Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 35, Number 3, 1967

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY SUMMER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 3

UTAH STATE H I S T O R I C A L SOCIETY

BOARD OF TRUSTEES j . GRANT IVERSON, Salt Lake City, 1971 President MILTON c. ABRAMS, Logan, 1969

Vice-President EVERETT L. COOLEY, Salt Lake City Secretary DEAN R. BRIMHALL, Fruita, 1969 MRS. JUANITA BROOKS, St. George, 1969

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1969 MRS. A. c. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1971 THERON LUKE, PrOVO, 1 9 7 1

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD c. PRICE, J R . , Price, 1971 MRS. ELIZABETH SKANCHY, Midvale, 1969

MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1971

ADMINISTRATION EVERETT L. COOLEY, Director

T. H . JACOBSEN, State Archivist, Archives F. T. JOHNSON, Records Manager, Archives

J O H N JAMES, J R . , Librarian MARGERY W. WARD, Associate Editor

IRIS SCOTT, Business Manager

The Utah State Historical Society is an organization devoted to the collection, preservation, and publication of Utah and related history. It was organized by publicspirited Utahns in 1897 for this purpose. In fulfillment of its objectives, the Society publishes the Utah Historical Quarterly, which is distributed to its members with payment of a $5.00 annual membership fee. T h e Society also maintains a specialized research library of books, pamphlets, photographs, periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, maps, and manuscripts. Many of these items have come to the library as gifts. Donations are encouraged, for only through such means can the Utah State Historical Society live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

The primary purpose of the Quarterly is the publication of manuscripts, photographs, and documents which relate or give a new interpretation to Utah's unique story.

Contributions of writers are solicited for the consideration of the editor. However, the editor assumes no responsibility for the return of manuscripts unaccompanied by return postage. Manuscripts and material for publications should be sent to the editor.

The U t a h State Historical Society does not assume responsibility for statements of fact or opinions expressed by contributors.

The Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class postage, paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Copyright 1967, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.

SUMMER, 1967 • VOLUME 35 • NUMBER 3 :

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HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Contents FROM SELF-RELIANCE TO COOPERATION: THE EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE CATTLEMEN'S ASSOCIATIONS IN UTAH

BY DON D. WALKER

187

EARLY DAY TIMBER CUTTING ALONG THE UPPER BEAR RIVER BYL. J. COLTON

202

THE IMAGE OF UTAH AND THE MORMONS IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY GERMANY

BY D. L. ASHLIMAN

209

THE FRONTIER: HARDY PERENNIAL

BY CARLTON CULMSEE

228

THE STRUCTURE AND NATURE OF LABOR UNIONS IN UTAH, AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE, 1890-1920

BY S H E E L W A N T B. P A W A R

236

THROUGH THE UINTAS: HISTORY OF THE CARTER ROAD

BY A. R. STANDING

256

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

268

The Cover The National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C, has pictorially preserved pioneer artifacts. Shown here is an 1848, Utah-made, tin candle lantern, 12 inches in heighth.

NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART INDEX OF AMERICAN DESIGN

EDITOR ASSOCIATE EDITOR

L. COOLEY Margery W. Ward

EVERETT

T U R N E R , W A L L A C E , The

Mormon

Establishment,

and M U L L E N , R O B E R T ,

The Latter-day

Saints: The

Yesterday

and

Mormons

Today, 268

BY T H O M A S F . O DEA

BANCROFT LIBRARY, FRIENDS O F T H E , An Informal George P. Hammond Bancroft

Record of

and His Era in the

Library,

BY EDWARD H . H O W E S

BOOKS REVIEWED

-

269

-

H A F E N , L E R O Y R., ed., The Mountain

Men

and the Fur Trade of the Far West,

BY DALE L. MORGAN

270

VAN O R M A N , R I C H A R D A., A Room for the Night:

Hotels of the Old

West,

BY J O S E P H W . S N E L L

271

S H E P P E R S O N , W I L B U R S., Retreat Nevada:

to

A Socialist Colony of World War I,

BY MURRAY M. MOLER

272

G O E T Z M A N N , W I L L I A M H., and Empire:

Exploration

The Explorer and the Scientist

in the Winning of the American

West,

BY RODMAN W . PAUL

272

H O W A R D , R O B E R T W E S T , The in

Horse

America,

BY VIRGINIA N . PRICE

273

K N O W L T O N , EZRA C , History of Highway

Development

BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

in

Utah,

274

From Self-Reliance to Cooperation: The Early Development of the Cattlemen's Associations in Utah

BY DON D. W A L K E R

I

n the myth of the West, the cattleman has always been a rugged individualist. Like the mountain man before him, he has been a loner, a man given to solving his own problems in his own way. Although under the necessities of his business he has organized his roundups and trail drives, he has organized them as he has thrown his rope, as an expression of his Dr. Walker, a past contributor to the Quarterly, is professor of English and director of the Program in American Studies at the University of Utah.

The spurs and branding iron are used through the courtesy of the National Gallery of Art, Index of American Design.

188

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personal know-how and rightful personal power. In the myth he has respected few institutions, and he has wanted no dependence on, and few dealings with, government. 1 Such a view of the cattleman does have some basis in historical fact.

For a time at least isolation was a geographical reality; for a time society in any meaningful sense was nonexistent. The pioneering individual, whether he really liked it or not, was forced to assume the burdens of what rural sociologists might later have called a social cost of space.

"Being sparsely settled in those early days," remembered J. R. Blocker, first president of the Old Trail Drivers Association, "the ranches being ten to fifty miles apart, counties unorganized and courts very few, every man in a way was a 'law unto h i m s e l f . . . . " 2 Such conditions led not only to fence-cutting, brand-blotting, and lynching, but also to range overcrowding and eventual depletion. The period of 1880 to 1900, wrote Albert F. Potter, stockman and first chief of grazing for the Forest Service, became a period of spoliation. "The use of the range degenerated into a struggle in which only the fittest survived, and the permanent good of the industry was sacrificed to individual greed. Natural laws and rules of justice were blindly disregarded." 3 In 1885 the Salt Lake Herald observed in an editorial: "Every stockman has been for himself, and we fear that in too many instances the individuals have been arrayed against each other to such an extent that one would not put himself out to assist, accommodate or protect the other. Mutual protection against thieves will be a great advantage to all over the old way of every owner watching his own interests, and caring nothing for those of others." 4 This note of mutual protection, struck on the day of the organization of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, was a sign of the new spirit in the livestock trade, a new maturity, some might have said.

That same week an observer reported in a congressional study: "The stockman is no longer a lawless semisavage adventurer, but is a practical man of business. . . . In a word, the whole industry of raising range cattle is becoming established and well ordered." 5 But for the whole story of 1 This attitude, for example, is implicit in Jim Nabours' question in Emerson Hough's North of 36 (New York, 1923) : "When come it a cowman can't take care of his own cows?"

2 J. Marvin Hunter, ed., The Trail Drivers of Texas (Nashville, 1925), 2.

3 Quoted by Paul H. Roberts, Hoof Prints on Forest Ranges (San Antonio, 1963), 7-8.

4 Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885.

5 U.S., Congress, Senate, Joseph Nimmo, Range and Ranch Cattle Traffic in the Western States and Territories, 48th Cong., 2d Sess., 1884-1885, Senate Doc. 199, Appendix 1, p. 84.

Cattlemen's Associations

189

order and organization, the rise of associations in county, territory, state, and nation, let us go back a few years.

As early as 1867 such common problems as theft and damage from migratory herds drew the livestock men of Colorado together to form the Stock Growers' Association. However, this apparent unity of interest did not long prevail; the growing cleavage between cattlemen and sheepmen deepened. The organization became the Colorado Cattle Growers' Association, and its president asserted that sheep and cattle interests had nothing in common but the grass on which their animals grazed. By 1877 membership reached 88, representing "nearly 600,000 cattle." Continuing problems of theft and strays are indicated by the facts that in 1884 the association had 12 brand inspectors and reported 586 strays. 6 In other states and territories similar associations were formed, but unquestionably the most powerful was the Wyoming Stock Growers' Association, organized in November of 1873 with 10 members. Concerned with the planning of roundups, with the appointing of detectives, 7 and other range matters, the association steadily grew in numbers and political influence. In his report of 1885, Secretary Thomas Sturgis claimed 400 members, with holdings (including 2 million cattle) valued at $100 million. 8 However effective such associations might be, the need for a still higher organization was soon recognized. The cattle business had long crossed state and territorial boundaries, but certain problems of the eighties more and more aroused the collective attention of cattlemen in all western areas. Obviously the driving of cattle from Texas to Montana was a matter as wide as the nation. Obviously the search for new grazing lands in the arid West was as big as the public lands themselves. In November of 1884, such problems of national dimension became the center of interest and controversy as 1,200 stockmen gathered in St. Louis.

Attending this "cowboy convention" was a sizable delegation from the Territory of Utah. A week earlier these cattlemen, "from the owners of a new milch cow to the broadbrimmed herder on a thousand hills," had felt their economic importance as the railroads contended for their good will in what the press called the "Free Pass War." The Denver and Rio Grande Railroad offered free passes to the men, half fares to their wives. The Union Pacific went the whole way with passes for both cattle8

Louis Pelzer, The Cattlemen's Frontier (Glendale, 1936), 73-75.

In 1884 the association voted the controversial Frank M. Canton a vote of thanks for his work in capturing criminals on the range. Ibid., 90.

Ubid., 92.

7

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men and wives. Reported the Salt Lake Herald wryly: "A number of rangers are understood to have held back till the last moment, under the impression that one of the roads was about to offer cooking stoves or bedroom sets in addition to the passes. . . ." 9 Apparently such competition in generosity led to some freeloading. As T h e D. & R. G. pulled out, someone remarked to a reporter: "They call that a load of cattlemen, do they; I know men there who don't know the meaning of a muley cow and who never owned a horn in their lives." 10 Nevertheless, on one railroad or the other, many of Utah's best known cattlemen traveled to St. Louis for the big meeting. 11 Of the journey and the meeting, one of the cattlemen, H. J. Faust, sent back interesting and often amusing accounts. From Denver he reported that the group had ordered two lassos and "will capture the convention," and in a joke on his own interest in better livestock breeding he wrote that "Faust got a little mixed . . . and on one occasion advocated jacks." 12 There were other bits of good fun too. When the party in Denver returned to the hotel for their baggage, they learned that the landlord had "a chromo hung up for two years for the most upright, virtuous young man, which was unclaimed." Continued Faust, "Our party having just such a man along, your reporter was instructed by the delegation to demand it for him. All advancing to the office, your reporter demanded the chromo in a loud, stentorian voice, so that all heard. The landlord looking a r o u n d awhile, still d e m a n d e d proof, whereon the whole delegation asserted that we had him, and the picture was handed over, when I, in a solemn manner, as the occasion was solemn, presented it to John Rydalch, from Grantsville, in a long speech, with the concluding remark, 'we hope you will now cease to pay so much attention to cows, and hunt a heifer.' " 1 3 From Denver east the Faust party took the Chicago, Burlington & Quincey, continuing in the regal style to which their new importance seemingly entitled them. When they reached the station they found "five Pullman cars of the finest make, all decorated with bunting and paintings 9

Salt Lake Herald, November 13, 1884.

Ibid.

11 Such cattlemen as W. L. White, Joseph A. Jennings, and H. J. Faust of Salt Lake City, took the D. & R. G.; Samuel Mclntyre and others took the "broad guage." The "rangers" on the "little giant," reported the D. & R. G. office, represented 196,000 head of stock. Salt Lake Herald, November 14, 1884. Joining the U t a h cattlemen on the D. & R. G. were delegates from neighboring states and territories. A prominent delegate from Idaho was General James S. Brisbin, author of that classic work of western optimism The Beef Bonanza; or, How to Get Rich on the Plains (Norman, 1959). In the subsequent selection of national officers in St. Louis, General Brisbin was chosen vice-president.

12 Salt Lake Herald, November 18, 1884.

13 Ibid., November 25, 1884.

10

Cattlemen's

Associations

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of horses and cattle heads, with a goodly number of cattle and horses."

"Ours," said Faust, "has been surrounded with red, white and blue, stars and stripes, with four lassoes hanging around the outside, indicative that we came to conquer or die! A smoking car and a car containing the delegation was attached. . . . Fancy yourself whirling down the Platte at the rate of fifty to sixty miles an hour and you have got it just as we had it."

