Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 29, Number 2, 1961

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

April, 1961

The Dash to Promontory HE!

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ABOUT THE COVER

The 119 crossing the Union Pacific's "Big Trestle." Picture taken from the Central Pacific's "Big Fill" which paralleled the trestle on the west.

Looking down Echo Canyon at the grades built by the Union Pacific Railroad.

UNION PACIFIC HAILHUAU

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

VOLUME

HISTORICAL

XXIX,

NUMBER

SOCIETY

2

April, 1961

Copyright 1961, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, Uta Entered as second-class matter January 5,1953, at the Post Office at Salt Lake City- Utah, under the Act of August 24,1912.

CONTENTS The Dash to Promontory, BY ROBERT M. UTLEY

99

Polygamy: An Issue in the Election of 1860? BY VERN L. BULLOUGH . . .

119

Edwin Bryant's Trail Through Western Utah, BY HENRY J . WEBB

129

Naming of the Green, Sevier, and Virgin Rivers,

BY RUFUS WOOD LEIGH

137

Journal of Two Campaigns by the Utah Territorial Militia Against the Navajo Indians, 1869, EDITED BY c. GREGORY CRAMPTON AND DAVID E. MILLER

149

Reviews and Recent Publications KNIGHT, Following the Indian Wars, BY PHILIP C. STURGES

177

MATTES, ED., Indians, Infants and Infantry: Andrew and Elizabeth Burt on the Frontier, BY ERNEST H. LINFORD LIENHARD, From St. Louis to Sutter's Fort, 1846, ERWIN G. AND

178

ELISABETH K. GUDDE, EDS., BY CHARLES KELLY

Other Publications

181

182

Historical Notes

187

ILLUSTRATIONS One Thousand Mile Tree

98

Mormon Surveyors; Chinaman's Arch

103

Devil's Gate Bridge; "Jupiter"; Scene at driving of Golden Spike . . . .

113

Nauvoo, Illinois

118

Map of Donner, Edwin Bryant's Trail

128

Spring in Pass Canyon; Looking Toward Pilot Peak

'34

Green River, near fensen, Utah

136

Virgin River; Sevier River

143

Spanish Trail Marker

146

Map of Campaigns Against the Navajo Indians, 1869

148

Edwin G. Woolley, Adjutant

150

Paria Settlement; Indian Monument on Moccasin Ranch

152

Sentinel Rock

160

Gunsight Butte

161

Site of Lee's Ferry

164

Port at Pipe Spring; Lake in Three Lakes Canyon

175

Members of Board of Trustees, Utah State Historical Society

186

• v-.IL •.•''.'•;

'

S

"nbers of the Union Pacific party at 1,000 ° tree in Weber Canyon, 1,000 miles n Omaha. On their way to the joining he rails ceremony, they were evidently < festive mood. Note the man in tree!

UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD

THE

DASH

TO

PROMONTORY

By Robert M. Utley*

The driving of the last spike in the Pacific Railroad at Promontory Summit on May 10, 1869, was the final act in a drama of competing railroad construction that has no parallel in the history of American railroads. Most historians of the Pacific Railroad have dealt with the great railroad race, but none has appreciated the extent to which it focused on the Promontory Mountains, where the last spike was to be driven. The fascinating details of construction activities in these mountains are revealed principally in the voluminous dispatches sent to their editors by reporters covering the final stages of the race. Much of this history remains buried today in the files of the San Francisco and Salt Lake City newspapers.

The national legislators who framed the Pacific Railroad acts of 1862 and 1864 made possible the great railroad race, for they failed, through accident or design, to fix the point where the Union Pacific and Central Pacific should unite to form one continuous line from the Missouri River to Sacramento. But practical considerations far removed from the halls of Congress motivated the race. Every mile of track, of course, brought its reward in subsidy bonds and land grants.

There were, however, other compelling reasons for speed. Above all, both companies aimed for Ogden and Salt Lake City, for the railroad * Mr. Utley is historian of the National Park Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico.

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that captured these Mormon cities would control the traffic of the Great Basin. If the Central Pacific won, it would carry the trade of the Great Basin over its tracks to San Francisco; if the Union Pacific won, this commerce would flow east to the Mississippi. Each contender, therefore, bent its energies towards reaching Ogden and shutting the other out of the Great Basin. Each company, moreover, bore a constantly mounting interest on the government loan and on its own securities.

Although the act of 1864 gave them until 1875 to finish the road, every day that tied up capital in construction without the offsetting returns of operation made the burden of interest heavier. The Central Pacific faced the hard reality that the line over the Sierra Nevada had been expensive to build and would be expensive to maintain and operate.

Without compensating mileage in the level country of Nevada and Utah, the railroad would be unprofitable. Finally, the surge of public interest that focused on the Pacific Railroad provided a less tangible but no less powerful incentive. Both companies were convinced diat the one that built the greatest length of railroad would enjoy the greatest prestige in the eyes of the nation.1 During 1868 and 1869, the decisive years of rivalry, both companies put grading crews far ahead of track, the Central Pacific in the Wasatch Mountains, the Union Pacific at Humboldt Wells, Nevada. In June, 1868, Leland Stanford, president of the Central Pacific, took the stage to Salt Lake City. During the next few months he contracted with Brigham Young and other prominent Mormons to grade his line from Monument Point, on the northwest shore of Great Salt Lake, to Echo Summit in the Wasatch Mountains.2 The Union Pacific had already let a two million dollar grading contract to Brigham Young for work between Echo Summit and Promontory Summit.3 Thus, during the last half of 1868 Mormon crews worked on parallel grades in Weber Canyon, thereby deriving considerable profit from the rivalry and perhaps a measure of satisfaction at the discomfiture of the companies that had bypassed Salt Lake City. In the final reckoning, the Union Pacific and Central Pacific spent about one million dollars on 200 miles of grade that was never used. Also, since the 'Henry K. White, History of the Union Pacific Railway (Chicago, 1895), 33; J. R. Perkins, Trails, Rails and War: The Life of General G, M. Dodge (Indianapolis, 1929), 225-26; George T. Clark, Leland Stanford (Palo Alto, 1931), 220.

2 Stanford's letters to Mark Hopkins, June through December, 1868, cover these activities, although in somewhat less detail than desirable for clarity. Reprinted in Clark, Leland Stanford, 245-67.

"Edwin L. Sabin, Building the Pacific Railway (Philadelphia, 1919), 180.

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Union Pacific in the end could meet only half of its financial obligation to the Mormons, Brigham Young obtained one million dollars in Union Pacific rolling stock to equip his own Utah Central Railroad, which was to link Salt Lake City with the main line at Ogden.

By the end of 1868 the Union Pacific had finished grading to the mouth of Weber Canyon and was laying rails down Echo Canyon.

The Central Pacific, its track still in eastern Nevada, had made good progress in grading between Monument Point and Ogden but had accomplished much less in Weber Canyon.4 Both companies forged ahead regardless of expense.

In October the Central Pacific had worked a clever stratagem that came very near succeeding. It had filed with the Interior Department maps and profiles of its proposed line from Monument Point to Echo Summit. Secretary of the Interior Orville H. Browning accepted the map. Stanford then proceeded on the theory that the Central Pacific line, regardless of the small amount of work done east of Ogden, was the true line of the Pacific Railroad, and the only one on which subsidy bonds could be issued. From his base in Salt Lake City he exerted himself to occupy and defend this line. In Washington, Collis P. Huntington filed application for an advance of two and four-tenths of a million dollars in subsidy bonds, two-thirds of the amount due for this portion of the line. A provision in the act of 1866 made this procedure entirely legal.

The Union Pacific, of course, protested mightily. Chief Engineer Grenville M. Dodge and the Ames brothers, Oakes and Oliver, hurried to Washington and used all their influence to block the move of the Central Pacific. Browning retreated, and in January, 1869, appointed a special commission, headed by Major General G. K. Warren, to go west and determine the best route through the disputed territory. Congressmen friendly to the Union Pacific exacted a pledge from Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCulloch that he would not issue the bonds until the commission had reported.5 * Stanford's letters are confused on exactly how much grade was prepared. The evidence suggests that Mormons laid substantially complete grade for the Central Pacific from Monument Point to Ogden, and considerably less than complete grade from Ogden up Weber Canyon to the mouth of Echo Canyon.

5 Historians differ considerably on the details of this episode. This account is drawn from Clark, Leland Stanford, 263; Sabin, Building the Pacific Railway, 293â&#x20AC;&#x201D;95; H. H. Bancroft, History of California, 1860-1890 (7 vols., San Francisco, 1890), VII, 571-72; and "History of the Golden Spike" (Ms., U.P.R.R., Omaha, 1949), 8-10, typescript in Southern Pacific collections.

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As 1868 drew to a close, Leland Stanford, in Salt Lake City, began to see that the Union Pacific would reach Ogden first. Charles Crocker and Construction Superintendent J. H. Strobridge might push their Chinese coolies to the limit, but they could not possibly beat the Union Pacific to Ogden. He still hoped that Huntington's maneuvers in Washington would checkmate their opponents. But Secretary Browning's vacillation, culminating in appointment of the Warren Commission in January, 1869, made this hope increasingly bleak. "I tell you Hopkins the thought makes me feel like a dog," wrote Stanford, looking at the darkening picture. "I have no pleasure in the thought of railroad. It is mortification." 6 Stanford had already turned his attention to the country west of Ogden, rather than the Wasatch Mountains, as the area where the contest would be decided. By occupying and defending the line from Monument Point to Ogden, the Central Pacific might yet gain enough bargaining strength to get into Ogden too, or at least to block the Union Pacific from moving west of Ogden.

The first forty-eight miles west of Ogden offered no construction problems. The line crossed perfectly level sagebrush plain skirting mud flats north of Bear River Bay. But between Blue Creek and Monument Point stood the Promontory Mountains, a rugged hill mass extending thirty-five miles south into Great Salt Lake and ending at Promontory Point. A practicable pass separated the Promontory Mountains from the North Promontory Mountains. The summit of this pass lay in a circular basin at 4,900 feet elevation, about 700 feet above the level of the lake. On the west the ascent could be made in sixteen relatively easy miles; but on the east, where the slope was more abrupt, the ascent required, for an airline distance of five miles from Blue Creek to the Summit, ten tortuous miles of grade with a climb of eighty feet to the mile. Between Monument Point and Blue Creek the Central Pacific and Union Pacific attacked the last stretch of difficult country.

Stanford had turned his attention to the Promontory on November 9, 1868. He had a long talk with Brigham Young, who at length agreed to furnish Mormon labor for grading the Central Pacific line from Monument Point to Ogden. Young also promised, in allocating forces, to give preference to neither the Union Pacific nor the Central Pacific.

With backing from the president of the church, Stanford had no difficulty contracting for this work with the firm of Benson, Farr, and West, which was headed by Mormon bishops. Young himself was to receive 'Stanford to Hopkins, January 29, 1869, in Clark, Leland Stanford, 260.

PHOTO, BERNICE GIBUS ANDERSON

Chinaman's Arch, on the east side of Promontory along the old right-of-way, dedicated to the Chinese who lost their lives in this section during the winter of 1868-69.

Mormon surveyors helping to build the transcontinental railroad.

one-fourth of the profits. T h e contract called for Mormon gangs to prepare the line for track under the supervision of Central Pacific engineers.

T h e engineers in turn were instructed to work the force compactly and not let it spread out over more of the line than could be completed.

By the end of die year the Central Pacific was well in control of the line from M o n u m e n t Point to Ogden. Foreseeing a battle with the Union Pacific over right-of-way, Stanford had sent one of his contractors, Bishop West, to buy right-of-way through the Mormon ranches along the line. H e had men on the entire line. About two-thirds of the grade in each consecutive twenty miles had been finished. Blasting and filling at the Promontory, however, moved slowly. T h e contractors gave many excuses, but Stanford "started Brigham after them," and they began to work faster. Nevertheless, Stanford believed that Strobridge and the Chinese would have to put the finishing touches on the grade. 7 'Stanford to Hopkins, November 9 and 21, December 1 and 3, 1868, in ibid., 250-55.

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As late as mid-January the Union Pacific still had no graders west of Ogden, although its surveyors were running lines parallel to the Central Pacific grade. Stanford lamented on January 15 that the Union Pacific had so many lines, "some crossing us and some running within a few feet of us and no work on any, that I cannot tell you exactly how the two lines will be." In February the Union Pacific finally put crews west of Ogden. By early March its grade had been all but completed to the eastern base of the Promontory. In mid-March the Mormon company of Sharp and Young, under contract to the Union Pacific, began blasting at the Promontory. Stanford complained on March 14, " T h e U. P . have changed their line so as to cross us five times with unequal grades between Bear River and the Promontory. They have done this purposely as there was no necessity for so doing." But, he said, "we shall serve notices for them not to interfere with our line and rest there for the present." s During March, 1869, both companies went to work on the Promontory with a vengeance. T h e grades snaked up the east slope side by side, blasting through projecting abutments of limestone, and crossing deep ravines on earth fills and trestles. At the crest they broke through a final ledge of rock to enter the basin of Promontory Summit. The last mile, across the level floor of the basin, required little more than scraping.

T h e rock cuts consumed enormous quantities of black powder and liquid nitroglycerine. At Carmichael's Cut of the Union Pacific, four men filled a large crevice with black powder, then set about working it down with iron bars. Bar striking rock sparked an explosion that hurled one m a n high in the air, killing him, and greviously injured the other three. 9 T h e Mormon crews of the two roads engaged in friendly rivalry.

A correspondent reported that: The two companies' blasters work very near each other, and when Sharp & Young's men first began work the C. P. would give them no warning when they fired their fuse. Jim Livingston, Sharp's able foreman, said nothing but went to work and loaded a point of rock with nitro-glycerine, and without saying anything to the C. P. "let her rip." The explosion was terrific . . . and the foreman of the C. P. came down to confer with Mr. s Stanford to Hopkins, December 13, 1868, January 15 and March 14, 1869, in ibid., 257, 262-63, 266-67; Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), March 25, 1869; Salt La\e Daily Reporter (Salt Lake City), March 13, 1869. ' Deseret Evening News, March 30, 1869.

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Livingston about the necessity of each party notifying the other when ready for a blast. The matter was speedily arranged to the satisfaction of both parties.10 At another point the Union Pacific graders took a four-foot cut out of the Central Pacific grade to fill their own. Their rivals later had to repair the damage. 1 1 Of unfailing interest to observers were the Central Pacific's "Big Fill" and the Union Pacific's "Big Trestle," which crossed a deep gorge about half way up the east slope. Farr and West began work on the Big Fill, which Stanford had predicted would require 10,000 yards of dirt, early in February, 1869, and were almost finished when a reporter visited the scene in mid-April: A marked feature of this work . . . is the fill on Messrs. Farr and West's . . . contract. Within its light-colored sand face of 170 feet depth, eastern slope, by some 500 feet length of grade, reposes the labor of 250 teams and 500 men for nearly the past two months. On this work are a great many of the sturdy yoemanry of Cache County. Messrs. William Fisher and William C. Lewis, of Richmond, are the present supervisors. Our esteemed friend, Bishop Merrill, preceded them. On either side of this immense fill the blasters are at work in the hardest of black lime-rock, opening cuts of from 20 to 30 feet depth. The proximity of the earth-work and blasting to each other, at these and other points along the Promontory line, requires the utmost care and vigilance on the part of all concerned, else serious if not fatal, consequences would be of frequent occurrence. Three mules were recently killed by a single blast.12 T h e Big Trestle was of even greater interest than the Big Fill.

T h e Union Pacific lacked the time to fill in the deep gorge as the Central Pacific had done. Construction Superintendent Sam Reed and Consulting Engineer Silas Seymour therefore decided to bridge the defile with a temporary trestle. O n March 28, with the Big Fill still under construction, they ordered their bridge engineer, Leonard Eicholtz, to start the Big Trestle. 13 About 150 feet east of and parallel to the Big Fill, it too required deep cuts at each end.

Finally completed on May 5, the Big Trestle was about 400 feet long and 85 feet high. T o one reporter, nothing he could write "would convey an idea of the flimsy character of that structure. T h e cross pieces are jointed in the most clumsy manner. It looks rather like the 10

ibid. " ibid.

12

Salt Lake City Daily Telegraph, April 14, 1869.

"Diary of Eicholtz, March 28, 1869, in "History of the Golden Spike," 39-A.

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'false work' which has to be put up during the construction of such works. . . . The Central Pacific have a fine, solid embankment alongside it, which ought to be used as the track." 14 Another correspondent predicted that it "will shake the nerves of the stoutest hearts of railroad travellers when they see what a few feet of round timbers and seveninch spikes are expected to uphold a train in motion." 15 Meanwhile, the rails came forward steadily and rapidly. The Union Pacific entered Ogden on March 8, 1869. By March 15 it was at Hot Springs, by March 23 at Willard City. On April 7 the first train steamed across the newly completed Bear River bridge and entered Corinne.

At the same time the Central Pacific was still about fifteen miles west of Monument Point.

As the construction gangs tore at the Promontory, the contest continued on another front. Dodge and the Ames brothers thought that Huntington had been checkmated by the Secretary of the Treasury's promise to withhold subsidy payment on the uncompleted Central Pacific line until the Warren Commission had turned in its report. They failed, however, to take account of Huntington's powers of persuasion.

As the administration of Andrew Johnson drew to a close, the Treasury Department prepared the bonds for issue. By March 4, 1869, when Ulysses S. Grant took office, it had turned over nearly a million and a half dollars to Huntington. When the Warren Commission reached Utah, it found that the Union Pacific was almost to Ogden and had obviously won the race. The commissioners therefore confined their investigation to the line between the two railheads.16 But the issue was to be resolved in Washington, where Dodge and several others interested in the Union Pacific met with Huntington on April 9, 1869. They drew up an agreement "for the purpose of settling all existing controversies between the Central Pacific and Union Pacific Railroad Companies." Each got half of the pie, for both were to have access to the Great Basin. The terminus was to be located at a point to be agreed upon by both companies within eight miles west of Ogden.

The Union Pacific, however, was to build west from Ogden to Promontory Summit and there unite with the Central Pacific. Then it was to sell this segment of the line to the Central Pacific. Subsidy bonds were to be issued to the Union Pacific as far as the terminus west of Ogden, 14 Daily Alta California (San Francisco), May 1, 1869. '"'Daily Morning Call (San Francisco), April 30, 1869 (quoting Evening Bulletin, April 2 9 ) .

10 The report of the Warren Commission is printed in House Executive Document No. 15, 40 Cong., 3d sess. (Washington, 1869).

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and to the Central Pacific from the terminus to Promontory Summit.

The following day, April 10, Congress by joint resolution put its stamp of approval on the agreement.

Union Pacific grading crews received orders on April 11 to stop all work west of Promontory Summit, where they had laid grade parallel to the Central's grade all the way to Monument Point.17 Three days later Stanford ordered all work halted on the Central Pacific east of Blue Creek, i.e., the eastern base of the Promontory.18 The Dodge-Huntington agreement removed all cause for further competition in grading and tracking. But competition had become a habit, and each company strained to reach Promontory Summit, the agreed meeting place, before the other. The Union Pacific had won the race to Ogden, but the heavy work on the east slope of the Promontory prevented its winning the race to the summit. And now, ironically, the Union Pacific was in effect a contractor for the Central Pacific.

Its gangs worked with the knowledge that the line from Ogden to Promontory Summit, according to the agreement, would be turned over to the Central Pacific.

As the two railheads drew closer to each other, an air of excitement pervaded the construction camps. The Central Pacific dismissed its contractors during the first week of April and pushed crews of Chinese forward to finish the grades on the Promontory.19 The Union Pacific rushed Irishmen to the front to help the Mormon contractors finish the heavy work on the east slope.20 By April 16 the Union Pacific and Central Pacific tracks were only fifty miles apart. The Union Pacific, moving west across the desert from Corinne, slowed for want of ties.21 " E i c h o l t z Diary, April 11, 1869.

IS E . B. Ryan to Butler Ives, Ogden, April 14, 1869, Mark Hopkins Papers, Stanford University.

10

Salt Lake City Daily Telegraph,

April 9, 1869.

20

Years later General Dodge (How We Built the Union Pacific Railroad, Senate Executive Document No. 447, 61 Cong., 2 sess., 24) recalled that the Union Pacific's Irishmen, contemptuous of the Orientals working on the grade above them, fired charges without warning in hope of blowing up some Chinamen. When the Central Pacific's protests failed to bring results, the coolies quietly set a "grave" of their own and sent several Irishmen to their reward. Although repeated by most railroad historians, this episode needs considerably more verification. No mention of it has been found in the contemporary press, and it is unlikely that the swarms of reporters on the Promontory would have let such a good story pass unchronicled. Moreover, the Central Pacific did not replace the Mormons with Chinese until about April 7. By this same date the Union Pacific had finished its grading west of the summit and on April 11 pulled its graders back. On April 9 the Dodge-Huntington agreement fixed Promontory Summit as the junction.

Thereafter there was no need for further parallel competitive construction, and there appears to have been none.

21

Daily Alta California, April 23, 1869.

