Court of Conscience - Issue 5, 2011

A SOCIAL JUSTICE JOURNAL Issue 5, 2011

UNSW Law Society

UNSW Law Society

In this year’s issue of Court of Conscience we present a range of articles, essays and commentaries which question, challenge and push the boundaries of our obedience to legal rules.

What unites the contributors is their compassion and dedication to social justice. A big, heartfelt thanks to them all, and to you for reading on.

Andrea Rejante Editor-‐in-‐chief Court of Conscience | 5

Court of conscience

CONTENTS

ISSUE 5, 2011

Sebastian Quinn-­Watson

42

PART I: COMMENT AUSTRALIA II.0 YES, MINISTER

10 12

Angela Kintominas

Editor-‐in-‐chief Andrea Rejante

THE MALAYSIA SOLUTION & HCA DECISION M70

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE

PART II: INDIGENOUS ISSUES

Felice Halse Katherine McCallum Rishika Pai

Equity vp

16

Nathan Huynh & Jane McAdam

CONSTITUTINAL REFORM FOR INDIGENOUS PEOPLE

26

Sean Brennan

INDIGENOUS SELF-‐DETERMINATION

26

32

Tamanna Islam

Zulpha Styer PART III: JUSTICE

Design

WHAT DOES CRIMINAL JUSTICE CONTRIBUTE?

Michael Delmar

Nicholas Cowdery

WOMEN IN Transition: From Prison to...

42 58

16

Eileen Baldry

A LIBERAL CROWN PROSECUTOR

66

Sally Dowling

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

72

Laura Vidal

Contributions

AN INTERVIEW WITH LUKE GEARY

If you would like to contribute an essay, article or opinion piece, please contact courtofconscience@unswlawsoc.org

Felice Halse

ISSN 1839-­7204

SECRET BALLOT LAWS

78

PART IV: ESSAYS 86

Claire Stimpson © UNSW Law Society 2011

WOMEN AND THE LAW Disclaimer: The views expressed by the contributors are not those of the editors or the UNSW Law Society. www.unswlawsoc.org Cover image: Prisoners and detainees, Physicians for Human Rights -­ Israel

92

Katherine Gilchrist

THE ‘BORN ALIVE’ RULE

100

Patty Veliz

CONTRIBUTORS

106

58

COMMENT

Court of Conscience | 9

A

ustralians  upset  the  natural  order  of  things.  As  a Â

to  the  policy  -­  it  is  seen  as  expensive,  socially  and Â

nation  we  are  proud  of  our  sporting  achievements, Â

economically  destructive,  and  a  product  of  bad Â

especially  when  we,  as  the  underdogs,  beat  the Â

leadership.  As  a  nation  we  don’t  want  to  move  before Â

Our  democratic  political  system  thrives  on  open Â

higher  electricity.  The  invisible  hand  has  been  softened Â

big  people  and  wrest  their  supposed  dominance.  We Â

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informed  discussion.  The  ability  to  grapple  with  big Â

with  a  silky  glove,  by  a  government  determined  to Â

revel  in  usurping  the  natural  order.  Unfortunately Â

wealthy  miners. Â

problems  and  deliver  effective  outcomes  is  a  result  of Â

gently  probe  people  and  businesses  into  an  energy-­ Â

this  process. Â

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this  national  trait  does  not  always  translate  for  our Â

don’t,  run  the  risk  of  stagnation  and  collapse. Â

of  the  tax-­free  threshold,  along  with  a  slew  of  other  handouts  that  will  offset  the  increased  burden  from Â

non-­sporting  achievements.  Especially  when  those Â

This  is  a  bizarre  response  and  it  is  certainly  not  in-­line Â

non-­sporting  achievements  are  political.  In  such  cases, Â

with  the  pride  we,  as  Australians  and  global  citizens, Â

The  CEF  plan  is  such  an  outcome  and  more.  It  is  a Â

more  secure  and  diverse  economy  that  is  better  able  to Â

the  response  is  at  best  skeptical  or  dismissive,  and  at Â

should  have  elicited  from  this.  If  the  CEF  were  an Â

vision  for  Australia.  It  engenders  workable  solutions Â

capitalise  in  a  carbon  constrained  future.   Win-­win. Â

worst  it’s  indignant  and  scornful.  Whilst  this  may  be Â

Olympic  sport,  the  public’s  response  would  have  been Â

to  changing  climatic  conditions.  It  invests  heavily,  $13 Â

a  reasonable  response  most  of  the  time,  ever  so  often Â

akin  to  demanding  that  the  4x100m  Australian  swim Â

billion,  in  creating  a  large  renewables  energy  sector Â

Furthermore,  the  CEF  contains  a  collection  of Â

there  are  decisions  that  require  the  inverse.  There  are Â

team  hand  back  their  Olympic  gold  or  that  the  crew  of Â

within  the  Australian  economy.  The  CEF  plan  works Â

policies  that  are  structurally  important  foundations Â

sometimes  glimmering  shards  of  enlightenment  that Â

Australia  II  should  return  the  Americas  Cup.  Why? Â

with,  not  against,  market  forces  in  changing  behavior Â

for  a  prosperous  Australian  future.  The  carbon  tax Â

warrant  attention,  and  dare  I  say,  championing. Â

Because  they  were  faster,  smarter  and  more  adept  than Â

and  in  turn  lowering  emissions.  This,  a  political  policy, Â

gets  our  economy  ready  and  prepared  to  compete Â

the  dominant  countries.  The  suggestion  is  nonsensical, Â

though  blunted  by  compromise  is  still  beautifully Â

in  this  growing  global  market.  The  investments  in  a Â

and  yet  we  doggedly  apply  this  logic  to  our  CEF.  Â

effective.  And  yet,  it  is  still  cursed  and  derided.  It  is  held Â

renewable  energy  future  will  increase  the  research  and Â

up  as  an  example  of  the  political  system  gone  awry. Â

development  of  important  technology  in  the  industry. Â

The  ‘Clean  Energy  Future’  plan  (CEF)  introduced  by  the  Australian  government  this  July,  is  a  policy  that Â

initially  with  the  handouts,  and  into  the  future  with  a Â

warrants  the  exemption.   The  CEF  is  an  achievement. Â

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It  is  a  forward-­looking  policy  offering  a  solid  and Â

associated  with  it.  These  are  not  readily  applicable  to Â

 In  fact  it  is  the  response  that  itself  has  gone  awry.  The Â

national  productivity.  Which  is,  as  many  pundits  such Â

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the  CEF  and  Australia’s  position  globally.  We  are  not Â

debate  has  been  sullied  by  ideology,  misinformation, Â

as  BHP  chairman  Don  Argus  indicate,  a  key  feature  of Â

climate  change.  It  is  a  demonstration  of  leadership  on  a Â

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and  myopic  self-­interest.  Denial  has  been  rebranded  as Â

a  robust  and  dynamic  economy.  All  of  these  areas  add Â

global  scale.  It  is  a  brave  policy,  as  it  upsets  the  natural Â

and  states  that  have  signed  up  to  reduce  emissions. Â

skepticism.  Skepticism  has  become  a  liberal  conspiracy Â

up  to  this  being  an  important  area  of  economic  reform Â

domestic  order  of  things  and  offers  a  glimpse  at  a Â

Notably,  the  EU,  Tokyo,  California,  and  NZ  all  have Â

and  environmentalism  is,  depending  on  your  voting Â

for  Australia.  In  short,  this  reform  will  make  us  richer, Â

disruptively  better  Australia.   An  Australia  that  utilises Â

functioning  abatement  schemes  up  and  running.  This Â

pattern,  dismissed  as  blindly  dogmatic  or  treated  as  a Â

more  competitive  and  better  equipped  to  navigate  the Â

all  of  its  latent  creativity,  skill,  and  energy  to  strive Â

year  China  will  install  the  same  amount  of  wind  and Â

plaything  to  discuss  over  a  leisurely  luncheon. Â

choppy  waters  towards  a  cleaner  future. Â

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solar  energy  infrastructure,  as  exists  in  the  whole  of Â

its  own  crafting.   The  CEF  offers  this  glimpse  and  hope Â

Australia. Â

There  may  be  areas  where  the  policy  could  appeal  more Â

If  our  emission  intensive  country  can  pragmatically Â

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to  the  varied  interest  groups,  for  example  it  could  have Â

take  a  step  towards  such  a  future,  then  this  gives  the Â

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more  concessions  for  the  coal  industry.  Or  it  could  take Â

rest  of  the  world  hope.  Hope  for  a  better,  smarter, Â

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a  harder  line  and  have  a  higher  initial  price  for  carbon.  Â

cleaner,  happier  planet.  As  a  nation,  we  are  taking  a Â

The  response  from  the  Australian  public,  however, Â

following  fast  and  with  any  luck  will  start  closing  the Â

But  neither  was  going  to  be  workable  at  such  an  early Â

step  in  the  direction  of  becoming  global  leaders.  We  are Â

was  far  from  commensurate  with  this  achievement. Â

gap.  History  teaches  us  that  those  countries  that  adapt Â

stage.  The  fact  is  that  there  are  generous  concessions Â

fashioning  ourselves  into  Australia  II.0,  and  this  time Â

Nationally  there  was,  and  still  is,  vehement  opposition Â

and  manage  change  early,  succeed,  and  those  who Â

for  households  and  businesses  alike.  There  is  a  trebling Â

we  will  not  be  the  underdogs.

of  a  smarter  future.  It  does  so  whilst  also  providing  a  safe  and  well-­supported  route  to  get  there. Â

Court of Conscience | 11

Yes,

Asylum  seekers  on  the  roof  of  Villawood  Immigration  Detention  Centre,  Sydney Adam.J.W.C.

“I am uncomfortable with ... playing God�

Chris Evans, Former Immigration Minister

in  an  immigration  detention  centre.â€?   The  3ROLF\ DOVR VWDWHG WKDW LQGHÂżQLWH RU RWKHUZLVH arbitrary  detention  “is  not  acceptableâ€?.  Finally,  it  highlighted  that  “immigration  detention  centres  are  only  to  be  used  as  a  last  resort  and  for  the  shortest  practicable  time.â€?  This  Values  Statement  is  perversely  contrasted,  however,  with  the  unchanged  terrain  of  Australia’s  Migration  Act.  The  pivotal  section  of Â

Minister.

the  Migration  Act  is  s  189.  Under  this  section,  an Â

Angela Kintominas

lawfully  detained  for  many  months.  The  non-­

I

RIÂżFHU PXVW GHWDLQ D SHUVRQ HYHQ LI WKDW SHUVRQ is  only  reasonably  suspected  of  being  an  unlawful  non-­citizen.  Section  189  does  not  mention  anything  that  is  listed  in  the  Values  Statement.  Because  of  the  strictness  of  s  189,  people  such  as  permanent  resident  Cornelia  Rau  were  discretionary  nature  of  this  provision  means  that Â

n  a  climate  of  constant  fear  and  suspicion  the Â

Ministerial  power  is  vulnerable  to  human  rights Â

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Australian  people  dependably  demand  that Â

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to  detention  because  of  the  non-­citizen’s  age,2 Â

their  leaders  protect  them  from  the  pervasive Â

more  meaningful  and  holistic  reform.

health  or  other  condition,3   their  low  security  risk,  or  the  amount  of  time  they  have  already  been Â

ills  of  our  immigration  woes:  stop  the  boats,  kick  out  the  queue  jumpers,  protect  our  borders, Â

There  are  countless  areas  where  unfettered Â

detained.4   The  new  provisions  accompanied  by Â

control  that  ungrateful  and  impatient  mob  in Â

Ministerial  power  and  discretion  has  a  critical Â

this  new  Values  Statement  do  nothing  to  alter  the Â

detention.  Through  this  culture  of  personal Â

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profoundly  clear  intent  of  s  189.

political  patronage,  the  tribunals,  courts  and Â

of  this  article,  I  will  begin  with  the  role  of  the Â

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Minister  in  our  mandatory  detention  regime. Â

In  lieu  of  introducing  more  holistic  reform  of  s  189,  the  Migration  Act  instead  inserted  new Â

instead  to  the  supreme  and  opaque  powers  of  the  Minister.  Australia’s  Migration  Act  is  littered Â

In  2008,  the  Government  released  a  “Key Â

Ministerial  powers  alongside  s  189.  Under  s Â

with  multiple  non-­delegable,  non-­reviewable Â

Immigration  Detention  Valuesâ€?  Statement   in Â

195A,  if  the  Minister  thinks  that  it  is  in  the  public Â

and  non-­compellable  Ministerial  powers.  How Â

response  to  growing  national  and  international Â

interest  to  do  so,  the  Minister  may  grant  a  visa Â

often  the  Minister  chooses  to  exercise  these Â

condemnation  of  potential  human  rights Â

to  a  person  in  mandatory  detention.  The  caveat Â

powers,  and  the  Minister’s  reasons  for  exercising Â

abuses  and  Australia’s  non-­compliance  with Â

to  this  provision,  however,  is  that  the  Minister Â

them,  however,  remains  almost  entirely  within Â

international  law.  In  this  Values  Statement,  the Â

is  not  under  any  duty  to  consider  whether  to Â

the  Minister’s  personal  discretion.  The  Minister Â

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exercise  the  power  (s  195A(4)).  Further,  this Â

cannot  be  compelled  to  use  to  these  powers,  there Â

should  now  try  to  “ensure  the  inherent  dignity Â

power  can  only  be  exercised  by  the  Minister Â

is  no  scope  for  review,  and  these  powers  are  not Â

of  the  human  personâ€?.  “Children  ‌  and,  where Â

personally,  and  not  anyone  else  beneath  the Â

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possible,  their  families,  will  not  be  detained Â

Minister’s  rank  (s  195A(5)).  Under  s  197AB,  the Â

1

Court of Conscience | 13

Minister  may  also  determine  that  the  unlawful Â

confers  a  discretion  to  the  minister  which  is  in Â

were  thousands  of  ad  hoc,  annual  decisions  that Â

Similarly,  escalation  of  the  use  of  Ministerial Â

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WHUPV ¾XQFRQ¿QHGœ ´

the  Minister  was  required  to  make.  When  the  use Â

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of  Ministerial  power  is  so  pivotal  to  ensuring  just Â

within  the  visa  and  detention  regimes.  High Â

than  in  detention.   However,  this  power  is  also  non-­delegable  to  anyone  beneath  the  Minister  (s Â

There  has  been  a  steady  increase  in  the  number Â

results,  it  is  profoundly  important  to  remember Â

levels  of  Ministerial  power  are  unaccountable Â

197AF),  and  the  Minister  cannot  be  compelled  to Â

of  removals  and  rejections  based  on  character Â

the  sort  of  people  who  are  more  likely  to  compel Â

to  the  public,  and  protected  from  review  or Â

consider  exercising  it  (s  197AE).

grounds,  arguably  coinciding  with  the  increase Â

the  Minister  to  intervene.  Whilst  all  applicants Â

scrutiny.  Most  importantly,  unlike  the  tribunals Â

of  international  fears  about  containing  nebulous Â

are  formally  able  to  approach  the  Minister, Â

or  the  bureaucracy,  the  Minister  is  incredibly Â

Therefore,  this  Values  Statement  introduced  in Â

terrorist  and  other  security  threats.  During Â

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sensitive  to  spikes  in  public  opinion  and  public Â

2008  is  nothing  more  than  smoke  and  mirrors, Â

WKH ÂżQDQFLDO \HDU YLVDV ZHUH

onto  the  Minister’s  deskâ€?.  Representations Â

demands.  Perhaps  even  more  than  in  other Â

disguising  the  unchanged  brutality  of  our Â

cancelled  by  the  Minister  via  s  501.  During  the Â

by  colleagues,  parliamentarians,  lawyers  and Â

areas  of  government,  unfettered  Immigration Â

mandatory  detention  regime.  In  reality,  hundreds Â

entire  previous  decade,  by  contrast,  there  were Â

powerful  community  leaders  are  thus  much  more Â

Ministerial  powers  are  endemically  liable  to Â

of  children  remain  in  mandatory  detention  in Â

less  than  10  cancellations. Â

likely  to  capture  the  Minister’s  attention,  interest Â

abuse  and  public  pressure.  If  we  continue  to Â

and  sympathy.  Therefore,  Ministerial  power  in Â

depend  solely  on  the  Minister  to  provide  these Â

6

7

2011.  Vulnerable  persons,  people  who  present  no Â

8

threat  to  the  Australian  community,  and  people Â

Another  area  of  immense  Ministerial  power  is Â

the  visa  system  slows  down  more  meaningful, Â

humane  solutions,  Australia  will  perpetually Â

who  will  suffer  extraordinary  mental  harm  in Â

the  Minister’s  ability  to  substitute  decisions  of Â

overarching  reform,  and  is  unlikely  to  reach Â

fall  short  of  a  fair  regime  that  guarantees  “the Â

detention,  have  no  real  mechanism  to  compel  the Â

review  tribunals  with  his  or  her  own  decision Â

those  who  need  it  most.

inherent  dignity  of  the  human  person�.

Minister  to  consider  their  case.  Most  damningly, Â

(ss  351,  391,  417,  454  and  501J).  Like  other Â

because  we  do  formerly  have  a  (albeit,  under-­

powers  in  the  Migration  Act,  they  are  explicitly Â

In  our  cultural  climate,  we  prefer  to  defer  to Â

utilised  and  inaccessible)  mechanism  of Â

non-­delegable, Â

non-­

this  wisdom  of  the  all-­knowing,  and  all-­capable Â

Ministerial  intervention  in  place,  it  is  unlikely Â

compellable.  Just  like  the  powers  to  intervene Â

Minister  instead  of  allowing  the  bureaucracy, Â

that  s  189  will  be  meaningfully  reevaluated  in  the Â

in  the  mandatory  detention  regime,  the  formal Â

tribunals  and  courts  to  do  their  job.  As  a  society, Â

short  term. Â

power  of  the  Minister  to  overturn  decisions  in Â

our  fears  about  unauthorised  arrivals  and Â

an  applicant’s  favour  disguises  the  underlying Â

dangerous  non-­citizens  have  brought  about  a Â

The  mandatory  detention  regime  is  not  the Â

inadequacies  of  the  visa  system.   For  instance, Â

dangerous  combination  of  sweeping  Ministerial Â

only  place  that  extraordinary  Ministerial  power Â

until  the  Complementary  Protection  Bill  was Â

power  and  a  legislative  framework  that  is  unable Â

replaces  proper  process.  The  Migration  Act  also Â

ÂżQDOO\ SDVVHG LQ 6HSWHPEHU DV\OXP VHHNHUV

to  comprehend  human  rights.  In  reality,  the Â

permits  the  Minister  to  use  powers  to  cancel Â

were  unable  to  rely  upon  the  Convention  Against Â

Minister  does  not  have  the  requisite  time  to Â

and  refuse  visas,  and  force  the  removal  of  non-­

Torture,  the  International  Covenant  on  Civil Â

scrutinise  the  merits  of  thousands  of  individual Â

citizens.  Sections  501,  500A  and  501A  grant  the Â

and  Political  Rights  and  the  Convention  on Â

cases  in  great  depth  or  detail.  By  contrast, Â

Minister  very  broad  powers  to  cancel  or  refuse Â

the  Rights  of  the  Child  when  arguing  their  case Â

WULEXQDOV DQG FDVH RIÂżFHUV KDYH WKH WLPH DQG WKH

a  visa  on  character  grounds.  If  the  power  is Â

EHIRUH DQ RIÂżFHU RU WULEXQDO /HJLVODWLYHO\ WKH

resources  to  fairly  and  equitably  consider  the Â

personally  exercised  by  the  Minister,  rules  of Â

WULEXQDO DQG GHSDUWPHQW RIÂżFHUV ZHUH RQO\

natural  justice  do  not  apply  (s  501(5)),  except Â

non-­reviewable Â

and Â

REFERENCES 1. Â

Chris  Bowen,  â&#x20AC;&#x153;New  Directions  in  Detention  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  Restoring  the  Integrity  of  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Immigration  Systemâ&#x20AC;?  (Speech  delivered  at  the  Australian  National  University,  &DQEHUUD -XO\ 'HSDUWPHQW RI ,PPLJUDWLRQ and  Citizenship,  Australian  Government,  Managing  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Borders:  Key  Immigration  Detention  Values,  Department  of  Immigration  and  Citizenship  <  http://www.immi.gov.au/managing-­australias-­ borders/detention/about/key-­values.htm  >.

2. Â

Re  Woolley ([ 3DUWH $SSOLFDQW M276/2003  (2004)  225  CLR  179.

3. Â

NATB  v  Minister  for  Immigration  and  Multicultural  and  Indigenous  Affairs  (2003)  )&5  WAJZ  v  Minister  for  Immigration  and  Multicultural  and  Indigenous  Affairs  (No  2) Â

$/'  Behrooz  v  Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Immigration  and  Multicultural  and  Indigenous  Affairs  (2004)  208  ALR  271.

merits  of  each  individual  case.  Where  Ministerial Â

4. Â

Al-­Kateb  v  Godwin  (2004)  219  CLR  562.

legally  allowed  to  consider  whether  someone Â

attention  fails,  human  rights  abuses  and  severe Â

5. Â

[2007]  FCA  1273  at  [269].

where  there  is  jurisdictional  error.   These  powers Â

falls  within  the  1951  Refugee  Convention.  Only Â

harms  to  individuals  are  likely  to  follow.  Whilst Â

6. Â

of  cancellation  are  very  broad  and  can  take  into Â

a  Minister,  exercising  their  personal  powers  to Â

Ministerial  powers  were  implemented  in  order  to Â

Susan  H  Rimmer,  â&#x20AC;&#x153;Dangers  of  Character  Tests  Under  Australian  Migration  Lawsâ&#x20AC;?  (2010)  17  Australian  Journal  of  Administrative  Law  229,  229.

account  predictive  and  subjective  criteria,  as Â

intervene  could  consider  whether  an  asylum Â

EH XVHG DV D ODVW UHVRUW RU WR SURYLGH D ÂżQDO VDIHW\

7. Â

Ibid.

well  as  an  objective  criminal  record.  In  Haneef Â

seeker  has  a  case  under  these  other  Conventions. Â

net,  they  are  now  being  used  with  increasing Â

8. Â

v  Minister  for  Immigration  and  Citizenship, Â

As  opposed  to  being  a  mere  formal  â&#x20AC;&#x153;safety-­netâ&#x20AC;? Â

frequency,  as  shown  by  the  huge  increase  of Â

Senate  Select  Committee  on  Ministerial  Discretion  in  Migration  Matters,  Report,  March  2004,  xv.

the  Court  emphasised  that:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;s  501(3)  of  the  Act Â

exercised  infrequently  by  the  Minister,  there Â

cancellations  of  visas  on  character  grounds. Â

5

Court of Conscience | 15

The

with  the  issue  appropriately,  or  risking  losing  the  political  game. Â

Malaysia Solution:

If you canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t beat them...copy them.

Under  pressure  from  Tony  Abbott  and  his  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;stop  the  boatsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  mantra,  the  Prime  Minister  has  implemented  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Malaysia  Solutionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.  Many  would  be  aware,  that  Malaysia  was  not  the  Prime  0LQLVWHU¶V ¿UVW DWWHPSW DW LPSOHPHQWLQJ D UHJLRQDO solution.  Initially  the  Prime  Minister  prematurely  announced  her  attempts  to  open  a  detention  centre  in  East  Timor,  and  after  negotiations  with  various  $VLD 3DFL¿F QDWLRQV HQGHG XS IRUPLQJ D GHDO ZLWK Malaysia.  My  analysis  of  the  Malaysia  Solution  is  that  it  aims  to  prevent  refugees  from  landing  on  mainland  Australia,  and  instead,  intercepts  boats  and  transfers  them  to  offshore  detention  centres.  Funnily  enough,  these  are  the  exact  words  I  have Â

Nathan Huynh

ZULWWHQ LQ P\ ¿UVW SDUDJUDSK UHJDUGLQJ WKH SDFL¿F solution.  In  my  opinion,  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  facing  what  is  fundamentally  a  Howard-­era  style  policy. Â

Note:  At  the  time  of  writing,  the  validity  of  the  Gillard Â

5XGG DEROLVKHG WKH 3DFL¿F 6ROXWLRQ DQG FORVHG

Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Malaysia  deal  was  still  an  issue  for Â

the  detention  centres  on  Nauru,  Christmas  Island Â

Despite  being  morally  wrong,  the  Government Â

determination  for  the  Full  High  Court.

and  Manus  Island.

argues  that  it  has  the  legal  right  to  implement  the  Malaysia  Solution.   The  Government  has  argued Â

ooking  back  on  Australian  Politics  in  relation Â

L

Just  over  three  years  later,  we  see  a  complete Â

that  it  had  strictly  followed  the  Migration  Act,  and Â

to  the  issue  of  migration  in  recent  years,  I Â

EDFNÃ&#x20AC;LS RI WKH VLWXDWLRQ LQ ,Q WKH WLPH WKDW

that  it  had  the  power  to  declare  a  third  country  to Â

feel  like  Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m  experiencing  déjà  vu.    Back  in Â

Kevin  Rudd  was  Prime  Minister,  the  number  of Â

designate  asylum  seekers  to  be  sent  there.  However, Â

2001,  in  response  to  the  Tampa  affair,  and  the Â

asylum  seekers  escalated.  The  Coalition  was  able Â

at  the  time  of  writing,  the  High  Court  has  blocked Â

subsequent  case  of  Ruddock  v  Vadarlis  [2001] Â

to  use  this  to  their  political  advantage,  highlighting Â

the  Federal  Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Malaysia  Solution,  and Â

FCA  1329  the  Howard  Government  implemented Â

that  Laborâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  immigration  policy  was  simply Â

as  a  consequence,  all  migrant  transfers  to  Malaysia Â

ZKDW LV FRPPRQO\ UHIHUUHG WR DV WKH µ3DFL¿F

ineffective. Â Â

have  been  halted,  pending  a  Full  Court  Hearing.  Â

refugees  from  landing  on  Mainland  Australia, Â

We  now  have  a  new  Prime  Minister,  and  an Â

The  High  Court  will  consider  whether  the  human Â

and  instead,  intercepting  boats  and  transferring Â

opposition  leader  who  has  successfully  used  the Â

ULJKWV SURWHFWLRQV RI WKH 0DOD\VLDQ /DZ DUH VXI¿FLHQW

them  to  offshore  detention  centres  like  the Â

issue  of  asylum  seekers  to  his  political  advantage.  Â

enough  to  protect  asylum  seekers.   Two  other  issues Â

infamous  detention  centre  in  Nauru.  At  the  time Â

The  issue  of  asylum  seekers  has  become  as  widely Â

challenged,  are  the  ability  of  the  Government  to Â

of  the  implementation,  the  policy  had  bi-­partisan Â

debated  and  discussed  as  it  was  during  the  time Â

expel  asylum  seekers  without  adequately  reviewing Â

support.  However,  after  his  victory  in  the  2007 Â

of  the  Tampa  incident,  and  Prime  Minister  Julia Â

their  circumstances,  and  the  transferring  of  minors Â

Federal  Election,  the  then  Prime  Minister  Kevin Â

Gillard  is  faced  with  the  challenge  of  dealing Â

unaccompanied  by  parents  and  guardians.

Solutionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.   This  solution  entailed  preventing Â

Detainees  in  an  overcrowded  cell  in  the  KLIA  Immigration  Depot,  Malaysia AI

Court of Conscience | 17

If the High Court chooses to declare the Malaysian Solution as invalid, then in my opinion, all Australia has done is wasted a lot of time, effort and money.

WR WKH +RZDUG JRYHUQPHQW¶V 3DFL¿F 6ROXWLRQ

detrimental  and  can  ruin  the  lives  of  many. Â

with  the  only  major  difference  being  the  location. Â

The  more  ethical  solution  would  be  to  conduct Â

However,  with  the  announcement  of  the  Papua Â

health  and  security  checks,  to  allow  the  asylum Â

New  Guinean  governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  support  for  the Â

seekers  who  pass  these  tests  to  live  with  the Â

usage  of  Manus  Island,  I  see  Laborâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Immigration Â

community  whilst  assessing  their  claims.  Even  if Â

Policy  as  becoming  more  and  more  like  that  of Â

the  Government  does  not  believe  that  the  claims Â

their  predecessorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Â

are  genuine,  I  believe  it  has  a  moral  obligation  to  at  least  assess  these  claims,  rather  than  just Â

It  will  be  interesting  to  see  what  ruling  the  High  Court  makes.   However,  I  see  both  conclusions  as  highly  problematic.   If  the  High  Court  chooses Â

Despite  this  moral  obligation,  the  Government Â

to  declare  the  Malaysian  Solution  as  invalid, Â

refuses  to  even  consider  any  of  the  800  new Â

then  in  my  opinion,  all  Australia  has  done  is Â

arrivals.  Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  always  seen  Tony  Abbott  as  a  strong Â

wasted  a  lot  of  time,  effort  and  money.  It  is Â

opposition  leader,  and  he  has  proven  this  by Â

my  understanding  that  since  the  deal  has  been Â

continually  pressuring  the  government  on  the Â

Many  might  think  that  the  end  of  the  Malaysian Â

made,  Australia  will  have  to  accept  the  4000 Â

issue  of  asylum  seekers.  As  a  consequence,  the Â

6ROXWLRQ VLJQL¿HV WKH HQG RI WKH RII VKRUH

refugees  from  Malaysia,  regardless  of  whether Â

Gillard  Government  is  treating  asylum  seekers Â

processing  of  refugees.  However,  the  Papua  New Â

Australia  processes  any  of  its  refugees  over  to Â

as  political  objects.  Like  the  former  Howard Â

Guinean  government  has  recently  announced  its Â

0DOD\VLD 7R EH EOXQW WKLV UHÃ&#x20AC;HFWV D IDLOXUH RI

Government,  it  recognises  that  within  the Â

support  for  the  detainment  of  asylum  seekers  on Â

planning  by  the  Gillard  Government  and  in  my Â

political  spectrum,  the  issue  of  asylum  seekers Â

Manus  Island,  which  is  part  of  the  Papua  New Â

perspective,  is  an  embarrassment  to  Australia Â

can  invoke  high  levels  of  emotions  and  can Â

Guinea.  The  Prime  Minister  has  also  announced Â

as  we  have  fundamentally  dealt  with  Malaysiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

VLJQL¿FDQWO\ LQÃ&#x20AC;XHQFH WKH UHVXOW RI DQ HOHFWLRQ

her  support  for  the  plan,  and  has  claimed  that  the Â

issues  without  dealing  with  our  own. Â

Thus,  it  has  decided  to  take  a  hard  lined  stance, Â

Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  initial  intention  has  been  to  open  regional  processing  centres  in  both  Malaysia  and  Papua  New  Guinea,  and  that  a  regional  processing  centre  in  Papua  New  Guinea  does  not  signify  the  end  of  off  shore  processing.  , NQRZ ,¶YH PDGH WKLV D UHFXUULQJ WKHPH however  once  again,  I  feel  a  sense  of  déjà  vu.  :KHQ , ¿UVW KHDUG DERXW WKH SRWHQWLDO UHJLRQDO centre  at  Manus  Island,  I  thought  to  myself,  that  name  sounded  familiar.  Then  I  realised  that  I Â

Male  detainees  showing  their  identity  cards.