One could not imagine, Faust observed, "that these same men had traversed the same route on a sore-backed mule or Indian pony; camped, perhaps, at or near the same station, with saleratus biscuit, old bacon and coffee, without sugar or cream. Look at them now. No one would think that they ever swore when the pot turned over just as breakfast was ready, but such is the reward of labor, perseverance and patience." 1 4 O n the 17th of November the great show commenced with a march of the various delegations to the exposition building. The Texas group, 200 strong, brought up the rear. Marching music blared from a "silver band, composed entirely of cowboys, with leggings and spurs on; the leader carried a large pistol, silver plated, with his thumb on the stock, and his finger on the trigger, flourishing it in the same manner as other leaders do their sticks. It was a thrilling sight to see him stand in front of the band, one hand on his hip, hat cocked on one side, dropping the revolver first on this and then on that one. The music was beautiful and time well kept. I think," concluded Faust, "that other bands should adopt the revolver system." 15 In some of the serious matters before the convention, the Utah stockmen had perhaps no urgent personal interest. T h e "great question" was the stock trail, but this trail, if established, would lie a great distance east of Utah. The cattlemen of the territory needed no such road to their markets, and their own home ranges were not threatened by Texas fever.

Nevertheless, in apparent recognition of the needs of some of their fellow cattlemen in other parts of the West, Faust reported that the Utah group would "likely vote for it." 10 The resolution to ask for the leasing of arid lands, however, was another matter. Here Utah's own tradition of land settlement was challenged. The proposal to permit leasing of vast tracts of western lands at a cent an acre seemed, to some Utah stockmen at least, in the interest of 14

Ibid. ibid.

16 Ibid. Over the objection of some cattlemen, particularly Granville Stewart of Montana, the resolution passed by a large majority. On his return to U t a h Faust said of this action: "This is a tremendous step, and if it is successful it will result in great good for the cattle of both north and south." Ibid., December 4, 1884.

15

Utah Historical

192

Quarterly

William Jennings (1823-1886) was not only a cattleman, but a leading merchant, banker, railroad executive, and legislator.

Henry J. Faust (1833-1904) was particularly noted in Utah for improving cattle breeding.

monopoly. In a speech to the convention, Faust declared, "I don't wish to ask the government to lease me land so that I and my children can monopolize it for the next hundred years. . . . Let the man that wants to go and settle on that 160 acres of land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; let him do so! We have demonstrated that we may go to the very foot of the hills and there raise lucerne; and upon that lucerne we can raise the calf, we can raise the colt, and we can raise the pig, and we can make the poor men happy." Then he turned to the men of Texas, to whom such a lyrical defense of homesteading could hardly have been persuasive, saying, you have won your trail with the help of our vote; now help us on this. But although Utah and a few other states were excepted from the resolution by amendment, the proposition carried. 17 With business and festivities concluded, the "cowboys" returned to their home states and territories. A national organization had been established, and national problems had been confronted. The specific advantages to each delegate could not perhaps be seen, but many of them must have found some measure of identity with stockmen across the land. As H. J. Faust, who was chosen vice-president for Utah, patriotically put it, "Utah for once has shaken hands with every State and Territory in this grand United States." 18 Still, at the territorial level, there was no stockmen's organization in Utah. And this clearly was the next step. Faust himself proposed to get things started. "I intend," he said, "starting upon a tour . . . to get all "Salt Lake Herald, November 27, 1884.

Ibid.

18

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parts of the Territory to organize into associations, and by the time of the next [national] convention we shall be a power, I hope." 1 9

W

hether Faust spoke for all, if even most, Utah cattlemen at the national convention is impossible to know. In any case not long after his return to Utah, other, different grazing land philosophies began to be heard. Economically accurate or not, the differences, as they were heard publicly at least, tended to polarize into a conflict between the "cattle kings" and the "people." In a letter to the Salt Lake Herald, Joel Grover, of Nephi, argued in defense of the proposal to lease the arid lands to the cattle interests. But no matter how much he stood to gain personally, he cast his argument in broadly democratic terms. "If the government," he asked, "would throw open to the people the right of lease at, say 1 or 2 cents per acre, is it not certain that the poor men would quite as eagerly avail . . . [themselves] of the opportunity to possess . . . a little pasture land as even the rich man would . . . ?" He asked further: "and in our country settlements would not our masses of poor people very eagerly acquire title to their cow-herd grounds?" 20 Ten days later, three stockmen from Mount Pleasant replied.

Instead of securing the herd grounds for the people, they said, would not leasing cause exactly the reverse? Would not "the cattlemen secure them, and thus do great injury to the people of the country generally?" They were concerned too with what seemed a complete disregard for the sheep industry, "one of the most important industries of our country. . . . Shall any measures not in the nature of a benefit generally be forced upon us, and in the interest only of a few cattle kings? . . . If these wealthy stock owners are desirous of acquiring title to large scopes of the public land, let them turn out their money, pay the government price and take it." 2 1 In the meantime Faust was organizing county associations. Early in January he met with stockmen of Tooele County and helped form their association. "I hope to see the co-operative principle truly carried out in Utah," he said. "These stock men do not claim to be cattle kings. Still they have about 15,000 head, and this does not include last year's sales or this spring's calves." 22 By January 10, he claimed seven county organi19

Ibid., December 4, 1884.

Ibid., December 24, 1884.

21 Ibid., January 8, 1885.

22 Ibid., January 6, 1885. Officers chosen were John T. Tich, president; Peter Clegg, vice-president; John W. Tate, secretary; W. C. Rydalch, treasurer; John Rydalch, S. W. Woolley, John B. Gordon, Enos Stookey, and Orson P. Bates, executive committee.

20

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zations, with a membership of "about as many hundreds, and the good work is still going on." 2 3 The first move toward a territorial association came at this same time, but it did not originate with Faust and his cattlemen. There were more signs of deep disagreements among livestock leaders. To the interested observer, it must have seemed clear that unanimity was still a long way off, that old stubborn individualistic attitudes might yet prevail.

O n January 9, 1885, stockmen, largely from Salt Lake and Juab counties, began to gather in Salt Lake City for a meeting of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. William Jennings, of Salt Lake, was president; Joel Grover was secretary. The two main objects, said Grover, were protections against thieves and herds driven through the territory. "I have heard it said," he remarked, "that one-half the beef used in . . . Bingham has been stolen." These objects, he insisted, could not be achieved by means of the county organizations that were being formed. T h e counties could not individually afford to station agents and inspectors at camps where thieving was liable to be carried on. But if they united into a territorial organization, they could clearly afford it.24 O n the following day, January 10, 27 stockmen signed the articles of agreement. Besides Jennings and Grover the membership included such prominent cattlemen as John and Alma Hague, Samuel and William Mclntyre, and F. H. Meyers. Discussion showed that perhaps more than anything else stock theft had stirred these men to common action. Samuel Mclntyre said cattle were being driven at night to several of the mining camps. Enough stock was being stolen in this way, he said, to pay for the services of a dozen detectives. One item of discussion indicated how Utah differed from other grazing states and territories. The plains states, Wyoming, for example, were one unbroken common pasture, where unless there were extensive fences cattle from many ranches were accustomed to mixing. Association planned roundups were therefore imperative. Utah, however, was different. Roundups would not work in Utah, said F. H. Meyers, because stock was so scattered. 25 Even as the articles of agreement were signed, Faust and Grover engaged in a verbal walk-down. Arguing for a territorial organization â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as if one were not already being formed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Faust said that if all the cattle and horsemen in Utah belonged to one association, with each member having a brand sheet and each county a detective and all in com23

Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885.

Ibid., January 10, 1885. ~" Ibid., January 11, 1885.

2i

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munication with each other, "how long do you think this country would be infested with thieves?" As a more personal note he added, "if you fellows still feel bad about that confounded convention making me vicepresident, and you will accept my resignation I will tender it. I will do anything to keep peace in Utah." 2 6 Grover fired back: his association h a d a little money, was going to publish a brand book, establish a system of inspection, appoint detectives, and "as fast as possible complete a Territorial organization." Thus Faust's prediction would be carried out, was indeed being carried out. He too concluded with a personal shot: "If you are in earnest in 'let us have peace,' on that point we will agree with you and quietly look after our little herd of calves and give the public a rest." 27 T h e public, however, h a d little rest. O n J a n u a r y 2 1 , Faust announced a general cattle and horsemen's convention on April 2. "In this convention," he said, "all county associations will be expected to be represented by as many members as want to attend. These will elect a president and vice-president, with the rest of the officers for the Territory." Special matters for discussion, he went on to say, would be revision of brands, best modes of branding, and consideration of a fall stock fair. 28 Although the convention was still more than two months away, interest in it began to grow. In an editorial, the Salt Lake Herald told its readers that cattle and horse breeding was "destined to become one of the two or three leading occupations of the Territory." 2 9 Faust continued to speak and organize. Late in January he addressed the Utah County stockmen in their organizational meeting. 30 In the same week 80 names were enrolled in the Rich County association meeting at Randolph. 3 1 O n February 6, the Herald observed that the convention would be no insignificant affair. "It is not to be a meeting of the stockraisers of a town or county, nor a little gathering of gentlemen to have a jolly good time without meaning or effect. . . . The whole Territory," reported the Herald the following day, "seems to be waking up to the importance of the new interest, and organizations are springing into existence in the obscurest towns."

On F e b r u a r y 7, over the n a m e s of H. J. Faust, vice-president National Cattle and Horse Association, and F. Armstrong, president, 28

Salt Lake Herald, January 11, 1885.

Ibid., January 14, 1885.

28 Ibid., January 21, 1885.

"-"Ibid., January 25, 1885.

30 Ibid., February 1, 1885.

31 Ibid., February 5, 1885.

27

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Salt Lake County Cattle and Horse Association, an official announcement appeared: Realizing the necessity of co-operation in the protection of our stock interests, we invite the stockmen throughout this interior region to unite in forming a convention to be held April 2d, at Salt Lake City. We invite the co-operation of all who feel an interest in the movement, and suggest that the different associations and individual members thereof, express their views upon the subject.

T h e following subjects will be considered: T o suppress stealing.

T o procure needed legislation.

T h e best means to dispose of our surplus stock.

T h e refrigerator versus live shipping. 32

By the first of April the stage was set for the greatest gathering of stockmen in the territory's history. There were to be two conventions, not just one. The Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association, led by Jennings and Grover, was to meet in the City Hall; Faust's county associations were to convene in the Opera House. The railroads were to give conference rates. The Firemen's Band was to play; as the Herald put it, "the boys in red will parade the street, discoursing soul-stirring airs." 3 3 O n April 1 "bronzed faces and slouched hats began to show themselves upon the highways and byways" leading to Salt Lake City.34

U,

nfortunately, for the unity of Utah's cattle interests, the stage was also set that spring of 1885 for one of the greatest â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and most amusing â&#x20AC;&#x201D; squabbles in territorial history.

In spite of apparently careful planning with the best of intentions, the show in the Opera House got off to a confused start. Attendance was scattered and leadership uncertain. Even the band for a time seemed pointless. As the Herald reported, "The Firemen's Band went about town drumming up for the occasion, but as no banners or streamers had been provided them, the object of their playing was not apparent to a good share of those who listened to them." 3 5 After some delay the meeting opened. Faust as temporary chairman spoke on the importance and aims 32 Ibid., February 7, 1885. On March 7, the Herald editorially suggested still another subject: control over the importation of contagious diseases.

33 Salt Lake Herald, April 2, 1885.

34 As the Herald reported, in its picturesque journalistic style.

3S Salt Lake Herald, April 3, 1885.

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of the meeting. Utah, he said, had been the first of the territories to be settled u p ; it could not be the last to organize in the interests of its horse and cattlemen. A major aim of the meetings was to permit stockmen from various parts of the territory to become better acquainted so that they could exchange ideas and stock. Other aims, he reminded his listeners, were protection against the thief "who has been so mighty in our midst," better railroad rates, more equitable estray pound laws, and the revision of brands. 36 The chairman then asking the pleasure of the meeting, a member suggested a tune by the band. "Something short and quick," said the chairman, whereupon the band rendered "The Short-Horn Overture," as someone promptly named the selection. Whatever it was called, it was not an overture to steady and immediate action. Few delegates responded to call, and one whole delegation "sat somewhat gloomily by itself in a corner." However, one step was taken toward organization.

Abram Hatch was chosen permanent chairman, and he struck the note that would prevail in the meetings: stubborn pride mixed with the necessity of compromise. "This, he thought, was a legitimate body, the only Territorial organization duly authorized, and he hoped it would proceed in so conciliatory a manner that before it adjourned it would reconcile all factions and differences into one grand organization." 37 As the delegates filed out of the Opera House after the morning adjournment, they were handed dodgers inviting "all parties interested in the stock question" to a meeting of the Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. This invitation, remarked the Herald reporter, "did not serve to lighten the general spirits of the assembly." 38 When the stockmen met again in the afternoon, things seemed to look better. At least the major obstacle to effective organization had now been recognized, and leaders were prepared to cope with it. With such cattlemen as Jennings, Grover, and the Mclntyres working in another direction, no truly territorial association could be formed in the Opera House. "Utah," said one of the delegates, "could not afford to have three or four rival stock organizations." Was it not possible to appoint a committee to wait upon the officers of the rival organization?

