Northern Tallinn: Between 'potential' and the everyday

Authors

Katharina Elme

Rebecca Kontus

Isabel Neumann

Karlis Ratnieks Supervisor

Maros Krivy

Urban Studies 2 0 1 2 Estonian Academy of Arts

Table of contents Introduction

4

10

New urban landscapes: under construction

40

Kopli Lines

42

Garaa탑ilinnak

56

Sitsi Factory

68

Standard Factory

78

Chapter 3: Scenarios

Economic shifts

90

3 Scenarios for Kopli Lines

94

3 Scenarios for Garaa탑ilinnak

102

3 Scenarios for Sitsi Factory

108

3 Scenarios for Standard Factroy

114

Spatial relations

Chapter 1: District analysis

Point of departure

Chapter 2: Case studies

128

Conclusion

134

References

138

question of scale (local, district-level, urban, national, global, etc.) in which these actors are operating.

Introduction The 2012/2013 autumn studio of 2nd year Urban Studies program studied the area of Northern Tallinn, with a specific focus on four sites: Kopli Lines, Garaažilinnak, Standard Factory and the site of the proposed Sitsi Tower. In the first half of the studio, the sites were researched in their wider social and spatial context. In the studio’s second half, we proposed three scenarios for each site.

In the second part of the studio, we sketched three scenarios for our study sites, individually and in their spatial relations. We called these scenarios boom, business-as-usual, and recession. Our decision to offer not one but three scenarios is also intended as a conceptual exploration of the very status of a scenario. We were puzzled by the current scenario business run by multitude of international consultants and future studies experts, in which future is assessed in terms of a simple, or perhaps complex, extrapolation of present-day trends. As the recent crisis illustrated, however, the pragmatic look at the future is a shaky thing. And because planning is about planning for the future, our triple scenario might perhaps offer a little contribution to the debate about what planning actual is, what is its image of future and what it is based on, whose business planning is and what it might (pragmatically? unreasonably?) aim for.

The selection of sites reflects different forms of tension between present and intended programs and different temporalities of intended transformation. In Kopli Lines, there is a clear tendency, initiated by municipality, to upgrade the housing, change the population profile and capitalize on the waterfront location. The Sitsi Tower proposal, which embodies pre-crisis real estate boom, is currently on hold, but developer intends to continue with the plan in the future. Garaažilinnak well illustrates urban dialectics of informality and formality, but at the moment no clear plans or proposals are made. Standard Factory, in contrast, is a recent addition to the well-known model of reusing factories for so-called ‘creative’ industries.

Maros Krivy Tallinn 2012

Northern Tallinn in general, and its specific sites in particular, are often described as ‘having a great potential’. But what does it mean when urban space is described as having a ‘great potential’? In the research part of the studio, we analysed Northern Tallinn as torn between being conceived as a space of potential and being lived as a space of the everyday. Hence, we looked at the dynamics of gentrification, and studied the effects of real estate crisis on the development scenarios, conflicting and symbiotic relations of development and conservation practices. We also studied everyday practices of inhabitants and users in our study sites, which are often described as ‘places where you don’t go’.

Neil Smith talked about the frontier of gentrification. He paralleled the 19th century conquest of the American West with the ongoing conquest of the inner city.

Similar binary oppositions – between the developed and the undeveloped, the forward and the backward, the civilized and the wild – are at play in both. As the conquest progresses, infrastructure is developed (railway barons), nature is transformed into a site of leisure and an object of gaze (Yellowstone park) and local populations (Native Americans) are displaced. Similar tendencies, although shaped by different socio-historical forces, are at play today in Northern Tallinn.

We investigated different actors involved in urban transformation and studied the 4

5

Chapter I District Analysis

6

7

Map of Tallinn Pirita

Northern Tallinn

Kaart p천hja-tallinnast, mis seletaks asukohta...

Haabersti

City Centre

Lasnam채e

Kristiine

Mustam채e

N천mme

8

9

Point of departure...

Northern Tallinn (in Estonian: Põhja-Tallinn) is a district within the city of Tallinn, encompassing a territory of 17,3 km², divided into eight subdistricts. The area unfolds as a highly varied district in which the manifold and partly opposing tendencies of (urban) development in a post-socialist context have left their visible traces. The rise of a real estate market after the political change is a central issue to these transformations. As a result, land, so far a public property, turned into a commodity that “could be traded and their price and nature began to be reshaped by demand” (Sykora 2005).

This market situation frames the climate in which the development of Northern Tallinn during the last 20 years took place. It resulted into a “patchwork” landscape characterised by adjacency of realised, as well as failed development projects, and great visions, that haven’t been put in place. Gentrification processes in one area and the complete run down of housing on other sites. These bold statements are the starting point of our study interest in the area; they are an attempt to grasp the inhomogeneity1 of Northern Tallinn as a destination for investment, as an area of urban renewal, as a setting affected by urban policies, but as well as a site of inhabitation as a place of living, working and simply spending time. Readings on processes on urban development in similar contexts, but first and foremost the research within the district, the study of policy documents of the city of Tallinn and the facts the urban form can tell us – the sum of it all are our tools to illustrate this inhomogeneity.

Northern Tallinn is location-wise stretching from the edge of Tallinn’s Old Town up to the North of the city covering the entire Paljasaare peninsula. The functions allocating the area are manifold and encompass military premises, industrial sites, housing and (social) infrastructure, partly serving whole Tallinn, they form the basis for the appearance of the district. Their distinct styles rooted in their time of realisation add to it: where as for example Kalamaja is one of the oldest housing areas of Tallinn characterised by traditional types of wooden housing, wide parts of Pelgulinn have been built-up mainly after World War II and comprise therefore Stalinist, but as well later housing types of Soviet planning. Industrial premises and attached housing areas date back to the late 19th and early 20th century, together with the port facilities they are traces of late industrialisation in Estonia.

The changing demands on housing and infrastructure on the one side, as well as modes of production and distribution on the other side form the basis for built-in1 “homogenity: the quality of being similar or comparable in kind or nature” (http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn)

10

terventions or even renewal of areas in later dates. The typo-morphological map analyses the built structure that we find in Northern Tallinn today. It provides an overview of the mixture of function types and architectural styles within the area.

The framed richness in architectural styles in the area led certainly to the wish to protect distinct built structures. Today we find not only solitary buildings within the list of monuments, but also whole areas under heritage protection, such as the previously mentioned Kalamaja wooden housing district, the Stalinistic estates in Pelgulinn, as well as industrial complexes of particular value such as Bekkeri Sadam.

In the year 2000, 10 years after the Soviet Union collapsed, the first Masterplan of Tallinn was launched, along which the city planning of Tallinn adopted a policy of so called milieu-valued areas (Semm 2012). At that point no such areas were situated in Northern Tallinn. After the evaluation of the plan in 2006 and 2009 we find there several of them today. Milieu-value areas are defined as “a coherent housing environment with streets and green areas, which are qualitatively preservable” (Semm 2012). They give symbolic value and hence promote “the recognition of (…) the everyday environment” (Semm 2012). Although it’s undoubtedly very positive intention, the declaration of milieu protected area is criticized as “aimed at heritage preservation and indirectly intended to support specific lifestyles and neighbourhood place making” (Semm 2012). Following this argumentation the typological richness of Northern Tallinn is perceived by city officials as a development potential that they now try to market as a brand.

Following basic literature on gentrification, as an especially meaningful way of urban renewal, which is to a large extent based on private investments and occurring in such historical inner city housing areas as in some parts in Northern Tallinn, are most favourable to undergo these processes (Berry 1985). Again a compiled map on the heritage topic provides an overview on the extent and the status of protection of sites in Northern Tallinn.

According to the official rhetoric of the city administration (2012) “Northern Tallinn has a big development potential”. This is not only expressed in the launching of heritage valued and protected areas, but as well in the plans for an strategic development of the area on the one hand, and on the other hand in various detail plans that are either approved, under estimation or called for. In total there are around 170 procedures concerning detail plans undergoing one of the named stages of process at the moment. The map on detail plans compiles those that are found within the focal development areas in Northern Tallinn announced in 2010. Together with the explanatory table it becomes apparent that the majority of the plans remain unrealised. Either they are not approved or even if they are, developers and owners do not have the means to realise them or they prefer to wait for situations when better revenues on their investments can be expected. Planning expert and urban activist Toomas Paaver (2012) states: „There are much more projects than we need. (…) Most of them in Northern Tallinn will never be realized. Many of those projects have been made just for raising the value of 11

land. Nobody wanted them to be realized at first place. An approved detail-plan increases the value of the land, but there’s nobody who would buy it.” This is a particularly sad estimation as it reflects clearly Nicholas Blomley’s (2004) claim that urban policies are less oriented on the internal needs of localities and locals, but much more on external factors of competition. Consequently Tallinn presents itself “as [a] platform in an emergent economy of flows” (Blomley 2004).

The negligence of citizens’ demands within urban planning is again clearly expressed by Toomas Paaver (2012): “at the same time they [the city government] does not think enough about public space, social infrastructure, public transport, schools that should be developed”. If city planning is intensely relying on the support of private market actors investments in public infrastructure are hardly realised as they usually do not lead to any revenues. Urban researcher Merje Feldman (2000) states the limits of urban planning practice in Tallinn, when she claims that “in Tallinn, all successive city governments have pursued policies of maximum incentives to private sector investment and minimum public sector regulation”. The planning practice in Tallinn gives the burden or chance of preparing a detail plan fully to developers, which includes as well the allocation of a side with all necessary media. The differences in access to primary infrastructural networks and those of minor quality are not easy to display. However we can illustrate the loose network of public amenities and educational institutions. The map of “current public amenities” in Northern Tallinn illustrates the negligence that Paaver claimed.

This portrait of Northern Tallinn aimed to give an overall picture of the district and to familiarise the reader with the dynamics and paces of change it is undergoing. Kadri Semm (2012) expresses very straight the current stage of the district: “Institutional planning and the media have considered North-Tallinn a somewhat deprived neighbourhood, while the historical neighbourhoods Kalamaja and Pelgulinn are considered at least partly gentrified”.

Whereas historical inner city housing quarters within the district do relatively well, the quoted “development potential” aims to overcome the derelict situation of the other parts. Following Semm (2012) “gentrification for neighbourhood development is awaited” in these areas. The statement of Tarvo Teder (2012) from Phoenix Land AS the holder of the Sitsi factory area confirms her estimation: “It [the realisation of our detail plan] is depending on the neighbourhood mostly. It is depending on the social structure of Northern Tallinn here.”

The urban policies support this attitude with the establishment of the named milieu-value areas and planning mainly based on detail plans. This kind of development of the area realised itself consistently with rising pace in those parts of Northern Tallinn that are in proximity to the city centre. Against the background of these observations we want to raise the question: Where is the inhomogeneity of Northern Tallinn leading to? Will it become a fully gentrified district with a samesame picture of design shops and posh cafés or will it to a large extent remain the district lagging behind the general well being of Tallinn?

12

...it all comes together in Kalamaja example Legend: A - Uus Kalamaja 10, residential buildings, 2010-12 B - Noole 4, apartment-office building, 2006-07 C - Vabariku 33, residential building, 2004-05 D - Vabriku 8, residential buildings, 2010-12 E - Soo 17, Soo 19, residential buildings, Lenderi house type, 2010-12 F - “Väike-Kalamaja”, residential quarter, new variations on Tallinn house type, 2011-13 G - ”Ilmarise kvartal”, residential quarter, 2000-07 1. MaruKaru kunstistuudio ootab lapsi kunstitundidesse (art studio for children) Tööstuse 43 2. RED BLACK WHITE PLEXI - art exhibition in a basement (till Sept 30th). Kungla str 34. KELDER 3. Collective meditation in the park, lead by Katre Rajur. Dates: June 5th & 26th, 06:50 am. Free entry.

4. Sports ground 5. Salme Kultuurikeskus - ballet, theatre 6. Tasapisi tasakaal. Themes - ballet, yoga, children’s birthdays, massage, pilates, saunas, TRE method.

Graniidi 1 7. Kohvik Boheem. Kopli 18 8. Kalamaja library, Kotzebue 9 9. Kundalini Yoga Centre “Wahe Guru”. Niine 11 10. Gourmet bakery “Kalamaja Pagarikoda”, Jahu 11 11. Art gallery “Artdepoo”, Uus tn 17 / 12

a) Washing-laundry-on-the-beach event

b) Telleskivi community protecting the Cultural Km and the beach

13

The illustrations of real estate price dynamics within the district from 2005 to 2011 indicate clearly: even if gentrification is taking place mainly in Kalamaja and Pelgulinn against the shifts of use in these subdistricts and the growing number of inhabitants of Tallinn the housing market in the whole district comes under higher economical pressure. Sociologist Sampo Ruopilla (2006) has explained how the current housing policies lack measures designed for low-income groups under this kind of harsh market pressure in Tallinn. If their housing costs exceed their financial means they are obliged to either move to a smaller and inferior quality accommodation or move to a different, cheaper area. Market driven socio-economic residential differentiation across urban neighbourhoods keeps rising.

Number of inhabitants in Northern Tallinn 2012

We close the overall view on the district by providing an analysis of the urban fabric using the method of Space Syntax. By assessing the level of integration of streets and open spaces in Northern Tallinn, it becomes apparent which kind of spatial qualities already into the layout of each of the subdistricts, concerning accessibility and pedestrian movement. With the realisation of the approved detail plans, some urban wastelands will become one step closer to walkable, integrated neighbourhoods, thus a possible ground to be taken over by a new wealthy target group.