AI

sending  the  refugees  to  Malaysia. Â

with  the  hope  that  it  would  win  over  the  support Â

Despite this moral obligation, the Government refuses to even consider any of the ... new arrivals.

of  mainstream  Australians.  However,  the  implementation  of  this  solution  KDVQ¶W ¿[HG WKH SROLWLFDO ZRHV RI WKH 3ULPH Minister.  Opinion  polls  are  still  at  record  lows,  and  there  is  growing  dissent  and  discontent  towards  the  policy.  I  believe  that  this  policy  highlights  the  blatant  hypocrisy  of  Julia  Gillard  and  her  government,  and  highlights  how  it  has  neglected  both  its  traditional  values  and Â

mentioned  it  in  my  opening  paragraph.  Manus Â

However,  even  if  the  High  Court  holds  the Â

helpless  victims,  in  an  attempt  to  gain  a  political Â

,VODQG ZDV SDUW RI WKH 3DFL¿F 6ROXWLRQ ± WKH

Malaysia  Solution  as  legally  valid,  I  believe  the Â

advantage.  An  attempt  which  so  far  does  not Â

solution  that  Julia  Gillard  and  the  Labor  Party Â

moral  implications  outweigh  any  legal  validity Â

seem  to  be  working.

once  so  heavily  criticised.  Personally,  I  saw  the Â

that  can  be  associated  with  the  solution.  I  believe Â

Malaysian  Solution  as  a  near-­identical  solution Â

that  locking  up  asylum  seekers  will  be  highly  Court of Conscience | 19

HIGH COURT DECISION

M70

A

Guarantees  that  individuals  will  not  be  sent  to  a  place  where  they  are  at  risk  of  persecution  or  RWKHU IRUPV RI VHULRXV KDUP

B C D

Acceptance  of  responsibility  to  determine  FODLPV WR UHIXJHH VWDWXV 7KH SURYLVLRQ RI IDLU DQG HI¿FLHQW SURFHGXUHV IRU WKH GHWHUPLQDWLRQ RI UHIXJHH VWDWXV The  treatment  of  asylum  seekers  and  refugees  in  accordance  with  generally  accepted  international  human  rights  and  refugee  law  VWDQGDUGV

E

Guarantees  that  asylum  seekers  and  refugees  ZLOO KDYH VXEVLVWHQFH WKDW LV VXI¿FLHQW WR PDLQWDLQ DQ DGHTXDWH VWDQGDUG RI OLYLQJ DQG

F

The  maintenance  of  effective  protection  for  refugees  until  a  durable  solution  can  be  found.  Â

A  countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  human  rights  record  will  also  be  relevant,  including  both  procedural  and  substantive  standards.   As  the  High  Court  observed,  such  protections  for  refugees  and  asylum  seekers  do  not  exist  in  Malaysian  law.

Jane MCadam

For  the  Australian  government,  the  deterrent  value  of  he  High  Courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  decision  in  Plaintiff  M70 Â

T

the  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;Malaysia  Arrangement  was  premised Â

versus  Minister  for  Immigration  and Â

on  Malaysia  being  perceived  by  asylum  seekers  as  an Â

Citizenship  [2011]  HCA  32  represents Â

inhospitable  host  country.   Indeed,  had  the  partner Â

a  principled  analysis  of  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  protection Â

country  been  New  Zealand,  or  any  other  country  with  a Â

obligations  under  international  refugee  and  human Â

strong  human  rights  record,  the  deterrent  factor  would  not Â

ULJKWV ODZ DOEHLW ZLWKLQ WKH SDUWLFXODU FRQ¿QHV RI

have  existed.   Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  decision  to  partner  with  Malaysia Â

section  198A  of  the  Migration  Act  1958  (Cth).  Â

because  of  its  poor  human  rights  record  in  relation  to  the  treatment  of  refugees  and  asylum  seekers  was  ultimately Â

High  Court  of  Australia,  main  facade Feral  Arts

The  removal  of  asylum  seekers  to  another  country  is Â

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  and  rightly  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  the  reason  for  the  Agreementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  downfall  as Â

only  lawful  if  the  receiving  State  can  provide  certain Â

a  matter  of  law.

effective  guarantees,  including: Â

High  Court  of  Australia,  Court  2 John  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Niell

Court of Conscience | 21

INDIGENOUS ISSUES

Court of Conscience | 23

Mural at the entrance to The Block, Redfern, New South Wales Pimlottc

Court of Conscience | 25

Constitutional Reform for Indigenous People:

A Near-‐ Term Possibility

Davis, the Director of the Indigenous Law Centre

the Crown. But there is no preamble at the start of the

at UNSW. The Expert Panel is presently holding

actual Constitution itself.

I

Sean Brennan

f a national constitution is meant to say something

This lack of acknowledgment and this legal capacity for

about who we are, then Australia has a problem.

racial discrimination cloud Australia’s achievements as

The Australian Constitution makes no reference to

a stable liberal democracy.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Consider

community consultations across the country and working through the issues. The Panel has established a

One way of overcoming the silence and lack of

website (youmeunity.org.au) and released a discussion

acknowledgment in the Constitution regarding

paper. A public submission process ran until the end

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, then, is

of September.

to insert a new preamble. John Howard attempted to do so at the 1999 referendum. However it was

The Expert Panel is due to report by December 2011.

XQGHUPLQHG E\ D ÀDZHG DQG EHKLQG FORVHG GRRUV

There will then be eighteen months to two years to

drafting process, as well as controversy over its

build the public interest and momentum necessary

wording, including the wording about Indigenous

if a referendum is to succeed in 2013. Any proposal

people and their relationship to land. The proposal

for constitutional change must meet two threshold

was soundly defeated, with the No vote exceeding 60%

requirements. First, it must secure strong support

nationally.

amongst Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Otherwise the point of the exercise is seriously

Since 2004, State Parliaments in Victoria, New South

undermined. Secondly, it must achieve wide support

Wales and Queensland have inserted provisions

amongst the 97% of Australian voters who are non-­

recognising Indigenous people in their State

Indigenous. Under section 128 of the Constitution, the

constitutions (changes which required legislation and

referendum requires a voting majority in at least four

QRW D SRSXODU UHIHUHQGXP 7KH ¿UVW WZR RI WKRVH 6WDWHV

out of six states, and a national majority as well.

inserted recognition statements in the body of their constitution rather than the preamble. The Expert

Over the years, leading Aboriginal and Torres Strait

Panel has picked up that idea by suggesting that a

,VODQGHU ¿JXUHV KDYH LGHQWL¿HG D UDQJH RI SULRULWLHV

national Statement of Recognition could be included in

the arithmetic of that proposition. Europeans have

The unusual outcome of the 2010 federal election,

for constitutional change. While we await the

the body of the Australian Constitution. Alternatively,

occupied this continent for about nine generations.

however, has created an opportunity to revisit the

recommendations of the Expert Panel, it is appropriate

the Panel suggested that a Statement of Recognition

Historians estimate that Aboriginal occupation dates

Constitution. Independent MP Andrew Wilkie and

to look at some of the options which have been put

PLJKW EH FRXSOHG ZLWK D ZLGHU DI¿UPDWLRQ RI VRFLHWDO

back 2000 generations and involves a cumulative

the Greens agreed to support a minority Labor

forward most often.

values such as democracy, gender equality and the rule

population of perhaps a billion people across 50 000

government on conditions that included a referendum

years into the present day.

for recognising Indigenous people in the Australian Constitution at or before the next federal election,

of law and placed either in a new preamble or in the body of the text.

Preamble or Statement of Recognition/Values

There are also basic questions of justice. The Crown

which is scheduled for late 2013. While both sides of

colonised Australia, as John Howard’s government

federal politics have long-­standing commitments to

One idea for the constitutional recognition of

have a clear symbolic and potentially educative

acknowledged, ‘without treaty or consent’. A hundred

constitutional reform, these events have brought the

Indigenous people in the Constitution is the insertion

importance. Their impact on legal interpretation is

years on, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people

issue into sharp focus during the current electoral cycle.

of a new preamble. The Australian Constitution is

likely to be very limited. The three states have gone out

in fact section 9 of a UK Act, the Commonwealth of

of their way to neutralise any legal effect, by inserting

were not included in the drafting of a constitution for

Preambles or statements of values and recognition

a new nation. Today, our national parliament retains

An Expert Panel on Constitutional Recognition of

Australia Constitution Act 1900 (Imp). There is a

clauses which direct courts away from giving the added

the power to make laws which single out groups for

Indigenous Australians was established in late 2010.

preamble to that UK Act which refers mainly to the

ZRUGV DQ\ LQWHUSUHWLYH VLJQL¿FDQFH $ SURSRVDO WR

adverse treatment on the basis of their race.

It includes, amongst its members, Professor Megan

people of the colonies uniting in a federation under

include a similar disclaimer in the federal Constitution Court of Conscience | 27

is likely to attract criticism from those who see it as a mean-­spirited form of recognition. :KLOH VRPH PD\ ZLVK WR FRQ¿QH WKH SURFHVV WR D preamble or some other symbolic statement in the Constitution, there are serious questions about a preamble-­only approach. They include: 1.

Can such a proposal attract a critical mass of support from that most vital constituency, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people of Australia?

2. :LOO WKH ZLGHU YRWLQJ SXEOLF EH VXI¿FLHQWO\ motivated to vote Yes if the proposal steers clear of practical changes to the Constitution DQG FRQ¿QHV LWVHOI WR WKH ODUJHO\ V\PEROLF"

Tackling Racial Discrimination One practical step which could be taken at a 2013 referendum would be to remove the capacity under the Australian Constitution for laws and programs

Abolishing the races power altogether would leave a vacuum at the centre of the federation similar to the pre-‐ 1967 situation. Re-‐ wording would open the possibility of using federal powers to enact racially discriminatory laws

which single out groups for adverse treatment on the basis of their race.

Strait Islanders. Originally s 51(xxvi) contained words excluding Aboriginal people in any of the

Unlike many modern constitutions, the Australian

six states, with the intent that Indigenous affairs

Constitution does not contain a prohibition on

would remain predominantly a state matter. Those

racial discrimination. On the contrary, section

words of exclusion were removed by the 1967

51(xxvi) permits the Commonwealth Parliament to

referendum. The wider national power after 1967

make special laws it deems necessary for the people

has been used for positive laws, for example to

of any race. There is no question that the drafters

protect cultural heritage or support the restoration

of the 1890s intended a Constitution that allowed

of land to Indigenous groups. But there is a strong

racially discriminatory laws – that is evident from

likelihood, in light of the Hindmarsh Island Bridge

the verbatim record of their debates.

case (Kartinyeri v Commonwealth (1998) 195 CLR 337), that national laws which single out people for

It turns out, apparently, that no Commonwealth

adverse treatment on the basis of their race are also

law relied exclusively on the races power for its

possible.

validity before 1967 and, since that year, it has supported only laws about Aboriginal and Torres

Various suggestions have been made to remedy

Susan Charles Rankin, better known as Aunty Sue Rankin, elder of the Dja Dja Wurrung people of the Kulin nation, at Human Rights Day gathering December 11, 2005 in Melbourne.

Tirin

Court of Conscience | 29

an amendment that makes it possible to negotiate agreements which are backed by the Constitution itself could encourage a genuine rather than lopsided version of shared responsibility.

WR PDNH SRVLWLYH ,QGLJHQRXV VSHFL¿F ODZV FDQ FR

health  and  education  or  achieving  native  title Â

makes  it  possible  to  negotiate  agreements  which Â

exist  with  a  prohibition  on  racial  discrimination  of Â

and  land  rights  recognition  or  protecting  cultural Â

are  backed  by  the  Constitution  itself  could  be  a Â

an  adverse  kind.  The  Expert  Panel  will  no  doubt  be Â

heritage  or  something  else,  agreement-­making  can Â

practical  measure,  encouraging  governments Â

considering  this  issue  as  it  reviews  the  submissions Â

EH D Ã&#x20AC;H[LEOH ZD\ RI DFKLHYLQJ HQGXULQJ RXWFRPHV

to  engage  with  Indigenous  communities  in  a Â

UHFHLYHG DQG ¿QDOLVHV LWV RZQ GHOLEHUDWLRQV

and  commitments  and  in  the  right  setting  it  can Â

genuine  rather  than  lopsided  version  of  shared Â

help  overcome  the  instability  of  policy  changing Â

responsibility.  And  in  a  symbolic  sense  the Â

from  year  to  year.

Constitution  would  also  be  doing  something Â

An  appropriate  counterpart  to  such  changes  would  be  the  deletion  of  section  25  of  the  Constitution. Â

to  acknowledge  and  recognise  the  status  of Â

This  provision  contemplates  the  possibility  that Â

The  Constitution  can  do  a  lot  to  support Â

Aboriginal  and  Torres  Strait  Islander  peoples  as Â

States  might  enact  racially  discriminatory  voting Â

agreement-­making.  In  fact  we  already  have Â

$XVWUDOLD¶V ¿UVW SHRSOHV $Q DJUHHPHQW PDNLQJ

ODZV *HWWLQJ ULG RI VHFWLRQ ZRXOG KHOS IXO¿O

an  example  of  that  in  the  Constitution  which Â

power  in  the  Constitution  would  point  to  a Â

the  task  of  eliminating  the  remaining  potential  for Â

has  worked  well.  In  1928  the  Constitution  was Â

change  from  the  ways  of  the  past  and  address Â

racial  discrimination  embedded  in  the  current  text Â

changed  at  a  referendum.  The  people  voted  to Â

something  that  has  been  missing  previously Â

of  the  Constitution.  Like  a  new  preamble,  the  idea  of Â

include  a  power  to  make  agreements  between Â

in  the  relationship  between  government  and Â

deleting  section  25  has  bipartisan  political  support.

the  Commonwealth  and  the  States  regarding Â

Aboriginal  and  Torres  Strait  Islander  peoples. Â

WKHLU ¿QDQFHV 7KH QHZ VHFWLRQ $ JDYH those  agreements  the  force  of  law  binding  the Â

Other positive changes to the Constitution

Commonwealth  and  the  States.  It  authorised  the Â

Conclusion

parties  to  revisit  their  agreements  and  amend  this  situation.  Many  involve  a  two-­step  change: Â

There  are  other  possibilities  for  realigning Â

them  in  the  future  and  to  give  any  such  changes Â

The  Constitution  has  never  spoken  positively Â

one  which  revisits  the  wording  of  the  existing Â

relationships  between  the  State  and  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

also  the  force  of  law. Â

DERXW WKH SODFH RI $XVWUDOLD¶V ¿UVW SHRSOHV 0RVW

races  power  and  another  which  inserts  a  new Â

¿UVW SHRSOHV 2QH LQWHUHVWLQJ LGHD LV WKH SURYLVLRQ

constitutional  prohibition  on  laws  and  programs Â

of  constitutional  support  for  agreement-­making Â

The  Constitution  could  be  amended  in  the  present Â

in  the  original  races  power  and  indeed  section Â

which  discriminate  on  the  basis  of  race.  Abolishing Â

between  governments  and  Aboriginal  and  Torres Â

FHQWXU\ WR DOORZ JRYHUQPHQWV DQG ¿UVW SHRSOHV

127  said  quite  explicitly  that  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;in  reckoning  the Â

the  races  power  altogether  would  leave  a  partial Â

Strait  Islander  people.

to  make  agreements  and  to  revise  them  in  the Â

numbers  of  the  people  of  the  Commonwealthâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Â

of  them  were  excluded  from  national  jurisdiction Â

future  if  circumstances  changed.  Of  course  such Â

they  should  not  be  counted.  Those  two  forms Â

WR WKH SUH VLWXDWLRQ PDNLQJ LW GLI¿FXOW WR

This  is  up  the  more  ambitious  end  of  proposals  for Â

an  amendment  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  a  new  section  105B  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  does  not Â

of  exclusion  were  remedied  by  the  1967 Â

achieve  national  laws  in  Indigenous  affairs  and,  if Â

constitutional  change,  though  in  a  sense  it  does  no Â

change  things  on  its  own:  there  is  a  big  difference Â

referendum,  which  was  supported  by  90%  of Â

necessary,  bind  the  states.  Re-­wording  the  power Â

more  than  create  a  legal  tool  or  process,  an  option Â

between  process  and  substance.  This  amendment Â

Australian  voters.  Since  1967,  the  Constitution Â

in  s  51(xxvi)  alone,  however,  would  leave  open  the Â

WR UHDFK DJUHHPHQWV EHWZHHQ JRYHUQPHQWV DQG ¿UVW

would  support  a  process  of  agreement-­making Â

has  been  simply  silent  on  Aboriginal  and  Torres Â

possibility  of  using  other  federal  powers  to  enact Â

peoples.  Ultimately  progress  to  an  agreement  still Â

and  give  legal  force  to  the  outcomes.  But  whether Â

Strait  Islander  people.  And  the  potential  for Â

racially  discriminatory  laws  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  as  illustrated  by  the Â

depends  on  consent  from  the  elected  government Â

the  power  gets  used  remains  a  question  of Â

racial  discrimination  persists.  With  bipartisan Â

use  of  the  Territories  power  in  s  122  to  remove  the Â

of  the  day  (as  well  as,  of  course,  the  consent  of  the Â

political  will:  whether  governments  are  motivated Â

support  for  some  constitutional  change,  an Â

protection  of  the  Racial  Discrimination  Act  1975 Â

relevant  Indigenous  group).

DQG ZKHWKHU ¿UVW SHRSOHV DUH DEOH WR XVH WKHLU

Expert  Panel  process  engaging  in  community Â

leverage  successfully  to  encourage  governments Â

consultation  and  a  political  commitment  to  hold Â

Aboriginal  and  Torres  Strait  Islander  people  have Â

to  the  negotiating  table  and  to  obtain  worthwhile Â

a  referendum  within  two  years,  Australia  is  in  a Â

frequently  objected  to  unilateral  approaches  and Â

agreements.

position  to  take  a  positive  step  forward  and  make Â

vacuum  at  the  centre  of  the  federation  similar Â

(Cth)when  the  Northern  Territory  Intervention  was  initiated  in  2007.

A  key  challenge  under  this  two-­step  model  would  be Â

policy  discontinuity  in  Indigenous  affairs.  Whether Â

¿QGLQJ WKH ULJKW TXDOLI\LQJ ZRUGV VR WKDW D SRZHU

the  objective  is  delivery  of  important  services  like Â

VLJQL¿FDQW V\PEROLF DQG SUDFWLFDO FKDQJHV WR LWV But  the  basic  point  is  that  an  amendment  that Â

foundational  legal  document.

Court of Conscience | 31

Australian Aboriginal Artist Mundara Koorang.

Novyaradnum

D

emocracy is widely accepted as the indispensable

ingredient

in

the

legitimisation of a political system.1

A seamless liberal democracy espouses an egalitarian polity with protections on individual rights and liberties from the hostile exercise of governmental power. It is a form of representative democracy.2 It is frequently contended that Indigenous self-­determination cannot subsist in the Australian democratic framework. However, an examination of the consequential relationship between the granting of equal rights and Indigenous self-­ determination demonstrates that Indigenous self-­determination is compatible with the Australian system.

Commentators assert that Indigenous self-­ determination threatens the political unity of Australia and is thus incompatible with its liberal democracy. Such an assertion is

Is indigenous self-‐determination truly irreconcilable with liberal democracy?

Tamanna Islam

intuitively political but legally a half-­truth.

Self-­determination entails various different methods of exercise. Self-­determination within the framework of the existing settler state, that is, internal self-­determination, is viable in a democratic Australia.3 In fact, the doctrine of equality and individual rights advocated by liberal democracy renders Indigenous self-­ determination not only compatible with, but imperative to democratic legitimacy. The illusory mismatch between Indigenous self-­ determination and liberal democracy is not attributable to any doctrinal incongruity.

Rather, the discrepancy between theory and praxis is attributable to the peripheral responses accorded to the Indigenous ‘problem’, such as the Northern Territory Intervention. Lacklustre policies have been systematically used as pawns Court of Conscience | 33

in a political power grab by governments.4 Furthermore, the central democratic tenet of individual rights renders external self-­ determination also permissible as a last resort mechanism to claim rights. Indigenous self-­ determination, in its internal and external manifestations, can be accommodated within the discourse of rights. As such, the very denial 5

of Indigenous self-­determination militates against the legitimacy of Australian democracy.

States have been vigilant regarding the grant of Indigenous self-­determination due to the fear that self-­determination leads to secession and therefore, challenges the territorial integrity and political unity of the State. State 6

commentators assert that this secessionist manifestation of self-­determination is contrary

Government policies of self-‐ determination have been more concerned with community management than with placing meaningful political and economic power in Aboriginal hands.

to the principles of Australian democracy.7

discourse of rights between Indigenous and

welfare dependency in Aboriginal communities

non-­Indigenous

as

have been futile.19 However, self-­determination

a microcosm for a credible representative

comparable to the model proposed by Knop

democracy. The UN system is consistent with

has never been attempted in Australia.20 No

this approach. The Indigenous population of

Australian government has been prepared to

Australia aspires to internal self-­determination,

unsettle the status quo to afford the Indigenous

by way of equal access and citizenship, the right

population real autonomy.21 Although Australia

not to be discriminated against, and involvement

KDG DQ RI¿FLDO VHOI GHWHUPLQDWLRQ SROLF\ EHWZHHQ

in policymaking, rather than secessionist self-­

1972 and 2005, the success of this policy was

determination.

premised on the assumption that after two

Australians

operates

14

15

centuries of subservience and dependency, the Professor Karen Knop adopted a rights

Indigenous community would immediately be

based model for internal self-­determination

equipped to assume greater autonomy over

characterised by the following attributes:

their lives.22

(1) that Indigenous peoples retain a distinct standing when compared to the colonial

Additionally, Australian governments have

SHRSOHV ZKR KDYH SUHYLRXVO\ EHQH¿WHG IURP

continually persisted with a top-­down attitude

VHFHVVLRQLVW VHOI GHWHUPLQDWLRQ WKDW VHOI

to Indigenous self-­determination rather than

determination guarantees fundamental human

a bottom up or government to government

This is because secession renders impotent

development and consolidation of democracy.

ULJKWV IRU ,QGLJHQRXV SHRSOHV DQG WKDW

approach – a clear contradiction in terms.23 This

the essential majoritarian component of any

Consequently, secessionist self-­determination

self-­determination assures Indigenous peoples

top-­down approach is further illustrated in the

democracy. Furthermore, it is argued that

VHHPLQJO\ FRQÀLFWV ZLWK WKH VRYHUHLJQW\ FHQWULF

the scope for genuine involvement in the

arena of native title. Here, the parliamentary

sovereignty and the territorial integrity of a State

international legal order and very preservation

political processes of the State.16 Through the

statutes and juridical edicts of the existing

are fundamental principles of international law

of liberal democracies. States have utilised these

establishment of a deliberative democracy the

Australian state explicitly delineate what

and the UN Charter. The preamble of the 1970

MXVWL¿FDWLRQV SHUKDSV LQ D ELG WR FDPRXÀDJH

adoption of Knop’s model would institutionalise

FRQVWLWXWHV D VXI¿FLHQW DFNQRZOHGJPHQW RI

Declaration on Principles of International

agendas concerning the balance of power that

the political autonomy of the Indigenous

Indigenous customs in order to obtain native

Law Concerning Friendly Relations holds

aim to maintain and enhance the security of the

population while maintaining the territorial

title recognition. Government policies of self-­

that “any attempt aimed at the partial or total

State through sovereign unity and bigness bias.

unity of the Australian State.

determination have been more concerned with

8

17

disruption of the national unity and territorial

community management than with placing

integrity of a State or country or at its political

As such, Sstates have been keen to ensure that

Substantive internal self-­determination for

meaningful political and economic power in

independence is incompatible with the purposes

Indigenous self-­determination is exercised

Indigenous Australians has an empty history.

Aboriginal hands.24 Meaningful internal self-­

and principles of the Charter”. This territorial

in a manner consistent with the existing

In 2007, the former Howard Government

determination would be more effective in

and political unity is seen as fundamental to

political, social, and legal frameworks of the

launched its Northern Territory Intervention

addressing Indigenous disadvantage than the

the safeguarding of democracy. This is due to

State. Internal self-­determination is broadly

Plan. The passing of the legislation authorising

current paternalistic approach. The Intervention

the fact that secession threatens to destabilise

acknowledged as compatible with the Australian

the Intervention necessitated the suspension

operates as a watershed, institutionalising

States and thereby imperil the indispensable

democratic system. Habermas maintains that

of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975. This

racism that prevents Indigenous Australians

mechanism for the promotion of democracy.

10

democracy requires a “symmetrical relationship

far-­reaching intervention was rationalised on

from achieving equitable citizenship.25 The

David Held argued that sovereignty mediated

of reciprocal recognition between bearers

the grounds that traditional self-­determination

imposition of the austere measures of the

the rise of the modern state and framed the

of individual rights”.13 This inter-­subjective

approaches to combating child abuse and

Intervention

9

11

12

18

and

condescending

welfare

Court of Conscience | 35

politics, rather than negotiation with the

The

Indigenous community, arguably perpetuates

addressing Indigenous disadvantage and self-­

the social dependency of the Indigenous

determination claims has been self-­defeating.

population that contributed to the creation of

There is a need to reframe Australian discourse

WKH SUREOHPV LQ WKH ¿UVW LQVWDQFH

towards greater and active Indigenous

26

current

paternalistic

approach

to

political participation. The process of genuine Liberal democracy is not only compatible

inclusion and Indigenous self-­determination

with

but

promotes and fosters, rather than inhibits, a

necessitates it. The recognition of Indigenous

unified Australian nationhood, through the

difference and the consequential conferral of

establishment of both shared and distinct

Indigenous autonomy internally are essential

political communities.34

Indigenous

self-­determination,

to the legitimacy of Australian democratic institutions.27 Indigenous self-­determination

Consequently, there is no doctrinal reason

can be converted from an ostensible threat to

for the incompatibility of liberal democracy

liberal democracy to a foundation for a more

and Indigenous self-­determination. Rather,

fair and inclusive democracy. In the Australian

the failure to adequately grant internal self-­

democratic system, the peripheral solutions

determination to Indigenous Australians is

employed to tackle perennial Indigenous issues,

attributable to governmental practices that

such as the hollow self-­determination policy

are unfaithful to the doctrine of individual

introduced by the Whitlam Government, are

rights. The mainstream political response to

to blame for the erroneous conception that

the complexities of Indigenous dependency

Indigenous self-­determination is incompatible

has been simplistic and cursory.35 The

with democratic ideals. Adopting the reasoning

Northern Territory Intervention is a form of

of John Stuart Mill, the denial of Indigenous

institutionalised xenophobia, designed to erode

self-­determination fatally undermines the

Indigenous autonomy.36 A cumulative analysis

Australian liberal democracy.29

of a number of Australian government policies

28

regarding Indigenous matters exposes an innate Denying the right of self-­determination

unwillingness to grant equitable citizenship

constitutes

cultural

and political participation to the Indigenous

an

expression

of

chauvinism. Any robust liberal democracy

community. The Native Title Amendment Act

must acknowledge the unavoidable social

1998, the 2007 Northern Territory Intervention,

fact that the citizenry of a modern polity

coupled with the suspension of the Racial

is heterogeneous. Individuals must be

Discrimination Act 1975 on two occasions

given the ability to choose, unimpeded by

demonstrate how the Indigenous community

external coercion, their own method of

is deliberately segregated in terms of legal

governance. Culturally imposed systems

rights and treated adversely in relation to the

of non-­Indigenous governance may be

wider Australian community.37 Mainstream

inappropriate for Indigenous communities

Australians are unwilling to allow Indigenous

and may compromise their cultural viability.33

minorities to assert their will as political

30

31

32

Senator Neville Bonner AO (Circa 1972). First Indigenous Australian to be elected to parliament.

Court of Conscience | 37

relations  are  viewed  as  a  zero-­sum  game, Â

to  claim  protection  under  international  law Â

whereby  the  increase  in  the  rights  and  facilities Â

from  secessionist  self-­determination.41  The Â

of  the  Indigenous  minority  necessarily  result Â

successful  secession  of  East  Pakistan  from Â

in  a  reduction  of  the  rights  and  facilities  of  the Â

The  Federation  of  West  Pakistan  indicates Â

majority.  Conceding  political  autonomy  to  the Â

that  the  international  community  is  prepared Â

Indigenous  community  depicts  an  existential Â

to  recognise  a  right  to  secessionist  self-­

threat  to  the  non-­Indigenous  majority.38

determination  as  the  ultimate  mechanism  to  claim  fundamental  rights  and  a  remedy  against Â

An  analysis  of  the  circular  nature  of  citizenship Â

REFERENCES 1. Â

John  Dryzek,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Deliberative  Democracy  in  Divided  Societies:  Alternatives  to  Agonism  and  Analgesiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2005)  33  Political  Theory  218.

20.  Ibid  483.

2. Â

Liberal  Democracy  (2011)  Australianpolitics. com  <http://australianpolitics.com/democracy/ liberal-­democracy.shtml>  at  28  May  2011.

22.  Ibid  485-­486.

3. Â

Russell  Miller,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Collective  discursive  democracy  as  the  Indigenous  right  to  self  determinationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006/2007)  31(2)  American  Indian  Law  Review  346.

the  abuse  of  territorial  integrity.  42

furthers  the  proposition  that  Indigenous  self-­determination  is  compatible  with  and Â

Although  some  state  commentators  assert  that Â

warranted  by  any  liberal  democracy.  Rights Â

Indigenous  self-­determination  is  diametrically Â

and  responsibilities  define  citizenship  in Â

opposed  to  the  principles  of  the  Australian Â

25. Â Ibid.

5. Â

Aileen  Moreton-­Robinson,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Towards  a  new  research  agenda?  Foucault,  Whiteness  and  Indigenous  sovereigntyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006)  42(4)  Journal  of  Sociology  391.

27.  Moreton-­Robinson,  above  n  5,  384-­385.

6. Â

5D¿TXO ,VODP µ,QGLJHQRXV 6HOI 'HWHUPLQDWLRQ LQ the  Final  Draft  Declaration  of  the  UN  Working  Groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1997)  1(1)  Macarthur  Law  Review  149.

29.  Isaiah  Berlin,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Two  Concepts  of  Libertyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  in  Isaiah  Berlin,  Four  Essays  on  Liberty  (1958)  26-­27.

liberal  democracy,  a  systematic  analysis  of  the  relationship  between  democracy  and Â

7. Â

Miller,  above  n  3,  341.

they  are  expected  to  show  their  allegiance  to Â

Indigenous  self-­determination  reveals  that Â

8. Â

Ibid  357.

Australia.  However,  if  Indigenous  equality Â

the  inconsistency  is  fictitious.  Meaningful Â

9. Â

and  liberties  are  systematically  suppressed, Â

self-­determination  has  never  been  facilitated Â

allegiance  ceases  to  be  obligatory  upon  the Â

in  Australia.  Rather,  piecemeal  policies Â

Principle  V,  Paragraph  4  of  the  1970  UN  Declaration  on  Principles  of  International  Law  Concerning  Friendly  Relations,  UN  General  Assembly  Res.  2625(xxv)  of  24  October  1970.

have  been  implemented  in  relation  to  the Â

for  external  self-­determination  would  be  a Â

Indigenous  population.  Self-­determination  is Â

consequential  outcome  of  the  denial  of  human Â

imperative  to  the  legitimacy  of  a  representative Â

rights  and  freedoms  internally.  Secessionist Â

democratic  system.  Due  to  this,  international Â

self-­determination  is  a  natural  aspiration  if Â

law  permits  the  exercise  of  secessionist  self-­

the  Indigenous  population  have  no  effective Â

determination  as  a  last  resort  for  Indigenous Â

redress  within  the  Australian  democratic Â

communities  to  claim  their  fundamental Â

system.  Indigenous  groups  are  forced  to Â

rights.  The  suppression  of  the  aspirations Â

position  themselves  vis-­à -­vis  the  international Â

of  the  Indigenous  population  is  detrimental Â

system  to  claim  their  rights.  For  this Â

to  the  existence  of  a  truly  representative Â

reason,  international  law  does  not  prohibit Â

democratic  system  in  Australia.  In  order  for Â

secessionist  self-­determination.  Paragraph  7 Â

the  Australian  democracy  to  flourish,  the Â

of  Principle  V  of  the  Declaration  Concerning Â

system  must  facilitate  for  the  distinctive  status Â

Friendly  Relations  provides  protection  for Â

of  the  Indigenous  population.  Otherwise, Â

the  territorial  integrity  of  the  State  in  the Â

the  democratic  principles  underpinning  the Â

event  of  a  self-­determination  claim.  However, Â

Australian  system  will  become  whitewashed Â

this  protection  is  not  unconditional.  Only Â

and  hollow.