Once again apparent personal differences were brought into the open. The quarrel between Jennings and Faust, one speaker remarked, should not threaten the unity of the stockmen. Faust rose to repudiate 36 37 38

Ibid. ibid. ibid.

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the idea of a split. He had, he said, only defended himself when attacked.

If he stood in the way of the stock movement in Utah, he would take his hat and walk out. 39 When the City Hall group met on April 3, it too was acutely aware of competition. The chairman at once brought up the matter of the convention in the Opera House and the conciliation committee appointed the day before. A motion was made to appoint a committee to meet with that committee. Joel Grover spoke in favor of unity, but he reserved his fear that the aims of the association might be swamped by a host of small cattle owners and farmers. 40 In the afternoon the first matter of business was a report on what the two committees had come to. Chairman J. Q. Leavitt reported "the Opera House folks . . . were very anxious to form with this association into one grand Territorial organization." The committees had adjourned with an invitation to come to the Opera House to assist in bringing this grand organization into being.

But wait a minute, some leaders began to say. Alma Hague said if the others expected them to give up all their labors thus far and wheel into line, he was opposed to meeting with them. William Jennings said the Opera House stockmen had no organization. The Utah Horse and Cattle Growers' Association already existed. Therefore, the Opera House group should instead come to the City Hall. Nevertheless, a motion to accept the invitation carried. 41 What followed in the Opera House must certainly have been one of the funniest shows of the year. To the tune of "Hail Columbia," the visiting leaders marched to the stage. At once Jennings said he wished to know who had been meant by the word faction. He certainly did not call himself a faction. Faust rose to move that the past be forgotten.

Jennings repeated his question. J. C. Rich moved that all past differences be forgotten and buried, and Hatch gave a strong speech of conciliation. Jennings said the vote was useless since he and his group had no ill feelings whatever. Faust, in a gesture of peace, expressed a similar view, and the motion for forgetting and burial was withdrawn. Now, with good will at least temporarily in control, it was moved that both associations unite into one territorial association. 42 ""Salt Lake Herald, April 3, 1885. â&#x201E;˘Ibid., April 4, 1885.

41 Ibid.

42 Ibid.

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This manifestation of unity, however, proved to be a very short scene in the play. Jennings rose again and said he still did not see why his group had been invited to the Opera House. Rich said he believed Jennings knew, and if he did not he would tell him publicly. Jennings replied that until the gentleman learned to attend in a sober and decent condition he would simply ignore him. Again a try to get on with unity, another motion to proceed to organization. But Legrande Young said organization had already taken place; he favored adopting the rules and bylaws of the already existing Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association. Jennings rose once more to insist upon the precedence of this association, which had, he said, been organized before any other in Utah had been thought of. The convention might vote as it pleased, but they should not ignore his association. He wanted nothing crammed down his throat.

The The Salt the

two buildings where the cattlemen met in their separate organizational meetings.

Utah Cattle and Horse Growers' Association led by William Jennings met in the Lake City Hall (right). The county associations led by Henry J. Faust met in Walker Opera House (left).

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UTAH STATIC HISTORICAL SOCIETY

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At this Faust started up. He did not propose to have the tail wag the dog. He had not come to be insulted either. He had worked as hard as any man for the stock interest. When he finished his speech, he would take his hat and leave the hall. He had had enough. But the house voted that Mr. Faust remain.

Jennings then announced that he would withdraw, that the meeting seemed intent on ignoring his association. The house voted again to keep an antagonist, but this one declined. Jennings walked out, followed by many members of the association he headed.

Now the motion to organize was finally carried, but the comedy was not yet over. Faust moved that Hatch be made permanent chairman of the new territorial organization. A. Farr and Rich moved to substitute the name of Jennings. Faust said Jennings had bolted the convention.

He agreed, however, to withdraw his motion and second the nomination of Jennings.

The stormy afternoon closed as it had begun with an air by the band. It had been a drama with a conclusion still unknown. Said the Salt Lake Herald: What the night was to bring forth â&#x20AC;&#x201D; whether Mr. Jennings would accept the presidency of an association which had hung out, as far as the principal voices indicated, still hung out against enlisting under the banner of the U t a h Horse and Cattle Growers' Association, only the night meeting could tell. W h a t the cooler heads felt certain of was a tall feeling of disgust among the country members who had traveled so far to accomplish so little. Parts of the afternoon proceedings were never excelled outside of the Pickwick Club, and other parts for regularity and order would have been laughed at by a Hoosier Debating Society. 43

The evening saw a new try at unity. But even with the major antagonists of the afternoon absent, the differences, like high fences, remained.

When Grover read the bylaws of the Utah Horse and Cattle Growers' Association, someone wanted to know how many cattle a man must own to entitle him to membership. There was, Grover replied, no restriction except that his cattle interests must predominate over his sheep interests.

A. Nebeker said his delegation came from a society opposed to the land-leasing section of the bylaws. He said the sheepman ought to be encouraged and included in the organization. Grover said the section on land-leasing did not matter. Congress would pass no such law. And the sheepman, he added, was a natural opponent of the cattleman. There 43

Salt Lake Herald, April 4, 1885.

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was no possibility of harmonizing their industries. Hague supported Grover: it was impossible for cattle to live where sheep fed.44 After further debate on sheep, the old question came up again: was there one or were there two associations in session? The question was soon answered when the City Hall stockmen adjourned, leaving the Opera House folks in possession of the room, if not the cattle interests of the territory. The prevailing frustration was expressed by Farr: did they now stand exactly where they started â&#x20AC;&#x201D; unorganized? He said he thought they had made an association in the afternoon. If this was not true, he would take the morning train for home and see the cattle conventions in , 45 Coming after all of this drama, the next day's session, with the organization of the Territorial Stock Growers' Association of Utah, was anticlimax indeed. T h e contrast was almost too great, as if now the peace was the peace of resignation. Certainly it was not the peace of an achieved unity, for there were now in fact two organizations claiming territorial size. Jennings and Grover and their group had gone their own way. But for those who gathered that April 4th morning Faust had become the hero. After he was chosen president, he took the chair as the band played "Yankee Doodle." He hoped, he said, that a memory of the stormy times they had passed through would vanish in a recollection of the happiness of this last meeting. 46 Perhaps, the historian could say, some real progress had been made toward cooperation and unity. Even two associations meant more association than did a random collection of stockmen, each on his own spread of acres fighting his own kind of fight in his own individualistic way. And perhaps a later time would see what some men had hoped for, a burial of the jealous and prideful past, would see instead a real sense of community growing across Utah's varied rangelands.

ibid. â&#x20AC;˘ Ibid.

Ibid., April 5, 1885.

Early Day Timber Cutting Along the Upper Bear River

BY L. J . COLTON

e

arly day timber cutting in the h e a d w a t e r drainages of the Bear River can be divided roughly into two periods. The first period would cover from about 1870 to 1900, and the second from the turn of the century for about 25 to 30 years. There was, no doubt, some cutting before 1870, but not in any great volume.

There was little or no governm e n t a l control d u r i n g the first period, and since there was no thought for the future, no system Mr. Colton is district ranger in the Kamas District of the Wasatch National Forest. He has been with the U.S. Forest Service for 25 years, 10 of these years in the Evanston area. The photographs used in this article were furnished by the United States Forest Service.

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of silviculture was employed. It was a time when fires, man-made and naturally caused, raged uncontrolled throughout the burning season.

Many areas were cut over, mainly high-graded, then set on fire and allowed to burn. Old-timers recall that early loggers often times deliberately set fires as a means of retribution and of obtaining higher wages for their services.

During the second period the U.S. Forest Service was established and gradually gained control of cutting and fires on federal land. This, in turn, had much influence on cutting and fires on private land, which covered large acreages since it was within the 20 mile bounds of the railroad land grant.

Volume of timber cut during the first period is unknown because no one kept any record, but it must have been substantial. Examination of cut and burned-over areas indicates a large amount of timber was removed. The principal trees cut were lodgepole pine and Englemann spruce, and they were made into lumber, hewn railroad ties, mine props and ties, and cordwood for charcoal. The charcoal was used in turn for ore smelting in Utah and Colorado.

The timber cutting industry during the first period and part of the second has a very interesting and somewhat romantic touch to it. Most of the timber in the form of saw logs, ties, props, and cordwood was floated to the market or point of manufacture down the Bear River or in a flume. The construction and use of the flume and the floating process on the Bear River must have indeed been colorful. Large numbers of men were employed, and there were, of course, brawls, injuries, drownings, and other activities that would be associated with this type of operation.

During the early days of Evanston and Almy, Wyoming, there was a large sawmill established at Evanston by Jessie L. Atkinson. This mill manufactured the lumber used to build early Evanston and Almy. The latter was a mining community a few miles north of Evanston and at one time was as large or larger than Evanston. T h e Atkinson mill remained in operation until cheaper and better-processed lumber began coming in on the railroad from the Pacific Northwest and elsewhere. T h e saw logs that supplied the mill were floated from the forest down Bear River.

These logs had been hand-cut adjacent to the streams and then skidded or hauled to the streams by wagon and sleigh. Much of the cutting and skidding was done during the winter. T h e floating, or log drives, took place during the early spring runoff and early summer. It was necessary during the logging drives to station men along the stream to prevent and

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Two views of a tie loading Wyoming.

operation

along

the Union

Pacific in

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southwestern

break up log jams. Some of these men lost their lives, but the whole operation provided a livelihood for many men and their families. The timber industry played an important role in the economy of this part of Wyoming and Utah at the time.

Besides the sawmill in Evanston, there were 12 charcoal kilns constructed in the immediate vicinity. Four-foot length cordwood was floated down Bear River from the forest to supply fuel for these kilns.

The charcoal manufactured from them was shipped to smelters in Utah and Colorado.

Perhaps the most colorful operation in the first period of timber cutting was the construction and use of a 30-mile flume or aqueduct beginning near Gold Hill east of Mill City Creek and west of Hayden Fork and ending at Hilliard, which is about 14 miles southeast of Evanston.

In addition there was a branch of the flume called the Howe Feeder, constructed for about six miles up what is now known as Main Fork 1 of the Stillwater Fork of the Bear River. Remnants of this branch are still seen even though the main flume has been removed or destroyed. The headwaters for the flume were taken from what is now known as Gold Hill 1

This was possibly once known as Fish Creek.

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Creek, which flows into Hayden Fork. Remnants of the old dam and canal that carried the water to the head of the flume still exist.

The course of the flume followed down the west side of Hayden Fork and the Bear River proper to a point about one-half mile above its confluence with East Fork. Here the flume crossed to the east side where it remained close to the river for approximately another two miles. At this point the flume left the river and was trestled to the flat bench lands to the east of Bear River. The trestle reached a point as high as 16 feet above the ground. The flume then continued north and a little east, crossed Mill Creek, then on to Hilliard Flat, and thence to Hilliard.

T h e total distance from the head of the flume to Hilliard was approximately 30 miles. The Howe Feeder branch joined the main flume about one mile above the confluence of the Hayden and Stillwater forks of the Bear River. This made a total of about 36 miles of flume constructed at a cost of $200,000.

The flume was constructed by the Hilliard Fume and Lumber Company. Construction began about 1872 and was completed in about 1875.

The company was organized by W. K. Sloan, also treasurer of the company, who had migrated from eastern United States. The project was Tie hackers' camp and lumbering

tools used on the north slopes of the

Uintas.

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first known as "Sloan's Folly," but it became a successful business venture long before it was sold to a Boston firm after the price of charcoal had dipped to a low level and better lumber was shipped in.

The flume had a gradient that permitted the water to flow at about 15 miles per hour. A log placed at the head took two hours to arrive at the end, provided there was no jam or any other obstruction. The flume was built in the form of a V and was constructed mainly of 3-inch by 12-inch planks. Each side of the V was about 30-inches wide and was supported by scaffolding that varied in height according to the terrain.

The bottom of the V rested on 3-inch by 6-inch cross pieces about 5-feet long and spaced at about 4-foot intervals. These in turn rested on 17-foot long by about 7-inch in diameter unsawed stringers running parallel with the flume and about 4-feet apart. Braces from these cross pieces supported the flume.

The flume was constructed one mile at a time from timber milled at a point located near the head of the flume. T h e lumber and logs used were floated to the point of construction as they were needed. Eighty tons of square spikes were used in building the flume. The construction was so well done that after water had run through the flume for a short time, very little of it escaped through the cracks.