Paljassaare

Kopli

Sitsi

Pelguranna

Pelgulinn

Merimetsa

= 500 inhabitants

14

Karja- Kalamaja maa

15

Changing development perspectives

Perspective development areas according to the masterplan of Northern Tallinn

Casino Island

EcoBay Kopli Lines Garaa탑ilinnak

Building exhibition area

Harbour of Paljassaare Sitsi

Pre 2007

16

Volta

Noole

Telliskivi Hipodrome Seewald

Brownfield - redesign old industrial areas Coastal development areas Areas of new residential buildings Recreation and beach areas

Arsenal

Kalamaja Kopli freight station Market area of Balti Station

Area reserved for development Perspective Port Extension Area reserved for business Attraction Centres of city district areas

Post 2007

Palace if Justice

Development areas 17

Research areas

Garaa탑ilinnak

Standard

Kopli Lines

Sitsi Factory

18

Typomorphology

Four research areas:

1. Kopli Liinid 2. Garaa탑ilinnak 3. Sitsi Factory 4. Standard Factory

Residential

up to 1918 1918-1940 1940-1960 1960-1970 1970-1990 1990-2000 2000-2013

Industrial

up to 1918 1918-1940 1940-1960 1960-1970 1970-1990 1990-2000 2000-2013

Public

up to 1918 1918-1940 1940-1960 1960-1970 1970-1990 1990-2000 2000-2013

Industrial

up to 1918 1918-1940 1940-1960

20

21

Heritage protection

Four research areas:

1. Kopli Liinid 2. Garaa탑ilinnak 3. Sitsi Factory 4. Standard Factory

Milieu-valued areas Before 2009 After 2009 Protection proposal Protection area Architectural Objects under protection

22

23

Public amenities

Four research areas:

1. Kopli Liinid 2. Garaa탑ilinnak 3. Sitsi Factory 4. Standard Factory

Educational

Public

Kindergarten Youth Center School Cultural Library Museum Other Public Facilities

Public outdoor

Greenery, park

Sports and well-being

Sport facilities Healthcare 24

25

pproved

Relevant detailed plans

Coastal coastal lineline

detailplans approved (ra)

development areas (da)

District Border district border

detailplans under estimation(ra)

detailplans approved (da)

Sub districts sub-districts

call for detailplans (ra)

detailplans under estimation(da)

Development development areasareas (da) (da)

nder a)

detailplans approved Detailed plans approved (da) (da)

lplans

detailplans under Detailed plans under estimation (da) estimation(da)

call for detailplans (da)

call forfor detailplans Call detailed plans (da) (da) Research areas (ra)

e

detailplans approved Detailed plans approved (ra) (ra) development areas (da)

der

detailplans under Detailed plans under estimation (ra) detailplans approved estimation(ra) (da)

ts

call forfor detailplans Call detailed plans (ra) detailplans under (ra) estimation(da) call for detailplans (da) 26

27

List of relevant detailed plans

Sitsi

TPL-ID

Year

Status

Content

1

DP013620 (säilik23167-I)

2003 -09

Approved 2008

area: 22.9 ha 2003: launching of procedure | content: design of a quality living area with stylistic reference to the existing architecture 2008: plan by RAAM Arhitektid | mainly housing in multi- storey buildings (ranging from 1, but mainly from 3 to 6 storeys), partly commercial premisses (mixed use) 2009: additional requirements for the plan resulting from planned redevelopment of the costal zone for recreational purposes, concerning the comprehensive plan (50m wide green strip, free from buildings) Kopli Liinid proposed as milieu area, with reduced traffic but improved infrastructure mixed use as an in instrument of surveillance “Area of multiple functions is a very important aspect of security, because it is guaranteed by the presence of humans and control over the public space around the clock.” extra: winning entry of EUROPAN5 competion

2

DP001210 (säilik22192-I)

2001-08

Approved 2009

area: 2.5 ha | Maleva põik 3 2001: launching of procedure | content: mainly industrial and warehouse complexes, housing as an exception 2008: detail plan by Aktsiaselts TONDI ÜKS extra: A detailed solution takes into account the Nature Conservation Act and Water Act

3

DP035370

2010-12

Not approved

area: Maleva tn 20/Sepa tn 10 2010: launching of procedure | content: extension of the existing two-storey production building 2012: detail plan by K-Projekt Aktsiaselts extra: special requirements concerning Environmental Impact Assessment and Environmental Management Act

4

DP032930

2008

Not approved

area: Sepa tn 22 2008: procedure launched no detail plan provided

5

DP009090

2005

Not approved

area: Paljassaare tee 2005: procedure launched no detail plan provided

6

DP026280 (säilik23297-I)

2006-10

approved 2010

area: 11.33 ha | Kopli St. 35, 35a, 35d and 13a Sitsi TN 2006: procedure launched | business and residential buildings, including one of up to 200 m high building embedded in a parklike surrounding in which a kindergarten is to be built, underground garage 2007: detail plan by K-Projekt Aktsiaselts extra: Siistsi-Tower

7

No

DP008020 (säilik20739)

TPL-ID

1997-2003 approved 2012

no further information given

2002-03

area: 2.4 ha | Paavli tn 5a 2002: procedure launched | content: development of a plan serving commercial and production purposes 2003: detail plan by ....

Year 28

approved 2006

Status

29

Content

Garaažilinnak

Kopli Liinid

No

Real estate price dynamics During the last decade Estonian housing market has undergone a cycle of expansion and contraction. Low interest rates and inflows of foreign investment led to a credit expansion in the early 2000s. This resulted in a housing market boom with apartment prices increasing rapidly in a short period of time. People, among them foreigners from neighbouring countries, have bought their apartments not only as primary residences but also for investment purposes during the “boom years”. Eventually the housing bubble reached an unsustainable level and burst with the financial crisis of 2008-10. During those years the rate of foreclosures steadily leapt upwards with people not being able to repay their loans, thus forced to move out of their new homes.

“Good housing conditions are key to making a city and its agglomeration attractive and liveable. However, in many cities, spatial segregation processes – as an effect of social polarisation – make it increasingly difficult for people with low income or from marginalised groups to find decent housing at affordable prices.

Socio-economic and demographic trends have an impact on spatial settlement structures, which will exacerbate social polarisation, reinforcing links between specific socio-economic groups and specific housing conditions and locations. This is an issue not only for those living in precarious conditions but also for those facing either a decrease in their revenues or a strong increase in market prices for housing.

They may include, for example, people who have lost their jobs, single parents, retired people, as well as an increasing number of young people due to the impact of the economic crisis on the job market.

The gentrification of city centres and rising cost of housing make it increasingly difficult for number of people to find affordable housing where they grew up.”

State economy could recover partly during the last two years: interest rates are increasing and prices have fallen towards the level of 2005. Meanwhile unemployment is still high and purchasing power of workers has been reduced. The housing market dynamics in Tallinn reflect these processes on variety of scales from the whole city to districts and sub quarters. In relation social and spatial data the observed differences can reveal characteristics of Tallinn’s development.

For our case study of Northern Tallinn we want to display these dynamics: therefore district transactions with a certain dwelling type - small (one or two room) apartments – were mapped following statistical data, that covers the pre-boom years till 2007, the crises of 2008 and its aftermath. Three apartment sizes (of floor area 10 – 30m2; 30 – 41 m2; 41 – 55 m2) were chosen due to their popularity in the market, making the top 3 of most widely sold apartments in every separate sub quarter, where data was available. There are also areas where no trade is taking place as the total number of dwelling units within them is simply too small.

(European Commission 2011)

30

31

Transactions with apartments / Dwelling unit area 10-39 m2 Price per unit (euro/m2)

Transactions with apartments / Dwelling unit area 41 - 55 m2 Price per unit (euro/m2) 0 100 200

3000

No data

It turned out that the sub quarters of most extreme differences, when comparing minimum and maximum prices of apartments during the boom year of 2007, are Kalamaja (max.- 3673 eur/m2), Pelgurand (max.- 3960 eur/m2) and Pelgulinn (max.- 4684 eur/m2). The sub quarters north of Kalamaja and Pelgulinn – Kopli, Karjamaa and Paljasaare – seem to have continuously the highest offer for buyers of lower income. The unpopularity of these sub quarters within the market could be explained not only due to their distance further outside of the city centre but also due to their commonly expressed “bad” reputation.

Transactions with apartments / Dwelling unit area 30 - 41 m2 Price per unit (euro/m2)

32

It should be kept in mind that during the economic boom, and still today there is an ongoing shrinkage of population. Allocation of suburban areas with well developed infrastructural networks and the still remaining living preferences of the middle class for these environments are an important measure in this process: “As it is much cheaper to build a new house in the outskirts of the city there is a high probability that those who earn more and can therefore realise their demands on housing on the market move into suburban areas” (Harth, Herly, Scheller, 1996). Tallinn thus faces a problem of underused residential land surrounding the core and the expansion of settlements on the periphery. The harsh differences regarding residential preferences and the ability to redeem them express a growing threat of social polarization in the future.

33

Housing types

Lenderi House Type, 1870 - 1940 (arch. A. Uesson, Heina st 9, pelgulinn, 1907)

Tallinn House Type, 1910 - 1940 (arch. K. Tarvas, Ristiku st 50, Pelgulinn, 1936)

Standard design: series 1-317, 1956-1970 (Pelgurand) Apartments to sale approx. 850 eur/m2

In the 50s and 60s when panel block houses were built, people from „decay districts“ really envied the people from Mustamäe and Lasnamäe. They lacked of water systems and central heating, that was an innovation in the panel houses. And all the migrated russians get the „good new” apparments.

These two types of houses are the most expensive ones on the market.

“Heritage protection is a selling argument for sure. The most valuable propery are either brand new buildings or heritage building. And the tendency of heritage protection is growing- we start including Stalinistic buildings. National Heritage Board has made and is making informational books and excursions in heritage areas, which tend to be very very popular.”

...

Stalin era Living House, 1945- 1960 (arch. N. Misernyuk, Pelgurand, 1952)

Standard design: series 1-318, 1956-1970 (Pelgurand, Kopli)

(Riin Alatalu Interview 18. Oct 2012)

(„Nüüd elan Mustamäel, korter on aus ja hea“- an estonian song , Waltz of Mustamäe, saying that „I live in Mustamäe now, the appartment is honest and good“).

An advertisment of Lenderi House type on Soo st. Apartments to sale approx. 1600 eur/m2

An advertisment of reinterpretation Tallinn House type on Soo st. Apartments to sale approx. 1800 eur/m2

34

But the understanding has changed - now gardens and private areas in city center are in value.

(Riin Alatalu Interview 18. Oct 2012)

Standard design: series 1-464, 1960-1980 (Pelgurand, Kopli)

35

Space syntax analysis Method

„Depth” measures the least number of syntactic steps in a graph that are needed to reach one space (or line) from the other. The values reflect the integration values for a line; the least the number shows shallower in the graph and more integrated; whereas larger the number indicates deeper in the graph and more segregated.

Global Depth measures the relationship of every line to all other lines in the system as long as they are connecting forming a web of axial lines.

Local Depth measures the relationship of every line to all other lines that are within specified steps away from the lines being measured. For pedestrian movement, 3 steps or changes in direction of movement are taken in account.

(For more information: Dhimn, D., „Theory of Space Syntax”, 2006)

Global Depth

analysis of Northern Tallinn shows the level of integration of the separate subdistricts within the whole city.

While Sitsi and Pelgurand have a high value of integration due to the large roads providing a good

Global Depth

connection with the city centre, Paljassaare and the northern part of Kopli are left isolated to a large part from the rest of Tallinn. Kopli Lines and Garaažilinnak appear as no-neighbours-area. The possibility of vibrant public life and level of access to public amenities is lower than in other neighbourhoods. The current spatial layout as such excludes some common benefits.

Local Depth

analysis suggests a similar picture with a couple of interesting paradoxes. This time the value of the area is assessed from the viewpoint of pedestrian movement possibilities. The result shows that Standard and Sitsi factories are located in a very walkable neighbourhood, also stressing that Paavli street has an underused potential to become a lively pedestrian path. The isolation and low qualities of walkability in Kopli Lines is once again highlighted; however, Garaažilinnak surprisingly is presented as a successful area for pedestrian movement. This seems paradoxical, knowing the characteristics of the site.

The explanation, nevertheless, is simple: grid layout of streets is always the most convenient one for pedestrian movement and cognitive navigation in space. This analysis presents another point – if Garaažilinnak was a housing estate it would be one of congestion due to the excessive level of control of just one street.

Local Depth

36

37

C h a p t e r II Case Studies

38

39

Garaažilinnak

– a place for vague general future plans and unsuccessful future competitions, evolving into a gated community of a new kind?

Standard Factory

New urban landscapes: Under construction This chapter presents four distinct stories of urban transformations evolving in Northern Tallinn. Three particular areas are scrutinized, manifesting three different forms of transformation. These different forms add up to the inhomogeniety of the district.

Based on a discussion of processes of reshaping it has undergone during the last 20 years, these studies draw a basis for further imagination of future scenarios or trajectories under differently evolving systemic conditions rooted in the present landscapes. Therein the recent financial crisis is central to our reflections.

The case studies are intertwined with analyses based on the three issues set beforehand: gentrification and its social consequences; the role of heritage protection and the affect of financial crisis of 2008-10 on urban development.

In the work with the case studies it is of importance to give voice to the various stakeholders involved, benefiting or being affected by changes in the district.

They are decision makers on various scales – from national institutions to local dwellers, from public administrations to private investors. Interviews and analyses of their own publications are the means we use to assert this claim.

– bottom-up process towards creative quarter – a seed for a new gentrifying neighbourhood?

To portrait the existing situation of the areas each site is examined and documented according to similar criteria. To get an idea for their up-coming development current processes of social and urban change are extrapolated into the future. How would their ongoing existence impact society? How would they affect the chosen areas? Would they become new localities of segregation or quite the opposite?