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The Central Pacific had reached Monument Point and, one-fourth mile from the lake shore, established a sprawling grading camp. Housing the Chinese workers, it consisted of three separate canvas cities totaling 275 tents.22 As April drew to a close, officials of the two companies fixed Saturday, May 8, as the date of the ceremony uniting the rails.23 By the twenty-seventh the Union Pacific railhead approached Blue Creek, ten miles east of the summit. But rock cuts and three trestles required another twelve to fifteen days of labor, even though Reed, in order to break through by May 8, worked his Mormons and Irishmen night and day.24 Blasters tore at Carmichael's Cut, one and diree-fourths miles above the Big Trestle, while other workers built another trestle at the west entrance to Carmichael's Cut. Below, the Big Trestle remained unfinished. A third trestle spanned Blue Creek. Stanford went to die Union Pacific railhead and offered the Central Pacific's Big Fill for the Union Pacific track, but found no one with authority to change the line.25 Earlier, the Union Pacific had laid eight miles of track in one day, a feat that the Central Pacific had not accomplished. Crocker vowed to top this record, but he cannily waited until the distance between railheads was so small that the Union Pacific could not retaliate. On April 27, with the Central Pacific sixteen miles from the summit and the Union Pacific nine, Crocker set out to lay ten miles of rail in one day.

But a work train jumped the track after two miles had been completed, and he decided to wait until the next day.26 On April 28, widi men and supplies carefully massed, and with Jack Casement, Sam Reed, and other Union Pacific officials as witnesses, Crocker gave the signal. Eight Irish tracklayers supported by an army of Chinese coolies not only laid ten miles of track, thus topping the Union Pacific record, but set a record of their own that has yet to be equalled. At 1:30 P.M. the track had advanced six miles in six hours and fifteen minutes. The remaining four miles could easily be laid.

The Central crews knew that victory had been won, and Crocker 22

Ibid., April 26, 1869.

"History of the Golden Spike," 59.

21 Daily Morning Call, April 29, 1869.

25 Ibid., April 30, 1869. When the Central Pacific took over the line from Promontory to Ogden as specified in the Dodge-Huntington agreement, it re-laid track on its own grade from the base to the summit of the Promontory, thus abandoning the Union Pacific trestles.

20 Ibid., April 29, 1869.

28

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stopped the work for lunch. T h e site was named Camp Victory, and later became the station of Rozel. After an hour of rest the workers returned to the task. By 7:00 P.M. they had completed a little more than ten miles of track, and a locomotive ran the entire distance in forty minutes to prove to the Union's observers that the work was well done. 27 April 28 carried the Central Pacific railhead to within four miles of the summit. W i t h the Union Pacific still at Blue Creek, Eicholtz ordered iron and ties hauled to the summit. O n May 1 Union Pacific crews began putting in a side track at the summit, where tents and board shanties already announced the birth of the town of Promontory. 28 This same day the Central Pacific brought its rails to the summit, 690 miles from Sacramento. 29 During the first few days of May the population at the Promontory reached its m a x i m u m . Central Pacific camps stretched all the way from Promontory to Monument Point, while Union Pacific camps dotted the valley of the summit and cluttered the plain at the foot of the east slope.

They bore such names as Deadfall, Murder Gulch, Last Chance, and Painted Post. They rocked with the riotous living that had characterized their predecessors all the way from Omaha. Noted a reporter from San Francisco: The loose population that has followed up the tracklayers of the Union Pacific is turbulent and rascally. Several shooting scrapes have occurred among them lately. Last night [April 27] a whiskey-seller and a gambler had a fracas, in which the "sport" shot the gambler. Nobody knows what will become of these riff-raff when the tracks meet, but they are lively enough now and carry off their share of plunder from the working men. 30 Asked what his people thought of such behavior, one of the Mormon graders replied, "Ah, we don't care, so long as they keep to themselves." 31 N o r was all peace and quiet in the Central Pacific camps, although the California papers delighted in emphasizing the low moral tone of the Union Pacific. At Camp Victory on May 6 the Chinese clans of See Yup and Y u n g W o , whose rivalry stemmed from political differences 27 Most histories of the Pacific Railroad relate this episode. This account is drawn from the contemporary newspapers and from Sabin, Building the Pacific Railway, 202-4.

2S Eicholtz Diary, April 28, May 1, 1869. "'Daily Alta California, May 2, 1869. Eicholtz recorded in his diary under May 1 that the Central Pacific had reached the summit the day before. The Alta California's correspondent on May 1 wrote that "the last tie and rail were placed in position to-day."

30 Ibid., April 30, 1869.

"Ibid., May 1, 1869.

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in the old country, got into an altercation over $15.00 due one group from the other. The dispute grew heated and soon involved several hundred laborers. "At a given signal," reported a correspondent, "both parties sailed in, armed with every conceivable weapon. Spades were handled, and crowbars, spikes, picks, and infernal machines were hurled between the ranks of the contestants." When shooting broke out, Strobridge and his foremen intervened to halt the proceedings.

The score, aside from a multiplicity of cuts, bruises, and sore heads, totaled one Yung Wo combatant mortally wounded.32 Irish graders of the Union Pacific, on the other side of the Promontory, heard about the battle between the Chinese clans. They decided to have some fun themselves. Next day a gang of them showed up at the summit, where a Chinese camp had been laid out, and announced their intention "to clean out the Chinese.'' Fortunately, the inhabitants of this camp were absent on a gravel train, and the Irishmen left without accomplishing their purpose.33 Both companies had already recognized that they had more men on the Promontory than the amount of remaining work could keep occupied. Beginning on May 3, therefore, they began discharging large numbers of men and sending others to the rear to work on portions of track that had been hastily laid. "The two opposing armies . . . are melting away," reported the Alta California, "and the white camps which dotted every brown hillside and every shady glen . . . are being broken up and abandoned." 34 Riding out from Salt Lake City, photographer Charles R. Savage saw this breakup in progress, and wrote in his diary: "At Blue River [Creek] the returning 'democrats' so-called were being piled upon die cars in every stage of drunkenness. Every ranch or tent has whiskey for sale. Verily, men earn their money like horses and spend it like asses." 35 On May 5 the Union Pacific finally achieved the breakthrough.

The last spike went into the Big Trestle and the rails moved out on to the frightening span. A train loaded with iron steamed across it. That evening the final blast exploded in Carmichael's Cut. On May 6 the trestle between Carmichael's Cut and Clark's Cut was finished. The graders went through both cuts, made a swing around the head of a ravine, and passed through a final cut to link up with grade already laid "Ibid., May 8, 1869; Daily Morning Chronicle (San Francisco), May 8, 1869.

13 Daily Morning Chronicle, May 9, 1869.

1,4 May 6, 1869, dispatch from Promontory of May 5.

35 Savage Diary, May 7, 1869, in "History of the Golden Spike," 29-30.

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in the basin of the summit. Here rails and ties had been arranged for rapid tracklaying and, at the summit itself, a 2,500-foot side track installed.36 The Central Pacific waited patiently â&#x20AC;&#x201D; May 8 was still the date for joining the rails â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as the Union Pacific tracklayers followed closely on the heels of the graders. Late in the afternoon of May 7 the tracklayers came within 2,500 feet of the Central Pacific's end of track at the summit. Here they connected, by a switch, with the side track placed earlier. Using this side track, the Union Pacific's No. 60, with Jack Casement aboard, came to a halt opposite the Central Pacific railhead, about 100 feet to the southeast of it, and let off steam. The Central's "Whirlwind," No. 66, rested on its own track. The engineer greeted the Union's locomotive with a sharp whistle, and "thus the first meeting of locomotives from the Atlantic and Pacific Coasts took place."37 This afternoon of May 7 was sultry and the sky heavy with rain clouds, which annoyed the photographers trying to capture the climactic scenes of construction. The Stanford Special arrived loaded with an array of dignitaries from California and Nevada headed by Leland Stanford and including U.S. Commissioners J. W. Haines, F. A. Tritle, and William Sherman; Chief Justice S. W. Sanderson of California; and A. P. K. Safford, newly appointed territorial governor of Arizona.

Also on board were the ceremonial trappings to be used in uniting the rails. There was a gold spike presented by David Hewes, San Francisco construction magnate. Intrinsically worth $350.00, it was engraved with the names of the Central Pacific directors, sentiments appropriate to the occasion, and, on the head, "The Last Spike." There was another gold spike, presented by the San Francisco News Letter; a silver spike brought by Commissioner Haines as Nevada's contribution; and a spike of iron, silver, and gold brought by Governor Safford to represent Arizona. Finally, there was a silver-plated sledge presented by the Pacific Union Express Company, and a polished laurel tie presented by West Evans, the Central Pacific's tie contractor.

The festive mood of the Stanford Special noticeably dampened when Jack Casement broke the news that the Union Pacific could not hold the ceremony on May 8, as planned, and would not be ready until May 10. The Stanford party faced the prospect of spending the weekend on the bleak Promontory. To make matters worse, rain began to fall.

30

Daily Morning Chronicle, May 8, 1869; Daily Alta California, May 6 and 8, 1869. "'Daily Alta California, May 8, 1869; Daily Morning Chronicle, May 9, 1869.

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It rained for two days, turning the Promontory into a sea of mud.

Stanford wired the unwelcome news to San Francisco, but too late.

The citizens diere had already started celebrating. Undismayed, they celebrated for three days.

Casement's explanation was that the trains bringing the dignitaries from the East had been held up by heavy rains in Weber Canyon.38 But this was only part of the story. The special carrying Vice-President Thomas C. Durant, Sidney Dillon, and other Union Pacific officials had reached Piedmont on May 6. A gang of five hundred workers surrounded Durant's private car shouting demands for back wages. When the conductor tried to move the train out of the station, the men uncoupled Durant's car, shunted it on a siding, and chained die wheels to the rails. Here he would stay, they said, until $253,000 was forthcoming. To make sure, they also took possession of the telegraph office.

Durant submitted, wired Oliver Ames in Boston for the money, and paid off the strikers. He was released and managed to be at Promontory Summit on May 10, although the severe headache from which he sufered on that day may well have owed its origins to the experience at Piedmont.39 Left in the role of host at Promontory Summit, Casement made up an excursion train, stocked with "a bountiful collation and oceans of champagne," to take the Stanford party sight-seeing. The train left Promontory Saturday morning. At Taylor's Mill the Union Pacific staged a "splendid luncheon." "The most cordial harmony and good feeling marked their entertainment and all the toasts were drunk with loud applause." From here the party went to Ogden, rode a short distance up Weber Canyon, and spent the night in Ogden. Next day, Sunday, they returned to Promontory, boarded the Stanford Special, and pulled back to Monument Point to enjoy a repast of plover killed

by Stanford's steward.40 This same day, May 9, Casement's workers at Promontory kept busy. As the rain continued, they laid the final 2,500 feet of track, leaving a length of one rail to separate their track from that of the Central Pacific. They also installed a "Y" for the locomotives to use in turning around.41 35

Daily Morning Chronicle, May 11, 1869.

San Francisco Bulletin, May 10, 1869; Perkins, Trails, Rails and War, 237.

"Daily Morning Chronicle, May 11, 1869; Sabin, Building the Pacific Railway, 211.

11 Daily Morning Chronicle, May 11, 1869. Sidney Dillon later stated in "Driving the Last Spike of the Union Pacific," Scribner's Magazine, XII (1892), 258, that, during the night of May 9, the Union Pacific pulled a coup by laying a siding on to the summit and 30

F> UNION PACIFIC RAILROAD SOUTHERN PACIFIC RAILROAD

Devil's Gate Bridge, Weber Canyon, built by the Union Pacific Railroad.

The "Jupiter" bearing Leland Stanford passing the Great Salt Lake en route to the Promontory.

Just after driving of the Golden Spike, picture taken from atop the cab of the U.P.'s 119, looking west.

Four companies of the 21st Infantry are in formation.

SOUTHERN PACIFIC RAILROAD

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Rain quit falling during the night, and May 10 dawned bright, clear, and a bit chilly. During the morning two trains from the East and two from the West arrived at Promontory bearing railroad officials, guests, and spectators. With the construction workers and assorted denizens of Promontory, the crowd totaled, according to the best estimates, 500 to 600 people, far short of the 30,000 that had been predicted.42 Representing the Central Pacific were Stanford, Strobridge, Chief Engineer Samuel Montague, and others; for the Union Pacific, Durant, Dillon, Duff, Dodge, Reed, the Casement brothers, and many more.

Important guests had come from Nevada, California, Utah, and Wyoming. Huntington, Hopkins, and Crocker, of the Central Pacific, did not attend; nor did the Union Pacific's Oakes and Oliver Ames. Brigham Young sent Bishop John Sharp to represent the church. About fifteen reporters covered the proceedings. A battalion of die 21st U.S. Infantry (probably three companies) under Major Milton Cogswell, en route to the Presidio of San Francisco, were opportunely on hand to lend a military air, as was Brigadier General Patrick Edward Conner, district commander. The military band from Fort Douglas and the Tenth Ward Band from Salt Lake City supplied the music.43 Officials of both roads had been unable to agree on details of the program. Stanford had come equipped with spikes and otiier ceremonial trappings, but Dodge wanted the Union Pacific to stage its own last spike ceremony. Only two preparations, therefore, had been made in advance. The speeches had been written and handed to newsmen in Ogden on Sunday. And the telegraphers had devised an apparatus for transmitting the blows on the last spike by telegraph to the waiting nation. An ordinary sledge (not the silver-plated one) had been connected by wire to the Union Pacific telegraph line, and an ordinary spike had been similarly connected to the Central Pacific wire. Five thus capturing Promontory as a Union Pacific station. When Central crews arrived early next morning for the same purpose diey found that the Union had gained the advantage.

This story is repeated in most railroad histories. No report of it, however, appears in contemporary sources, and the installation, at Promontory, of the Union Pacific siding on May 7 and the "Y" on May 9 casts some doubt on the truth of the story.

42 Unless otherwise cited, this account of the ceremony is drawn from J. N. Bowman, "Driving the Last Spike at Promontory, 1869," California Historical Society Quarterly, XXVI (1957), 97-106, 263-74. This article is a careful reconstruction, based on all available sources, mainly newspapers, of the events of May 10. I have examined most of the papers myself. It differs materially from most of the secondary accounts, but is obviously the most authoritative discussion of the matter that is likely ever to be written.

"Hugh F. O'Neil, "List of Persons Present, Promontory, Utah, May 10, 1869," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXIV (1956), 157-64.

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minutes before noon, when the proceedings were to begin, Stanford and Durant agreed on a joint program.

The crowd had grown loud and unmanageable, which interfered with the ceremony and made it impossible for most people to see what was happening. J. H. Beadle wrote that "it is to be regretted that no arrangements were made for surrounding the work with a line of some sort, in which case all might have witnessed the work without difficulty.

As it was, the crowd pushed upon the workmen so closely that less than twenty persons saw the affair entirely, while none of the reporters were able to hear all that was said." 44 This explains the confusion that has surrounded the history of the event ever since.

At noon the infantrymen lined up on the west side of the tracks, and Casement tried, with little success, to get the crowd to move back so that everyone could see. The Union Pacific's "Rogers 119," Engineer Sam Bradford, and the Central Pacific's "Jupiter" No. 60, Engineer George Booth, steamed up and stopped, facing each other across the gap in the rails. Spectators swarmed over both locomotives trying to obtain a better view. At 12:20 P.M. Strobridge and Reed carried the polished laurel tie and placed it in position. Auger holes had been carefully bored in the proper places for seating the ceremonial spikes. Officials and prominent guests formed a semicircle facing east on the east side of the tracks.

Edgar Mills, Sacramento businessman, served as master of ceremonies and introduced the Rev. Dr. John Todd of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, correspondent for the Boston Congregationalist and the New York Evangelist. Dr. Todd opened the ceremony with a two-minute prayer, while telegraph operators from Atlantic to Pacific cleared the wires for the momentous clicks from Promontory. After the prayer, Haines, Tritle, and President W. H . Nottingham of the Michigan Southern and Lake Shore Railroad drove the last save one of the iron spikes. At 12:40 P.M. W. N. Shilling, a telegraph key on a small table in front of him, tapped out, "We have got done praying. The spike is about to be presented."

Next, Dr. W. H. Harkness of Sacramento presented to Durant, with appropriate remarks, the two gold spikes. Durant slid diem into the holes in the laurel tie, and Dodge made the response, substituting for Durant whose headache sent him to his car immediately after the ceremony. Tritle and Safford presented the Nevada and Arizona spikes, 44

Utah Daily Reporter (Corinne), May 12, 1869.

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and these Stanford slid into the holes prepared. L. W. Coe, president of Pacific Union Express Company, presented Stanford with the silver sledge, which was then used symbolically to "drive" the precious spikes, although the blows, if indeed there were any, were not sharp enough to leave marks on the spikes.

Finally came die actual driving of the last spike — an ordinary iron spike driven with an ordinary sledge into an ordinary tie. Using the wired sledge, Stanford and Durant both swung at the wired spike. Both missed — to the delight of the crowd. Shilling, however, clicked three dots over the wires at exactly 12:47 P.M., triggering celebrations at every major city in the country. With an unwired sledge, Strobridge and Reed divided the task of actually driving the last spike in the Pacific Railroad.

Amid cheers, the two engineers advanced the pilots of dieir locomotives over the junction. Men on the pilots joined hands and a bottle of champagne was broken over the laurel tie as christening. The chief engineers of the railroads shook hands as photographers exposed wet plates. The military officers and their wives gave the precious spikes ceremonial taps with the tangs of their sword hilts, dius producing the only marks to be seen today on the gold spike. The Central Pacific's "Jupiter" backed up and the Union Pacific's No. 119 crossed the junction. Then No. 119 backed up and let "Jupiter" cross the junction, thus symbolizing inauguration of transcontinental rail travel.

Shilling sent off two telegrams: "General U.S. Grant, President of the U.S. Washington, D.C. Sir: We have the honor to report the last rail laid and the last spike driven. The Pacific Railroad is finished."

"To the Associated Press: The last rail is laid, the last spike driven, the Pacific railroad is completed. Point of junction, ten hundred eightysix miles west of the Missouri River and six hundred ninety miles east of Sacramento. — Leland Stanford, Thomas C. Durant." '" The ceremony over, the precious spikes and the tie were removed.

Even so, souvenir hunters made necessary numerous replacements of the "last spike" and the "last tie." 4G " Quoted in Perkins, Trails, Rails and War, 241.

"The Hewes gold spike and the Nevada silver spike are now in the museum at Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, together with the silver sledge. The whereabouts of the second gold spike, which seems to have been given to Dodge, and the Arizona spike is a mystery. The laurel tie was destroyed in the San Francisco fire of 1906, which also, incidentally, destroyed the records of the Southern Pacific (Central Pacific) Railroad.

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J. H . Beadle briefly summed up what happened next: Ceremony was then at an end, and general hilarity took place. The western train soon set out for Sacramento, but that of the Union Pacific remained on the ground till evening, presenting a scene of merriment in which Officers, Directors, Track Superintendents and Editors joined with the utmost enthusiasm. . . . At a late hour the excursionists returned to Corinne. 47 Promontory had enjoyed its hour of glory.

' Utah Daily Reporter, May 12, 1869.

NAUVOO, ILLINOIS The view of Nauvoo above was taken looking toward the Mississippi River.

By 1845 it was the largest city in the state with a population of about 15,000.

i Nauvoo, Illinois, the Mormons attempted secure political as well as religious admtages. The unique political situation in e state enabled the Mormons to hold the dance of power and gain their ends.

POLYGAMY: AN ISSUE IN ELECTION OF I 8 6 0 ?

THE

By Vern L. Bullough*

In the election of 1860, Abraham Lincoln carried the state of Illinois over his political rival, Stephen A. Douglas. This was not entirely unexpected; Lincoln had in part secured the nomination of the Republican party in the belief that he would carry the state. The reasons for the increasing difficulties of the Democratic party have been amply documented before, but often overlooked is the political potency of the Mormon question, especially polygamy, in the state of Illinois.1 Albert Beveridge, one of the few historians who paid attention to polygamy as an issue, pointed out that after Douglas introduced his concept of popular sovereignty in 1854, "the anti-Douglas press and speakers thundered against Mormonism as an evil which the KansasNebraska law protected as much as the twin wickedness of slavery." 2 The fear that Utah would be admitted as a state under polygamous rule continued to be an issue in the campaign of die Douglas Democrats from 1854 until 1860. While there can be no agreement as to how * Professor Bullough is on the faculty of the history department, San Fernando Valley State College, Northridge, California.

1 The issue is ignored, for example, by Avery Craven, The Coming of the Civil War (Chicago, 1957); Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (2 vols., New York, 1950); George Fort Milton, The Eve of Conflict (Boston, 1934); and Alexander Davidson and Bernard Stave, A Complete History of Illinois (Springfield, 1874).

2 Albert J. Beveridge, Abraham Lincoln (2 vols., New York, 1928), II, 236.

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many votes the polygamy issue cost Douglas in 1860, its importance in the decline of Douglas in Illinois cannot be denied.