40

24.  Maddison,  above  n  4,  486.

Sarah  Maddison,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Australia:  Indigenous  autonomy  mattersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2009)  52(4)  Society  for  International  Development  487.

a  particular  group.  If  the  Indigenous Â

Indigenous  population.  Thus,  any  aspirations Â

23.  Sean  Brennan,  Larissa  Behrendt,  Lisa  Strelein  and  George  Williams,  Treaty  (2005)  32.

4. Â

population  is  accorded  rights  and  recognition, Â

39

21.  Ibid  484.

26.  Maddison,  above  n  4.

28.  Miller,  above  n  3,  373.

30.  Miller,  above  n  3,  341.

31.  James  Bohman,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Deliberative  Tolerationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2003)  31(6)  Political  Theory  757.

32.  William  Galston,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Value  Pluralism  and  Liberal  Political  Theoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1999)  93(4)  American  Political  Science  Review  772.

33.  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Dowd,  above  n  25,  806.

10.  Miller,  above  n  3,  355.

34.  Ibid  814.

11.  Islam,  above  n  6.

35.  Maddison,  above  n  4,  484.

12.  Miller,  above  n  3.

36.  Ibid  488.

13.  Jürgen  Habermas,  Between  Facts  and  Norms:  Contributions  to  a  Discourse  Theory  of  Law  and  Democracy  (1996)  44.

37.  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Dowd,  above  n  25,  809.

14.  Law  Ethics  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  A  Quick  Rundown  of  Habermas  Discourse  Theory  (2009)  <http://www.scribd.com/ doc/13258942/Law-­Ethics-­A-­Quick-­Rundown-­of-­ Habermas-­Discourse-­Theory>  at  28  May  2011.

38.  Arjun  Appadurai,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Fear  of  Small  Numbersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  Fear  of  Small  Numbers:  An  Essay  on  the  Geography  of  Anger  (2006)  58-­59.

39.  Will  Kymlicka,  Multicultural  Citizenship:  A  Liberal  Theory  of  Minority  Rights  (1995)  192.

15.  Miller,  above  n  3.

16.  Ibid  351.

17.  Robert  Cavalier,  Notes  on  the  contrast  between  Habermas  and  Rawls,  <http://caae.phil.cmu.edu/cavalier/Forum/ meta/background/hab_rawl.html>  at  27  May  2011.

18.  Maddison,  above  n  4,  484.

40.  Kasi  Eswarappa,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Reviews:  Constructing  Inequalityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2010)  25(2)  International  Sociology  248.

41.  Islam,  above  n  6,  151.

42.  5D¿TXO ,VODP µ6HFHVVLRQLVW 6HOI 'HWHUPLQDWLRQ Some  Lessons  from  Katanga,  Biafra  and  Bangladeshâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1985)  22(3)  Journal  of  Peace  Research  212.

19. Â Ibid.

States  who  are  conducting  themselves  in  compliance  with  the  principles  of  equal  rights  and  self-­determination  of  peoples  are  able Â

Thunder  Snake Mundara  Koorang

Court of Conscience | 39

Justice

Court of Conscience | 41

What does Criminal Justice Contribute?

Nicholas Cowdery

riminal  justice  is  an  integral  part  of  that  large Â

C

to  criminal  justice:  the  parliament,  by  making Â

and  complex  beast  we  call  government,  which Â

WKH VXEVWDQWLYH DQG SURFHGXUDO FULPLQDO ODZV

is  intended  to  operate  for  our  peace,  order  and Â

WKH H[HFXWLYH E\ DGPLQLVWHULQJ WKHP LQ SUDFWLFH

social  improvement.   Asking  the  question:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;How Â

and  the  judiciary,  by  determining  disputes  and Â

does  the  operation  of  criminal  justice  improve Â

imposing  punishment.

social  outcomes?â&#x20AC;?  leads  to  a  consideration  of  the  whole  place  and  purpose  of  the  criminal  justice Â

The  criminal  justice  system  serves  the  community Â

system  in  government,  how  it  is  performing  now Â

and  contributes  to  social  outcomes  in  a Â

and  what  might  be  done  to  improve  it  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  in  some Â

representative  capacity,  by  assuming  various  roles Â

areas  at  least.  The  purpose  of  this  article  is  to Â

(investigation, Â prosecution, Â defence, Â adjudication Â

identify  some  of  the  features  of  criminal  justice  in Â

and  corrections)  on  our  behalf  when  criminal  harm Â

NSW  at  present  that  might  be  improved  to  make  a Â

is  done.  In  that  respect  it  is  not  unlike  another Â

better  contribution  to  social  justice  than  presently Â

socially  valued  contributor,  the  undertaker  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  it Â

occurs.

comes  along  after  the  crime  and  the  harm  have  been  done  and  tidies  up  as  best  it  can,  according Â

Our  system  of  government  is  democratic  and Â

to  the  rules  developed  for  it  over  time  and  in  a Â

we  adhere  to  the  rule  of  law.  We  observe  the Â

generally  socially  acceptable  manner.  It  is  not Â

separation  of  powers  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  between  the  legislature,  the Â

centred  on  the  prevention  of  crime  (subject  to  the Â

executive  and  the  judiciary.  Each  arm  contributes Â

comments  below)  and  it  cannot  restore  people  Court of Conscience | 43

to  the  position  they  were  in  before  the  crime Â

In  light  of  these  aims,  how  is  New  South  Wales Â

WKH GHOD\V LQ FRPLQJ WR WULDO DUH VLJQLÂżFDQWO\

the  NSW  Bureau  of  Crime  Statistics  and  Research Â

was  committed.  Nor  can  it  magically  transform Â

faring?

greater  than  in  NSW).

(BOCSAR)  published  a  report  â&#x20AC;&#x153;Why  does  NSW Â

offenders  into  law-­abiding  paragons  of  virtue.  The  limitations  on  the  system  must  be  realistically Â

have  a  higher  imprisonment  rate  than  Victoria?â&#x20AC;? Â

PUNITIVENESS -â&#x20AC;? BAIL AND SENTENCING

understood.

The  Bail  Act  1978  (NSW)  was  passed  substantially Â

It  found:

to  address  a  burgeoning  number  of  prisoners  The  trend  in  lawmaking  and  political  commentary Â

on  remand.  Presumptions  in  favour  of  bail  were Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The  NSW  court  appearance  rate  is  26  per  cent Â

We  use  criminal  justice  to  express  our  collective Â

in  NSW  for  some  time  has  been  towards  greater Â

enacted  in  relation  to  some  offences,  presumptions Â

higher  than  that  in  Victoria.  The  overall  conviction Â

disapproval  of  what  has  been  done  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  to  denounce Â

punitiveness  in  the  disposition  of  criminal  cases, Â

against  in  relation  to  others  and  in  some  cases  no Â

rate  in  NSW  is  85.7  per  cent,  compared  with Â

the  criminal.  We  use  it  to  exact  retribution  (or Â

notwithstanding  the  establishment  of  some Â

presumption  applied.  We  seem  to  have  come  full Â

79.0  per  cent  in  Victoria.  The  overall  percentage Â

revenge)  that  we  might  otherwise  be  tempted Â

very  successful  diversionary  and  restorative  (or Â

circle  with  the  progressively  legislated  removal Â

LPSULVRQHG LV VLJQLÂżFDQWO\ KLJKHU LQ 16:

to  pursue  individually.  We  do  those  things  by Â

therapeutic)  programs.  More  restrictive  and Â

of  presumptions  in  favour  of  bail  and  increase Â

than  in  Victoria  (5.4%).  The  mean  expected  time Â

authorising  the  courts  to  try,  convict  and  punish Â

intrusive  procedures  now  apply  to  suspects  and Â

of  presumptions  against  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  often  in  response  to Â

to  serve  among  prisoners  dealt  with  by  Victorian Â

offenders  on  our  behalf. Â

accused  persons  particularly  (but  not  only)  in Â

individual  and  atypical  cases  that  have  received Â

courts  is  slightly  longer  than  the  mean  expected Â

relation  to  investigation,  bail,  sentencing  and  the Â

publicity  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  leading  to  a  growth  in  the  remand Â

time  to  serve  among  prisoners  dealt  with  by  NSW Â

We  also  (realistically  or  not)  expect  the  criminal Â

extension  of  punishment  beyond  the  sentences Â

population  once  more.  Many  people  refused Â

courts.  The  NSW  remand  rate  is  approximately Â

justice  process  to  protect  us  from  further  offending Â

LPSRVHG E\ FRXUWV 16: VHHPV WR OHDG WKH ÂżHOG

bail  are  ultimately  acquitted  and  many  who  are Â

2.5  times  the  Victorian  remand  rate.

Âą EXW H[SHULHQFH DQG UHVHDUFK ÂżQGLQJV VKRZ WKDW

in  these  areas.

convicted  receive  non-­custodial  dispositions  of Â

we  need  to  carefully  manage  that  expectation.  It Â

their  cases.  There  is  no  recourse  to  compensation Â

Conclusion:  The  higher  NSW  imprisonment Â

is  supposed  to  perform  this  function  simply  by Â

On  2  June  2010  Chief  Judge  Blanch  of  the  District Â

in  such  circumstances  (as  there  is  in  some  other Â

rate  is  attributable  to  a  higher  rate  of  court Â

virtue  of  the  existence  and  operation  of  the  system Â

Court  of  NSW  spoke  at  a  conference  of  Legal Â

countries,  especially  in  Scandinavia).

appearance,  a  slightly  higher  conviction  rate,  a Â

LWVHOI LH WKURXJK JHQHUDO GHWHUUHQFH DQG E\ LWV

Aid  Commission  lawyers.  He  drew  comparisons Â

application  to  individuals  through  individual Â

between  NSW  and  Victoria.  In  2009  there  were Â

$ 16: 3DUOLDPHQWDU\ %ULHÂżQJ 3DSHU Â examined Â

deterrence.  But  any  evidence  for  such  effects  needs Â

200  people  in  custody  (on  average  each  day)  per Â

the  bail  issue  in  great  detail.  It  concluded: Â

to  be  considered  very  carefully.  It  is  also  supposed Â

100,000  in  NSW  and  half  that  in  Victoria.  In  NSW Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Changes  to  bail  laws  since  2002  have  followed Â

Another  reason  for  the  growth  in  the  prison Â

to  protect  us  by  rehabilitating  offenders,  so  that Â

IRU WKH ÂżQDQFLDO \HDU MXVW RYHU D ELOOLRQ

WKH GRPLQDQW WUHQG RI PDNLQJ LW PRUH GLIÂżFXOW IRU

population,  according  to  Chief  Judge  Blanch, Â

they  become  law-­abiding  members  of  society Â

dollars  were  spent  on  Corrective  Services.  If  we Â

accused  persons  to  obtain  bail:  both  in  relation  to Â

is  the  operation  of  the  Standard  Non-­Parole Â

once  more  and  so  that  the  rate  of  reoffending  (or Â

did  whatever  is  being  done  in  Victoria,  he  said, Â

a  range  of  offences,  and  where  the  accused  person Â

Period  regime  which  prescribes  standard  non-­

recidivism) Â falls. Â

we  could  save  half  that  amount.  If  imprisonment Â

is  regarded  as  a  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;repeat  offenderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.  These  changes Â

parole  periods  to  be  imposed  for  nominated Â

reduces  criminal  offending,  then  NSWâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  crime Â

KDYH EHHQ MXVWLÂżHG RQ WKH EDVLV WKDW WKH\ SURYLGH

offences  falling  in  the  middle  of  the  range  of Â

In  some  cases,  however,  it  must  be  accepted  that Â

UDWHV VKRXOG EH VLJQLÂżFDQWO\ ORZHU WKDQ WKRVH

greater  protection  for  the  community  against  the Â

objective  seriousness.  The  stated  objective Â

the  criminal  justice  system  and  process  can  only Â

in  Victoria  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  but  they  are  not.  Rates  of  personal Â

risk  that  such  persons  will  commit  offences  while Â

of  the  scheme  was  limited  to  â&#x20AC;&#x153;promoting Â

provide  such  protection  by  separating  offenders Â

assault,  murder,  robbery,  break-­ins,  burglary  and Â

awaiting  trial.  However,  critics  have  argued  that Â

consistency  and  transparency  in  sentencingâ&#x20AC;?2, Â

from  society  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  by  incapacitation  in  an  institution.

car  theft,  for  example,  are  lower  in  Victoria.

the  changes  have  largely  been  ad  hoc  responses Â

but  the  intention  of  its  proponents  must  also Â

to  particular  crime  incidents,  and  that  a  good Â

have  been  to  increase  sentences  for  the  offences Â

In  pursuing  these  various  aims  the  criminal  law Â

Furthermore,  in  NSW  25%  of  the  prison Â

case  has  not  been  made  out  for  reforms  that  have Â

listed.  There  is  no  reliable  information  about Â

addresses  both  the  criminal  conduct  that  brings Â

population  is  unsentenced  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  on  remand.  Most  are Â

undermined  an  accused  personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  right  to  the Â

how  offences  were  selected,  but  it  is  known Â

the  system  into  play  and  the  process  by  which Â

people  who  are  yet  to  be  convicted  and  who  still Â

presumption  of  innocence.â&#x20AC;?

that  the  standard  non-­parole  periods  were  set Â

those  aims  are  intended  to  be  achieved.  It  also Â

enjoy  the  presumption  of  innocence.  In  Victoria Â

seeks  to  protect  the  human  rights  of  all  involved. Â

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higher  likelihood  of  imprisonment  and  a  higher  1

likelihood  of  remand  in  custody.â&#x20AC;?

by  reference  to  the  median  non-­parole  periods  In  December  2010,  in  response  to  these  concerns, Â

historically  imposed  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  ranging  from  17%  to  70%  Court of Conscience | 45

of  the  maximum  penalties  prescribed.  While, Â

The  upwards  shift  in  sentencing  began  well  before Â

following  the  decision  in  R  v  Way ,  judges  have Â

the  Standard  Non-­Parole  Period  regime  in  2002 Â

skilfully  avoided  the  worst  effects  of  the  regime, Â

with  the  Sentencing  Act  1989  and  the  introduction Â

there  is  no  doubt  that  it  has  resulted  in  more  and Â

of  â&#x20AC;&#x153;truth  in  sentencingâ&#x20AC;?.  The  Act  also  brought  in Â

longer  sentences  of  imprisonment  and  serious Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;true  lifeâ&#x20AC;?  or  â&#x20AC;&#x153;natural  lifeâ&#x20AC;?  sentences,  of  which Â

questions  need  to  be  asked  about  whether  it Â

there  are  presently  over  30  being  served  (and Â

serves  any  useful  purpose  at  all.  In  Monograph Â

some  lifers  have  died  in  custody).

3

33  (May  2010)  the  NSW  Judicial  Commission Â

      W

T Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â ACT Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â N Â S A T Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â Â

4

reported  that  while  uniformity  and  consistency Â

The  Chief  Judge  asked  if  we  should  review  a Â

of  sentences  did  improve:

number  of  practices,  including  amending  or Â

 A Â

abolishing  the  Standard  Non-­Parole  Period Â

Â

 NSW

Â&#x2021; the  use  of  full-­time  imprisonment  increased,  at  least  in  respect  of  items  9A  and  9B  (from  37.3%  to  59.3%  and  from  WR UHVSHFWLYHO\

regime:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;As  I  have  said,  gaol  sentences  must  be  imposed  in  many  cases  and  in  some  the  sentence  should  be  substantial  but  the  real  question  is  how  much  is  enough.  You  would  have  a  good Â

Â

Â

Â

     SA Â

Â

Â

Â

 Â

Â

Â&#x2021; lengths  of  non-­parole  periods  and  full  terms  increased  in  the  4  items  measurable,  the  largest  being  of  125%  and  60%  respectively  for  offences  against  section  33  RI WKH &ULPHV $FW Â&#x2021; cases  in  which  there  had  been  pleas  of  guilty  (for  which  the  scheme  was  not  designed)  also  showed  increases  in  sentences  (apparently  as  a  result  of  an  upwards  shift  in  sentencing  patterns  generally).

XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI MXVW KRZ GLI¿FXOW VHUYLQJ WLPH LQ gaol  is.  As  you  know,  in  the  gaol  population  there  is  an  over  representation  of  people  with  mental  disabilities,  people  with  very  low  IQs,  people  with  personality  disorders  and  people  from  severely  GLVDGYDQWDJHG EDFNJURXQGV 7KDW LV D GLI¿FXOW environment  in  which  to  live.

Sir  Winston  Churchill  said  in  1912:  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  mood  and Â

Â

Â

temper  of  the  public  in  relation  to  the  treatment  of  crime  and  criminals  is  one  of  the  most  unfailing Â

Judge  said:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;40  years  ago  murderers  received  a Â

tests  of  the  civilisation  of  a  country.  A  calm, Â

life  sentence  but  most  were  released  after  serving Â

dispassionate  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the Â

10-­15  years  and  that  was  generally  regarded  as Â

accused  and  even  of  the  convicted  criminal  â&#x20AC;Ś  (is Â

the  most  serious  of  offences.  It  was  unusual  for Â

a)  sign  and  proof  of  the  living  virtue  in  it.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;

D Â

Â

Â

On  the  length  of  sentences  generally,  the  Chief Â

a  prisoner  to  spend  more  than  20  years  in  gaol.  It  was  then  generally  accepted  that  prisoners Â

The  question  how  much  is  enough  assumes  real Â

became  institutionalised  after  serving  5  years Â

VLJQLÂżFDQFH LQ WKH FRQWH[W RI D SULVRQ EXGJHW RI

in  gaol  and  that  after  10  years,  they  would Â

more  than  a  billion  dollars  a  year.â&#x20AC;?

      QL

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Â

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  VIC           Â

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KDYH H[WUHPH GLIÂżFXOW\ FRSLQJ ZLWK OLYLQJ E\

Number  of  persons  unsentenced  and  in  full-­time  custody  by  jurisdiction  :  June  2010

themselves  in  the  community.  I  suspect  little  has Â

On  25  September  2011  the  NSW  Bureau  of  Crime Â

changed  in  that  regard.  We  also  should  ask  if  our Â

Statistics  and  Research  published  Sentencing Â

community  is  now  any  safer  and  less  prone  to Â

Snapshots  reporting  that,  in  relation  to  eight Â

crime  because  of  the  increase  in  sentences.â&#x20AC;?

selected  offences,  NSW  courts  send  more  people  Court of Conscience | 47

“Justice consists in seeing that no harm is done to men.”

-‐Simone Weil, “Human Personality” in An Anthology Court of Conscience | 49

to  prison  for  longer  periods  than  media  reporting Â

view.  There  are  many  different  crimes,  different Â

that  will  need  to  be  tailored  to  the  nature  and Â

acquired  anti-­terrorism  laws  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  54  enactments  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  in Â

suggests.  Such  news  reports,  for  example,  fail  to Â

ways  in  which  the  same  crime  may  be  committed Â

needs  of  the  individual  offender.

the  ten  years  since  the  â&#x20AC;&#x153;9/11â&#x20AC;?  events  and  the  Bali Â

distinguish  between  minor  and  serious  forms  of Â

and  different  individuals  who  commit  them. Â

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Some  crimes  lend  themselves  to  commission Â

Ross  Gittins  in  his  column  of  28  April  2010  in Â

law  should  have  concerns  about  these  laws.  The Â

repeat  offenders  so  that  a  misleading  picture  is Â

in  circumstances  of  emotional  or  psychological Â

the  Sydney  Morning  Herald  said:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;â&#x20AC;Śhow  would Â

Clarke  Report  into  the  Haneef  case5 LGHQWL¿HV

conveyed.

disturbance,  some  need  to  be  carefully  planned Â

you  go  about  reducing  recidivism?  Youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d  do  it  by Â

many  of  them  and  Professor  George  Williams  has Â

and  executed.  Some  criminals  are  serial  offenders, Â

putting  a  lot  more  effort  into  rehabilitation,  while Â

reported  on  them.6 Â

The  newly  elected  NSW  Government  promptly Â

some  succumb  to  temptation  only  once.  It  would Â

people  were  in  jail  or  after  theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d  been  released.

announced  on  9  June  2011  a  review  of  bail Â

be  a  rare  criminal,  indeed,  who  would  be  aware  of Â

laws,  with  a  report  due  by  November  2011.  On Â

the  possible  consequences  of  apprehension,  who Â

Would  it  work?  According  to  a  big  US  study,  yes Â

levels  seems  to  have  been  received  as  a  signal Â

20  September  2011  it  announced  a  review  of Â

would  calculate  the  risk:reward  ratio  of  offending Â

LW ZRXOG ,W ÂżQGV LQ GHVFHQGLQJ RUGHU RI FRVW

for  the  legislators  to  expand  such  measures  from Â

sentencing  laws,  with  a  report  due  in  October Â

and  who  would  make  a  calculated  decision  whether Â

effectiveness)  vocational  education  in  prison, Â

exceptional  and  clearly  dangerous  circumstances Â

2012.  These  are  very  welcome  moves.

or  not  to  proceed.  Most  crime  simply  results  from Â

intensive  supervision  using  treatment-­oriented Â

requiring  exceptional  responses  into  areas  of  what Â

there  being  an  offender  predisposed  to  that  type Â

programs,  primary  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;   or  secondary-­level  education Â

might  be  described  as  â&#x20AC;&#x153;ordinaryâ&#x20AC;?  crime  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  to  push Â

of  offending  (for  a  multitude  of  personal  and Â

in  prison,  cognitive  behavioural  therapy,  and Â

the  envelope  of  measures  available  to  general  law Â

external  reasons),  a  suitable  or  available  victim Â

drug  treatment  in  the  community  are  particularly Â

enforcement  with  the  anti-­terrorism  laws  as  a Â

5HFLGLYLVP LV D VLJQLÂżFDQW LVVXH LQ 16: DV LW LV LQ

or  target  and  there  being  a  lack  of  â&#x20AC;&#x153;capable Â

effective.

guide. Â

other  jurisdictions.  Reoffending  rates  appear  to  be Â

guardiansâ&#x20AC;?  (persons  or  circumstances)  to  provide Â

high.   The  2011  Report  on  Government  Services Â

VXIÂżFLHQW LPPHGLDWH GHWHUUHQFH 6WXGLHV KDYH

These  programs  would  have  a  cost,  but  theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d Â

Lawmakers  have  extended  powers  of  search, Â

from  the  Productivity  Commission  cites  42.4% Â

shown  that,  overall,  the  vast  majority  of  criminal Â

end  up  saving  a  lot  more  than  they  cost.  And, Â

seizure  and  examination  to  â&#x20AC;&#x153;ordinaryâ&#x20AC;?  crime. Â

of  NSW  prisoners  returning  to  prison  within  two Â

offences  are  not  even  reported.  The  length  of  the Â

of  course,  as  well  as  saving  the  taxpayer  money Â

Telephone Â

years  and  45.2%  returning  to  Corrective  Services Â

maximum  sentence  to  which  an  offender  could  be Â

theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d  achieve  a  reduction  in  crime  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  the  thing  we Â

surveillance  and  tracking  devices,  covert  search Â

care  (in  prison  and  in  the  community).  There  are Â

sentenced,  if  caught  and  prosecuted,  is  irrelevant. Â

supposedly  care  most  about.

warrants  issued  by  â&#x20AC;&#x153;eligibleâ&#x20AC;?  judges  are  being Â

VRPH GLIÂżFXOWLHV LQ WKH FROOHFWLRQ LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ

The  greatest  deterrent  effect  is  to  be  found  in  the Â

DQG FRPSDULVRQ RI VXFK ÂżJXUHV EXW QHYHUWKHOHVV

fear  of  swift  and  certain  detection,  which  is  usually Â

The  one  thing  they  wouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  be  is  politically  sexy Â

often  unnecessary,  as  even  without  them  there  is Â

ERWK ÂżJXUHV KDYH EHHQ IDOOLQJ VLQFH ZKLOH WKH

the  last  thing  in  an  offenderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  mind  at  the  time  of Â

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  which  may  explain  the  publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s,  the  mediaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  and Â

often  adequate  evidence  on  which  to  proceed.   We Â

increasingly  punitive  approach  of  NSW  courts  has Â

committing  an  offence. Â

the  politiciansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  lack  of  interest.â&#x20AC;?

might  well  query  the  desirability,  effectiveness  or Â

RECIDIVISM

bombings.  Anyone  supportive  of  the  just  rule  of Â

However,  this  legislation  at  federal  and  state Â

intercepts, Â

listening Â

devices, Â

used  more  than  ever  before.  These  measures  are Â

been  evident.  Of  course  more  needs  to  be  done, Â

legitimacy  of  such  a  course.  As  Professor  George Â

but  the  conclusion  may  be  drawn  that  Corrective Â

By  the  time  an  offender  is  in  prison  he  knows Â

It  remains  the  case,  however,  that  prevention  is Â

Williams  has  said,  the  anti-­terrorism  measures Â

Services  has  been  achieving  some  success  in  its Â

that  he  has  been  caught.  He  knows  that  society Â

always  better  than  cure.

have  been  hasty  and  ill-­considered  and  are  in Â

rehabilitation  of  prisoners  even  in  the  face  of Â

does  not  approve  of  his  conduct  (he  has  been Â

increased  numbers  of  prisoners.   The  conclusion Â

denounced).  He  knows  he  is  being  punished  and Â

may  also  be  drawn  that,  to  a  lesser  extent,  some Â

that  revenge  is  being  taken  against  him.  One  day Â

progress  is  also  being  made  with  crime  prevention Â

he  will  be  released  (save  for  those  few  who  are  too Â

Problems  in  the  system,  however,  really  begin Â

measures  in  the  community  generally.

dangerous  to  be  in  the  community).  Steps  need  to Â

in  the  investigation  phase.  Heartened,  no  doubt, Â

be  taken  to  try  to  ensure  that  he  does  not  succumb Â

by  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  necessary  responses  to  the  threat Â

The  International  Bar  Association  has  addressed Â

Prison  per  se  is  held  up  by  politicians  and  the  media Â

to  criminal  temptation  again.  The  emphasis Â

of  terrorism,  legislators  have  introduced  or Â

the  principles  to  be  applied  in  the  legal  responses Â

as  a  general  and  individual  deterrent  to  criminal Â

should  be  on  rehabilitation  inside  prison  and Â

extended  a  good  deal  of  covert  and  intrusive Â

to  the  threat  of  terrorism  in  its  report  International Â

conduct,  but  experience  does  not  support  that Â

support  once  released  into  the  community  and Â

criminal  investigation  provisions.   Australia  has Â

Terrorism:  Legal  Challenges  and  Responses.7  It Â

need  of  review.  Do  we  want  such  laws  to  provide Â

INVESTIGATORY POWERS

a  platform  for  further  intrusion  into  our  rights  by  provisions  relating  to  ordinary  crime  with  which  we  deal  quite  effectively  every  day?

Court of Conscience | 51

is  possible  to  react  even  to  the  threat  of  terrorism Â

reasonableness.  They  may  facilitate  the  granting Â

in  a  principled  and  effective  way  while  observing Â

of  mercy  in  appropriate  cases,  a  long  accepted Â

the  principles  of  the  just  rule  of  law.

prerogative  of  juries  of  fellow  citizens  which  judges  alone  are  not  permitted  to  exercise  on  verdict. Â

JUDGE ALONE TRIALS SUPER-â&#x20AC;?SENTENCING Juries,  which  serve  an  essential  function  in  the  process  of  criminal  justice,  are  now  at  risk  of Â

At  the  sentencing  end  of  the  process  there  is  now Â

being  excluded.  In  February  2011  the  former Â

a  political  urge  to  take  over  and  expand  upon  the Â

government  removed  the  requirement  that  the Â

work  of  the  courts  by  continuing  detention  beyond Â

Crown  consent  to  a  judge  alone  trial  in  NSW Â

the  sentences  imposed  or  by  imposing  extended Â

when  an  accused  requested  it.  Now  either  party Â

supervision  in  the  community  after  release.  We Â

may  make  the  request  and  the  court  must  decide Â

saw  the  bold  (but  thankfully  ill-­fated)  beginnings Â

whether  it  is  in  the  interests  of  justice  to  dispense Â

of  this  in  NSW  with  the  Kable  legislation  (prior Â

with  a  jury.  Regrettably,  at  least  in  the  former Â

to  2001)8  which  has  been  followed  through  to Â

governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  mind,  â&#x20AC;&#x153;the  interests  of  justiceâ&#x20AC;? Â

serious  sex  offenders9 IRUWL¿HG E\ DQWL WHUURULVP

VHHPHG WR EH DOLJQHG ZLWK ÂżQDQFLDO HFRQRP\

measures  and  the  High  Courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  decision  in Â

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  dispensing  with  a  jury  makes  a  trial  shorter Â

Fardon.10  The  UN  Human  Rights  Committee, Â

and  cheaper.  It  also  requires  comprehensive Â

in  the  Tillott  and  Fardon  cases  from  NSW  and Â

judgments  from  the  judges  sitting  alone,  especially Â

Queensland,11  reported  in  March  2010  that Â

if  there  are  convictions.  Since  February  we  have Â

continuing  detention  or  extended  supervision Â

VHHQ VLJQLÂżFDQWO\ LQFUHDVHG QXPEHUV RI MXGJH

constitute  arbitrary  detention  and  may  be  double Â

alone  trials  and  of  acquittals.

punishment  and  retroactive  punishment  contrary  to  Articles  9(1),  14(7)  and  15(1)  respectively  of  the Â

There  is  a  place  for  judge  alone  trials  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  in  cases Â

ICCPR.  The  Australian  Government  had  180  days Â

where,  for  example,  most  of  the  evidence  is  not Â

in  which  to  respond.12

GLVSXWHG DQG WKH LVVXH LV D QDUURZO\ FRQÂżQHG OHJDO RU WHFKQLFDO RQH RU ZKHUH WKH WHFKQLFDO

The  NSW  government  talked  about  extending Â

evidence  to  be  considered  is  such  that  the  time Â

such  measures  to  serious  violent  offenders  who Â

and  effort  required  for  a  jury  to  fully  comprehend Â

do  not  satisfactorily  participate  in  rehabilitation Â

DQG DGMXGLFDWH XSRQ LW ZRXOG EH H[FHVVLYH RU

programs  in  gaol.  The  Premier  at  the  time  was Â

where  circumstances  have  arisen  where  a  jury Â

reported  to  have  ordered  Corrective  Services  to Â

trial  may  not  be  able  to  be  fairly  conducted.  But Â

begin  an  audit  of  the  750  â&#x20AC;&#x153;worst  of  the  worstâ&#x20AC;? Â

juries  add  legitimacy  and  community  involvement Â

prisoners  in  NSW.  About  14  prisoners  to  whom Â

and  acceptance  to  the  trial  process.  They  allow  the Â

VXFK D VFKHPH FRXOG DSSO\ ZHUH LGHQWLÂżHG 7KH

community  to  participate  and  to  make  decisions Â

Council  for  Civil  Liberties  [CCL]  said  in  response: Â

on  the  basis  of  general  community  values, Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The  rule  of  law  requires  politicians  to  set  the Â

standards  and  judgments  where  required:  for Â

framework  of  justice  and  for  judges  to  deliver Â

example  in  relation  to  dishonesty,  negligence  and Â

VHQWHQFHV DZD\ IURP SROLWLFDO LQĂ&#x20AC;XHQFH 7KH Court of Conscience | 53

prison system is there to encourage prisoners

was withdrawn, with the involvement and

to reform but, if they know they can effectively

assistance of the CCL. The V8 Supercars

be resentenced by the government, there is no

arrangements for Homebush were another

incentive to reform.”

example of the compromise by government of the rights of sections of society for political

2QH VHULRXV GLI¿FXOW\ ZLWK OHJLVODWLRQ RI WKLV NLQG

expedience. One must question the need for such

is the prediction of future offending or future

action and the expansion of executive power in

GDQJHURXVQHVV $QRWKHU GLI¿FXOW\ LOOXVWUDWHG

these ways with potential penal consequences.

starkly by the case of Denis Ferguson) is the community and the media response to having

VICTIMS OF CRIME Another measure of the social value of a system

have their inconvenience minimised , their privacy protected and, when necessary, their safety ensured from intimidation and retaliation, as well as that of families and ZLWQHVVHV RQ WKHLU EHKDOI

of general application in the community is its

“BIKIE” LAWS AND OTHER KNEE-‐JERKS

allow their views and concerns to be presented and considered at appropriate stages of the proceedings where their SHUVRQDO LQWHUHVWV DUH DIIHFWHG be provided with proper assistance WKURXJKRXW WKH OHJDO SURFHVV

such persons under extended supervision orders in the community.

receive information on their role and the scope, timing and progress of the proceedings and of the disposition of their cases, especially where serious crimes are involved and they have requested such LQIRUPDWLRQ

inclusiveness – the extent to which all those potentially affected by the process are included

In South Australia , NSW and Queensland we

DQG LQ ZD\V WKDW PD\ EH EHQH¿FLDO 16: LV IDULQJ

have seen legislation described as laws against

reasonably well in relation to victims of crime.