During the construction and operation of this flume a small city was built on what is now known as Mill City Creek near Gold Hill. The city had a population that numbered as high as 500, a company store, and barracks for the men to live in. Remnants of this once flourishing camp are still present. Throughout the area that supplied the flume with timber, remains of once well-built cabins that housed loggers can be found.

At three different places along the course of the flume, ponds or eddies were constructed. These were used to hold, reassemble, or sort logs if necessary and replenish the water in the flume. One eddy was located at the mouth of East Fork of Bear River, one where the flume crossed Mill Creek, and one at the upper end of Hilliard Flat. The one at Mill Creek was known as the "Big Eddy." Remnants of this eddy and the one on East Fork can still be seen. At two different locations lookouts were stationed. These were located on high vantage points so they could see each other and the terminals of the flume. A system of light signals was used to send messages back and forth.

The main purpose, of course, for constructing this flume was to get timber to Hilliard in the fastest and most economical way. Hilliard at that time was located on the main line of the Union Pacific Railroad.

This line was later moved several miles to the north after two tunnels

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were constructed. The main products as a result of the flume were railroad ties and charcoal. Thirty-two large charcoal kilns were constructed at Hilliard from rock. Four-foot cordwood was floated down the flume to supply the kilns. Several of these kilns are still standing and are in fairly good condition.

In about 1885 use of that part of the flume above the Mill Creek eddy was discontinued, but a well-known logger by the name of John W. Hadden supplied logs and cordwood to Hilliard from the Mill Creek and Deadman drainages for quite some time after. When the price of charcoal dropped, the flume was sold to a Boston company, which tried to bring the flume back into use after a period of idleness. After a period of unsuccessful operations, the company went broke. The lumber in the flume was then sold to George W. Carlton who tore most of it down and sold it for construction of ranch buildings on Hilliard Flat and nearby Bear River country. Lumber and logs not used for constructing buildings were burned. Of interest is the fact that the basic structures of many of the ranch buildings constructed from this timber are still in good condition and, while covered with modern siding, are still in use.

Cribbing and splash dam to contain and control the flow of water and of logs on Mill Creek.

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At about the time the charcoal industry was flourishing at Hilliard, two more kilns were constructed about five miles south on Sulphur Creek.

Four more were constructed at Piedmont, which was then on the railroad line, and a few miles northeast of Hilliard. These were all active during the same period, but the latter kilns obtained their cordwood from the north slopes of Mount Elizabeth and the drainages of Big Muddy and Sulphur creeks near the Utah-Wyoming line. This timber was usually hauled in by wagons or sleighs.

The end of the charcoal industry at this location signaled the close of the first period of timber cutting. Many cut-over areas had been burned and much valuable timber and watershed destroyed. One such area is located near the head of the Mill City Creek west of Hayden Fork and north of Gold Hill. Here very little timber has grown back except on the west side where there is now quite a heavy stand of aspen with some lodgepole pine mixed in it. The evidence of what was once a beautiful stand of timber is still present in the form of many blackened stumps.

Elsewhere, heavy stands of pole-size and larger lodgepole pine have healed the scars of the old burns and some day will make valuable stands of saw timber.

One must conclude that the early day timber industry on the north slope of the Uinta Mountains contributed a colorful and vital chapter to the settlement and development of this part of Utah. These timber cutters were courageous, rugged, and valiant, but apparently they had little concern, or at least it did not occur to them that what they were doing to the timber resource might have an effect on timber use for future generations. This effect was mainly adverse since millions of board feet of timber were destroyed by fires set by and uncontrolled by these people.

Thousands of acres of fine timber land were converted to lands now covered with grass, forb, and aspen. While the resulting range land has great value for watershed and grazing purposes, of greater value would be stands of good timber. Much of the residual timber left from this early day type of harvest is inferior â&#x20AC;&#x201D; insect and disease infested. During most of these timber cutting operations only the choicest trees were taken, leaving cull or diseased trees to supply seed for future timber stands to replace those that were cut or burned.

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Balduin Mollhausen, whose three trips to the American West between 1851 and 1858 formed the background for a successful career as a novelist.

Title page of Jacob Schiel's Reise durch die Felsengebirge ( J o u r n e y t h r o u g h t h e R o c k y Mountains), one of the earliest travel narratives to give an account of Utah and the Mormons.

The Image of Utah and the Mormons In Nineteenth-Century Germany

BY D. L. A S H L I M A N

X

he love of the Germans for adventure, exotic lands, and little-known civilizations has manifested itself in many ways for many centuries. In the latter half of the nineteenth century this romantic inclination was Mr. Ashliman is a graduate of the University of Utah and a Ph.D. candidate at Rutgers University. He is presently at the University of Gottingen under a grant from the German government collecting data for his dissertation, "The Image of the American West in NineteenthCentury Germany."

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directed toward the plains and mountains of North America. The reasons for the great interest of Germans in the American West, which has continued almost unabated to the present day, are manifold. One source is the Father of European Romanticism, Jean Jacques Rousseau, whose plea to "return to nature" in search for the "noble savage" found a receptive audience east of the Rhine. Many Germans found this noble savage in the American Indian; they had been convinced of the nobility of the red man through James Fenimore Cooper, whose Leatherstocking tales were first translated into German in the 1820's and who has been widely read in Germany from that day until the present. Another novelist who stimulated European interest in the American West was Frangois Rene de C h a t e a u b r i a n d (1768-1848), whose I n d i a n novels a la Cooper enjoyed great popularity in German translation.

Any innate or cultivated predilection which mid-nineteenth-century Germans felt toward the American frontier was accentuated by ever increasing political strife at home, and they streamed to the New World by the hundreds of thousands (roughly three-quarters of a million in the decade 1846-56). The political refugees did not find their Utopia in the crowded, slum-ridden cities along the East Coast. Their idea of freedom was the pioneer company heading for the free land in the West, although most German immigrants themselves did not become active pioneers, but rather settled in the young cities of the Midwest: St. Louis, Milwaukee, and Chicago. German interest in the American West was selfperpetuating. Those who remained in the Old Country were now in contact with the American frontier not only through the novels of Cooper and Chateaubriand, but also through the letters, the published travel narratives, and the adventure novels written by their own countrymen in the New World. It is such firsthand reports about the Mountain West that we wish to examine in the present study.

To our knowledge, the first German to visit the area now encompassed by the boundaries of Utah was Charles Preuss, the official cartographer and artist of the first, second, and fourth expeditions to the West of John C. Fremont. It is fitting that a country which has historically been associated with thoroughness and with scientific excellence should have been represented on these important expeditions. Preuss served with distinction; modern students of western history continue to laud him for his excellence in sketching and in cartography. The contributions of his maps to the opening of the American West find repeated mention in western histories.

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Preuss's entry into present-day Utah was made during his second expedition with Fremont on about September 1, 1843, with four other explorers who had made a short detour into Utah for the purpose of charting the Great Salt Lake. The entire party reentered Utah about eight months later, this time at the extreme southwestern corner. They crossed the state diagonally, visiting the southern shore of Utah Lake and leaving Utah at the point where the Green River intersects the present state boundary line.

Preuss's account of his travels with Fremont makes fascinating reading for the student of western history, both as a supplement to the famous explorer's carefully prepared reports and as a highly subjective account of a well-educated, sensitive European on an arduous and dangerous journey through the wilderness. His journal, however, is of no more than passing interest in a study of the image of Utah and the Mormons in nineteenth-century Germany; Preuss was unknown in his fatherland.

H e died in Blandensburg, Maryland, in 1854. His journal was not published until over a century later, and then in English translation in America. 1 A better-known early pioneer was Heinrich Lienhard, a GermanSwiss who crossed Utah in 1846 on his way to Sutter's New Helvetia. He later became disenchanted with his countryman and left California ultimately to settle in the former Mormon capital, Nauvoo, Illinois, where he carefully reworked the diary of his journeys into what Erwin G. Gudde has called "one of the three classical reports of the great western migration of 1846." 2 An abridged version of this report was published in the original German under the title Californien unmittelbar vor und nach der Entdeckung des Goldes {California Immediately before and after the Discovery of Gold). Although this book is a drastically condensed version of his journal, it does contain, nearly uncut, the account of Lienhard's journey across Utah.

According to this book, Lienhard's party reached the shores of the Great Salt Lake on August 7, 1846, almost exactly one year before the first party of Mormon pioneers was to arrive. He recounts with delight 1 Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde, trans., Exploring with Fremont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss, Cartographer for John C. Fremont on His First, Second, and Fourth Expeditions to the Far West (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958).

2 Heinrich Lienhard, From St. Louis to Sutter's Fort, 1846, trans., Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde (Norman, 1961), ix. Lienhard's journal has never been published in its entirety.

The Gudde translation, as one can ascertain from its title, includes that portion most interesting to the student of the westward migration. The portion of his journal covering his journey across U t a h has been translated into English by Dale L. Morgan and appeared in West From Fort Bridger: The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails Across Utah, 1846-1850, Utah Historical Quarterly, X I X (1951), 117-76.

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Heinrich Lienhard, a Swiss pioneer who crossed Utah in 1846. A portion of his diary has been published by the Utah State Historical Society in Volume XIX of the U t a h Historical Quarterly.

a swimming party in the dense salt water, an experience that will be mentioned frequently by subsequent visitors to the Great Salt Lake, and he finds the climate and scenery of Utah exhilar a t i n g : " T h e clear, sky-blue water, the warm sunny air, the nearby high mountains . . . made an unusually friendly impression.

I could have whistled and sung the entire day." 3 This Swiss pioneer, who was both by training and by inclination a farmer, noticed at once the agricultural possibilities of the Great Basin, or so he claimed in 1870 when he finally reworked the diaries of his pioneer adventures.

"If there had only been a single family of white people here," he claims in his autobiography published in Zurich, "I probably would have remained. What a shame that this magnificent region was uninhabited, because the soil did appear to be fertile." 4 Although Lienhard is admittedly writing here with full knowledge of the Mormon accomplishments in their 23 years of settlement and colonization, one has no reason to disbelieve this prediction of Utah's agricultural potential.

Lienhard's source was his own daily journal written in 1846. It is interesting to compare this comment made by a Swiss farmer with Jim Bridger's famous rumored offer to pay Brigham Young $1,000 for the first bushel of corn grown in the Salt Lake Valley. 5 The 10 days spent by Lienhard's party on the banks of the Great Salt Lake were apparently among the most enjoyable of their entire journey. The three days following their departure from the lake were also memorable, but in a negative sense. Lienhard calls their three-day 3 Heinrich Lienhard, Calif ornien unmittelbar vor und nach der Entdeckung (ZUrich, 1898), 70.

4 Ibid.

5 See Leland H. Creer, The Founding of an Empire: The Exploration and of Utah, 1776-1856 (Salt Lake City, 1947), 286.

des Goldes

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march across the Salt Desert "the three hardest days of the entire trip." 6 In spite of the hardships inflicted on them by the waterless wasteland, they did reach water, and ultimately Sutter's Fort without serious incident.

The next Germans of importance to arrive in Utah were participants in government exploration parties which investigated possible routes for a transcontinental railroad in 1853 and 1854. F. W. Egloffstein, an artist-topographer, entered Utah in the winter of 1853-54 with Fremont's fifth expedition and continued on to California with the remnant of Gunnison's expedition under the leadership of Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith. Two other Germans, Jacob H. Schiel, a geologist, and F. Creutzfeldt, a botanist, were members of the ill-fated Gunnison expedition of 1853; the latter was killed along with his captain and six other fellow explorers in the famous Gunnison Massacre. Schiel, however, escaped to return to Germany and publish his experiences in the West under the title Reise durch die Felsengebirge und die Humboldtgebirge nach dem stillen Ocean (Journey through the Rocky Mountains and the Humboldt Mountains to the Pacific Ocean).

This 139-page book, over one-third of which is devoted to a description of Utah and the Mormons, is written in rather clumsy, sometimes abstruse, scientific German, and, judging from its present scarcity, it never achieved a very wide audience. Perhaps Schiel's narrow escape from the Indians gave all future memories of Utah a negative touch. In any event Schiel had little good to say about Utah or its inhabitants.

Even his entry into the territory is marked with pessimism: "From the day we climbed down into the valley of the Uncompahgre until the hour we pitched our tents at the foot of the Wasatch Mountains, which we reached towards the middle of October [1853], every friendly feature in the character of the landscape disappeared, with the exception of the view towards these mountains." 7 He quotes Kid [sic] Carson (in English) that "not a wolve [sic] could make a living" in the region between the Blue River [in north-central Colorado] and the Wasatch Mountains. 8 Schiel admits that the Great Basin does offer some highly picturesque scenes, but he finds them unfriendly and gloomy. The Great Salt Lake Desert receives special mention: "From a lofty peak [in the Cedar Mountains] . . . one looked across a broad landscape which surpassed in empti0

Lienhard, Calif ornien, 74.

