in Éirinn?

Emily Nic Giolla Íosa

Má dtéann tú go Sráid Suffolk i mBaile Átha Cliath, feicfidh tú dealbh Molly Malone, siombail láidir dár n-oidhreacht agus stair náisiúnta. Ach rud eile a fheicfidh tú ná turasóirí ag taispeáint easómóis agus dímheasa don dealbh – daoine ag déanamh crúbáil uirthi gan pioc náire. Ní mór an iompraíocht seo a cheistiú mar chomhartha ar stádas na mban in Éirinn. Is féidir a áiteamh gur léiriúchán fisiciúil é seo den fhuath agus dímheas a mhothaíonn daoine gur féidir leo a léiriú do mhná na hÉireann. Ní fheicfeá a leithéid i gcomhair dhealbha fir ar nós Wolfe Tone nó James Joyce; faigheann na figiúirí seo meas agus aitheantas go hiomláin difriúil. Ar an chéad dul síos, ba chóir go bhfuil a fhios againn cé a bhí an bhean darb ainm Molly Malone? Tá cáil uirthi ó scéalta laochta coitianta i gcultúr na hÉireann, ach is carachtar stairiúil í nach bhfuil a cuid fréamh go hiomlán soiléir. Tagann an cháil di ón amhrán clúiteach “Molly Malone”, a insíonn scéal an mná a dhíolann bradáin agus breallaigh sna sráideanna go dtí go dtiteann sí breoite agus a fhaigheann sí bás. Ba bhanlaoch na hÉireann í a fhulaingíonn in aimsir chrua, agus a mhothaítear sa tsochaí mar dhuine macánta, duine cróga.

Is cuid lárnach í dealbh Molly Malone de shaol na turasóireachta i mBaile Átha Cliath, agus meallann sí sluaite chuici gach lá. Ina seasamh go maorga in Ardchathair na hÉireann, le cliabh lán de bhradáin agus breallaigh in éineacht léi, is í seo an t-aon íomhá den bhan-

laoch a fheicimid sa phobal. Ach nuair a bhreathnaímid ar an iompar thart uirthi, is deacair gan a fheiceáil go bhfuil an íomhá sin á malartú ó dhuine daonna go rud nach dtugtar mórán urraime dó – rud le haghaidh a bheith do ghníomhartha gáirsiúla.

Is léir ón dearcadh seo gur léiriú é ar an gcaoi a gcaitheann an tsochaí leis an íomhá ban phoiblí. Nuair a dhéantar gníomhartha gnéasacha nó neamhaird iomlán ar íomhánna na mban, feictear go bhfuil an cultúr bunaithe ar dhearcadh na mban mar rud éigin éadomhain. Éiríonn dímheas a thaispeáint do mhná mar gnáthrud i sochaí - is fadhb ollmhór í seo. Ní féidir linn Molly Malone mar dhuine a aithint agus a fheiceáil mar íocón i gcomhthéacs oifigiúil nuair atá an stádas seo aici. Cuirtear Molly Malone i gcomparáid go minic le dealbha na bhfear, cosúil le Wolfe Tone nó James Joyce. Tá an difríocht idir an bealach a ndéileáiltear leis an dá chineál dealbh ag nochtadh na ceiste atá againn mar

shochaí maidir le stádas na mban. Is léiriú é seo ar an dímheas a chuireann an tsochaí ar íomhá na mban in Éirinn, agus léiríonn sé an cultúr a chuireann comhartha neamh-urraim ar chultúr agus ar stair na mban. Is í íomhá Molly Malone an t-aon bhealach ina bhfuil mná á gcur chun cinn mar chuid den stair, ach tá sé brónach a fheiceáil go bhfuil a híomhá á úsáid mar ábhar do ghníomhartha míbhéasacha. Más siombail í an dealbh seo ar Éireannachas, is gá machnamh a dhéanamh ar an teachtaireacht atá á cur in iúl faoi mhná na hÉireann sa 21ú haois. Ba chóir dúinn dearcadh na mban seo a dhiúltú mar ghnáthrud. Ciallaíonn sé seo go gcaithfimid ár bplé ar stair náisiúnta agus ar oidhreacht a chlaochlú i slí atá ag léiriú na hurraime agus an measa cuí do ghach cuid dár gcultúr, idir fhir agus mhná araon.

Sophie Morrissey

BOWES-FITZPATRICK

Olltoghchán na hInimirce

An Bord Eagarthóireachta

Léiríodh sa feachtas toghchánaíocht na mór-pháirtithe polaitíochta ag glacadh le meonta géara ar inimirce. Tá gealltaí chun ‘dlí agus ord’ a chur leis an inimirce, atá inaitheanta mar mhana tipiciúil ón eite-dheas, mar chomhartha de chéim i dtreo na deise ó pháirtithe atá go ginearálta i bhfábhar cearta an duine, agus, ach go háirithe, cearta chun tearmainn. Aithníonn forógraí éagsúla Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, agus Sinn Féin go bhfuil an inimirce mar chroícheist gur gá don chéad rialtas eile plé leis. Tá na páirtithe seo, an trí pháirtí is mó sa tír, cinnte tar éis níos mó béime a leagadh ar an gceist seo ón olltoghchán deireanach i 2020. An comhartha iad na polasaithe tromchúiseacha atá curtha chun cinn ag na páirtithe dóibh ag glacadh le hamhras inimirce na heite dheis?

Tháinig 149,200 inimircigh, ina measc 86,800 ó thíortha lasmuigh den AE ná Breatain, go hÉirinn sa thréimhse 12-mhí go Aibreán 2024 – uasmhéad 17 bliain. Is Úcráinaigh agus lucht iarrtha tearmainn, ag teitheadh ó chogadh nó fulaingt, iad morán de na daoine ag teacht go hÉirinn, agus iad curtha in ostáin, i soláthar díreach, agus, go dochosan-

ta, i bpobaill. Cé go n-aithníonn na mór-pháirtithe go léir an géarghá le lóistín saintógtha faoi úinéireacht an stáit, seasann Fine Gael amach le moladh atá mar ábhar imní amach is amach – d’ionaid lóistín ina mbeadh teorann curtha ar ghluaiseachta an duine. Níl a leithéid de lóistín ró-éagsúil ó na hionaid choinneála inimirce atá sa Bhreatain, sna Stáit Aontaithe Meiriceá, agus san Ástráil, atá cáinithe go láidir ag eagraíochtaí ar son chearta an duine. Luaitear na hionaid seo molta ag Fine Gael mar shlí chun ardchaighdeán a choimeád i mbun próiseáil inimirce, ach an bhfuil an cúram céanna acu ar dhínit agus cearta an duine? Tá sé i gceist ag na mór-pháirtithe slite éagsúla a bheith acu chun socrú ar cé a mbeidh cead acu teacht agus fanacht in Éirinn. Díríonn Fianna Fáil ar rialacha a leagan síos chun stop a chur le hinimirce eacnamaíochta, agus chun freastal amháin ar na daoine atá ‘i ndáirire’ ag teitheadh ó chogadh agus géarleanúint. Luann Fine Gael ‘córas inimirce atá bunaithe ar scil’, a dtugann le fios go mbeidh tús-áite tugtha go hinimircigh atá ‘cabhrach’ don fhórsa saothair. Idir an dá linn, molann Sinn Féin gur chóir cuimhneamh ar Úcráinaigh ó

cheantair atá slán ó chogadh a sheoladh abhaile. Má tá cuma tromchúiseach ar na moltaí seo ar an gcéad dul síos, is de bharr gurb iad, agus go bhféadfadh leo tús a chur le treocht imníoch. Cé a chinntíonn má tá an Úcráin slán, nó más imirce ‘dáirire’ atá ag tógáil duine go hÉirinn? An ndiúltóidh nó seolfaidh abhaile an rialtas inimircigh nach mbeidh mar chúnamh don eacnamíocht ná don lucht oibre?

Is léir go bhfuil Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, agus Sinn Féin go léir tar éis céimeanna suntasach a thógáil mar fhreagairt ar an gcomhrá leanúnanach atá ar bun maidir le hinimirce na tíre seo. Cé go bhfuil ana-chuid maitheas i bpolaisaithe atá chun feabhas a chur ar phróiseáil inimirce, tá maitheas freisin lena bheith cúramach maidir le bolscaireacht chun ‘ár dteorainneacha a dhaingniú’ – tráth aitheanta mar mhana den eite-dheas, ach anois in úsáid ag na páirtithe is mór sa tír. Beidh ar na páirtithe seo deileáil le fadhbanna tithíochta agus eacnamaíochta sa chéad rialtas eile – arbh fhéidir go bhfuil béimiú fadhb na hinimirce mar slí dóibh chun fíor-fhadbhanna na tíre a sheachaint?

Global Spotlight

Germany

Amidst a failing economy, the German government has collapsed, with a general election planned for February. The country was being controlled by an unprecedented three-way coalition between the Social Democrats (SPD), the Free Democratic Party (FDP), and the Green Party, known as the “traffic light” alliance. Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD), dismissed finance minister Christian Linder (FDP), after disagreements arose around how to deal with a €12 billion gap in the draft 2025 budget. This dismissal led to Linder withdrawing his party from the coalition, causing the government to collapse and a snap election be called. The news was welcomed by the extremist far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, whose popularity has been on the rise recently, particularly among young people. However, polls are currently showing a conservative alliance between the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU), as being favourites to win. All main parties have dismissed the idea of forming a coalition with the AfD.

Spain Political criticism of the government has worsened in the aftermath of the devastating floods in Valencia, Spain. The city saw a year’s worth of rain pour down in a mere eight hours, leading not only to damage to infrastructure and agriculture, but also the loss of at least 215 lives. Criticism has been widespread of both Pedro Sánchez, the Spanish Prime Minister, and also of Carlos Mazon, the regional president. The Valencian government

had minimised warnings from the Meteorological Agency, on the morning of the 29th of October. It wasn’t until 8.11pm, hours after much devastation had occurred, that the administration put out a red alert to residents. The anger felt by citizens shows no signs of stopping, with protestors calling for the resignations of both Sánchez and Mazon. A visit to the region by King Felipe IV saw the monarch pelted with eggs and mud by locals enraged by the government’s poor preparation and lack of support. As the clean-up effort is still ongoing, the consequences to be faced by those in power are still unclear, but it is sure that the fallout could have lasting political effects.

Brazil On Wednesday, November 13th, Francisco Wanderly Luiz, a smallscale conservative politician attempted to attack Brazil’s Supreme Court resurrecting a waning faith in Latin America’s largest democracy. Six bombs were deactivated and only affected Luiz himself, rendering the

The Immigration Election

The Editorial Board

This election campaign saw all the major parties adopt harsher attitudes to immigration. Campaigns promising to bring ‘law and order’ to immigration, certainly familiar as standard right-wing rhetoric, have signalled a rightward step from parties traditionally aligned with liberal positions on human rights and, in particular, a right to asylum. The manifestoes of Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, and Sinn Féin all identify immigration as a key issue facing the next government. These parties, the three largest in the country, have notably raised the ante on this issue since the last general election in 2020. Could the draconian measures that are mentioned be suggestive of the country’s major political parties jumping aboard the immigration bandwagon?