The research areas can be clearly framed as various forms of “post”-spaces – those spaces that have undergone fundamental changes as a result of major structural changes on the level of the whole society, such as new ownership rights, global division of labour and others. They are therefore closely engaged with the notions of “post-socialist”, “post-industrial”, “post-cities”. In other words, there is already a vast amount of research done in these fields and comparable cases of “post-spaces” can be found in any city sharing historical and geographical similarities with Tallinn. Nevertheless we see our interest justified in the fact that some areas described here have already been under discussion in the media – sufficiently or insufficiently, they have been partly battle grounds for opposing ideas. Therefore these are spaces that reflect the variety of problems and opportunities in the whole district.

We picked four research areas undergoing urban transformations and being on the rise of new socio-spatial formations (for inspiration the works about other post-socialist cities by urban scholar L. Sykora among other academics were studied), on which we want to apply our approach of analysis. They are:

Kopli Lines

– a city-run development without developer. Could it be defined as an area of socially vulnerable and deprived population on a move towards a new upmarket residential complex?

Sitsi Factory

– postponed high-rise development with a developer – a potential new upmarket residential complex and a location for high quality retail and service facilities in the place of a run-down industrial site?

40

41

Kopli Lines

Area:

Det. pl

Zoning

Owning land: Building owner:

23,13 ha / 16,7 ha (development project) approved apartment buildings (two or more stories) and commercial premises. Maximum nr. of dwelling units to be built: 565.

Some heritage protection restrictions apply Municipality of Tallinn City Municipality of Tallinn City 44

A view to 3.Line street

“A gathering place for bums with squalid houses on the verge of collapse where a “normal person” cannot live” (Paadam 2010), a point of exchange for drug dealers and addicts, and a site of numerous murders – such are the predominant mental images associated with Kopli lines at its present state. Often laments are spread about the decaying neighbourhood and the unrealized potential of it. Hence Kopli lines seem to be described as an unawake beauty – a sleeping beauty. Does it suggest that an external intervention is crucial for enhancing the functionality of the area or is there still hope for self-awakening by inner force?

To what extent is the “unrealized” neighbourhood a myth constructed by the official institutions, and what part do the locals play in the decision making when it comes to defining the problems and forming the strategies for this area?

The socio-spatial formation of the site

In order to define the current state of affairs, there is a need to start with the historical socio-spatial development. During the last hundred years, Kopli Lines have been evolving under the influence of certain political and economical powers: From corporate industrial monopolies to state managed urban systems to market-driven city policies. These conditions shaped the formation of social groups in the specific urban space of Kopli Lines. Segregation and the dependency of Kopli Lines on certain private or public actors have been under construction and deconstruction within the larger economical system.

Initially the housing of the area was built mainly for the workers of Kopli Ship Factory (Russian Baltic Ship Factory) in the beginning of 20th century, starting in 1913. So far the site had been a forest. Due to World War I the construction stopped and in 1917 the inhabitants mostly immigrants from Russia left. In 1920s, the area was reshaped- the houses and streets were reconstructed, new 46

value was added to the site.

Its serious decay began during the new occupation: a large part of the structure of Kopli Lines area was destroyed. There have been several fires and due to damages during World War II the site became “incomplete”. But, important to mention, most of the houses have been demolished only after the war. Since then, Kopli Lines like many other old dwelling areas was left aside and big investments were directed to the large scale panel-housing districts; bringing along a change in their dwellers and identity. Migrant workers from other Soviet republics moved in the district. The hardship of adapting to the neighbourhood only exacerbated the existing social problems. Kopli’s wooden dwelling area was left for further negligence.

The transformation from state socialism to market economy has lead to new formations: Kopli Lines were kept as an area under public ownership and the residents were not allowed to privatise their rented apartments. Moreover: Since the early 1990s, Kopli Lines have been part of malevolent plans by real estate resellers. Cheap apartments in Kopli Lines were used by the resellers in order to force low-income people to move away from Kalamaja and other neighbourhoods of raising land value by offering apartments in Kopli Lines as places of relocation.

The reputation of Kopli dropped even lower.

In 2003 an international competition Europan 5 was organized to develop ideas for the site. Based on it a detail plan was produced and approved on the 5th of February, 2009. The new detail plan presents a new formation of space and society.

47

KOPLI LINES

Myth of the sleeping beauty: Living and dying in Kopli lines

The current situation

The 2009 detail plan for Kopli Lines and its short-range is part of a city-run urban redevelopment project that is still in search of private investment – of foreign origin or real estate funds. According to the plan the original urban fabric is mostly preserved, however, the area is going to be denser, comprising new residential blocks and outdoor spaces . One of the values of the area is a good location next to the seaside; hence the issue whether the outdoor spaces will be kept accessible for public is the main concern for the neighbouring communities.

Residential Houses in Kopli Lines area

Stone staircases of burnt down Tallinn Type Houses

Some of the recent academic critique of heritage-oriented redevelopments reveals that while taking place under the title “neighbourhood renewal” this discourse is not bound with the actual routine or everyday environment in the area.

The disposed groups are excluded and their way of “landscape imaging” (Semm 2012) is not recognized. Instead the imagined post-upgraded landscapes aim to create a cognitive new district, a social space that belongs to somebody else but not the users in place today (Dörfler 2010).

City administration has been struggling for years to realize its strategy of finding an investor: even the branding of the project has undergone a metamorphosis from the name of Kopli Lines to Kopli Strand and, finally, to such an international “nomad concept” as “Green Seaside Residences”. The main problem in this search, however, is the lack of all communications and infrastructure in the site suiting today’s requirements. The expenses of building it from scratch are extremely high and that is why the detail plan was divided to halves (Alatalu 2012). Moreover the site would not allow maximum capacity (due to the heritage measures) and thus profit.

The conditions have been made easier for developers as the future owners of

48

49

KOPLI LINES

After the described devastation of the area within it still remains regular street and housing structure with two and half storied wooden apartment buildings, cobble-stoned streets and characteristic greenery. Due to these features the site was included to the milieu-value areas in 2006, in the same time as the detail plan was established. However, it was excluded from milieu-valued protected areas in the General plan of Tallinn in 2009. Nevertheless some single buildings of the site are considered to be architectural monuments and the National Heritage Board still maintained some conditions about the heights, sizes and the structure of the new buildings in the detail plan. The National Heritage Board has agreed that the burned buildings will be demolished and replaced by new ones of new materials but keeping the same volumes. The present negligence is partly due to the precarious status of the area of planned but not realised investments and as a destination for people displaced from other parts of the city. The lack of rights the dwellers have there adds to this situation. According to Riin Alatalu (2012) the dwellers are not the owners and it is very hard to make reparations in your own home if you know it will be demolished „tomorrow“. On the other hand, the heritage-orientation of the area brings a further value in the real estate market, as the most demanded on the market are either very new apartments or those in the milieu-valued areas.

development rights will not be responsible for accommodation of current residents. Tallinn city takes all responsibility for relocating the existing tenants (Kopli Strand Project 2012). There are several unanswered questions addressed to the city council: Why were the existing tenants not included as stakeholders within the new plan for Kopli? And why are they forced to leave the area for municipality housing in Lasnamäe or other districts that are not even near their present neighbourhood? This approach of social cleansing could be compared to the regeneration project of Ferencvaros district in Budapest during the 1990s, which is described by L. Sykora (2005) as a “publicly administered cleansing of the area in favour of the wealthy”. Instead of a market-led gentrification that often takes place in historical wooden housing estates in the Baltic capitals, Kopli lines is a city-run strategic project with all its benefits and drawbacks.

Public participation in planning

The current tenants of the habitable buildings are mostly low- or no-income persons and households or illegal dwellers. In 2012, 36 households are renting apartments from the municipality. The majority are of Russian origin. The proportion of „squatters“ exceeds the proportion of tenants.

in Kopli about the new development plan. One of the first municipality and community discussions was carried out on November 13.

The tenants are not interested in moving to Lasnamäe or other areas. Reasons are different: A long living period in the area or a fear of too high rent prices in other areas. There have been some individual protests against it, some residents have even asked for help at the National Heritage Board. Tenants and homeless are to be scattered all over Tallinn, as K. Tammemägi (2012) notes, with some new social centres being built in Lasnamäe. In Northern Tallinn there are already over 900 people on waiting list for municipal apartments, and the number keeps on growing. The city claims incapable of solving this housing question.

Overall, it seems that resident participation is not highly prioritized on agenda of the city council. Certain methods and tools are missing for the city to deal with the problems related to physically declined areas with socially deprived population in a socially just way. Instead concerns about the presence of the illegal dwellers in the area are left to the police and their raids.

The concentration of the homeless or illegal dwellers in Kopli Lines is of particular interest. Both the municipality and the surrounding neighbourhood community see it as a problem hard to cope with. During a discussion with the neighbouring “Professors’ Village Community”, the head of Northern Tallinn municipality paid particular attention to this issue. She claimed that one of the reasons why there is a growing number of illegal dwellers is the nearby concentration of certain institutions, like soup kitchen, social house, as well as abandoned houses (Tammemägi 2012). The question remains, what is the future of these social institutions currently located in Kopli and, thus, in case of missing solutions, where would the new locality of homeless be shifted to.

Overall, there has been a lack of discussions with the communities and residents 50

KOPLI LINES

The existence of a community of locals is questionable. Every individual is trying to survive and simply live in any conditions; no common activities or action is taken in profit of the area or living environment. However, the neighbouring Professor’s Village Community (2012) affirmed that they stay in contact with some of the tenants of Kopli Lines and consider themselves also linked with that area.

Although their area is dependent on the future of Kopli Lines, the community claimed that “the train has already left” and there is nothing they can do about the development plan. Their main worries are the raising density in the neighbourhood, disappearance of green public spaces, as well as the control of access to the seaside. Professors’ Village Community also expressed the need to integrate the new residents in their community actions. In order to make this happen, there should be a new public building which would function as a community centre.

Approved detailed plan of Kopli Lines in 2009

51

Kopli Lines site plan in 2005

View from the Kopli st and Kopli Park Kopli Lines site plan in 2012

New socio-spatial formations on their way

The Kopli lines project is a publically administrated residential development for a wealthy target group. From the state of being low-income dispossessed the area is turned into to high-income isolated neighbourhood. In the present economic situation it is hard if not impossible to find a developer in Estonia. The city claims that the decision under which conditions Kopli lines will be sold and developed is still in process.

KOPLI LINES

Instead of integrating Kopli Lines with the rest of the city and enhancing the living conditions of the current residents, the city’s strategy is to replace one social group with the other and carry on keeping the area spatially and socially segregated.

52

53

(Karin Tammemägi 13.11.2012 addressing an audience in Estonian Maritime Academy) Beginning in 2007, the Northern-Tallinn Municipality started actively seeking solutions for the inhabitants of Kopli Lines. From a year 2010 it has been one of the main goals to relocate the remaining people of Kopli Lines throughout the Tallinn.

In the beginning of 2010, there were around 147 legal households in the Kopli Lines area. To find out the real amount of people this number should be multiplied by 2 or 3. Nowadays this area is covered officially with rental agreement by around 30 households among which we have found the solution for 10 households. For the rest of the families, we are still looking for the solutions, suitable for the family concerning the price and the quality. This task has not been easy, because none of the districts are allowed to offer any municipal apartments before it has been offered first to the inhabitants of Kopli Lines. It has been important because in a present day situation these houses in Kopli are not safe anymore to live in. Although some apartments have been renovated, the mechanical, electrical, plumbing systems (MEP) are in a very bad condition and the renovation in present circumstances is irrational. Therefore the other districts have also not been able to divide the apartments freely, but the offer has been made first to the inhabitants of Kopli Lines and when there are no interested parties, other people can apply. A notice should be taken into account, that only in Northern-Tallinn, there are over 900 people on the waiting list for municipal apartments and this number has drastically grown in past few years. Since the economic depression there are many people, who have lost their homes for banks and the family has been evicted or about to be evicted. Therefore the situation is serious, because the City cannot offer enough apartments.

In order to continue the dynamics of Kopli Lines, it is important to relocate the present inhabitants, because it is extremely difficult to find a real-estate developer, who would agree to develop the area together with inhabitants. Perhaps it is even ethically wrong to make the developer being responsible for the tenants due to the conflict of interests - to sell/rent the apartment as high price as possible versus the interest for municipal housing. Since the inhabitants are all the citizens of Tallinn it is a duty of the Municipality to first solve the problem with inhabitants, which then allows to sell and develop the area.

Nowadays a large number of dwellings, that need to be preserved, in a very bad shape - decayed or burned down. The opinion of the Cultural Heritage Department is that the houses, which are to be preserved, must be renovated or reconstructed according to their original appearance. This is the reason why it has been rather complicated to find a developer. One a one hand the rental price must be considered, but the other is the sum of money in order to recoup the initial investment. In the present economic situation it is hard if not impossible to find a developer like that in Estonia. There has been some interest outside Estonia and at present it will be decided in what conditions this area will be sold 54

and developed. All this might play a significant role, how the character of Kopli peninsula will look like in the future, how many schools, kindergartens and shops there will be.

Quite a lot has already been done to change the former negative reputation of Kopli, but the image from the 90’s still depicts a dangerous and rough area especially for the outsiders. People who have been living here confirm that the environment is clearly not the same as it was in the 90’s, but the reputation is something that stays and is difficult to change. Despite of all the efforts the police still has a lot of work to do in the area. In co-operation with rescue-department the annual raid is taking place to check the people who stay in the buildings of Kopli Lines. This provides at least some information in case of something happens in the dwellings. Usually the tenants there are complex contingent, who happen to incur in these houses and even the endless shutting of the doors and windows doesn’t seem to make any difference. Perhaps contributing to the emergence of Neighbourhood watch areas (Naabrivalve Piirkond), according to the latest statistics the criminal activity compared to other districts closer to the center has decreased.