When the refugee Mormons straggled into Illinois from Missouri, they were everywhere received with sympathy as sufferers in the cause of their religion. Several communities attempted to attract them as settlers, and after some search the Mormons under their prophet, Joseph Smith, settled an area in the northern part of Hancock County which they named Nauvoo. Somewhat embittered by their experiences in Missouri, they attempted to secure political as well as religious advantages in their new home. The almost unique political struggle in Illinois which found the Whigs and Democrats evenly divided enabled the Mormons to hold the balance of power and gain their desired ends.

While the Mormons had been mainly Democratic in Missouri, they were not unwilling to change. They probably rationalized that much of their previous difficulties had been due to the policies of the Democratic governor and to the inaction of a Democratic president. As a result in August, 1840, they voted almost unanimously for the Whig candidates in the Illinois Assembly and Senate. During the legislative session of 1840-41 both parties attempted to woo the rapidly growing Mormon vote. By 1845 the city of Nauvoo was the largest city in the state with a population of approximately 15,000.3 The desire of both parties to gain favor with the Mormons led to the creation of an almost independent Mormon island in the state of Illinois. Governor Ford claimed that the Nauvoo city charter passed by the legislature established: . . . a government within a government, a legislature with power to pass ordinances at war with the laws of the State: courts to execute them with but little dependence upon the constitutional judiciary; and a military force of their own command, to be governed by its own by-laws and ordinances and subject to no State authority but that of the Governor.4 This soon created jealousy of Mormon privilege, which could easily be transformed into aggressive hatred if the Mormons made a mistake in their political strategy.

This happened when the Mormon vote, largely through the efforts of Stephen A. Douglas, returned to the Democratic party. Douglas as a member of the Illinois Supreme Court had been assigned to circuit 3 Leland H. Creer, Utah and the Nation (Seattle, 1929), 14-15; Thomas Ford, A History of Illinois, 1818-1847, Milo Milton Quaiffe (ed.) (2 vols, Chicago 1845-46), II, 60, 66.

1 Ford, op. cit., II, 66.

POLYGAMY

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court duties in Hancock and neighboring counties. Here his chief problem, political as well as legal, was the treatment of the Mormons. When officials of Missouri served a warrant for the arrest of Joseph Smith as a fugitive from justice, Douglas dismissed the case. He did so because in his opinion the writ was not a legal document since it had been originally issued for an earlier attempt to arrest Smith which had failed.

The Mormons showed their gratitude in the elections of 1842 by voting overwhelmingly for the Democratic candidates. This infuriated the Whigs in Illinois, and henceforth they became rather bitter opponents of the Mormons. Later when Douglas went on to Washington he continued to advise and befriend the Mormons even after they were driven out of Illinois. As the powerful chairman of the Committee on Territories he was usually consulted by the Mormon delegates in matters pertaining to the welfare and safety of their members in Utah.5 Douglas then had early been labeled as a friend of the Mormons, a fact which was to be used against him when the Mormon question became a political liability in some sections of Illinois. Matters first came to a head in 1854 when the Whigs, using Douglas's background against him, argued that his Kansas-Nebraska bill and popular sovereignty were to be used to bring Utah in as a polygamous state. In the eyes of the editor of the Illinois State Journal, the Whig-Republican paper in Springfield, and of many other Americans, polygamy was a fate even worse than slavery. By the fall of 1854 Thomas L. Harris, the candidate of the Nebraska Democrats in Illinois, was being labeled "Polygamy Harris,'' by the Journal.6 The attacks on Harris were soon extended to include Douglas. The Journal editorialized that Harris was nominated: . . . because Judge Douglas wanted just such a man as Major Harris electedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; who would go with full heart for the Nebraska swindle or anything else he was bid to do, and who in carrying out his Nebraska doctrine avows that he would vote for the admission of Utah into the Union with her institutions of "Polygamy and Incest." 7 At first the Journal argued that Harris had indicated that he would vote to admit Utah as a state with polygamy, but when this was effecs See for example ibid., II, 69, 72-73, 154, 229; Milton, op. cit., 25; and Andrew L. Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869, Leland H. Creer (ed.) (Salt Lake City, 1940), 458.

'Illinois State Journal (Springfield, Illinois), September 8, 12, 19, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27, 1854. The first time "Polygamy Harris" was used as a term was September 28, 1854. After this it or a variation of it frequently appeared.

'Ibid., September 19, 1854.

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tively denied the paper said that despite his denials he had to do so in order to be consistent with the other Nebraska candidates. The attack on Harris and his supposed willingness to legalize polygamy became the dominant issue in the campaign.8 Despite the attacks Harris won the election.

The Illinois State Register, the voice of Douglas in Springfield, attempted to negate the potency of the polygamy argument against Douglas and his supporters first by attaching it to the Whigs and secondly by denying the Whig interpretation of popular sovereignty.

In a long article the Register pointed out that the organization of the Utah Territory had been carried out under the direction of the Whigs in 1850, that the Whigs had appointed Brigham Young as governor, and that the Whigs, and only the Whigs, were responsible for the conditions in Utah. The editors also attempted to demonstrate that die charges against Major Harris were false.9 Later the paper argued that Utah could not in any case be admitted as a state widi polygamy because it lacked a republican constitution. In general, however, the Register tended to ignore the charges of its political rival, preferring to remain comparatively silent.10 Despite the victory of Harris, the Journal and the Whigs felt they had an important issue at hand and continued to play on the antiMormon feeling, implicating Douglas whenever they could. The Douglas paper on the other hand mentioned the Mormons only occasionally and did so with a rather tolerant bemused manner.11 In the election of 1856 both papers used the charge of polygamy against members of the opposing party. The Register denied the charges against "Polygamy Harris" again, but now went to the attack by attaching the term to William H. Bissel, the Journal's candidate for governor.12 Such charges made the Journal burst with righteous indigna8 Ibid., September 11, 26, 27, 29, 30, October 2, 9, 11, 16, 20, 23, 27, 28, 31, November 6, 1854.

D Illinois State Register (Springfield, Illinois), September 25, 1854.

10 Ibid., September 18, 22, 29, 30, October 3, 5, 26, 29, 1854. u Illinois State Journal, November 20, 27, December 14, 26, 1854; January 29, February 8, 10, 16, March 23, April 13, May 18, 24, 25, 1855, and so on. The Illinois State Register on June 6, 1855, for example, advocated sending strong-minded women, the so-called "bloomers and fast young ladies" to Utah where they would raise such a cry for "virtue and independence" that the whole "female" community in Utah would rise in mass. Another article, November 22, 1855, dealt with the rather unique trouser-like costume designed by Brigham Young for Mormon women, the chief advantage of which was that it freed husbands "from paying for more than two-thirds the usual quantity of dry goods."

"Ibid., July 28, 1856.

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tion; its editors retaliated by extending the application of the polygamy argument to the Democratic candidate for governor as well as Harris. 1 3 T h e Utah Expedition under the command of Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston in 1857, leading to the so-called Mormon War, caused another outburst of anti-Mormon sentiment in Illinois. 14 T h e Journal somehow attempted to blame Douglas for the Utah difficulties and at the same time make the Whigs appear as innocent bystanders. T h e paper charged that Brigham Young had been "appointed governor of Utah at the express solicitation of Senator Douglas," even though Douglas knew that Young was under indictment for making and passing counterfeit money. " N o wonder," the article concluded, "Douglas is so popular with die Mormons." 15 Popular sovereignty's encouragement of polygamy was also brought into the discussion. 16 Apparently Senator Douglas himself now began to feel that the polygamy charges were becoming somewhat dangerous politically. On June 12, 1857, he delivered a speech at Springfield which, though concerned with the Dred Scott decision and conditions in Kansas, proposed appropriate remedies for the Utah problem. Douglas implied that Utah could not be admitted as a state both because many of its inhabitants were alien and because the Mormons were forming alliances with the Indians. H e concluded that the Mormon question could be solved by an absolute and unconditional repeal of the organic act which had made Utah a territory. Instead of easing the attack, the now Republican Journal, increased its tempo: The principle of the "squatter sovereignty," which he has sought to extend to the Territories, he virtually confesses, has proved a miserable failure and does not stand the test of practical application. He may yet talk about it in Kansas, which has been overrun and "subdued" by Ruffian Democrats; but it has failed of its purpose there; and he now acknowledges by his proposition to repeal, that it has failed in Utah. 17 They again charged him with avoiding the fact that polygamy was spreading because of his doctrine of popular sovereignty. Douglas had long insisted that slavery was not a moral issue, but now in order to cut down the growing criticism of his popular sovereignty concept, he in 13

Illinois State Journal, July 25, 28, 1856.

"Creer, op. cit., 115 ff.; Illinois State Journal, April 1, 18, 21, 1857, et al. For => bibliographical account see Nevins, op. cit., II, 478-80.

15 Illinois State Journal, May 5, 1857. '* Ibid., June 8, 1857.

"Ibid., June 25, 1857.

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effect made polygamy just such an issue. It was probably difficult for many people to realize why Douglas would make polygamy a moral evil and yet refuse to make slavery one. T h e Journal hit Douglas hard on this issue.18 Since 1858 was an election year, the Republican press played the Mormon issue for all it was worth in Illinois, accusing the Mormons of allying themselves with the Indians, fighting against the United States, as well as being polygamous. T h e Journal argued that polygamy in Utah would have long since disappeared if it had not been for the Douglas doctrine of squatter sovereignty. 19 T h e effectiveness of the argument is debatable. Some historians have argued that the Republicans were gaining votes with their arguments on polygamy, and that the sending of the Utah Expedition might actually have been ordered for political reasons to offset the Republican gains with the issue.20 Nevertheless, the Republicans must have been encouraged by the effectiveness of their attacks on Douglas and polygamy. T o make further political capital they introduced a bill in 1860 to outlaw polygamy. 21 By so doing they could in effect open up all the old wounds, especially in Illinois, over popular sovereignty, and perhaps thus carry the state in the presidential campaign. Republican papers as exemplified by the Journal quickly seized the initiative. Even Lincoln was not adverse to pushing Douglas hard on the troublesome issue. The editor of the Journal was a close personal friend of Lincoln, and the Journal during this period apparently speaks for Lincoln. 22 In the first few months of the campaign polygamy was the key issue of the anti-Douglas forces. T h e Journal asked: . . . (if) Congress can abolish polygamy in Utah, why can it not forbid slavery in New Mexico? If the South grants the power in the one case, she cannot deny it in the other . . . unless a bill is passed the evidence will be on the journals of both houses, that the Democratic Party tolerates and defends all the horrible Mormon crimes connected with the beastly abomination of polygamy, rather than incidentally concede the power of Congress to preserve the Territories to free labor.23 18

Ibid., July 8, 10, 1857.

Ibid., January 16, April 2, 14, June 29, August 2, September 6, 1858, among others. m Creer, op. cit., 126. Creer found that such assertions could not be actually documented but probably had some validity.

21 Illinois State Journal, March 16, 1860.

22 Nevins, op. cit., 356.

23 Illinois State Journal, March 26, 1860.

10

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T h e Register replied that the antipolygamy bill was a mere political maneuver which could not be enforced. They indicated that while most Douglas Democrats might vote against the bill, they did so merely because it was a shameless piece of maneuvering and not because any Democrat approved of polygamy. Despite the opposition of Douglas Democrats a bill providing imprisonment for not less than two nor more than five years for the practice of plural marriage in the territories controlled by the United States passed the House. 2 4 T h e District of Columbia was specifically exempted from the provisions of the bill, probably to make certain of Southern support and gain the greatest political advantage.

Almost all of Douglas's supporters in the House voted against the bill. In fact the Illinois delegation led the fight against it. This put Douglas in an embarrassing position of backing polygamy. T o counter this charge he proposed that Utah be divided into two territories, Nevada and Jefferson, in which non-Mormons would be dominant and thus polygamy under popular sovereignty would be voted out of existence. 25 Lincoln thereupon asked if it was wise to divide up a territory and attach its parts to others when the issue could be voted on directly by outlawing polygamy. H e said this was just like saying that if I "cannot rightfully murder a man, I may tie him to the tail of a kicking horse, and let him kick the man to deatii!" 2G T h e Illinois Republicans following Lincoln's lead argued that the issue was either "Popular Sovereignty and polygamy" with Douglas or "Congressional intervention and the one wife system," with the Republicans. T h e Journal editorialized on April 12, 1860, that: . . . while every Republican in Congress voted for the,bill, the Douglasites to a man, voted against it, thus indirectly voting for Polygamy . . . We know the Douglas delegation . . . have pretended to be opposed to Mormon polygamy, but when, on a fair and square vote like this, we find them giving their aid and countenance to the establishment and perpetuation of the leacherous abomination, it is clear that their wordy gabble is all a sham and a pretence.

It is easy to explain the reason of their vote on the bill. They regard it as interfering with the "great principle of popular sovereignty" as inaugurated by Douglas, which permit the people to do as they please, and sanctions, not only slavery, but polygamy, piracy, and whatever else is revolting and monstrous. 27 24 Illinois State Register, April 17, 1860; see also March 23, April 3, 9, 12, 19, 1860, and Illinois State Journal, April 4, 1860. â&#x201E;˘Ibid., April 16, 1860; Illinois State Register, April 11, 14, 1860.

20 Ibid., April 17, 1860. His speech was made April 12.

27 Illinois State Journal, April 12, 16, 1860.

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Again and again the Journal hit Douglas and his supporters for voting against the polygamy bill. The Register countered by charging die Republicans with hypocrisy for failing to include the abolition of polygamy in their 1860 platform as they had in 1856.28 While the antipolygamy bill never came to a vote in the U.S. Senate, the long buildup of the polygamy issue in Illinois might well have cost Douglas votes. Mormonism and polygamy were touchy political issues in that state; Douglas had been closely associated with the Mormons; he had been responsible for the doctrine of popular sovereignty which was now equated with polygamy, and in the attempt to outlaw polygamy his supporters had voted to keep it. Not only could the Republicans make capital of this to discredit Douglas, but the Southern Democrats irritated at Douglas had a ready-made issue with which they could embarrass him, and many of them voted to outlaw polygamy as a political maneuver against Douglas. Stump orators in Illinois undoubtedly capitalized on the issue. The fact that Douglas lost Illinois to Lincoln by only 12,000 out of a total of 335,000 votes indicates the closeness of the two in the state despite the defection of voters to Bell and Breckinridge.29 Douglas's early acquaintance with the Mormons and his championship of popular sovereignty were used very effectively by the anti-Douglasites to weaken his position in Illinois, and it seems that perhaps a good part of the 12,000 votes he lacked might have been lost over the polygamy issue.

28 Ibid., April 26, 28, and occasional references up to September 25, 1860, and Illinois State Register, September 5, 1860.

29 Milton, op cit., 501.

ear as can be determined, Edwin Bry:rossed the Stansbury Mountains by of North Willow Canyon. The saddle â&#x20AC;˘e ridge at this point appears decepi low and accessible.

EDWIN

B R Y A N T ' S T R A I L THROUGH W E S T E R N UTAH

By Henry J. Webb*

Edwin Bryant, member and chronicler of one of the first westwardtrekking emigrant parties to reach Fort Bridger in the summer of 1846, was convinced by Lansford W. Hastings that the new route west, via the south end of the Great Salt Lake, would shorten the distance to California by 150 to 200 miles. As a result, he and eight others under the temporary guidance of James M. Hudspeth left the fort on July 20 and struck out for Salt Lake Valley and the mountains and deserts to the west.

Much of his route as far as Grantsville, Utah, has been carefully retraced; but to my knowledge, no one has endeavored to cover precisely the trail he took from Skull Valley to Pilot Peak on the UtahNevada border, although J. Roderic Korns and Charles Kelly have contributed generously to our knowledge of this area.1 With the help of a grant from the University of Utah Research Fund, a small party of historians2 spent many days over a period of four years in the mountains * Professor Webb is a member of the faculty of the English Department, University of Utah, Salt Lake City.

1 See J. Roderic Korns, "The Journal of Edwin Bryant," Utah Historical Quarterly, XIX (1951) and Charles Kelly, Salt Desert Trails (Salt Lake City, 1930). ' The writer has been given the greatest assistance by Drs. C. Gregory Crampton and David E. Miller of the University of Utah History Department. Others who have helped are Dr. Joseph Salvatore of Carbon College, Mr. Gerard Cautero of the University of Southern California, and Mr. Scott Maughan, graduate student in history at the University of Utah.

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and deserts attempting to map and photograph Bryant's trail, which deviates considerably from the wagon road cut by the Harlan-Young company and dieir followers.

J. Roderic Korns surmised, and I agree, that Bryant crossed the Stansbury Mountains by way of North Willow Canyon. The entrance to this canyon is an inviting and gentle slope. The canyon itself, until the foot of the ridge is reached, rises easily. The saddle in the ridge, which could have been seen as soon as Bryant skirted die Oquirrh Mountains, appears deceptively low and accessible — so low and accessible, in fact, that any rider not wanting to swing north of the Stansbury Mountains would have headed for it without hesitation.

Today it is a simple matter to go up the canyon to the base of the saddle, for a well-defined dirt road has been bladed out to several mine shafts; and any horseman or hiker can readily continue up the winding path that leads over the hump into Skull Valley. This path has been well worn by modern cattle and sheep men. Sheep herders whom I met in the vicinity told me that in their youth they had used this trail to go to dances in Grantsville from the spread of ranches in Skull Valley, and, because of the description of it by Bryant in What I Saw in California, I am reasonably sure it is the same route — or within yards of the same route — that Bryant and his party pioneered.

The descent on the western side of the mountain, "although steep," as Bryant says, "is not difficult";3 and one making die hike soon runs into a jeep road that leads through Pass Canyon, which contains several cool and invigorating springs,down to Josepa (now the Deseret Ranch).

The eventual importance of the springs above Josepa — springs which earlier had been missed by both Fremont and Clyman and which were subsequently used by all immigrants traveling the Hastings Cutoff — was not recognized by Bryant, probably because he had just come out of North Willow Canyon, which runs plenty of water. Bryant merely acknowledged the presence of "a faint stream which flows from the hills and sinks in the sands just below." But the later members of the wagon parties, all of whom went around the northern tip of the Stansbury Mountains and, therefore, had only salt springs with which to refresh themselves, welcomed this sweet water with enthusiasm, the wheels of their prairie schooners cutting a well-defined road to their source.4 3 The quotations from Bryant in this paper are from his work What I Saw in CaliJornia (2d ed., New York, 1848).

4 There are several unnamed springs in Pass Canyon, situated within u mile or so of one another. The upper ones, which are among cedars, fit the description which Bryant penned in 1846, except that now tall deciduous trees have joined the evergreens. The

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On the slope, still standing, just as Bryant describes it, is "a grove of small cedars, the deep verdure of which is some relief to the brown and dead aspect of vegetable nature" all around.

From this point, Bryant's route across the alkali of Skull Valley to Redlum Spring on the eastern slope of the Cedar Mountains becomes a matter of conjecture. There is a kind of sugar-loaf, terraced butte directly east of the spring in what might be called the foothills of the Cedars, and a trace of the pioneer wagon road skirts this butte on the north and then loops southwest again to Redlum.5 Perhaps Bryant went this way. It is even reasonable to suppose that the wagon trains took the route which they did because they happened upon the relatively fresh tracks left by Bryant and followed diem to the spring. (Bryant, it will be remembered, was less than a month ahead of the leading wagon trains.)

That this may indeed be the direction taken by Bryant is further supported by the fact that he struck Fremont's trail on the east slope of the Cedars; and Fremont, approaching Redlum Canyon along a southwest course, would certainly never have circled south of the butte.'1 In any event, we know that on August 2 Bryant camped at Redlum Spring at the spot used earlier by Fremont and later by all the wagon trains preparing for the "long drive" through Hastings Pass and across the Great Salt Desert. With his usual attention to detail, Bryant portrays the area as follows: "There are a few dwarf cedars in our vicinity, and scattered bunches of dead grass. In a ravine near us the sand is moist; and by making an excavation, we obtained a scant supply of water, impregnated with salt and sulphur." lowest spring in the canyon, issuing from beneath a bush some distance below the last, straggling cedars (and therefore not the one beside which Bryant camped), is probably the one first used by the wagon trains, although it seems probable that all the water sources were eventually developed by the immigrants. The best description of them occurs in the journal of Madison Berryman Moorman. In an entry for July 27, 1850, we find: "Seven miles brought us to where the road forked â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the left hand one leading up a ravine towards the mountain. We took it and after going about diree miles we came to one of the finest springs that ever ran from the earth, gushing from the mountain side.

Several of the men could not wait to get to the fountain, but leaped from their mules and quaffed bountifully from the brook below. . . . The place was a lovely one â&#x20AC;&#x201D; grass and water abounding and of the finest quality, as well as plenty of good dry cedar wood. . ." Irene D. Paden (ed.), The Journal of Madison Berryman Moorman (San Francisco, 1948), 54.

3 Although this road seems to be no longer in use, it was probably utilized at one time by ranchers who kept cattle and sheep in die Cedars.

0 Fremont, of course, was not looking for any particular canyon. He was searching for verdure which would announce the presence of water. The greenery at the mouth of Redlum Canyon, quite visible from Skull Valley or the foothills of the Cedars, would have been an obvious invitation to his scouts.