149,200 immigrants, including 86,800 citizens from outside the EU or Britain, arrived into the Ireland during the 12-month period until April 2024 - a 17-year high. Many of those coming to Ireland are asylum-seekers and Ukrainians, fleeing conflict or famine, and have been accommodated in hotels, in direct provision, and, inexcus-

ably, in tents. While the major parties all acknowledge an acute need for more purpose-built and stateowned accommodation to house asylum-seekers, Fine Gael stand out with a most concerning proposal –of ‘designated accommodation with restricted freedom of movement’. Such accommodation seems not unlike the immigration detention centres that are used in the UK, US and Australia, and are condemned by human rights organisations alike. These designated centres proposed by Fine Gael are a way to ensure the integrity of immigration processing, but do they have equal regard for the dignity and rights of the individual?

The three major parties also suggest reserving a discretion to decide who should be allowed to enter and stay in the country. Fianna Fáil have emphasised a crackdown on economic migration, in order to accommodate only those ‘genuinely’ fleeing war and persecution. Fine Gael suggest a ‘skill-based migration system’, which seems to indicate priority being given to those immigrants deemed helpful to the workforce. Sinn Féin, meanwhile, have proposed the return of Ukrai-

nians from ‘safe’ parts of Ukraine back to their war-torn home. If these proposals seem troubling at first glance, that is because they are, and could set alarming precedent. Who decides when Ukraine is safe, or if an asylum-seeker is ‘genuinely’ fleeing war? Will the government refuse or return migrants who do not contribute to the economy and workforce? Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin have all evidently taken notable steps to reconcile their policies with the ongoing conversation around immigration in this country. While much is to be commended about policies aiming to improve the immigration process, there is a delicate line to be walked when it comes to calls to ‘secure our borders’ - once seen as dangerous right-wing rhetoric, but now used by the parties most likely to lead the country. These parties will undoubtedly have to also tackle critical issues of housing and the economy in the next government - could raising speculative concerns to immigration be merely a mode of avoiding these more tangible issues facing Ireland?

How Does America’s Far Right Affect Us?

Istill remember November 9th, 2016. This is weird for two reasons. Firstly, because I was eleven at the time, and secondly, because I’m Irish. Nonetheless, the news that Trump had won the 2016 US presidential election shocked me. It shocked the people around me, too. That morning, my fifth class teacher arrived at 9 a.m. with a pile of newspapers hot off the press. She had us use our safety scissors to cut out the headlines announcing Trump’s victory. They all seemed to have a sombre tone about them.

The headlines were glued onto one sprawling alarmist collage that denoted the dawn of doomsday. It was designed to be something to look back on, I suppose - an attempt to crystallise this weird pocket of history.

figures are invested in the development of Ireland’s far-right. Frank Silva, former KKK grand-dragon, reportedly mentored some of Ireland’s own extremists, participating in at least five online calls with members of the Irish far-right. Further, a Sky News report found that, last April, 54.4% of #IrelandIsFull tweets came from the United States. 57% of #IrelandBelongsToTheIrish tweets came from American accounts. Following what looks to be an astroturfing campaign, it is worth enquiring into the direction of causation when we say the Irish far right is morphing into its American counterpart. Is the Irish farright looking to the U.S. for help, or are American extremists hoping to sow division abroad?

students. Bearing witness to hatred is sure to make someone question their safety and sense of belonging. The mental health impacts differ from person to person. Some people didn’t let it get to them, shrugging off the riot as a meek protest that was hijacked by a ton of hooligans. For others, the fear wasn’t so easy to shake, and areas surrounding Trinity, like O’Connell and Parnell St, became a sort of no-man’sland.

ordeal a mere suicidal token of far right extremism. Many see the attack as a warning sign before a more catastrophic culmination of events reminiscent of the planted explosive device at the international airport just days before the larger-scale January 8th coup d’etat on the capitol in 2023. Further, this act of domestic terrorism has only inflamed amnesty conversations for Bolsonaro and his supporters present in the January 8th attack seeing such repeated violent offences on institutions from Bolsonaro’s Liberal party.

Haiti After only 166 days in office, former United Nations official Garry Conille, was ousted from his role as Prime Minister on November 12th, leaving little hope for the prospect of democracy in Haiti. Appointed as an interim leader to prepare for 2025 elections, Mr Conille was fired by Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council, the country still deeply entrenched in gang leadership in the power vacuum. A successful presidential election has not taken place since 2016 when former president Jovenel Moïse was elected, however he was assassinated five years later, leaving the country in virtual anarchy. Even with foreign help from Kenya and humanitarian aid intervention, forces are still under equipped to tackle the overflowing violence. As of November 8th, approximately 700,000 Haitians have been displaced and half the country is plagued by “acute food insecurity” according to the United Nations.

Perhaps this Irish tendency to hyperfixate on American politics has helped to foster an indifference towards our own country’s political climate. We are often too busy laughing, crying or plain scratching our heads at what is happening across the Atlantic to turn inwards and realise we have our own pressing issues to deal with.

We are witnessing a surge in right wing extremism in Ireland. With the recent general election having seen more than one far right party in the running, we ought to stop gawking at Trump’s reelection and start worrying about the ever more Americanised far-right enemy in our own country.

In an increasingly globalised world, social media takes more precedence than ever before in shaping the political landscape. It seems inevitable that Irish right-wing extremists will root through the American fascist playbook in search of new tactics.

The far-right has risen in popularity in recent years despite progressive policies enacted likelegalisation of abortion, same-sex marriage, a housing crisis, and a rise in immigration. Our far-right political parties, for example, were all established in recent years.The National Party was founded in 2016, The Irish Freedom Party in 2018, and Aontú in 2019.

The National Alliance, comprising Ireland First, the National Party, the Irish People, and a smattering of independents was recently formed to contest in this year’s general election. Ireland’s far right is stronger and more ambitious than ever. American extremism may have influenced this newfound eagerness for far-right politics in Ireland. Members of the far-right in Ireland import many of their ideas from the U.S., like conspiracy theories about the “Great Replacement” and “cultural Marxism”. American extremist

Regardless of its source, the growing popularity of far-right ideology in Ireland is formidable. The risk and consequent fear can be especially palpable for Trinity students, as our campus is located in the locus of the city centre, where farright groups congregate. Last year’s riots forced many Trinity students, including myself, to stay on campus overnight. Before falling asleep in the GMB, a group of us peered out a window of House Six onto Dame Street where we could see a throng of Guards preventing the violence from moving southward. All our phones were blowing up with violent images of fire, destruction, and calls from our parents urging us to stay put.

While students and staff gave a tremendous display of solidarity, the experience nonetheless speaks to how palpable the rise of extremist narratives is for Trinity students. This rise is of course especially impactful on the very people who are targeted by far right rhetoric. Extremist ideologies tend to stoke fear in minorities and international

Luckily, Trinity is far from a breeding ground for far-right ideology. While not yet a perfect environment (see for example the anti-semitic graffiti found in the Buttery bathroom last June), Trinity itself cannot be faulted with regards to far-right rhetoric. Aside from being one of the last vestiges of safety during the Dublin riots, College has a dedicated Equality, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) office, and holds all its staff and students accountable for fostering an inclusive environment. Education is key in the fight against the far-right. To further the cause, Trinity could host workshops to help students develop the skills necessary to recognise, analyse and critique extremist ideology. Extremist sentiment is more visible than ever to students with the rise of social media platforms where people can share far-right content under the guise of satire. A focus on being able to identify this content if and when students encounter it could work wonders in preventing students from falling down the altright pipeline. By equipping students in this way, we could work towards building a more inclusive environment, not just in Trinity but in the whole of Ireland.

Alexa Berman and Louise Brennan

Mia Craven

PHOTO BY SOPHIE QUINN

Heritage is Privilege: Why White Americans Should Stop Talking About Ancestry

Amy Wei

“If you’re Irish and you come here and say that you’re Irish, nobody cares.” This was a response from a street interview in Ireland conducted by Chalk&CheeseTravels, where locals are asked to offer advice for tourists. “So don’t say that you’re Irish, because everyone here is Irish.” Any resident of Dublin could attest to the number of tourists roaming around the city. While tourism is both a blessing and a curse in most European capitals, tourists in Ireland often seem to seek not only historical landmarks and a leisurely vacation, but a sense of connection to their roots.

One of the many peculiar things I have observed during my four years of high school in the United States was the immediate bond white Americans forge upon discovering a common ancestry. In the supposed cultural melting pot of the world, I often witnessed people enumerating their genetic makeup as if they were describing the ingredients of a specialty cocktail. I couldn’t help but ponder the significance of these declarations. While the preservation of and learning about one’s heritage is crucial for many, a shared ethnic background for many white Americans often does not entail a shared mother tongue, moral code, or a common experience of oppression and discrimination. So, if being ‘lessthan-twenty percent Irish’ doesn’t indicate a shared experience, what does it mean for the white American whose ancestors claimed the fertile land of freedom and proudly proclaimed themselves citizens of a new nation seven generations ago?

One must ask where the connection to this ancestral and family history is

delimited.

These scenarios are generalisations, of course, as there are still many Americans who maintained strong connections to their European roots in various ways, whether through heirloom recipes or familial traditions.It’s also worth noting that many first and second-generation European immigrants continue to bring a more immediate and authentic connection to their heritage. Nonetheless, the pronouncement of white American ancestry elicits a fundamental reconsideration of the so-called ‘American identity’ and its role in creating a factitious sense of equality. Professor Maya Jasanoff, in a 2022 article for The New Yorker, writes that “origin stories provide collective accounts of where ‘we’ come from, but they also help some lineages claim power over others.”

The establishment of power does not merely stem from the colonial past shared by many European lineages but also from the denial of access to the same reclamation of heritage for racial and ethnic minorities. This is evident in the reception of African Americans in Europe. When asked about their origin, the answer “I’m American” is often met with dissatisfaction and prolonged interrogation.

The scandalous case of Lady Susan Hussey and former charity executive Ngozi Fulani is the perfect testimony. At a Buckingham Palace event in 2022, Lady Hussey repeatedly questioned Fulani, a British-born woman of African descent, about her origins, refusing to accept “I’m British” as an answer. This incident not only revealed the persistent racial insensitivity in society but also underscored the double standard minorities face

in claiming their national identity compared to their white counterparts. However, the blatant ignorance is also exhibited by Black immigrants in Europe who are fortunate to know their family heritage. The reply “I’m American” or “I’m British” is frequently received as ingenuine and cursory for the Afro-diasporic population and other minorities.

Minorities in the United States often grapple with frustration over their heritage and lineage, all the while white Americans freely assert their ancestral ties. The European American, in this sense, seems to enjoy the best of both worlds, being accepted as legitimate members in both communities.