In Kopli, the arrogance and indifference of anonymous urban space manifest themselves most clearly. It seems no construction or planning stages have ever taken into account the past or future of Kopli. (...) Everyone is welcome to add a tin garage, villa, kiosk, bank or tower at their own discretion in Kopli. Don’t be afraid that it might not fit in. Trust me. It always does.

-Marko Raat, cinematographer

It’s an area where you know you don’t go...

-Riin Alatalu, National Heritage Board

55

KOPLI LINES

The statement of Northern Tallinn Municipality

Garaa탑ilinnak

Area:

Det. pl

Zoning

Owning land: Building owner:

ap. 7,5 ha not approved unreformed land / garage area Nr. of garage boxes: 1356 The Republic of Estonia Association of Garage area 58

Remembrance of things to come : the dialectics of Garaažilinnak

Garage areas proliferated during state socialism and their varied uses are often mentioned with regard to the past political and economical system. However since the state transformation it is harder to speak of their possible future uses.

By adding together the power of imagination of a soviet garage box user and the needs of future generations and the fetishism for the remaining form, it might be possible to gain new collective meanings regarding the functionality and social value of garage areas, including Garaažilinnak. Furthermore preserving garage areas in their formal appearance would express appreciation of urban artefacts and their genius loci.

The question of perception of Garaažilinnak’s uniqueness in terms of formal and social value, considered by its current users and the city council, opens up several issues in need for discussion. The future position of such an area in the city is still unclear.

rages to the site, but currently the area is covered with over 1300 garage-boxes.

Since the changes of district boundaries a decade ago, Garaažilinnak is located within the Paljassaaare district. Paljassaare, during the 19th century a popular recreational site among the citizens, is until nowadays famous for its small beautiful sandy beaches and a natural bird-protection area. The rest of the peninsula is occupied by industrial enterprise connected to harbours, dumping areas or the water treatment station of Tallinna Vesi. Some individual houses are found between industrial sites and a well- maintained dwelling quarter of Stalinistic apartment-buildings is lying just next to “garage-city”.

In 2005, an idea-contest was announced by Tallinn City Planning Department, for making it a mixed use area. Currently there are no changes and it continues to serve as a garage area, with no explicitly defined land function. No detail plan has been accepted by the year 2012.

The socio-spatial formation of the site

Garage areas were conditional on the soviet system, according to T. Tuvikene (2010), as every social formation creates its specific landscapes. The formation of social user groups in the specific space of “garage-cities” was reproduced under these political and economical circumstances. By analyzing the site, it is possible to see how it changed within a new surrounding system; we have the chance to observe the same form in two different contexts.

The garage area or Garaažilinnak was established in 1964-1982, during the soviet period, when garages were planned to be outside of housing estates and concentrated in one place.

The area used to be to certain extends either a swamp or part of the dumping ground. Soil was carried to the site in order to establish the „garage-city“. Today it is still surrounded by wasteland. Initially, there was a plan to construct 200 ga60

Garage boxes cover the area, forming a regular grid with inner streets in between them. The roads are soil-covered and in a bad condition, it seems almost impossible to use them with a small car. The area has electricity and street lighting. Garaažilinnak is kept closed- surrounded by a wired fence with a regulated entrance. A guard is controlling the coming and going visitors and fulfils next to this an administrative role. To a large extend the metal garage boxes of about 18 square-meters are rusty and deformed, but yet fully in use; for multiple purposes - keeping and fixing cars and boats, storing tools, food, unnecessary items ect.

They are therefore utilised not only by nearby residents, but also by people from Mustamäe, Õismäe and Lasnamäe.

Garage Association is in charge of the site. According to the foreman of the association, Vladimir Kolesinkov (2012), 90% of the garages are in daily use for cars. Hardly anyone lives there, even though it would be possible, but this is not favored, in order to prevent the possible danger of fire. It is hard to get more in61

GARAAZILINNAK

The current situation

a network of streets and greeneries. Thirdly to restore the historically existing connection between the city and the sea hence to enable access to the seaside areas. The water treatment station in the short-range of the area has to be taken in account, also the existing dumping ground, its further expansion and the restrictions of the latter objects. The idea proposal has to include, according to the orders of the Environmental Board of Tallinn, a nature park to balance the effects of nearby industrial enterprises. None of the submitted strategies have been implemented up to this day. The municipality’s decision about the results of this competition remains unknown. To give an insight on some of the strategies that came up in the course of the competition (Põhja-Tallinna 2005): Entrance of the Garaažilinnak

“Information board” at the entrance

formation from the head of the association, as he is afraid that anyone interested in the area has a plan to demolish it to let big expensive developments flourish.

The association is renting the land for 10000 euro per month and gives jobs to 12 employees who clean, guard, fix and do all necessary. They pay for their own electricity, taxes and salaries for the employees.

Currently no development is taking place in the area. About a decade ago there was a plan to replace the existing metal garage boxes with built ones, but because of a lack of money it was never realized. The Garaažilinnak got a temporary licence to construct on the site, but the present garage association does not have a contract with the city and sustains therefore in a more arbitrary relation to it.

A potential seaside area is attractive to investor for sure. Yet the area is not covered with a well developed transportation system and hence poorly connected to the rest of the city. In addition to that, large closed industrial sites, a lack of different functions and social infrastructure in the area do not attract people.

There have been several competitions and strategies organized by the city and none has found broad acceptence so far: In 2005, an idea-contest was announced by Tallinn City Planning Department, for making it a business, dwelling, social, and recreational area. The competion site occupies the area of 40 ha, including the „garage-city“. „This kind of valuable sea-side area cannot stay occupied by metal garage-boxes forever“ said Sirje Potisepp, former district chief of Põhja-Tallinn, in 2005 when the idea contest was announced.

The intention of the development project was threefold. Firstly, to design a highquality city neighbourhood with an emphasis on new architectural quality and existing values. Secondly, to connect „garage city“ with the milieu-valuable Laevastiku dwelling area and nearby industrial sites and in order to do so to develop 62

Some of the garages are decayed

Strategy of Paljassaare by I. Raud, E.Laanemets, J. Verwijen, V. Kaasik, T. Nigul: „Paljassaare poolse linnaehitusliku ja majandusliku arengu lähtealused“ / „ The basis of business and production“: The area was programmed as an office-city that would connect the unconventional nature of Paljassaare and businessbuilding „islands“ inside it. The garage-area itself was planned to change to a dwelling area jointed to the Laevastiku quarter.

In the work of Reda Amalou, Matti Anttila, Jarmo Roiko-Jokela, Jürgen Vervich and Ülo Peil, „Stsenaarium NT-2030 Põhja-Tallinn“, the site was planned as an extention of the street structure of Neeme street with its appartment buildings and green network.

By year 2012, no detail plan of the site is completed, however, it is marked on 63

GARAAZILINNAK

The area has a bad reputation and formerly problems with the authorities - for some time it was visited by police daily as illegal cigarettes and alcohol have been stored there. Thus to some point the police is glad for any demolition plans.

Tallinn’s Development Perspectives Map of 2009-2027 as a new residential area and as a „development site“ on the map of Tallinn’s Development Areas 2010.

Currently, within the Tallinn General Plan the area remains as a business land and therefore an alternative proposal has to be made with the detail plan.

Regarding the question of preservation of Garaažilinnak in its present form, the head of National Heritage Board, Riin Alatalu (2012) claimed that the area does not seem valuable enough to become heritage. According to Alatalu, objects can be listed for their social value, but there has to be more to it – a strategy. It might work only in case of some new social value, giving it a new kind of identity.

Alatalu proves with this statement Kadri Semm’s (2012) estimation true: in fact the milieu-valued areas support the formation of a new cognitive landscape and leave the current practices in space out of sight.

Public participation in planning

Garage Association is in charge of the area since the state transformation in the 1990s. There remains a connection with the district municipality. However, the exact ways of participation and communication between the actors involved remain unclear.

Users of the garage areas are typically seniors aged over 50. Besides emphasising the use value, some of the garage box owners see their garages as capital with increasing exchange value. During the real estate boom the owner of a garage box in Tallinn’s central business district had the opportunity to get as much money for one box as was needed for buying a private house. Could it be that similar processes are likely to happen in Garaažilinnak?

According to T.Tuvikene (2010), the overall number of users and owners of garage boxes in Tallinn is diminishing. The boxes become empty. Most of them are kept locked. Thus, the empty ones are not easily perceivable and get partly as well re-inhabited by informal users. In Garaažilinnak at least one of the boxes is serving as an informal place of residence for an elderly woman.

During the soviet regime when the boxes were mostly used, a question about community actions could be raised. The research by T. Tuvikene (2010) suggests that there is a divided view – some users remember social gatherings like picnics while some respondents, on the contrary, see the possibility of them as very low in such an environment.

Garaažilinnak site plan

During the last decade Northern Tallinn municipality’s agenda has been to find a way to sell this area (Seaver 2005) broad public discussions on this matter remain unknown. The efforts have been too passive or a struggle, without a clear result.

The development perspectives for Garaažilinnak areas have changed during the last decade. Before the crisis it was thought by the city council to be a potential business area, after the crisis the future perspective shifted towards the choice for new residential buildings. Recognising that until now no development plan of the area could succeed raises as well the option of leaving Garaažilinnak as what it is. ‘What will become of the Garaažilinnak and what kind of a social group will emerge after the current generation of garage box users?’ are remaining therefore as open questions.

On a more general level this question touches the meaning of difference between profound and profane environments in the collective imagination of users, district administration and heritage institutions. Is the famous statement by art historian Nikolaus Pevsner nearly hundred-years ago that “a bicycle shed is a building, while a cathedral is a piece of architecture” (and thus only the latter deserves to be protected due to its high aesthetic appeal) still taken for granted today or should any rare structures and settlements be officially regarded as possessing 64

65

GARAAZILINNAK

New socio-spatial formations on their way

Guarded entrance to Garaažilinnak

“Nobody dares to deal with this area!”

- Anu Plado, Tallinn’s City Planning Departement

“It’s too early to start plan something with garaažilinnak. It waits for its time in future.”

-Toomas Paaver, architect

“It’s a place where I almost was under attack...”

-Mihkel Kõrvits, Tallinn’s City Planning Departement

66

67

GARAAZILINNAK

unique qualities of both formal and social value? Geographer Dolores Hayden (Gottdiener 2005) advocates a broadening of the concept of heritage to include public art, spatial struggles and the recognition of diverse perspectives from community representatives. There remains a hope that this approach prevails.

The first steps towards this have been made by Tartu municipality’s decision to list its biggest garage area as “an object of cultural significance” (Tuvikene 2010).

The participation of citizen and user groups becomes a critical factor in the future process of decisions, regarding Garaažilinnak.

Sitsi Factory

Area:

Det. pl

Zoning

Owning land: Building owner:

ap. 11,3 ha approved apartment buildings and commercial premises; maximum height allowed is 200m. Some heritage protections apply Phoenix Land AS Phoenix Land AS 70

View from the roof of Paavli 2a

The old cotton factory, towering over the surrounding sub quarter of Sitsi like a Kafkaesque castle, appears as a glorious landmark when seen from a distance, while maintaining by its inaccessibility a mystical aura. The current tranquillity of the place is misleading. A first impression might suggest that it is one of those neglected former sites of production exposed to their final ruin. But if you look a bit further: there are others who suggest that the site is only in a state of intermission: Waiting to transform from a large scale production to a large scale residential area. What keeps on happening inside the walls at present and how the upcoming formations will influence the social dynamics of the district, were our questions of initial interest.

The socio-spatial formation of the site The historical socio-spatial development suggests similarities between the formation of Kopli Lines and the site around the Sitsi factory. The area has been strongly influenced by the changes of political and economical powers: from corporate industrial monopolies to state managed urban systems to market-driven city policies.

Baltic Cotton Spinning and Weaving Factory was established on the site in 1900, while the textile industry was the most important branch of industry in Estonia. It was the first great industry enterprise in Tallinn, starting with 4000 workers. The factory was renamed in 1941 to Baltic Manufactory. The construction of the 235 m long main building started in 1889: It is until today one of the biggest buildings in Tallinn. In that time, the peninsula was swampy and the only nearby built elements were single summer-houses and a German cemetery. In 1901-05 a settlement for factory workers was constructed on Sitsi street along with it developed infrastructure networks.

72

In 1940, the enterprise was nationalized. In 1941 by orders of soviet state authorities it was forced to leave Tallinn, the factory buildings were set on fire. The workers and directors wooden houses have fortunately survived to this date.

In 1945 renovations of the buildings started, however, it was of a low quality what is visible in the present state of the object. In 1970 the inner equipment was modernized and in effect only 2000 workers were needed anymore to run the machines. In 1995 the factory was privatised and bought by a textile industry enterprise from Singapore. The production has stopped since 2005 and the area is now used in alternative ways. The local land owner “Phoenix Land AS” is working as a real estate development company, renting out the premises to many small businesses.

In 2006 a procedure was launched to develop a detail plan for the Sitsi factory area. It was approved in 2010. However, the redesign and functional transformation of the site has not yet started.

The current situation The new 2010 detail plan gives the right to build mixed-use business and residential buildings, including a high-rise of up to 210m, which would be embedded in a park-like surrounding. The new plan includes such facilities as a kindergarten and underground garages. According to a widely republished article (skyscrapercities 2007), the project was accepted by the city council, looking at getting a very tall building built using the same logic as the thinking behind One Canada Square in London’s Canary Warf. The city administration, thus, hopes for this business-led process to initiate a whole regeneration of the surrounding neighbourhood.