J[acob] Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge Ocean (Schaffhausen, Switzerland, 1859), 72.

8 Ibid., 79.

7

und die Humboldtgebirge

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ness and gloominess everything we had thus far seen. . . . If the eyes of an inhabitant of ancient Greece had beheld this view, he surely would have moved the entrance to Hades to this place." 9 Schiel's slurs on the Territory of Utah are mild, however, when compared with the aspersions which he casts upon its inhabitants. Although there is scarcely an aspect of Mormon life that escapes criticism from his barbed pen, it is the alleged ignorance of the Mormon people that is mentioned most frequently. T h e principal cause of inconvenience and suffering in the Great Basin, reports Schiel, is the unwillingness of the Mormons to accept any wisdom except that which is revealed from heaven. It remains a mystery to Schiel how the Mormon leaders, the majority of whom were "extremely ignorant and of limited intellect," could so completely fanaticize and ruthlessly manipulate their "poor, spiritually famished" followers.10 An example of Mormon ignorance is given in Schiel's account of his discovery on the bottom of the Great Salt Lake of a white crystaline deposit, which contained, according to his analysis, 60 per cent sulphate of soda. H a d the Mormons had any knowledge of chemistry, he asserts, they could have constructed a furnace and converted the deposit to soda, a necessary ingredient in soap production. "But," continues Schiel, "the knowledge of the chemical trade is not revealed, but rather demands diligent and persistent study, a very disagreeable arrangement for the leading men of Utah, who claim that they possess all of their knowledge through revelation from God." 1X They must be satisfied, he adds, to continue to import their soap at exorbitant prices. A similar case reported

by Schiel is that of the Provo city engineer, who was having trouble executing his responsibilities because of the Holy Ghost's reluctance to reveal to him certain theorems of geometry and trigonometry. 12 Schiel was apparently surprised to find that the Mormons had in their possession a collection of expensive scientific instruments. He hastens to add, however, that most of them had been damaged beyond repair through carelessness, and that all were lying unused in the attic of the "Statehouse." 1 3 Although Schiel rails at Mormon ignorance and stupidity at every opportunity, in an early passage he unwittingly praises the ingenuity of a Mormon inventor in a glowing paragraph devoted to a "Ibid., 83-84.

10 Ibid., 103-4.

11 Ibid., 100.

12 Ibid., 125.

13 Ibid., 123-24.

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clever pioneer odometer. H e did not realize that it had been invented by Mormon leader Orson Pratt. 14 Schiel's lengthy discussion on the Mormons and on their beliefs amounts for the most part to little more than diatribe. Consider, for example, his closing statement to a section on Mormon doctrine: "For every tenet, every assertion, and every so-called revelation in the various works of their scribes there can be found a contradictory tenet, assertion, or revelation. T h e entire system is a chaos of nonsense, contradiction, and monstrosities of all kinds. But it has been preached with that confidence and audacity that has impressed and fettered unthinking men of all times." 1 5 Nor is he favorably impressed with the secular accomplishments of the Latter-day Saints: "They have not earned the admiration which they have for themselves; . . . their accomplishment appears insignificant when compared with that which has been achieved in a shorter time in California by the- overland emigration, even when one takes all the differences into consideration." 16 H e continues with an expose of other Mormon "exaggerations and deliberate lies" concerning their Utopian society. Their "magnificent national workshops," he reports, employ in reality less than a dozen men. Their educational facilities exist only as an idea, and their "large cotton mill" is a phantasm.

These polemics are not without an occasional spark of humor. Schiel takes great pleasure in announcing to his German reading audience that during his seven-month sojourn in the Utah Territory he met only three of his former countrymen who had accepted the claims of Mormonism.

Indeed, his entire discussion on the Mormons ends on a light note: If in the foregoing description I have done any injustice to the saints of the last days, I am all the sorrier, for I must close with a great incivility toward the women of U t a h . I am committing this transgression in the interest and for the consolation of those of my countrymen who may be looking upon the privileges of the Saints with quiet envy and perhaps secret desires. I n the entire valley I did not see even an almost beautiful woman. M a y the daughters of U t a h forgive me that I cannot have a better opinion of their charms. 1 7 14 Ibid., 10-11. Orson Pratt describes the circumstances leading to his invention of the pioneer odometer in his journal entry of May 16, 1847. Cf. Creer, Founding of an Empire 275-77. lu Schiel, Reise durch die Felsengebirge, 119â&#x20AC;&#x201D;20.

"Ibid., 122-23.

"Ibid., 126-27. This passage will remind many readers of Mark Twain's concluding remarks on Mormon polygamy in Chapter 14 of Roughing It (Hartford, Connecticut, 1872), which was published some 13 years after Schiel's book appeared in Switzerland: "With the gushing self-sufficiency of youth I was feverish to plunge in headlong and achieve a great reform here â&#x20AC;&#x201D; until I saw the Mormon women. Then I was touched. My heart was wiser than my head. It warmed toward these poor, ungainly, and pathetically 'homely' creatures, and as I turned to hide the generous moisture in my eyes, I said, 'No â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the man that marries one of

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Another German geologist to visit Salt Lake City before the turn of the century was a Professor Streng, who toured western America in the fall of 1891 with a 90-member international congress of geologists. Streng reported his findings in January of the following year in a lecture to the Oberhessische Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Heilkunde, a transcription of which was published under the title Eine Reise in das Land der Mormonen (A Journey to the Land of the Mormons). This 22-page brochure is divided almost equally into a geological description of the Great Basin and a description of the Mormons, their city, their religion, and their culture. In contrast to his colleague Jacob Schiel, Professor Streng has nothing but praise for the accomplishments of the Mormons. Writing some three decades later than Schiel, Streng recounts in glowing terms the story of the Mormon migration and their colonization of the wilderness. H e is especially favorably impressed with their capital city: "Everywhere one looks there are lawns, flower beds, shrubbery, stately villas; in short the city can boast all the comforts and luxuries of a great city, and although it is a long distance from the commercial centers of the United States, we did not find the prices in Salt Lake City stores to be excessively high." 1 8 Streng even praises the quality of beer served in the local taverns.

Streng's brief account and explanation of Mormon doctrine are sympathetic in tone, but not always accurate. H e ascribes the supposed Mormon belief in reincarnation to a borrowing from Buddhism; he points out quite as a matter-of-fact that Christ himself is to appear in the heretofore unfinished temple as soon as it is completed; and he outlines the duties of the Quorum of the Twelve and the Council of the Hundred. If it were not for these doctrinal and organizational errors one could almost read Geologist Streng's treatise as a Mormon tract. He lightly ridicules the United States government for its part in the recent Utah War: "Now really, are the Mormons such dangerous people?" he asks, and then answers his own question by pointing out their great achievement in taming the wilderness. H e concludes his argument with the superlatives: "Furthermore the Mormons are the soberest and the most industrious people." 1 9 Writing only one year after the abolition of polygamy, Streng makes a claim that is often heard in Mormon circles today, i.e., that only them has done an act of Christian charity which entitles him to the kindly applause of mankind, not their harsh censure â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the man that marries sixty of them has done a deed of openhanded generosity so sublime that the nations should stand uncovered in his presence and worship in silence.' " 18 Streng, Eine Reise in das Land der Mormonen (Giessen, 1892), 12.

19 Ibid., 13.

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a few Mormons ever practiced plural marriage. H e claims to have been shown a house belonging to a man who had five or six wives and 56 children, and, he adds: " H e who wants to provide for fifty-six children must be a very wealthy man. The number of such wealthy Mormons was naturally very small; polygamy was therefore practiced only in exceptional cases." 20 In spite of the immense interest shown by nineteenth-century Germans toward the romance of the American West, it is doubtful that many of them had read the travel narratives of Preuss, Lienhard, Schiel, or Streng. T h e name of our next writer-adventurer, however, was to become a household word in Germany. Heinrich Balduin Mollhausen, whose collected works fill 178 volumes, is said to have been the most widely read and most beloved German novelist of the 1860's and 1870's. 21 His great popularity came in part from his narrative skill and in part from the authoritative realism he was able to impart to his travel narratives and works of fiction. Mollhausen made three trips to western America between 1849 and 1858 and participated as an artist-topographer in three important expeditions: Duke Paul William of Wurttemberg's expedition to the Rocky Mountains in 1851-52, the Whipple expedition across the Rocky Mountains in 1853-54, and the Ives expedition up the Colorado River in 1858. Although Mollhausen apparently never entered the area encompassed by the present Utah boundaries, his works are of great interest to the present study; he came in frequent contact with Mormons, both those en route to Utah and those in outlying settlements (especially in the San Bernadino Valley), and he makes frequent mention of the Mormons and of the Territory of Utah in his works.

Mollhausen's successful career as a writer began with the twovolume Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi nach den Kiisten der Sildsee (Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Coasts of the South Sea), an illustrated account of the Whipple expedition that reads more like a novel than a travel narrative. It was guaranteed a certain amount of success at the booksellers by a flowery preface written by the famous German naturalist and traveler Alexander von Humboldt. But the book speaks for itself, and it found a wide audience in spite of its prohibitive price of 18 thalers. English and Dutch translations were also successful, and a second, less expensive German edition appeared in 1860.

Although the Whipple expedition did not cross Utah, Mollhausen includes in his report an excursus on the Mormons. This report, probably "Ibid., 15.

21 Preston A. Barba, Balduin Mollhausen,

the German Cooper (Philadelphia, 1914), 60.

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the first firsthand account of the Mormons to find wide readership in Germany, is factual, but unsympathetic in tone. It surveys Mormon history from Joseph Smith's first vision up to and including the Mormon War, and, as one could expect, devotes as much space to polygamy as to all other aspects of Mormon history. The information for his chapter on the Mormons was obtained during Mollhausen's stay with some Latter-day Saints on the upper Missouri River in 1852 and from the reports of Captain John W. Gunnison and Captain Howard Stansbury.

Mollhausen's geographical description of the Great Basin is pessimistic ; he questions Brigham Young's wisdom in choosing the Great Salt Lake Valley for the Mormons' central settlement: "One cannot say that this people enjoys many natural advantages in their new territory; good water is scarce; wood is almost entirely lacking; and good pastureland is found only against the slopes of the mountains and in the marshes." 22 Of even greater interest than Mollhausen's travel narratives are his many adventure novels, several of which include scenes in Utah and two of which use the Mormon problem for a central theme. The first of these, Das Mormonenmddchen (The Mormon Girl), published in 1864, has been reprinted as recently as 1935 and is considered by literary historians to be one of Mollhausen's best works. 23 The opening scene of the novel is a sandy desert not far from the "Mormon City." A young escapee from a polygamous marriage is hiding in the sand with her one-year-old son, while a posse of Mormons combs the area. They come close enough for her to overhear her husband say, "I don't care if she chokes to death in the sand, the apostate, but I've got to get the boy back!" 2 4 The novelist leaves mother and child to perish in the desert and transports the reader to New York City, where a group of Swedish Mormon converts en route to Utah has just arrived.

This second glimpse of Mormonism in action is scarcely more attractive than was the first one. We are introduced to the title heroine, Herta Jansen, a young and naive Swedish girl who has been tricked into joining the Mormon Church by her fanatical guardian uncle and who is now unknowingly being transported to Utah to become the second wife of a leading Mormon. The plot thickens when two unsavory Mormon agents arrive on the scene and begin making arrangements to smuggle weapons 22 Balduin Mollhausen, Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi nach den Kiisten der Siidsee (2 vols., Leipzig, 1858), II, 435.

23 See, e.g., Heinrich Spiero, Geschichte des deutschen Romans (Berlin, 1950), 262-63.

24 Balduin Mollhausen, Das Mormonenmddchen (Dresden, 1935), 11.

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and ammunition into Utah in preparation for the imminent war with the United States government.

The hero of the novel, Lieutenant Weatherton of the United States Navy, becomes doubly involved with the Mormon immigrants; not only has he fallen in love with Herta and wishes to save her from her impending fate in Utah, but he also has official orders to search all ships leaving the New York harbor for Mormon contraband. The Mormons manage to slip out of the harbor and head for Utah via Panama and California.

Weatherton, in a heroic move, immediately applies for and receives a year's furlough and starts off westward on an incredible midwinter trek hoping to arrive in Utah in time to save Herta from the evils of a Mormon marriage. Many adventures later, most of which show the cunning ruthlessness of the M o r m o n s , H e r t a and W e a t h e r t o n are reunited. Truce has been declared in the Mormon War, and Herta's uncle, recognizing the true love she has for Weatherton, gives his permission for their marriage.