While many other Europeans are able to distinguish themselves through language, the demarcation of Irish-American and the Irish people is less perceptible in this regard, making Ireland more susceptible to this form of cultural re-appropriation. Tourism, as vital as it is to Ireland’s economy, also plays a significant role in shaping how Irish identity is perceived both at home and abroad. Visitors seeking a romanticised connection to their roots often encounter a version of Ireland tailored to their desires—pubs with traditional music, rolling green hills, and ancient castles. But does this curated experience reflect the complex reality of modern Irish life? A scepticism upon the authenticity of the cultural awareness and education of the white American tourist naturally ensues: are these ancestral claims truly a celebration of cultural heritage, or

A Very Irish Election

What Happened and What Comes Next

Eoin Connolly

While many were hoping for change in this election, it seems to have the usual hallmarks of a typical Irish election, but certainly some notable developments. So let’s get right to it, cut through the spin, and just tell you what happened.

On November 29th Ireland had a general election. For those unfamiliar, these elect Dáil Eireann, Ireland’s lower (and effectively only important) house of parliament. As a parliamentary system, this election is pretty much all that matters for determining how Ireland is governed nationally; the Seanad (Senate) is weak and dominated by the government of the day, and the President is a head of state only with few limited executive powers.

The incumbent government was an unprecedented coalition of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, Ireland’s two historically dominant parties that had never been in coalition together before, as well as the Green Party. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have had fewer significant differences as time has passed, they both lie in the centre right of Irish politics, but the historic divisions of the Irish civil war created this split (a longer story for another time).

An interesting development for this election came in the aftermath of Ireland’s most recent census, which led to an expansion of the Dáil from 160 to 174 members, and redrawing of Ireland’s constituencies.

The Irish election system takes a while to fully explain but it’s pretty unique to Ireland, and essentially allows voters to rank candidates in multi-member constituencies; so elections are very local affairs but national results are close to proportional. Going into the election the government was, unsurprisingly, hoping to be re-elected. Fine Gael in particular were setting their sights on growing their numbers, with the hope that new leader Taoiseach Simon Harris (who replaced Leo Varadkar this April) would bring “a new energy”. The junior partner of the coalition, the Green Party, were fighting for

survival, facing the possibility of being completely wiped out. Junior partners in coalitions don’t usually fare well; they have to make more compromises and are accountable only to their own disappointed supporters. On the opposition, Sinn Fein hoped to continue their momentum of growth from the 2020 election, in which they made significant gains, topping the poll nationally and being the first party to gain basically equal seats with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Smaller left parties such as Labour (historically the third most important party in Irish politics, but in decline since their vote collapsed in 2016, also due to their compromises in a coalition with Fine Gael), the Social Democrats, and People Before Profit-Solidarity hoped to gain some ground and forge enough of their own path to avoid losing seats to a growing Sinn Fein, as many left parties wouldn’t have had as many seats in 2020 had Sinn Fein ran more candidates in their constituencies.

Growing alternative elements in Irish politics also hoped to make progress; Peadar Toibín’s Aontú and the newly formed Independent Ireland intended to find footing through more conservative platforms, particularly with the recent introduction of migration into the Irish political battleground. As well as all this, Ireland notably has more independent members of parliament than all other EU countries combined. These are a variety of local figures varying wildly in personality and ideology, but it was expected that their number could grow considerably.

So, what happened? Fianna Fáil have emerged as the largest party at 48 seats; with several recent Fine Gael controversies and gaffes likely lending them an advantage over their coalition partner. With Fine Gael at 38, a likely coalition between the two parties is only 2 seats short of a majority, that goes down to 1 seat if they elect a TD from outside their parties as Ceann Comhairle (Speaker of the House, similar to the equivalent role in the UK). There were some upsets on the government benches, two in particular for Fianna Fáil. Minister of

State for Disabilities Anne Rabbitte lost her seat in Galway East and Minister for Health Stephen Donnelly lost his in Wicklow. Donnelly was previously an independent TD, co-founded the Social Democrats with Catherine Murphy and Róisín Shorthall in 2015, but left in 2016 and joined Fianna Fáil in 2017. He became Minister for Health in June 2020, serving for the remainder of the Covid-19 Pandemic Sinn Fein emerged with 39, not necessarily a bad result but certainly not enough to hold a strong hand for a potential government formation; there aren’t enough TDs in other left parties to form one without one of the other two largest parties. The gains they would have hoped for a few months ago have not manifested.

Labour and the Social Democrats made respectable gains placing them both at 11 TDs.

PBP-Solidarity has fallen to 3 TDs, which also means they will need to form a technical group with other TDs to retain their previous speaking rights in Dáil Debates. The Green Party has been decimated, with only the party’s leader, Roderic O’Gorman (who replaced Eamon Ryan in June) retaining his seat.

Aontú and Independent Ireland gained 1 seat each, so some growth, but not as much as they were hoping for. 16 Independent TDs were elected, not the wave that some pundits were predicting in previous months, though they are likely to be where the balance of power will lie. In Donegal, the 100% Redress party, founded to campaign for redress to those affected by the Mica building scandal, won a seat, and that completes our Dáil. So, what’s next? The new Dáil will meet on Wednesday December 18th, and will first elect the new Ceann Comhairle. There is some speculation on whether the government will elect one of their own TDs, or someone else, as this will reduce their distance from a majority from 2 to 1. Once that is done, the Taoiseach will be elected, and the government

are they a means to disentangle and distance themselves from the legacies of oppression that define the lives of many marginalised people today? Moreover, these claims undermine and reduce the Irish identity into a symbolic ornament. The celebration of.St. Patrick’s Day, for example, has become a day to display shamrocks and drink to one’s Irish roots in the United States: the connection to Ireland is limited to a fleeting sense of pride in an imagined past. This form of cultural appropriation is not about true heritage or a commitment to understanding the struggles of one’s ancestors; rather, it’s about

consuming a piece of another culture for the sake of entertainment and identity-building.

Claiming Irish ancestry has become a popular practice for many white Americans, but it’s important to recognize that such claims often come from a place of privilege rather than a genuine connection to the lived history of oppression. They conveniently ignore the fact that the struggles of Irish emigrantsimmigrants were drastically different from the experiences of those who had the luxury of choosing their ancestral identity. Perhaps the real connection to one’s roots isn’t about declaring percent-

ages or pasting flags on family trees, but much quieter—a nod to shared stories, a taste for both what grounds us and what challenges us. The difference between heritage and privilege lies in the ability to step into a story of struggle without ever having to live it. So, to my friends across the pond: maybe the next time you’re tempted to wax poetic about that “one-sixteenth Irish” you found on a DNA test, think twice. Sit back, order a pint if you like, but leave the heritage talk to those still walking the fields your great-greats once left.

effectively is formed from that point. Coalition negotiations are likely already underway. There are a few possible outcomes, but in any likely outcome the government is led by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. They may work with some independent TDs to secure the necessary support to form the government and pass legislation, they have a good few to choose from, but they can be hard to predict. There is significant speculation on what Labour and the Social Democrats might do. Labour was previously a partner in every Fine Gael government until 2016, but with the party trying to rebuild many are likely wary of re-entering so quickly now that they are beginning to make progress. Party figures have indicat-

ed that they wouldn’t even consider entering government without the Social Democrats, so that they would be a stronger force overall. The Social Democrats were formed in opposition to Labour’s compromises from 2011-2016, so the attitude towards entering coalition isn’t likely warm, and the party have set red lines for even considering it such as having a dedicated senior minister for disability. While Sinn Fein aspire to lead a left wing coalition, the numbers simply aren’t there, and while some speculate if they will try tempt Fianna Fáil into a deal, the numbers don’t lie; the continuation of the coalition with a new third partner seems pretty much inevitable. This was a very Irish election. We’ve

got all the hits; effective continuation of the status quo, destruction of junior coalition partners, a fractured left, fun for all the family. This isn’t to say nothing happened, the realignments on the left will be important to watch, and how Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael settle into

partnership, and how they navigate the seat imbalance between the two, may well provide some interesting viewing.

See you all in 5 years, assuming this next government lasts.

PHOTO BY RACHEL CONWAY

Science & Technology

The SAD Truth About Winter - and How to Cope

Aoibheann Kearins

As exam season looms and daylight hours swindle, it’s hard to deny the sinking feeling that your last glimpse of sunlight was sometime back in October. Between grey skies, plunging temperatures and the relentless barrage of assignments, many of us find ourselves alternating between caffeinated optimism and existential dread. If you’re feeling like a sadder, sleepier version of yourself lately, you’re not alone. You may just be one of many who has fallen prey to the ultimate seasonal mood-killer: Seasonal Affective Disorder, or SAD.

SAD isn’t just a convenient excuse to binge watch Netflix under a weighted blanket -though that’s an excellent short-term strategy. It’s a clinically recognised mood disorder that affects about 5% of the US population, with potentially higher rates in Northern Europe. SAD is characterised by depressive symptoms that onset in autumn or winter, and fade as spring approaches. These symptoms can manifest as persistent low mood, irritability, or difficulty concentrating. The main culprit behind SAD is a lack of sunlight. Sunlight helps regulate two key players in good mental health: circadian rhythms and serotonin levels. Circadian rhythms are our internal body clocks that rely on sunlight to stay synced with the 24-hour day. When natural light

dwindles during winter, these rhythms can falter, leading to fatigue and disrupted sleep. On top of that, serotonin, the brains ‘feelgood’ neurotransmitter, is affected when our exposure to sunlight decreases, contributing to feelings of low mood.

Another line of thinking is that darker days lead to an overproduction of melatonin, the hormone responsible for sleep, which can leave you feeling lethargic.

Evolution also plays a hand in SAD as humans are wired to respond to seasonal changes in light. Historically, conserving energy in winter made sense for survival purposes. Nowadays this ancient instinct clashes with modern day demands to perform year round, creating a perfect storm for seasonal mood dips.

Dublin’s grey skies also aren’t helping as where you live plays a huge role in Seasonal Affective Disorder. The further you live from the equator, the

greater the seasonal drop in sunlight, and therefore the higher likelihood you will experience SAD. Interestingly, Iceland is the exception to this despite its famously dark winters. Researchers suggest this may be due to cultural adaptations, and a lifestyle similar to the Danish concept of hygge.

Sometimes, it’s hard to know if you’re suffering from SAD or just sad. With exam stress and cold days, it’s normal to feel a bit down in winter. But SAD is more than just hating Mondays. If your symptoms seriously interfere with your ability to work, study, or socialise, you should consider talking to a healthcare professional. The good news is that SAD is treatable. Light therapy is the gold standard for treating SAD. This therapy involves us-

ing a light box that mimics natural sunlight, which can significantly reduce symptoms with just 20-30 minutes of daily use. On those rare sunny days, stepping outside for a short walk around campus can also work wonders, as natural light and fresh air boost serotonin levels. Exercise, whether a brisk walk or a gym session, is another great way to improve mood and reduce stress. Since winter sunlight often falls short of meeting our body’s needs for vitamin D, talking to a doctor about a supplement is a simple yet effective solution. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) is also highly beneficial, helping to reframe negative thought patterns and build resilience. By incorporating these strategies into your daily routine, you can combat the seasonal slump. The main thing is to look on the bright side (pun intended). Seasonal affective disorder can feel overwhelming, but it doesn’t have to define your winter. With the right tools and a bit of self-care you can weather the dark months. Lean into the things that make you happy, whether that’s light boxes or a steady stream of hot chocolate, and don’t be afraid to ask for help. If all else fails, remember: the sun will come out - eventually.