“bikie gangs” and as “gang laws”. However, it is not

avoid unnecessary delay in the disposition of cases and the execution of orders or GHFUHHV JUDQWLQJ DZDUGV WR YLFWLPV

NSW (1996), South Australia (2001), the Northern Territory and Victoria (2006). Tasmania has made a commitment to observe the UN Declaration and the Commonwealth DPP has a Victims of Crime Policy. The emphasis around the country is on procedural rights, but the extent of compliance with legislation in the various jurisdictions (perhaps with the exception of South Australia, with its own Commissioner) is virtually unknown.

The NSW Act enacted and addressed the implementation of the 1989 Charter (including enacting a statutory Charter of Victims Rights), established a Victims of Crime Bureau to provide GH¿QHG VHUYLFHV WR YLFWLPV RI FULPH DQG HVWDEOLVKHG a Victims Advisory Board to address policy considerations. A scheme for the support and ¿QDQFLDO FRPSHQVDWLRQ RI YLFWLPV ZDV SXW LQ SODFH

FRQ¿QHG LQ LWV WHUPV WR ³RXWODZ PRWRUF\FOH JDQJV´

The move began with the UN’s 1985 Declaration

and its potential reach is much broader. It could

of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime

apply, for instance, to political parties, labour

and Abuse of Power. In 1993 these requirements,

unions, religious groups or charities (among

developed by Professors Theo van Boven and

many other possibilities) if the Commissioner of

Sherif Bassiouni and known as the “van Boven

Police suspected them of serious criminal activity.

Principles”, were adopted in the Rome Statute

impact statements, which was the culmination

The South Australian and NSW Acts have been

establishing the International Criminal Court.

of a hesitant approach by the NSW Government

found by the High Court to be unconstitutional,

have access to informal mechanisms of conciliation and redress where available DQG DSSURSULDWH DQG have fair restitution for their harm and loss, from both the offender and the state.

by the related Victims Support and Rehabilitation Act 1996 and it works tolerably well (although there is always the threat of running low on funds).

The Act also provided for the introduction of victim

In 1989 the NSW Government adopted a Charter

which had seen legislation in 198718 for victim

but for different reasons15. Certainly in NSW there

The 1985 UN Declaration included the minimum

of Victims Rights in non-­statutory form. It became

impact statements which remained unproclaimed,

are already effective anti-­gang provisions in the

rights of victims. According to the Declaration,

an appendix to the DPP’s Prosecution Guidelines

the informal acceptance of some victim impact

Crimes Act.

victims are to:

in 1995.

statements by some courts, the wide application of the Charter of 1989 and the establishment in the

The APEC legislation16 was another recent example of a response to the perceived need for extraordinary measures for public control (remember the Chasers…). The World Youth Day legislation was another – when Ian Bryce rolled out his fake “Popemobile” he was charged with an inappropriate offence (causing unreasonable annoyance, after an even more inappropriate WUDI¿F FKDUJH ZDV ZLWKGUDZQ ZKLFK XOWLPDWHO\

be treated with compassion and respect for WKHLU GLJQLW\ have access to the mechanisms of justice and to prompt redress for the harm VXIIHUHG have access to procedures for redress that are expeditious, fair, inexpensive and DFFHVVLEOH EH LQIRUPHG RI WKHLU ULJKWV WR VHHN UHGUHVV

In 1993 the Standing Committee of Attorneys

2I¿FH RI WKH '33 RI WKH :LWQHVV $VVLVWDQFH 6HUYLFH

General (SCAG) of Australia adopted a National

in 1994. A fundamental problem for the courts

Charter on Victims Rights and that led to legislation

remains the way in which they are to respond

around the country.

to victim impact statements, whether written or oral. It is an issue that continues to the present

Now there is legislation in place on the rights of

and the new Government is addressing it again

victims in all jurisdictions except Tasmania and

in the context of a proposal for Family Victim

the Commonwealth. Acts were passed in the ACT

Impact Statements and has received submissions

and Western Australia (1994), Queensland (1995),

from interested parties. Matters for broader Court of Conscience | 55

consideration  include:  whether  or  not  a  statement Â

the  victimâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  identity.  But  if  that  is  so,  what  purpose Â

prohibition  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  criminal  cartels,  competition  and Â

discussed,  much  has  been  done  to  improve  the Â

VKRXOG EH RQ RDWK ZKHWKHU LW VKRXOG EH VXEMHFW

then  does  a  victim  impact  statement  serve  in  such Â

violence,  corruption,  secondary  crime  (from  users Â

situation  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  but  in  all  areas  more  needs  to  be  done.

WR WKH ODZV RI HYLGHQFH ZKHWKHU WKH PDNHU PD\

a  case,  other  than  to  allow  secondary  victims Â

trying  to  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;affordâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  the  high  prices)  and  secondary Â

EH FURVV H[DPLQHG ZKHWKHU UHEXWWDO HYLGHQFH

to  unburden  themselves?  Could  this  be  done Â

disease.  If  prohibition  were  lifted,  all  the  harms Â

The  risk  is  that  without  such  improvement,  the Â

VKRXOG EH DGPLVVLEOH WKH ZHLJKW DQG VLJQLÂżFDQFH

in  some  other  way?  Courts  have  said  that  these Â

could  be  addressed,  leading  to  a  situation  where Â

fairness  and  balance  expected  of  any  civilised Â

WR EH JLYHQ WR D VWDWHPHQW E\ WKH FRXUW DQG DQ\

statements  are  allowable  not  to  enable  any  kind  of Â

users  would  no  longer  be  marginalised  and Â

criminal  justice  system  can  be  lost  and  human Â

comparisons  to  be  drawn  with  cases  where  no  such Â

comparison  to  be  made  between  cases,  but  so  as Â

demonised  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  to  a  society  where  they  could  be Â

rights  infringed  for  what  are  usually  short  term Â

statements  are  given. Â

to  identify  the  loss  to  society  from  each  individual Â

treated  through  appropriate  health  and  social Â

political  motives  fuelled  by  the  tabloid  media.

case  and  to  balance  that  in  some  way  against  the Â

support.

For  example,  is  the  killing  of  a  person  who  is  not Â

mitigating  material  introduced  by  the  accused. Â

expressly  and  demonstrably  missed  to  be  treated Â

But  the  questions  remain.  Courts  have  also  said Â

7KHUH LV DQ DOWHUQDWLYH WR SURKLELWLRQ WKH

any  differently,  on  that  account,  from  the  killing  of Â

that  victim  impact  statements  must  not  be  used  to Â

decriminalisation  of  drugs  is  a  better  option  that Â

a  community  treasure  whose  loss  impacts  deeply Â

increase  or  decrease  a  sentence.  The  outcome  of Â

would  greatly  improve  social  outcomes  for  all Â

upon  individuals  and  society  generally?  We  value Â

the  governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  inquiry  is  awaited.

concerned.  The  criminal  law  is  not  an  appropriate Â

every  life  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  we  are  all  equals  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  and  the  unlawful  killing  of  a  person  is  reprehensible,  regardless  of Â

mechanism  for  modifying  a  market  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  but  it  can Â

DRUG LAWS

be  done  by  legalising,  regulating,  controlling  and  taxing  the  regime  associated  with  illicit  drugs,  just Â

If prohibition were lifted, all the harms could be addressed, leading to a situation where users would no longer be marginalised and demonised -â&#x20AC;? to a society where they could be treated through appropriate health and social support.

REFERENCES 1. Â

Lenny  Roth,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Bail  law:  developments,  debate  and  VWDWLVWLFVÂś %ULHÂżQJ 3DSHU 16: 3DUOLDPHQWDU\ Library  Research  Service,  June  2010.

2. Â

Explanatory  Note  to  the  Crimes  (Sentencing  Procedure)  Amendment  (Standard  Minimum  Sentencing)  Bill  2002.

3. Â

[2004] Â NSWCCA Â 131.

4. Â

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  impact  of  the  standard  non-­parole  period  sentencing  scheme  on  sentencing  patterns  in  New  South  Wales.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;

The  far-­reaching  social  outcomes  of  the  legal Â

as  it  is  done  for  alcohol  and  nicotine.  It  is  not  a  â&#x20AC;&#x153;one Â

prohibition  or  criminalisation  of  certain  drugs Â

VL]H ¿WV DOO´ VROXWLRQ RI FRXUVH DQG UH¿QHPHQWV

5. Â

www.haneefcaseinquiry.gov.au

are  undesirable.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  drugs Â

would  need  to  be  developed.  By  removing  the Â

6. Â

are  a  problem  for  which  there  is  no  easy  answer Â

prohibition  on  drugs,  the  criminal  law  would  still Â

(or  we  would  have  solved  it  long  ago).  It  must  be Â

have  a  role  at  the  margins,  but  it  would  be  much Â

G  Williams,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  laws  that  erode  who  we  areâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  Sydney  Morning  Herald,  Opinion  (10  September  2011)  [http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/the-­laws-­ that-­erode-­who-­we-­are-­20110909-­1k1kl.html].

acknowledged,  however,  that  the  present  course Â

reduced.  And  the  criminals  would  need  to  diversify Â

7. Â

is  not  effective  and  that  there  are  better  courses Â

(as  they  have  always  done).

A  report  by  the  IBAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Task  Force  on  International  Terrorism,  2003.  Recommendation  9  states:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;States  should  not  use  WKH ÂżJKW DJDLQVW WHUURULVP DV D SUHWH[W WR DGRSW PHDVXUHV ZKLFK XQODZIXOO\ UHVWULFW WKH ULJKWV WR IUHHGRP RI H[SUHVVLRQ religion,  opinion  and  belief,  nor  the  rights  of  minorities.â&#x20AC;?  â&#x20AC;&#x153;Recommendation  11  states:  All  restrictions  of  VXEVWDQWLYH KXPDQ ULJKWV PXVW EH H[SUHVVO\ SURYLGHG by  law,  must  be  necessary  and  proportionate,  and  PXVW QRW H[FOXGH WKH SRVVLELOLW\ RI MXGLFLDO UHYLHZ ´

8. Â

Kable  v  The  Director  of  Public  Prosecutions  for  New  South  Wales  [1996]  HCA  24. &ULPHV 6HULRXV 6H[ 2IIHQGHUV  Act  2006.

worth  trying.

7KLV LV GHÂżQLWHO\ RQH DUHD ZKHUH FULPLQDO MXVWLFH The  core  of  the  problem  is  the  existence  of  a  highly Â

does  not  contribute  anything  positive  and  where Â

SURÂżWDEOH PDUNHW 'HPDQG VXSSRUWV VXSSO\ Âą LW

social  outcomes  would  be  very  greatly  improved Â

always  has  and  always  will  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  so  there  is  a  market. Â

by  a  different  approach.  But  politicians  will  require Â

9. Â

Because  it  is  a  black  market  there  is  risk  in Â

the  electorate  to  press  for  and  support  any  reforms Â

participation.  That  risk  supports  high  prices  and,  if Â

in  this  area  before  the  laws  will  be  changed.

10.  Fardon  v  The  Attorney  General  for  the  State  of  Queensland  [2004]  HCA  46.

DYRLGHG IRU WKH VXSSOLHU HQVXUHV KLJK SURÂżWV 7KH SURÂżWV FDQ EH VXEVWDQWLDOO\ UHGXFHG E\ UHPRYLQJ

Criminal  justice  has  the  opportunity  to  substantially Â

WKH ULVN WKLV FDQ EH DFKLHYHG E\ UHPRYLQJ WKH

contribute  to  social  wellbeing  by  operating  in  ways Â

present  legal  prohibition. Â

WKDW EHQHÂżW WKH LQGLYLGXDOV ZLWK ZKRP LW GHDOV DQG the  community  overall.  It  must  do  so  fairly  and  by Â

11. Â

Under  the  Dangerous  Prisoners  (Sexual  Offenders)  Act  2003.

12. Â

AAP,  11  April  2010.

13. Â

6HULRXV DQG 2UJDQLVHG &ULPH &RQWURO  Act  2008.

14. Â

&ULPLQDO 2UJDQLVDWLRQ $FW Â 2009.

15. Â

South  Australia  v  Totani  > @ +&$ Wainohu  v  The  State  of  New  South  Wales  [2011]  HCA  24.

Drugs  can  harm  user  health  and  social  life.  Beyond Â

protecting  the  human  rights  of  all  concerned  in Â

16. Â

APEC  Meeting  (Police  Powers)  Act  2007.

that,  however,  the  harms  that  we  associate  with Â

ways  that  are  generally  accepted  and  supported Â

17. Â

World  Youth  Day  Act  2006.

the  use  of  illegal  drugs  are  actually  the  product  of Â

by  the  community  at  large.  In  some  of  the  areas Â

18.  Section  447C  of  the  Crimes  Act  1900,  inserted  by  the  Crimes  (Sentencing)  Amendment  Act  1987.

Court of Conscience | 57

Women in transition:

from prison to...

Gendered Penality

QHFHVVDULO\ ¿W WKH $XVWUDOLDQ FRQWH[W ZHOO

It  is  the  case  everywhere  in  the  world  that  men, Â

$ PDMRU Ã&#x20AC;DZ LQ SRVW UHOHDVH FRQFHSWXDOLVDWLRQ LV LWV

compared  with  women,  represent  the  majority  of Â

lack  of  connection  with  the  reality  of  a  large  section  of Â

prisoners.  Globally,  the  female  proportion  of  the  prison Â

releaseesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  experience  and  context. Â

population  ranges  from  around  3%  to  20%  with  the  1

mean  at  about  6.5%.  Even  though  this  proportion  has  been  increasing  in  many  western  countries,  at  its Â

Ignoring the short term elephant in the room

highest  level,  women  prisoners  are  still  a  small  minority Â

7KH SUR¿OLQJ RI SULVRQHUV WHQGV WR EH EDVHG RQ FHQVXV

of  the  prisoner  population.  In  Australia  women  form Â

data,  that  is,  the  demographics  of  the  static  prison Â

7%  of  the  prison  population.2  As  a  minority  group, Â

population  taken  in  a  census  on  a  particular  day. Â

women  prisoners  have  been  subjected  to  theory Â

Use  of  such  data  for  planning  post-­release  work  and Â

framing,  management  practices  and  programs  posited Â

programs  leads  planners  in  Australia  to  believe  that Â

as  gender  neutral  or  derived  or  borrowed  directly  from Â

half  the  people  leaving  prison  had  served  a  sentence  of Â

those  for  men.  These  have  been  critiqued  by  a  number Â

over  three  years.  The  data  is  most  misleading  for  those Â

of  criminologists  with  most  jurisdictions  making Â

working  with  people  being  released,  especially  when Â

attempts  to  build  and  run  women  centred  prisons.  For Â

FRQVLGHULQJ ZRPHQ DV VXFK FHQVXV ¿JXUHV GR QRW WDNH

all  this,  the  criminal  justice  system  and  its  penal  estate Â

LQWR DFFRXQW WKH Ã&#x20AC;RZ WKURXJK QXPEHUV WKDW LV WKH

are  still  shaped  by  male  informed  knowledge  and Â

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7KHRULHV DQG SHUVSHFWLYHV GULYLQJ SRVW UHOHDVH DSSURDFKHV DQG ZRUN KDYH EHHQ LQIRUPHG E\ WKH PDOH H[SHULHQFH RI SULVRQ

assumptions.  Most  of  the  research  on  post  release  has Â

over  the  period  of  a  month  or  6  months  or  a  year.  This Â

DQG UHOHDVH DQG KDYH EHHQ LPSRUWHG WR WKH $XVWUDOLDQ FRQWH[W IURP WKH 8. DQG 1RUWK $PHULFD 7KHVH WKHRUHWLFDO IUDPHV OLNH

been  done  with  men  only  and,  where  women  have  been Â

information  is  vital  for  any  post-­release  policy  and Â

desistance,  and  approaches  like  throughcare  and  addressing  criminogenic  needs  are  then  imposed  upon  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  transitional Â

included  the  research  has  tended  to  be  with  longer-­term Â

VWUDWHJ\ EHFDXVH WKH Ã&#x20AC;RZ QXPEHUV DQG GHPRJUDSKLFV

DQG SRVW UHOHDVH OLYHV 7KH\ LJQRUH WKH PDMRULW\ RI ZRPHQ SULVRQHUV EHFDXVH WKH\ GR QRW DGGUHVV YHU\ VKRUW VHQWHQFH DQG UHPDQG

prisoners,  those  convicted  of  more  serious  crime  and Â

are  radically  different  from  the  census  or  stock  ones.  A Â

prisoners;;  the  large  number  of  women  with  combined  and  multiple  mental  health  and  substance  abuse  disorders  and  cognitive Â

those  released.  It  is  then  generalised  to  and  imposed  on Â

conservative  estimate  of  around  1500  women  a  year Â

disability;;  or  the  marginal  space  from  which  most  come  and  to  which  most  return.  These  approaches  are  considered  in  Australia Â

SULVRQHUV EHLQJ UHOHDVHG DV LI WKH ¿QGLQJV DUH SHUWLQHQW

Ã&#x20AC;RZ WKURXJK 16: SULVRQV 5  This  large  turnover  of Â

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for  all.  This  research,  used  to  inform  most  transitional Â

women  going  in  and  out  in  less  than  twelve  months Â

QHHGV DQG H[SHULHQFHV RI $ERULJLQDO DQG RWKHU ZRPHQ EHLQJ UHOHDVHG IURP SULVRQ LQ $XVWUDOLD DUH VXJJHVWHG

and  post-­release  developments  in  Australia,  has  been Â

having  spent  short  periods  in  custody  provides  a  quite Â

carried  out  largely  in  North  America  and  the  United Â

GLIIHUHQW SLFWXUH WR WKH VWDWLF FHQVXV ¿JXUH RI 6  Â

Professor Eileen Baldry

he  factors  that  assist  women  released  from Â

T

male-­centric  understandings.  This  article  critiques Â

Kingdom  (UK)  focusing  on  criminogenic  risks  and Â

prison  to  remain  out  of  prison,  cease  offending Â

some  of  the  concepts  of,  and  approaches  to  women Â

matters  such  as  violent  behaviour,  accommodation, Â

Why  is  this  so  important?  Because  the  majority  of Â

and  increase  their  well-­being  in  the  community Â

post-­prison  in  contemporary  Australia,  such  as Â

drug  and  alcohol  use  and  employment  programs  and Â

people  entering  full-­time  imprisonment  are  serving Â

are  poorly  understood.  This  may  be  because  policies Â

desistance  and  throughcare,  using  recent  studies Â

programs  addressing  these  matters.  Â

sentences  of  under  12  months  or  are  on  remand.  From Â

and  programs  assisting  women  post  release  are Â

with  Aboriginal  women  prisoners  and  women  with Â

derived  largely  from  research  on  menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  criminal, Â

FRPSOH[ QHHGV LQ WKH SULVRQ V\VWHP LQ 16: UHÃ&#x20AC;HFWV

Many  jurisdictions  in  Australia  have  slavishly  followed Â

imprisonment  the  census  data  quoted  earlier  gives  the Â

prison  and  post-­release  needs  and  experiences  that Â

upon  the  marginal,  gendered  nature  of  the  social  and Â

developments  in  the  USA  for  the  past  two  decades Â

impression  that  the  majority  of  persons  in  prison  are Â

are  then  used  to  develop  theoretical  perspectives Â

physical  space  to  which  most  women  leaving  prison  go Â

and  Australian  criminal  justice  approaches  have  come Â

VHUYLQJ ORQJHU VHQWHQFHV WKDQ LV WKH FDVH 7KH Ã&#x20AC;RZ

which  drive  policy  and  program  creation.  Although Â

EDFN DQG FRQWLQXHV WKH GLVFXVVLRQ EHJXQ E\ FULWLFDO

to  resemble  those  of  the  country  with  the  highest Â

through  numbers  suggest  different  approaches  â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Â

these  approaches  are  sometimes  adapted  to  women Â

criminologists  of  how  to  not  just  imagine,  but  actually Â

incarceration  rate  in  the  world.  Much  that  has  been Â

approaches  that  take  seriously  the  number  and  effects Â

post-­release,  they  are  nevertheless  still  founded  in Â

get  to  a  better  place. Â

introduced  into  the  Australian  penal  realm  does  not Â

of  short-­term  sentences  and  of  remand  on  incarcerated Â

3

the  perspective  of  persons  being  released  from  full-­time Â

4

Court of Conscience | 59

women.  Persons  serving  shorter  sentences  or  on Â

Throughcare: gender attuned?

remand  are  more  often  those  with  mental  health/dual  or  multiple  diagnoses,  borderline  cognitive  disability Â

Throughcare  is  the  main  policy  vehicle  for  post-­

and  tend  to  be  those  who  cycle  in  and  out  with Â

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high  recidivism  and  breaching  rates.  Throughcare Â

continuous,  co-­ordinated  and  integrated  management Â

approaches  for  this  majority  are  not  the  same  as Â

RI RIIHQGHUV IURP WKH RIIHQGHU¶V ¿UVW SRLQW RI

those  for  persons  having  served  longer  sentences.  The Â

contact  with  correctional  services  to  their  successful Â

fact  is  that  by  far  the  majority  of  women  prisoners  in Â

reintegration  into  the  community  and  completion  of Â

Australia,  a  highly  disproportionate  number  of  who  are Â

their  legal  order.11 Â

7

Indigenous  women,  fall  into  this  group.8  Throughcare  is  acknowledged  as  policy  in  each  of  There  is  very  little  published  research  on  this  majority Â

the  seven  Australian  jurisdictions.  Principles  of Â

of  women  releasees  who  have  served  short  sentences Â

throughcare  can  be  summarised  as, Â

(under  12  months)  or  those  who  have  been  released  after  time  on  remand.   It  has  been  argued   that  a  series  of Â

Â&#x2021;

Assistance  and  support  to  offenders  whilst  in  custody  or  under  supervision  in  the  community Â

Â&#x2021;

Whole  of  sentence  planning  and  integrated  case  management:  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the  individualised  and  planned  management  of  offenders  based  upon  assessed  need,  implementation  of  case  plans  and  case  reviewsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  aims  to  provide  uninterrupted  service  for  offenders  leaving  the  prison  system. Â

Â&#x2021;

Provision  of  seamless  service  to  avoid  duplication  and

Â&#x2021;

Effective  working  partnerships  and  provision  of  consistent  interventions  across  community  and  custody. Â

short  sentences  (which  is  the  most  common  experience  for  women)  is  a  form  of  serial  institutionalisation  that  is  even  more  disruptive  to  positive  engagement  with  the  community  and  maintains  more  chaotic  living  than  a  longer  sentence.  Spending  weeks  or  a  month  or  two  in  remand  (another  more  common  experience  for  women  than  men)  is  equal  to  spending  the  same  amount  of  time  under  sentence,  in  fact  worse  because  remand  is  spent  in  a  maximum  security  setting  with  little  access  to  programs  or  work.  There  is  no  published  evidence  of  programs  or  support  for  people  who  are  released  after  short  sentences  or  a  period  on  remand.  What  is  evident  is  that  in  those  jurisdictions  like  South Â

Theoretically  this  is  an  excellent  model.  But  there Â

Australia  and  NSW,  that  have  a  high  rate  of  remand, Â

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WKH ¿QDO VHQWHQFH LV PRUH OLNHO\ WKDQ LQ 9LFWRULD WKDW

for  long  term  prisoners  and  especially  for  women Â

has  a  lower  rate  of  remand,  to  not  be  a  further  period Â

experiencing  short  episodes  of  incarceration. Â

of  incarceration,  suggesting  being  held  on  remand  was  unnecessary.10  Â

:KHQ FRPELQHG ZLWK WKH XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI WKH Ã&#x20AC;RZ as  opposed  to  the  stock  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  prison  population, Â

This  blindness  to  short  term  women  prisoners,  when Â

there  are  some  obvious  and  immediate  problems Â

challenged  by  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  lived  reality  of  prison  and Â

with  throughcare.  Whole  of  sentence  planning  is  not Â

release,  has  serious  consequences  for  approaches  to Â

applicable  or  possible  for  those  on  remand.  Similarly, Â

transition  and  re-­entry  policy  and  programs  currently Â

for  women  on  short  sentences,  whole  of  sentence Â

used  in  Australia. Â

SODQQLQJ XVLQJ WKLV PRGHO LV YHU\ GLI¿FXOW 7KHVH

Henrico  Prins

Court of Conscience | 61

recognitions  bring  into  question  the  use  of  the  current Â

Work  on  desistance  was  focused  on  the  male  offenderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

theory  to  women  are  presented  by  authors18  who  point Â

Spark  &  Harris  (2005)  argue  from  their  interviews  with Â

throughcare  model  for  the  majority  of  women  leaving Â

pathway.  Work  on  effects  of  prison  on  recidivism  (lack Â

to  the  shortcomings  of  focusing  on  the  factors  found Â

women  in  Victorian  prisons  that  the  almost  singular Â

prison. Â

of  desistence)  is  premised  on  the  male  experience.15 Â

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focus  on  employment  as  the  outcome  and  motivation Â

Therefore,  most  work  on  desistance  remains  framed Â

summary:

for  education  for  prisoners  is  very  wide  of  the  mark Â

14

It  is  essential  to  base  approaches  to  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  transition Â

by  the  original  male  individual  experience.  Those  who Â

and  post-­release  programs  and  support  on  real  life,  real Â

do  focus  on  women  and  desistance  post-­release,  do  so Â

.  .  .  the  desistance  literature  has  pointed  to  a  range Â

education  for  women  ought  to  be  conceptualised  in Â

system  information  not  on  data  that  does  not  provide  a Â

largely  in  the  framework  already  set  by  the  foundational Â

of  factors  associated  with  the  ending  of  active Â

relation  to  a  range  of  factors  and  not  merely  conceived Â

realistic  picture  of  persons  being  released,  and  not  on Â

male  normed  studies  and  theorising. Â

involvement  in  offending.  Most  of  these  factors  are Â

of  as  a  path  to  employment.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;25  As  employment,  like Â

related  to  acquiring  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;somethingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (most  commonly Â

marriage  or  intimate  partnering  is  seen  as  a  strong Â

In  tackling  the  problem  of  desistance  thinking  being Â

employment,  a  life  partner  or  a  family)  which  the Â

factor  in  achieving  desistance,  yet  again  there  may  be Â

largely  around  male  offenders,  opportunity,  identity, Â

desister  values  in  some  way  â&#x20AC;¦ Â

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approaches  developed  on  the  basis  of  research  on  men  in  other  countries. Â

as  far  as  women  are  concerned  and  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;that  prisoner Â

lives.

Throughcare,  where  it  is  applied  to  women  being Â

VFULSWV VHOI HI¿FDF\ DQG UHVLOLHQFH WDNHQ IURP RWKHU

released,  is  applied  to  those  who  have  been  in  prison Â

¿HOGV RI VRFLDO ZRUN ± KDYH EHHQ FRQVLGHUHG  A Â

These  key  factors  may  have  little  connection  with Â

long  enough  to  have  a  case  plan  developed,  maybe  to Â

theoretical  case  for  considering  these  in  work  with Â

many  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  post-­release  lives  and  needs.  They  do Â

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women  in  prison  or  being  released  has  been  built.  The Â

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and  a  period  of  parole.  As  demonstrated  earlier,  this Â

question  though  remains  as  to  whether  they  are  shown Â

experience  of  and  attitudes  to  many  of  the  social Â

In  a  needs  analysis  for  an  Aboriginal  women  with Â

is  the  minority  of  women  being  released  from  prisons Â

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bonds  and  informal  social  controls  fundamental  to  the Â

dependent  children  leaving  prison  project,  Aboriginal Â

in  NSW  and  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  in  Australia Â

experience. Â

desistance  model.

ZRPHQ LQ SULVRQ SDUROH RI¿FHUV DQG YDULRXV DJHQFLHV

16

Aboriginal womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s views

working  with  them  were  interviewed  regarding  the Â

so  there  is  no  reality  based  post-­release  support  for  WKHVH ZRPHQ 7KLV VXJJHVWV WKDW ZRPHQ PXVW ¿W WKH

Some  aspects  of  t  theoretical  model  can  be  seen Â

Various  studies  of  women  prisoners  and  those  being Â

womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  experiences  previously  upon  release,  and Â

throughcare  model  rather  than  throughcare  being Â

in  Brown  and  Rossâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  (2010)  exploration  of  what Â

released  from  prison  in  Australia  indicate  that  the Â

what  they  needed  and  wanted  post-­release  in  the Â

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outcomes  post-­release  mentoring  in  Victoria  has  on Â

majority  does  not  have  a  current  male  partner. Â

future.26  Analysis  of  these  interviews  and  a  mapping Â

and  release.  Simply  put,  the  throughcare  approach,  as Â

desistence  for  women.  Their  work  raises  many  of  the Â

But  if  a  woman  does  have  a  male  partner,  it  is  often Â

of  available  relevant  services  revealed  a  severe Â

practiced  in  Australia,  does  not  address  the  majority  of Â

same  questions  and  problems  with  desistance  noted Â

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disjuncture  between  their  throughcare  arrangements Â

women  being  released.

in  this  paper.  Brown  and  Ross  note  that  those  women Â

interviewed  say  they  do  not  want  to  return  to  those Â

and  the  reality  of  their  lives,  context  and  needs.  They Â

who  took  up  mentoring  and  indicated  it  had  assisted  in Â

relationships  or  have  already  tried  to  sever  the Â

were  frustrated  that  they  were  often  not  consulted  or Â

their  desisting  from  offending,  were  a  minority  of  those Â

relationship.22  But  this  severing  of  relationships, Â

listened  to  regarding  their  future  directions  or  if  they Â

originally  expressing  interest,  were  not  those  with Â

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were  consulted  nothing  much  resulted. Â

Desistance  from  offending,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;[t]he  change  process Â

long  histories  of  offending  and  imprisonment  (i.e.  not Â

and  violence,  often  leaves  women  lonely  and  isolated Â

involved  in  the  rehabilitation  of  offendersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  has Â

recidivists),  were  not  those  who  had  problematic  drug Â

because  most  have  very  few  other  relationships  that Â

The  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  concern  was  overwhelming  for  their Â

reemerged  as  an  important  concept  in  post-­release Â

and  alcohol  use  and  were  more  likely  to  be  older  and Â

provide  support.  The  majority  of  women  in  prison Â

children,  how  they  were  doing,  how  they  missed  them, Â

policy  and  program  development.  Theorising  on Â

¿UVW WLPH RIIHQGHUV 6R WKH ZRPHQ LQ WKH PHQWRULQJ

have  experienced  sexual  and  physical  abuse  and Â

how  they  worried  for  their  safety  and  how  they  did  not Â

desistance  argues  that  desistance  from  crime  can Â

study  do  not  represent  the  majority  of  women  leaving Â

many  have  post-­traumatic  stress  disorder,  often  due Â

want  their  children  to  take  the  same  path  they  had.27 Â

be  achieved  by  repairing  and  improving  social  links Â

prison,  suggesting  this  form  of  mentoring  may  have Â

to  the  relationship  with  an  abusive  male  partner,  a Â

They  were  clear  that  any  post-­release  planning  and Â

DQG YDULRXV VRFLDO ERQGV IRU H[DPSOH PDUULDJH LV

limited  applicability. Â

IXQGDPHQWDOO\ DQG VLJQL¿FDQWO\ GLIIHUHQW H[SHULHQFH

programming  would  have  to  have  their  children  at  the Â

compared  with  their  male  prisoner  counterparts.  Â

centre  for  it  to  have  meaning  for  them.  For  example, Â

Desistance

12

13

17

associated  with  reducing  re-­offending.  So  desistance  focuses  on  positive  relations  with  others,  the  building Â

21

23

24

Desistance with...?

of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;good  livesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  driven  by  personal  motivation  to  cease  offending.