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The site remains much the same to this day, except that ranchers have piped the water to a number of troughs for their cattle so that the flow is now greater than it was when the immigrants went through.7 Immediately below the troughs is a small pond; above them, a large, rusted water tank. On the north bank of the ravine is the remnant of a small cabin. Around the source of the spring the ground is always moist — even in mid-summer and early fall — and we, by digging down a foot or so, obtained a trickling of murky but not unpalatable drinking water. Interestingly enough, although we drank of the spring, our horses, like the cattle in the Hoppe party, refused to touch it.8 From Redlum Spring almost to the crest of the Cedars, the trail is obvious. (This trail, of course, is not the one which Hastings took over the Cedars going east nor the one which the Harlan-Young Company and others cut with their prairie schooners going west. The wagon road looped north and then west from Redlum, entering Hastings Pass at a point approximately 2.5 miles from the spring.) Redlum has a smooth sand and gravel bottom and a gentle incline for approximately 3.5 miles; even after a rain storm, which usually tears great ruts in this canada, a jeep can readily pull up to the base of the ridge. For a horseman to follow any other route is unimaginable. At the head of Redlum Canyon, however, several forks occur; and it is very difficult to decide which one Bryant may have taken. We know that he lost the Fremont trail somewhere in the Cedars, for he speaks of picking it up again in the valley; and perhaps here, at one of these forks, the Fremont and Bryant trails part company for a while.

To satisfy ourselves that we were doing our best to retrace this portion of the course, we abandoned jeep and foot and enlisted the services of an experienced rancher and pathfinder — Mr. Keith Holbrook of Salt Lake City — and beginning at the spring, rode horseback over the summit of the Cedars and down into the valley below.3 Relying on his horseman's instinct and more than fifty years in the saddle, Mr. Holbrook chose the most likely fork leading west. This fork, a narrow ravine winding between a steep hill on the south and several leg-tiring hogbacks on the north, ends in a sharp incline at the 7 In the summer of 1959, the Bureau of Land Management placed a "Redlum Spring" sign near the watering troughs. s Moorman, describing the spring four years later (July 29, 1850), states: ". . . the last watering place . . consists of a number of small wells dug in a ravine that were ever kept stirred up and muddy. The water would have been bad enough had this not been the case, it being very brackish, but not intolerable." See Paden, op. cit., 55. ° Later we re-examined this trail on foot and were reasonably satisfied with our conclusions.

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summit of the mountain; and once we lurched to the top of this ridge, we had a clear and magnificent view of Pilot Peak, approximately seventy miles away.

The descent was almost exactly as Bryant remembered: "two or three miles, by a winding and precipitous path through some straggling, stunted, and tempest-bowed cedars." We ran into several dune-like sand hills and some ridges of slippery, black gravel, however, which Bryant does not mention; and at one point, being rim-rocked, we had to retrace our steps for a hundred yards or so; but we moved down into the valley without great difficulty, coming out by Lone Rock.10 When we were on the summit of the Cedar Mountains, we could see where Bryant should have gone had he, at this point, been guiding himself on Pilot Peak — in a straight line from Lone Rock, over the southern-most saddle in Grayback, to the north of Floating Island, and through the Donner-Reed Pass11 in the Silver Range. But unfortunately Bryant could not see the peak since, on August 3, 1846, the whole basin was filled with a smoky haze. Accordingly, instead of striking directly for Pilot Peak when he came out of the mountains, he had to search for Fremont's trail among the sage and greasewood of the valley floor.

He found a "blind" trail, visible and invisible by turns, which he assumed to be Fremont's; and this trail led him "through a narrow gap" in Grayback, "the walls of which were perpendicular, and composed of the same dark scorrious material as the debris strewn around. . . ." Passing a little further on, Bryant stood "on the brow of a steep precipice. . . ."

There is only one gap in Grayback that fits this description. It is a mile or so north of U.S. Highway 40 and now contains a rough accessroad to a line of telephone poles that march over the ridge and into the desert. A jeep can pull up to this ridge and horses can take riders down the cliff to the brink of the desert.

We made a careful search of the area at the western base of Grayback in several different seasons — sometimes on horseback, once with Tote-Gotes, but mostly by jeep and on foot — but our efforts were not especially rewarding. Trails there are in profusion, streaking off in dif10 Lone Rock, a prominent butte on the western approaches to the Cedar Mountains, is one of the few landmarks Bryant does not mention in his account. Perhaps the search for Fremont's trail, which had been lost, and the need for speed at this moment made him oblivious to this interesting rock. " I am here using the name which Warren L. Anderson gave to the pass in 1956 after completing the first accurate survey of the Silver Range for the department of geology, University of Utah.

Spring in Pass Canyon in the Stansbury Mountains used by all immigrants.

Looking west toward Pilot Peak ffom the brow of the Cedar Mountains.

&mMysYÂŁm&Lm

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ferent directions, crossed and re-crossed by jeep tracks, military roads, and sheep and cattle padis â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but that one of these might be a remnant of Bryant's (or Fremont's) course, no one, I am sure, will ever be able to say. In fact, even the old road made by the wagon trains is, in this particular sector of the desert, effectively obscured by nature and the activities of modern man.

Further west, the sand dunes remain mute. Even the mud flats, which retain clear signs of the pioneer road, no longer hold the hoof marks of Bryant's mules, not even in the wettest portion where the animals sank to their knees in the mixture of salt, sand, and clay. We can only surmise that Bryant, warned by Hudspeth of the necessity for speed on diis grim and desolate plain, pressed his animals directly toward Pilot Peak as soon as he could see it through the haze, which was about 2:00 P.M. on August 3. We can place him at this time between six and nine miles east of Floating Island, for, having dismounted from his mule to make it easier for her to plough through the muck, he did not reach Floating Island until three hours later, at 5:00 P.M.12 At 2:00 P.M V however, he would have easily noticed the gap that separates Silver Island from Crater Island, the gap now known as the Donner-Reed Pass; presumably he headed directly for it.

In any event, the route from Floating Island to Pilot Peak is unmistakable to anyone who has ever examined this terrain and who has also read What I Saw in California. Heading northwest, Bryant temporarily left the salt and clay plain behind him, and mounting the alluvium that surrounds Silver Island, bent to the left and spurred directly across Pilot Valley for the spring that flows up from the base of Pilot Peak.

There he and his companions remained for two nights and a day recuperating strength for the harsh, dry journey through Nevada.

13 My assumption here is based upon a speed of between two and three miles an hour. From Floating Island to Pilot Peak, a distance by the Bryant route of approximately twenty-six or twenty-seven miles, the average speed of the mounted animals was five miles an hour.

e Green River, just above the site of sen, Utah. Here on September 16,1776, minguez and Escalante, the first Euroins on this montain river, crossed.

I'MOTO, CI-IAKI.RS KI!I,I.Y

N A M I N G OF T H E G R E E N , S E V I E R , AND V I R G I N R I V E R S

By Rufus Wood Leigh*

The thesis of this paper is that the names of the Green, Sevier, and Virgin rivers have their genesis in these original Spanish names respectively: Rio Verde, Rio Severo, and Rio de la Virgen. Explanations of the origin of the names of these three rivers have been based on insufficient search for pertinent historical documents, maps, and texts; analysis of available historical data has been befogged; and there has been shallow striving for plausibility and unwarranted authority. Unfortunately, these invalid interpretations currently clog official Utah State printed matter and local "history"; thus they misinform the public. Such false explanations are the sort of stuff of which folklore is made-up. These traditional origins of the river names perpetuate folklore. The specific raison d'etre of this short essay is to institute history.

The Green River has its source in the Wind River Mountains in southwestern Wyoming and is the major stream in the region. This area was once Crow Indian territory, and their name for the river was Seeds-ke-dee Agie, for "Prairie Hen River" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Agie meaning "river."

By this name the upper reaches of the river were known in the earliest exploratory times. The Shoshoni and Utes named the river Ka'na, their equivalent of Bitterroot, from the great abundance in its valley of this pink-flowered herb which gave them a favorite, nutritious tuber. * The article here presented is adapted from a larger work by Dr. Leigh, the fulllength book manuscript, "Indian, Spanish, and Government Survey Place Names of the Great Uasin and Colorado Plateaus."

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Green River runs southerly into Utah, where it is soon diverted easterly by the Uinta Mountains, coursing in that direction to flank the east shoulder of the Uintas and to form a grand loop in Colorado, thence flowing southwesterly through the picturesque Canyon Lodore and Dinosaur National Monument to return into Utah. Then, after veering almost due south for long distances, it makes confluence with the Colorado River at the foot of Orange Cliffs in San Juan County.

Formerly, the Colorado from this junction upstream to Grand Lake and northward to its source in the Rockies was known as Grand River.

At the confluence, the Colorado carries much more water than the Green, but the Green is longer than the formerly named Grand River.

In 1776 occurred a most remarkable, though objectively futile, entrada of Spanish explorers into the upper Colorado and Green River drainage areas of the Great Basin. The urge for communication and consolidation between the two Spanish provinces of Nuevo Mexico and Alta California, with their respective seats at Santa Fe and Monterey, was stimulated by the Russian advance down die Pacific Coast. The Dominguez-Escalante expedition was undertaken accordingly, and the expedition set out to find an overland route from the upper Rio Grande del Norte to Monterey via Lake Utah, although knowledge of the existence and location of that lake was then hazy! In 1765, a decade earlier, Don Juan Maria de Rivera had explored as far north as the present Gunnison River, and the country had become comparatively well known to the Spanish. Spanish names had been given the prominent natural features, most of which are still on the land. The Colorado had been named Rio San Rafael.

The Escalante party pursued a course generally northward from the area then known. They crossed the Colorado upstream from the present De Beque, thence over the East Tavaputs Plateau, then down to the present White River, their Rio San Clemente, crossing it near the site of the oil town of Rangely, Colorado. Later Spaniards were to name this stream Rio Blanco. The party then found their way into the Cliff Creek drainage which led them down to the Green River bottoms, which they followed up to near the mouth of Split Mountain Canyon, above the present site of Jensen, Utah.1 Here Dominguez and Escalante, the first Europeans on this mountain river, forded the Green on September 16, 1776, naming it Rio San Buenaventura, the canonized 1 See C. Gregory Crampton, "The Discovery of the Green River," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (1952), 299-312.

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name of a thirteenth-century saint. The name comprised of two words, buena ventura, "good fortune," is a common appellation in Spanish America.

After crossing the river, Escalante and his party doubled down the west shore ten leagues, crossed Ashley Creek above the swamp and passed southwestward to the confluence of the Uinta and the Duchesne rivers and onward to Lake Utah. Thus, this Spanish exploration into the Green River Basin blazed a way which was followed by others from Santa Fe in the first half of the next century.

Green River was generally known to Americans during the trapper era —1820-1839 — as the Spanish River. The Spaniards early in the century, Fremont's estimate is about 1818, were in the region to explore and trade, and they gave the river a descriptive name: Rio Verde, signifying "green river." An early reference to the Americanized name appeared in 1843 in Washington Irving's The Adventures of Captain Bonneville: "General William H. Ashley and Major Andrew Henry of the Missouri Fur Company in 1823 pushed a resolute band of trappers across the mountains to the banks of the Green River or Colorado of the West " Fremont has this reflection on Green River: "The refreshing appearance of the broad river, with its timbered shores and green-wooded islands, in contrast to its dry sandy plains, probably obtained for it the name Green River [Rio Verde], which was bestowed by the Spaniards, who first came into this country." 2 On another occasion, while traveling on the Oregon Trail near South Pass, he wrote: " . . . to avoid the mountains about the head of Green River — Rio Verde of the Spaniards." Again, "Lower down, from Brown's Hole to the southward, the river runs through lofty chasms, walled in by precipices of red rock; and by the Spanish is known as the Rio Colorado. Gannett says, "Green River was so called from the green shale through which it flows."

Today, from heights above the canyons the water appears green.

The Old Spanish Trail crossed the Green at an old Ute crossing south of Book Cliffs; this historic crossing was to be known after 1853 as Gunnison Crossing, present site of Green River, Utah. To the Spaniards who trod this trail into the Great Basin to trade, and to those who threaded the longer Spanish Trail from Santa Fe to Pueblo de los Angeles in the first half of the nineteenth century, the river was Rio Verde.

2

John Charles Fremont, Memoirs of My Life (New York, 1887), 199.

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Enmity developed between the Spanish explorers and traders of the region and the American explorers and trappers, for the latter were aliens operating in Spanish-Mexican domain. Spanish names originally applied to physiographic features were not tolerated by the Americans, and were invariably mutated into Americanized versions. Thus, Rio Verde signifying "green river" became Green River. But, instead of leaving the correct and obvious interpretation at that, the Americans in this mutating process sought and conveniently found, near or far-off, a man named "Green" "for whom the river was named," they and later history writers said. Specifically, one of General Ashley's men was named "Green," "after whom Green River is supposed to have been named," writes Dellenbaugh.3 It is to be noted that Dellenbaugh, who knew die Green-Colorado system firsthand, had his doubts. The merging of history and folklore is here exemplified. The two other parallel examples of Spanish geographic names being corrupted into Americanized versions follow.

The Sevier River drainage originates in the extreme southeastern part of the Great Basin, its headwaters sharing the drainage of the High Plateaus of southern Utah with branches of Pahreah River, Kanab Creek, and the Virgin — all of which latter streams flow in the opposite direction into the Colorado River. As one travels southward on Highway 89, the southeastern rim of the Great Basin is crossed near Long Valley Junction. East Fork Sevier River drains Paunsaugunt Plateau, west of Bryce Canyon, flowing northward, and, after receiving Otter Creek coming in from the north, it then turns westward through a gorge to a confluence with the main stream near Junction. Sevier River flows northward for nearly two hundred miles through comparatively high and narrow valleys between the High Plateaus. The current is quick, the climate, brisk. The river makes a grand curve to the west in southern Juab County, rounds Canyon Mountains, thence trends southwesterly in Millard County; and, after forming several extensive deltas in the flat terrain, empties into the formerly thin sheet of the same name, Sevier Lake — now dry. Sevier Lake — so-called — is one of the largest of the Great Basin playas. Sevier Desert extends northward from the deltas. Areas comprising lake and desert were in Glacial times a considerable part of extinct Lake Bonneville. Sevier River is the longest Great Basin river wholly within Utah. The volume of water does not vary much throughout its entire course.

3

Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, A Canyon Voyage (New York, 1905), 234.

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Sevier County, deriving its name from that of the river, is one of seven through which the river flows. Richfield, the county seat, is the center of a rich agricultural valley.

In the autumn of 1776 as the Dominguez-Escalante expedition traveled soudiward from Lake Utah seeking a route to faraway Monterey, they came upon the Sevier River along its grand sweep westward, and crossed near the site of Mills. Their journal relates they named this stream "Rio Santa Isabel on whose banks live bearded Indians." The name in honor of the reigning Spanish queen did not become known.

Later Spanish explorers from the Rio Grande del Norte, as early as 1813, named this river Rio Severo. J. J. Hill, writing in the HispanioAmerican Historical Review for August, 1921, has brought to light an important Spanish document recording a trading expedition from Santa Fe to Pueblo de los Angeles which diverted considerably northward from the regular Spanish Trail as it later became established.

This expedition visited the lake of the Timpanogos (Lake Utah) and from there set out for Rio Severo. "They were met by a Yuta of the Sanpuchi nation who promised to take them to a place where they could trade with a tribe of Yutas as yet unknown to them. . . . They came upon a tribe of Indians who were characterized as having heavy beards, clearly the bearded Indians of the Dominguez-Escalante journal, whose territory we are there told began at the Rio Isabel." Thus, it is plain that our Sevier River had become known to the Spanish as Rio Severo.

Antonio Armijo, citizen of Santa Fe, in 1829-30 planned and was commandant of the first expedition, numbering sixty men, to Mission de San Gabriel for the exchange of woven goods for large California mules. This expedition pushed generally westward from Abiquiu, near Santa Fe, crossed Rio San Juan to the north and back to the south, traversed the Chinle Wash in present northeastern Arizona and continued westward to ford the Colorado at El Vado de los Padres (Crossing of the Fathers). Armijo seems to have benefited from knowledge of the Escalante crossing of 1776. He recorded that this river was then known in the Californias as Rio Colorado.

After crossing Rio Colorado, the Armijo expedition came upon the headwaters of Rio Severo and traversed its entire length to its outlet in the desert sheet, then continued southward to the Rio de la Virgen.

It was winter, the high altitude, cold weather, and swift current of the stream conjoined to confirm the fact that he was on the severe, rigorous river, named by predecessors Rio Severo. It well could have been

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Antonio Armijo who bestowed the name Rio de la Virgen on the southern stream he later came onto and from which he traveled westward over the presently named Beaver D a m Mountains.

T. J. F a r n h a m details the exploration of an old trapper down the Rio Severe in a light bark. "About 450 miles from die mouth of the Colorado, and a short distance nordi of that stream, a river arises, which, on account of its rough character, the Mexican Spaniards have named Rio Severe." 4 This historian used the English descriptive word "severe" which is equivalent to Spanish severo — inflicting discomfort — but later Americans insisted on a proper name for the river simulating the Spanish descriptive word in pronunciation — "Sevier" — which is, of course, a distortion and corruption — precisely the same course that occurred with the Spanish descriptive word verde, Americans crudely holding that "green" should mean Green. Folklore displaces history.

It is quite unlikely that the naming of the river had anything to do with any assumed American explorer or trapper by the name of "Sevier" as is inferred by Fremont. Fremont, traveling northward along the well-worn Spanish Trail from Alta California, relates that on May 16, 1844, he encamped at the Little Salt Lake in the Parowan Valley, "nearly opposite a gap in the Wasatch Range, through which the Spanish Trail passes." However, he left the Spanish Trail at Paragonah, the mouth of Red Creek up which the Spanish Trail ascends to the gap over the range and down into the Sevier Valley. Fremont traveled northward, essentially the present route of Highway 91, and came onto the Sevier River northward from the site of Scipio: May 23, 1844. We reached Sevier River. . . . The name of this river and lake was an indication of our approach to regions of which our people had been the explorers. It was probably named after some American trapper or hunter, and was the first American name we had met with since leaving the Columbia River.5 H e had been in Mexican domain a long way, exploring in the interests of the United States government, and doubtless was glad to hear an American name. But the name had been corrupted, Americanized/' from the Spanish Rio Severo to Sevier River by American trappers sometime before 1844.

4 T. J. Farnham, . . Life Adventures and Travels in California (New York, 1849), Chap. XVII. 3 John Charles Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1842 . . . 1843,1844 (Washington, 1845).

' «£*^t'

View of the Virgin River in Zion National ParkSevier River near the Big Rock Candy Mountain south of Richfield, Utah.

UTAH TOURIST AND PUBLICITY COUNCIL

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Tirjft.-ilftv

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i.

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Fremont, however, changed his interpretation of the origin of the name with additional information, for four years later, in 1848, he wrote: "Southwesterly from Utah [Lake] is another lake; it is the reservoir of a handsome river about 200 miles long. The river and lake were called by die Spaniards, Severo, corrupted by the hunters [Americans] into Sevier." 6 On the earliest American maps of the region, this river and lake were called by Fremont "Nicollet River and lake of its own name; called Nicollet in honor of J. N. Nicollet, noted for his learned work on the physical geography of the basin of die Upper Mississippi." 7 One more significant reference as to the origin of the name of Sevier River is from "Report of Expedition of E. F. Beale in 1853": "July 31, 1853 . . . Sevier is the corruption of Severo, and is called on Colonel Fremont's map Nicollet. . . ." By this time many American trappers and traders had been in the region, and now there were the Mormon settlers. Again we see the bent of Americans to simplify and Americanize, that is corrupt, both Indian and Spanish place names.

A century ago the snow and rainfall on the upper Sevier drainage was heavier â&#x20AC;&#x201D; note the drying up of Sevier Lake, not due materially to diversion of irrigation water from the river. With heavy snows early in the season, the weather of the valley must have been more severe than now. Thus, the weight of evidence is that Sevier is a corruption of the Spanish Severo.

A later and current fallacy that the river was named for the first governor of Tennessee, who had never been west of the Mississippi, is naive. At some point in the folklore concerning the name of this river, the national popularity of General John Sevier was seized upon and capitalized. The local history writer had found far-off a man of parts of the very same name as that of the river and "for whom the River was named."

Virgin River, Rio de la Virgen, a tributary of the Colorado River, has two main originating forks: East Fork, Pa-ru-nu-weap (Pah Ute), drains Long Valley in Kane County; and the North Fork, Mu-kun-tuweap (Pah Ute), drains the south escarpments of the high Markagunt Plateau and the undulating Kolob Terrace in Iron County, then cuts its deep chasm down through Zion Canyon to a confluence with the East Fork east of Rockville. There are two other north tributaries not John Charles Fremont, Geographic Memoir upon Upper California in Illustration of his Map . . . (Washington, 1848). ' Ibid.