Unnatural Sleep Patterns Linked to Obesity in Recent Study

Arecent study led by researchers part of the Trinity Biomedical Science Institute has linked sleep patterns to fat gain and other metabolic processes. This has particularly resonant implications for students and shift workers who are prone to falling out of sync with their circadian rhythms due to irregular sleep.

Circadian rhythms are biological processes that operate on a 24-hour cycle, ensuring that key biological functions occur at specific times of day to synchronise the body with external environmental cues. The new

study has uncovered that an immune molecule within fat tissue, known as interleukin-17A (IL-17A), plays a regulatory role in fat storage. As part of the immune system, this molecule operates on a circadian rhythm, meaning its efficiency in regulating fat storage is largely determined by quality of sleep.

The research, led by TCD professor Lydia Lynch and published in leading international journal Nature, showed that mice missing “molecular clock” genes (fat regulation genes affected by circadian rhythms) had impaired fat processing and storage compared

to control mice with functioning molecular clock genes. These missing genes affected the production of IL17A cells in fat tissue.

This could have significant implications for the health of anyone with irregular sleep, particularly students and shift workers. Shift workers are labourers whose service is operational at all times i.e. doctors, nurses or law enforcement. These workers often have long shifts that extend past midnight and are prone to less than regular sleep.

Lynch who is a visiting professor of molecular biology from the Ludwig

cancer research institute, Princeton university, commented on the importance of this research in a era of constant technological engagement “Modern life frequently disrupts natural sleep patterns […] Many of us, despite feeling fatigued, find ourselves scrolling through social media far longer than intended each night.”

This sustained connectivity and irregular sleep could diminish the efficiency of fat storage and lead to serious consequences like tissue wasting and obesity.

Obesity continues to be a large issue in Irish health. In the Healthy

Ireland Survey 2022, conducted by the HSE, research showed that 21% of people in Ireland are obese. Obesity was most prevalent in ages 45-64 when metabolism begins to slow and hormonal changes make it harder to lose weight. Lynch commented on the personal and national effects of obesity saying “Obesity is an increasingly prevalent condition with extensive, detrimental effects on health and wellbeing, and it places a substantial burden on healthcare systems worldwide.”

Living with an Active Star: Dr. Laura Hayes on Solar Science and Space Weather

Gabrielle Corcoran

“We’re living with an active star, and we need to think about the realities of that.”

For solar physicist Dr. Laura Hayes, the sun is more than a distant celestial body —it’s a dynamic force shaping the space weather that impacts modern life on Earth.

A proud alumna of Trinity College, Laura earned both her bachelor’s degree in Theoretical Physics and her PhD in Astrophysics from the School of Physics. She boasts an impressive résumé, featuring collaborations with some of the biggest names in astrophysics, including postdoctoral research at NASA and the European Space Agency (ESA). Her career has taken her to California, Washington, D.C., and South Holland, and just last month has brought her back to Dublin to join the Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies (DIAS).

Following her arrival home, Laura returned to the Fitzgerald Lecture Theatre, a familiar venue, to deliver her first talk at Trinity since graduating in 2018. Invited by the Physics Society, which she chaired during her undergraduate years, she presented her talk, “The Flaring Sun: Three Years of Solar Orbiter Observations.”

The Solar Orbiter is a spacecraft designed by the European Space Agency (ESA) in collaboration with NASA. First launched on February 10, 2020, from Cape Canaveral, it’s equipped with 10 advanced instruments designed to study the Sun and its helio-

sphere in unprecedented detail. This mission, two decades in the making, marks a significant leap in solar research.

Laura’s research focuses on solar flares, giant explosions on the sun that release immense amounts of energy, light, and high-speed particles into space. The sun undergoes an 11-year activity cycle, alternating between periods of high and low magnetic activity. During solar maximum—the peak of this cycle—the Sun becomes particularly active, with increased sunspots, flares, and solar storms. Sunspots, the visible markers of active regions on the Sun, are regions with intense, complicated magnetic fields that provide a window into the sun’s complex magnetic interior. These areas often give rise to solar eruptions, including flares and coronal mass ejections (CMEs), which can disrupt the Earth’s magnetic environment.

Solar activity can significantly affect space weather, which has pronounced impacts on Earth. While it can create breathtaking displays like the aurora borealis, it also poses real risks. Space weather can be a detrimental threat to modern technology. “We are a society completely dependent on the technological infrastructure we’ve built,” she emphasised, “and this infrastructure is, of course, impacted by highly energetic particles.”

Flares and CMEs directed at Earth,

can create long lasting radiation storms that can harm satellites, communications systems, and even ground-based technologies and power grids. A vivid example of this occurred in February, when SpaceX launched 49 Starlink satellites directly into a solar storm. Forty of these satellites were rendered inoperable, underscoring the critical importance

of understanding solar activity. Beyond space weather, Laura delved into other complexities regarding the physics of the sun during her talk. The Sun presents some of astrophysics’ most enduring mysteries, including the “Coronal Heating Problem.”

The Sun’s surface is approximately 5,000 degrees Celsius, but its outer

atmosphere reaches temperatures of up to 5 million degrees Celsius. This counterintuitive phenomenon is akin to “walking away from a fire and feeling hotter,” and scientists like Laura are working to uncover the mechanisms behind this energy transfer. Solving this enigma, she noted, could well earn a Nobel Prize.

Laura’s contributions to solar phys-

ics extend beyond just her research; they also include advancing tools that empower the scientific community. Her talk was enriched by intricate animated graphics, created using SunPy, an open-source Python library she helped develop. Established in 2011 at NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center, SunPy provides a comprehensive toolkit for solar data analysis. As the Communication and Education Lead for SunPy, Laura is a key part of the team that earned the NASA Group Achievement Award for their innovative work. As the sun ‘ramps up’ activity toward its next solar maximum, Laura is enthusiastic about the research opportunities ahead. Increased solar activity will offer more chances to study flares and eruptions, advancing our understanding of this dynamic star. “It’s an exciting time for solar physicists,” she remarked. “But maybe not so exciting if you’re launching satellites into space.”

Laura’s return to Trinity serves as an inspiration to young physicists, emphasising the importance of understanding the forces shaping our world. Her work emphasises the crucial connection between the Sun’s behaviour and its impact on life here on Earth. As she put it, “The sun is essentially a lab in the sky; we have no other astronomical object with so much data that we can study under a microscope.”

Charlie Swann

Technological Salvation or Climate Redemption: AI Versus Environment

Jay Walsh

The turn of the 21st century ushered in an era of unprecedented convenience, highlighted by the emergence and widespread adoption of artificial intelligence (AI) across global industries. For instance, corporations are leveraging AI to automate routine activities, while students are flocking to generative AI tools like ChatGPT to assist in completing coursework and applying to jobs. Currently, AI is proving an agile tool in enabling climate solutions, however, the significant computational resources required by AI has resulted in the emergence of alarming environmental concerns; a worrying thought considering the global AI market is setting a growth pace that makes Moore’s Law look leisurely in comparison. But what does this environmental damage actually look like?

AI consumes a staggering amount of energy. Power grids globally are becoming exhausted as AI-driven carbon emissions continue to rise, prompting a resurgence of coal plants to meet the surging demand for energy. It is estimated that by 2027

AI could consume as much electricity as The Netherlands, and currently a single ChatGPT query consumes as much as ten times more electricity than a standard Google search.

A considerable proportion of this consumption comes from forms of machine learning such as Large Language Models (LLMs) or Generative AI – think ChatGPT – which relies on “feeding” these models huge volumes of information to train them to learn patterns and generate human-like responses, of course, requiring substantial computational power and energy resources in the process. The anticipated rapid growth for the AI market means that tech companies need more data centres to provide power and cool large numbers of servers and networking operations necessary for processing and storing the enormous amounts of data consumed by AI. Cooling of these servers typically comes in the form of using millions of litres of freshwater to absorb and dissipate the heat from electronic components. To put this into perspective, training GTP-3 in Microsoft’s US data centres directly evaporated 700,000 litres of clean freshwater and it is estimated that the global

AI demand for water may soon be accountable for 4.2-6.6 trillion litres of water, which is 4-6 times the total annual water consumption of Denmark. The problem is that clean freshwater resources suitable for use are extremely limited and unevenly distributed across the globe; reinforced by the fact that severe water scarcity is affecting approximately two-thirds of the global population for at least one month each year. So, when tech companies build data centres in climate-stressed regions lacking in water supplies, they deprive the surrounding natural environment of sufficient quantities and compete with local communities for freshwater. For instance, Africa is currently experiencing vast data centre expansion, with major tech companies like Oracle, Microsoft, Amazon and Huawei investing in or building data centres across the continent. This development has led to land tenure disputes and negatively impacted local economies as farmland is repurposed for large-scale infrastructure projects like data centres and water supplies are strained. In their lack of responses to public concerns, big tech companies have shown an alarming disregard for both community welfare and environmental sustainability. For instance, in 2020, Google, a company that is “committed to significantly improving the lives of as many people as possible”, obtained permits to build a data centre in Chile that would consume 169 litres 169 litres of water per second – a concerning statistic in a country where, in 2022, over half of the 19 million population suffered water scarcity. Luckily, the project had its permit partially pulled by the Chilean Government thanks mainly to grassroots activists and water usage concerns; however, Google is insisting on maintaining the location, which significantly underlines the hypocrisy of the US conglomerate. Clearly, aspects of AI and the environment are antithetical, and the cost of AI advancement could come at the expense of the planet’s natural resources and communities in climate-vulnerable regions. So, is there any way that we can meet the world’s digital needs without sacrificing our planet? At the moment, tech companies lack transparency in reporting their energy consumption

data. Between 2020 and 2022, the actual emissions from data centres owned by Google, Microsoft, Meta and Apple are approximately 662% higher than officially disclosed. These companies tend to leverage renewable energy certificates, or Recs, to calculate “market-based” emissions, allowing them to claim lower emissions on paper while their actual carbon footprint remains significantly higher. This makes it extremely difficult to calculate exactly how much energy AI consumes, particularly as the energy requirements for training different models vary widely. Therefore, the first step towards achieving sustainable development of AI is to gain a clear understanding of AI’s actual energy consumption. However, following the results of the 47th US Presidential Election, with Trump’s highly controversial return to office, there is growing concern that he will slash environmental regulations for the tech industry. Trump’s commitment to reversing Biden’s AI regulations would likely reduce regulatory oversight on tech giants, allowing them greater freedom to develop AI technologies, potentially weakening sustainability standards and slowing progress toward clean energy practices in tech infrastructure.