"Navajos," a painting by Balduin Mollhausen, from Joseph Christmas U p o n the Colorado River of the West, Explored in 1857 and 1858 D.C, 1861).

Ives' Report (Washington,

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Mollhausen's second Mormon novel is no more complimentary to the Latter-day Saints than was his first, as one can immediately deduce from its title, Der Fanatiker (The Fanatic), first published in 1883. Both novels are similar in structure, content, and tone. Each has as a heroine a naive Scandinavian beauty who has been tricked or forced into joining the Mormons and who is to be married into polygamy by an unscrupulous guardian. Each heroine is ultimately rescued by a young adventurer who removes her from the danger of future Mormon attempts at revenge.

Each tale begins with a description of a heinous Mormon crime around which the plot is built. The opening scene of Der Fanatiker, a secluded stretch of the overland trail "in the northern part of the Salt Lake Valley," 25 is reminiscent of the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The carnage of a recently massacred party of 18 Missourians is described to the reader. The dastardly deed seems at first to have been the work of Indians, but a closer examination reveals that the Indian arrows had been shot into the bodies after they had already been riddled with bullets.

The second scene introduces the culprits, who are gloating from a nearby ridge over their successful ambush: " I ' m telling you, Dowlas, that was as fine a blow against the gentiles as any there has ever been."

Dowlas, who, as it turns out, is a Mormon apostle, replies, "May they be cursed! . . . A magnificent sight! As we have here eradicated a few of them, may they throughout the entire earth be eradicated with fire and sword!" 26 Mollhausen's novels exhibit the artistic faults typical of the exotic novel. His characters are painted in either black or white; his villains seldom show even the slightest redeeming quality, and his heroes are veritable paragons of virtue. In his Mormon novels the villains are identifiable even before their nefarious deeds have been revealed. Everyone who voluntarily associates with the Mormons is a villain. Trappers, frontiersmen, and other "gentiles" are automatically heroes. As with Cooper, the Indians also fall into two neat groups, good and bad, Mollhausen's Utes belonging to the latter group and his Delawares and Mojaves belonging to the former. As one could expect from a writer as prolific as Mollhausen, his novels contain some inconsistencies, but it takes literary skill to produce a best seller, and Balduin Mollhausen proved himself at the bookseller's for many decades. He not only demonstrated the ability to construct an exciting, suspensive plot, but perhaps even more important to the nineteenth-century German mind, he spoke 25

Balduin Mollhausen, Der Fanatiker -"Ibid.. 8-9.

(Leipzig, 1905), 7.

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with the authority of one who had been there. As he says in the preface to another of his western novels: "I relate that which I have seen and observed, and even if I myself have not personally experienced that which I narrate, I have heard it . . . from old hunting companions around a secret campfire in an inhospitable wilderness." 27 The next novelist to make extensive use of Utah and the Mormons in his works is one of German literature's most fascinating and problematical personalities. Karl May, a contemporary of Richard Wagner and Friedrich Nietzsche, began his literary career while serving a penitentiary sentence for a minor theft, a violation which he repeated frequently enough during his twenties and early thirties to accumulate nearly eight years of prison time. He probably turned to writing to find an escape from the monotony of cell life, but his tales of adventure captured the imagination of the youth of Germany and of other lands; his books have been translated into more than 20 languages (but not including English). Few, if any, German writers can boast a better sales record than May. His German editions alone, still popular more than 50 years after the author's death, have sold over 25 million copies. Nor has May's popularity been confined to Germany's youth; such diverse personalities as Adolf Hitler, Albert Einstein, Albert Schweitzer, and playwrite Carl Zuckmayer can be counted among the many admirers of Karl May. May's 70 novels, roughly half of which take place in mid-nineteenthcentury western America, owe their popularity largely to the author's quasi-realistic description of western geography and mores and to his "authoritative" account of "true" adventures. Most of his novels were written in the first person, and May asserted until the end of his life that his American tales were based on his own experiences in the American West. His claims, however, are given little credence by modern scholars, who doubt that May visited America prior to his highly publicized trip in 1908, many years after his most popular "westerns" had been published. May's knowledge of the American West was gleaned from the travel narratives of Mollhausen and others, from standard reference works, and, most important, from his own vivid imagination.

Most of May's recent critics have pointed out that his characters are literarily uninteresting because of the predictability of their reactions in a given situation. May creates villains and he creates heroes, but no one in between. In their extensive travels May's heroes cross the Territory of Utah many times and come in frequent contact with the Mormons, 27

Balduin Mollhausen, Der Fluchtling

(Leipzig, 1862), xii.

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who invariably belong to the villain group. May's Mormon villain who is given the fullest treatment is Harry Melton, whose scheme to force a group of German immigrants to perform slave labor in an illegally procured quicksilver mine provides the plot of the popular May novel Die Felsenburg (The Cliff Stronghold), first published in 1893. Another Mormon who is well known to Karl May devotees is Elder Tobias Preisegott (Praisegod) Burton, a Mormon missionary whose crimes of robbery and murder provide an important episode in Unter Geiern (Among Vultures), first published in 1888.

Although May does show some knowledge of Mormon and Utah history in his novels, he makes no significant use of it. There is nothing singularly "Mormon" about his Mormons; they could just as easily have been Armenians, French Canadians, or Chinese. Polygamy is frequently mentioned, but plays no important part in his plots, as it did in Mollhausen's Das Mormonenmddchen and Der Fanatiker; nor do May's Mormons act in behalf of their church in committing their vile deeds, as did the gunrunners and the Danites in the aforementioned works.

May's geographical descriptions of Utah, as well as those of other western regions, show that he made careful use of detailed maps while composing his tales, but cast further doubt on his preposterous claims that his stories are based on his actual adventures in the American West.

Richard Cracroft has pointed out two such quasi-realistic geographical descriptions in his master's thesis "The American West of Karl May" (University of Utah, 1963). One is a passage in Weihnacht im wilden Westen (Christmas in the Wild West), first published in 1897, which describes a 130-mile journey through the mountainous wilds of southern Wyoming. May lends the passage a semblance of accuracy by interspersing the actual names of numerous rivers, creeks, mountains, and passes throughout the text, but shows his ignorance of the area by letting the party cover over 130 miles of difficult mountainous terrain in an impossible two days. Cracroft's other example of May's geographical license is of still more interest to the Utahn. May's novels Winnetou III, first published in 1893, and Der Schatz in Silbersee (The Treasure in Silver Lake), first published in 1890, contain descriptions respectively of Echo Canyon and Big Cottonwood Canyon in Utah. In both instances May lets his fantasy run free, and the resulting descriptions bear little resemblance to the actual Utah locations. For example May's Echo Canyon contains Helldorf, a settlement of German immigrants, as well as a lovely alpine lake. His Big Cottonwood Canyon boasts a large, silver-colored lake. Neither historian nor literary critic will deny May the right to deal

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with both the geography and the inhabitants of U t a h in any way he pleases in his fiction. But Karl May has been for many Germans more than a writer of fiction; countless boys have idolized him not only as Germany's most popular writer ever but also as the authority on the American West.

N i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Germans were not wholly d e p e n d e n t upon novelists for their impressions of Utah and the Mormons. A number of book-length treatises on the Mormons appeared in Germany beginning in 1855 with a book by Moritz Busch entitled Die Mormonen, ihr Prophet, ihr Staat und ihr Glaube (The Mormons, their Prophet, their State, and their Faith). Busch had traveled as far west as the Mississippi in 1851 and 1852, at which time he apparently gathered material for this book, which went through several editions. We examined an edition of 1870 entitled simply Geschichte der Mormonen (History of the Mormons) and found it to be very objective. Busch frequently follows Ford's History of Illinois and expresses indebtedness to Gunnison, Ferris, Stansbury, and Schiel for his information about Utah.

In 1856 Theodor Olshausen, the publisher of a German-language newspaper in St. Louis, Missouri, published his Geschichte der Mormonen oder Jiingsten-Tages-Heiligen in Nordamerika (History of the Mormons or the Saints of the Last Day in North America). This book too is a laudable example of German thoroughness and objectivity. Like Busch's history, it is also based largely on Gunnison and Ford. Both Busch and Olshausen quote frequently from Mormon sources such as Joseph Smith's writings, Times and Seasons, and The Millennial Star.

One cannot say that Olshausen is sympathetic toward the Mormons, but he does defend them where he sees apparent injustice. For example, he criticizes a British expose of Mormon polygamy for its "exaggerations." 28 A book which probably received more popular attention in Germany than either of the two aforementioned works is D. T. Fernhagel's Die Wahrheit uber das Mormonenthum (The Truth about Mormondom), which was written in Salt Lake City in 1888 and published in Zurich the following year. Fernhagel states his objective very clearly in the preface: H e wants to prevent his fellow Germans and the citizens of Switzerland from becoming adherents to the Mormon religion. H e is not as bitter as was his predecessor Jacob Schiel; he does praise the Mormons for their accomplishments in overcoming the desert: "The northern half of Utah is studded with cities, villages, and farms. There are none more beautiful 28 Theodor Olshausen, Geschichte Nordamerika (Gottingen, 1856), 181.

der

Mormonen

oder

Jiingsten-Tages-Heiligen

in

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anywhere in the western states and territories of the North American Union." 2 9 But he has little else good to say about the Mormons in this 111-page book. He brands the Mormon claims as being a deliberate and elaborate fraud, showing where Joseph Smith and other leaders of the church were in collusion. H e gives stylistic evidence that Brigham Young, John Taylor, and George A. [sic] Cannon were coauthors of the Book of Mormon with Joseph Smith, but his reference to Morini [sic], the son of Mormon would indicate that his study of the Book of Mormon had not been as thorough as he would have his readers believe. 30 According to Fernhagel, Joseph Smith's 11 witnesses to the Book of Mormon had full knowledge of the fraud as did the majority of contemporary Mormon priests in Utah. 3 1 Fernhagel's principal criticism of Mormonism is not of polygamy, as one might expect, but rather the alleged exploitation of the Mormon masses by their ruthless leaders. Consider his statement on the Mormon tithe: "If the Mormon priests would really use the enormous sums which the church takes in every year . . . as they claim to, namely for the construction of churches and schools, for the support of the poor, for the maintenance and construction of canals, roads, etc., one would have no objection to the tithe." He continues with a "decree" ascribed to Brigham Young: "Whoever does not tithe must work, i.e., he must perform compulsory labor, and whoever will not or cannot do that will be excommunicated from the church." 3 2 Nor is excommunication something to be dealt with lightly, for in Fernhagel's Mormondom, Brigham Young, "like a true despot arranged for the disappearance into thin air of almost every Mormon who fell away from the church, if there seemed to be a danger that church secrets might be revealed." 33 The rapid growth of the Mormon Church in spite of its unsavory history is easily explained by Fernhagel. In the first place, he claims, "missionaries formerly received and still today receive instructions to bring only those individuals into the Mormon Church who are either mentally retarded or who are religious fanatics." 34 But the real secret of the Mormon success lies in a weakness common to all Americans: "The louder and more unashamedly one goes about a thing, the faster 29 D . T. 1889), 3.

30 Ibid., 31 Ibid., 32 Ibid., 33 Ibid., 3i Ibid.,

Fernhagel, Die Wahrheit 28-31.

22, 37.

83-84.

56.

37.

iiber das Mormonenthum:

Blatter aus Utah (Zurich,

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one will arrive at his goal and the larger will be the number of believers and afterwards of the oppressed; that is the case in every aspect of American life; a look in the newspapers gives us hundreds of such examples every day." 3 5 Germany has long been noted for its "yellow journalism," an assortment of illustrated tabloids which cater to lovers of the exotic, the sensational, and the sentimental. There were doubtless numerous lurid exposes of Mormonism published in these periodicals in the nineteenth century, but we have been spared the task of including them in the present study.

The tabloids were not normally indexed in standard guides to periodical literature, nor were they usually subscribed to by research libraries, at least not in this country.

The more reputable German periodicals have, however, supplied us with considerable material about Utah and the Mormons, much of which unfortunately shows little scholarly effort. Consider the following description of a typical Mormon service taken from a learned journal of the nineteenth century: "Between the speeches in their meetings they play cheerful dance music; then they say prayers, followed by jokes, so that the entire assembly of 'saints' breaks out into laughter." 3 6 The same author considers polygamy a natural consequence of the nomadic life led by the Mormons. The haphazard preparation of some of the articles is demonstrated by such misspellings as "Spandling" 3 7 Manuscript and the Book of Mormon City of "Zorachelma." 3 8 The articles in question were not written as exposes, but rather as "learned" essays about a most curious people. M o r m o n missionary efforts had not been successful enough in nineteenth-century Germany to cause the great concern about "soul snatching" that is evident in British and Scandinavian books and periodicals of the same period.