Would the plan be realised: Sitsi would not return to become a site of production.

Quoting Tarvo Teder (2012), the owner of the company, “something very drastic 73

SITSI FACTORY

Trades, trends and towers: transforming the tranquility of Sitsi

In the meantime the territory is closed, surrounded by a high brick-wall. Several, manageable units, located in different storehouses and production buildings are rented out to small private businesses. The entrance from Kopli street is controlled and guarded. The inner roads, View to the main building and the entrance (wooden part) of mostly asphalt-covered, are in a bad condition. Construction Sitsi Factory from the former Sitsi workers quarter and household waste is found everywhere in the territory. In addition to the main factory building, the irregular extensions and related premises erected during the Soviet period are as well in need for renovation. In the North-East corner of the area a former fruit garden is situated, it appears as a reminder of times, when the factory site might have functioned as small self-sufficient town within the whole city.

Views from inside the Sitsi territory

60 storey landmark before-hand. Why is the height limit set to such an untypical number of 210 metres? Could it be that there was some tension between the state institutions and the investor about the height of the tower and, thus, this consensus was reached?

Sitsi Factory area site plan

SITSI FACTORY

has to happen for production to come back�. The future of Sitsi as a residential area depends on the socio-economical climate.

The owner is ready to wait for the right moment, for the atmosphere of change to reach the area, before he realises his plan.

However, it seems that the city council is meanwhile waiting for this project to start going from the investor’s side, before providing any new public amenities in the current neighbourhood.

Architectural monuments, such as the former production building of bricks and limestone and the house of the factory’s director, are under heritage protection since 1997. Concerning the detail plan the main building has to be renovated according to specific conditions set by the National Heritage Board. The soviet period buildings will be demolished to emphasize the representativeness of the older architecture. The owner claims that the cooperation with the heritage department has been supportive and beneficial for the overall plans. However, certain aspects about the development of the detail plan remain under question.

The sequence of some processes remain unknown: whether it was the private initiative to locate a tower in this site, which later was accepted by the state institutions, or was it the city adminsitration which presented the decision for a

74

75

owner of the land, the plan was accepted easily, without any protests. The enclosed and separated situation of the area in question aside from the residential areas has in this case probably added to the general disinterest of the population to participate in planning discussions.

Nevertheless, if it is true that the city council and the owner would like Sitsi factory site to develop in similar manner as London’s Canary Warf, where One Canada Square is situated, than the residents of Sitsi should start getting worried about several drawbacks of Dockland’s Enterprise Zone: undemocratic planning practice, lack of public infrastructure, incoherence in scale and rising private control over public space among other issues (Verwijnen 1994). It would be beneficial to follow the development of the project and see if any changes occur in the views of the nearby local inhabitants.

A dream of Sitsi

Public participation in planning

Any development on the factory’s ground, including the Sitsi tower project, now depends mainly on the private initiative of the owner. Due to the run-down surrounding of the area, the owner’s choice is to wait and see. It is at least questionable if the social dynamics in the district will change quickly enough for the life span of such a development plan. Therefore it has to be taken into account that the project might never be realised. However, if it gets constructed the influence would be two-fold – leading to higher land value in the whole neighbourhood and pushing gentrification from the parts of Northern Tallinn in proximation to Old Town further up Paljassaare peninsula.

Sitsi factory area at its present state is neither a residential nor a large scale production site, but rather a place for small businesses to operate: more than 10 small and medium sized production and warehousing companies situated themselves here, on the basis of rental contracts with the local land owner “Phoenix Land AS”.

The land owning company is currently concerned with the management and the renting out of the estate under recent conditions. The Sitsi tower project has got the right to be built since the approval of the detail plan, and according to the owner it will be built sooner or later. During our interview with him he stressed that the realization of the detail plan is highly dependent on the changes of social structure in the surrounding neighbourhood. For a new population to emerge in Sitsi he claims that there should be additional public services and infrastructural developments. For their realisation he sees clearly the city in charge. This was not only the opinion of Teder, the owner of the Sitsi factory, but also of the architect Toomas Paaver. However, Paaver (2012) was sceptical that such large-scale plans like Sitsi tower would ever be realised.

The wider participatory aspect of the detail plan still remains questionable. It is not known if the local people participated in the discussions. According to the 76

“I like it. It’s stylish”

-anonymous commentator on Sitsi Tower project

77

SITSI FACTORY

New socio-spatial formations on their way

Standard Factory

Area:

Det. pl

Zoning

Owning land: Building owner:

ap. 3 ha not approved mixed-use Paavli Kinnisvara Paavli Kinnisvara 80

A dream of novelty on Kopli street: Standard deviation

Located next to an active node stands the sleek modernist high-rise “Standard”.

The former furniture factory, a reminder of the Soviet assembly-line production system, now itself is part of assembled territories of numerous services. The Miesian-like high-rise with the bold “Standard” sign, the diner style Kamahouse restaurant and the overall abundance of multitude presents itself as an unfinished picture of an American-dream-like neighbourhood. Yuppies, construction workers, families with children, hipsters or any other social character might mingle around at any time of the day, while trajectories and aims of visit differ.

A site like this, cut off from the city centre and wealthy neighbourhoods, seems either as a promoter of change or one doomed to surrender. What keeps the site running and what kind of social dynamics are on the way?

The socio-spatial formation of the site

The formation of the place into a site for different industries started in late 1960s.

Years before that it could have operated together with the current Sitsi factory area, considering its adjacency to the railway corridor. During the Soviet period, from 1968 onwards the site hosted several workshops or production departments of various types of industry. Spatially scattered on the ground stood the engineering unit, production extension unit, reconstructed production unit, mechanical repair workshop, storage unit for lumber materials, water tank for fire extinguishing, chemical storage, and underground storage of trichloroethylene as well as a canteen. The site remained in operation with no major changes till the end of 1980s. After the collapse of Soviet union and the breakdown of industrial production, the site was divided into separate plots and privatized, although now under single ownership. Some of the plots were used for building apartment houses, but most of them still remained in use for production, switching from large-scale industry to innovative small scale service sectors and small 82

workshops. Some of them are working successfully and consider new expansion plans, while others have disappeared after the crisis. There is no general plan or detail plan for the whole Standard factory site. Meanwhile the area remains marked as a mixed-used development site. And as M. Korvits (2012) from the city planning department noted during an interview: “The area is open for anything.”

Currently there is only one certain plan to be implemented – a new supermarket is on the way, on the node of Sole and Paavli street. The city council considers it to be a new point of departure, which would foster new major changes in the neighborhood.

The current situation

Currently there exist no overall plans and detail plans for the area. Only some separate units are planned. Since the state transformation in 1990s the Standard factory site is owned by Paavli Kinnisvara real estate company. The city government does not present any future vision for Standard, although it is open to accept new suggestions. According to M. Korvits (2012) “a further analysis of the area needs to be done”.

The only certain plan at the moment is to build “Rimi” supermarket just next to Standard’s eastern border, on the node of Sole and Paavli street. This is seen by the municipality as a potential to increase mobility and gain benefit for the rest of the Standard area (Plado 2012).

Some future proposals include extending the network of greenery to the site and Paavli street, turning it into a pedestrian-only street. That could be implemented at the same time as the plans of developing a plaza and park in Sitsi factory’s site get realized.

Currently the former Standard factory hosts several innovative small scale business services and small workshops devoted to production. The most famous of these small businesses is Kamahouse. It functions as a restaurant, artist supply 83

STANDARD

View from Kopli street

Public participation in planning

Currently the city and the landowner(s) are eager to celebrate the development of the place into a creative quarter with small services of exceptional quality and recognition. Kamahouse is the most widely known one. This business includes not only a restaurant but also an artist supply store as well as an open ground for any events to take place – from private wedding to jazz concerts and tv shows.

Also some new networks of cooperation have been developing between the small businesses. For example, the owner of Kamahouse has just started a new fashion design project in cooperation with a sewing company from Standard’s site.

View from Kopli street

store and an open hall for any event, as the owner of the business claimed during the interview (Jakobson 2012). The place opened in March 2011 and is run by an Estonian and American partnership. This international mix is clearly reflected in the program of the restaurant. While carrying the nostalgic label of an old Estonian butter supply company, the restaurant offers an untypical mix of food: American burgers and refill coffee could be ordered together with the traditional kama drink. The business has been successful for the owners and the restaurant enjoys popularity within the scale of Tallinn. Meant to function as a neighborhood pub, it also attracts clients from foreign countries. According to the owners, Kamahouse thrives as a meeting place and is serving as a common discussion ground for the neighborhood’s emerging new families.

Citizen participation regarding the planning process of this area is questionable.

The city postpones analyzing the situation and intervening due to the complexity and unknown consequences of the surrounding traffic changes. Due to the lack of any broader plans, it seems no general discussions with the neighborhood residents have yet taken place. And it possibly won’t take place till the first large scale infrastructural renewals.

The question of traffic is another one worth considering closely. The municipality is cooperating on small scale private-public partnership, providing some safer traffic solutions next to busy private services, for example, the new pedestrian crossing at the traffic junction next to Kamahouse. However, the larger surrounding environment will be extensively altered once the old Northern Tallinn rails would be removed and former railways turned into roads for cars, according to the plans by the city. The new “Pohja Väil” road would pass by the site. New tasks to develop pedestrian and bicycle paths should be put on the agenda. Little is known, how would the future dynamics of traffic influence the social formations in the area.

84

85

STANDARD

Due to the business and mixed-use production function of the site, not much could be said about permanent residents. The users in general are different small companies renting out the premises from few private landowners. Up to now the city’s strategy for Standard factory has been one of nearly no interference and just distant observation, without any policies or guidelines for future.

Private entrepreneurs and their initiatives are supported with little critique. Major future decisions are left to the market-driven private firms operating in the place.

Thus, while appearing as undirected bottom-up urban development, there exists an underlying hidden order in line of the interests of the landowner(s).

New socio-spatial formations on their way

STANDARD

There are no official development perspectives for Standard factory’s area. So far it may seem that the dynamics of urban change are locally generated from bellow. However this bottom-up development is still market-driven and because of the almost single-handed ownership of land, the permanence of this “creative quarter” urbanism becomes questionable. The loose definition of a mixed-used function and the openness to any possibilities within the site raise difficulties to predict the future functions. One suggestion would be that the more “solid” and permanent functions have not yet appeared on the ground. Other version would be that the site expands further the “creative quarter” discourse and further gentrification of the neighbourhood follows, turning Sitsi into the “new” Kalamaja.

Standard factory site plan

86

87

C h a p t e r III Scenarios

88

89

forming new ghettos, living without any state benefits and hardly any access to infrastructure or basic amenities.

Economic shifts “Scenarios are stories that give meaning to events; they are myths of the future.”

Peter Schwartz. The Art of the Long View: Planning for

the Future in an Uncertain World.

The driving forces behind future development are always changes in economic and political system, technologies, communications and mental perceptions. Although external global trends, processes and influences are changing immensely and cannot be fully grasped from the present moment, it is still possible to choose some of the trends and imagine their influence on the city’s development.

The official Estonian spatial strategy for future – the national spatial plan “Estonia 2030+” – has a goal to guide the development of settlement structures and it gives aims for Tallinn’s future development. According to this, Tallinn should be an internationally attractive centre with qualitative urban space, good connection with major EU centres and local centres in Estonia. The future of Tallinn is linked with solving many problems in the fields of demography, transport, energy, urban sprawl and urban wastelands among others.

The three scenarios presented here are generated for the district of Northern Tallinn, taking into account the multi-scalarity of city development. Following three basic economic shifts departing from the current states of affairs within the existing capitalist economy in Estonia three future narratives emerge, which would to large extent influence the whole social outcome of Northern Tallinn.

Boom!

Investors can afford to realize everything according to the current detailed plans and new ones are on their way. Ultra-liberal mode of planning prevails, as city distances itself from any leadership or control. Absolute belief is placed on market-driven urban development. Investors are free to operate as it suits them most. With new large scale development plans for business, residential and entertainment sites for alternative tourism, land value rapidly increases due to extensive speculation. Former locally rooted landscapes become transformed into international office parks. Northern Tallinn is the new fragmented centre of commercial activity. Old inhabitants are forced to emigrate to new peripheries, 90

The new terrain is characterized by multinational business centres, office parks, luxury apartments and sites of entertainment along the coastal line. Inequalities rise to the extreme, reflected in the social and spatial segregation in the district. Extreme polarisation raises the issue of more control and security, introducing apartheid measures, preventing the unwanted population to access certain sites. New business improvement districts appear with privately managed public spaces.

The persistent urban condition, socio-spatially reproduced, is defined as a cognitive scheme concerning behaviour and ideal expression. They shape an extreme case of a “post-city”. Firstly, it manifests itself in the importance of movement rather than structure. Secondly, it increasingly depends on global services, therein local knowledge and skills lose their meaning, internationalization is fostered, surveillance on places increase, in order to achieve a high compatibility control of difference becomes more important. New development plans are based on “nomad concepts” without time or place but relying on cognitive preconceptions of “creative industries” or “sustainability”, thus, the same patterns are multiplied from one city to another. The achievement is the rapid annihilation of differences between cooperative imaginations (substances) (produced dreamlike images) and material forms(real substances) in a surge of profit-driven urban development.

Business as usual For some considerable time no particular twists in the economy occur. New competitions get launched for some of the areas, new detail plans appear others get transformed in the process of their realisation. Municipality acts as an advisor but does not impose strict regulations to frame the changing plans of investors.