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far to the west: La Verkin Creek drains Kolob Canyons; and Ash Creek, the Hurricane Fault Cliffs and adjacent valley from New Harmony southward. Southwest of Pine Valley Mountains, Rio Santa Clara comes in from the northwest; and in southeastern Nevada the Moapa River joins the Virgin south of Overton. The region south of Rio Virgen is much lower, the rainfall much lighter, consequently there are only a few short intermittent tributaries. The river, heavily laden widi silt, flows southwesterly, south of Washington and St. George, out of Utah, thence southwesterly through the Virgin River gorge across the extreme northwest corner of Arizona and into southeastern Nevada, where it turns southerly to a confluence with the Colorado River in Virgin Canyon. Its lower reaches are now drowned in the long Virgin arm of Lake Mead.

The older form of the name, Rio de la Virgen, is pure Spanish, literally, "River of the Virgin," that is, dedicated in name to the Virgin Mary. It is not known by what person nor exactly when the river was thus named, but Spaniards from Nuevo Mexico were in the region as early as 1813. Antonio Armijo, commander of the first trading expedition to bridge the two Mexican provinces of Nuevo Mexico and Alta California in 1829-30, was on the Rio Virgen and the Rio Santa Clara both westward and eastward bound. He and Spanish successors developing the Spanish Trail imprinted the names Rio de la Virgen, La Verkin, Rio Santa Clara, Las Vegas, and others on the land, later to be accepted or mutated by their successors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Americans.

Jedediah Strong Smith in 1826 explored southwest of Great Salt Lake and reached the lower Rio Virgen and the lower Colorado River.

He was the first American to enter what is now Nevada. His party was on the Rio Virgen and the Moapa again in 1827. Some writers have maintained that Smith named the former stream Virgin River for one of his men, Thomas Virgin, who was killed by Mohaves on the lower Colorado River â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but that is a considerable distance to transfer the name of the deceased. Whatever Jedediah S. Smith may or may not have called Virgin River, thus Americanized, Rio de la Virgen, the earliest form of the name, was used in historic literature, on maps, and in documents, and it adhered for a century, continuing for more than half a century after American sovereignty of the region. Thus it is beyond doubt that our river was first named by the Spanish who gave it a characteristic Spanish-Catholic name.

Will C. Barnes in his Arizona Place Names (1935) wrote concerning the naming of this river: "Rio de la Virgen, 'River of the Virgen,'

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running through northwest Mohave County, undoubtedly was given its name by early Spanish explorers. Indians (Pah Ute) call it Pah-rush which means 'water that tastes salt.' Ives, 1857, spelled it Virgen; Powell, 1869, spelled it Virgen. Escalante, 1776, named and spelled it Rio de la Virgen, doubtless the source for both Ives and later Powell."

Another interesting version of the Pah Ute name is Pah-russ, "dirty, turbulent stream."

Dellenbaugh, long an associate of Powell, uses both forms, Rio Virgen and Virgin River, but Dellenbaugh wrote both before and after the name had been Americanized. Fremont in 1844 wrote it Rio Virgen.

Captain John Steele of the Las Vegas Mission under date of December 1, 1855, wrote: "We overtook them [slave traders] on the Rio Virgen."

In all letters of the Las Vegas Mission, the form was invariably Rio Virgen.8 Rio Virgen was the. form on maps dated 1864. H. H. Bans

Nevada State Historical Society Papers 1925-26

(Reno, Nevada, 1926), 117.

A marker on the Old Spanish Trail which depicts the slave trade.

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croft, 1888, uses the Spanish form Rio Virgen thus indicating its historical origin. As late as July 20, 1895, there was published in a St. George paper an advertisement concerning Rio Virgen Mills. Gannett, 1902, writes: "Virgin River, this name is derived from the original Spanish name, Rio (de la) Virgen, 'River of the Virgin.'" Finally and conclusively, the eminent Spanish-American historian, Herbert E. Bolton writes: "The latter [Virgin River] had hot and sulphurous water [near La Verkin], so the travelers [Dominguez-Escalante party] named it Rio Sulfureo. This river was named later by Spaniards for the Virgin Mary, not for Thomas Virgin, the American fur trader, as some persons have thought." 9 Rio Verde and Rio Severo are descriptive names; Rio de la Virgen is a river name dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Mutation of all three names into Americanized versions followed one pattern: for each of the three names an American was somehow found with the requisite name â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or nearly so â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a proper name simulating the pronunciation of the original Spanish descriptive and dedicatory names or translation thereof: General Ashley's man named "Green"; a Tennessee General by the name of John "Sevier"; and Jedediah S. Smith's man named Thomas "Virgin." It may be argued that all three rivers were renamed with American names. But even that would not negate the facts of well-established Spanish names in Spanish-Mexican domain, and in the case of Rio Virgen continuing for one half century after American sovereignty. Was it merely coincidental that Americans strived mightily for such similarities? No. Folklore supplanted history.

" Herbert E. Bolton, "Pageant in the Wilderness," XVIII of Utah Historical (Salt Lake City, 1950).

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important result of the Mormon-Navajo r, 1865-70, was the opening of the counalong the eastern base of the High teaus in the Colorado River Basin. The 'itary expeditions brought back the first orts of the resources of the country.

J O U R N A L OF TWO C A M P A I G N S BY T H E UTAH T E R R I T O R I A L M I L I T I A A G A I N S T T H E NAVAJO I N D I A N S , 1 8 6 9 Edited by C. Gregory Crampton and David E. Miller*

INTRODUCTION The outbreak of the Black Hawk War (1865-68) between whites and the Ute Indians in central Utah soon spread to engulf the Mormon setdements in southern Utah and the Arizona Strip. Several of the Southern Paiute bands there, smarting under the advance of settlement, saw the time opportune to try to duplicate the raids of the Utes which were netting them plenty of beef and mutton to eat and horses to ride.

The same inducements appealed to the Navajos who had moved into the wild country east of the Colorado River and south of the San Juan River after 1858 in the face of frequent warfare with the U.S. Army, and to escape the Bosque Redondo captivity, 1864-68.

Early in 1865 the Navajos stole some horses at Kanab, and in December Paiutes raided the same place. In January, 1866, Paiutes and Navajos killed Dr. J. M. Whitmore and Robert Mclntyre near Pipe Spring. In the spring of 1866, Joseph Berry, Robert Berry, and the latter's wife were killed by Indians at Berryville (now Glendale) in * Drs. Crampton and Miller are professors of history at the University of Utah and currendy engaged in researches on the history of the Glen Canyon region of Utah and Arizona.

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Long Valley. Martial law was proclaimed following these attacks, and the oudying settlements were abandoned. Armed patrols, often assisted by friendly Paiutes, watched die trails between the Colorado River and the Mormon frontier, a vigilance that was necessary until peace was worked out with the Navajos by Jacob Hamblin in 1870.

The Paiutes seemed to be a lesser threat during these years than the Navajos whose raids across the Colorado River were particularly damaging, so much so that the Utah Territorial Militia of the Iron Military District countered most of their forays with punitive expeditions.

E. G. WOOLLEY (1844-1930) These seldom engaged the enemy who Adjutant, Iron County Militia, struck and then retreated quickly to the recorded the expeditions safety of the east bank of the Colorado. It would appear that the Navajos during the course of this warfare forded the Colorado at the Crossing of the Fathers, a place also known to the Utes, Southern Paiutes, and first seen by white men when the Spanish Franciscans, Dominguez and Escalante, after whom it was named, crossed there in 1776.

One of the important results of the Mormon-Navajo war, 1865-70, was the opening of the country along the eastern base of the High Plateaus in the Colorado River Basin. Expeditions of the territorial militia may not have caught many Indians, but they explored the canyon country from the Paria River north to the Fremont River and brought back the first reports of the limited farming areas, grazing possibilities, and other resources, or lack of them. The war over, the retracted Mormon frontier in southern Utah and the Arizona strip was soon reoccupied and then quickly extended into new areas. Kanab was refounded and a fort was built at Pipe Spring. Settlements appeared along the Fremont River, near the head of the Escalante River, and at three places adjacent to the Paria River: Cannonville and other places near the head, Paria and Adairville in the middle reaches, and at the mouth Lee's Ferry which replaced the hazardous Crossing of the Fathers thirty-nine miles upstream and opened the way for the extension of the Mormon frontier into northern Arizona.

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Two reports by Adjutant Edwin G. Woolley of campaigns of the Utah Territorial Militia of the Iron Military District in 1869 against raiding Navajos are published here for the first time. The first in reply to an attack on Long Valley and the settlements north of St. George provides an excellent description of the country traversed from Hurricane Hill to the Crossing of the Fathers. In the second the militia chased the marauders through the same region and caught up with them at Wahweap Creek. Both documents are carefully reproduced from the original made available by Edwin G. Woolley, Jr., son of the author now resident in Salt Lake City. The record is contained in a leather-bound book of lined leaves which have been partially numbered in pencil. The book contains miscellaneous tax records, computations, etc., in addition to the joui'nal of the campaigns. Robert W. Inscore, Registrar of the Military Records Section, has been most helpful in preparing the manuscript for publication-.1 EXPEDITION TO INTERCEPT NAVAJOE INDIANS W H O HAD STOLEN STOCK FROM SOUTHERN UTAH Feb. 25th to March 12th 1869

by Edwin G. Woolley [In his typescript copy of 1917 Woolley introduces his journal of the first expedition with the following paragraph: | "The company was called into service by the Commander [J. D. L. Pearce] of the Southern Military District, as Minute Men in the Utah Militia, on the 25th day February, 1869 . . . " 1 A number of contemporary background documents and other material including muster rolls, pertaining to these expeditions and to the other operations of the Iron Military District of the Utah Territorial Militia are to be found in the Military Records Section of the Utah State Historical Society. Typescript copies of the two journals reproduced here were filed in 1°17 for pension purposes by Edwin G. Woolley.

The bibliography of Indian warfare in southern Utah and the Arizona Strip is rather short; most of the writing has been on the Black Hawk War. James A. Little's Jacob Hamblin . . . (Salt Lake City, 1881, and later editions), was dictated by the subject and is standard but all too brief. Peter Gottfredson compiled and edited .1 History of Indian Depredations in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1919), but he has little on the southern war. Angus M. Woodbury in A History of Southern Utah and its National Parks, which appeared first in the Utah Historical Quarterly, XII (July-October, 1944), and reprinted separately in 1950, has an excellent chapter on Indian troubles drawn largely from the records in the Military Records Section. Juanita Brooks, "Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier," Utah Historical Quarterly, XII (January-April, 1°44), 1-68, touches on some aspects of the war. C. Gregory Crampton, Outline History of the Glen Canyon Region, 1776-1922, Andiropological Papers No. 42 (Salt Lake City, University of Utah, 1959), attempts to place the history of the war in its regional perspective. This is not a complete bibliography but it includes some of the more useful items. There is very little mention in the literature of the Navajo Indians on this conflict.

Lonely settlement at Paria founded on the middle reaches of the river.

Monument built by the Indians in the pasture of Moccasin Ranch.

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Thursday Feb. 25th 1869. Started from St. George Utah. Willis Coplan [Copelan], Capt - E. G. Woolley Adjt. Started at 9 o clock P. M. Took the old river road, easterly direction. Camped at foot of Hurricane Hill (arriving at about 3 o clock next morning). Windy, and very cold.

Friday 26th. Broke camp at daylight and started up hill; we had got part way up, when we saw something across dugway. Came nearer, and found it to be a barricade built of rock about 4 feet high. A noble piece of work. We suppose it to have been built for protection of frontier against indians. We have not learned who was projector, engineer, etc. We stepped 3 feet to one side, went around it and went on our way rejoicing.

Rode to Gools [Gould's] ranch 4 miles, watered and rode on to sheep trough, 6 miles. Here we overtook the Washington plattoon 9 men. 12 miles to Maxwells where we found the Virgen City plattoon camped, composed of 10 men. This makes our number 28 men. Turned out for a couple of hours, then saddled up and rode about 10 miles, over the Cedar Ridge summit and made camp in the Cedars, about 7 o clock P.M. Just as we left Maxwells, where the roads fork, we came to the trail made by die stock stolen by the indians. Some horses, mules, and cattle, in all perhaps 30 or 40 head. They took the road leading to Berry valley. Traveled north east direction.

Saturday 27th. Got up this morning early and moved on towards Pipe Springs. About 5 miles on road, Capt. Coplan [Copelan] detached a plattoon with Lieut. Clark to proceed to south end of pass, about 7 miles, to look for indian tracks. The rest of Company moved on to Pipe Springs, arriving just at daylight, making 10 miles this morning. [Traveled in an] easterly direction. Canab Jim and nine more indians came in to camp this morning. They report that they came over last night, that the Navajoes passed through Berry Valley on their way in, and killed one indian and two pappooses; and in coming back with stock, they turned off the Berry Valley road and passed just above Moccasin Springs, four or five days ago. This pass of Pipe Springs is 8 miles wide, running from the Springs south to a wash that runs into Grand Gulch, which begins 12 miles east from here, running south to the Colorado.

The country from Moccasin Springs 4 miles north from here, to Canab [Kanab], being 15 or 16 miles. [It] can be passed at most any point, making with this pass, about 24 miles of an opening to be guarded.

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The party have just returned from the south, and report no fresh indian signs. It looks the same as it did three months ago. (This is the best stock range in this Southern Country. [The country] west from here 30 miles or more is a sea of grass, and running north east from here thirty miles the same.)

At 4 o clock P.M. today we received a dispatch from Col. Pierce [Pearce], saying that there had been another raid made; in half an hour we were in our saddles. Capt. Coplan sent one plattoon to guard this pass, another north to Canab, and we took indian guides and struck over the mountains north of Moccasin Springs, traveled about 10 miles north, and struck the trail made by last raid. We then took down a kanyon and traveled about 10 miles further in a westerly, and southerly direction, coming out where the Berry Valley road leads up a kanyon.

This is where the trail turns off from Berry Valley road. We found no fresh signs. If there has been any more raids made, it is time they [the Indians] were here, if coming this way. It being midnight when we got here made camp and went to bed. We left indians with the other parties for expressmen in case they found hostile indians. Very cold traveling. Some snow in mountains.

Sunday 28th. One of our indians went out this morning, found a fresh horse track, followed it up, and brought back a horse left by the Navajoes. We sent an indian over the mountains east to tell Williams' party to return to Pipe Springs, if they had seen nothing suspicious.

We then started for that place, taking an indian trail up a kanyon east, and then down a gulch south, coming out in the road up to the east of Cedar ridge; rode on to Pipe Springs, arriving about noon. We found a waggon of supplies here, it having arrived last night about 9 o clock.

When we left this place, we left the two expressmen and an indian.

When the party with the supply waggon came to the house, the indian went to corner of the house to meet them. They spoke to him and he answered, but not understanding him they fired on him (two shots being fired), one shot taking effect, passing through his thigh, inflicting rather a severe flesh wound. The shots awaking the men in the house, they at last came to an understanding [of the situation].

Capt. Coplan, this afternoon, sent the waggon with the wounded indian into the settlements to be attended to. Another waggon arrived this afternoon with more supplies. We have now 500 pounds flour, 250 pounds meat, to start with. Sent a dispatch to Col. Pierce.

Lieut. Williams' party returned and reported they went to where the Navajoes camped, and found there were about 25 of them, that they

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had 5 pickets out around [the] animals, and well prepared for attack.

(They could tell this from tracks). [The] plattoon returned from south, reports no signs."

Monday, March 1st. Capt. Coplan sent all the men home this morning but 21. [Those remaining] including himself. About 10 oclock A.M. we made ready to start for the Colorado. We have 21 men, 25 animals all together, a baggage waggon, (4 animals attached.) 200 pounds flour, 250 pounds meat, and 20 bushels corn. Rolled out at 10 o clock A.M. Watered at Moccasin Spring Creek, 3 miles north; traveled on east of north and more towards east until we came to Canab water, about 3 miles below old settlement, making 15 miles today. It is a very good country here for farming and grazing. 8 miles on the road from Pipe Springs we struck the trail made by the Navajoes and stock taken just before we left home. We have concluded diat there was 50 head of stock. Weather pleasant today. Found a horse left by indians.

March 2nd, Tuesday. Broke camp this morning at 8 o clock.

Left the horse found here as it was not fit for the trip. 12 miles to 12 mile kanyon. We did not go up to the mouth of canyon, where there is water, rode on 3 miles and stopped to bait. Went on to summit, where we saw ahead east of us the snow capped top of Spanny Shank Mountain, way beyond the Colorado, over a 100 miles from here. These raiding Navajoes live there.

Went a few miles farther and made camp, within 2 or 3 miles of Buckskin Mountains, making 24 miles today. We have been traveling in a circular direction since we left Pipe Springs; starting north, turning more east, until last few miles we were going nearly east, following round the mountain to our left. To our right is the valley that commenced at Hurricane Hill, and ends a few miles north east from here, 2 The expedition traveled eastward from St. George to the base of the Hurricane Hill, or Cliffs, where the town of Hurricane is now located and from there arrived at Pipe Springs by following approximately Utah State Route 59 to the state line near Short Creek and from there by going across the open country at the base of the Vermilion Cliffs..

The earliest settlements along the route were cattle ranches belonging to Samuel J. Gould and William B. Maxwell. Famous watering place in the Arizona Strip, Pipe Springs (both plural and singular in contemporary documents, but now usually singular) had been permanently occupied a few years before by Dr. J. M. Whitmore. He and his herdsman, Robert Mclntyre, were killed near the place in January, 1866, by Paiutes and Navajos, one of the serious incidents beginning the present "war." Captain Copelan from here sent out scouting parties north, south, and east. The Navajos' trail was picked up

by Lt. Williams toward Kanab, a frontier settlement abandoned in 1866, soon after its founding, in the face of Indian raids. Grand Gulch, mentioned on February 27th is the canyon of Kanab Creek, one of the major northern tributaries entering the Colorado River in Grand Canyon.

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at the north end of Buckskin Mts. These mountains run west of south to [the] Colorado. We get our water tonight from a hole in a small wash. It [the water] is not always certain. Cached a sack of flour, and one of corn, and built our fire over it.

Wednesday, 3d. Started this morning at 8 o clock, traveling parralel with the Buckskin Mountains about 8 miles to a summit; 5 miles to Peters Wash; 3 miles down wash to the Pah Reer, making 16 miles today; going east of north. The Buckskin Mountains taper off here, the river [Paria] running round [the] north end.3 This river is about the size of the [Santa] Clara, the water being white with clay, smells and tastes bad; runs in a gorge, the sides mostly perpendicular. The appearance of the country has changed very much today; as we descended toward the river becoming more wild and barren. As far as the eye can reach north, the country looks rough and broken, the mountains red and white. Way to the left or north west, we can see what we suppose to be the Parowan mountains, covered with snow. In coming through the wash today we saw some very curious rocks, the mountains being composed of half decomposed rock worn in very curious shapes. The mountains seem to be washing down in to the kanyons, and from them into the river, and so down to the ocean.

From the apearance of things it will not take many ages to "lower the hills and exalt the valley." There are a few cottonwood trees scattered along the river, but they look as if they were away from home.

The weather has been very warm today, we being considerably lower than we have been for some time. We got here about 2 o clock P.M., and made camp on north side of river. This is the lowest point 3 With twenty-one men Copelan set out from Pipe Spring to pursue the Navajos to the Colorado River. For sixty-five miles, March 1—3, die command traveled through open country most of the time skirting die base of the Vermilion Cliffs. Crossing Moccasin Spring Creek some little distance below Moccasin, headquarters now of the Kaibab Indian Reservation, the force went on to reach Kanab Creek near the Utah-Arizona line, some three miles below the abandoned settlement of Kanab. Farther on diey passed the mouth of Johnson Canyon, called by them Twelve Mile Canyon, which breaks dirough the Vermilion Cliffs twelve miles east of Kanab. During the days March 2-3 they were treated to sweeping views of Buckskin Mountain — the Kaibab Plateau — off to the east. They paralleled the present U.S. Highway 89 during diese three days but where that route sweeps in a wide circle around the nortliern extremity of Buckskin Mountain, die 1869 adventurers went straight on northeast to reach the Paria by one of its tributaries, Peters Wash they called it. As Woolley notes later on, another trail went over Buckskin Mountain to reach die Colorado farther south. This would have passed through House Rock Valley and then continued on around die base of the Vermilion Cliffs to Lee's Ferry. At one point on March 2 the command sighted Navajo Mountain, the 10,000 foot landmark on the eastern side of the Colorado River. They referred to it as "Spanny Shank" Mountain. This is a corruption of "Spaneshank," the name of a prominent Navajo chief who had been friendly to Jacob Hamblin some years before, as noted in his autobiographical narrative written by James Little.

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we can take the waggon with safety, as the bottom is considerably washed out, and quicksand bad; although waggons have been taken as low as Shirts' old place, 5 miles down the river. We brought 4 pack saddles in die waggon, and fixed them up this afternoon for packing 4 mules with our outfit. Cached some more provisions here.

The trail we have been following on the road, turned off 12 miles back going over the Buckskin Mountains, to strike this river below this point, cutting off some in distance.