20

Other  concerns  about  the  applicability  of  desistance Â

long  term  housing  would  be  working  towards  how  (PSOR\PHQW PD\ DOVR KDYH D VLJQL¿FDQWO\ GLIIHUHQW

WR JHW KRXVLQJ IRU WKHP DQG WKHLU FKLOGUHQ GUXJ DQG

place  in  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  post-­release  lives.  For  example, Â

alcohol  rehabilitation  would  be  focused  on  getting  their  Court of Conscience | 63

lives  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;togetherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  so  that  they  could  be  with  their  children. Â

Indications  from  listening  to  women  on  this  matter Â

So  the  women  did  not  lack  the  motivation  to  change Â

are  that  approaches  must  recognise  and  meet  women Â

WKHLU OLYHV WKH TXHVWLRQ IRU WKHP ZDV KRZ WR DFW RQ

where  they  are,  in  their  current  and  real  circumstances Â

that  motivation  in  their  marginal  circumstances  and Â

and  contexts,  and  work  in  partnership  with  them.   It  is Â

context. Â

clear  that  capacity  for  women  on  the  prison  treadmill  to  change  behaviour  begins  with  a  safe  and  supported Â

They  talked  about  stopping  offending  in  terms  of Â

place,  no  matter  whether  a  woman  has  been  in  prison Â

ÂżQGLQJ YLDEOH SDWKZD\V RXW RI WKH FLUFXPVWDQFHV WKH\

for  ten  years  or  a  month.  Many  say  this  means  a  place Â

were  in  prior  to  imprisonment.  They  said  that  they  had Â

away  from  previous  negative  relationships  and  one  that Â

been  and  were  entrenched  in  chaotic,  disadvantaged Â

fosters  caring  relationships.  That  is  a  different  place Â

and  usually  violent  spaces  and  quickly  felt  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;hopelessâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  on Â

from  the  liminal,  marginal  space  in  which  they  had Â

release  when  they  were  back  in  the  same  circumstance. Â

lived  most,  or  all  of  their  lives.  A  variety  of  supported Â

They  talked  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;wanting  and  needing  helpâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  that  was Â

housing  with  a  range  of  accommodation  types  is Â

genuine  and  respectful,  before  and  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;immediatelyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  upon Â

required  to  begin  to  build  such  safe  spaces.

release,  to  avoid  this  hopelessness  and  to  be  directly  involved  in  decisions  about  their  transition  and  post-­

There  is  no  reason  why  the  combination  and Â

release  arrangements.  Few  had  experienced  programs Â

integration  of  agency  support  needed  to  address  this Â

in  the  past  that  had  been  relevant  or  particularly Â

cannot  be  achieved.  Post-­release  approaches  could  be Â

helpful.

reviewed  and  revised  to  address  this  reality  rather  than Â

REFERENCES 1. Â

ICPS  (International  Centre  for  Prison  Studies)  2010  World  Prison  Brief  accessed  online  at  http://www. kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/worldbrief/.

2. Â

ABS  (Australian  Bureau  of  Statistics)  2009  Prisoners  in  Australia  4517  accessed  online  at  http://www.abs.net.au.

3. Â

Borzycki  M  2005  Interventions  for  Prisoners  returning  to  the  Community  Australian  Institute  of  Criminology  Australian  Government  Attorney-­Generalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Department  Canberra,  Howells  K  &  Day  A  1999  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Rehabilitation  of  Offendersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Trends  &  Issues  112  The  Australian  Institute  of  Criminology  Canberra.

4. Â

ICPS  (International  Centre  for  Prison  Studies)  2010  World  Prison  Brief  accessed  online  at  http://www. kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/worldbrief/.

5. Â

Corrective  Services  NSW  2009  Female  Offenders:  a  VWDWLVWLFDO SUR¿OH >RQOLQH@ DFFHVVHG RQOLQH DW KWWS www.correctiveservices.nsw.gov.au/information/ corporate_research,_evaluation_and_statistics.

6. Â

Ibid.

7. Â

Baldry  E  Dowse  L  Snoyman  P  Clarence  M  &  Webster  I  2008  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;A  critical  perspective  on  Mental  Health  Disorders  and  Cognitive  Disability  in  the  Criminal  Justice  Systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  ANZ  Critical  Criminology  Conference  Proceedings  UNSW  Sydney.

8. Â

Baldry  E  &  McCausland  R  2009  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mother:  seeking  safe  home.  Aboriginal  women  post-­releaseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Current  Issues  in  Criminal  Justice  vol  21no  2  pp  288-­301.

9. Â

Baldry  E  McDonnell  D  Maplestone  P  &  Peeters  M  2003  Ex-­prisoners  and  accommodation:  what  bearing  do  different  forms  of  housing  have  on  social  re-­integration:  Final  Report  AHURI  Melbourne.

ZRPHQ EHLQJ WROG WKH\ PXVW ÂżUVW ÂżW WKH FULWHULD VXFK Further  analysis  of  the  data  from  this  project  reveals Â

as  having  been  in  prison  longer  than  a  year  or  being Â

that  few  of  the  women  had  had  planning  prior  to Â

on  parole  or  being  drug  free  or  having  done  the  right Â

release,  and  most  had  no  arrangements  for  safe Â

cognitive  program.  For  example  a  transitional  worker Â

housing.  As  most  Aboriginal  women  in  NSW  in Â

from  a  community  support  service  could  meet  with Â

prison  are  either  on  remand  or  serving  under  12 Â

every  woman,  whether  on  remand  or  short  sentence Â

month  sentences,  throughcare  planning  was  said  to  be Â

not  just  long  sentenced  women,  as  soon  as  practicable Â

10.  Thompson  B  2001  Remand  Inmates  in  NSW  Research  Bulletin  no  20  NSW  Department  of  Corrective  Services  Sydney,  Sarre  R  King  S  &  Bamford  D  2006  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Remand  in  Custody:  critical  factors  and  issuesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Trends  and  Issues  in  Crime  and  Criminal  Justice  no  310  Australian  Institute  of  Criminology  Canberra.

DOPRVW QRQ H[LVWHQW 3DUROH RIÂżFHUV LQWHUYLHZHG DOVR

after  reception  and  work  towards  housing  and  support Â

11. Â

despaired  at  the  lack  of  transitional  and  post-­release Â

post-­release.  As  Brown  comments,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;offending  cannot Â

options  available. Â

be  de-­contextualized  and  all  responsibility  for  it  sheeted  KRPH WR LQGLYLGXDO GH¿FLWVœ

12.  McNeil  F  2002  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;A  desistance  paradigm  for  offender  managementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Criminology  and  Criminal  Justice  vol  6  no  1  pp  39-­62.

The  most  obvious  conclusion,  though,  is  not  to  put Â

13.  Sampson  R  J  &  Laub  J  H  1993  Crime  in  the  Making:  Pathways  and  Turning  Points  through  Life  Harvard  University  Press  Cambridge  MA.

28

Realistic, women-â&#x20AC;?focused post-â&#x20AC;?release Explorations  of  the  real  circumstances  of  women Â

most  of  these  women  in  prison,  but  to  take  a  social Â

leaving  prison  in  Australia  most  of  who  live  with Â

reinvestment  preventive  approach  that  works  towards Â

complex  needs,  are  Aboriginal  women  and  women Â

not  creating  those  marginal  spaces  for  women  in  the Â

being  released  from  remand  and  from  short  sentences, Â

ÂżUVW SODFH

challenge  throughcare  arrangements  and  desistance  thinking. Â

Clay  C  2002  Case  Management  and  Throughcare  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  Can  it  Work?  [online]  Available  www. corrections.sa.gov.au  [2005,  May  13].

1RWH 7KLV LV DQ HGLWHG DQG XSGDWHG YHUVLRQ RI DQ DUWLFOH WKDW ¿UVW DSSHDUHG LQ WKH journal,  Current  Issues  in  Criminal  Justice.

14.  Maruna  S  Porter  L  &  Carvalho  I  2004  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Liverpool  Desistance  Study  and  Probation  Practice:  Opening  the  Dialogueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Probation  Journal  vol  51  pp  221-­232.

15.  Gendreau  P  Goggin  C  &  Cullen  FC  1999  The  Effects  of  Prison  Sentences  on  Recidivism  Solicitor  General  Canada  accessed  online  at  http://www. prisonpolicy.org/scans/e199912.htm.

16.  Rumgay  J  2004  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Scripts  for  Safer  Survival:  Pathways  Out  of  Female  Crimeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  The  Howard  Journal  vol  43  no  4  pp  405-­419.

17.  Brown  M  &  Ross  S  2010  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mentoring,  Social  Capital  and  Desistance:  a  study  of  women  released  from  prisonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australia  and  New  Zealand  Journal  of  Criminology  vol  43  no  1  pp  31-­50.

18.  Massoglia  M  &  Uggen  C  2007  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Subjective  Desistance  and  the  Transition  to  Adulthoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Journal  of  Contemporary  &ULPLQDO -XVWLFH YRO QR SS 9H\VH\ %0 Hamilton  Z  2007  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Girls  Will  Be  Girls:  Gender  Differences  in  Predictors  of  Success  for  Diverted  Youth  With  Mental  Health  and  Substance  Abuse  Disordersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Journal  of  &RQWHPSRUDU\ &ULPLQDO -XVWLFH YRO SS 3HWURYLF M  &  Thompson  M  2009  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Gender,  Desistance,  and  Illicit  Drug  Useâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Annual  meeting  of  the  American  Society  of  Criminology  Royal  York  Toronto  accessed  online  at   http:// www.allacademic.com/meta/p32664_index.html.

19.  Farrall  S  2002  Rethinking  What  Works  with  Offenders:  Probation,  Social  Context  and  Desistance  from  Crime  Willan  Cullompton  UK. 20.  Lawrie  R  2003  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Speak  out  speak  strong:  Researching  the  needs  of  Aboriginal  women  in  custodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australian  Indigenous  Law  Reporter  vol  8  no  2  pp  81â&#x20AC;&#x201C;84,  Salomone  J  2003  Towards  Best  Practice  in  Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Corrections  The  Western  Australian  Low  Security  Prison  for  Women  Department  of  Justice  Western  Australia  and  Brown  M  &  Ross  S  2010  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mentoring,  Social  Capital  and  Desistance:  a  study  of  women  released  from  prisonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australia  and  New  Zealand  Journal  of  Criminology  vol  43  no  1  pp  31-­50.

21.  Lawrie  R  2003  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Speak  out  speak  strong:  Researching  the  needs  of  Aboriginal  women  in  custodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australian  Indigenous  Law  Reporter  vol  8  no  2  pp  81â&#x20AC;&#x201C;84.

22.  Brown  M  &  Ross  S  2010  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mentoring,  Social  Capital  and  Desistance:  a  study  of  women  released  from  prisonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australia  and  New  Zealand  Journal  of  Criminology  vol  43  no  1  pp  31-­50.

23.  Butler  T  &  Allnut  S  2003  Mental  Health  among  NSW  Prisoners  Corrections  Health  Service  Sydney.

24.  Forsythe  L  &  Adams  K  2009  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Mental  Health,  abuse,  drug  use  and  crime:  does  gender  matter?â&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Trends  and  Issues  in  Crime  and  Criminal  Justice  no  384  Australian  Institute  of  Criminology  Canberra.   25.  Spark  C  &  Harris  A  2005  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Vocation,  vocation:  A  study  of  prisoner  education  for  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Journal  of  Sociology  vol  41  no  2   pp  143-­161,  p144.

26.  Baldry  E  Dowse  L  Snoyman  P  Clarence  M  &  Webster  I  2008  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;A  critical  perspective  on  Mental  Health  Disorders  and  Cognitive  Disability  in  the  Criminal  Justice  Systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  ANZ  Critical  Criminology  Conference  Proceedings  UNSW  6\GQH\ %DOGU\ ( 0F&DXVODQG 5 Âľ0RWKHU VHHNLQJ safe  home.  Aboriginal  women  post-­releaseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Current  ,VVXHV LQ &ULPLQDO -XVWLFH YRO QR SS 'RZVH L  Baldry  E  &  Snoyman  P  2009  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Disabling  criminology:  conceptualizing  the  intersections  of  critical  disability  studies  and  critical  criminology  for  people  with  mental  health  and  cognitive  disabilities  in  the  criminal  justice  systemâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Australian  Journal  of  Human  Rights  vol  15  no  1  pp  29-­46.

27.  Baldry  E  Ruddock  J  and  Taylor  J  2008  Aboriginal  Women  with  Dependent  Children  Leaving  Prison  Project:  Needs  Analysis  Report  NSW  Department  of  Human  Services  &  Homelessness  NSW  Sydney.

28.  Brown  M  2008  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Road  Less  Travelled:  arts  based  programs  in  youth  correctionsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  chapter  4  in  A  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Brien  &  K  Donelan  The  Arts  and  Youth  at  Risk:  Global  and  Local  Challenges  pp  51-­69  Cambridge  Scholars  Publishing  Newcastle  upon  Tyne.

Court of Conscience | 65

play in the maintenance of a fair and impartial

This puts the prosecutor at the centre of what

justice system. An ethical, fair and independent

can, in some cases, be a complex interaction of

prosecutor is a very important safeguard for an

obligations and values – she must negotiate her

accused person.

way through an adversarial trial in which all the relevant evidence must be adduced and any

Practice as a prosecutor in NSW, either as a Crown

evidence for the accused is to be tested through

Prosecutor or as a solicitor appearing for the

FURVV H[DPLQDWLRQ DQG VLPXOWDQHRXVO\ PDLQWDLQ

prosecution, is governed by the NSW Barristers’

the utmost integrity and provide disinterested

Rules and the Director of Public Prosecutions’

assistance in the determination by the jury of

Guidelines. The role of a prosecutor is elegantly

the true facts and the application by the court

described in the Director of Public Prosecutions

of the correct legal principles. Criminal trials,

Guidelines as follows:

often conducted before a jury, invite tough cross-­ H[DPLQDWLRQ DQG UKHWRULFDO ÀRXULVK RQ HDFK VLGH

³$ SURVHFXWRU LV D ³PLQLVWHU RI MXVWLFH´ 7KH

Restraint and detachment are essential, yet an

prosecutor’s principal role is to assist the court

accusatorial and adversarial system of criminal

WR DUULYH DW WKH WUXWK DQG WR GR MXVWLFH EHWZHHQ

MXVWLFH LV EDVHG RQ WKH DVVXPSWLRQ WKDW ¿UP

the community and the accused according to

advocacy on each side of the Bar table is the most

law and the dictates of fairness.

effective mechanism to establish the truth.

A prosecutor is not entitled to act as if

Practising as a prosecutor sometimes requires

Sally Dowling, Sydney crown prosecutor was appointed as a Crown Prosecutor in 2002.

I

adopt. I have heard colleagues at the Bar say “I

representing private interests in litigation. A

making decisions that both complainants and

Prior to that I had practised as a barrister at

could never prosecute, I am a defence lawyer”.

prosecutor represents the community and not

accused persons dislike. Examples of such

the private bar, working in commercial law

On further enquiry, these lawyers will often say

any individual or sectional interest. A prosecutor

a situation are: a case in which the victim of

and intellectual property. The change to working

that they went into defence work because it gives

acts independently, yet in the general public

domestic violence no longer wants to give

in criminal law has been the most satisfying

them an opportunity to help the underprivileged

interest. The “public interest” is to be understood

evidence against his or her partner (who

GHFLVLRQ RI P\ SURIHVVLRQDO OLIH , ¿QG WKH SUDFWLFH

in society and those most in need of assistance.

LQ WKDW FRQWH[W DV DQ KLVWRULFDO FRQWLQXXP

is perhaps the father of the complainant’s

of criminal law intellectually stimulating,

That is an admirable and honourable motivation.

acknowledging debts to previous generations

PRUDOO\ DI¿UPLQJ DQG SHUVRQDOO\ UHZDUGLQJ

But I am constantly surprised that some lawyers

and obligations to future generations.”

Practising as a Crown Prosecutor combines the

see prosecution work as incompatible with those

most exciting and enjoyable aspects of practice

altruistic impulses. It is not.

as a barrister – for example, cross-­examination

The DPP Guidelines make it clear that, while prosecutors are obliged generally to act

in jury trials and appellate advocacy – with the

There is a perception among students and

temperately and with restraint, there will

personal satisfaction that comes from making a

some practitioners that a desire for social

be circumstances in some trials in which a

direct contribution to the administration of the

justice and an interest in criminal law can only

SURVHFXWRU PD\ ¿UPO\ DQG YLJRURXVO\ XUJH WKH

criminal law of the State.

be combined in practice through working as

prosecution’s view about a particular issue and

a defence lawyer, either through Legal Aid or

to test – and if necessary attack – the evidence

One of the most surprising aspects of the shift

the Aboriginal Legal Service or as a barrister

adduced by the defence or the legal submissions

to prosecuting was observing the entrenched

briefed by those organisations. Such a perception

advanced on behalf of the accused.

identities that many criminal practitioners

overlooks the critical role that prosecutors

I am constantly surprised that some lawyers see prosecution work as incompatible with those altruistic impulses. It is not.

Court of Conscience | 67

FKLOGUHQ D FDVH ZKHUH D FKLOG VH[XDO DVVDXOW

is  found  to  have  resulted  from  the  prosecutorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

YLFWLP LV UHOXFWDQW WR DFFXVH D SDUHQW D WULDO LQ

failure  to  disclose. Â

which  a  witness  is  frightened  to  testify  as  a  result  of  threats  from  family  or  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;friendsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.  Sometimes Â

On  a  day-­to-­day  level,  practising  as  a  prosecutor Â

these  individuals  refuse  to  co-­operate  with  the Â

involves  integrity,  dedication  and  compassion. Â

prosecution.  There  is  usually  a  strong  public Â

The  extent  to  which  Crown  Prosecutors  are  a Â

interest  in  prosecuting  the  offence,  but  sensitivity Â

part  of  the  experience  of  criminal  proceedings Â

is  needed  to  ensure  that  the  correct  balance Â

by  victims  of  crime  and  their  families  is  often Â

is  struck  between  the  communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  interest  in Â

overlooked.  The  NSW  Charter  of  Victimâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Rights Â

prosecuting  serious  crimes  and  the  interests  of Â

states  the  obligations  that  prosecutors  (among Â

the  individuals  involved.

others)  owe  to  victims  of  crime  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  principally  the  right  to  be  treated  with  courtesy,  compassion Â

Another  critical  way  in  which  fairness  to  an Â

and  respect  for  their  rights  and  dignity.   In Â

accused  person  is  ensured  is  in  the  principled Â

addition  to  explaining  the  trial  process  to Â

observation  of  the  prosecutorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  duty  of Â

witnesses  and  victims  before  the  trial  and  as  it Â

disclosure.  The  Barristersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Rules  (which  also Â

progresses,  prosecutors  are  required  to  lead Â

apply  to  solicitors  who  prosecute  as  an  advocate) Â

the  evidence  in  chief  in  a  sensitive  and  sensible Â

provide  that  a  prosecutor  must  disclose  to Â

way.  We  are  also  often  called  upon  to  explain  the Â

his  or  her  opponent  as  soon  as  practicable  all Â

Directorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  decision  not  to  proceed  with  charges, Â

material  available  to  the  prosecutor  or  of  which Â

why  an  appeal  has  succeeded,  or  why  a  jury  may Â

the  prosecutor  becomes  aware  which  could Â

have  acquitted  the  accused.  A  good  prosecutor Â

constitute  evidence  relevant  to  the  guilt  or Â

needs  to  combine  objectivity  with  empathy  and Â

innocence  of  the  accused.  The  DPP  Guidelines Â

understanding. Â

expands  this  obligation  to  impose  a  continuing  obligation  to  make  full  disclosure  to  the  accused Â

Many  victims  of  crime  are  among  the  most Â

in  a  timely  manner  of  all  material  known  to  the Â

vulnerable  people  in  the  community  -­  children, Â

prosecutor  which  is  relevant  or  possibly  relevant Â

those  with  drug  and  alcohol  dependency,  mentally Â

to  an  issue  in  the  case,  including  material  that Â

ill  and  other  socially  disadvantaged  people. Â

raises  or  possibly  raises  a  new  issue,  the  existence Â

Participating  in  just  outcomes  for  underprivileged Â

of  which  is  not  apparent  from  the  evidence  the Â

and  vulnerable  victims  is  a  deeply  satisfying  task. Â

prosecution  proposes  to  use.

This  is  particularly  the  case  in  sexual  assault  The  obligation  of  disclosure,  which  commences Â

PDWWHUV ZKLFK FRPSULVH D VLJQL¿FDQW SDUW RI

with  the  service  of  the  prosecution  brief,  continues Â

prosecution  practice.  Sexual  offences  generally Â

up  to  and  during  trial.  Failure  to  observe  the  duty Â

occur  in  private,  where  there  are  no  corroborating Â

of  disclosure  can  have  disastrous  consequences, Â

witnesses.  Often  they  occur  within   the  family.  All Â

most  obviously  for  the  accused  who  may  be Â

too  often  the  case  boils  down  to  whether  the  jury Â

denied  a  possible  defence,  but  also  for  the Â

accepts  the  complainantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  word.  An  accusation  of Â

community,  if  on  appeal  a  miscarriage  of  justice Â

VH[XDO DVVDXOW LV YHU\ GLI¿FXOW WR GHIHQG DQG RIWHQ

SAMUEL JOHNSON Court of Conscience | 69

relies  on  a  direct  attack  on  the  victimâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  credit  as  a Â

they  are  suggesting  directions  that  support  the Â

assessment  of  the  challenges  that  come  up  during Â

or  explicit  assessment  of  the  interests  of  justice Â

witness  through  cross-­examination.  The  effect  of Â

defence  case.

preparation  or  trial.

through  recognising  both  the  rights  of  the  accused Â

such  proceedings  on  complainants  has  been  the Â

to  a  fair  trial  and  the  interest  of  the  community  in Â

subject  of  much  debate.  Increases  in  sentences Â

There  is  a  common  misconception  that  the Â

Practice  as  a  Crown  Prosecutor  is  fascinating. Â

the  diligent  prosecution  of  offenders.  It  is  a  great Â

for  sexual  assault  offences,  and  particularly  the Â

prosecution  team  is  one  entity,  with  police, Â

Every  case  opens  a  window  onto  another  world  of Â

job  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  challenging,  exciting  and  morally  rewarding.

introduction  of  lengthy  statutory  standard  non-­

prosecution  solicitors  and  Crown  Prosecutors Â

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parole  periods,  raises  the  stakes  even  further.  This Â

in  cosy  cahoots.  This  is  not  the  case.  There  is Â

as  a  prosecuting  barrister  requires  the  intuitive Â

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often  tension  between  investigating  police  and Â

environment  at  trial.  In  my  view,  sexual  assault Â

prosecuting  lawyers,  particularly  about  the Â

trials  represent  the  raw  edge  of  the  criminal Â

admissibility  of  evidence  and  the  negotiation  of Â

law.  Balancing  the  rights  of  these  particularly Â

pleas.  It  regularly  occurs  that,  once  the  Crown Â

vulnerable  victims  with  the  overriding  right  of  an Â

Prosecutor  receives  the  brief,  part  of  the  Crown Â

accused  to  a  fair  trial  requires  prosecutors  to  act Â

Crownies: The Facts

Prosecutions  on  the  continuation  or  termination Â

case  is  revealed  to  be  inadmissible  or  so  lacking Â

Crown  Prosecutors  are  barristers  appointed Â

Prosecutors  appear  at  coronial  inquests, Â

with  the  highest  level  of  diligence  and  attention  in Â

in  cogency  that  it  cannot  be  used  in  Court.  This Â

by  the  Attorney  General  to  prosecute  serious Â

inquiries  into  convictions  under  Part  7  of  the Â

these  emotionally  draining  trials.

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criminal  proceedings  on  behalf  of  the  State. Â

Crimes  (Appeal  and  Review)  Act  2001  and  in Â

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There  are  currently  89  Crown  Prosecutors  in Â

unusually  complex  committal  proceedings.

of  the  charges  altogether,  sometimes  to  the Â

NSW.  About  30%  are  women. Â

There is often tension between investigating police and prosecuting lawyers

of  criminal  proceedings.  Occasionally  Crown Â

From  time  to  time,  Crown  Prosecutors  are Â

disappointment  and  disapproval  of  the  police.  Ultimately  the  withdrawal  of  a  charge  is  a  decision Â

Crown  Prosecutors  are  appointed  under  the Â

seconded  as  counsel  to  other  organisations  such Â

made  by  the  Director  of  Public  Prosecutions, Â

Crown  Prosecutors  Act  1986.  Typically,  they  are Â

as  the  ICAC,  the  Police  Integrity  Commission, Â

acting  in  accordance  with  the  Prosecution Â

typically  appointed  from  the  private  bar  or  from Â

WKH /HJDO 5HSUHVHQWDWLRQ 2IÂżFH WKH 3XEOLF

Guidelines  and  with  the  assistance  of  advice  from Â

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the  relevant  Crown  Prosecutor.  The  overriding Â

Public  Prosecutions,  which  employs  around  300 Â

Division  of  the  Attorney  Generalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Department. Â

consideration  is  always  the  interests  of  justice.

solicitors.  Their  functions  are  described  in  the Â

Crown  Prosecutors  are  often  appointed  as Â

Act  as  being  to  conduct,  and  appear  as  counsel Â

Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  and  District  Court.

A  colleague,  who  does  not  practice  in  criminal Â

in,  proceedings  on  behalf  of  the  Director  of Â

competing Â

law,  complained  that  the  ABC  TV  show  Crownies Â

3XEOLF 3URVHFXWLRQV WR ÂżQG D ELOO RI LQGLFWPHQW

Most  Crown  Prosecutors  (and  most  barristers Â

responsibilities  of  a  prosecutor  in  a  trial  is  the Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;doesnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  know  whether  it  is  drama  or  comedyâ&#x20AC;?. Â

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generally)  choose  to  be  members  of  the  NSW  Bar Â

obligation  of  prosecutors  to  assist  the  Court  with Â

Like  that  show,  the  practice  of  criminal  law  can Â

the  Director  in  respect  of  any  matter  referred Â

Association,  but  the  Legal  Profession  Act  1984 Â

directions  to  the  jury.  Whilst  both  prosecution Â

have  a  weird  (some  might  say  dysfunctional) Â

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requires  all  barristers  to  comply  with  the  NSW Â

and  defence  are  obliged  to  assist  the  Court  on Â

blend  of  tragedy  and  humour.  Constant Â

such  other  functions  of  counsel  as  the  Director Â

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exposure  to  violence  and  injury  does  lead  to  a Â

approves.

with  the  duties  of  a  prosecutor.

defendants  who  do  not  render  this  assistance  at Â

certain  morbid  style  of  humour,  which  serves Â

trial,  then  raise  seek  to  raise  these  matters  on Â

as  a  coping  mechanism  and  an  outlet  for  the  not Â

The  majority  of  criminal  jury  trials  in  this  State Â

There  are  Crown  Prosecutors  located  in  chambers Â

appeal),  in  practice  the  prosecutor  is  expected Â

inconsiderable  stress  associated  with  our  work. Â

are  prosecuted  by  Crown  Prosecutors.  They Â

in  Sydney,  in  Sydney  West  at  Parramatta,  and  in Â

to  and  must  bring  to  the  Courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  attention  all Â

There  is  also  a  strong  sense  of  collegiality  in  Crown Â

are  tried  in  the  District  Court  and  the  Supreme Â

regional  locations  in  Newcastle,  Wollongong, Â

appropriate  directions  favourable  to  the  accused. Â

Prosecutorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  chambers  and  (like  the  private  bar) Â

Court  of  New  South  Wales.  Crown  Prosecutors Â

Lismore,  Dubbo,  Bathurst,  Wagga  Wagga  and Â

Sometimes  prosecutors  will  be  required  to  explain Â

many  prosecutors  maintain  an  open  door  policy, Â

also  provide  advice  to  the  Director  of  Public Â

Gosford.

to  complainants  and  their  families  why  it  is  that Â

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A Â

good Â

illustration Â

of Â

the Â

Court of Conscience | 71

Perspectives from Working with Victims of Human Trafficking in Australia

2004  and  the  Australian  Government  has Â

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experience  a  loss  of  control  over  their  own  lives. Â

through  prevention  of  the  crime,  prosecution  of Â

They  are  subjected  to  poor  working  conditions, Â

the  criminals  and  protections  of  its  victims.

providing  labour  without  pay,  being  forced  to  live  at  their  workplace,  unsafe  living/working  conditions,  excessive  hours,  sexual,  physical Â

What does Human Trafficking look like in Australia?

and  verbal  abuse,  restricted  movement  and  FRQÂżVFDWLRQ RI LGHQWLW\ DQG WUDYHO GRFXPHQWV 7UDIÂżFNHUV DOVR FRPPRQO\ LPSRVH DQ LOOHJDO debt  that  must  be  â&#x20AC;&#x153;worked  offâ&#x20AC;?.  It  can  be  argued  WKDW WKH SUREOHP RI WUDIÂżFNLQJ LQ SHUVRQV LV

Australia  is  a  destination  country  for  human Â

in  fact  a  symptom  of  globalised  poverty  and Â

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a  lack  of  access  to  viable  education  and  work Â

Thailand,  Malaysia,  South  Korea,  Taiwan, Â

opportunities.

Vietnam,  China,  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  Eastern  Europe,  migrate  to  Australia  voluntarily  intending  to  work  legally  or  illegally  in  a  number Â

LAURA VIDAL

of  employment  sectors.  Due  to  the  complex  QDWXUH RI PHDVXULQJ KXPDQ WUDI¿FNLQJ WKH H[DFW

Beyond Sex Trafficking: Labour Trafficking and other forms of Trafficking

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H

related  offences  in  the  Criminal  Code  Act  1995. Â

problem.  It  is  a  gross  violation  of  human Â

Offences  including  slavery,  sexual  servitude, Â

rights  and  strips  individuals  of  their Â

deceptive  recruiting  for  sexual  services3  and Â

Australia  is  unique  in  terms  of  its  geographical Â

and  globally.  Recently,  Australia  has  begun  to Â

freedom.  The  United  Nations  estimates  that  2.5 Â

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location,  because  it  lacks  permeable  borders. Â

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included  in  the  legislation.  Slavery  for  the Â

This  coupled  with  the  Australian  Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

persons  in  Australia  is  present  in  more  contexts. Â

annual  basis  generating  some  31.6  billion  dollars Â

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stringent  approach  to  immigration  makes Â

Previously  the  policy  and  legislative  approach Â

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condition  of  a  person  over  whom  any  or  all  of  the Â

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powers  attaching  to  the  right  of  ownership  are Â

illegally. Â

the  purposes  of  commercial  sexual  exploitation. Â

4

year  is  unknown.6  Â

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exploitation  is  widely  reported  both  in  Australia Â

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excised,  including  where  such  a  condition  results Â

Nations  in  Article  3  of  the  Protocol  to  Prevent, Â

for  a  debt  or  contract  made  by  the  person.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;  The Â

Women  and  men  overseas  are  often  presented Â

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Commonwealth  takes  a  very  narrow  approach Â

with  opportunities  of  employment  in  Australia. Â

as  agriculture,  construction,  mining,  maritime Â

Especially  Women  and  Children:  Supplement Â

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Victims  enter  Australia  with  valid  documentation Â

services,  manufacturing,  health  care,  restaurants, Â

WR

the  purpose  of  commercial  sexual  exploitation.

under  the  promise  that  they  are  going  to  be Â

domestic  services  and  forced  and  slave-­like Â

offered  a  fair  work  opportunity.   Pearson  states Â

marriages.