Another more obvious solution is to promote the use of cleaner forms of energy and resources. While most data centres use closed-loop water-cooling systems to continuously recycle water, the environmental

COPtimism: A Futile Task?

Much of the press coverage surrounding COP29 has been negative, defeatist, and unimpressed. Rightfully so: as Al Gore put it, COP29 was “yet again the bare minimum”. With a last minute deal of 300 billion annually for developing countries (a trillion short of what developing countries were looking for), allegations of obstruction by Saudi Arabia and host country Azerbaijan, and outsized fossil fuel interests block-

ing cooperation, COP29 was far from what one could call a success. Meanwhile, we’ve breached 1.5 degrees celsius of warming for the first time this year (not yet permanently) while global carbon emissions continue to rise and countries left and right continue to fail the Paris Agreement goals. Still, though our world leaders are excruciatingly slow to change, uncooperative, and ineffective, we must grudgingly remember that a worldwide conference

on climate change is our best bet for climate solutions and disaster mitigation.

In that light, it’s worth emphasizing that COP is worldwide: this year, it brought together 198 countries and some 65,000 delegates. As a virtual delegate, I watched as many of their discussions, agreements, and negotiations got lost behind the biggest headlines of the conference. The sheer volume of 900 meetings, conferences, and panels over two weeks meant it was inevitable that some positive news would get lost in the kerfuffle.

One of the most important agreements which has seen relatively little press was the Baku Workplan, which outlines six approaches to increase indigenous voices in climate discussion and policy. Its goal is to integrate indigenous values and knowledge systems with modern science. Along with this, COP29 renewed the mandate of the Facilitative Working Group (FWG) of the Local Communities and Indigenous

impact rating of these centres could be further improved by shifting from freshwater resources to a rainwater harvesting strategy. There is also a growing trend toward adopting nuclear energy as a more stable, zero-carbon resource. Both Amazon and Google have recently announced plans to invest in small nuclear reactors, which produce about one-third the power of traditional reactors, as a cleaner energy solution to support the expansion of energy-intensive AI technologies. The appeal of shifting towards this cleaner energy solution lies not only in their carbon-free nature, but also in their significantly smaller footprint compared to wind and solar, and the fact that its output is not dependent on weather. However, obstacles to widespread adoption remain, including regulatory hurdles, cost barriers, public misconception about safety, and concerns over whether these facilities can be deployed swiftly enough to meet ris-

ing energy demands. Additionally, more effort on reducing the computational energy demands of training LLMs without compromising their performance must be made by minimising redundant computations and supporting open-source approaches in the machine-learning community.

One AI startup called Hugging Face promotes sustainable AI by encouraging open-source sharing of pretrained models, which reduces the need for resource-intensive training from scratch. The startup has developed a platform which includes a database for finding low-emissions models, and tools like Code Carbon to help track the carbon footprints in real-time, offering estimates based on training hours and hardware. Such tools could lead to better understanding of the environmental impact of training, helping companies set benchmarks and think of ways to develop more sustainable practices. Finally, discussions must be held

around how we as participants of AI, leverage it to automate simple tasks. Increasing awareness of the environmental impact of such automation can drive more responsible usage as we work toward a balance that benefits both society and the planet. While AI has certainly transformed how various industries approach everyday problems, AI systems are fundamentally at odds with ecological sustainability, often relying on exploiting social and ecological resources for their creation and operation. Vendors must foster a shift towards environmentally responsible AI modelling and implementation, and everyday users, such as us students, need to be more mindful of our AI footprint and advocate for tools that prioritize energy efficiency and responsible data practices. In the end, any vision for how AI will revolutionise our lives is meaningless if we do not ensure a habitable planet to sustain that future.

Peoples Platform. The past FWG had been running from 2022-2024, and their report outlined both their obstacles and their successes.

One main issue detailed by the report is the misconception of homogeneity amongst the vast diversity of Indigenous peoples– over 470 million people across the entire world. The report recommended more time for meetings of Indigenous representatives to increase the diversity of voices.

A second obstacle preventing effective work included language barriers– not mere translation issues, but the inadvertent dilution of “complex cultural concepts and ecological knowledge” when Indigenous terminology is translated to English. As a solution, the report suggested greater finances for high-quality translation.

Perhaps the greatest challenge outlined in the report, which will not be solved merely by the renewal of the FWG and the Baku Workplan, is the “fundamental misalignment between the prevailing global approach to addressing climate change and the perspectives of Indigenous Peoples”. The global “metrics-based” strategy for solving climate change with less emissions and more money is inherently narrow and reductive, based off an extractive capitalistic framework. Instead, Indigenous perspectives emphasise a reciprocality with the Earth, seeing “not only the physical aspects of the environment but also its spiritual, cultural and social dimensions”. At COP28, Ojibwe elder Great-Grandmother Mary Lyons explained, “we must be the good caretaker and not the bad landlords. It’s not just Indig-

enous Peoples, it’s all human beings. It’s all plant life, it’s all water bodies, our sky relatives. We are all related”. How can we begin to address this rift? Of course, there is no simple solution.

One idea is to begin consciously integrating Indigenous knowledge systems and language into official documents, like the Paris Agreement’s groundbreaking inclusion of “Mother Earth”. This would reflect Indigenous values at the highest level of international relations. Other potential solutions are laid out by the Baku Workplan’s six collective approaches. These include an annual gathering of Indigenous knowledge holders to share wisdom and climate practices, and further regional gatherings across all seven United Nations Indigenous sociocultural regions. The workplan also centers Indigenous youth dialogue, especially in its plan of annual seventh-generation round tables. Seventh-generation thinking, or considering every act’s effect on the world seven generations (150 years) from now, is a broadly held Indigenous framework that has specific roots in Iroquois and Maori philosophy. It is precisely an example of an Indigenous knowledge system that could wholly shift our global climate plans: beautiful in its efficacy and simplicity, so common-sense that it seems ridiculous to operate any other way. The Baku Workplan is the hopeful beginning of greater inclusion of Indigenous values, experience, wisdom, and voices in international climate negotiations. It’s a “transformational step”, said Inger Andersen, Executive Director of the UN Envi-

ronment Programme. As the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs notes, “as long as COPs continue being organised year-on-year, it is important that this voice is elevated beyond those of money and greed”. Indigenous Peoples face some of the greatest levels of exposure to climate change through rising sea levels, habitat decline, and volatile storm patterns. They are at the frontlines of the climate crisis. The Baku Workplan begins to put their voices at the frontlines, too. Next year’s COP30 in Belém, Brazil is already being suggested as the “Indigenous Peoples” COP. It would be fitting at a conference expected to host the greatest numbers of Indigenous delegates yet, in a host country with over 1.7million Indigenous peoples. There’s hope that it could finally lead to an international agreement that centers Indigenous interests– and therefore, the planet’s interests. As Joseph Sikulu from 350.org puts it, at COP30 “we will be gathering alongside a never before seen showing of Indigenous and civil society partners, and we will turn this around. We know the money exists. We are running out of time, but rich countries are running out of excuses”.

COP29 in Baku was disappointing. So too were the COPs in Dubai, Sharm El Sheikh, Glasgow, Madrid, Bonn, and so on. But importantly, each has led to small bits of progress, building blocks on the way to an inhabitable world.

If that’s too optimistic for you, they’re also all we have.

Isabel Norman

GOOGLE DEEPMIND

PHOTO BY KIARA WORTH, UN CLIMATE CHANGE

Climate

Peatland’s Prospects: A climate forward future for Ireland’s wetlands requires change, both socially and ecologically.

Isabel Norman

The bog is a cornerstone of the Irish landscape; a habitat that can heat homes, hide secrets, and preserve bodies. To Seamus Heaney, it is ‘‘kind, black butter/ melting and opening underfoot”. To Colm Tóibin, it is “a living miracle”. To the Ireland of the past five years, it was a highly contested climate battleground between policy makers, farmers, and scientists. But now, there is a growing movement to look beyond this fear-generating battleground and instead seek a future supporting local farmers and climate positive wetlands solutions. In this rapidly changing discourse, The University Times spoke to two grassroots organisations who are addressing peatlands as a climate solution on two different sides: the agroecological and the sociocultural.

Peatland’s power as a carbon sink is remarkable. Though they cover only 3% of Earth’s land surface, peatlands store almost a third of the world’s carbon. In fact, peatlands are the world’s largest natural carbon store on land and store twice as much carbon as all our forests combined. In Ireland, peatlands hold approximately five times the quantity of carbon stored in all Irish forests. The unfortunate flipside of peatland’s ability to store massive amounts of carbon is that when burned, drained, extracted, or otherwise degraded, peatlands are a huge source of carbon emissions. As Trinity’s Ussher assistant professor in modern environmental history, Katja Bruisch, explained, “even when the peat is not extracted, these lands emit carbon because they are drained […] Ireland has lots of drained peatlands that are used as grasslands or in a farming context, and they also emit carbon dioxide. So even these nice green pastures are actually a source of soil carbon emissions into the atmosphere.” In total, emissions from drained peatlands, which comprise only about 0.3% of the world’s land mass, have created 5% of global greenhouse gas emissions throughout all of history. One hectare of degraded peatland can emit anywhere from 2 - 40 tonnes of carbon annually. For reference, the average carbon footprint for an Irish person was 2.84 tonnes of carbon/person in 2023. These carbon emissions stem from centuries of peatland degradation, which are rooted in a historic discourse of “wetlands as wastelands”. Today, just 25% of Irish peatland is considered ecologically healthy. As Bruisch explained, this degradation began “when Ireland was part of the British empire, and the British reimagined Ireland’s peatlands as potential spaces for resource extraction”. Peatland exploitation then continued into the 20th century, both for farmland and fuel, accelerating when semi-state company Bord na Móna introduced industrialised peat extraction to the Midlands in the 20th century. Crucially, Bruisch added, “there is also of course a long history of indigenous or local fuel exploitation for rural communities to extract their own fuel”, but these

emissions pale in comparison to industrialised peat extraction and burning.

But this industrialisation is coming to an end: in a major move for the climate, Bord na Mona announced in 2020 that they were phasing out peat harvesting. Today they no longer sell peat briquettes, and have announced that their final 125,000 acres of bogland that provide energy peat will “transition to new uses by 2030”. This end date of their transition marks an important shift for Ireland’s carbon emissions. For local communities, it also threatens instability and financial loss. Bruisch explained, “there are two dimensions to this change and they are intertwined, the social and the ecological. On one hand, it’s a massive loss for communities because investment isn’t there anymore. There’s a loss of employment. At the same time, it is of course good that this peat is not extracted anymore at such a massive scale.”