There are, of course, exceptions to the poorly researched articles mentioned above. A notable one, not only because of its accurate reporting, but also because of its witty style, is a series of articles written by Emma Poesche, the W a s h i n g t o n correspondent for the influential monthly Deutsche Rundschau fur Geographie und Statistik.39 Miss 3

"Ibid., 7.

36

G. Zaxt, "Einige christliche Sekten des 19. Jahrhunderts," Padagogisches Archiv und Centralorgan fiir die Interessen des Realschulwesens, X L (1898), 264.

37 "Zur Entstehungsgaschichte des Mormonismus," Adolf Bruells popularwissenschaftliche Monatsbldtter zur Belehrung uber das Judentum, X V I I (1897), 204.

38 Ibid.

39 Emma Poesche, "Die Mormonen," Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographie und Statistik, V I I (1885), 433-38, 440-41, 487-93. See also Emma Poesche, "Neue Kolonien der Mormonen," ibid., X X I I (1900), 165-72.

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Poesche concludes from the large number of multi-wived Utahns who still have buttons missing from their shirts that polygamy apparently was not as successful as the Mormons had claimed. She also tells of a convert to Mormonism who was so faithful that she was baptized by immersion in midwinter and thus could ascend to her blessed reward even sooner than she had hoped; she caught cold from the icy waters and died. In addition to the humor, Miss Poesche's articles are valuable as accurate, discerning accounts of conditions in Utah in the 1880's.

Another exceptionally well-conceived and objectively rendered account of Mormonism to appear in a German periodical is a series published in the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung beginning February 16, 1873, and running four consecutive days. The author, Rudolf Schleiden, obtained his information in 1872 on a two-month tour of the United States which included a visit to Utah. This series was later reprinted under the title " U t a h und die Mormonen" in a book entitled ReiseErinnerungen aus den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika (Travel Memories from the United States of America). Schleiden gives the best account of Mormonism in Germany that we found in the research leading to this study. H e speculates on possible reasons for the lack of success of the Mormons in Germany and tells of Orson Hyde's unsuccessful missionary attempts in Bavaria fn 1841 and of similar failures by other missionaries in Hamburg and in Berlin. Schleiden includes in his article an accurate account of Mormon history and a faithful summary of Latter-day Saint doctrine and church organization. He expresses great respect for Brigham Young's organizational talents, and tells in an interesting anecdote how he met the Mormon leader and discovered that the latter could understand the German language reasonably well. Schleiden doubts that polygamy will be practiced by the Mormons much longer. He does give examples of some apparently happy polygamous marriages, but claims that the youth of the church is becoming disenchanted with the practice.

All in all Schleiden seems to have succeeded in fulfilling his selfannounced objective, "to impart to my readers, with the highest possible degree of objectivity, my own observations of this interesting sect." 40 In conclusion, it appears that the n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y German reporters on Mormonism only seldom remained true to the German tradition of thoroughness and scholastic excellence, although the "Mormonism-Exposed" polemics printed in that country were less numerous and probably less malicious than those being published in countries where the 40 Rudolf Schleiden, Reise-Erinnerungen York, 1873), 69.

aus den Vereinigten

Staaten

von Amerika

(New

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Mormon missionaries were enjoying greater success. Some writers, like Moritz Busch and Theodor Olshausen, were objective enough, but added little original insight or information, basing their histories and comments largely on standard American works. Although Balduin Mollhausen had spent years in the American West and Karl May had read the best books available about the scene of his tales, neither's novels show any degree of objectivity when dealing with the Mormons. T h e picture they paint of life in nineteenth-century Utah is little different from that presented later

by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle or Zane Grey.

One would expect that Mollhausen, May, and the many other writers of western fiction and travel narratives, which were the vogue in nineteenth-century Germany, would have put Utah on the map, for good or for bad; but there were still numerous Germans who had only the vaguest ideas about Utah and the Mormons, as is indicated by the following fragment of a conversation from a novel by Theodor Fontane, one of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y G e r m a n y ' s most widely read and highly respected novelists. The scene is Berlin in the 1870's, and the speaker is a well-meaning friend of a girl who is contemplating marriage with a member of a heretofore unnamed American sect. " 'Lord, oh my goodness,' said Frau Dorr. 'He isn't a â&#x20AC;&#x201D; God, what are they called, you know, the ones that have so many wives, always at least six or seven and some of them even more â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I can't imagine what they do with so many.' " 4 1 There were doubtless many Frau Dorrs in nineteenth-century Germany who knew that a sect existed somewhere in America which, in addition to advancing other reprehensible doctrines and practices, permitted (or required) its adherents to violate the monogamous code of the western world. They were not sure of its name, only that it was to be avoided at all costs.

41

Theodor Fontane, Irrungen

Wirrungen,

Chap. X V I I .

The Frontier: Hardy Perennial

BY CARLTON C U L M S E E

Hardships and hard work are synonymous with the farming frontier. Even young children had to do a full day's work as is the young boy riding the derrick horse.

0

ne must be foolhardy to write about the Frontier, because most readers regard it as having long since been laid to rest in the dust of scholarship. But the fact is, because there is an enduring physical basis, Frontier psychology persists in significant senses.

True, the 1890 census-makers saw the "zone between civilization and savagery" so fragmented that a "border" could no longer be traced.

Then Frederick Jackson Turner told us the time had come to appraise the effects of the Frontier on our individual and mass psychology and institutions. Although he showed acute insight in pointing out some of these influences, his historical pioneering unfortunately coincided with an influx of philosophic and literary pessimism which helped persuade us that our exuberant national youth was ended. Now, it seemed, we must face a future of circumscribed opportunity and melancholy reality. Now some gloomily accepted a new era from which free land was lacking â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and from which the spirit of freedom and self-reliance and the fluidity of society, essences of our democracy, appeared to be vanishing. This view appealed to a sluggish streak in us. Although exhorters encouraged us by reminding us that there would always be New Frontiers for the enterprising, energetic, and courageous, many of us preferred to think that, if the age of experimentation with our institutions had passed, we could largely forgive efforts to drug a social conscience pained and painful in its birth-throes. This mood contained too much economic determinism, Spenglerism, nostalgia for a Golden Age when there was unlimited raw material in the hand of a brash adolescent country, longing for a bouyant phase that had slumped into stodgy middle age.

Most of what Professor Turner's disciples wrote was authentic. But from it we have drawn assumptions that we tend to apply too broadly and yet too rigidly. It would be convenient and comfortable, in a luxurious sadness, if we could view the turn of the century as the opening of a new era in which pioneer individualism surrendered to forces too huge and complex for us. The fact is, as I suggested, important aspects of the Frontier seem destined to survive indefinitely, partly because a solid foundation for the Frontier psychology still exists and partly because our minds are, fortunately, as resilient as they are.

Here is evidence: after 1890 when the Frontier ostensibly was closed, people have settled on wild lands (homesteads, former Indian holdings, and other lands â&#x20AC;&#x201D; sometimes in successive waves over tracts Dr. Culmsee is dean of the College of Humanities and Arts at U t a h State University, Logan, Utah.

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that the wilderness had recaptured) totaling an area approximating that of the Louisiana Purchase, which in 1803 doubled the size of our country.

These pioneers cut themselves off from established ways of life. They plunged into the wilds with genuine pioneer temerity and entrusted their dreams, their fortunes, and their sanity to the rigors of pioneering under increasingly difficult natural conditions. I know something of the "postfrontier" because my family joined one of these latter-day assaults on the wild lands, I even "proved u p " on a 3 20-acre homestead myself.

Rarely were these pioneers prepared for the harsh conditions they encountered, because they moved from the tamed lands or cities to the wild as abruptly as though passing through a door from a snug room to a storm outside. Thus many twentieth century frontiersmen resembled the "gentleman adventurers" who disembarked at Jamestown in 1607 ill equipped to overcome nature's adversities. Most of the hundreds who died at Jamestown, it is true, succumbed to fever; the western frontiersmen found aridity their chief foe. But in neither period were the pioneers inured to the vicissitudes that confronted them.

We may deplore their ignorance, but we must concede that many developed rapidly and revealed much courage. Just as the first ScotchIrish adapted themselves so swiftly to the "border" that they often caught the Indians off guard, the western frontiersmen quickly gained tougher fibre and made adaptations. It is fortunate, however, that moral victories have been numerous, for the material triumphs over the arid lands have been, for the most part, transitory, illusory, or unrealistically expensive.

T h e Mormons conquered the desert? Yes, in a manner of speaking.

Not to detract from their very considerable physical achievements, we must make larger claims for intangible victories. After more than a century, only about four per cent of Utah's land is cultivated. Most of the remainder is highland or wasteland penetrated briefly by a few herdsmen, hunters, fishermen, and rock hounds. Planes fly over, and some roads hurry us across the barrens. But drive 50 or 100 miles across many a waste; come to an oasis at the mouth of a canyon; see at the edge of town the wind-beaten signs of Rotary, Kiwanis, Lions; guess how the villagers club together against desert and mountain that loom over them, which in many counties threaten to take back their own as the young people flee city-ward. One of Montana's forlorn boasts is that the state possesses more ghost towns than does any other state! But Utah, despite large population increases in a few centers, has a goodly number of declining or dead villages also.

The

Frontier

231

U . S . SOIL CONSERVATION SERVICE

Successful utilization of water is important to the farmer. This picture shows the development of new methods of bringing water to the thirsty land. The ditch is lined with a plastic material which cuts down on loss of water. The untreated ditch to the side permits seepage and erosion.

Let us, however, leave this doleful theme. Experts have already emphasized the economic features of the Frontier, sometimes unduly, for we have long lain enmeshed in various physical determinisms. Thus we have tended to depreciate the mental and spiritual aspects of the interaction between man's inner nature and physical nature on the Frontier.

Such neglect leads to a gross imbalance in our judgment and to unwarranted pessimism.

We have, it is true, observed how free land helped foster individualism and the democratic spirit. But we might profitably examine the paradox of rugged individuals who were so greedy to devour the Big Barbecue of natural resources that they shouted stridently, successfully for government aid; for troopers to fight the Indians and patrol immigrant and trade routes; for roads; for land-grants for railroads; for reclamation projects, dams, canals, and power plants; for research on a thousand problems posed by hostile nature on the Frontier. Every such demand inevitably made government more powerful, expensive â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and demand-

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ing on us. It would be fascinating to read epics of rampant individualists who, needing an ally to overmaster the might of the arid West, helped turn "creeping socialism" into a stampede! Do not misunderstand: I do not fear government and its influences through Flaming Gorge and Glen Canyon dams, land-grant universities and research, national forests and national parks. I merely relish the irony of how the Hero with the Winchester turned into the Statesman who allied the Big Sky Country with the industrial city to make Big Government bigger.

But in this article I would emphasize a different influence which rises from the wilderness, And I would point out another paradox akin to the first: the legend of incalculable riches and felicity in the Sunset Lands finds an enduring foundation in physical conditions hostile to men!

T h e explanation is simple. The attraction of the Frontier is its promise of unexploited potentiality. The well-watered lands do not offer this enticement because they comfortably sustain life and hence they hold inhabitants. But half of America west of the 98th meridian ranges from a zone of chronic drought, the High and Dry Plains, the Dust Bowl of old, to lands as malignant to man as Death Valley. Men penetrate these lands but they remain only on condition that they adapt to their stern environment. Despite automobiles and television sets, they change profoundly, in ways that may not be obvious, or they get out. The permanent settlements are confined to relatively small areas supported by costly reclamation projects, military bases, or "retirement colonies." Vast regions remain uninhabited to hint possibilities of inestimable rewards to generation after generation — furs first, then gold, silver, cattle and sheep baronies, coal, political power, oil, uranium, Gilsonite. All these may be appropriated or exhausted, but the fabulous Sunset Lands continue to beckon to the venturesome and enterprising or merely foolish. As a matter of

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fact, the barrens contain immense reserves of nonmetallic minerals and other wealth, and who knows what new riches science may find in the sand and rocks and the beds of ancient lakes?

Thus the American Frontier (and this includes Canada and Alaska, Matanuska and Mount Kennedy, Great Slave Lake and Hudson's Bay, and the islands and seas about them) is a hardy perennial. It did not end in 1890 or 1900. Scholars may have decided that a chapter of our history ended; but the people? No. Coming from gentled acres and artificial, stilted cities, people approach the savage lands with dreams and dreads, exhilaration and deep uneasiness, and fear they normally conceal because it shames them — fear controlled and converted into some degree of victory for the spirit.