Public-private partnerships obtain a more popular role in urban regeneration projects. The practical employment of the new detail plans on turning run-down areas into mixed used quarters affects a spread of white collar services from Kalamaja to the North of the district. Gentrification expands, as new milieu-valued areas in Kopli, Karjamaa and Paljasaare (further North on Paljassaare penisula) attract (international) young professionals.

Uneven development still prevails the landscape. The establishment of new centres, results the formation of new peripheries.

Participation in the planning process does not expand outside the circle of municipality declared experts. Large scale road constructions are on their way. Recognition and strategies addressing inequalities and public interest are still concepts missing from the agenda in urban policies.

91

Recession

Another meltdown is ahead. Developers become extremely careful in allocating the limited financial resources available, Northern Tallinn is in this situation entirely beyond their agenda. Due to lack of money the city agrees to give land under public ownership to local neighbourhood communities and NGOs. By this move the municipality hopes to increase the land value, tries to cope with already occurred and preventing further population shrinkage. The strategy aims to make the district more appealing and gives opportunities for value production against background of rising rates of poverty. A mode of planning directed to the discourse of direct democracy appears in specific locations. City distances itself from leadership passing responsibility to those communities and neighbourhood groups that developed strategies with emphasis on social justice and participation.

The communities who have been trusted and given control over development of certain public land are relatively free in action. Northern Tallinn becomes an experimental ground for different low budget development strategies: Where as parts of it become a refugee camp adapted to the needs of the poor; another area turns into a creative city comprising several start-ups from Tallinn’s universities. Based on urban agriculture and non-waste economy some neighbourhoods try to become self-sufficient islands within the urban tissue.

Thus the efforts of the municipality shrinkage of the city cannot be stopped. In result the majority of neighbourhoods evolve into small self-sustainable cores within extensive greeneries forming an archipelago city. Today’s formation of Tallinn is intensely reshaped: the city transforms into an agglomeration of smaller towns. These segregated islands are defined by dense programmes that give them different speeds and characteristics. Their development follows needs arising within them but as well from the connections they sustain with each other, thus they keep the urban system running productively. Some of these neighbourhoods are working under zero-growth economic conditions. These separate parts also represent new gateways – entrance points to different networks of space and information.

The legal status and inner relationships of the self-sufficient ‘neighbourhoodtowns’ will most probably evolve under varied circumstances: While the efficient parts of the urban system keep operating, the inefficient ones could become subjects for radical change.

If the city would not support a ‘self healing’ process settled on intrinsic potentials of Tallinn it would most probably follow tightened Neo-liberal politics: Presumably some parts of Tallinn could be sold to Chinese or Indian investors who intend establish an external sphere under their influence. Then the former locally operating system becomes global one. This will lead to a development of entirely artificial landscapes, in the worst case with the emergence of an exact replica of an Alpine village, in Northern Tallinn; the replacement of the indigenous population is self-evident to this scenario.

92

93

3 scenarios for Kopli Lines Boom!

Extensive resources, both, from investors and the municipality of Northern Tallinn allow the realization of the detail plan of Kopli Lines. The municipality supports the construction of technical infrastructure; the investor develops the residential seaside area and the central part of the site with mixed housing. Thus it becomes a precious seaside area, a „phoenix from the ashes”. It is then an island of international high-income social group in the midst of an otherwise quite poorly developed area that suffers from the difficult social issues in the district. Strict borders between the ‘wild’ public life and the highly controlled private estates emerge. Access to the territory and the seaside is kept under surveillance and physical barriers control the entries.

“Choose a life in greenery and beautiful nature! Green Seaside Residences offer you a fantastic scenery by the sea and luxorious environment in one of the most valuable and unique residential projects in Tallinn. With all conforts included, this milieu-valuable area welcomes you and your family to find the home of your dreams, in the midst of large green space and high-quality architecture, just a few minutes ride from the city centre.”

Advertisement of Green Seaside Residences from the web-page of Arco Real- Estate, 2021

Boom! site program

A new Community centre, expressing the values of sustainability and creative class, is built in the district, containing an art museum and shops for ‘niche demands’ of the new inhabitants. It is a multi use structure serving the new gentry, tourists and other high-income consumers from all over Tallinn. Touristic excursions flourish in the area that offers major attractions within the whole city context: Waterfront theme parks in the North-Eastern part of Paljassaare peninsula and the magnificent renovated wooden heritage.

With the support of Professor’s Village Community a “cultural tram” is established: KUMU is the final stop on the one side, the newly established Kopli Art Centre the other. Similar to the Bus 100 in Berlin it relates the development of tourist attractions to questions of mobility within the city. Bus 100 offers the opportunity to make a sightseeing-tour with a ‘normal’ inner-city bus line, passing most of the city’s main points of interest. As it connects everyday requirements with leisure it offers alternative tourist a way to get to know the city different from a typical commercial sightseeing excursion.

However, differences in attitudes between the urban pioneers in Professor’s Village the late ‘new comers’ in Kopli Lines are not without conflict: The efforts of Professor’s Village community for the development of Kopli Lines leads to an inception of another entirely different oriented community there. Not the overall development of the neighbourhood is their major interest but the safety of the Kopli Lines estate. They have therefore a high NIMBY (not-in-my-back-yard) attitude and push the closing of the high-quality public spaces surrounding their houses. The socially less capable groups are therefore forced out of the area.

Supiköök (soup kitchen) and Northern Tallinn social centre are relocated towards Paljassaare, near Garaažilinnak. The area serves an elite, which develops Kopli high school into a private school for the wealthy. Kopli Lines remain closed for “unwanted” guests, tourists as visitors of the Kopli Arts Centre are in contrast very welcome.

94

95

Business as usual

The city found a compromise with the investor so that the detail plan of Kopli Lines becomes implemented only partly. The municipality realises increased investments in developing infrastructure at the expense of other projects. The foreign investor himself develops the area only piece-by-piece. It continues to serve primary residential purposes. Kopli Lines emerge as an island for high-income social group in the midst of neglected surroundings. A new generation of wealthy residents, mostly of the growing managerial class inhabits the area. Nevertheless: due to suburbanisation and population shrinkage half of the houses stay empty.

Infrastructure and public amenities remain widely underdeveloped in the surrounding of Kopli Lines: The city of Tallinn faces a lack of resources having realised the first major works of allocation, the investor is withdrawing from the conflict-laden and unsuccessful development. The reinvention of Kopli Lines stays therefore unfinished. The wastelands, that should become actually a part of it, are on the long run re-occupied by homeless people. Street closures as we know them from post-apartheid South Africa are established. A wall on the border between the Kopli Lines development and the informal settlement draws a physically sharp line between the desired and the renegade inhabitants of Northern Tallinn.

The socially weak users stay in the area as Supiköök continuously works on the site and the detail plan for ‘social housing’ near Garaažilinnak is not realised. The not-yet developed corners of Kopli Lines are still squatted by low- or no-income people. In result big conflicts appear among new wealthy users and the habitual poor and homeless. In effect new inhabitants become very concerned about security – which leads to the reshaping of the parts of the development in place into a gated community with privately managed outdoor spaces. The edges of Kopli Lines are characterized by turnpikes, gates, armed guards, surveillance cameras, watch-towers and wired fences. The seaside is closed as it serves only the new wealthy users. Opposing Professor’s Village Community a new informal community within Kopli Lines evolves in first respect to manage the big efforts for to keep the area safe. The relation to Professor’s Village Community is generally stressed as they have to cope now with the increased gathering of homeless persons in their neighbourhood.

Incremental additions

96

97

“We are trying to rethink things cardinally, because it is a fact that we cannot stand on time’s way”, said the vice mayor. “Ofcourse we have to preserve the old town of Tallinn, belonging to the UNESCO world heritage, and other unique monuments and milieus, but we have to pay a price in the form of depressing the development of one area. We have to consider the era and the situation we are living in.”

Eha Võrk, vice mayor of Tallinn, Postimees, “Tallinn üritab Kopli liine müüa” (Tallinn tries to sell Kopli lines’ site) 28.11.2012 Business as usual site program

Clouds gathering over Kopli Lines

98

99

Recession

The development plans are put on hold for an uncertain period of time, maybe forever. Nevertheless the area would need some attention to prevent a tightening of the difficult current situation. Due to the lack of infrastructure more houses are burning down, in result more and more homeless occupy the remaining buildings or their ruins. The last “conventional” dwellers leave the area, some of them, the very few who can efford it, find an alternative dwelling in Professor’s Village. The remaining squatters take over not only the physical space they establish as well an entirely new ‘local governance’ based on hierarchic clan structures. Separate gangs divide their territories and “justice” is often ensured by violence. Super high criminality characterizes the neglected area. Municipality has abandoned Kopli Lines and stopped sending police there.

In this crazed, despicable world, Kopli is now the symbol of liberty; in this crazed, despicable world, there is one pure thing: Kopli; one truth: Kopli; one love: Kopli!

Kopli is like a splendid lighthouse shining in a sea of baseness...

The foreman of Kopli Seamen grouping, 2021, Tallinn unknown leaflet

Recession site program

The situation in the area culiminates when the vacant building of the former Institute of Technical University is squatted by a big group of homeless people. Making Kopli Lines area the biggest point of consentration point of this vulnerable social group. The municipality is headless- due to the lack of resources and any relevant proposal to change the conditions that dominate the area. To protect the general public in Northern Tallinn it decides to seperate the area from the rest of the district by a fencing it off, to a large extend by a wall. To avoid that people unintendedly go into the area the tram stop is shifted towards Professor’s Village.

Kopli Lines becomes finally a no-go-area, not only in the perception of Talliners, but as well highlighted as such on tourist maps and brochures.

Professor’s Village Community looses contact with the inhabitants of Kopli Lines in first respect for their reluctant attitude towards external aid which segregates the area even more.

As Kopli Lines collapses, the National Heritage Board looses first hope to maintain the wooden houses and later the interest and will to consider the historic, but heavily rundown architecture as valuable.

100

101

3 scenarios for Garaažilinnak

“Check out our extensive line of hand-made eco-friendly products including our Eco-B Home brand of bamboo cutting boards & serving trays. Our Eco-B Home Rice Husks dinnerware for kids is made from rice and is 100% natural, 100% biodegradable, and BPA, PVC, and Phthalates free.”

Advertisment from a home supplies reseller Eco-B Home, www.ecobhome.org

Boom!

Garage area becomes a heritage site. The formal layout and aesthetics become officially listed as a milieu-valued area. Under these conditions the site is given over to an investor in order to gain some profit from its potentials. Different interest groups are encouraged to generate through temporary and experimental practices new uses for each separate empty box. While the form is fixed by a law, the function is not. Under these conditions the site becomes an ultra-liberal entertainment park. The former illegal uses that defined the contradictory side of the area for some time and that constituted the occasionally intense surveillance of it by the police, are now substituted by experimental, entrepreneurial practices, addressing a wider public. Officially the ‘renewal process’ is framed as a ‘special economic zone’. It enables the spread of new function reaching from art galleries, museums and designer shops to bars, casinos and brothels.

Major effort is put to the improvement of infrastructure: air-cables are replaced by an underground solution. Along with it a sewage system and decent inner roads are established. The Cultural Mile former (Cultural Kilometer) is extended to Garaažilinnak, as its grande finale.

Boom! site program

Apart from this re-inhabitation by partly innovative and experimental users Garaažilinnak evolves in accordance with the demands of newly emerging housing estates on Paljassaare peninsula. The establishment of public functions such

102

103

as a library, kindergartens and a neighbourhood assembly hall round-up the development. Garaažilinnak gives thereby vital impulses for the development of Paljassaare, as the Ecobay project, that should have actually been adopting this role is not realised: it violates the buffer-zone of the Tallinna Vesi water treatment site.

What however becomes realised are the “homelessness prevention shelters”.

They bring a on the first sight difficult social milieu to the district, but the new socially responsible communities of Garaažilinnak area face the challenges arising from that proximity: In charity events and get-togethers they deal with the historically rooted social imbalance in the district. Within a public employment scheme the addressed groups adopt as well new responsibilities for the maintenance of Paljassaare’s famous and extensive greeneries, as for example the recultivated waste dump situated just next to Garaažilinnak. The municipality as the organiser of the programme aims thereby to integrate the vulnerable groups back into the society. A variety of public spaces and facilities for varied activities are set up in the nearby area, that includes nature trails, biking tracks, community events, outdoor dining sites and sports fields.

janno v :“Last night some *****r scratched my bumper in the parking lot of Selver. Can anyone recommend a place to fix some minor color defects, for good price?!?!!??!”

Dima: “There is one guy in Paljassaare Garaažilinnak, he does some magic. I think the name was Alexander, his box is in the 5th lane to the right. It’s a small place but does the job for a good price.”

Ptz: “ :D I thought you can only buy bootleg vodka there!”

Extract from MyCarIsKing car-forum, www.mycarisking.ee/forum/topics/repair~1274 12.03.2013

Boom! site plan

Within this process of reshaping the original box users had to give their boxes up. As the land is in municipal hand and the boxes have been only rented they simply had to accept this decision. Overtime the wider area of Garaažilinnak sees highly increasing land values; its exclusivity reaches far beyond that of Rottermanni Kvartal.

Business as usual

The area continues to function as a garage area hence the form of the site remains the same. The Garage Association keeps charge for running the place under their sole regime. Over time a generation change among the users of the area takes place: old users get replaced by new ones. The garages become thereby primarily places to keep a vehicle, other functions like storing of food or furniture are nearly absent.

Both the Garage Association but as well a number of users understand the garages as an extra earning opportunity: Whereas the association provides an own tool-renting service on the site, some of the new users with more professional skills start offering low-cost car related services like electrical works and smaller car tune-ups. As the general situation on the job market is tight and as similar services are usually very expensive these kind of thankworthy undertakings become popular among garage users and as well for people outside Garaažilinnak.