Changing peatland use on a smaller, local scale has also threatened loss for farmers. In 2015, the Irish government published the first National Peatlands Strategy. Then, in 2019, Ireland declared a climate and biodiversity emergency and published the first of many Peatland and Climate Change Action Plans. After years of incentivising peatland development, farmers were suddenly told to do the opposite. This laid the groundwork for farmers to “have been used as scapegoats in the public, even though they were doing what was

expected of them, for years”, noted Bruisch.

Along with this blame, a current of fear sprung up. The media ran rampant with articles about rewetting as “anti-farming” and leading to loss of productive land. This accelerated in 2022 when the EU Nature Restoration Law was first introduced, stipulating that 30% of peatlands under agricultural use have to be restored by 2030. It was passed at long last in June 2024. As Katie Smirnova, public liaison officer for FarmPEAT, explained “in particular, [peatlands] became quite politicised because of the Nature Restoration Law. It stimulated a lot of fear-based discourse in the media. To a large extent, it was driven by what people might have seen from restoration works on cutaway bogs by Bord na Móna, where the water level was raised higher up, but that differs from actions on agricultural peat soils.” Farmers feared that the government would flood their lands to the point of being unworkable. To complicate matters, in 2023, only 27% of Irish farms were economically viable, down from 43% in 2022. But there are organisations beginning to heal this divide, even as farmers face big hurdles. One of them is FarmPEAT, a three-year European Innovation Partnership pilot project based out of the Midlands that financially rewards local farmers for restoring or conserving the environmental health of their peatland. It’s funded by the Department of Agriculture, Food, and the Marine.

Crucially, the scheme is completely voluntary, because as Smirnova explained, “autonomy over your own land is very important”. Each farm has a tailored management plan, but across their eight bog sites and 53 farmers, actions have included raising the water table (to within 30cm of the surface), fencing watercourses, and invasive species management. Another part in dispelling what Smirnova calls “the fear-based discourse” around rewetting peatlands, is communicating that agricultural peat soils can still be productive during restoration. Smirnova explained, “there’s a big fear around the word rewetting as a result of the perception that it’s flooding the land and that the land won’t be farmable anymore, or you won’t be able to have livestock on it”. Instead, FarmPEAT’s idea is that “land can still be grazed, and it can still be used, and that it’s not completely taken out of production”. Smirnova noted that on the land where they placed the first dams in Co Roscommon in 2023 and raised the water table, the farmer has not fundamentally changed his landuse practices, even as those peatlands have begun to be restored.

In its three and a half year existence, FarmPEAT has shown farmers that rewetting their peat soils doesn’t have to damage their livelihoods. Smirnova explained, on more marginal parts of their land “farmers stand to gain from not having to invest so much money into improving and draining that land and instead just leaving it as it is, or raising the water table on it, and then getting additional payments for their contributions to climate and biodiversity.”

FarmPEAT ends in December 2024, but their work has really just begun. Smirnova said it will be carried out on a greater scale in the Midlands Carbon Catchment Study, which is still under development by the Department of Agriculture, Food, and the Marine. In terms of reaching the goal set by the EU Nature Restoration Law - 30% by 2030 - she explained that Bord na Móna’s and National Parks and Wildlife’s work will bring Ireland close to the target. Then, the difference can be made up by voluntary agri-environmental schemes.

“The pressure isn’t all on farmers”, Smirnova said. Moreover, there’s “a lot of environmental synergy” with peatland restoration, according to Smirnova. Beyond just limiting carbon emissions, rewetting peatland

improves biodiversity and wetlands habitats, and prevents peat soil wastage. In Ireland, that biodiversity includes frogs, wading birds, grouse, snipes, sphagnum mosses, and even the alluringly named green hairstreak butterfly.

At the end of the day, FarmPEAT is one part of “shifting away from extractive land use”, said Smirnova.

Just as important, though more abstract, is returning to the embedded “wetlands as wastelands” discourse and changing cultural conceptions of wetlands. To understand what that takes, The University Times spoke with two members of RE-PEAT, a Netherlands-based youth organisation that works across the EU on creative advocacy for peatlands.

For almost five years now, RE-PEAT has been doing what Peatlands Justice Co-Coordinator Ireen van Dolderen termed “narrative shifting work around peatland”. That includes education, both “in schools as well as non-formal education through webinars, workshops, community building, storytelling, and creative communication”, van Dolderen explained. Their past work ranges across the EU, from interactive art exhibits at the Irish Museum of Modern Art’s Earth Rising festival celebrating the playfulness of the “Moss Pit”, to grief workshops in the Netherlands exploring peatland at the boundary of life and death. If this sounds niche, creative, and even kooky, then that’s precisely what van Dolderen thinks people need.

“People are so loaded with numbers and morals and obligations. I think it’s important to reach people with emotions, at their heart, and find the connection there. Arts and storytelling play such a vital role in reaching people in their heart!”

RE-PEAT does more traditional educational work as well. In their Bog Academy, they organise activities and field trips in Irish primary schools to make learning about peatlands “fun and memorable”. In its third year now, the program has expanded from one pilot primary school to seven schools and over 300 students in 2023. In Co Laois, RE-PEAT has partnered with Abbeyleix Library to celebrate local residents’ stories around peatlands. It explores “the intersection of knowledge and storytelling and cultural heritage with peatlands”, said van Dolderen.

It is precisely this intersection that Trinity alum and RE-PEAT team member Cisca Devereux reiterated: the undeniable, underrated, and crucial historical and cultural importance of peatlands. Even as a Dubliner, she described visiting the bog bodies in the National Museum as a child. “Once you begin to notice it, you realise how much bogs are a part of our education and heritage […] so much of our history is with the bogs, but also preserved by the bogs.” Of course, for country-dwelling Irish people, turf cutting was “a huge part of childhood as well. There’s a deep legacy there”, noted Devereux. But the tie between people and peat expands beyond cultural significance too: for the newly minted Irish free state, peatland was political. Devereux explained, “it was really part of the way that we had

independence. We had energy generation, we had profit, especially in a time where Ireland needed a lot of development”.

To do a complete 180 from viewing peatland solely as fuel requires both financial, agroecological schemes and art-based community work in equal measure. But it doesn’t mean only looking forward: the future of peat is equally based in its past, in its long history, folklore, and tradition. It’s based in the Tollund Man, the will-o’-the-wisp, and in individual experiences across Ireland.

To take all of these moving parts into consideration - frustrated farmers, climate urgency, and a deep-rooted cultural history - is daunting. But in order to rapidly reduce emissions and meet climate targets, work must be done. There are a number of organisations willing to take on the challenge, working, often together, across these two halves of peatland’s future: Wild Atlantic Nature LIFE is an agro-environmental and conservation scheme that works with farmers and communities on 35 blanket bog sites across the west of Ireland. WaterLANDS is a UCD-led project that will use €23.6 million in funding to restore wetland sites across Europe. Care-Peat and University of Galway are working together to restore bogs. The Polish organisation Zakole tells the stories of wetlands. Waters of Life restores wetlands in six catchments across Ireland. These are just a few grassroots organisations, doing local work on a smaller scale. As Bruisch explained, Ireland’s real advantage is that “the land that Bord na Mona has is public. Not all the land that has been drained is privately owned and that’s an advantage for Ireland because they could start relatively quickly with these lands and do some climate action there.” Although complex, peatlands present an opportunity for Ireland to become a leader in the EU in terms of carbon reduction and habitat restoration, simultaneously. As students, aiding in this fight can seem overwhelming. But the basic tenets of reconsidering our connection to the natural world are easy to accomplish. “Just going out and starting to know the land where you are is such a radical act already”, declared van Dolderen. Smirnova added, if people “know the value of what they have, they’ll feel intrinsically compelled to protect it”. In any climate solution, change is never as fast as we want it to be. For young people, “it’s very existential working with this stuff,” explained van Dolderen, “I think the only way to engage with it in a sustainable way is by keeping some of that lightness, some of that playfulness, that sort of radical imagination and appreciation alive in everything that we do”. When all else fails, listen to the bog. As Devereux explained, “the word bog is an Irish word. It means soft, or gentle, or kind of squishy. There’s even an Irish saying ‘tóg go bog é’ which means, ‘take it easy’. Like this softness, squishy under your feet.” In other words, take it with the bog.

An Freagra é an Béabhar ar Mhórcheist na Tíre Maidir le Tuilte?

uillte...? Béabhair?

TChuile bliain le deirneas meabhraítear dúinn faoin gcumhacht damáisteach ollmhór ag tuillte, agus de bharr athrú aeráide tá na meabhrúcháin sin ag fáil níos minice agus níos tréine. Le déanaí sa domhan mhór bhí tuillte scriostacha i gceantar Valencia na Spáinne, a d’fhág os cionn deich scór duine marbh. Anseo in Éirinn cuimhnitear siar go Mí Deireadh Fomhair anuraidh, nuair a rinne Stoirm Babet damáiste forleathan do thithe is gnólachtaí i Mainistir na Corann agus timpeall Contae Corcaigh. Óir nach bhfuil seans ar bith againn moill a chun ar théamh domhanda le haon deifir, is gá réitigh a lorg le daoine is maoin a chosaint ó baoil na tuillte, le cúnamh dé sula dtarlaíonn tubaiste marfach anseo in Éirinn. Ach conas déileáil le fórsa atá chomh cumhachtach agus dothuartha le tuile? Go hiondúil anseo in Éirinn cuirtear béim ar an tuile a stopadh laistigh de bhailte, an áit ina

mbíonn a damáiste déanta. Ardaítear ballaí is céanna, nó, ar teipeadh sin, leagtar málaí gainimh ag doirse tithe agus an t-uisce ag leac an dorais. Ach le tuilte ag dul in olcas ó bhliain go bliain, ní féidir leis na tograí seo coimeád suas leis an bhfadhb. Is léir gur gá réiteach eile a lorg, agus tá neart fianaise a dhíríonn muid i dtreo foinsí agus conair na n-aibhneacha, in ionad sna réimsí íochtaracha ina mbíonn na tuillte. Réiteach iontasach amháin atá in úsáid le déanaí sa mBreatain agus san Eoraip ná an béabhar a thabhairt ar ais. Ainmhí beag is ea an béabhar a déanann athrú mór ar a thimpeallacht. Tógann siad dambaí in abhainn a moilleann is a stóráileann uisce ar barr abhainn, rud a laghdaíonn méid agus cumhacht an uisce le linn tuillte. Is féidir le líon beag d’ainmhí éifeacht ollmhór a bheith acu ar an timpeallacht sa slí seo. An rud is deise faoi ná go bhfuil costasaí iontach íseal ag baint leis, ní gá a dhéanamh ach cúpla ainmhí a scaoileadh agus ligeant dóibh a gnáth iompar a dhéanamh.

Leis na buntáistí seo ar fad, cén fáth nach bhfuil béabhair tar éis a bheith scaoilte in Éirinn cheana féin?