Thursday, 4th. Packed up and started about 9 o clock, down the river. A half mile down there is a pass between the rocks, about 30 yards wide; the rocks 125 feet high, leaning a little from the perpendicular. The water in striking the rocks has tunneled in the solid rock 50 feet, in 2 or 3 places; and the river washing the channel deeper, is boring into another place. A mile and a half from where we started this morning, a dry wash comes in from the left, and the river bottom widens here, the bluffs being low, composed of a kind of clay, or soft white stone.4 2'/2 miles from here, on our right, the land has slid off showing a vein of coal. A mile farther and we came to Peter Shirts' farm and houses. One of the houses is fire proof, built of rock, the roof shingled with thin rock. There is some tolerably good land here, but very little of it is safe from washing away. We have been traveling a little south of east. A mile farther and we left the Pah Reer to our right; The river running south east, through a narrow gorge.5 We took an indian trail leading east over low mineral hills, perfectly barren. After going 3 or 4 miles, we got on to a more level country, where directly ahead of us, we see die Spanny Shank Mountain.

It don't appear to be more than 40 miles from here, although it is 60 miles beyond the Colorado. To our left, towards the north, there is a 1 T h e Paria River, one of the most interesting streams in the canyon country, heads on the high Pausaugunt and Table Cliff plateaus in Utah, not in mountains near Parowan as supposed by Copelan's party in 1869. After passing through miles of canyons it reaches the Colorado River just below Lee's Ferry in Arizona. Adjutant Edwin G. Woolley gives us one of the earliest descriptions of the stream at a point where the litde setdement of Paria was begun two years later. Below here the river funnels itself dirough an upturned hogback called the Cockscomb and then widens out some at the mouth of Cottonwood Creek which comes in from the left as Woolley mentions.

The name now stabilized as Paria is of Paiute origin and has had many different spellings in the past, among them, Pah-Reer.

5 Peter Shirts, also spelled Schurtz, and Shurtz, was the first settler in the valley of the Paria. H e arrived there in 1865 but was forced by Indian hostilities to leave die next year. Woolley was right about the acreage suitable for farming along the stream; very little of it anywhere was safe from washing away by the temperamental Paria which has by now consumed most of it.

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range of steep bluffs running round towards the Colorado; towards the south the country looks broken, ahead we see the steep bluffs the other side of the Colorado. Stopped at 1 o clock and let the animals eat some sand grass, there being a little scattered over these barren hills; making 13 miles. Started on, and in half a mile we came to a wash running a little north of east. After going 7 miles, we came to where several washes came together, where we turned down the wash, going south of east, 6 miles, and came on to Warm Creek, making 26 miles today. The animals gave us the first intimation of the vicinity of water, by whinneying for there was no signs of water, the creek running down a wash similar to all the rest around this country. There is not a sign of a tree or bush, it being as barren as the rest of the sand and rocks. We can hardly find enough sand grass to give our animals a spear each.

The water is as thick as the Pah Reer. The country has been increasing from bad to worse, ever since we left Canab. 7 miles from where we left the Pah Reer, where we struck the wash, we again came to the trail that turned off over the Buckskin Mountains, and crossed the Pah Reer considerably below where we left it. We have followed it all day.

This is a new route for the raiding Navajoes, from where they turned off on the Berry Valley trail. This creek is half the size of die Pah Reer, at this point, and runs in an easterly direction. As it was nearly dark when we came here we made camp, and turned our animals on what little grass we could find close at hand.6 Friday, 5th. We started early this morning, and traveled 2 miles, turned out and got breakfast. Got started off again about 10 o clock A.M. Two miles farther and the old Ute Trail came in from South, having kept down the Pah Reer and crossed over the hills east from where we did. There is considerable sand grass scattered along this 0 When the command on March 4 crossed the divide between die Paria River and Wahweap Creek it was treated to some views of distant monuments on both sides of the Colorado River. The men camped for the night at the mouth of Coyote Gulch, on Wahweap Creek, which they called Warm Creek. This stream was named Sentinel Creek by the Powell expedition of 1871; in recent times it has been known as Wahweap, of Paiute origin. Warm Creek is the name now applied to die next major tributary of the Colorado above Wahweap Creek on the same side of tile river.

Woolley assumes diat a trail coming in on die right is die one (which he mentions on March 3) they left back on the other side of Buckskin Mountain. As noted before, the main trail went around the northern end of Buckskin, and diere was also one which went over the nordiern end, passed along die eastern side of Buckskin Mountain or Kaibab Plateau and on into House Rock Valley. There was a fork of it, however, which crossed the Cockscomb in the vicinity of Catstair Canyon (the route of U.S. Highway 89) and over to the Paria and points east. This must be the trail Woolley refers to, but it was probaby not the main Indian route between the Crossing of the Fathers and the Mormon settlements. Another expedition later in the year went over diis or a parallel route (see note 15).

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wash. Saw several poor, scrubby, half dead willows, & three or four crows, but the crows kept up aloft, and did not attempt to alight in this place. Three miles farther to Capitol Rock. This rock stands in the bottom, and is about 300 feet in diameter the longest way, and 200 feet the shortest, is full 200 feet high; composed of white sand stone. We have been traveling south of east this morning. We here left Warm Creek to our right, taking to the east over a white sand hill.

If the deserts of Arabia or Africa are any worse than this place, we don't think we should like traveling in diose countries. A mile and a half farther, and we came to a small creek, flowing through mineral which we call Mineral Springs. A half mile more, anodier small mineral creek. A mile and a half on the track there are several large castlated rocks, which we call Castle Group. Turn north east through Castle Group, and in a mile and a half [we] came to Cane Springs. This is a small stream diat rises from springs close by this point. It is full of mineral. There could perhaps be enough water got to water 10 acres of land. Five acres would be the extent of land that could be used for farming purposes, and the most of this is liable to overflow. A few canes and a couple of dwarf cottonwoods grow on the bottom. We saw here where the Navajoes camped, with a few of their number, while the main body went on a mile and turned their stock on the side hill. Evidently they were prepared for pursuit, sending the main party in advance, while a few camped a short distance behind, that in case of pursuit they could detain the enemy, while the main party retreated. Rode east 4 miles to top of sandridge close to point of [a] steep rock bluff. A few miles directly ahead east of us, the other side of the Colorado, standing out in bold relief on a flat bench, is a large tower rock, which we called Beacon Rock. Towards the south this country is seamed widi deep gorges. We can see what we suppose to be the mouth of the Pah Reer; and way beyond, through a gap in [the] mountains we can see the Buckskin Mountains, partly white with snow. Which ever way we look we see red or white sandstone mountains, except the slight glimpse of the Buckskin Mountains, and directly ahead, seeming close at hand, is the snow covered Spanny Shank Mountain, towering above all the rest. Towards the north east there is another curious rock mountain, something the shape of a steam boat, with wheel house and smoke pipe; between 2 and 3 hundred yards in length, and a hundred feet high, and the round tower, or pipe a hundred and seventy five feet. We call diis Steamboat Rock.

160 We turned from top of hill to north east, following round base of rock cliffs on our left 3 miles to Gun Sight, to left of Steamboat Rock.

This Gun Sight is a cleft in the solid rock mountain, wedge shaped, about a foot wide at bottom, in narrowest place, and 200 feet through, and a hundred feet high. 20 men could guard this pass against an army. There is a moccasin trail turns to right down gulch [Gunsight Canyon], towards river; but we do not think that stock can be driven that way.'

We passed through Gun Sight, down a steep rock, into an opening or valley in rocks. Whichever way we look it is nothing but rock m o u n t a i n s , in fantastic shapes. It is rocks around, rocks above, rocks beneath, rocks in chasms, rocks in towers, rocks in ridges, rocks everywhere. It is in fact all rock. What little dirt there is is decomposed rock. We commenced descending towards the river, East, and after going up rocks, down rocks, over rocks, around deep chasms in rock for nearly three miles, we came near the edge of gorge the river runs in. The trail that goes down to the ford, that the indians

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Gunsight Butte near the site of the Crossing of the Fathers as seen when approached from the south.

Sentinel Rock at Wahweap enters the Colorado.

Creek where it

PHOTO, CHAKLES KELLY

drove their stock down, goes down the solid rock into the chasm. It looks very steep. It flows quietly with scarcely a ripple to break the smoothness. The river comes from the east for a short distance, then turns to the south for a quarter of a mile, then back towards [the] east, forming a horse shoe. Where we came down is near the north end of round part of horse shoe. This is the point that the Navajoes took the sheep across, taken from Whitmores three years ago.

7 This day Copelan and his men traveled from the mouth of Coyote Gulch to the mouth of Kane Creek on the Colorado, a mile above the Crossing of the Fathers. They went down Wahweap Creek to Lone Rock, which Woolley accurately describes, calling it Capitol Rock. For most of the rest of the trip until they returned to the same area on March 6, they were traveling dirough country which will be flooded eventually by the waters of Lake Powell impounded behind the Glen Canyon dam. The party turned out of Wahweap Wash in the vicinity of Lone Rock. The Castle Group, now called Castle Rock, is a picturesque isolated pile of rocks standing over 600 feet above the surrounding terrain. Cane Springs are found in the bed of W a r m Creek just above the ruins of several rock cabins built there about 1910 by the American Placer Corporation. The landmark they called Beacon Rock is now Tower Butte. The Steamboat Rock is now called Gunsight Butte; it stands well over 700 feet above the surrounding area. The Gunsight described by Woolley is now called Gunsight Pass.

The "Old Ute Trail" is not easy to identify, but it probably refers here to a trail which wriggles up over the Echo Cliffs at Lee's Ferry and strikes the Wahweap near Capitol Rock. A trail by this name frequently appears in the literature of the region; it usually refers to a route running up the Paria River from about the location of Peter Shirts' place to the head, near Bryce Canyon, and thence to the open valleys of the East Fork of the Sevier and of the parent stream.

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The ford is about a quarter of a mile down the river from here.

Across the river the rocks shelve down to [the] water, til it looks possible that animals might swim across and get out on the other side, as there is a sandbank on the shore. But we are not certain but what it is quicksand. The water of the river is clear and good. There is a small creek of pure clear water comes out from between the rocks at this point. We have traveled 22 miles today. Weather pleasant.

Saturday, 6th. This morning before breakfast a few of us walked down to the ford to examine it the best we could without crossing. We climbed back over the rocks, and back to where we commenced to go down into the gorge that leads to the river. It is all solid red sandstone, and it looks like folly to attempt to descend with animals, and considerably like work for man to descend the chasm. But down we start, and after winding and turning to the right and left, and sliding straight down over the rock, we at last arrived at the bottom of the gulch. It is 400 feet from top to bottom. The bottom is from one to diree rods wide and is filled with sand. There is a beautiful stream of water running down the bottom. Considerable willows and canes are growing along the creek. The creek spreading over the most of the bottom, makes it very miry, and we saw several places where the indians had dragged out animals. They cut willows and fixed the worst places.

The rocks stand on either side 2 and 3 hundred feet high.

We traveled down about a quarter of a mile, and came out on a level with the river, but by turning sharp around die corner of the perpendicular rock to the right down the river, over some lose rock and dirt washed up by the river, we can keep out of the water. The river here is 250 yards wide. In fording they pass over diis loose dirt 200 yards, to where it ends, then keeping close to the rock, ford down the river about a hundred yards, when they strike on to a narrow strip of grass bottom: from here strike across the river, landing where the river commences to bend towards the east. This is about a quarter of a mile [actually over a mile] from where we are camped, down the river. After seeing all we could we started back up the gorge. We found it hard work to get down here, but we found it harder work to climb up again. We at last arrived at camp, after a hard walk of 3 miles, it being that far around.8 Took breakfast and made ready for starting, getting off about 10 o clock A.M. 8 This is one of the best descriptions of the right bank approaches to the ford across the Colorado known later as the Crossing of the Fathers, so named because the first recorded crossing was by the Spanish friars Francisco Atanasio Dominguez and Francisco Velcz dc Escalante in 1776. After them it was used by Mexican parties in 1829 and 1830.

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We took back our old trail. Had some trouble to get up the steep rock, one horse falling and sliding down 12 or 15 feet, and one of the pack mules had hard work to climb up, not being used to packing.

When we got back within a mile of Gun Sight, at the head of a deep chasm, the Captain sent 8 men on foot around the east side of Steamboat Rock, to see if there was any chance to drive stock around that way, if so it saves passing through Gun Sight. We passed on through Gun Sight, and a mile on the road, the boys met us having passed round. They report that it is practicable for stock driving, but that it is about a mile farther. We have about come to the conclusion that the indians can drive stock most anywhere, after seeing where they have taken them.

Rode on to Cane Springs, watered. We here turn off our old trail, turning for the mouth of the Pah Reer. Took to the east of Castle Group traveling south of west til we came to the gorge that Warm Creek runs in, but not being able to cross it, we traveled up some distance, till we were about southwest of Cane Springs and of Castle Group, where we crossed over Warm Creek, and camped on the sand hill where there is very good feed; making 3 miles from Cane Springs; making 13 miles today. Warm today.9 Sunday, 7th. We started this morning about 9 o clock. When we got to top of sand hill, the country looked comparatively level for Jacob Hamblin in 1858 and at later times forded the river at this place. The Navajos used it as a principal crossing point in their attacks on, and later in their peaceful trade with, the Mormon settlements. It was in fact the main crossing of the Colorado for well over 200 miles in both directions until die opening of Lee's Ferry, 1872-73. The crossing is sometimes referred to as the Ute Crossing, or Ford.

The usual trail to the ford is the one followed by Copelan's militia. After going through Gunsight Pass, the trail heads a stream known today as Navajo Canyon, or Padre Creek, and then follows down the left side of this stream which drops into a canyon as it nears the Colorado. About half a mile from the river a trail, which may still be seen, winds down over the nearly naked rock to the stream bed about 150 feet below the rim where Woolley's "beautiful stream of water" still flows. Dominguez and Escalante in 1776 descended the canyon from the right side, reaching the bottom a short distance below the left bank trail. Down the creek to die mouth and then along the right bank of the Colorado for about three-fourths of a mile brought one to the ford, which could only be used at low water and was precarious at best.

The militia had camped above at the upstream side of the mouth of Kane Creek, about half a mile above the mouth of Navajo Canyon. As Woolley notes there was, and is, a fine source of "pure clear water" here which had made the spot an attractive camping place for many a traveler by river and by land. The downstream side of the creek, a wide expanse of nearly bare rock, is now the foot of navigation for river parties. The entire area will soon be inundated by the waters of Lake Powell.

9 On the return journey now, the expedition retraced its footsteps to Warm Creek, struck off across lots southwest to be blocked by the deep canyon of Wahweap Creek, and returned to head the canyon some distance below Lone Rock where they had left it on the outgoing trip on March 5.

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several miles ahead, to a rocky ridge. Beyond that we can see a high bluff, where we suppose the mouth of the Pah Reer to be. Rode 6 miles over a level sandy bench, when we came to a broken, rough country.

We have been traveling paralel with the Colorado, and within two miles of it some of the way. After riding about 3 miles over the rocks, we found some water in holes in the rocks. Watered our animals, and moved on over the rock ridge, 3 miles farther.

We were moving along quietly, when suddenly we came to a halt on the brink of a precipice, where a magnificent view appears directly before us. We have come directly to the junction of the Colorado and Pah Reer rivers. The rocks we are standing on are at least 600 feet high. Directly below us are the two rivers, the Colorado flowing southwest and the Pah Reer south east. Looking south there is an open country for 5 miles, to where the Colorado flows around the Buckskin Mountains. The valley is 15 or 20 miles wide at widest place. The Colorado makes a turn and runs south, winding its way through a deep cut in the solid rock. The valley is seamed widi chasms and crevices. The Buckskin Mountains form part of the west and south sides of [the] valley. We can see about 4 miles up the Pah Reer Gulch, and from where we stand the river looks like a small creek.

There are a few cottonwoods along the river, but from here, with the naked eye they have the appearance of small trees; but by using the glasses we have, we can tell they are a good size. There are 25 acres of land that could be farmed in small patches within two' miles of the mouth of the river. Just where the Pah Reer empties into the Colorado there seems to be a great many rocks in the Colorado. The water runs swift, looking quite rough, and we can hear the roaring of the water from where we stand. But just above, the river looks smooth and still.

There is a chance to get across the river here by swimming; there being a trail down the rocks here and a pretty good chance to get out on the other side. There are some cedars on the other side, way up in the rocks. We don't know whether they can be got at or not.

There is no wood on the Pah Reer of any consequence. There is perhaps enough grass along the Pah Reer to feed several head of stock the year round. We can see, by looking through the glass, a heavy body of timber on the south part of the Buckskin Mountains.

We stayed here an hour or so, and then started back. Went to water holes in rock and turned out and got supper. Clouded up today and looked very much like a storm. It is 12 miles from where we

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camped on Warm Creek, to the river, and 3 miles back on our trail to water holes; making 15 miles travel today. The clouds passed off this evening.10 Monday, 8th. We got off this morning at 8 o clock. We turn off our trail here, striking across the country for the Pah Reer. We turned up a large hollow, running west of north, took over the hills to our right, and down over the rock into another hollow, where we found a large pool of water in the rock. It has the appearance of being a place where water could be got any time of the year, as there is a large place to gather and hold the rain. The water is pure and cold. This is about 9 miles from where we started this morning. It being 11 o clock when we got here, we turned out on the sand hills and got our dinner. Got off again at 1 o clock P.M. We are traveling along paralel with Warm Creek, the most of the time, going North West for about 12 miles, then turning more towards the west, striking for where we went down into the wash which leads to Warm Creek. 8 miles farther and we came to the wash just below where we struck it going the other way. 10 miles back we came into the old Ute Trail, and traveled on it a short distance.

When we were going paralel with Warm Creek, we were within a mile of it some times. It was dark when we got here, and we turned out and got supper, staying a couple of hours. Saddled up and started to go out of wash; it being dark we did not go out our old trail, but below it. Captain put two men ahead for guides, and instead of going west, which would have taken us to where we left the Pah Reer in going out, they took north. We traveled along 4 or 5 miles. Came to the mountain north of the Pah Reer, climbed up it some distance till we came to a jump up, and concluded we would go no farther in that direction. The guides admited that they were slightly turned around.

We then turned and went south for a while, then struck west till we came into the low mineral hills. We then knew we were in the right direction, and thought we would camp while our credit was good, it being about midnight, and there being some little grass.

We had wandered around 3 hours, coming 5 miles from where we started. We had considerable amusement with all our trouble. We 10 On March 7 the command traveled twelve miles south and reached a point atop the Echo Cliffs overlooking the mouth of the Paria River and the place where a ferry was soon to be established by John D. Lee. Woolley's description of the scene is excellent.

The saddle-tired adjutant could even bring himself to say that the view of Echo Cliffs, Paria Canyon, Paria Plateau, Marble Canyon, and the distant Kaibab Plateau was "magnificent."

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were all certain that we were right and all the rest wrong. Some thought that we were not lost, but it was the Pah Reer was wandering, and we were all positive that we knew exactly where we were, but we did not know exactly where we wanted to get to.

We had quite a laugh, occasioned by a lash rope coming loose from one of the pack mules, & getting tangled around the legs of a horse one of the boys was riding, turning horse and rider a somersault, the man under. As he came crawling out from under his horse, we asked what was the matter? He replied diat, "he didn't know." The bewildered look of the man, and the horse being flat on his side, was too much for our risibles to stand, and we made the mountains ring with our laughter. We at last thought of asking him if he was hurt. "No," says he, "The ground was soft." After unwinding the rope the horse managed to get up, not hurt, but with an abstracted look, saying nothing.

Tuesday, 9th. After sleeping on it we got up early this morning, and found ourselves within 25 yards of our old trail, having passed over it last night. We now knew where we were. Saddled up and rode on two miles, when we came to the Pah Reer. Traveled up the river to where we left our waggon, and got breakfast. Dug up our cache, and found it all right. Started on at 1 o clock, and rode to water hole, 16 miles, and turned out to feed. There is no water here, we having used it all up when we were here before. Resurrected our cache, all right.

After supper, saddled up and went about 10 miles and camped about midnight, making a dry camp.

Wednesday, 10th. Roused up at daylight, and rode 14 miles, to Canab, and got breakfast. Found the supplies sent for from Pipe Springs. They got here on the 7th. There are 7 men, six horsemen with a waggon and one span of animals. We have one feed left of corn from what we took with us. We expected grain enough to last us home to be sent with the supplies, but they have brought nothing but 150 pounds flour, and 80 pounds meat. We have some provisions left yet, from what we had along. They brought a dispatch from Major Steel, saying that from reports of friendly indians, the Navajoes are still in the mountains and that there were ten Parowan and Cedar indians, Panguitch John and Charley Hurd [?] [all] on the look out for Navajoes signs that they might give us some help, as they profess great friendship.

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The men that brought the supplies report that Panguitch John and three others came to them half an hour after they got to Canab, and told them that the others had got tired and turned back. They said that they had been to examine where the Navajoes had killed the indians in Berry Valley; and that it was done by 6 Navajoes, 3 on horses, and 3 on foot; that they came across the Colorado at the same time as those that took the stock, but that they went to Berry Valley and did their killing, and went back and waited on the trail till the others came up with the stock. The reason Panguitch John gives for the Navajoes killing the indians is that it was for revenge for the killing of some of their number. He says that he thinks that the Navajoes are all out of the country. These indians stayed with the men two nights, and left this morning, saying they were going back home. Before they left they told the men that a coyote told them that we would be here at noon.