After a while a kind of car-services-cluster shapes itself on the area.

Physically the area remains generally the same, only basic improvements on the infrastructure are undertaken such as paved inner streets and the up-grading of the electricity system to current requirements. In addition to the qualification of the area based on the newly offered services, it is positively affected by the decrease and nearly fully disappearance of serious crimes; but still what has to be 104

105

kept in mind: most of the businesses in the area are informal. Nevertheless they cause a “comeback” of the fading garage culture. While realising that the revival of Garaažilinnak is not in all respects following established laws and regulations, the municipality pays recognition to the efforts of the users. Therefore the area is considered to enter the list of milieu-valued as a structure that houses significant traditions and exemplary social values.

“A map of the world that does not include Utopia is not worth even glancing at, for it leaves out the one country at which Humanity is always landing. And when Humanity lands there, it looks out, and, seeing a better country, sets sail. Progress is the realisation of Utopias.”

Oscar Wilde, The Soul of Man under Socialism 1891

Recession site program

Recession

Garaažilinnak becomes one of the new kinds of milieu-valued areas, where active social participation in designing the environment is positively recognised.

The municipality leaves it therefore for experimental purposes to a community. It evolves as a city within the larger urban system. The new users by transforming the Garage Association into a workers cooperative, much like the Spanish Mondragon cooperation, turn the site into a dense and vibrant environment based on low-budget interventions and improvements. The municipality leaves the administration and future development prospective of the site for the cooperative to decide. With time the cooperative’s succeeds to strengthen its key values of participatory budgeting, public ownership, zero-growth economy and social justice.

With years passing by, taking into account high rates of population shrinkage in Tallinn and high overall vacancy, as well as violent attacks from vagabond tribes, Garaažilinnak cooperative struggles to keep on functioning. The risk for the already quite nicely refurbished area is to become emptier. Tallinn’s underworld, that is still familiar with the area, from earlier times eagerly try to take it over and makes it a central facility for their various purposes. Connections with other developed areas become threatened due to avoidance of visiting the endangered site and the polluted surrounding of the dumping ground.

106

107

3 Scenarios For Sitsi Factory

“PLEASE DO NOT WALK ON THE GRASS!” A sign next to the sculpture park in Sitsi quarter 8.09.2018

Boom! site program

Boom!

Ad hoc big investments of companies in search for a prestigious location of their office or shop encourage the developers of Sitsi area to realize the detail plan. It becomes a mixed use area of commerce, business and dwelling.

The business buildings are mainly used by finance corporations and as local branches of multinational companies. The nicely refurbished former production building of the Baltic Cotton Factory is the centrepiece of the commercially used areas. Local small business or creative start-ups are due to the high rents not located in Sitsi. The enterprises previously operating here shifted their activities to Garaažilinnak, where a ‘special economic zone’ was recently established.

The residential premises on the area are inhabited by high-income people. They are partly local, partly international members of a continuously growing managerial elite. As the new dwellers of the new private houses in the area they protest against the “random” social groups of low- or no income hanging around in the public amenities that are situated on the site. Following the ongoing argumentation the area is closed and guarded, it becomes a gated community, known for the extensive use surveillance cameras and high-tech methods to keep the area safe.

In order to avoid unintended contact with the surrounding kindergartens, cafés, a corner shop and a privately financed library is situated in the area.

108

109

Business as usual

The development of Sitsi quarter is put on hold to an uncertain period of time.

‘Phoenix Land AS’ keeps renting the manageable parts to different small businesses. The shape of the old buildings changes for the worse. Investments are needed for renovations.

Business as usual site program

As Standard factory is fully inhabited, several creative enterprises establish themselves in the Sitsi area. This leads a public interest to the site and encourages the users and the land owner to develop qualitative open spaces and public areas: The old gates to the site are opened for visitors and the walls surrounding it are partly broken-down to create new entrances. The guard-building attached to the main gate on Kopli street is turned to a retro café. Some leisure sport sites are added like ping-pong tables and a basketball court; they are open for the enjoyment of visitors and local users. In effect even more small businesses are attracted to inhabit the area. The re-inhabitation encompasses the Soviet extensions of the main building, as it is currently in too bad of a shape. The small scale and low-cost up-grading of the ageing soviet buildings and their surrounding adds interesting materials and artworks and thereby charm to the site. The profile of the area becomes similar to that of the Standard factory area.

The processes of up-grading follow similar dynamics as in Kalamaja and Pelgulinn.

The businesses that have been originally established in the area, partly continue to use it, which keep influencing the character of a neighborhood. Nevertheless especially the warehousing activities have been shifted to other parts of the city.

Daily offers:

Price

Fish soup with egg sandwitch “Seljanka” with sour cream Boiled potatos with herring and onion Rassolnik and bread with spicy sprats Desserts: Chocolate “Kama” Jelly with compote

3.20 2.10 2.40 3.20 0.60 1.10

Daily menu of Vigri Cafe 15.11.2015ˇ

110

111

Recession

‘Phoenix Land AS’ fails in the long-term management of the site. The small businesses therefore have to leave the area and the developer re-directs its activities to more beneficial ones. As a result the area is falling entirely out of use. Against difficult financial circumstances and high rates of population shrinkage ‘Phoenix Land AS’ tries without success to put the land on sale. Due to a lack of interest the area is given to decay. The efforts of the Heritage Board to force the owner to maintain the old production building fail.

As the established actors lose interest about Sitsi, the area is undertaken by wildlife and alternative users (homeless e.g.). They regain some public control over the area – fences and walls surrounding the site are partly demolished. With re-established accessibility permanent informal uses withdraw from the area.

Soon an ‘inner-city wild park’ emerges with an astonishing amount of different animal and plant species. It becomes an uncultivated “botanical garden” of rich biodiversity.

“Big Spring Clean-up!

Dear members of community and other regardful cityzens! On the 20th of April, a big clean-up day is held on the site of Sitsi Factory, to make this cozy self-made park even more nicer for ourselves.

Bring along a shovel or a rake and come with a friend! We start the work at 11:00 and at 13:00, hot soup is provided by Supiköök.

See you all!

M.K. from Telliskivi Community” Web-announcment from the web-page of Telliskivi Community http://telliskiviselts.info/talgud 20.03.2013 Recession site program

This new landscape is of course appealing to actors: some local initiative is noticed on the site. Benches are added, trees planted, some of the worst and most dangerous ruins demolished. Telliskivi Community arranges communal working days like “Teeme Ära” to clean the site and emphasize its natural uniqueness.

The wall is attractive to graffiti artists: The “East Side Gallery” of Tallinn as a formal wall for spraying is established here. It turns into an incidental attraction point of the Cultural Mile.

112

113

This activists’ driven re-inhabitation of the site evokes a re-entering of the area by its next neighbours: the dwellers of the former factory workers’ houses on Sitsi street. They start using it as a backyard for kids playing, laundry drying, and even for growing food and flowers. This is noticed by the Food Urbanism movement. In cooperation with local community Sitsi becomes a Food Urbanism site where people from other districts can participate as well.

Departing from the utilisation of the surroundings of the factory premises some actors find agreement with the owner of the site and use these buildings as sheds for tools and storing places for harvested food. ‘Phoenix Land AS’ takes this opportunity to make some profit from the site, albeit a small one due to the difficult economic situation.

Global cities areound the world are the terrain where multiplicity of globalization process assume concrete, localized forms.

Saskia Sassen, The Global

Boom! site program

3 Scenarios For Standard Boom!

The former industrial site gets regenerated. According to a new detail plan the site is developed into a mixed-use residential and commercial zone. The former factory site is opened as a new leisure and fun-scape serving both for the gentry of the new business park in Sitsi and Tallinn as whole. The emphasis has shifted from production to consumption.

The industrial aesthetic is preserved as part of the attraction. It is even extended to a point of selling international modernist steel-tube furniture and reproductions of other rare household items from the 60s.

The unorganized cluster of small services and creative functions becomes replaced by more “solid” functions. The “Standard” high-rise is turned into a luxurious hotel with variety of interior styles designed by signature architects and artists. Hotel function is complimented with restaurants, yoga studios, gourmet shops, gyms and fashion stores.

As Sitsi factory area becomes Tallinn’s new and promising business district, the Standard factory site becomes a consumption place for a wide international public, which seeks multiple-scale with(18 such values as “organic, sustainBOOM:products HOTEL ROOMS x 8 FLOORS able, creative and smart”.

= 144 TOTAL)

CASINO

YOGA STUDIO

Boom: Hotel (18 rooms x 8 floors=144 total

114

115

116

117

Business As Usual

Multitude of firms inhabit the environment. Standard factory site is celebrated as a hodgepodge, targeted towards becoming a creative quarter. Old and new, expensive and cheap, low-tech and high-tech coexist together. Standard becomes a vaguely defined site, a sum of everything present at the moment. Division of space is fragmented, even inside of buildings – some firms share the ground, others take over whole floors; some firms cooperate, while others do not. Freedom of movement and choice is greater than in majority of districts within the city.

More and more businesses understand that ethos and are making the adaptions necessary to attract and retain creative class employees. Places that succeed in attracting and retaining creative plass people prosper; those that fail don’t.

-Richard Florida, The Rise of the Creative Class

Business as usual site program

No overall plan or demand by the city. While the place keeps running, the city government is not interested to interfere in the site. However, the surroundings have changed. Besides a new shopping mall, there is a new traffic corridor built, connecting Standard to the Central railway station. As the neighbourhood becomes more integrated within the city, the land value of the whole neighbourhood increases.

Business as usual: Different weird firms sharing the floor

Interior and exterior of Standard

118

119

From celebration of the omnipotent state...

It is prescribed that a sign “Standard� made of neon lights on the roof 9-storey building is placed on the metal background. The banners and festival decorations will be attached to the cornice with steelhooks.

(Appendix of the plans of the Standard building project from Tallinn City Archives.)

Back in the USSR 1984

120

121

...to celebration of everyday commodities

Understood in its totality, the SPECTACLE is both the result and the goal of the dominant mode of productions. It is not a mere decoration added to the real world. It is the very heart of this real society’s unreality. In all of its particular manifestations - news, propagaanda, advertisin, entertainment - the spectacle represents the dominant model of life. It is the omnipresent affirmation of the choices that have already been made in the sphere of production and in the consuption implied by that production.

“Society of the Spectacle” Guy Debord

Scenes from the 2014

122

123

...and even more

The SPECTACLE is capital accumulated to the pooint that it becomes images. “Society of the Spectacle� Guy Debord

Scenes from the 2030

124

125

Au revoir, jewelled alligators and white hotels, hallucicinatory forests, farewell.

J.G. Ballard

Recession site program Recession: Slum/refugee camp. No of people = 250 per floor, excluding the 1st floor; 8 x 250 = 2000 (x2 with bunk beds) = 4000 beds

Recession

Secluded from the rest of the city, alone on its own stands the former Standard factory site. No investments by the city or the former owner reach this place. In fact, the owner has gone bankrupt and now the city has the legal right to run the place, albeit in a situation of crisis. Development initiative is given over to local communities and immigrants’ union, which has found its ground here. Locally oriented, low-budget solutions and action emerge.

The site is characterized by deteriorating buildings and infrastructure. The highrise is on a verge of collapse and the surrounding site in danger. Illegal dwellers take over. The Standard high-rise becomes a slum occupied by refugees and homeless. Overexploitation takes place. The whole building accommodates a population of a small town. The area turns into an isolated dense island, operating like a fortress, with its own laws and codes.

Congestion, violence, government neglect and local clan hierarchy set the rules of the game.

Existing building Building demolished Ruins Overcrowding of homeless Areas taken over by wild animals Areas of death and conagious diseases Piles of garbage 126

127

Scenario: Boom!

Map of flows

Spatial relations Boom! Northern Tallinn 2030 The financial crisis 20 years ago has led the city council to reconsider Tallinn’s planning strategy. In order to attract new foreign capital and investment, the city has acted fast to liberalise further its mode of planning. As a result Northern Tallinn presents itself as one of the most vibrant areas in the city: some productions sites in the area can be sustained. The necessary infrastructure provides the backdrop for a new leisure landscape along the shores of Paljassaare peninsula. The four study areas frame themselves therein as textbook examples of this development.

The renewal of Sitsi factory is therein a flagship project: following today’s detail plans it is transformed into an attractive location for luxury living and prestigious branch offices. This shift of uses imposed a high pressure for development on the surrounding areas.

Standard factory turned therein into a place for classy services; together with a hotel and selected retail facilities they serve mainly the demands of the businesses and the managerial elite anchored on the Sitsi site.

‘Phoenix Land AS’, the company previously running Sitsi area, could sell it after the realisation of major efforts for its improvement. It became thereby a trusted partner for the ‘recovery’ of derelict areas. Today Garaažilinnak is their new field of activity. The place hosts a variety of ‘creative’ retail and service facilities. Beyond this the municipality established there public services such as kindergartens and libraries as public private partnerships. They serve the newly developing housing areas on Paljassaare peninsula. One of them is Kopli Lines. Its former inhabitants live now in the ‘homelessness prevention shelters’ in close proximity to Garaažilinnak. This was of course a challenge to the ‘garage-community’, today it is understood as a field for societal learning and charity.

On Kopli Lines the detail plan could be finally realised. In the perception of the whole city this is clearly celebrated as a success: the area is not only a first class housing site for highly skilled professionals, it comprises as well major attractions that came into being based on the initiative of the new dwellers. On a district level these developments are perceived more critically as the efforts of the community are not focused on the whole district, but on the well being of the ‘own’ neighbourhood.