An príomh fáth ná, i gcomparáid leis an mBreatain agus ar mhór-roinn na hEorpa, ní raibh béabhair dúchasacha anseo in Éirinn ariamh. Tá fianaise ann ó chnámha is loirg go raibh béar, mac tíre, lincse is a thuille eile againn (agus chomh déanach leis an ochtú aois déag i gcás an mhic tíre), ach níor éirigh leis an béabhar teacht anall ariamh.

Ach an cuma nach bhfuil siad dúchasach? Nach mbeadh na buntáistí bainteach leo mór go leor le aon fadhbanna a gcruthóidh siad a sárú? Dár leis an Dr. Mary Bourke ón Roinn Tíreolaíocht anseo i gColáiste na Tríonóide, níor chóir béabhair a thabhairt anseo “go dtí go n-aimsítear cnámha”. Tá sise ag obair ar slite eile le tuillte a laghdú atá bunaithe ar an imshaol cosúil le dambaí craobha a chruthú in abhainn, mar macasamhail ar obair an béabhar. Tá a mhalairt d’aigne ag Pádraic Fogarty, éiceolaí agus iar-cheannaire ar

Iontaobhas Fiadúlra na hÉireann. Lúann sé go bhfuil an oiread spéicis neamh-dúchasacha sa tír cheana féin cad is fiú ceann eile a thabhairt isteach, go háirithe ceann gur féidir iarmhairtí chomh dearfach a bheith ann leis an mbéabhar. Réiteach féideartha eile atá ann le fadhb na tuillte in Éirinn a laghdú ná athchóiriú a dhéanamh ar phortaigh na tíre, atá i ndroch-stát na laethanta seo. An buntáiste a mbeadh aige seo ná go feidhmníonn portach mar spúinse ollmhór, ag ionsú aon báisteach a thiteann air, in ionad ligeant dó rith chun srutha. Laghdaíonn seo an méid uisce a mbíonn sna habhainn i gcás stoirme nó báisteach troim, rud a chuireann bac ar tuillte. Le baint móna á chéimniú amach ag Bord na Móna roimh 2030, deis iontach atá ann méid mór portach a athchóiriú, rud a chabhróidh go mór le fadhb na tuillte. Ach, leantar ar aghaidh fós le baint móna go príobháideach ar “mion-scála”. Go minic déantar seo i gceantracha sléibhtiúla, áiteanna

ina mbíonn foinsí neart abhainn. De bharr seo is féidir leis an saghas tionscail seo a bheith an-damáisteach i dtaobh na tuilte de. D’fhéadfadh linn béabhair nó aon spéiceas eile a thabhairt isteach sa tír, ach ní réiteofar fadhb na dtuilte go dtí go gcuirtear stop leis an scrios forleathan a dhéantar ar thírdhreac na hÉireann tríd baint móna, agus portaigh na tíre agus gnáthóga eile a athchóiriú.

Ruairí Goodwin

PHOTO BY SOPHIE QUINN

Changing Rules in the Changing Rooms

Lorcan Brierton

What should have been a typical boxing match has spiraled into a social media firestorm — and the LGBTQIA+ community are taking the blows.

At the 2024 Olympics, a 46-second women’s boxing match between Algeria’s Imane Khelif and Italy’s Angela Carini snowballed into a campaign of hate against transgender people, and a highly unlikely legal complaint against controversial figures J.K. Rowling, Elon Musk, and President-elect Donald Trump.

The story of Imane Khelif has re-entered the spotlight yet again after French Magazine Le Correspondant published an article on the 25th of October, claiming to have obtained leaked medical records reporting the boxer has “neither ovaries nor uterus, but testicles.” The claims have been unable to be verified by reputable sources. Moreover, one of the doctors alleged to have co-authored the report, Jacques Young of Bicetre Hospital, suggested to German broadcaster DW that “his name was being used to spread false information and an anti-trans agenda.” How have we gotten here?

The clip that sparked it all was Khelif’s opponent Angela Carini giving a tearful press conference after the match saying, “It could be the match of my life but, in that moment, I had to safeguard my life, too.” She continued, “The decision was with the Olympics rather than me, whether this opponent should fight.”

Doubts over Khelif’s eligibility had been swirling even before the Paris Olympics. The Italian Minister for Family, Natality and Equal Opportunities, Eugenia Roccella, and the Minister for Sport and Youth, Andrea Abodi, had both earlier raised concerns. These concerns emerged after Khelif was disqualified in 2023 from the Women’s World Championship in New Delhi before her semi final welterweight fight with Yang Liu, who would go on to win the gold. The reason for the Algerian’s disqualification was not released at the time with the International Boxing Association (IBA) simply citing medical reasons: “The IBA upholds its rules and regulations as well as its athletes’ personal and medical privacy, the eligibility criteria breach therefore cannot be shared by the IBA.”

While Carini’s allusions to unfairness gave no specifics, Carini’s coach, Emanuele Renzini, gave no such care: “[M]any people in Italy tried to call and tell her: ‘Don’t go please: it’s a

man, it’s dangerous for you.’” This one sentence would go on to ruin all of our feeds for weeks.

JK Rowling said on X (formally Twitter), “The smirk of a male who’s [sic] knows he’s protected by a misogynist sporting establishment enjoying the distress of a woman he’s just punched in the head, and whose life ambition he’s just shattered.” Elon Musk shared a post on X, claiming that “men don’t belong in women’s sports.” Donald Trump captioned a picture of the fight with the message “I will keep men out of women’s sports!” This is not even mentioning the millions of other tweets filled with transphobic and bigoted sentiments. Amid the confusion, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) stated this was a Differences in Sex Development (DSD) case. This would mean that Khelif has one of the various conditions involving an atypical sexual development also known in some

situations as intersex. This statement was quickly retracted. Despite the retraction, the idea that Khelif was intersex with XY chromosomes stuck in the public consciousness.

Things only got murkier after the IBA held a news conference on the 5th of August, 4 days after the infamous boxing match. Described as “chaotic”, Chief executive Chris Roberts and President Umar Kremlev gave contradictory statements on the reason for Khelif’s disqualification. Roberts claimed Khelif had been disqualified for an inconclusive gender test, while the other Kremlev asserted she failed a testosterone level test. Referring to both Khelif and Taiwanese Boxer Lin Yu-ting, another boxer who faced disqualification by the IBA, Kremlev crudely said that XY chromosomes were found in both cases and tests “show[ed] they were men”. This was enough vindication for some online to continue their ha-

rassment of Khelif and trans women. However, things did not seem to line up.

The World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) confirmed to BBC Sports that the labs in which the tests were carried out were only involved in testing relating to anti-doping tests and did not conduct gender tests.

Khelif competed in both 2022 and 2023 and hence underwent testing both years. This was the testing that the IBA claimed proved she was not eligible to compete. However, in 2022 Khelif won silver in the light welterweight category with no issue - Ireland’s own Amy Broadhurst won gold.

Furthermore, the IBA) was discredited by the IOC in 2019 after allegations of ties to Russia. Then president Gafur Rahimov, was placed on a US Treasury Department sanctions list “for providing material support” to a criminal organisation. Rahimov

strongly denied these allegations. It has been noted by some that Khelif’s final match before disqualification in 2023 was against the previously undefeated Azaliia Amineva from Russia. The IOC commented on the IBA’s decision, saying the “aggression” aimed towards Khelif was “based entirely on this arbitrary decision, which was taken without any proper procedure.”

This is not even to mention that Imane Khelif is no newcomer to boxing. At 25 years old this is already her second Olympics. In Tokyo 2020, she was beaten out of a medal in the lightweight category by Kellie Harrington who went on to win gold.

Gender testing was abandoned in 1999 by the IOC. Today, they use legal gender on an athlete’s passport to determine eligibility. Khelif’s legal gender is female and she comes from a country which does not recognise the right to change one’s gender. Despite the recent pressure, the IOC is resistant to change the rules, partly for fear of stigmatising people, saying that “every person has the right to practise sport without discrimination.”

Sports Betting - Too Much of a Risk?

What exactly is sports betting? At its core, it’s wagering money on the outcome of a sports event. Thanks to online platforms and betting apps (Paddy Ppower, Boyle Sports, Bet365 etc..), it’s easier than ever to place bets from your phone, whether you’re rooting for your team at a local pub or relaxing in

got money riding on the game, the stakes feel a lot higher. For some, it’s a social activity—friends are betting, so why not join in? And let’s not forget the financial appeal. With the cost of living rising in Dublin, and student budgets stretched thin, the idea of making a quick buck from a game you’d be watching anyway can seem... well, pretty tempting. But here’s the catch—and it’s a big one. The odds are almost always stacked against the bettor. Sports betting companies are in the business of making money, and they’re very good at it. Think about this, for every big win you hear about, there are just as many or more losses. It’s easy to lose track of how much you’re spending when bets are as small as

become the poster child for discrimination against women with DSD in sports. In 2016, after Semenya had won gold in the women’s 800 metres, Great Britain’s Lynsey Sharp broke down crying saying “everyone can see it’s two separate races.” In 2011, the track and field governing body International Association of Athletics Federations or IAAF (now known as the World Athletics) instituted new policies for trans women and females with hyperandrogenism. The policy required an athlete’s testosterone levels to be below typical male levels of testosterone. Athletes suspected of hyperandrogenism were required to undergo invasive genital examination. It should be noted that only athletes with a known XY DSD condition or are suspected of having a condition causing hyperandrogenism are required to submit themselves for gender tests to be eligible to compete. How an athlete becomes a suspect, as we have seen throughout the years, is based on her performance and simply how she looks. Women of colour, particularly from developing countries, seem to come under scrutiny far more often than their white counterparts.

IOC President Thomas Bach stated, “It is not as easy as some may now want to portray itthat XX or XY is the clear distinction between men and women. This is scientifically not true anymore.”

The exception to this has been in women’s running, where strict rules regarding testosterone levels for some DSD conditions are enforced. The South African athlete Castor Semenya has

The Imane Khelif case has been a sober reminder why intersex is part of the LGBTQIA+ acronym. Any transgression against cis heteronormativity, whether social or biological, is subject to abuse and vitriol. Even as the prevailing online narrative among the trolls shifted from Khelif being a trans woman to Khelif being an intersex person with XY chromosomes, the language used to berate her was the same; the harassment still focused on her looks, her build, the way she held herself. All those who defy the binary are free game to be beaten back into their box or out of existence.

A year after their fight was called off due to Khelif’s disqualification,Yang Liu and Imane Khelif met at the finals of the 2024 Paris Olympics. After a riveting fight, Khelif pulled out the win. Yang proudly held up her opponent’s hand, a sharp contrast to Carini shirking a handshake from Khelif.

“I am fully qualified to take part in this competition,” Khelif said. “I am a woman like any other woman.”