They either made a good guess or knew something of our movements.

After a stay of 2 or 3 hours we moved on. We took out what supplies was sent from the relief waggon, and then their animals gave out, and we had to put in some of our animals that have been to the Colorado, to take our reinforcements into camp. Went on to Pipe Springs and camped, getting there at 5 o clock, P.M. The captain thinking that here was the most dangerous place on our route, camped out from the houses, in the grass, so we could have our animals around camp, as usual.

Thursday, 11th. Started this morning at 8 o clock and rode to Maxwells, and got dinner. Stopped about 3 hours, moved on to Sheep Troughs, and made camp.

Friday, 12th. Got off this morning about 6 o clock, watered at Gools [Goulds]. At forks of road, the baggage waggons turned down towards Toquerville. Went on across the Virgen, and turned out for an hour, then rode to St. George, arriving at 3 o clock, P.M. We were gone 16 days, and traveled all togedier 384 miles.

We had very good weather generally, plenty of flour and bacon to eat, and grain for our animals, the trip round. We lost no time riding days and parts of some nights. We visited the places we were sent to, and did as near right as we knew how.11 " After getting temporarily lost on March 8 in the open country on East Clark Bench between Wahweap Creek and the Paria, the militia finally found their outgoing trail before they came to Peter Shirts' place and then followed it all the way back to St. George.

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T A B L E OF DISTANCES B E T W E E N S T . GEORGE AND THE COLORADO RIVER

21 Miles 4 6 12. = 43 20: = 63 15: = 78 40: = 118 26: = 144 12 == 156 10: = 166

F r o m St. G e o r g e to H u r r i c a n c e Hill Gools [ G o u l d s ] Ranch Sheep T r o u g h s Maxwells Pipe Springs C a n a b Creek P a h Reer W a r m Creek Cane Springs Colorado, U t e

Cfrossing]

[Total F r o m old U t e Crossing to m o u t h of P a h Reer F r o m Shirts place to U t e Crossing F r o m Shirts to M o u t h of P a h Reer N A M E S OF M E N COMPOSING EXPEDITION 1 2

Willis Coplan E. G. Woolley

Capt Adjt.

1661rules] 25 miles 43 miles 40i niles Age [51] 23

1ST PLATTOON

David Cameron Thomas J. Pierce Alma Barney Henry Riding Samuel O Crosby John Houston Charles Riggs Wm. Laney Thomas I. Adair

[2nd] Lieut Serj.

(Lieut)

2ND PLATTOON

Thomas I. Clark John H . Willis James D. Smithson John W. Clark John D. Lee, Jun.

[2nd] Lieut.

Serj.

30 24 19 23 19 20 21 20 20 Age 25 35 23 20 18

n The names of men and organization of the expedition do not agree in all particulars with the muster roll preserved in the Military Records Section, Utah State Historical Society. Material in brackets has been added from that source.

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Andrew Sorenson Alma A. Young John W. Imlay John Morrill Charles Haward

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baggage Master (waggon 14 mules)

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19 19 18 20 21

REINFORCEMENTS SENT TO CANAB

24 18 22 18 18 18 18

Anman M. Tenney William P. Willis Joseph Bowyer Joseph H. Pollock Napoleon B. Roundy John Taylor Bryant H. Jolly NAMES OF MEN GOING HOME MARCH 1ST

George Williams Leroy W. Beebe I. A. Stratton S. Isom Joseph Stratton William Wright John W. Smith Hans Nelson David Ott James E. Smith Sam'l Whitworth Charles Hilton Oliver Stratton Jun. Jens Nelson

Sergeant

25 28 25 19 18 24 28 18 26 18 20 21 20 49

JOURNAL OF EXPEDITION TO CANAB FOR SCOUTING AND INTERCEPTING INDIANS Nov. 5th to Nov. 18th, 1869

by Edwin G. Woolley [In his typescript copy of 1917 Woolley introduces his journal of the second expedition with the following paragraph:] "The Indians had continued their depredations on the stock of the settlers, and during the early part of November 1869 a party of Navajoes had raided some of the settlements north of St. George and driven

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off a band of horses. The military authorities of the Iron Military district detailed Colonel James Andrus with a detachment of the Militia to pursue the thieves; and Edwin G. Woolley was called to go as the Adjutant of the Company. The following is taken from die journal of the expedition as written by the camp fires during the trip, by Adjutant Woolley."

Started from St. George Friday Nov 5th 1869. Our party started with Col. James Andrus, acting adjt E. G. Woolley Jacob Hamblin Sam'l Crosby, George Lytle & Joseph Judd. A baggage waggon, with 4 mules. Three men horseback three in the waggon. Started at 2 o clock in the morning, went to Washington, and routed up 4 men, went on, leaving them to follow. Got to Toquer[ville] at 10 o clock A.M. Got dinner and Started about noon. Col Andrus & acting Adjt. E. G. Woolley went on ahead to get some more men from the settlements on the River; the Baggage waggon with the rest of the men. (The Washington boys having come up) will turn off at Virgen City, and take the road leading to Gools Ranch.

We went on to Duncans Retreat and stopped for the night. Got one man from Virgen City and one from Duncans Retreat. Sent an order to Capt. Terry [of] Rockville to have an indian and a white man, with a horse stationed at the foot of Shonesburg Hill to use as expressmen if needed.

Saturday Nov 6th Started this morning, taking the trail over the mountains, which comes out near the Sheep Troughs. Saw the waggon coming on the road. Went on to Maxwells and turned out our horses to bait. The rest of the men with waggon came up. Got dinner and moved on and got to Pipe Springs at 10 o clock P.M. Rained some this evening. The men, Prest. Snow [sent] here have built a Stable near the house that animals can be secure. Put some of the horses in the stable, and the rest in the field. There is a small stack of hay put up here.

Sunday 7th Started early this morning. Col. Andrus sent three men down to the Grand Gulch [Kanab Creek] to look for signs, the others going on to Canab fort, arriving about noon. Found Bro. Judd with another white man, and some indians. The other man that belongs here had taken the most of the able bodied indians and gone to the north end of Buckskin Mountains to look for signs, they are expected back today, or to send word.

About 5 o clock an indian express arrived by way of Shoonsburg [Shonesburg] with a letter from Capt. Terry acknowledging the receipt

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of the order sent on the 5th and also a dispatch from Major Steel, stating that he was requested by Gen'l Snow to express us that another raid had been made, the stock being taken on the 6th from Ritchie's, Little Pinto, going north of Kannarra [Kanarraville]. The men sent across the country to Grand Gulch returned and report no signs.

At 7 o clock P.M. Col. Andrus and 9 men started for the Pah Reer to intercept the indians. 13 miles on the road, at the mouth of Scoom Pah Canyon we came on the camp of John Smith and the indians that went from Canab.13 They report that they went to Hun Gah Toh Canyon and came to the trail made by the stock taken lately. We then started on taking Smith and 4 indians with us. Went about 9 miles farther on the waggon road to Pah Reer and then took to the left over the hills about 9 farther to Hun Got Toh Pass, Getting here about 7 o clock A.M. Monday 8th having ridden all night. The weather very cold.14 This Kanyon opens out on the waggon road about 10 miles from the Pah Reer but by turning over the hills to the left going down the kanyon about 12 miles you come out at the hill going down to the Pah Reer. This is where the stock taken this fall has been taken out. We suppose from the tracks about 80 head. The horses taken on the 5th have not passed this way yet. If they are coming this way we are ahead of them. Col. Andrus had ordered some men with pack animals to follow us with provisions; they were to start this morning.

Turned our horses to bait in a side kanyon near where the Piutes attacked the Navajoes that had the mare and colt a few days ago.

There is blood here from the wounded Navajoes. We laid here today, resting and sleeping, waiting for the Navajoes to make their appear13 T h e command had moved from St. George, Pipe Springs and Kanab, to the mouth of Johnson Canyon, called in die first journal Twelve-Mile Canyon, and here Scoom Pah Canyon. Skutumpah (as the name is generally spelled today, but it has been subject to nearly endless variations) Creek is a major fork of Johnson Creek. Along its banks at Skutumpah a settlement appeared in 1870. Erastus Snow was commanding officer of the Iron Military District.

14 The only place that fits the description of H u n Got Toh Pass, or Canyon, is Buckskin Wash, also called Kitchen Corral Wash, where it breaks through the Vermilion Cliffs.

The militia reached the mouth of the canyon by turning up the wash where the Paria road crossed it. Buckskin Wash also breaks through the White Cliffs and is" traversable by horseback all the way up to the more or less open country at the base of the Pausaugunt Plateau where it interlocks with the forks of the upper Paria River. This would have been a good route for raiding Indians to drive stolen stock from the valley of the Sevier to the Crossing of the Fathers, an alternate to the Ute Trail which followed the Paria River. In a letter written from Kanab November 13, 1869 to Erastus Snow, James Andrus (By. E. G. Woolley), summarized the work of the expedition; he refers to the pass here as Ungahtaz Pass. This letter is on file in the Military Records Section, Utah State Historical Society.

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ance. Stationed a picket guard a short distance up the Canyon to night.

Tied up our horses and kept camp guard.

Tuesday 9th Four men with an indian with our pack animals came in to camp this morning at sunrise. Col. Andrus sent an indian to the Pah Reer to see if any Navajoes had passed down the Ute trail.

Came back at dark and reported that there were no fresh indian signs.

Stationed an indian today some distance up the Canyon as a look out, laid here on the watch. There is not much water in this Canyon, but we have had plenty so far for our animals.

Wednesday 10th Laid here til about noon Col Andrus sent 7 men on to the Pah Reer 6 miles below Shirts, and 7 of us started back for Canab. Got about 4 miles on the back trail, we came on to a fresh trail, which came down a small Canyon. There were about 12 horses and we thought 2 indians. In five minutes we sent our pack mule on to Canab with our blankets and provisions by an indian, and we took the trail, struck across the Buckskin Mountains, into the Great Gulch on east side of Buckskin Mts. over a steep back bone of rocks, down a wash into the Pah Reer, about where the other party are going to but we are ahead of them. Watered horses and struck across into the Clay Wash. Got lost in it and wandered about for nearly an hour, at last got out, and on we went til 11 o clock P.M. Laid down by our fire, in a circle, and dozed a little. Very cold, no blankets, no grub.

Got off again an hour before daylight Thursday 11th, turned too much to the right, lost the trail and got up on top of the bench to the west of Warm Creek, where it is perpendicular rock on the side next Warm Creek.15 Went on near Warm Creek. Got on edge of bluff and down below us we caught sight of the indians traveling slowly. We started off lively, went about 5 miles, struck a wash went down it and came down just behind them as they were passing through a small cliff of rocks; there are eight (8) of the Navajoes with 12 horses. There are 6 of us, Bro. Jacob Hamblin having got behind. The indians do not see us. We get behind them to within 150 yards of them. They are just passing through the ledge as 5 of us fire at them from behind. One of our men 15 The militia picked up a hot trail four miles back on die way to Kanab and followed it over Buckskin Mountain, possibly south of the steep canyon Buckskin Creek has cut through the mountain, to come out in the narrow valley (Woolley's "Great Gulch") separating the arching slopes of Buckskin from the upright Cockscomb. They found a way through that, probably via Catstairs Canyon, and arrived at the Paria in the vicinity of Adairville, soon thereafter to be established. This was the same trail mentioned by Woolley during the expedition through the same country the preceding March. (See note 6.)

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is holding the horses behind us. At the fire we think 2 of them are hit.

They instantly drop behind the ledge and fire on us. They drive their horses round to the right on a point of rocks in sight of us, where we cant get at them without passing over the ledge they are behind. The ledge extends around to the left farther than where we are and there is a gulch on our right which brings us inside of a half circle which they have possession of. We have a cedar tree and a few low rocks for shelter, but it is so that they can reach us from the left of their position.

They made the balls whistle around our heads. We fire when we see any of their heads above the rock. Exchanged shots for about 15 minutes, and finding that our position was becoming pretty critical, we moved back got on our horses and while the bullets were whistling around we moved slowly off out of gunshot range and held a council and concluded our lives were worth more than the horses.

The Navajoes seemed to have Spencer rifles from the sound of the balls. This skirmish took place at 9 o clock Thursday, 11th, Nov. 1869.

Started back got to the Pah Reer found the rest of our party then went to Shirts and camped.

Friday 12th Started of [f] this morning traveled all day and got to Canab at 1 o clock A.M. Saturday 13th Sent a dispatch to General Snow. The indians think the Navajoes are all out of the country. Laid here to day waiting orders from Gen. Snow.16 Sunday 14th. Held meeting to day in the evening the indians had a Medicine dance about 50 of diem performing.

Monday 15 th A few of us took a trip up Canab Canyon about 6 miles, to see quite a curiosity in nature. A cave in the solid rock mountain with a lake of pure, clear water. The cave being about 250 feet long, 60 feet wide and 20 feet high at the mouth, sloping down toward the back. The lake fills the cave except a few feet of the front.17 Came back found no dispatch from Genl. Snow.

10 The pursuers crossed the East Clark Bench and caught sight of the Navajos riding along Wahweap Creek, which they called Warm Creek as in the expedition of March, from a point overlooking the stream probably somewhere in the vicinity of die recently established Glen Canyon "city." Somewhere below here die militia engaged the Indians, underestimated their power, nearly got themselves surrounded, and retreated with the loss of some scrub horses. They were not long in getting back to Kanab where Woolley wrote a brief account of the campaign and sent it to Erastus Snow. (See note 13.) " Still to be seen alongside U.S. Highway 89 in Three Lakes Canyon, a fork of Kanab Creek, six miles above Kanab.

The old fort at Pipe Spring on the Utah-Arizona border, now a National Monument.

The lake in Three Lakes Canyon, a fork of Kanab Creek, SIX rniles above Kanab, is still to be seen on U.S. Highway 89.

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T u e s d a y 1 6 t h This morning before day fight an indian brought the expected dispatch, ordering us home. W e got off at 11 o clock A.M. and rode to Cedar ridge, getting here about 9 o clock P.M. W e d n e s d a y 17th Got up early, rode to Maxwells, and nooned and then rode to foot of Hurricane Hill and camped.

Thursday 1 8 t h

Rode home today, arriving in good season.

NAMES OF MEN MUSTERED INTO SERVICE NOV. 5TH, 1869.1S

Age James Andrus Col. E. Gordon Woolley Adj Henry Harrison Herriman John David Lee, Jun Joseph Norman Stratton Andrew Sorrenson John Wesley Clark Joseph Judd George Theobald Thomas Ransom Albert Piatt Spilsbury Samuel Obed Crosby George Andrew Lytle Jacob Hamblin

33 24 20 18 18 20 20 20 21 20 19 20 25 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

15 A separate muster roll of this campaign has not been found in the Military Records Section of the Utah State Historical Society. One is reported to be in the collections of the Church Historian's Office Library, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City.

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Following the Indian Wars, The Story of the Newspaper Correspondents Among the Indian Campaigners. By Oliver Knight. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1960, xv + 348 pp., $5.95) The definitive history of the period known in Western history as the Indian Wars, 1866-1891, is still unwritten, despite the valuable efforts of such scholars as Paul Welliman to give us surveys of the whole ground.

Scattered in letters, journals, reminiscences, government documents, and newspaper files from New York to California, the data are immense and so overlaid with legend as to present extraordinarily complex problems to the conscientious scholar. Mr. Knight's book goes a long way toward a solution, for it really offers an objective analysis of one large segment of the evidence â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the newspaper stories written by the reporters who rode along on many of the campaigns.

In most instances these "war" correspondents were participants rather than eyewitnesses, and they were therefore at once more immediate and more restricted in their accounts than their modern descendants.

Sometimes they shared the commander's inmost counsels; sometimes their coverage was so critical of his strategy that he would have nothing to do with them. Oddly, secrecy was so unimportant in this struggle with an enemy who cared little for such civilized fripperies as the printed page that the correspondents often commented on battle plans with impunity. Pens were laid aside for pistols and rifles when actual combat

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began, for these struggles of relatively tiny armies permitted no immunities, and the ensuing accounts are thrilling but rarely comprehensive.

The net result is a body of corking yarns that infuse bright color into an already colorful era. I might suggest to authors of TV scenarios who are weary of the stereotype of largely mythical "shoot-outs" on hamlet streets that here is a reservoir of fresh and vastly more exciting material.

The Modoc trouble, for example, found Edward Fox of the New York Herald riding alone into hostile country in order to interview the murderous chief known as Captain Jack. Fox got his story, but not before he had been seized as a hostage and forced to watch one Indian carefully stroking a scalp of curly brown hair: the reporter had his own long hair cut off at the first opportunity upon returning to civilization. Mark Kellogg of the Bismarck Tribune was less fortunate, for he elected to cover the campaign against the Sioux and died at the Little Big Horn beside the "hottest copy" of the era, Colonel George Custer.

Although Mr. Knight tells us that his interest is in studying the history of war correspondence and of the men who write it, his book actually fits itself into the story of the events of which they told. After all, the very relationship of these reporters with their papers was extremely tenuous. Some sold their work to several sheets. Others received an outfit and a commission from a newspaper to which their stories were sold, but the precarious conditions under which communication had always to be carried on meant inevitably that the correspondent was completely on his own. Hence one gets no sense of the journalistic milieu or of larger policy patterns into which these stories can be placed. In contrast, their individual contributions to our knowledge of die Indian Wars are inPHILIP C. STURGES

University of Utah Indians, Infants and Infantry: Andrew and Elizabeth Burt on the Frontier. By Merrill J. Mattes. (Denver, The Old West Publishing Company, 1960, 304 pp., $5.95) Echoes are still heard of the furor occasioned by the recent order to bring home military dependents from abroad to help stop the flow of American gold into foreign countries.

This fascinating book is a reminder that it is not new for wives and children to accompany American military officers on long and sometimes dangerous missions. Elizabeth Burt, who spent some forty years with

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her Civil War hero husband while he was in the nation's service, was one wife who all but defied official orders by insisting she go wherever Captain (later Colonel) Andrew Burt was assigned. And she kept diaries of her experiences and observations at the isolated outposts along the early-day trails. Unfortunately, these diaries are not available to historians today, but in 1912 Mrs. Burt wrote the story of her life with Andrew Burt, drawing heavily from the diaries. This monumental document of a husband-wife career on the frontier served as the framework of this readable work.

This is not just another story of the Indian wars. It is a splendid account of frontier life by a warm and human person who had a flare for the dramatic. Mrs. Burt was the only resident of old Fort Bridger (in Wyoming 125 miles east of Salt Lake City) during the transitional year of 1866 who recorded the events there of that historic time in history.

She was the only resident at remote and mysterious Fort C. F. Smith (38 miles south of present Hardin, Montana) to leave a record of events there which long were hidden by clouds of speculation. Her writings throw light on life at Forts Laramie, D. A. Russell, Washakie, Bidwell, and Missoula, as well as Forts Omaha and Robinson. She wrote personally of Chief Washakie of the Shoshones, whom she admired, Chief Iron Bull of the Crows, and Red Cloud of the incorrigible Sioux. Such military luminaries as Crook, Sheridan, Bourke, and King, and such celebrities as Mark Twain and Owen Wister were her guests.

The author-editor, Mr. Mattes, an authority on American frontier history, bolstered Elizabeth's story with the fruits of his own extensive research, giving it continuity, depth and drama. Mr. Mattes, historian for Region Two of the National Park Service, embracing ten states of the Plains and Rockies, has personally been over much of the ground described.

The author is conviced that Mrs. Burt's greatest contribution is to the gaps she filled in the limited literature of frontier army wives. Almost every aspect of garrison and camp life came in for documentation by her pen. She gave birth to three children while following the Indian fighters, and their childhood was spent within stockades or parade ground enclosures. One child was born at old Fort Sanders, just south of the present site of Laramie, Wyoming, and through the cracks in the only wooden building at the post at the time she saw materials being hauled to build the Union Pacific Railroad.

One of the highlights of the sojourn at Fort Bridger was a trip to Salt Lake City with a small party, including her young son. The trip

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over the narrow, dangerous roads was made in an Army ambulance, drawn by four mules, for lack of better means of transportation.

She was curious about polygamy and wondered if the women who served the party with "a simple and well-cooked supper" in a house "built substantially of stone" were wives of the proprietor of the roadside house, but "we had no opportunity of acquainting ourselves with any items of the family life."

T h e party finally reached Camp Douglas which Mrs. Burt found "luxurious" after having not seen anything allied to city life at Fort Bridger.

"Many temptations presented themselves at the stores of Salt Lake City, where all necessities and many of the luxuries of life were purchasable, at rates high enough to more than cover transportation by ox-team from the Missouri. It was a pleasure to visit the stores, but a greater one to go into the gardens and orchards, and above all to feast upon delicious fruits and vegetables, of which we had been deprived for so long. Peaches, apples, pears, quinces and grapes here grew in abundance in the gardens. . ."