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5

(2000). Â

The  focus  has  now  begun  to  shift  and  recognise Â

7

It  involves  the  elements  of  recruitment  and Â

Australia  is  not  excluded  from  this  insidious Â

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transport  for  the  purpose  of  exploitation  through Â

crime,  and  it  is  considered  a  destination  country Â

tended  to  enter  Australia  legally  on  tourist, Â

The Â

deceptive  and/or  coercive  means. Â

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student  or  work  visas,  but  ended  up  in  situations Â

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exploiting  their  labour.  The  Australian  Federal Â

of  exploitation  akin  to  debt  bondage  or  forced Â

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Police  have  conducted  270  investigations  since Â

labour.â&#x20AC;?

involves  work  or  services  that  is  extracted  under Â

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International Â

Labour Â

Organisation Â

Court of Conscience | 73

â&#x20AC;&#x153;whilst there is no accepted definition of labour trafficking, debates about terminology, whilst important, should not be permitted to lead to inactionâ&#x20AC;? menace  of  penalty  and  this  work  or  service  is Â

The  Salvation  Armyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  experience  is  that  a  greater Â

oversight  of  the  program,  which  is  currently Â

percentage  of  people  accessing  their  services  are Â

contracted  to  The  Australian  Red  Cross  which Â

exploited  in  industries  other  than  the  commercial Â

delivers  the  services  to  both  men  and  women Â

sex  industry.  The  Minister  for  Home  Affairs  and Â

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Justice,  Hon.  Brendan  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Connor  acknowledged Â

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in  November  2010  that:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;While  women  working Â

medical  assistance,  support  for  study  (including Â

in  the  sex  industry  are  over-­represented  among Â

English  language),  and  other  health  and  welfare Â

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needs.

Australia  and  internationally,  it  is  likely  that  this  is  because  other  forms  of  exploitation  are  under-­

There  are  three  streams  of  the  Government Â

reported  and  under-­researched.â&#x20AC;?9

program,  which  take  place  parallel  with  the  VWDJHV RI WKH FULPLQDO LQYHVWLJDWLRQ 7KH ÂżUVW stream  is  known  as  the  â&#x20AC;&#x153;Assessment  Streamâ&#x20AC;?  and Â

Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s response to victims of Human Trafficking

undertaken  involuntarilyâ&#x20AC;?.  Australia  is  yet  to Â

correlates  with  a  Bridging  Visa  F  (BVF)  that  can Â

Often women who have been victims of trafficking have a broad range of legal problems including criminal, migration and family matters.

be  offered  to  victims  if  needed.  This  stream  lasts Â

support  via  Centrelink,  Interim  Medicare  and Â

for  45  days  with  the  discretionary  option  of  a  45-­

casework  support  from  the  Australian  Red  Cross.

day  extension.  During  this  period  the  victim  has Â

8

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The  Australian  Government  has  implemented  a Â

time  to  decide  whether  or  not  they  are  prepared Â

Post  the  investigation,  victims  can  be  offered Â

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comprehensive  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;whole  of  governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  response Â

to  be  a  witness  in  a  criminal  investigation.  The Â

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Australian  Institute  of  Criminology  states  that Â

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Visa  (WPTV).  This  visa  cannot  be  applied  for Â

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and  has  been  a  leader  in  the  region.  Resources Â

management  support  during  this  period. Â

autonomously,  it  can  be  only  offered  by  DIAC  on Â

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have  funded  initiatives  in  countries  of  origin  of Â

important,  should  not  be  permitted  to  lead  to Â

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Following  the  assessment  stream,  should  a  victim Â

regardless  of  whether  charges  have  been  laid Â

inaction.â&#x20AC;?

and  slavery  crimes,  visas  and  a  support  program Â

choose  to  engage  with  the  investigation  they  are Â

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for  people  who  give  information  to  the  police.

offered  a  Criminal  Justice  Stay  Visa  (CJSV), Â

conditions:  the  individual  must  be  present Â

There  is  recognition  and  inclusion  of  the Â

direction  of  the  AFP.  The  WPTV  can  be  granted Â

which  lasts  as  long  as  a  victims  are  needed  for Â

in  Australia  at  the  time  of  application,  the Â

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The  process  of  victim  support  involves  a  victim Â

investigation  and  prosecution.  Should  a  victim Â

individual  has  to  have  made  a  contribution  to  an Â

offences,  however  this  only  applicable  within Â

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choose  not  to  engage  with  a  criminal  investigation Â

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the  context  of  commercial  sexual  exploitation, Â

(AFP)  as  a  potential  witness.  Victims  come  to  the Â

after  the  45-­day  assessment  stream,  the  support Â

that  the  individual  will  face  harm  if  they  return  to Â

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attention  of  the  police  through  several  different Â

of  The  Australian  Red  Cross  is  withdrawn,  as Â

their  home  country.10  Â

labour  exploitation  not  involving  commercial Â

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they  are  no  longer  eligible  for  the  program.  Â

sexual  exploitation.

Immigration  and  Citizenship  (DIAC)  detects  the Â

In  Sydney,  the  Salvation  Army  established Â

individual  for  a  breach  of  their  visa  conditions. Â

If  the  victim  does  agree  to  be  a  witness,  the Â

a  Safe  House  for  trafficked  women  at  the Â

Both  David  and  the  ILO  acknowledge  that  there  is Â

Should  the  victim  choose  to  engage  in  a  criminal Â

Australian  Federal  Police  take  a  comprehensive Â

beginning  of  2008,  a  10-­bed  refuge  where Â

a  distinct  grey  area  around  the  practical  situations Â

investigation,  a  comprehensive  support  package Â

statement  of  events  and  collect  evidence  of  any Â

victims  can  receive  the  support  and  services Â

DQG OHJDO FRQFHSWV UHJDUGLQJ ODERXU WUDIÂżFNLQJ

is  offered  in  an  effort  protect  the  victimâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  health, Â

criminal  offences.  If  necessary  the  victim  may Â

they  need  to  pursue  their  human  rights. Â

1RQHWKHOHVV WKHUH LV VWLOO VLJQLÂżFDQW OLWHUDWXUH DQG

welfare  and  legal  status.

be  required  to  appear  in  court  to  give  evidence Â

Since  then,  the  service  has  expanded  to Â

at  trial.  Victims  who  are  the  holder  of  a  CJSV Â

include  a  g rowing  n umber  o f  n on-­residential Â

DUH JLYHQ DFFHVV WR IHGHUDO JRYHUQPHQW ÂżQDQFLDO

clients,  men,  women  and  young  people  who Â

HYLGHQFH WR VXJJHVW WKDW ODERXU WUDI¿FNLQJ DQG labour  exploitation  is  present  in  Australia.

7KH &RPPRQZHDOWK 2IÂżFH IRU :RPHQ KDV

Court of Conscience | 75

are  supported  as  they  rebuild  their  lives.

Identify and respond

all  of  the  services  that  come  into  play,  and  cooperation  between  social  welfare  services Â

The  service  is  a  rights-­based  service Â

and  legal  practitioner  is  therefore  of  critical Â

whereby  clients  are  given  adequate  time Â

importance.  Whilst  it  is  understood  that Â

and  opportunity  to  explore  all  of  their Â

legal  professionals  hold  professional  legal Â

options  before  making  a  decision  about  how Â

privilege,  i t  i s  i mportant  f or  a ll  p rofessionals Â

they  wish  to  pursue  their  future  goals.  The Â

to  acknowledge  key  supports  and  work Â

services  offered  by  the  Salvation  Army  are Â

in  a  way  that  holistically  addresses  the Â

outside  of,  and  are  not  dependant  on  any Â

individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  needs.

involvement  with  a  criminal  justice  process. Â

Cohesiveness between legal services and social welfare services

REFERENCES

1. Â

United  Nations  Global  Initiative  to  Fight  +XPDQ 7UDI¿FNLQJ +XPDQ 7UDI¿FNLQJ 7KH Facts  <http://www.unglobalcompact.org/ docs/issues_doc/labour/Forced_labour/ KXPDQBWUDI¿FNLQJB BWKHBIDFWVB B¿QDO SGI!

2. Â

Protocol  to  Prevent,  Suppress  and  Punish  7UDI¿FNLQJ LQ 3HUVRQV (VSHFLDOO\ :RPHQ DQG Children,  Supplementing  the  United  Nations  Convention  Against  Transnational  Organised  Crime,  2000,  UN  Doc.  A/45/49   <http://www. uncjin.org/Documents/Conventions/dcatoc/ ¿QDOBGRFXPHQWVB FRQYHQWLRQB WUDIIBHQJ SGI!

It  is  important  to  recognise  that  adequate  responses  to  assist  trafficked  people  requires  co-­operation  across  services.  In  particular,  there  needs  to  be  a  high  level  of  cohesiveness  between  legal  services  and  social  welfare  services  offered  to  clients.  Salvos  Legal  (a  free  legal  service  for  people  who  c annot  a fford  t o  p ay)  i s  t he  S afe  H ouseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  main  partner  and  offers  a  comprehensive  legal  service  that  compliments  our  social Â

3. Â

Criminal  Code  Act  1995  (Cth)  div  270.

4. Â

Criminal  Code  Act  1995  (Cth)  div  271. Â

5. Â

Criminal  Code  Act  1995  (Cth)  s  270.1. Â

6. Â

Department  of  State,  United  States  of  America,  ¾$XVWUDOLDœ LQ 7UDI¿FNLQJ LQ 3HUVRQV 5HSRUW 2I¿FH of  the  Under  Secretary  for  Democracy  and  Global  Affairs  and  Bureau  of  Public  Affairs  2010)  66

services.  Often  women  who  have  been  victims  of  trafficking  have  a  broad  range Â

7. Â

Elaine  Pearson,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  Collateral  Damage:  7KH ,PSDFW RI $QWL 7UDIÂżFNLQJ 0HDVXUHV RQ Human  Rights  and  the  World  (The  Global  Alliance  $JDLQVW 7UDIÂżFNLQJ LQ :RPHQ $PDULQ 3ULQWLQJ and  Publishing  Public  Company,  2007)  28

8. Â

)LRQD 'DYLG ¾/DERXU 7UDI¿FNLQJœ $,& 5HSRUWV Research  and  Public  Policy  Series  108  (Australian  Institute  of  Criminology,  Canberra,  2007)  7

9. Â

Minister  for  Home  Affairs  and  Justice,  Hon.  Brendan  Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Connor,  The  Governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Response  WR 3HRSOH 7UDIÂżFNLQJ 0LQLVWHULDO 6WDWHPHQW (2010)  <http://www.ag.gov.au/www/agd/agd.nsf/ 3DJH 3HRSOH7UDIÂżFNLQJB3HRSOH7UDIÂżFNLQJ!

of  legal  problems  including  criminal,  migration  and  family  matters  that  need  to  be  addressed  with  both  in  Australia  and  in  the  clientâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  home  country.

Direct  practice  experience  shows  that  clients  feel  best  supported  when  there  is  a  high  level  of  co-­operation  amongst  such  service  providers.  Given  the  level  of  trauma  WKDW SHRSOH KDYH H[SHULHQFHG LW EHFRPHV overwhelming  to  independently  manage Â

10.  Commonwealth  Government,  Department  of  Families,  Housing,  Community  Services  and  Indigenous  $IIDLUV $QWL 3HRSOH 7UDI¿FNLQJ 6WUDWHJ\ KWWS www.fahcsia.gov.au/sa/women/progserv/violence/ 3DJHV $QWL3HRSOH7UDI¿FNLQJ6WUDWHJ\ DVS[

If you suspect somebody is being abused or exploited consider if you can safely ask the following questions:

1

Do you have your passport?

2

What hours do you work, what are your conditions and pay?

3

Do you owe money to anyone?

4

Are you afraid of anyone? Who? Why?

5

If you want to leave your situation, can you? Why not?

6

Do you need help?

For help or advice contact AUSTRALIAN FEDERAL POLICE Human Trafficking Helpline 131 AFP [237] The Salvation Army (02) 9266 9882

For urgent assistance call 000 first and then make a second report to the Human Trafficking Helpline

Useful Websites Australian Federal police DIS JRY DX SROLFLQJ KXPDQ WUDIÂżFNLQJ The Salvation Army Justice Unit  salvos.org.au/justiceunit Salvos Legal  salvos.org.au/salvoslegal Anti-â&#x20AC;?Slavery Project  antislavery.org.au Commonwealth Attorney Generalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Department  DJ JRY DX ZZZ DJG DJG QVI SDJHSHRSOHWUDIÂżFNLQJBSHRSOHWUDIÂżFNLQJ Court of Conscience | 77

“Everyone, no matter what their circumstance, gets free advice.”

An Interview with Luke Geary:

Founder and Managing Partner of Salvos Legal Felice Halse Court of Conscience | 79

S

DOYRV /HJDO D QHZ QRW IRU SUR¿W ODZ ¿UP

he  began  a  part-­time  pro  bono  legal  service Â

the  family  home,  wills  and  estates,  assisting Â

to  us  with  an  area  of  law  that  we  can  practice  in, Â

which  opened  in  December  2010,  offers  a Â

in  Auburn,  Courtyard  Legal.  This  service Â

business  in  the  drafting  of  documents.  For  us, Â

and  can  they  afford  a  lawyer?  Secondly,  we  have Â

unique  self-­sustaining  model  allowing  legal Â

continued  to  grow,  and  in  early  2010  Luke Â

that  sits  quite  comfortably,  because  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  not Â

to  decide  whether  we  think  we  can  make  any Â

services  to  be  provided  for  both  commercial Â

left  his  partnership  at  Mills  Oakely  to  become Â

LQYROYLQJ RXUVHOYHV LQ D ¿JKW :H¶YH KDG TXLWH

positive  difference  for  this  person  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  that  might Â

clients  and  humanitarian  clients.   The  model Â

the  managing  partner  of  Salvos  Legal.   Luke Â

a  lot  of  people  come  to  us  for  their  personal Â

be  winning  a  case,  that  might  be  negotiating  a Â

of  the  legal  practice  includes  a  commercial Â

received  the  Anzac  of  the  Year  Award  in  2010 Â

Conveyancing,  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  had  a  couple  of  really  big Â

settlement,  that  might  be  getting  them  out  of  a Â

arm,  offering  transactional  property  services, Â

for  his  contribution  to  the  community.  During Â

clients  come  to  us  and  say  they  want  us  to  help Â

really  bad  loss,  to  make  it  a  less  bad  loss.  The Â

conveyancing,  wills  and  estates,  and  general Â

the  interview  Luke  discussed  the  model,  and Â

with  their  commercial  leasing,  so  getting  big Â

third  part  is  determining  whether  this  a  case  the Â

commercial  legal  services  to  fee-­paying  clients. Â

inspiration  for  Salvos  Legal,  as  well  as  areas  of Â

clients,  big  corporateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  and  government  is  really Â

Salvation  Army  can  support.

7KH SUR¿WV JHQHUDWHG IURP WKLV DUP IXQGV WKH

legal  disadvantage  he  is  seeing  in  his  practice. Â

critical  to  this  taking  off,  because  itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  that  sense Â

1

5

work  undertaken  by  the  humanitarian  arm.  Â

of  steady  volume  of  work. Â

The  humanitarian  clients  are  provided  pro  bono Â

What  led  to  you  establishing  Â

legal  services,  including  court  representation Â

Salvos  Legal? Â

How  is  Salvos  Legal  different  to  a  community  legal  service?

We  commenced  practice  in  this  model  on  the  1 Â

and  advocacy,  in  a  broad  range  of  areas Â

'HFHPEHU ODVW \HDU VR ZH¶YH MXVW ¿QLVKHG RXU

I  think  there  are  two  really  significant Â

including  migration  and  refugee  law,  centrelink Â

6L[ \HDUV DJR , VHW XS D ODZ ¿UP FDOOHG &RXUW\DUG

8th  month,  and  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  made  budget,  which  is Â

differences.  Firstly,  we  donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  do  a  lot  of  policy Â

law,  housing,  debt,  family  and  childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  law Â

Legal,  which  was  a  free,  very  simple  practice, Â

great. Â

ZRUN 2XU ODZ\HUV DUH KHUH WR UXQ FDVHV

and  criminal  law. Â

which  I  ran  on  the  side  of  my  commercial Â

2

we  do  start  to  finish  legal  representation. Â

practice.  Over  5  years,  we  saw  and  were  able  to Â

What  do  you  see  as  the  advantages  of  Â

The  second  thing,  and  I  think  equally  as Â

The  Salvation  Army,  one  of  Australiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  largest Â

represent  over  750  cases  for  free.  Towards  the Â

this  model?

important  as  full-­time  representation,  is  that Â

non-­government  organisations,  owns  Salvos Â

end  of  2009,  the  Salvos  said  they  want  us  to  do Â

Legal. 7KH SUDFWLFH LV LQÃ&#x20AC;XHQFHG E\ WKH ZULWLQJV

this  on  a  large  scaleâ&#x20AC;¦

3

[The  funding  model]  gives  us  freedom.  Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  an Â

of  the  founder  of  the  Salvation  Army  in  The  Poor  Manâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Lawyer,  and  In  Darkest  England Â

we  look  at  many  needs  of  a  client,  not  just  the  legal  need.

LQGHSHQGHQW ODZ ¿UP LQ HYHU\ VHQVH :H¶UH QRW How  is  the  service  funded?

DQG WKH :D\ 2XW.  In  particular,  Salvos  Legal  4

required  to  do  anything  for  anyone.  Of  course Â

Are  there  certain  groups  you  have Â

though,  the  Salvation  Army  has  a  position  in Â

encountered  in  the  community  who Â

attempts  to  provide  holistic  legal  assistance Â

Weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re Â

and Â

society  as  the  most  trusted  charity.   We  only Â

seem  the  most  disadvantaged  in  regards Â

that  complements  the  social  services  that  the Â

Commonwealth  government  funding.  If  we Â

practice  in  our  humanitarian  area  in  the  areas Â

to  obtaining  legal  assistance?

Salvation  Army  provides  to  disadvantaged Â

asked  the  Salvation  Army  for  money,  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  still Â

of  criminal  law,  family  and  childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  law,  debt, Â

members  of  the  community.   At  the  same  time, Â

going  to  have  this  huge  issue  of  other  social Â

housing,  centrelink,  and  migration/refugee  law.

the  service  also  endeavors  to  provide  high Â

services  saying  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;we  donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  have  enough  moneyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Â

quality  legal  services  to  commercial  clients Â

The  Salvation  Army  has  never  had  a  commercial Â

How  do  you  determine  who  can  access Â

limited,  and  the  number  of  services  that  are Â

at  competitive  market  rates.  Salvos  Legal Â

ODZ ¿UP EXW LW GRHVQ¶W PHDQ WKDW LW FRXOG QHYHU

your  humanitarian  legal  assistance?

around  in  NSW  that  are  able  and  willing  to Â

KDV RI¿FHV XS DQG UXQQLQJ LQ 6XUU\ +LOOV

KDYH D FRPPHUFLDO ODZ ¿UP

completely Â

free Â

of Â

state Â

Parramatta,  Auburn,  Campsie  and  Miranda,  and Â

I  think  there  are  huge  immigration  issues.  The  funding  for  migration  assistance  is  extremely Â

assist  for  free  can  be  counted  on  one  hand.  Everyone,  no  matter  what  their  circumstance, Â

You  take  people  who  can  barely  speak  English, Â

We  couldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  do  a  full-­range  commercial Â

gets  free  advice.  Not  everyone  gets  free Â

may  not  be  able  to  read  and  write,  who  have Â

practiceâ&#x20AC;¦  those  disputes  [building  litigation]  get Â

representation.  And  we  do  have  a  fairly Â

no  friends  or  family,  and  may  have  come  from Â

Luke  Geary,  the  managing  partner  of  Salvos Â

really  messy,  so  I  had  to  think  of  what  was  not Â

comprehensive Â

test. Â

trauma,  or  at  least  isolation  and  desperation. Â

Legal  agreed  to  be  interviewed  about  Salvos Â

controversial.   Thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  a  series  of  transactions Â

Representation  is  given  in  circumstances  where Â

I  think  that  is  probably  the  most  complex  area Â

Legal  for  Court  of  Conscience.   Luke  was Â

you  can  do,  that  everyone  needs,  that  have Â

HIIHFWLYHO\ WKHUH LV D WKUHH SURQJHG WHVW 7KH ¿UVW

of  clients  having  access  to  justice  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  migration-­

previously  a  partner  at  Mills  Oakley,  when Â

nothing  to  do  with  court.  Buying  and  selling Â

is,  is  it  a  legal  need  and  are  these  people  coming Â

refugee  law.

is  in  the  process  of  expanding  into  Queensland. Â

means Â

and Â

merit Â

Court of Conscience | 81

Thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  this  incredible  lack  of  access  to Â

¿QDQFLDO PDQDJHPHQW FULVLV DFFRPPRGDWLRQ

representation.  Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  not  a  lack  of  advice  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  I Â

welfare  services,  counseling  services,  all  those Â

think  thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  plenty  of  advice,  but  itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  a  lack  of Â

other  things. Â

comprehension  of  that  advice.  Because  it  is  an  area  where  it  is  complex.  If  you  were  to  come Â

It  would  be  a  very  common  day  for  a  client  to Â

to  Australia  by  boat,  and  get  intercepted,  you Â

come  in  here,  and  immediately  be  referred  to, Â

are  almost  certain  to  get  representation.  But Â

for  example,  the  Bridge  program  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  a  10  month Â

if  you  come  here  on  a  plane,  or  another  visa Â

full-­time  residential  Drug  and  Alcohol  services Â

and  disappear  into  the  community  or  your Â

program.  We  also  get  a  lot  of  people  here  who Â

circumstances  change,  you  get  no  Medicare,  no Â

are  completely  homeless. Â

housing,  no  centrelink,  no  lawyer,  youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  got  nothing.  And  itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  those  people,  I  think,  that  are Â

A  lot  of  our  referrals  come  from  the  Department Â

the  complex  cases.  Â

of  Immigration,  or  other  government  services  that  hear  of  us  because  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  got  a  bit  of  a  name Â

Are  there  other  areas  of  disadvantage Â

for  immigration  work.  And  the  people  that Â

you  have  encountered?

come  to  us  are  in  some  of  the  most  hopeless  of  situations.  They  have  zero  government  or  other Â

Driving  matters  are  becoming  increasingly Â

QRQ JRYHUQPHQW EHQH¿WV QRZKHUH WR VWD\ QR

severe.  People  with  high-­range  drink  driving, Â

physical  belongings,  usually  no  papers,  but Â

there  is  a  court  of  criminal  appeal  judgment  that Â

theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  in  the  community.  So  the  access  we  have Â

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to  crisis  accommodation  and  welfare  services, Â

the  scheme  of  things  might  seem  to  people  to  be Â

thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  irreplaceable.  As  a  law  practice,  you  canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t Â

at  the  lighter  end  of  criminal  law,  but  practically Â

help  the  legal  problem  if  theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve  got  nowhere  to Â

to  people  theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  at  a  very  severe  end. Â

sleep  at  night. Â

In  what  ways  do  you  attempt  to  provide  an  effective  and  legal  service  to  these Â

REFERENCES

disadvantaged  groups?

We  work  a  lot  with  many  community-­based  services,  and  together  I  think  weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  able  to  keep Â

1. Â

Salvos  Legal,  About  Us  (2010)  <  http:// salvos.org.au/salvoslegal/about-­us/>. Â

2. Â

Salvos  Legal,  Salvos  Legal  Humanitarian  (2010)  <  http://salvos.org.au/salvoslegal/ salvos-­legal-­humanitarian/>.

3. Â

The  Salvation  Army  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  Eastern  Territory,  Annual  Review  2010  (December  2010)  <http://salvos. org.au/about-­us/annual-­report-­and-­funding/ documents/TSAAR10-­REVIEWweb2.pdf>.

4. Â

Booth,  William,  In  Darkest  England  and  the  Way  Out  (Funk  &  Wagnalls,  1890). Â

5. Â

Salvos  Legal,  Our  People  (2010)  <  http:// salvos.org.au/salvoslegal/our-­people/>.

a  hold  of  the  client.  Having  a  caseworker  in  a  community-­based  organisation,  a  doctor  or  a  social  worker,  can  help  us  gather  all  the  other  bits  of  information.  And  then  we  can  write  a  letter  to  a  judge  telling  all  the  good  things  theyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re  doing  for  this  person,  all  the  support  services  they  have  engaged  with.   We  try  very  proactively  Luke  Geary  in  consultation  Salvos  Leagal

to  engage  other  services  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  so  drug  and  alcohol,  Court of Conscience | 83

ESSAYS

Court of Conscience | 85

Legum servi sumus ut liberu esse possimus

We are slaves of the law so that we may be able to be

The ‘democratizing’ effect of the secret ballot laws from 130-‐139BC T Claire Stimpson

o us the secret ballot is an integral part of

development because, although the secret ballot

any democracy. In Australia the ability to

may not have been intended to revolutionise the

exercise your vote in private in not only

system, the lived experience of the citizenry was

enshrined in legislation, but is also expected by

certainly an increase in freedom at the ballot

the community at large. In order to understand

box. In order to illuminate these changes, it is

how this institution has come to play such an

useful to explore the method of voting in Rome

important role in our conception of democracy

before the introduction of the secret ballot and

LW LV ¿UVW QHFHVVDU\ WR H[SORUH WKH RULJLQV RI WKH

how the practice changed from 139-­130BC.

secret ballot.

By then looking at the reaction of the ancient sources to the secret ballot laws, both sides of

In theory, power in the Roman Republic lay in the

the democratisation argument can be examined.

hands of the people. In practice, however, the real

Rather than providing a detailed discussion

power rested solely with the nobility. A Roman

on how such laws altered the shape of Roman

citizen was entitled to elect magistrates and

politics in the ballots after their implementation,

approve or disapprove of proposed legislation,

the following shall attempt to quantify the aims

EXW KDG YHU\ OLWWOH LQÀXHQFH RWKHUZLVH 2QH

of the measures at the time of their introduction.

of the key developments of the Roman voting system was the introduction of the secret ballot

The voting assemblies within Rome provided

in the voting assemblies. This was a pivotal

the democratic element in what Polybius termed

CICERO

Court of Conscience | 87

Romeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  mixed  constitution.1  Citizens  were Â

a  magisterial  election,  or  yes  or  no  if  a  legislative Â

plebs.24  Some  modern  sources  claim  they  also Â

grouped  differently  between  each  of  the  voting Â

vote  was  taking  place.11  The  rogator  would  then Â

provided  an  opportunity  for  the  new  men  to  gain Â

DVVHPEOLHV KRZHYHU WKH\ VKDUHG PDQ\ FRPPRQ

record  the  vote  on  a  wax  tablet.12  Evidently  there Â

positions  on  the  cursus  honorum  by  lessening Â

elements  in  regards  to  voting.  Prior  to  the  Lex Â

was  no  real  anonymity  in  this  process,  and  a Â

the  stranglehold  of  Romeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  established  nobility.25 Â

Gabina  of  139  BC  voting  was  done  openly,3 Â

citizenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  vote  could  be  monitored  by  anyone  who Â

The  ancient  sources  give  us  some  insight  to  the Â

KRZHYHU WKHUH ZHUH VRPH PRGL¿FDWLRQV WR WKLV

wished  to  listen.  In  a  political  system  based  on Â

reaction  these  laws  would  have  received  in  Rome Â

during  the  republican  period.4  The  original Â

individual  ties  and  personalities  this  method Â

at  the  time.

method  of  voting  in  the  assemblies  was  by Â

of  voting  provided  many  opportunities  for Â

acclamation  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  where  voters  would  have  audibly Â

WKRVH ZLWK SRZHU WR LQÃ&#x20AC;XHQFH DQG H[DPLQH WKH

Unfortunately  very  few  sources  that  provide Â

and  simultaneously  expressed  their  support  for Â

votes  of  those  who  fell  within  their  patronage. Â

any  mention  of  the  successive  passage  of  the Â

a  proposal.5 Â

This  would  rarely  have  been  an  overt  process,15 Â

secret  ballot  survive,  and  we  have  only  a  singular Â

although  it  is  evident  that  the  system  was  not Â

detailed  account.26  Pliny  The  Younger  includes Â

designed  to  empower  the  citizenry.16  The  130s Â

only  a  passing  reference  to  the  legislation, Â

saw  a  move  from  individualised  oral  voting  to  the Â

describing  the  split  vote  for  the  Lex  Papina.27  It  is Â

secret  ballot.

Cicero  in  his  work  De  Legibus  who  presents  the Â

2

Such legislation was symbolic of a wider discontent with the social structure, preparing the way for more revolutionary acts.

13

14

most  detailed  information  on  the  passage  of  the Â

it is clear, if we are to take the view that Cicero is representative of the values of his class, that the introduction of the secret ballot was seen as reducing the power and influence of the nobility.