“I was born a woman. I have lived as a woman. I competed as a womanthere is no doubt about that.”

strict limits. Only wager money you can afford to lose, and never, ever bet on credit. Better yet, explore alternatives. If you love the strategy and calculation which goes behind sports betting, try fantasy sports leagues where money isn’t involved. You’ll still get the excitement and thrill just without the financial risk. A win-win situation, don’t you think? At the end of the day, sports betting isn’t just about the money, it’s about making informed choices. If you or someone you know is struggling with gambling, don’t hesitate to reach out for help. There are resources out there to guide you. It’s never too late. So if you do decide to gamble, do so responsibly!

Sports Scholars

Trinity has announced the sports scholars of the 2024/25 season. The awards ceremony was held on Monday, the 11th of November in the Trinity Dining Hall. This year, 73 awards were presented, divided between 38 Trinity Sport scholars and 35 club academy scholars. 21 sports were represented, including rugby, basketball, GAA, soccer, rowing, cricket, and triathlon. There are different tiers of scholarships, ranging in value. Performance Scholarships are awarded to athletes up to Senior or U20, County, and/or International representation. Trevor West Scholarships are awarded to exceptional athletes who have shown outstanding contribution to sport at Trinity and engagement with their relevant club. Global Graduate Scholarships are awarded to international students who are completing a postgraduate course. Club Academy Awards are awarded to Junior International athletes or athletes on performance pathways in their chosen sport. Alongside financial support, the scholars will all receive specialised strength and conditioning training, as well as a dedicated medical care pathway and lifestyle and nutritional support to aid them with their athletic careers in Trinity. Shea Post

Garv Goyal

The Rise of Esports at Trinity

Flossy Whittow

Are Esports the future?

Yes, but only if mindsets begin to change … I say, pointing the finger very much at myself. What I harshly assumed was a niche for those who wanted to avoid the outside, physical exertion, or teamwork, could not be further from the truth. Esports represents a radical approach to the sporting ethos, connecting a vast community, fostering innovative skill, developing successful career opportunities and even revenue.

Admittedly, coming into this I had reservations about the concept of sport done online, especially in a world championing mental and physical health, and the increasingly fashionable buzzword: ‘digital detox’ haunting my screen. Yet, my reservations were misplaced.

I now both see the value in it, and fear I fell into the misconception trap. Of course, the most basic aim of sports are fitness and health – however, maybe more important are the values of community, comradery and skills developed that can seep into all areas of life and general wellbeing.

The danger lies in comparing esports to traditional sports using the same criteria. The only thing you can focus on are incomparable inadequacies. If this is your route of inquiry, it is almost impossible not to find eposrts falling (unfairly) short. Viewing them as separate entities, with their own metrics for success, reveals a wealth of shared benefits on a par with – if not surpassing - some more traditional teams.

Like these traditional athletes, esport gamers still receive prize

money, sponsorship endorsements, franchised teams, training sessions, matches, a huge amount of successful revenue, and devoted fanbase. As Trinity’s very own esports chair, Kareem Knipschild, observed: “I do believe that esports shouldn’t focus too much on mimicking traditional sports, as it’s in a unique situation, being played on computers. This allowed for more, say, frequent competition through online play, without the limitations of travel or player fatigue which a traditional sport might face.’ Just like traditional games, esports ‘teaches the hard work and discipline required to become the best, as well as skills such as teamwork, cooperation, and leadership.”

Embedded with outdated stereotypes, many assume gaming is solitary. Not that there isn’t a charm to leaving behind the dreary Dublin weather, but it is far from the truth that gaming is done alone. Online friendships are both strong and meaningful, and working as a cohesive team is vital to success. The community in Trinity is both much beloved to its members, and essential to their rising popularity.

The esports society was started last year and are currently a provisional society, previously run by the computer science society (DUCSS). However, according to the chair, this was never a long-term plan as they were ‘struggling to reach students outside of computer science’. They now have just under 100 members, with a range of skill levels, whose focus is on the ‘mainstream sports titles such as Valorant, Rocket League, CS2, and

League of Legends.’

Nevertheless, it will be no shock to those who have kept up with Trinity sporting life, to hear that there have been some issues regarding in person events due to limited access to the right equipment needed as well as pay for travel to away matches. It won’t be a shock to many of you that underfunding has limited access to equipment, and hindered growth and formality of in person events, which remain largely informal due to the necessarily high expenses of their gear. Despite this challenge, one must consider the surely large savings made not having to transport teams up and down the country.

More robust funding and facilities, including permanent rooms on campus and hopefully coaching, will be essential for long term success.

Trinity is currently competing in the Irish Esports Collegiate Series with eight teams across five games. The hope is that ‘this can be a vector through which players with intentions to compete at the highest level can make a name for themselves.’ Matches tend to take place in stages,

ending with a series of playoffs and knockout stages. However, Trinity faces stiff competition from countries such as the US and Germany, main contenders in the are – who operate on a much larger and more established basis, creating a pipeline to professional play. Popularity of esports has skyrocketed, ironically, thanks to the beast that is Covid 19. Because of this, many young people picked up gaming in

Women’s Rugby in Ireland

Flossy Whittow

Women’s sport is an essential area for Trinity, for Ireland, and honestly the world. As one of Ireland’s most beloved sports, rugby is part of the very fabric of this country – bringing together thousands on game days, freezing school side lines, or cuddled round the TV … usually with a pint in hand! I do believe it is no overstatement to say that rugby is, in its most pure form, a pillar of Irish social culture.

The issue is, many seem to think this only applies to the men’s team – an ignorant, and short-sighted mindset, for those who clearly care little for the true prowess of the sport.

Women in sport are taking back the power, and proving that professional athletes look like women – particularly in the recent rugby world – an overwhelmingly male dominated sphere.This is exemplified by idols such as Eve Higgins and Dannah O’Brien, who inspire girls around the world.

Women’s rugby teams across Ireland have seen significant growth

both at grassroots and elite levels. High profile success has been achieved through fabulous victories such as the win in the Six Nations Grand Slam in 2013, and strong performances in more recent tournaments. Coupled with increased media coverage, like Lidl’s “Get Behind the Fight” movement, has promoted essential attention to the sport and projected these champions into our homes - inspiring from the inside out.

Development programs led by the likes of the Irish Rugby Football Union (IRFU), have also been essential for a growth in popularity. For example, the “Give It A Try” movement: an eight week program, run in 80 selected clubs across the country, aimed at teaching rugby in a light-hearted and welcoming environment, specifically for eight to fourteen year olds. This initiative is in its seventh year, and proudly watches some of their previous members who are now playing at Interpro levels, both in the U18 and Senior teams. Despite growing popularity, challenges persist: from underfunding to

relentless gender biases.

A Lidl funded survey exposed some shocking statistics:

A whopping 60% of Irish people have never attended a female sports event, and even more staggeringly 59% of the population said they would rather watch a men’s match on TV, then attend a live women’s match. Almost half the country think male sports are played at a higher level, perceiving women’s sport to be less competitive and exciting, with over a third believing the standard of play simply does not justify the price of a ticket for live attendance.

The overview ends with the line: ‘…perceptions and unconscious bias around women’ sport in Ireland continue to be key barriers.’ While of course true, there is something particularly irking in letting off a collection of sexist, and outdated stereotypes as ‘unconscious’ – there comes a point, when this simply cannot cut it as an excuse. The research has illuminated the damage of said, ‘unconscious’ bias, unambiguously laying out the facts. Stop being lazy, check your unconscious, force it into your mind, and think more carefully. As LFGA President, Mícheál Naughton, said, “The findings are certainly revealing and it’s now incumbent on people to get behind the fight…”

Underfunding and lack of resources continues to damage the level at which women’s teams are run, which is both depressing and inexcusable. This is in particular comparison to the more than generously endowed men’s teams, who enjoy a plethora of coaching, facilities, and personal player development. There is not the same level of professionalism assumed for the women’s teams. More specifically for the youth intake: boys are encouraged to think “professional rugby player’ is both a normal” and exciting professional prospect, while girls are allowed to believe it’s an unrealistic and unexpected path for them. As a result, standards are not held as high amongst young female teams, and retention issues lead to a competitive gap. The most obvious example of this is Ireland struggling to keep up with fully professional sides from nations such as En-

the longer days alone in lockdown –finding the chance to commune and learn new skills. “One of our primary aims is to facilitate student’s entry into collegiate competitions”, but at its core, the society aims to build a community for its players on campus.

The bright future for esports is evident through the milestone creation of the 2025 Esports Olympics, hosted in Saudi Arabia - a creation born from the partnership of the Interna-

tional Olympic Committee and the National Olympic Committee. IOC President, Toman Bach hailed this a truly ‘new era’, showing the Olympics were keeping up with the digital revolution and joining the new and exciting initiative. If the Olympics are moving with the revolution, it seems Trinity should too. Simply put: if you seek fitness – this is not for you. If you seek literally everything else – then join up today!

gland, France and New Zealand.

In its most crude form, progress can be tracked through an observation of salaries amongst the various teams within Ireland and abroad. Male Irish rugby players, average a fee of €60,000 per year – with sums as much as €500,000 not being out of the norm. This is a combination of provincial contracts, and national team earnings. Additionally, players such as this year’s Six Nations captain, Peter O’Mahony, will have received a hefty bonus for his performance. In comparison, salaries for Edel McMahon and Sam Monaghan – Ireland’s female Six Nations co-captains this year, sit between €15,000 and €30,000 and are only potentially estimated to reach €45,000 with match fees and bonus. This humiliating difference is not confined to Ireland. England’s Red Roses reported a ‘landmark deal with the RFU’ which could see some of the top women earning up to £63,500. While a wonderful development, the success stings when you realise their male counterparts are raking in around £160,000. In terms of match fees –

the male standard for top players in England is £23,000, while the women’s team were paid only £400 earlier this year. Evidently the rot is not just an issue for Ireland. Unfortunately, the teams keep real details about their fees under wraps, as they throw out vague comments about ‘confidentiality’, and ‘commercially sensitive’ buzzwords to avoid delving into the gross inequality at play. Unanswered calls for transparency resulted in a public letter from current and former Irish female players, demanding recognition and justice: “We write in the wake of a series of recent disappointments for the international team, on and off the field, but ultimately recent events simply reflect multiple cycles of substandard commitment from the union, inequitable and untrustworthy leadership, a lack of transparency in the governance and operation of the women’s game both domestically and at international level, and an overall total lack of ambition about what it could achieve.”

Greater equality of pay, and funding to provide professional con-

tracts, facilities, and consistently high-performance programs are the much needed next steps to a more equal future in rugby. Continued focus on the grassroots development programs, exposure in schools, and sustained support for upwards mobility are needed as well. With this, we hope mindsets will change and the idea of a professional woman in rugby will be both encouraged and taken as read. On the ground this is down to coaches, and forward-thinking professionals who are prepared to grow the overall infrastructure of the game. However, real change begins with you. What you think in the comfort of your own home, when you think no one’s watching, is a truer representation of feeling, and a greater imparter of change: let’s change the statistics.

Sadly, the Women’s Rugby team at Trinity did not comment. However, they continue to grow in popularity. Matches to watch and show you support will be posted on their Instagram, so keep up to date!

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