T h e most important chapter may be about old fort C. F . Smith on the Bozeman Trail, of which Major Burt was the last officer in command. T h e post was abandoned after the Fort Laramie treaty of 1868 which ended "Red Cloud's War." Close calls with hostile Indians, incredible ordeals and deprivation are glossed over in the Ohio gentlewoman's story. T h e floor of the Burt quarters was of dirt beaten hard and covered with gunny sacks. T h e winter was cold, but spirits were generally high.

This reviewer shares Author Mattes' disappointment that Mrs. Burt was silent about some matters that clamor for attention. She left no opinion as to whether General Bradley was overly timid at the time of the historic Hayfield fight, as had been alleged. She recorded nothing about General Crook, who stayed with the Burts at Fort Laramie, and others on whom she could have shed important light for historians of today.

Mrs. Burt was not writing for history. She wrote for her own enjoyment and for her children and relatives. She told what interested her, leaving out what did not and that which she did not think proper for an officer's wife to comment upon. Fortunately, most of what she did say is of signal historic value. And Mr. Mattes makes the best of it.

ERNEST H .

Salt Lake

LINFORD

Tribune

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From St. Louis to Sutter's Fort, 1846. By Heinrich Lienhard. Translated and Edited by Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1961, xix + 204 pp., $3.95) The above is the journal of Heinrich Lienhard, one of five young Swiss and German emigrants, who in 1846 traveled together from St. Louis to Sutter's Fort over the Hastings Cutoff ahead of the Donner party.

Because this journal was written and published in German and distributed in Germany and Switzerland, it was almost unknown in this country for a great many years. When it was finally discovered, the part which covered the trail from Fort Bridger to the Humboldt, was translated by Dale L. Morgan and reprinted in West from Fort Bridger (Utah Historical Quarterly, XIX, 1959) by J. Rodney Korns, as edited by Morgan. The present translation covers the entire trail from St. Louis to Fort Sutter. While the Morgan translation is more literal, the present translation is apparently accurate. It is easy reading, and not copiously footnoted.

Lienhard's descriptions of the many human frailties he noted along the trail, not excepting many in his own group of five, are very interesting. While it is common to think of certain prominent emigrant parties as being cohesive all the way across the continent, Lienhard shows that such was not the case. Various wagons left their original groups and drove ahead to join other parties or remained behind to join those in the rear. This was an everyday occurrence, and though we presently speak of the Donner party or the Harlan-Young party, their personnel changed from day to day so that such names do not always indicate the same identical group.

Lienhard started out with the Harlan party, which was later joined by the Youngs, and he traveled in the vicinity of this group most of the way. Lansford W. Hastings was guiding the Harlan-Young party, who were several days ahead of the more famous Donner party. But Lienhard's record shows diat Hastings passed back and forth along the line of wagons, between Weber River and Skull Valley, several times, and was a great deal more active than has heretofore been realized. After guiding the Harlan-Young party down Weber Canyon, he returned and advised Lienhard's group to take what later became known as the Mormon trail. Since that trail had never been traveled by wagons, however, the party ignored the advice and continued down Weber Canyon, passing Devil's Gate by driving down the stream bed.

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This book is particularly interesting because previously there has been almost no day-by-day information of the difficulties suffered on the Hastings Cutoff. While this record was written in its present form over thirty years after his trip, Lienhard had kept an accurate journal, and the revised journal is quite reliable as to dates and mileages.

For personal reasons the Lienhard journal is especially interesting to this reviewer. In 1929 while doing research for Salt Desert Trails, I crossed the Great Salt Desert by car and on foot, following Lienhard's exact route, and at that time recovered a large number of relics. Lienhard's description of that desert country is very accurate. The book is a must for all students of early Utah history.

CHARLES KELLY

Salt Lake City, Utah The Utah Story. By Milton R. Hunter. (Salt Lake City, Wheelwright Lithographing Company, 1960, 436 pp., $6.75) As is stated in the Preface, The Utah Story is designed for young people of junior high school age. The book gives a sweep of the history of Utah and a picture of the culture of her people, beginning with the Pueblo Indian culture and ending with the space age. Considerable space is devoted to the study of the social, economic, and political life with some emphasis on the modern period.

The book is large, beautiful, with the colored photograph of the State Capitol on the front cover and the Great White Throne of Zion's Canyon on the back. The text is printed in pleasing, legible type, and the illustrations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 77 colored photographs, 250 duotones, several maps, tables and charts â&#x20AC;&#x201D; are artistically arranged throughout. A comprehensive set of problems and questions, entitled "Thinking, Remembering, and Discovering" appears at the end of each chapter.

The table of contents is very complete, but such listings can never take the place of a good reliable index. In fact, this is a major criticism, for without an index a book is practically useless as a reference tool.

The conversational style used in the book gives this reviewer, at least, a feeling of talking "down" to the students. One wonders, is it necessary to use that technique on boys and girls of junior high school age? Despite these critical comments, it goes without saying that the appearance of The Utah Story is welcome. There has long been a need for a good text on Utah history for the lower grades.

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Nebraska Place-Names. By Lilian L. Fitzpatrick, including selections from the Origin of the Place-Names of Nebraska, by J. T. Link.

Edited, with an Introduction, by G. Thomas Fairclough. (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1960, 227 pp., $1.50) "What is the difference between a stream and a creek ? When is a hill a butte? Who decides what to name a town? How do names happen anyway?" The monographs in this edition bring together the most significant work that has been done in the study of Nebraska placenames. The Fitzpatrick and Link books complement each odier in an interesting way. Miss Fitzpatrick was concerned with the names of Nebraska communities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; places of human settlement and governmental divisions. Link set out on a more inclusive quest: to record and find the origin and meaning of every name then appearing on the map of Nebraska, and of some names (chiefly from Indian languages) which were no longer used. His investigation included approximately 10,000 place names in the state, names of the counties, townships and precincts, cities, villages, post offices, forts, reservations, state parks, recreation grounds, and so forth. Nebraska is the only state that has its place names worked out in such detail. Such studies are a valuable educational contribution.

A Guide to the Care and Administration of Manuscripts. By Lucile M. Kane. (Bulletins of the American Association for State and Local History, Vol. II, No. 11, September, 1960, 54 pp., $1.00 members, $1.25 non-members) The vast accumulation of primary materials (manuscripts) in historical societies and other historical agencies, in archival depositories, in research libraries, and in public and private libraries constitutes the large majority of the sources from which American history is written.

In such documentary materials are buried the facts that reveal the past to the student of history. In collecting manuscripts and documents, therefore, a repository must assume the obligation to preserve and make them readily available to persons engaged in research. It is to aid in carrying out these obligations that this bulletin is directed. Contents include: "Establishing the First Controls," "Organizing the Collection," "Sorting," "Evaluation," "Preservation," "Cataloguing," and "Bibliography." Included in the illustrations are pictures of easy sort devices in the Library of Congress, cleaning processes, the laminator, and the steel fumigation tanks in the National Archives.

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Down the Colorado with Major Powell. By James Ramsey Ullman. ( N e w York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960) First Through the Grand Canyon. By Steve Frazee. (Philadelphia, John C. Winston, 1960) [ T h e expedition of Major John Wesley Powell written for young people] Joseph Smith, Democracy's Unknown Prophet. By John J. Stewart.

(Salt Lake City, Mercury Publishing Company, 1960) The Mexican War. By Otis A. Singletary. (Chicago, T h e University of Chicago Press, 1960) Mormonism and the Negro. By John J. Stewart. (Orem, Utah, Community Press Publishing Company, 1960) Peyotism and New Mexico. By C. Burton Dustin. (Santa Fe, Vergara Printing Company, 1960) Some Folks Went West. By Donald L. Weismann. Foreword by Walter Prescott Webb. (Austin, Texas, Stock Company, 1960) Utah Indian Stories. By Milton R. Hunter. (4th ed. revised, Salt Lake City, Deseret Book Company, 1960) The Welsh in America. Letters from the Immigrants.

Edited by Alan Conway. (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1961)

ROBERT M. LILLIBRIDGE, "Architectural Currents on the Mississippi River Frontier: Nauvoo, Illinois," Journal oj the Society of Architectural Historians, October, 1960.

RICHARD E. CROUTER and ANDREW F . ROLLE, " E d w a r d Fitzgerald Beale

and the Indian Peace Commissioners in California, 1851-1854," The Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly, June, 1960.

FRANK A. SCHILLING, "Military Posts of the Old Frontier, Arizona-New Mexico," ibid.

ROY E. APPLEMAN, "Unsung Frontiersman [George Drouillard of Lewis and Clark Expedition]," Corral Dust, Potomac Corral of the Westerners, December, 1960.

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CARL P . RUSSELL, "Blue-Eyed Men in Buckskin [Mountain M e n ] , " ibid.

LEROY R. HAFEN, "Fremont vs. T h e San Juans," The Denver ners Monthly Roundup, August, 1960.

Wester-

TED and CARYL HINCKLEY, "Overland from St. Louis to the California Gold Field in 1849: T h e Diary of Joseph W a r i n g Berrien," Indiana Magazine of History, December, 1960.

SAMUEL C. BLESSING, "Colorado Catastrophe [Fremont's Expedition, 1848]," Montana, The Magazine of Western History, Winter, 1961.

RAY ALLEN BILLINGTON, " T h e West of Frederick Jackson Turner," Nebraska History, December, 1960.

"Major Powell and the Colorado," Nevada 2, 1960.

Highways

and Parks, N o .

GLORIA GRIFFEN CLINE, "Peter Skene Ogden's Nevada Explorations," Quarterly of the Nevada Historical Society, July-September, 1960.

JOHN E. SUNDER, "Solomon Perry Sublette: Mountain Man of the Forties," New Mexico Historical Review, January, 1961.

ROBERT M . UTLEY, "Fort Union and the Santa F e Trail," ibid.

CHRISTY G. TURNER, II and W I L L I A M C. MILLER, "1960 Northeast Navajo

Mountain Survey," Plateau, January, 1961.

ILENE H . KINGSBURY, " A Phantom Flotilla [Saltair]," SUP News, N o vember-December, 1960.

ROBERT GARDNER, " T h e Greatest Mountain M a n of T h e m All [Jedediah Smith]," True West, March-April, 1961.

MAURINE CARLEY, "Emigrant Trail Trek N o . T e n , " Annals ming, October, 1960.

of Wyo-

THELMA GATCHELL CONDIT, " T h e Hole-In-The-Wall," ibid.

DALE L . MORGAN, " T h e Ferries of the Forty-Niners," Part III, Section 2, ibid.

BOARD

OP

TRUSTEES

J. Sterling Anderson

Leland H. Creer

Dello G. Dayton

Richard E. Gillies

Jack Goodman

J. Grant lverson

Mrs. A. C. Jensen

N. G. Morgan, Sr.

Joel E. Ricks

L. Glen Snarr

Lamont F. Toronto

HISTORICAL

NOTES

The Board of Trustees of the Society is composed of eleven members, ten of whom are appointed by the Governor, with the advice and approval of the Senate, for terms of four years. The eleventh member is by law an ex-officio member and is the Secretary of State.

It is with sincere thanks for their many years of devoted service that the Society welcomes those members re-appointed to die Board.

Welcome is extended also to the new appointees whose terms begin April 1, 1961. A belated word of appreciation is extended to those members who were appointed in 1959 and now stand at mid-point in their first term of service.

Longest in years of service is Joel E. Ricks, professor emeritus of history, Utah State University, Logan, Utah. Dr. Ricks was first appointed to the Board in 1925, and served from 1949-57 as president.

Professor of history, one time president of Weber College, writer and editor of various books and articles pertaining to Mormon and Utah history, he has had a long and distinguished career. His untiring efforts on behalf of the Society have played no small part in guiding the Society to the important place in the historical and cultural life of the state which it holds today.

Leland H . Creer was first appointed to the Board in 1949. He served as vice-president from 1952-57 and from 1957-61 as president. One of Utah's outstanding historians, Dr. Creer is professor of history, University of Utah, and served as head of that department for nineteen years.

He has written and published numerous books on Utah history and has been a most hard-working, devoted member of the Board.

Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., has been a member of the Board of Trustees since 1953, serving as vice-president since 1957-61. Mr. Morgan has long been interested in the preservation of Utah's history and culture and has directed considerable time, money, and energy to that end. An

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outstanding picture and art collection, a valuable library collection now housed by the Society, and a beautiful Baby Grand piano in the drawingroom are visible evidences of his generosity to the Society.

It is with deep appreciation for their years of devoted service that the Society marks the termination of successful terms on the Board of: Mrs. Juanita Brooks, St. George, who served from 1949-61, and Dr. Russell B. Swensen, Provo, who served from 1951-61. Dello G. Dayton and Jack Goodman are the new appointees replacing Mrs. Brooks and Dr. Swensen.

Dr. Dayton is chairman of the Social Science Division, Weber College, Ogden. He was born in Dingle, Idaho, attended public schools in Wyoming, and graduated from Utah State University. He received his M A . and Ph.D. in history from the University of California, Berkeley. During World War II he was Executive Officer, Historical Division, European Theater of Operations, later he was research assistant in the Pentagon, working on the official Army history of World War II. Just this fall Dr. Dayton was elected the first president of the newly organized Weber Valley Chapter of the Society. He and his wife, the former Verlie Loosli, of Providence, Utah, are the parents of three children.

Mr. Jack Goodman, a native of New York City and a graduate of New York University, is a Westerner by adoption, residing in Salt Lake City since the mid-1940's. Active in civic affairs, Mr. Goodman has been a board member of the Civic Music Association, is a member of the board of the Family Service Society, and has been active in the Art Barn and Salt Lake Ballet Society; he is a board member of Sigma Delta Chi, national newsman's society, and a member of the TV News Directors Association. Writing on Utah scenery and history, he has had numerous articles published in national magazines and, incidentally, this Quarterly. He is Utah region correspondent for the New York Times and Newsweek a n d n a s worked closely with the State Parks Commission since its creation a few years ago. He is married to the former Marjorie Rosenblatt, and they are the parents of three children.

J. Sterling Anderson was born in Grantsville, Utah. He graduated from Utah State University in Logan. For several years he has taught social science and served as the athletic coach at Grantsville High School.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

189

His teams in basketball won the state "B" championships in 1946-47 and 1947-48, and at that time he was named "Coach of the Year." He has been active in church and community affairs, serving as mayor of Grantsville for four years. He and Mrs. Anderson, the former Lucille Gowans, are the parents of three children.

Richard E. Gillies was born in Beaver, Utah. He graduated from Beaver High School, served in the U.S. Navy, and after attending the College of Southern Utah graduated from the University of Utah, later receiving his M.S. in history from that same institution. He has taught history at Cedar High School, and is presently assistant professor of history and dean of students at the College of Southern Utah, Cedar City.

He was active in the organization of the local chapter of the Society at Cedar City and is currently serving as chapter president. He and his wife Margaret are the parents of three children.

J. Grant Iverson was born and grew up in Salt Lake City. He graduated from the University of Utah in 1927 with a degree in law.

He has served on the board of regents of the University and is a former president of the alumni association. Mr. Iverson is active in church and civic affairs, and as chairman of the Committee on Archives he has been an aggressive, hard-working member of the Board. His wife is the former Mercedes Richards, and they are the parents of three children.

Mrs. A. C. Jensen, a resident of Sandy, Utah, is presently the only woman member of the Board. Mrs. Jensen has long been active in civic and community affairs. She has taught school, served as a member of the State Board of Education, and been a member of the legislative council. Before her husband's death a year or two ago, their home and yard was an outstanding beauty spot â&#x20AC;&#x201D; they raised so many unusual and beautiful flowers and plants. Mrs. Jensen's graciousness and intelligent approach to problems of the Society make her a valued member of the Board.

L. Glen Snarr was born in Provo, attended Brigham Young University, and served with the U.S. Army for three and a half years during World War II. He is vice-president of David W. Evans & Associates, Salt Lake City advertising and public relations firm. For several years he was city editor of the Deseret News, where he also worked as a reporter and later as executive news editor. He joined the Evans firm

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to help direct the public information and lobbying campaign for Congressional authorization of the Colorado River Storage Project, which was approved in 1956. He is the author of a number of articles on Utah and Western subjects for national magazines. Since his appointment to the Board he has served most effectively as chairman of the Public Relations Committee.

Lamont F. Toronto has been the first and only state officer thus far to hold the ex-officio position as a member of the Board of Trustees as provided by die 1957 legislature. Mr. Toronto is vitally interested in matters historical and has a keen understanding of the co-operation needed between departments of state and the Archives Division of the Society to insure proper care and preservation of vital records of state government. His membership on the Board of Trustees has contributed greatly to the efficient governing of the Society over the past few years.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES (Terms

Expiring April 1, 1965)

(Terms

LELAND H. CREEK. Salt Lake City

Expiring April 1, 1963)

j . STERLING ANDERSON, Grantsville

DELLO c . DAYTON, Ogden

RICHARD E. GILLES. Cedar City

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City

j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City

NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR.. Salt Lake City

MRS. A. c. JENSEN, Sandy

JOEL E. RICKS, Logan

L. GLEN SNARR, Salt Lake City

(Ex-Officio

Member)

OFFICERS 1959-61

LAMONT F. TORONTO, Salt Lake City (Honorary

Life

Member)

LELAND H. CREER, President NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR., Vice-President

A. R. MORTENSEN, Secretary

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG, Salt Lake City ADMINISTRATION A. R. MORTENSEN. Director â&#x20AC;¢

F. T. JOHNSON, Records Manager, Archives

JOHN JAMES, J R . . Librarian

DOROTHY SUMMERHAYS, Associate Editor

ROBERT w . INSCORE. Registrar, Military Records Section EDITORIAL CONTRIBUTIONS: T h e Society was or-

ganized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the state. T o effect this end, contributions of manuscripts are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters, and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present-day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors.

Contributions for the consideration of the Publications Committee, and correspondence relating thereto, should be addressed to the Editor, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah.

The Editor assumes no responsibility for die return of unsolicited manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage.

The Utah State Historical Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to this publication.

MEMBERSHIP: Membership in the Society is $4.00 per year. The Utah Historical Quarterly is sent free to all members. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $4.00 a year or $1.00 for current numbers. Life membership, $100.00.

Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Editor, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2,

Utah.

VOLUMES UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY VOLUMES 1-6 (1928-1933). By many authors. Single issues 75^. Vol. I, No. 1 (January, 1928), and Vol. II, No. 1 (January, 1929), O U T OF PRINT. VOLUME 7 (1939). Nos. 1-2-3 (January, April, July, 1939), Diary of Almon Harris Thompson. Paper, $1.50. No. 4, The Orderville United Order of Zion. O U T OF PRINT. VOLUME 8 (1940). No. 1, Journal of Leonard E. Harrington, Early Utah Legislator. Paper, $1.00. Nos. 2-3-4, History of the State of Deseret.

Paper, $3.00, fabrikoid, $4.50.

VOLUME 9 (1941). By many authors. Nos. 1-2, paper, $2.50. Nos. 3-4, paper, $2.50. Nos. 1-4 combined, fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUME 10 (1942). Journal of Priddy Meeks. O U T OF PRINT. VOLUME 11 (1943). Father Escalantes Journal, 1776-77, edited by Herbert S. Auerbach. O U T OF PRINT. (See Volume 18.)

VOLUME 12 (1944). Nos. 1-2, by many authors, paper, $2.50. Nos. 3-4, A History of Southern Utah and Its National Parks. By Angus Woodbury. Paper, $2.50. Nos. 1-4 combined, fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUME 13 (1945). Nos. 1-4. The Utah War — fournal of Captain Albert Tracy. Paper, $3.00, fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUME 14 (1946). Nos. 1-4. Spirit of the Pioneers — Biography and Diary of Lorenzo Dow Young. Paper, $3.00, fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUME 15 (1947). Nos. 1-4. The Exploration of the Colorado River in 1869. Fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUMES 16-17 (1948-49). Nos. 1-4. The Exploration of the Colorado River and the High Plateaus of Utah in 1871-72. Fabrikoid, $7.50.

VOLUME 18 (1950). Nos. 1-4. Pageant in the Wilderness. The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776. Edited by Herbert E. Bolton. Fabrikoid, $5.00, deluxe red cloth, $5.50. Escalante maps, 50^.

VOLUME 19 (1959). Nos. 1-4. West from Fort Bridger. The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails Across Utah 1846-1850. By J. Roderic Korns. Paper, $4.50, fabrikoid, $6.00.

VOLUMES 20-28 (1952-1960). By many authors. All numbers are available at $1.00 per copy except the following OUT OF PRINT: Vol. 20, No. 2 (April, 1952).

Vol. 23, Nos. 1 and 3 (January, July, 1955).

Vol. 26, Nos. 1 and 2 (January, April, 1958).

Vol. 27, Nos. 1 and 2 (January, April, 1959).

The special summer four-color, highly illustrated numbers which were printed in large editions are available as follows: VOLUME 26, No. 3 (1958), "Utah's Parks and Scenic Wonders," 50jf.

VOLUME 27, No. 3 (1959), "The Valley of the Great Salt Lake," 50^.

VOLUME 28, No. 3 (1960), "The Colorado — River of the West," $1.00.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

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