Throughout  the  decade  of  the  130s  three Â

laws.28  Cicero  opposed  the  legislation,  claiming Â

separate,  but  ultimately  similar,  pieces  of Â

their  supporters  lacked  the  respect  for  the  nobility Â

legislation  implemented  the  use  of  the  secret Â

and  were  treasonous.29  He  stated  that  it  was  not Â

ballot  in  Roman  voting  assemblies. 7KH ¿UVW ZDV

feasible  to  rescind  the  legislation,30  but  there Â

the  Lex  Gabina  of  139  BC,  which  saw  the  secret Â

should  be  an  amendment  so  voters  must  show Â

ballot  used  in  magisterial  elections.  The  tribune Â

their  written  ballot  to  their  patrons.31  As  Cicero Â

by  the  nobility  of  the  time  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  and,  if  so,  were Â

Aulus  Gabinus,  a  plebeian  magistrate,  proposed Â

was  a  member  of  the  nobility,  his  opinion  can  be Â

certainly  no  cause  for  concern.35  Here  the  lack  of Â

this  law.  In  137  BC  the  Lex  Cassia  legislated Â

taken  to  be  at  least  somewhat  representative  of Â

ancient  sources  on  the  issue  of  the  secret  ballot Â

for  secret  ballots  to  be  used  in  court  cases  â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Â

this  class.  Despite  his  inherent  bias  against  the Â

is  taken  as  evidence  that  the  legislation  was  not Â

17

18

19

except  in  instances  of  high  treason.  Despite Â

tribunes  who  sponsored  the  legislation,  the Â

VLJQL¿FDQW HQRXJK WR EH QRWHG E\ WKH KLVWRULDQV

This  was  an  extremely  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;primitiveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  system  and Â

his  inconsistent  position  on  popular  legislation, Â

beliefs  espoused  by  Cicero  here  can  be  taken  on Â

of  the  day.  That  absence  of  major  turmoil  around Â

soon  changed  to  a  method  of  individualised Â

Scipio  Aemilianus  supported  this  measure, Â

face  value.  Cicero  saw  this  legislation  as  a  threat Â

their  passage  is  taken  to  mean  the  ruling  class Â

oral  voting.  Here,  once  an  assembly  was  called, Â

proposed  by  the  patrician  tribune  L.  Cassius Â

to  the  ruling  class,  and  thus  as  a  gain  for  the Â

did  not  see  them  as  a  threat  to  their  power  base.36 Â

the  citizens  would  initially  gather  as  a  part  of Â

Longinus  Ravilla.21  Coins  commemorating  the Â

liberty  of  the  general  citizenry.33  Regardless  of Â

They  claim  that  for  some,  the  ballot  brought Â

their  designated  group  in  preparation  for  the Â

passage  of  the  Lex  Cassia  have  been  found Â

how  they  operated  in  reality,  Cicero  vehemently Â

an  opportunity  to  defeat  their  political  rivals Â

upcoming  vote.  Once  organised,  the  citizens Â

depicting  the  freedom  and  liberation  of  the Â

felt  that  the  secret  ballot  limited  the  power  and Â

through  the  courts.37  It  is  asserted  that  these Â

would  individually  be  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;called  upâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  to  cast  their Â

people.22 7KH ¿QDO SLHFH RI OHJLVODWLRQ LQ

LQÃ&#x20AC;XHQFH RI 5RPH¶V XSSHU FODVVHV 34 Â

ODZV ZHUH RQO\ IRU WKH EHQH¿W RI WKH QRELOLW\ DQG

vote  to  the  particular  unitsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  rogator,   who  was Â

BC  approved  the  use  of  the  secret  ballot  for Â

appointed  by  the  magistrate  of  the  assembly.9  The Â

votes  on  legislation,  the  Lex  Papina.23  All  three Â

Despite  this,  there  are  diverging  views  from Â

into  a  system  that  they  would  never  have  any Â

rogatores,  or  questioners,  were  generally  chosen Â

plebiscites  were  introduced  by  tribunes  who Â

modern  scholars  on  the  issue  of  democratisation. Â

real  authority  within.38  Some  see  the  changes  as Â

from  the  higher  classes  but  eventually  came  to  be Â

were  the  traditional  representatives  of  the Â

Many  modern  authors  argue  that  the  series Â

strictly  mechanical,  with  the  secret  ballot  as  the Â

nominated  from  the  jury  lists.  A  citizen  would Â

citizenry,  and  thus  may  be  regarded  as  laws  that Â

of  plebiscites  that  introduced  the  secret  ballot Â

natural  evolution  of  the  voting  system.39  Evidence Â

tell  the  rogator  either  who  they  supported  if  it  was Â

worked  to  increase  the  political  freedom  of  the Â

over  the  course  of  the  130s  were  hardly  noted Â

for  this  is  the  easy  passage  the  laws  received.40 Â

10

6

7

10

32

merely  served  to  further  co-­opt  the  lower  classes Â

Court of Conscience | 89

It  is  argued  that  the  secret  ballot  legislation  did Â

of  the  tribunes  in  later  years.48  This  hypothesis, Â

little  to  alter  the  democratic  reach  of  the  plebs Â

however,  runs  the  risk  of  imposing  a  linear Â

because  of  the  wider  system  remained  largely Â

cause  and  effect  model  that  presupposes  further Â

unchanged. Â

ideological  discontent.49  Whatever  motivating  factors  lay  behind  the  introduction  of  the  laws, Â

6LJQL¿FDQW

VFKRODUVKLS

KRZHYHU

UHIXWHV

citizens  would  now  have  been  able  to  vote  with Â

the  argument  that  the  ballot  laws  were Â

a  sense  that  their  ballot  was  now  theirs  to  use Â

inconsequential,  arguing  that  they  did  increase Â

without  being  closely  monitored.50  Despite  this, Â

the  levels  of  democracy  in  the  Roman  Republic. Â

an  individual  citizensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  sense  of  obligation  and Â

41

In  assessing  the  ancient  evidence  available  it Â

other  ties  would  still  have  remained  present Â

is  clear,  if  we  are  to  take  the  view  that  Cicero Â

when  voting  within  the  assemblies. Â

REFERENCES

1. Â

Polybius,  The  Histories,  WR  Paton  trans  (Harvard  University  Press,  1922)  5.11.

2. Â

L  Taylor,  Roman  Voting  Assemblies:  From  the  Hannibalic  War  To  The  Dictatorship  of  Caesar  (University  of  Michigan  Press,  1966)  8.

27. Â Plin. Â Epist. Â 3.20.1.

3. Â

Timothy  Wiseman,  New  Men  In  The  Roman  Senate  (Oxford  University  Press,  1971)  3.

4. Â

Claude  Nicolet,  The  World  of  the  Citizen  in  Republican  Rome  (Batsford  Academic  and  Educational,  1980)  258.

5. Â

E  Stavely,  Greek  and  Roman  Voting  and  Elections  (Thames  and  Hudson,  1972)  157.

6. Â

Fergus  Millar,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Political  Character  of  the  Classical  Roman  Republic,  200-­151  BCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1984)  74  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Roman  Studies  1,  18.

28.  Napthali  Lewis  and  Meyer  Reinhold,  The  Republic  and  the  Augustan  Age  (Columbia  University  Press,  1990)  424.  29.  Cicero,  above  n  19,  35.

30.  Ibid  33.

is  representative  of  the  values  of  his  class,  that Â

31.  Ibid  39.

32.  Ibid  35.

33.  Hall,  above  n  13,  194.

the  introduction  of  the  secret  ballot  was  seen  as Â

The  introduction  of  the  secret  ballot  in  the  voting Â

UHGXFLQJ WKH SRZHU DQG LQÃ&#x20AC;XHQFH RI WKH QRELOLW\

assemblies  and  in  the  courts  over  the  course  of Â

This  in  turn  indicates  that  the  legislation  served Â

the  130s  greatly  changed  the  experience  of  voting Â

to  increase  the  freedoms  of  the  lower  classes.42 Â

for  many  citizens.  Compared  with  the  open  oral Â

As  Yakobson  outlines,  the  argument  that  there Â

system  of  voting,  the  ability  for  an  individual  to Â

is  no  evidence  of  repeal  or  veto  in  regards  to  the Â

vote  without  being  monitored  suggests  that  such Â

OHJLVODWLRQ LV QRW VXI¿FLHQW WR VXJJHVW WKDW WKH

laws  did  aid  the  process  of  democracy.  Despite Â

nobility  did  not,  at  least  in  their  opinions,  oppose Â

limited  ancient  sources  on  the  topic,  Cicero Â

WKHP DQG WKDW WKH SOHEHLDQV GLG QRW EHQH¿W IURP

makes  clear  that  he  loathed  the  changes  the Â

them.43  De  Legibus  shows  us  that  there  was  at Â

legislation  brought  about,  which  can  be  taken  to Â

least  some  senatorial  opposition  to  the  laws.44  Â

be  somewhat  representative  of  the  nobility  of  the  period.  What  motivated  the  tribunes  to  put  these Â

These  laws  were  seen  as  reformist  legislation, Â

laws  is  not  clear,  but  even  if  the  intent  was  not Â

working  within  the  system  to  create  more Â

to  provide  greater  political  freedom,  it  does  not Â

freedoms  for  the  citizenry,  rather  than  being Â

mean  that  this  end  was  not  achieved.  Although Â

revolutionary.  Allowing  people  to  consider  and Â

not  revolutionary  in  itself,  the  introduction  of Â

make  their  vote  in  private  may  not  have  greatly Â

the  secret  ballot  reformed  the  voting  system  in Â

45

26.  Yakobson,  above  n  7,  426.

7. Â

Alexander  Yakobson,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Secret  Ballot  and  Its  Effects  in  the  Late  Roman  Republicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1994)  123  Hermes  426,  426.

8. Â

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  Roman  Antiquities,  E.  Cary  trans.  (Heineman,  1950)  8.2-­8.

9. Â

Stavely,  above  n  5,  158.

34.  Andrew  Lintott,  The  Constitution  of  the  Roman  Republic  (Clarendon  Press,  1999)  47.

35.  Yakobson,  above  n  7,  126.

36.  William  Harris,  Ancient  Literacy  (Harvard  University  Press,  1989)  169.

10.  Taylor,  above  n  2,  8.

37.  Erich  Gruen,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Roman  Politics  and  the  Criminal  Courts,  %&¶ LQ $QWKRQ\ 0ROR .XUW 5DDÃ&#x20AC;DXE DQG -XOLD Emlen  (eds.)  City-­States  in  Classical  Antiquity  and  Medieval  Italy  (Franz  Steiner  Verlag,  1991)  39.

11.  Yakobson,  above  n  7,  427.

38.  Harris,  above  n  36,  292.

12.  Stavely,  above  n  5,  158.

39.  Hall,  above  n  13,  197-­199.

13.  Ursula  Hall,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Greeks  and  Romans  and  the  Secret  Ballotâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  E.M  Craik  (ed.)  Owls  to  Athens.  (Clarendon  Press,  1990)  193.

40.  Yakobson,  above  n  7,  427.

41.  Scullard,  above  n  21,  71.

14.  3 %UXQW 6RFLDO &RQÃ&#x20AC;LFWV LQ WKH 5RPDQ Republic  (Chatto  and  Winds,  1978)  65.

15.  Plutarch,  Lives,  Bernadotte  Perrin  trans.  (Harvard  University  Press,  1943)  32.1.

16.  - /DUVHQ µ7KH 2ULJLQ DQG 6LJQL¿FDQFH RI WKH &RXQWLQJ of  Votesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1949)  44  Classical  Philology  3,  178.

42.  Yakobson,  above  n  7,  426.

43.  Ibid  428.

44.  Henrik  Mouritsen,  Plebs  and  Politics  in  the  Late  Roman  Republic  (Cambridge  University  Press,  2001)  75.

45.  Stavely,  above  n  5,  158.

17.  John  North,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Constitution  of  the  Roman  Republicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  Companion  to  the  Roman  Republic  (Blackwell  Publishing,  2006)  270.

18.  Millar,  above  n  6,  18.

altered  the  decisions  they  were  making,  but  gave Â

such  a  way  that  could  only  have  meant  increased Â

citizens  a  greater  sense  of  freedom  in  doing  so.46 Â

democratic  freedoms  for  the  people.  It  is  not Â

19.  Cicero,  De  Legibus,  H.  Grose  Hodge  trans.  (Harvard  University  Press,  2000)  35.

Even  if  secret  ballots  were  not  aimed  at  giving Â

incompatible  that  the  new  men  would  have Â

20.  Stavely,  above  n  5,  158.

the  plebs  greater  opportunities  to  express  their Â

achieved  their  ends  whilst  also  having  allowed Â

â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;trueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  opinions,  they  reduced  the  pressure  and Â

further  democratisation  of  the  voting  system. Â

21.  H  Scullard,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Scipio  Aemilianus  and  Roman  Politicsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1960)  50  The  Journal  of  Roman  Studies  59,  70.

obligation  involved  in  such  an  event.47  Modern Â

Changing  the  method  by  which  voting  took  place Â

22.  Robert  Morstein-­Marx,  Mass  Oratory  and  Political  Power  in  the  Late  Republic  (Cambridge  University  Press,  2004)  84.

authors  within  this  school  of  thought  also  argue Â

may  not  have  dramatically  altered  the  political Â

23.  Stavely,  above  n  5,  158.

that  such  legislation  was  symbolic  of  a  wider Â

system,  but  such  laws  provided  a  practical Â

24.  Nicolet,  above  n  4,  267.

discontent  with  the  social  structure,  preparing Â

challenge  to  the  power  of  the  nobility  and  allowed Â

25.  Hall,  above  n  13,  195-­197.

the  way  for  more  revolutionary  acts  on  behalf Â

citizens  to  vote  without  scrutiny.

46.  Larsen,  above  n  16,  181.

47.  Richard  Husband,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Election  Laws  in  Classical  Romeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1916)  11  The  Classical  Journal  535,  538.

48.  Brunt,  above  n  14,  66.

49.  Hall,  above  n  13,  191.

50.  Taylor,  above  n  2,  35. Â

Court of Conscience | 91

GENDER NEUTRAL LAW AND OTHER BEDTIME STORIES FOR GIRLS:

THE CAPABILITY OF FEMINIST LEGAL AND SOCIAL THEORY TO REVOLUTIONIZE THE LENS FROM WHICH WE VIEW THE LAW Katherine Gilchrist

adical  feminist  legal  and  social  theories,  if  accepted Â

R

UHĂ&#x20AC;HFW ZRPHQÂśV QHHGV DQG YRLFHV ZLOO LQHYLWDEO\ IDLO

for  even  the  most  basic  shared  principles,  have  the Â

if  the  rights  or  freedoms  based  system  that  produces Â

ability  to  revolutionize  our  understanding  of  the Â

that  body  of  law  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  and  the  social  conditions  to  access Â

function  and  character  of  law  in  western  societies.  Any Â

it  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  does  not  recognise  its  own  propensity  to  make Â

revolution,  however,  may  be  limited  to  understanding Â

laws  that  protect  the  freedoms  of  men  at  the  expense Â

the  true  character  of  the  law  without  the  veil  of Â

womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  protection. Â

neutrality.  It  may  only  amount  to  the  recognition  that  the  character  of  the  law  is  male,  and  one  of  its  functions Â

Perhaps  the  only  opportunity  for  constructing  a  truly Â

is  to  perpetuate  and  protect  the  gender  hierarchy.  Any Â

feminine  legal  and  social  system  begins  with  the Â

further  revolution,  such  as  one  where  the  substance Â

recognition  that  the  law  is  gendered  and  exclusionary, Â

of  the  law  moulds  to  represent  a  female  perspective Â

and  perpetuates  the  social  conditions  currently  in  place Â

as  well  as  male,  may  be  impossible  without  radical Â

allowing  for  the  systematic  rape,  abuse,  harassment Â

systemic  change,  likely  including  state  intervention. Â

and  oppression  of  women.  Only  then  will  the  conditions  be  ripe  for  a  female  voice  to  be  born,  and Â

The  seeming  impossibility  of  the  realisation  of  gender-­

thus  a  feminine  law  constructed. Â

neutral  law  lies  in  a  number  of  political  and  historical  factors  which  interplay  with  complex  social  realities  to  mask  the  dire  state  of  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  protection  in  western  societies.  The  masculist  nature  of  the  lawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  conception Â

FEMINIST LEGAL THEORIES AND THEIR ABILITY TO STRIP THE LAW OF ITS FALLACIOUS â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;NEUTRALITYâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

coupled  with  the  timeless  subordination  of  women  continues  to  silence  any  female  voice  to  the  extent  that Â

Disclaimer:

a  voice  has  ever  existed.  Unsurprisingly,  the  law  itself  protects  and  perpetuates  this  subordination  in  its  very Â

There  is  not  one  feminist  theory.  Feminist  theories  are Â

foundations.  Through  the  common  law  precedent Â

as  diverse  as  the  people  who  come  up  with  them.  A Â

system  we  see  the  proliferation  of  areas  of  law  and  lines Â

FRPPRQ GHÂżQLWLRQ RI IHPLQLVP FDQ DW EHVW EH UHGXFHG

of  decisions  that  were  created  to  deal  with  issues  that Â

to:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;a  shared  concern  for  the  unequal  position  of Â

arose  when  free  and  voting  citizens  interacted  with Â

women  in  society.â&#x20AC;?2  To  describe  a  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;feminist  lensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  from Â

each  other  in  business  and  public  life.  The  nature  of Â

ZKLFK WR YLHZ WKH ODZ ZLWKRXW ÂżUVW TXDOLI\LQJ LW ZRXOG

this  system,  and  one  of  its  strengths  according  to  its Â

be  to  neglect  the  importance  to  many  feminists  of  not Â

advocates,  is  that  the  law  evolves  slowly  as  the  system  is Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;essentialisingâ&#x20AC;?  diverse  voices,  that  is,  of  not  regarding Â

ERXQG WR IROORZ SDVW GHFLVLRQV WKH V\VWHP LV WKHUHIRUH

the  essence  of  oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  own  experience  as  representative Â

fundamentally  bound  to  protect  itself  from  radical Â

of  others.3 :LWK WKDW LQ PLQG , ZLOO ¿UVW TXDOLI\ WKDW WKLV

change.  However,  a  radical  change  may  be  what  is Â

article  largely  draws  from  radical  feminist  theorists, Â

needed  if  the  law  is  to  incorporate  women,  given  that Â

particularly  Catharine  McKinnon,  an  eminent  radical Â

I  say,  give  women  equal  power  in  social  lifeâ&#x20AC;ŚTake  your  foot  off  our  necks,  then  we  will  hear  in  what Â

both  common-­law  precedent  and  rules  alienate  and Â

legal  scholar  and  Professor  of  Law  at  the  University Â

tongue  women  speak.  So  long  as  sex  equality  is  limited  to  sex  differenceâ&#x20AC;Śwomen  will  be  born,  degraded, Â

repress  the  female  voice.  Even  radical  legal  change Â

of  Michigan.  I  have  drawn  from  radical  theorists  for Â

and  die.  We  would  settle  for  that  equal  protection  of  the  laws  under  which  one  would  be  born,  live,  and Â

may  not  be  enough,  as  it  is  the  very  principles  that Â

this  article  not  in  order  to  criticise  substantive  law,  but Â

die,  in  a  country  where  protection  is  not  a  dirty  word  and  equality  is  not  a  special  privilege.

constitute  our  freedoms-­based  legal  system  that  are Â

the  underlying  socio-­political  conditions  that  facilitate Â

to  blame  for  gendered  law.  Changing  current  law  to Â

gendered  law  and  lack  of  access  to  it. Â

1

-­  Catharine  McKinnon

Court of Conscience | 93

RADICAL RADICAL FEMINIST FEMINIST LEGAL LEGAL THEORY THEORY

((2 DQG VH[ GLVFULPLQDWLRQ OHJLVODWLRQ the decrease in the earnings gender gap

Some radical feminists view the oppression of

has been negligible. More disturbingly[…]

women as emanating from a society created by

DFFRUGLQJ WR WKH 2(&' GDWD>«@ WKH JHQGHU

and in the image of men. They view legislative

gap actually widened[...] Statistics from the

reforms as fallacious victories that have done little

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to challenge or change the legislative foundations

this and indicates that during the last

that allow for the systematic abuse and

decade not only has the gap between the

oppression of women within western societies.

earnings of male and female workers

What’s more, any victory won for women’s

widened, but also between the top ten

HTXLW\ LV TXDOL¿HG E\ VRFLDO IDFWRUV DIIHFWLQJ WKHP

percent and the bottom ten percent of

uniquely, and by the fragile and political nature

workers. A statistic double affecting women

of parliament-­made law. An example of this is in

as women are often relegated to industries

the economic arena, where feminist lawyers in

ZLWK WKH ORZHVW SD\ LWVHOI QRW VXEMHFW WR

Australia who had “campaigned for years around

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pay equity watched with dismay as childcare

to ensure equal and fair pay.

4

7

funding was slashed, forcing many women to

Once we accept the notion that men dominate women socially, we must accept how this is reflected in law, which demonstratively protects the [Current] social hierarchy

has been won at the Supreme Court level has been brought by a man[…]they get preferred because society advantages them before they get into court, and the law is prohibited from taking that preference into account.10

GENDER-‐NEUTRAL GENDER-‐NEUTRAL LAW? LAW? The liberal state, in its definition of the rule of law “—neutral, abstract, elevated, pervasive—both institutionalises the power of men over women and institutionalises power in its male form.” 11 “Simply by treating the status quo as ‘the standard,’ it invisibly and uncritically accepts the arrangements

OHDYH WKH SDLG ZRUNIRUFH DQG ZRPHQ¶V ZDJHV

To gain access to rights, women initially needed

decline as enterprise bargaining and individual

WR SURYH WKH\ ZHUH HTXDO WR PHQ WKLV OHIW

the issue of armed combat is taken into court on

through a feminist lens, the revolution in our

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industries that were not traditional employers

an equality module, the issue becomes whether

understanding of the character and function

It is not only a lack of female representation in

of men, unable to claim a standard by which to

or not women, excluded from such combat,

of t he l aw w ould s hift f rom t he u nderstanding

the legislative assembly that accounts for such a

judge labour standards. “To claim special needs

are being treated equally. There is no space for

of the law as neutral and passive, to

gross negligence of women’s economic and social

placed women at risk because they were then

introducing the feminist issue of opposition to

understanding the law as enforcing ‘abstract

welfare, but the silencing of women’s unique

automatically deemed not similarly situated to

militarism.” Despite the obvious dangers, the

rights’, which “authorize the male experience

voice to articulate those needs.

men” in which case it was not sex discrimination

doctrine behind western sex discrimination and

of the world. 13

5

under male supremacy.” 12 Thus, when viewed

9

in need of legal amelioration, but a difference

equality laws largely have their roots in these

Some theorists view even sex equality legislation

between the sexes outside the sphere of the law.8

conceptions of sameness or difference, one

For some radical feminists, the neutral veil of

as potentially harmful to women, as gender-­

Some feminist theorists however, have resisted

forcing women to the male standard in order

the law “reinforces the legitimacy of the male

neutral language in legislation inevitably uses the

the urge to translate the needs of women into a

to not be discriminated against, the other using

viewpoint as the standard upon which the law

male standard, and is therefore only accessible

³VLPLODUO\ VLWXDWHG UXOH ´ SUHIHUULQJ WR UHFRJQLVH

special protections to account for the ways in

is based.” This veil is propelled by the myth

to women who can “show in effect that they are

the gender of the law and demanding that it

which women are different to men. In both, the

of the reasonable person, 14 a gender, race, age

men in every relevant respect, unfortunately

recognise women’s needs in their own right.

law is shaped by how close one is to the male

and income neutral person who erases the

VWDQGDUG 7KLV LV GH¿FLHQW IRU IHPDOH SURWHFWLRQ

reality of real social hierarchies reflected in

LQ D YDULHW\ RI ZD\V

the law. This “male supremacist jurisprudence

mistaken for women on the basis of an accident at birth.” Sex equality law potentially masks

Other theorists however, have regarded the

the roots of female oppression and leads to the

process of translating women’s complex and

false impression that equal to men under the law

intertwining needs into a male-­centric legal

[a]s applied, the sameness standard has

view as standards for the proper and actual

equates to protection for women. In Australia,

framework as limiting, with the issue remaining

PRVWO\ JRWWHQ PHQ WKH EHQH¿W RI WKRVH

relation between life and law.” 15 This male

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things women have historically had[...]

standard is pervasive in all law from criminal

for feminist frameworks. For example, “when

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to civil, corporate to family.

6

[s]ince the introduction of Commonwealth

erects qualities valued from the male point of

Court of Conscience | 95

[F]or  instance  in  the  criminal  law  defense  of  provocation  which  is  structured  around  (socially  constructed)  masculine  responses  to  affront  or  perceived  threat[â&#x20AC;Ś]  Standards  assumed  to  be  normal,  universal,  even  common-­sensical,  are  often  derived  from  VSHFLÂżF VRFLR SROLWLFDO ORFDWLRQV ZKHUH SRZHU WR GHÂżQH DQG OHJLVODWH IRU RWKHUV LV concentrated.  The  result  is  a  silencing  of  certain  voices  and  certain  types  of  narrative  LQ WKH FRQVWUXFWLRQ RI ODZÂśV RIÂżFLDO LGHQWLW\ 16 Â

RULE OF LAW: SOME MORE EQUAL THAN OTHERS

that  freedoms  guaranteed  were  those  that Â

to  the  present  day  are  considered  valid  bases Â

protected  the  interests  of  men  at  the  expense  of Â

for  defeating  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;unprecedentedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  interpretations  or Â

womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  protection. Â

initiatives  from  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  point  of  view.23  The  cyclical  nature  of  exclusion  provides  for  an Â

WESTERN LIBERAL LAW AS PERPETUATING SUBORDINATION

insurmountable  obstacle  to  inclusionary  law  without  radical  change  to  the  system.  When  we  establish  the  massive  obstacles  to  women  accessing  their  voice  and Â

The  foundation  for  the  myth  of  gender-­neutral Â

protections  under  western  law  and  society,  we  can  no Â

law  is  in  the  pervasive  â&#x20AC;&#x153;assumption  that  sex Â

longer  see  the  law  as  protecting  all  citizens,  it  must  be Â

inequality  does  not  really  exist  in  society[â&#x20AC;Ś] Â

viewed  as  a  part  of  the  oppression  itself. Â

In  the  case  of  sexual  assault,  it  is  then  the Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Those  with  power,  not  usually  women,  write Â

The  Constitution[â&#x20AC;Ś]  with  its  interpretations Â

Despite  the  consequences  of  exclusion  from  the Â

reasonable  maleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  idea  of  consent.  This Â

constitutions,  which  become  the  lawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  highest Â

assumes  that  society,  absent  government Â

constitution  making  process  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  and  they  were  far Â

can  be  extremely  problematic  when  we Â

standards.â&#x20AC;?19

interventions,  is  free  and  equal;Íž  that  its  laws Â

reaching  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  some  theorists  argue  it  would  have Â

LQ JHQHUDO UHĂ&#x20AC;HFW WKDW>ÂŤ@ 7KLV SRVWXUH LV

mattered  little  in  the  effect  of  the  constitution Â

structural  to  a  constitution  of  abstinence. Â

had  they  been.  Perhaps  voting  rights  may  have Â

Those  who  have  freedoms  like  equality, Â

come  more  quickly,  but  the  silence  perpetuated Â

liberty,  privacy,  and  speech  socially,  keep Â

by  the  abuse  and  trivialisation  of  women,  would Â

acknowledge  the  sexualisation  in  society  of  non-­consensual  sex  or  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;coyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  female,  17

and  the  pervasive  idea  in  feminist  literature Â

INCEPTION OF MODERN WESTERN LAW, AND SILENCING OF WOMEN

that  men  construct  female  sexuality. 18  Laws  that  require  positive  consent  are  to  be Â

,Q $XVWUDOLD WKH ³¿UVW VWDJH LQ WKH SURFHVV RI EXLOGLQJ

them  legally  -­  free  of  government  intrusion. Â

have  ensured  their  voice  be  de  facto  excluded  in Â

lauded,  but  will  not  empower  a  woman  who Â

a  constitutional  system  based  of  representative Â

No  one  who  does  not  already  have  them Â

any  meaningful  way  regardless.  The  silencing  of Â

is  economically  or  socially  dependent  on Â

democracy  was  the  holding  of  a  series  of  constitutional Â

socially  is  granted  them  legally. Â

women  is  the  social  conditions  that  will  continue Â

her  partner  from  accessing  the  legal  system Â

conventions  in  1891,  1897  and  1898,  at  which Â

in  the  first  place.  In  this  scenario  the  law  is Â

the  Constitution  was  drafted.  Women  were  not Â

As  a  result  of  this  liberal  ideology,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;civil  society,â&#x20AC;&#x2122; Â

protections  the  law  does  afford.  The  law  in  its Â

created  for  someone  who  is  able  to  access Â

PHUHO\ XQGHUUHSUHVHQWHG LQ WKLV SURFHVV WKH\

the  arena  where  women  are  uniquely  vulnerable Â

male  form  leaves  little  protection  for  women  in Â

it  in  the  first  place,  again  meeting  a  male Â

were  virtually  not  represented  at  all.â&#x20AC;?  This, Â

and  powerless,  has  been  placed  outside  the  reach Â

the  ways  they  are  subjugated  the  most,  in  the  so-­

standard  (economic  and  social  independence Â

according  to  Catharine  McKinnon,  led  to  a  cycle Â

of  legislators. Â

called  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;private  sphere.â&#x20AC;&#x2122; Â

often  denied  women)  to  reap  the  benefits.

of  discrimination  whereby  women  where  barred Â

20

22

to  bar  women  along  the  way  from  accessing  what Â

from  deciding  the  content  of  the  constitution, Â

7KH QRWLRQ RI WKH ODZ Ă&#x20AC;RDWLQJ DERYH MXGJHÂśV

Analysing  three  areas  that  have  contributed Â

and  thus  were  ultimately  barred  from  voting. Â

heads,  waiting  to  be  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;discoveredâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  reinforces  the Â

to  both  the  fallacy  of  legal  neutrality  and Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;The  exclusion  of  women,  once  institutionalised Â

perceived  neutrality  of  the  law  while  the  reality Â

the  continuance  of  female  social  and  legal Â

in  the  constitution-­making  process,  legitimated Â

is  that  law  is  man-­made,  with  all  the  bias  that Â

The  very  nature  of  the  rule  of  law  in  liberal Â

oppression  m ay  a llow  u s  t o  b etter  u nderstand Â

any  subsequent  exclusion  and  also  provided  a Â

comes  with  it. Â

democracy  is  that  no  person  is  above  it.  It  is Â

the  arguments  of  feminist  legal  and  social Â

reason  for  excluding  women.â&#x20AC;?  The  inception  of Â

theory  and  realise  just  how  revolutionary  the Â

the  Constitution  in  Australia  did  not  introduce Â

Lines  of  precedent  fully  developed  before  women Â

protection  of  citizens  from  their  state  and  the Â

change  in  our  understanding  of  the  law  must Â

the  oppression  of  women.  It  simply  ensured  its Â

were  permitted  to  vote,  continued  while  women Â

individual  liberty  of  a  person  to  own  land,  lead  a Â

be.  These  areas  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  constitutional  inception, Â

progression  by  codifying  the  separation  of  the Â

were  not  allowed  to  read  and  write,  sustained Â

private  life,  and  pursue  interests  unhindered  by Â

silencing  of  women,  and  western  liberal  legal Â

public  and  private  sphere  in  the  law,  excluding Â

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the  government.  The  notion  of  small-­government Â

features  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  are  discussed  below.

women  from  being  represented,  and  ensuring Â

and  silence  and  misrepresentation  continuing Â

and  protection  from  intervention  in  oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  private Â

LIBERTY AT WHOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S EXPENSE?

in  the  context  of  this  premise  that  we  see  the Â

21

Court of Conscience | 97

life  creates  the  conditions  necessary  for  the Â

over  another.  To  use  a  popular  slogan  from  the Â

that  allow  for  the  dominance  of  one  groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  freedoms Â

subordination  of  women,  as  inequality  is  protected Â

second  wave  feminist  movement  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the  private Â

over  another,  to  the  perpetuation  of  that  dominance Â

from  state  intervention.  The  powerful,  in  social Â

becomes  the  political.â&#x20AC;?  Ironically,  the  very  basis  of Â

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standards,  are  free  to  carry  out  their  dominance Â

our  law:  individual  freedoms,  is  the  basis  on  which Â

societies  must  necessarily  view  their  law  through  an Â

unhindered  by  interference  in  this  hierarchy.  Issues Â

women  are  oppressed,  as  it  becomes  freedom  for  the Â

entirely  new  lens. Â

that  face  women  alone  are  largely  seen  as  outside  the Â

powerful  to  act  accordingly. Â

sphere  of  the  law.  Catharine  McKinnon,  argues  in  relation  to  women Â

CONCLUSION

Sandra  Berns,  Women  Going  Backwards:  Law  and  Change  in  an  family  unfriendly   society,  (Ashgate  Publishing  Limited,  2002)  3. Â

8. Â

Sherene  Razack,  Canadian  Feminism  and  the  law  (Second  Story  Press  feminist  publishers,  1991)  21. Â

9. Â

Anne  Simone,  in  Razack,  above  n  8,  23.

and  gendered  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  itself  a  revolution  in  understanding  â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Â

11. Â

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womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  concrete  reality. Â

one  group  of  people  over  the  other,  it  is  a  short  jump Â

speak  differently.  A  lot,  you  donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t  speakâ&#x20AC;Ś

7. Â

10.  McKinnon,  above  n  1,   237. Â

order  to  reverse  the  effects  and  lead  to  inclusionary  law. Â

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 McKinnon,  above  n  1,  86. Â

Once  we  are  in  a  position  to  see  the  law  as  exclusionary  we  can  work  towards  social  and  systemic  changes  in Â

that, Â

6. Â

MacKinnon,  Toward  a  Feminist  Theory  of  the  State  (Harvard  University  Press,  1989)  238-­248.