Flow of production Study area New emerging business/commercial areas Special economy zone/tax-free New touristic routes New leisure areas New recreation areas Exitsting recreation areas Flow of users Flow of inhabitants Study areas

Arts intervention 128

129

Scenario: Business as usual Map of flows

Business as usual Northern Tallinn 2030

In the central parts of Paljassaare peninsula the Standard and the Sitsi site are areas of intense small scale production. On both places rooms are continuously rented out to individual users. Standard develops therein into a space comprising a patchwork of high and low tech uses offering services and products of varying qualities. Physically a street connection to main station leads to major shift in the accessibility of the area. In combination with the well being of the Standard site this change causes some basic investments of the owners on the Sitsi site. The improvement of infrastructure and open space increase the attractiveness of the site towards more ‘artsy’ businesses.

On Garaažilinnak a generation change takes place: the new garage owners are here as well attracted by infrastructural improvements. The highly skilled workers with more entrepreneurial aspirations run low-cost car related services on the area. They create thereby a new positive image of the area.

On the contrary: the nearby Kopli Lines continue to be a problematic part of the city. The detail plan could be only to some extent realised on the area, the rest of it is a wasteland turning the new estate into an ‘island of renewal in seas of decay’.

130

131

Scenario: Recession Map of flows

Recession: Northern Tallinn 2030 A major economical meltdown has left Northern Tallinn on decay since 2016. After several years of struggling with finding investors, the city has decided to give its land to local communities and thus hope for a new rise of value through locally rooted action. Thereby Tallinn has become decentralized into an agglomeration of towns – segregated islands with dense programmes developing in different speeds.

One of the ‘positive’ appearances under these conditions is the development of the Sitsi site: after the bankruptcy and following story of neglect and inhabitation by informal uses it is today new type of greenery. Beyond the manifestations of a park it hosts areas of ‘wilderness’ as well as kitchen gardens.

The lack of responsibility among public actors tells a different story for the rest of the district: after the bankruptcy of the owner in Standard users organise themselves in the place. With the loss of the limiting institution of property the site deteriorates under their exploiting forces. They finally leave the building and expose its inhabitation by homeless people. In Garaažilinnak an up-coming NGO tries to manage the area, which turns it first to a vibrant space, but is on the long run too weak to protect it from the aspirations of Tallinn’s criminal underworld.

The downward spiral of the north-eastern part of the peninsula, which affected as well Garaažilinnak, is originated in the final decline of Kopli Lines. The neighbourhood is spatially secluded from the rest of the area by a wall. Within it residential clans comprising pro-fascistic anarchists are important cells of Tallinn’s organised crime. They not only make raids and robberies upon the surrounding estates but also aim on a ‘take over’ of wider parts of Paljassaare.

132

Flow of inhabitants Flow of users Study areas Closed independent areas Food Production on the cite Food Urbanism Site Artists intervention Anarchi, self-sufficient isolated communities Isolated communities of illegal practicies 133

Conclusion

What becomes already apparent, reflecting only on four specific sites within Northern Tallinn: there is complex development of the area ahead. By now the district could only partly benefit from the general economic uplift of Estonia, and Tallinn as its capital. In effect there is a big margin between what local authorities, but as well other actors expect the area could be and what it in fact is. The city government has termed this situation as follows: “Northern Tallinn has a big development potential” (Tallinn City 2012). The fact that it is the “most diverse districts both architecturally, historically and socially” delineates this potential more explicitly and shows as well in which realms mayor ‘adjustments’ of the district are to be expected. Different from the market liberal rhetoric of the city government, we estimated the named diversity as the ‘inhomogeneity’ in the development of the area. Using the official depiction of it as the point of departure for our own investigation in the area we approached the named realms in order to trace the lines of future development.

We aimed to enable an understanding of the general development situation of the area by mapping characteristics that we perceived as central to illustrate the present state of Northern Tallinn, and the dimensions of inhomogeneity to it.

This analysis of ‘spatial distribution of issues’ in the area exposed to us central findings.

The variety of architectural types and styles is clearly perceived as a central and valuable characteristic to the area. To heave up this predicate is a central aspect in the activities of many stakeholders. On the one hand urban policies aim to shift development focus with the declaration of milieu-valued areas to Northern Tallinn (Kopli Lines, Pelgulinn and Kalamaja to name only a few). On the other hand small businesses of Tallinn’s creative economies set-up themselves somehow ‘naturally’ in the historically valuable and aesthetically appealing industrial heritage of the area, as in the case of the former Standard factory. This adds of course an attraction to the still widely deprived landscape of the more northern parts of Northern Tallinn and creates a general uplift in the cognition of the area.

The danger of gentrification resulting from this ‘symbolic up-grading’ and the closer focus on the district as a potential development area is by now hardly a part of the established view on it.

The fact that we can observe a somehow ‘hindered development’ within Northern Tallinn contributes probably to the estimation of very welcome, modest course of urbanization. The sheer number of detail plans on the area sheds another light on the district: around 170 detail planning processes are at the moment in place within it. Whereas some are basically fully approved and just ‘await’ their actual construction, other areas are for years in the call for detail plans. However 134

the state of them might be in particular what we can abstract from this situation is: the detail plans are abstractions of many ideas of single actors, about what could happen in the district. What is absent is generally idea, a strategy for the development of the area. The detail plans indicate therefore the weak position of the city planning in the area, that is relying on this contribution of these manifold actors, but that creates itself neither input nor a bigger frame for its development.

The low density of public amenities in Northern Tallinn is on the one hand a textbook example for the precarious situation of the local authorities in the development of district. On the other hand: The rising prices on the real estate market within it, as well as the big disparities of price levels amongst and in between some sub-quarters show the strong position of market actors. Taking the disadvantages in the district, e.g. in respect to public amenities into account the housing market is ‘flourishing on comparably low level’: wide parts of Northern Tallinn are still preferred housing areas for low income people; their need for housing as well as the slowly proceeding gentrification of the area create a lucrative market in the district.

Departing from these more general findings for the overall situation of the district we can get a better understanding as well for the lines of development in our four case studies: Kopli Lines - something awaited from all sides For Kopli Lines there is definitely a need for ‘something to happen’. The concrete ideas for that something are, being aware of the conditions that inhabitants are exposed to, surprisingly utopian. Instead of small scale improvements to produce some instant relief for the hardly bearable living conditions within the area and a long term strategy for the development of it in the tradition of social housing; Kolpli Lines should become a condominium, attractive to entirely different users and hence requirements.

Garaazilinnak - ‘merge into the background’ Similar to Kopli Lines the user groups in place on Garaažilinnak are particularly weak and vulnerable; partly due to their social status, partly due to the activities they operate on the site. Independent from their concrete reasons: the garage association as their official consortiums tries to avoid communication about the area, its users and their needs to external sites. From the outside it seems the association adopts a kind of mimicry-policy in order to avoid any interference with official sites. This is one the one hand understandable as a clearing of the area in favour of a ‘proper development’ is likely to happen, on the other hand it puts the garage users in a difficult situation, in which the further existence of the site depends solely on the good will of others and in which they are easily victimised.

Sitsi - private investor with patience and little interest in activation The real estate company owning and operating the Sitsi factory is well aware of the general up-lift of the area. Concerning the owner there is radial development 135

originating from the city centre in place that successively reaches further parts of Paljssaare peninsula; it leads qualitatively to a rise of new requirements on housing and commercial space. The owner is capable and patient enough to await the departure of this development on the Sitsi area to become a finally free-rider on it. What is apparent as well: there is little chance that of the owner himself obtaining a more activating role, pushing with Sitsi the development of the upper part of the district.

Standard - neighbourhood pub for a neighbourhood to come On the Standard area in the contrary there is such an activating process in place.

The restaurant and attached cultural centre Kamahouse clearly sees itself as a meeting point for a newly shaping neighbourhood. It is therein on the one hand benefiting from the gentrification processes in the more ‘central parts’ of Northern Tallinn, Kalamaja and Pelgulinn, on the other hand it is with its situation these processes further up North of Paljassaare peninsula, it hereby contributes to a ‘social re-formation’ of the area.

Conclusion: inhomogeneity approved Arriving at our conclusion we find our starting hypothesis of the inhomogeneity in the development of the district approved. Straightforward: this is not a very surprising result of our efforts, nevertheless what opened up to us approaching Northern Tallinn, and what is probably of greater importance: various aspects contribute to the moulding of this inhomogeneity. The constitution of this constellation, the multiple integrations of the various factors involved presented themselves as highly complex constellation. The development of the district and especially its future prospects are difficult to grasp, what evokes a situation of opacity, where comprehensive understanding of the processes is in quest.

Against this back ground our scenarios try to draw a picture of Northern Tallinn under the condition of the extrapolation of today’s lines of development into the future. They aim of course to enable a thinking about how the district could look like if everyone operating there continues as be does at the moment; beyond this they are as well a statement for a critical observation of the processes in place.

We therefore want to close this brochure with an encouraging appal: processes re-shaping Northern Tallinn, but as well other parts of the city, are clearly in place we had the chance to frame some of them in our concrete examples. These processes bring along manifold positive and endorsed follow-up developments.

Nevertheless to enable a full understanding of what is actually happening in the city, to what those ‘happenings’ can lead on the long-run and more over which challenges they expose to a urban society already now, for example in terms of social implications research and an increased scholarly attention is a necessary condition.

136

137

References Literature: Alatalu, R. (2012): Private Interview on October 18.

Berry, J.L. B. (1985): Islands of Renewal in Seas of Decay. In Lees, L.; Slater, T.; Wyly, E. (Ed.) (2010): The Gentrification Reader; 1st edition; London/New York: Routledge.

Blomley, N. (2004): Unsettling the City – Urban Land and the Politics of Property; 1st edition; London/New York: Routledge.

Dörfler, T. (2010): Gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg? Milieuwandel eines Berliner Sozialraums seit 1989 (Gentrification in Prenzlauer Berg? Change of Milieus in Berlin’s Social-Space since 1989) European Commission in charge of Regional Policy (2011): “Cities of tomorrow”, p.24.

Feldman, M. (2000): Urban Waterfront Regeneration and Local Governance in Tallinn, Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 52, No. 5, Taylor & Francis, pp. 859-850.

Gottdiener, M., Budd, L. (2005): Key Concepts in Urban Studies. London: Sage. p. 128.

Harth, A.; Herlyn, U.; Scheller, G. (1996): Ostdeutsche Städte auf Gentrificationkurs? Empirische Befunde zur „gespaltenen“ Gentrification in Magdeburg.

(Eastern-German cities on their way to gentrification? Empirical findings on “divided” gentrification in Magdeburg). In Friedrichs, J.; Kecskes, R. (Ed.) (1996): Gentrification: Theorie und Forschungsergebnisse (Gentrification: Theory and Research Findings); 1st edition; Leske + Budrich, Opladen.

Jakobson, K. (2012): Private Interview on October 9.

Kolesinkov, V. (2012): Private Interview in October.

Korvits, M. (2012): Private Interview on November 15.

Paadam, K. (2010): Kopli Lines –Is the Path of Decline Our Own or Foreign? In Ehituskunst; Tallinn: Eesti Kunstiakadeemia.

Paaver, T. (2012): Private Interview on October 18.

Plado, A. (2012): Private Interview on November 15.

Professors’ Village Community representatives (2012): Private Interview on November 7.

Raat, M. (2002): Kopli. In A. Kurg & M. Laanemets (Ed.), Tallina Juht – A Users Guide to Tallinn; Tallinn: Eesti Kunstiakadeemia.

138

139

Ruopilla, S. (2006): Residential Differentiation, Housing Policy and Urban Planning in the Transformation from State Socialism to a Market Economy: The Case of Tallinn. Helsinki: Helsinki University of Technology, Centre for Urban and Regional Studies.

Garaažilinnak case study:

Seaver, U. (2005): Tallinn tahab hiiglaslikust garaažilinnakust vabaneda, Postimees

Aerial view: www.bing.com/maps/

Aerial view: www.bing.com/maps/ Sitsi factory case study: http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=866570

Semm, K. (2012): Towards the Experiential Meaning of Milieu for Neighbourhood Regeneration, Journal of Housing and Built Environment, October 2012, Springer

Standard factory case study:

Sykora, L. (2005): Gentrification in Post-communist Cities, http://web.natur.cuni. cz/~sykora/pdf/ [online: 10.10.2012]

http://www.kamahouse.net/flagallery/galeriid/

Aerial view: www.bing.com/maps/

Tammemägi K. (2012): In discussion with Professors’ Village community on November 13.

Teder, T. (2012): Private Interview on November 16.

Tuvikene, T. (2010): From Soviet to Post-Soviet with Transformation of Fragmented Urban Landscape: The Case of Garage Areas in Estonia, Landscape Research, Vol. 35, No.5, 509-528; London/New York: Routledge.

Verwijnen, J. (1994): Urban Policies in New York, London, Paris and Rotterdam.

Helsinki: Helsinki University of Technology, Centre for Urban and Regional Studies.

Kopli Strand Project, in Tallinn City website : tallinn.ee/kopliliinid [online: 01.10.2012] Põhja-Tallinna “Paljassaare garaažilinnaku” kasutusele võtmise lahenduste ideekonkursi korraldamine (2005): http://www.tallinnlv.ee/lvistung/bin/docview1. asp?docid=45041&save=1 [online: 01.12.2012] Sitsi Tower (2007): http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=866570 [online: 01.12.2012] Tallinn City, Northern Tallinn website (2012): http://www.tallinn.ee/northern-tallinn [online: 01.10.2012] Photos: Kopli Lines case study: Aerial view: www.bing.com/maps/ Kopli Lines under clouds: maps.google.com 140

141

142

143