12.  McKinnon,  above  n  1,  237.

13.  MacKinnon,  above  n  11,   238-­248. Â

to  understanding  the  law  as  capable  of  propping  one Â

14.  Drucilla  Cornell  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Review:  Sexual  Difference,  the  Feminine,  and  Equivalency:  A  Critique  of  MacKinnonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Toward  a  Feminist  Theory  of  the  Stateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1991)  100  The  Yale  Law  Journal  2247.

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group  up  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  in  this  case,  a  socially  dominated  group  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  in Â

15.  McKinnon,  above  n  11,  237-­249. Â

which  to  articulate  your  distinctiveness, Â

unequal  pay,  allocation  to  disrespected Â

order  to  reverse  the  damage  and  allow  women  a  voice.  Â

although  you  are,  you  are  deprived  out  of Â

work,  demeaned  physical  characteristics, Â

A  revolution  in  our  understanding  of  the  character Â

16.  Margaret  Davies,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Exclusion  and  the  Identity  of  Lawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2005)  5  Maquarie  Law  Journal  5.

a  life  with  which  articulation  might  comeâ&#x20AC;Ś

targeting  for  rape,  domestic  battery, Â

of  the  law  is  to  recognise  its  ability  to  magnify,  create Â

Sometimes  it  is  permanentâ&#x20AC;Ś  the  damage Â

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and  mirror  embedded  social  inequality.  This  has  the Â

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VH[XDO KDUDVVPHQW :RPHQ DUH GDLO\

potential  to  name  and  shame  a  creature  currently Â

dehumanized,  used  in  denigrating Â

invisible  in  our  present  understanding  of  it.

differences  is  an  insult  to  our  possibilities  24

entertainment,  denied  reproductive  control,  What  McKinnon  is  describing  is  the  idea  that  what Â

and  forced  by  the  conditions  of  their  lives Â

women  may  appear  to  be  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  labeled  femininity  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  does Â

into  prostitution.  These  abuses  occur  in Â

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mythological  femininity  mirrored  in  male  perception Â

by  disenfranchisement,  preclusion  from Â

and  shaped  by  abuse,  dominance  and  adaptation Â

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from  necessity.  Input  women  may  have  under  the Â

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â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;feminineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  construct  will  still  be  male  input  in  that Â

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it  is  a  male  construction  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;feminineâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  from  which Â

political  institution.  26

it  is  derived.  Protecting  and  nurturing  a  genuine  female  voice  is  more  than  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;allowingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  women  to Â

Once  we  accept  the  notion  that  men  dominate Â

speak  without  state  intervention.  Rights  only  â&#x20AC;&#x153;work Â

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in  law,  which  demonstratively  protects  the  social Â

for  others  they  give  only  the  caricature  of  justice.â&#x20AC;?25 Â

hierarchy  currently  in  place.  The  next  step  is  putting Â

Protecting  female  voice  means  intervention  where Â

the  two  notions  together,  which  necessarily  leads  to  a Â

the  male  voice  actively  and  successfully  seeks  to Â

revolution  in  how  we  view  the  function  and  character Â

silence  it.  When  viewed  through  this  lens,  rights Â

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protecting  the  private  sphere  of  the  home  become Â

oppressive  gendered  sword.  From  the  recognition  of Â

the  conditions  for  the  abuse  of  power  of  one  group Â

the  masculist  foundations  of  western  constitutions Â

REFERENCES 1. Â

Catharine  McKinnon,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Difference  and  Dominance:  On  VH[ GLVFULPLQDWLRQÂś )HPLQLVP XQPRGLÂżHG GLVFRXUVHV on  life  and  law  (Harvard  Univeristy  Press,  1987),  45.

2. Â

Theresa  Gabaldon,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Feminism,  Fairness,  and  Fiduciary  Duty  in  Corporate  and  Securities  Lawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1995-­1996)  5  Tex.  J.  Women  &  Law  1,  4.

3. Â

Ibid  5,  referring  to  Harris  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Race  and  Essentialism  in  Feminist  Legal  Theoryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1990)  42  Stan.  L.  Rev.  581. Â

4. Â

The  Law  Reform  Commission,  Equality  Before  the  Law:  Justice  for  Women.  (1994)  Report  No  69,  Part  1:  â&#x20AC;&#x153;1.12  Work  undertaken  by  the  Commission  and  by  others  has  exposed  how  serious  and  widespread  the  problems  of  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  inequality  areâ&#x20AC;ŚGender  bias  is  embedded  in  WKH OHJDO V\VWHP $GGUHVVLQJ VSHFLÂżF LVVXHV LQ SDUWLFXODU areas  will  not  solve  the  problem  unless  that  underlying  bias  is  also  addressed.  2.3  Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  social  inequality  is  fundamentally  connected  to  their  inequality  before  the  law.  Their  unequal  social  status  prevents  or  inhibits  them  from  gaining  access  to  the  legal  system  on  an  equal  basis  with  PHQ 7KH ODZ QRW RQO\ UHĂ&#x20AC;HFWV ZRPHQÂśV XQHTXDO VWDWXV ,W can  also  cause,  perpetuate  and  exacerbate  that  inequality. Â

17.  Visible  in  every  facet  of  the  media  and  reinforced  through  stereotyping  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  dress  and  lifestyle  choices.  One  might  bring  to  mind  a  recent  statement  PDGH E\ D &DQDGLDQ SROLFH RIÂżFHU WKDW OHG WR WKRXVDQGV of  women  around  the  world  taking  a  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;slut-­walkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  to  raise  awareness  of  the  impacts  of  female  stereotyping.   18.  Anne  Koedt,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  Myth  of  the  Vaginal  Orgasmâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1970)  Chicago  Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Liberation  Union:  This  work  discussing  the  social  construction  of  female  sexuality  discusses  several  factors  that  have  led  a  fundamental  divide  between  actual  and  fantasized  female  sexuality.  They  include  pornography  DQG HDUO\ SV\FKRORJLVWV VXFK DV )UHXG ZKR ÂżUVW GLVFXVVHG the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;vaginal  female  orgasmâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  as  a  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;mature  orgasmâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  compared  with  the  clitoral,  which  was  allegedly  juvenile.  Freudâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  work  LQ WKLV DUHD VLQFH GLVFDUGHG LQ WKH VFLHQWLÂżF FRPPXQLW\ has  come  to  be  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;common-­knowledgeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  the  public  arena  of  female  sexuality.  Generations  later,  and  one  would  be  KDUG SUHVVHG WR ÂżQG ZRPHQ ZKR FDQ FRPIRUWDEO\ DGPLW WR their  partners  let  along  publically  that  the  so-­called  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;vaginalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  RUJDVP FRQWLQXHV WR HYDGH WKHP OHVW WKH\ VWUD\ WRR IDU from  the  pornographic  norm  of  female  sexual  convention.   19.  Kim  Rubenstein  and  Deborah  Cass,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Representationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  of  Women:  Towards  a  Feminist  Analysis  of  the  Australian  Constitutional  System.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1995)  17  Adelaide  Law  Review  3,  30.  20.  Ibid  28.  21.  Ibid  30.   22.  McKinnon,  above  n  11,  164.   23.  McKinnon,  above  n11,  238.

24.  McKinnon,  above  n  1,  38.   25.  Elizabeth  Wolgast,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Wrong  Rightsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (1987)  Hypatia  2,  25.  26.  McKinnon,  above  n  1,  238. Â

5. Â

Regina  Graycar  and  Jenny  Morgan,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;A  Quarter  Century  of  feminism  in  law:  Back  to  the  future.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;(1999)  Alternative  Law  Journal,  20.

Court of Conscience | 99

Should The â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Born Aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Rule Be Abolished?

Patty Veliz discusses the common law â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;born aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; rule in relation to womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s choice and health rights

jurisdictions,  with  varying  implications  dependent  on  the  statutory  developments  of  each  state,  however  I  will  focus  on  the  law  in  NSW.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Abortion  is  my  freedom,  my  choice.â&#x20AC;?

A  protest  to  the  Popeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  visit  to  Spain.

Legislation  addressing  violence  against  pregnant  women  comes  to  advance  the  anti-­abortionist  cause  (Stringer) Photo:  StÊphane  M.  Grueso

Addressing violence against women Medical  technology  has  allowed  women  a  unique  insight  into  the  life  of  their  â&#x20AC;&#x153;unborn  childâ&#x20AC;?.4  Savell  reveals  that  foetal  imaging  enhances  the  relational  bond  between  woman  and  foetus,  giving  the  foetus  a  physical  likeness  and  allowing  women  to  witness  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;baby-­like  behaviourâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  before  the  foetus  is  born.5  These  images  create  an  almost  undebatable  argument  for  those  advocating  the  abolishment  of  the  rule  on  the  grounds  that  death  of  a  foetus  is  equal  to  that  of  any  living  person.  When  an  offenderâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  violent  actions  result  in  the  â&#x20AC;&#x153;deathâ&#x20AC;?  of  a  foetus,  it  is  these  images  which  make  illogical  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;excusingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  of  such  actions  simply  because  the  foetus  is  not  â&#x20AC;&#x153;born  aliveâ&#x20AC;?.  However, Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Where  an  offence  involving  killing  or  death  of  a  newly  born  child  arises  as  an  element  of  a  criminal Â

as  Stringer  points  out,  it  is  not  the  rule  itself  that Â

offence,  there  is  a  long-­established  common  law  rule  that  the  element  cannot  be  established  unless  the Â

creates  this  â&#x20AC;&#x153;illogical  argumentâ&#x20AC;?,  but  rather  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the Â

baby  was  â&#x20AC;&#x153;born  aliveâ&#x20AC;?.  The  issue  that  arisesâ&#x20AC;Ś  is  what  is  meant  by  the  words  â&#x20AC;&#x153;born  aliveâ&#x20AC;??â&#x20AC;?

lawâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  unwillingness  to  recognise  loss  or  damage  to Â

Spigelman  CJ  in  R  v  Iby  (2005)  63  NSWLR  278

pregnancy  in  the  course  of  violent  assault  as  harm  to  the  woman,  regardless  of  whether  or  not  her Â

S

a  legal  standard  for  establishing  or  acknowledging Â

current  medical  technology  serves  as  a Â

also  as  a  safeguard  for  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  reproductive Â

women  in  these  situations,  but  rather,  highlight Â

more  accurate  measure  for  determining  life.2 Â

rights  and  autonomy,  and  those  of  their  health Â

that  these  incidents  are  often  used  by  lobby Â

Legal  commentators  and  lobbyist  alike  have Â

care  providers.  I  will  explore  the  consequences Â

groups  to  advocate  for  the  abolishment  of  the  rule, Â

fuelled  argument  for  the  abolishment  of  the  rule Â

RI DEROLVKLQJ WKH UXOH ZLWK VSHFLÂżF IRFXV RQ WKH

clouding  the  demands  for  a  response  to  violence Â

by  drawing  on  a  range  of  highly  emotive  cases Â

implications  for  women  and  their  health  rights, Â

against  pregnant  women  and  women  generally.

dealing  with  the  violent  consequences  of  third Â

the  effects  of  assigning  legal  personhood  to  a Â

party  offence  on  pregnant  women.3 Â

foetus,  and  societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  approach  in  addressing Â

The  media  is  ready  to  scrutinise  judgements  of Â

violence  against  women.

cases  such  as  King  and  Iby,  yet  very  little  attention Â

pigelman  CJ  has  suggested  the  abolishment Â

pregnancy  results  in  a  life  birth.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;6  This  article  does Â

of  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;born  aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  rule1  on  the  basis  that Â

WKH H[LVWHQFH RI OLIH EXW UDWKHU WKDW LW VHUYHV

not  attempt  to  minimise  the  loss  experienced  by Â

This  article  will  review  some  of  these  arguments,  with  the  view  that  the  rule  provides  more  than  just Â

is  given  to  the  numerous  cases  of  violence  against  The  rule  as  common  law  applies  to  all  Australian Â

ZRPHQ WKDW ¿OO WKH FRXUWV HYHU\ GD\ 7  A  safeguard  Court of Conscience | 101

of  the  rule  is  that  it  prevents  cases  of  violence Â

activists  have  campaigned  for  the  legalisation  of Â

against  pregnant  women  becoming  solely  about Â

abortion  for  years,  with  no  avail.  Yet  statutory Â

the  acknowledgement  and  rights  of  the  foetus, Â

measures  protecting  the  unborn  foetus  have  been Â

with  little  regard  for  the  rights  of  women. Â

progressively  introduced  throughout  Australia.11 Â

Advocates  for  the  abolishment  of  the  rule  would Â

0RUH VLJQLÂżFDQWO\ WKH RIIHQFH RI NLOOLQJ DQ XQERUQ

argue  that  eliminating  the  rule  would  assure  that Â

â&#x20AC;&#x153;childâ&#x20AC;?  has  been  enacted  in  all  jurisdictions  other Â

these  violent  offenders  are  accountable  for  their Â

than  NSW  and  South  Australia,  and  only  recently Â

actions.   In  NSW  however,  legislation  allows  for Â

repealed  in  Victoria.12  Stringer  describes  this Â

offenders  causing  destruction  of  the  foetus  to  be Â

as  a  strategy  imported  from  the  US,  whereby Â

charged  with  grievous  bodily  harm,  with  penalties Â

legislation  addressing  violence  against  pregnant Â

of  up  to  25  years.  Nonetheless,  some  women  who Â

women  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;comes  to  advance  the  anti-­abortionist Â

have  experienced  the  loss  of  a  foetus  through Â

cause  through  the  conferral  of  enhanced Â

violence,  such  as  Brodie  Donegan,  who  was  run Â

legal  status  upon  foetuses.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;13  For  example,  the Â

down  by  an  intoxicated  driver  when  32-­weeks Â

enactment  of  the  8QERUQ 9LFWLPV RI 9LROHQFH $FW

pregnant,  advocate  for  additional  penalties  that Â

2004  (US)  overturned  the  rule  on  grounds  that Â

DFNQRZOHGJH VSHFLÂżFDOO\ WKH GHVWUXFWLRQ RI WKH

the  rule  was  a  key  obstacle  to  legal  redress  in  cases Â

foetus.  While  changing  the  law  in  this  way  would Â

RI YLROHQFH DJDLQVW ZRPHQ UHVXOWLQJ LQ VWLOOELUWK

acknowledge  that  many  women  perceive  their Â

since  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the  victim  of  the  assault  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  according  to  this Â

unborn  child  as  having  a  separate  identity  to  their Â

reasoning,  the  foetus  â&#x20AC;&#x201C;  was  not  a  legal  person  at Â

own,  there  are  potential  risks  in  reforming  the Â

the  time  of  the  assaultâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  it  could  not  be  regarded  in Â

law.   Creating  a  new  offence,  or  allowing  the  death Â

law  as  a  crime  victim.14  Interestingly,  in  the  report Â

of  a  foetus  to  be  considered  manslaughter  could Â

accompanying  the  Act,  the  rule  was  referred  to Â

potentially  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;downgrade  other  harms,  such  as,  for Â

as  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;obsoleteâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  view  of  advances  in  reproductive Â

example,  the  total  loss  of  reproductive  capacity Â

technology,  echoing  the  obiter  of  Spigelman  CJ  in Â

which  some  might  regard  as  more  serious  than Â

Iby.15

8

the  loss  of  one  foetus.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;9  Such  an  example  could  be  replicated  in  regards  to  various  other  harms Â

5HĂ&#x20AC;HFWLQJ RQ WKH DERYH DUJXPHQW LW LV WKHUHIRUH

LQĂ&#x20AC;LFWHG RQ ZRPHQ DV D UHVXOW RI YLROHQFH

not  unrealistic  to  envisage  that  the  abolishment  of  the  rule  could  lead  to  similar  legislative  developments  in  Australia.  These  legislative Â

Women rights, legal personhood and the foetus

changes  would  create  a  paradigm  which  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;posits  maternal  autonomy  and  foetal  interests  as Â

The  law  governing  abortion  in  NSW  is  a  mixture Â

LQKHUHQWO\ FRQĂ&#x20AC;LFWXDOÂś UHVWULFWLQJ ZRPHQÂśV KHDOWK

of  statutory  provisions  and  common  law Â

rights  and  initiating  major  changes  to  the  law Â

principles,  providing  no  certainty  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;choice  rightsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Â

in  order  to  accommodate  the  legal  personhood Â

for  women.  This  is  another  example  where  the Â

assigned  to  the  foetus.16 Â

10

Foetal  imaging  enhances  the  relational  bond  between  woman  and  foetus,  creating  an  almost  undebatable  argument  for  those  advocating  for  the  abolisment  of  the  rule  (Savell)  drsuparna

rights  of  women  have  taken  a  backseat  to  the  agenda  of  conservative  policy-­makers  and  anti-­

2Q WKH ÂżUVW SRLQW ZRPHQÂśV KHDOWK ULJKWV ZRXOG

abortion  lobby  groups.  In  contrast,  pro-­choice Â

be  restricted  in  regards  to  abortion  and  other  Court of Conscience | 103

reproductive  health  services.  For  example,  where Â

the  child  was  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;born  aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.19  This  case  raised Â

question  on  whether  the  abandonment  of  the  rule Â

current  common  law  in  NSW  allows  for  the  broad Â

issues  regarding  the  application  of  the  rule  to  the Â

FRXOG EH FRQÂżQHG WR WKH FULPLQDO ODZ DORQH 27 Â

consideration  of  physical,  mental,  economic  and Â

reproductive  and  delivery  choices  of  women.22 Â

social  factors  impacting  the  individual  woman Â

It  is  argued  however,  that  the  criminal  law  is  an Â

The  born  alive  rule  should  therefore  not  be Â

to  determine  a  lawful  abortion,  the  rights  of Â

inadequate  tool  and  ineffective  means  of  dealing Â

abolished  to  ensure  that  strategies  addressing Â

the  foetus  could  override  any  one  or  all  of  these Â

with  issues  pertaining  to  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  reproductive Â

violence  against  women  remain  a  priority  for Â

factors,  negating  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  access  to  lawful Â

choices.  Ordolis,  Hickman  and  Cannold  all  stress Â

FULPLQDO MXVWLFH WR SUHYHQW DQ DGYHUVDULDO

10.  5 Y :DOG 16:'& &(6 Y 6XSHUFOLQLFV $XVWUDOLD 3W\ /WG 16:/5 Crimes  Act  1900  (NSW)  ss  82,  83,  84.

abortions  and  placing  them  at  risk  of  unsafe Â

that  forced  intervention  of  any  kind  violates Â

relationship  between  the  rights  of  women  and Â

11. Â

and  unlawful  practices.  Further,  this  paradigm Â

womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  reproductive  autonomy,  and  suggest Â

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could  restrict  maternal  civil  liberties  and  create  a Â

that  these  issues  are  better  dealt  with  through Â

from  anti-­abortionist  agenda  that  limit  their Â

  Michael  Campbell  QC,  Review  of  Laws  Surrounding  Criminal  Incidents  Involving  the  Death  of  an  Unborn  Child  (October  2010),  Schedule  8:  Summary  of  Child  Destruction/Kill  Unborn  Child  Legislation  in  Other  Australian  Jurisdictions  and  New  Zealand.

scenario  similar  to  that  of  the  US  where  coercive Â

health  authorities  and  regulating  bodies.21

rights  and  access  to  reproductive  health  services. Â

12. Â

  Kristin  Savell,  above  n  5,  647.

Maintaining  this  common  law  rule  will  allow  are  a Â

13. Â

  Rebecca  Stringer,  above  n  6,  99.

government  intrusions  into  womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  fundamental Â

8. Â

  Richard  Noone,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Bring  justice  to  our  unborn  Zoe,  say  parents  Brodie  Donegan  and  Nick  Ballâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  The  Daily  Telegraph  (Sydney),  May  24,  2010.

9. Â

  Submission  of  Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Legal  Service  NSW  (26  July  2010)  cited  in  Michael  Campbell  QC,  Review  of  Laws  Surrounding  Criminal  Incidents  Involving  the  Death  of  an  Unborn  Child  (October  2010).

liberties  have  resulted  in  penalties  for  prenatal Â

On  the  second  point,  assigning  legal  personhood  to Â

PRUH DFFXUDWH UHĂ&#x20AC;HFWLRQ RI FRPPXQLW\ YDOXHV DQG

14. Â

  Rebecca  Stringer,  above  n6,  100-­101.

negligence,  criminal  charges  for  prenatal  child Â

WKH IRHWXV ZRXOG PRVW GHÂżQLWHO\ OHDG WR FKDQJHV LQ

standards  in  regards  to  the  legal  determination Â

15. Â

neglect,  pregnant  women  being  imprisoned Â

the  current  law.  Savell  notes  that  according  to  the Â

of  life.  That  is,  the  rule  can  be  allowed  to  develop Â

5HEHFFD 6WULQJHU DERYH Q 5 Y ,E\ (2005) Â 63 Â NSWLR Â 278, Â 288.

and  civilly  committed,  and  court  orders  forcing Â

court,  the  purpose  of  the  rule  was  not  to  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;articulate Â

organically  as  relevant  cases  arise,  constructing Â

16. Â

women  to  undergo  Caesarean  sections  against Â

the  conditions  of  personhood  in  any  substantive Â

a  meaning  to  life  that  is  encompassing  of  the Â

  Emilia  Ordolis,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Maternal  Substance  Abuse  and  the  Limits  of  the  Law:  A  Relational  Challengeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2009)  46  Alberta  Law  Review  119,  119.

their  will.  Ordolis  also  points  to  the  detrimental Â

VHQVHÂś \HW LQWHUHVWLQJO\ HQRXJK DEROLVKLQJ WKH UXOH

many  voices  and  diverse  discourse  within  the Â

17. Â

  Ibid  122.

affect  this  paradigm  may  have  on  women  seeking Â

achieves  just  that.22  Foetal  personhood  results  in  a Â

community,  rather  than  being  manipulated  by  a Â

treatment  or  assistance  with  drug  and  alcohol Â

shift  away  from  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;relationalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  or  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;connected Â

VHOHFW IHZ ZLWK SRZHU WR LQĂ&#x20AC;XHQFH WKH OHJLVODWXUH

abuse,  for  women  who  may  be  homeless,  poor, Â

WLVVXH FRQÂżJXUDWLRQÂś ZKLFK 16: FRXUWV KDYH EHHQ

young,  Aboriginal  or  belonging  to  any  vulnerable Â

JUDGXDOO\ DGRSWLQJ WKDW LV WKH XQGHUVWDQGLQJ

group  which  governments  or  society  assigns  as  a Â

that  pregnancy  is  â&#x20AC;&#x153;not-­one-­but-­not-­twoâ&#x20AC;?.23

17

21. Â

Legal  pragmatism,  on  the  other  hand,  has  led  to  The  issues  outlined  above  also  impact  the Â

the  absence  of  a  unifying  principle  regarding  pre-­

providers  of  health  care  services  for  women. Â

birth  rights,  which  means  that  no  singular  rule Â

Medical  and  other  health  staff  are  left  vulnerable Â

of  law  has  been  developed  with  respect  to  being Â

to  criminal  charges  and  other  legal  implications Â

or  becoming  a  human,  but  rather  a  collection Â

where  they  choose  to  assert  the  health  rights  of Â

of  discrete  and  increasingly  divergent  legal Â

women  beyond  those  of  the  foetus.  Advocates  for Â

categories.24  This  divergence  within  the  various Â

the  abolishment  of  the  rule  however,  may  draw Â

areas  of  law  is  an  indication  that  abolishing  the Â

attention  to  a  recent  South  Australian  case  where Â

rule  could  easily  reinforce  the  rights  assigned Â

Barrett,  a  midwife,  present  at  the  homebirth Â

to  foetuses25  from  one  area  of  law  to  another, Â

of  Tate  Spencer-­Koch,  who  died  as  a  result  of Â

including  the  criminal  law.  For  example  in Â

sustained  hypoxia  during  delivery,  is  now  being Â

patent  law,  the  foetus  is  assigned  as  having Â

investigated  in  a  coronial  inquest  after  evidence  of Â

human  life  when  the  sperm  enters  the  ovum.26 Â

pulseless  electrical  activity  in  the  heart  after  the Â

3HHN - LQ %DUUHWW FRQÂżUPV WKLV WUDQVIHUDELOLW\

EDE\ ZDV VHSDUDWHG IURP WKH PRWKHU FRQÂżUPHG

by  responding  with  a  resounding  â&#x20AC;&#x153;noâ&#x20AC;?  to  Savellâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Â

19. Â

  Barrett  v  Coronerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Court  of  South  Australia  (2010)  108  SASR  568.

20.    Katrina  Stuart,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The  last  vestiges  of  lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2010)  18(1) Journal  of  Law  and  Medicine  28,  30-­31.

REFERENCES

risk  to  the  foetus.18 Â

18.    Ibid  124-­130.

  Emilia  Ordolis,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Maternal  Substance  Abuse  and  the  Limits  of  the  Law:  A  Relational  Challengeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2009)  46  Alberta  /DZ 5HYLHZ $QQD +LFNPDQ %RUQ 1RW 6R

Free:  Legal  Limits  on  the  Practice  of  Unassisted  Childbirth  or  Freebirthing  in  the  United  States,  94  Minnesota  Law  5HYLHZ $%& 5DGLR 1DWLRQDO ¾7KH 6RRG $ERUWLRQ 7ULDOœ The  Law  Report,  29  August  2006,  (Leslie  Cannold).

1. Â

  Hereafter  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;the  ruleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

2. Â

5 Y ,E\ 16:/5 KHUHDIWHU ,E\

22.  .ULVWLQ 6DYHOO Âľ7KH /HJDO 6LJQLÂżFDQFH RI %LUWKÂś (2006)  29(2)  UNSW  Law  Journal  200,  204. Â

3. Â

5 Y ,E\ 16:/5 5 Y .LQJ 16:/5 KHUHDIWHU .LQJ +DUULII Y 'LUHFWRU RI 3URFHHGLQJV > @ 1=/5 $WWRUQH\ *HQHUDOÂśV 5HIHUHQFH 1R RI > @ $OO (5 5 Y ) 16:/5 5 Y +XWW\ > @ 9/5 FI %DUUHWW Y &RURQHUÂśV Court  of  South  Australia  (2010)  108  SASR  568. Â

23.    Kristin  Savell  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Is  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Born  Aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Rule  Outdated  and  Indefensible?â&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006)  28  Sydney  Law  Review  5HEHFFD 6WULQJHU Âľ)DFW )LFWLRQ DQG WKH )RHWXV Violence  Against  Pregnant  Women  and  the  Politics  of  Abortionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006)  25  Australian  Feminist  Law  Journal  5 Y ,E\ 16:/5 %DUUHWW Y &RURQHUÂśV Court  of  South  Australia  (2010)  108  SASR  568.

4. Â

  Hereafter  refered  to  as  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;foetusâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  place  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;unborn  childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  or  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;babyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;,  as  well  as  the  use  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2122;womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  in  place  of  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;motherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  to  maintain  a  neutral  tone  in  the  argument.

24.    Pam  Stewart  and  Anita  Stuhmcke,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Legal  pragmatism  and  the  pre-­birth  continuum:  An  absence  of  unifying  principleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2007)  15(2)  Journal  of  Law  and  Medicine  272,  272.

5. Â

  Kristin  Savell  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Is  the  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Born  Aliveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  Rule  Outdated  and  Indefensible?â&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006)  28  Sydney  Law  Review  625,  656.

25.    Referred  to  zygotes  and  embryos  in  the  different  stages  of  the  development.

6. Â

  Rebecca  Stringer  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Fact,  Fiction  and  the  Foetus:  Violence  Against  Pregnant  Women  and  the  Politics  of  Abortionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2006)  25  Australian  Feminist  Law  Journal  99,  101.

26.    Patent  Act  1990  (Cth),  s  18(2)  cited  in  Pam  Stewart  and  Anita  Stuhmcke,  â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Legal  pragmatism  and  the  pre-­ birth  continuum:  An  absence  of  unifying  principleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;  (2007)  15(2)  Journal  of  Law  and  Medicine  272,  275.

7. Â

  David  Brown  et  al,  Criminal  Laws:  Material  and  Commentary  on  Criminal  Law  and  Process  of  New  South  Wales  (The  Federation  Press,  5th  ed,  2011)  681-­682.

27.    Barrett  v  Coronerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s  Court  of  South  Australia  (2010)  108  SASR  568,  598.

Court of Conscience | 105

Contributors Eileen Baldry (PhD) is a Professor of Criminology in the School of Social Sciences and International Studies, UNSW where she has taught in the social policy, social and community development and criminology programs and has been Associate Dean (Education). She has researched with prisoners and people transitioning from prison regarding homelessness, mental and cognitive impairment and the particular experiences of women and Aboriginal people, and in social housing and Indigenous social work. Eileen is Chief Investigator on a number of ARC, NHMRC and agency research projects in these areas. laura Vidal is a UNSW graduate from the School of Social Science and ,QWHUQDWLRQDO 6WXGLHV JUDGXDWLQJ ZLWK D %DFKHORU RI 6RFLDO Work (Honours). Her Honours research addressed the current human trafficking policy in Australia and its link to the criminal justice system. Laura has been working with victims of human trafficking, slavery and slavery-­like practices since 2009 and during this time has been involved in providing direct services to clients along with systemic advocacy, community education and training. Laura is a strong advocate for human rights and is trained in strengths-­based social work practice, working with victims from a trauma informed theoretical base. Luke Geary is the managing partner of Salvos Legal. He received the Anzac of the Year Award in 2010 for his contribution to the community.

Katherine Gilchrist is a second year JD student from Canada. Her undergraduate major was in International Development Studies with a m inor i n L iterature. D uring h er u ndergraduate s tudies a nd in the three years between degrees, Katherine worked in various areas of community and international development in Uganda, Canada, Colombia, Bangladesh and Switzerland. Nathan Huynh is a second year Commerce/Law student and teaches Business & Economics S tatistics f or t he A ustralian S chool o f B usiness. H e i s a volunteer Legal Education Tutor, and has worked with various

not-­for-­profit legal organisations through his positions in ALSA and the UNSW Law Society. This is his second contribution to Court of Conscience. Sally Dowling is a Sydney Crown Prosecutor.

Tamanna Islam is a fourth year Arts (Politics and International Relations)/Laws student. She has worked with the Centre for Refugee Research in the area of Women and Girls at Risk.

She is interested in indigenous issues, protection of refugees and displaced persons, access to law, and the interaction between economic development and poverty alleviation. Claire Stimpson is in her second year of the Juris Doctor program, having previously completed her undergraduate studies in Arts and Social Science at the University of Queensland where she majored in Ancient History, Political Science and Policy.

Claire completed her Honours in Ancient History in 2009 at the University of Sydney. Patty Veliz is currently completing a UNSW JD. Her commitment to social justice has led to a career in community development and public health. For over 10 years she has worked on programs in Australia, PNG, Peru and India advocating for cultural and sexual diversity, gender equality, and challenging class disparity. Nicholas Cowdery AM QC is a former Director of Public Prosecutions for NSW and now a Visiting Professorial Fellow at UNSW, Faculty of Law. Sean Brennan is a Senior Lecturer and Director of the Indigenous Legal Issues Project a t t he G ilbert + T obin C entre o f P ublic L aw, i n t he U NSW Law School. Angela Kintominas is a fifth year Arts (Honours)/Law student at UNSW. Angela is passionate about migration and refugee law, and is fascinated by the complex negotiations between law, policy, media hype and IHL in the area. Angela enjoys intervarsity debating, and is currently on the Editorial Board of the 816: /DZ -RXUQDO Sebastian Quinn-‐Watson is an ideas fiend who wants to create a disruptively better world. His law study at UNSW is equipping him with skills to achieve this.

Court of Conscience | 107

Court of Conscience | 109

YES MINISTER The power of the Immigration Minister

NICHOLAS COWDeRY THE PURPOSE OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE

THE MALAYSIA SOLUTION WOMEN IN

PRISON C O N S T I T U T I O N A L

HUMAN TRAFFICKING

CHA RECOG NGE NITION

INDIGENOUS

ISSN 1839-­7204