Thus the emotional impact of desert and mountain frontiers finds expression in contrasting modes: delight at beauty manifested in strange, fierce ways; joy that requires effort to quell an undertow of trepidation at nature's blank indifference or sullen opposition; and sometimes frank admission of alienation, fear, or aversion. Philosophic and literary naturalism from abroad gave Americans ideas, models, and courage to be honest and more than honest, to be creative and original in an outraged or belligerent mood. We have, therefore, had books as diverse as Hamlin Garland's dour short stories, Ole Rolvaag's Giants in the Earth, Vardis Fisher's Toilers of the Hills, Rose Wilder Lane's Free Land, but with this in common: the authors told the exorbitant price of "free" land in toil and suffering. The more positive aspect, the undeniable beauty, is shown us best by feature writers for such magazines as Desert, by romantic photographers, poets, painters, and composers of such works as Grofe's Grand Canyon Suite.

But there is a facet that does not fall strictly in either the mood of exultation or aversion. It helps us in our unresting quest for selfrealization. It is this that makes the Frontier, the wild lands, abidingly significant to our national psychology. Admittedly, the urban-industrial

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Utah Historical Quarterly

complexes, with artificiality and baffling intricacy cutting us off more and more from spontaneous nature, dominate America. But the more that Megalopolis overshadows the smaller towns and decaying rural hamlets, the more we need the influences typified in the Desolation Primitive area south of Lake Tahoe and the Wind River Primitive area of Wyoming, or the new Canyonlands National Park in southeastern Utah.

Periodically we require the wholesome shock of immersing ourselves in undented, unvitiated nature. Let us cease to sneer at Emerson's faith in the curative powers of virgin solitudes. Perhaps, for the nineteenthcentury Romanticists' sentimental beliefs in the benevolence of Mother Nature or nature's affection as an indulgent mistress, we should substitute appreciation for a bitterly tonic effect, that which man receives upon bursting out of the overprotective, punchcard-regulated, filed, dehumanized society to confront the nature our literature presents as alien to humanity in our highest emergence. To face the brooding, towering spirit of adverse nature in the desert, in the majesty and terror of the Canyonland or Grand Canyon abysses, or to stare up at the mighty icecarved heads from the high Uintas to Jasper Park â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to outstare these Harsh conditions of frontier life are depicted in the dry, boulder-strewn cemetery on the outskirts of a desert frontier community.

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The Frontier

235

ancient bullies who know not Man and care not a pine needle or a hawk's moulted feather for him â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this can be good for us. Even the unmitigated malignity of the poisonous Death Valley sinks can be tonic, although it must be taken in minute doses as a heart patient may take little nitroglycerin pills.

One cannot, of course, attach much spiritual value to coloredpostcard experiences such as one gets from a car window glimpse of those desert flowers that bloom briefly once in two or three springs, or the yucca blossoms we admire as we flee from them at 80 miles an hour. The calendar photos by railroad public relations photographers reduce awesome mountains and canyons, alkali sinks and dunes to docile little dreams for the vacation-planner. You should experience intimately and actually the unseen presences behind treeless peak and cliff and wasteland, behind tundra and muskeg plains, behind rockslide and snowslide, and drought that dips a vulture's beak into your veins in the white hot glare of the summer desert; you must learn to know these in solitude, know fear of them, and learn to subdue the fear. For it is only terror felt and then mastered that makes courage, as only faith that outlasts despair and builds on despair can be real faith.

Assurance we may draw from the unrelenting rigor of the arid and semiarid West is this: some of the world's most inspiring and heartening messages have been given humanity by prophets who stalked hollow-eyed out of desert and mountain solitudes. And to speak in terms the twentieth century accepts more readily, Utah has borne far more than her share of hard-headed but high-minded scientists who have gained national distinction. The toad adversity does truly carry a jewel in its head. And solitude is not always an enemy of society.

The Structure an

ature of Labor Unions in Utah, An Historical Perspective, 1890-1920

BY SHEELWANT B. PAWAR

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T

rade unions are highly complex institutions. Their goals and philosophy vary. They differ in their structure, nature, and individual characteristics. They can be studied from the points-of-view of several disciplines including economics, political science, sociology, and history.

"Under the caption of 'history of labor' are chronicled what purport to be the collections of fact and sequences of fact." 1 But as Talcott Parsons contends, " T h e facts do not tell their own story; they must be crossexamined. They must be carefully analyzed, systematized, compared, and interpreted." 2 "The development of any labor movement is determined by a number of important factors â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the nature of the economy, the political habits and the traditions of the people, the opportunity for social mobility, and the values and attitudes fostered by the culture." 3 This viewpoint, strengthened by Joel Seidman, was advocated by Professor John R. Commons more than 50 years ago, and has since been discovered true by others.

The labor movement in Utah is also a product of its environmental forces. Utah, during the early period of its development, offers a fine example of a regional economy founded for a religious purpose, dominated by religious sentiments, and managed by religious leaders. 4 It endeavored to grow in seclusion and remain free from outside influences.

During the first decade after the Mormon pioneers arrived in Utah, their economy was primarily that of a barter system.5 The activities of the pioneer society were directed mainly toward agrarian production.

Utah offers a peculiar set of environmental forces for the study of its Mr. Pawar, research associate in the Institute of Industrial Relations at the University of Utah, is currently finishing the requirements for his doctorate in business administration. In the fall of 1967, he will assume the position of assistant professor of business administration at Idaho State University in Pocatello.

This article, read at the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society, September 1966, is a part of the author's forthcoming doctoral dissertation.

1 John T. Dunlop, " T h e Development of Labor Organization: A Theoretical Framework," Readings in Labor Economics, eds., Gordon F. Bloom et al. -(Homewood, Illinois, 1963), 58.

2 Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (New York, 1937), 698, as quoted in Dunlop, "Labor Organization," Labor Economics, 58.

3 Joel Seidman et al., The Worker Views His Union (Chicago, 1958), 2.

4 Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (2nd ed., Lincoln, Nebraska, 1966), vii.

5 Noble Warrum, ed., Utah Since Statehood: Historical and Biographical (4 vols., Chicago, 1919), I, 277.

Photograph on preceeding page of the G. A. Heaman Asphalt Plant located at Ninth South and Fifth West streets. Asphalt from this plant was used in the construction of Salt Lake City streets.

Labor Unions in Utah

239

economic institutions. Here one finds the foundation and evolution of a pioneer society in which the founders had determined to achieve economic welfare through highly organized cooperative efforts. During the early period the economic activities were organized and directed by religious institutions. Thus, the main directives came from a religious rather than economic institution. This earlier influence on organized society in Utah has left its mark on the subsequent development of economic institutions, including labor organizations.

It is the purpose of this paper to offer an historical perspective of the structure and nature of labor unions in Utah from 1890 to 1920. In this period the labor movement had a sense of continuity; it had a sense of an unfolding history; it had a sense of direction.

As mentioned earlier, an historical study is based on collections of fact and sequences of fact. In an attempt to compile a history of organized labor in Utah as a meaningful interpretation and an adequate analysis, one is confronted with a lack of complete, original written records and historical data. T h e lack of available primary sources for research presents a challenge to the researcher who attempts to compile factual material unbiased by subjective interpretations. 6 T H E STRUCTURE OF U N I O N S IN U T A H

Professor Chester Morgan of the State University of Iowa maintains that structurally the typical labor movement ultimately erects a pyramid.

The base of the pyramid consists of the sundry local unions which are usually the first to develop; the heart or midsection of the pyramid consists of national or international unions created later which unite related locals; and the apex of the labor movement pyramid, added usually after the national entities are relatively established, consists of a federation of national unions. 7 Applying this observation to the study of the structure of labor unions within a geographical area, Utah's experience more or less follows the pyramid pattern of the union organization structure.

The base or the foundation of sundry locals in Utah extends from the 1860's to 1890, when the city centrals or councils which form the midsection of the pyramid came into existence. During this early period, 6 The primary sources for the research of this paper were the handwritten minutes of the meetings of the following local unions: Bridge and Structural Iron Workers Local No. 27, Plumbers and Steamfitters Local No. 19, Painters and Decorators Local No. 77, Building Laborers Protective Association Local No. 1, Salt Lake Typographical Union Local No. 115, Allied Printing Trades Council, Building Trades Council, Metal Trades Council, and Salt Lake Federation of Labor. The records of the meetings were not in sequence, but the whole period from 1890 to 1920 was sufficiently covered by the records in the Archives of the Institute of Industrial Relations, University of Utah.

7 Chester A. Morgan, Labor Economics (Homewood, Illinois, 1962), 344.

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labor unions took the form of fraternal organizations of the various crafts.

The heart or midsection and the apex of the labor movement, which is the period under examination, covers three decades, from 1890 to 1920.

This was the period in which conservative unionism came in conflict with radical unionism in Utah, and it was also the period in which the nature and characteristics of Utah unions were roughly determined. Although the statewide labor organization was affiliated with the American Federation of Labor during the first 10 years of the twentieth century, it was not until the next two decades that the apex of the labor movement pyramid became effective in practice.

Briefly the period 1860 to 1890 was characterized by incidental attempts of persons in various trades or crafts to organize in order to further their mutual interests. The growth of labor organization coincided with periods of prosperity. The only union that continued uninterruptedly from its formation to now is the Typographical Union Local No. 115, which was chartered on August 3, 1868,8 and was the first affiliated local union organized in Utah.

The following locals, among others, were organized by the end of 1890: Amalgamated Carpenters, Brotherhood of Railway Firemen, Painters, Brewery Workers, Cigar Workers, Plumbers, Retail Clerks, Machinists, and Iron Molders. The total number of locals was around 20. 9 T H E FORMATIVE PERIOD OF U T A H LABOR M O V E M E N T

1890-1920

On February 28, 1889, the "Utah Federated Trades and Labor Council" gave an inaugural concert and ball at Emporium Hall. This was the first city central labor organization established in Utah. Most of the locals in Salt Lake City were affiliated with this newly organized city central, commonly known as the Federated Trades. The entry in the minute book of the Plumbers and Steamfitters Local 19, July 16, 1890, says "moved and seconded that Local 19 of Plumbers Steam and Gas fitters and Steamfitters helpers amalgamate with federated trade, ays 15 nays 7 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; carried." 1 0 8 Dee Scorup, "A History of Organized Labor in U t a h " (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1935), 1.

9 Ibid., 2.

10 Plumbers and Steamfitters Local Union No. 19, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I (1890-1894), July 16, 1890, p. 16. Many spelling and sentence errors occur throughout the minute book entries, and frequent use of sic would make the reading difficult. Therefore, these acknowledged errors will be allowed to stand as they appear in the original entries.

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The depression of the 1890's apparently slowed union organization activity until the turn of the century. However, repeated attempts were made all through the 1890's to establish a city central. It is of vital importance to note that structurally, organization on the "trades" or "crafts" line was the main theme of unionization during the 1890's as was also the case nationally. In 1880 the number of persons engaged in the building trades in Utah was 6,162. 11 This accounted for 46 per cent of all persons engaged in manufacturing and mechanical industries. This relatively high concentration of persons in the building trade occupations explains the attempt made by them to establish in 1893 a limited and exclusive central organization of the building trade unions.

11 U.S., Census Bureau, Statistics of the Population Census: 1880 (Washington, D . C , 1883-1888), I, 768-75.

Skilled machinists, the craft unions.

of the United States, at the

as shown in this lathe shop, formed

part of the membership

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As early as 1890, R. G. Sleater, the organizer of Utah Federated Trades and Labor Council, urged all the building trade unions to form a council ". . . for the interest and better protection of the skilled mechanic." 1 2 An attempt to establish a Building Trades Congress in 1893 was met with only partial success as this central body of building trade locals did not survive the depression of 1894. However, in May 1899, a Building Trades Council was established as a central body with the affiliation of building trade locals only. Most of the locals which had dissolved during the depression were reorganized again. O n April 27, 1899, the Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers organized their Local No. 77. L. W. Gallaher organized and initiated the members. 13 T h e minutes of the meeting, held in the Bricklayers Hall 49 on Main Street, read as follows: "Bro. Chalker moved that no smoking be allowed during the meeting, adopted â&#x20AC;&#x201D; moved by Bro. Kraft that a committee of three be appointed to confer with other Trades in regard to organizing a Building Trades Council." 14 O n the other hand, around 1894, the Federated Trades was dissolved and a newly organized Board of Labor took over the functions of the Federated Trades. The Board of Labor functioned more or less as a social organization during the period of the 1894 depression. It established a free reading room, a library, and an employment office. In 1896 the city central organization of labor came to be known as the Utah Federation of Labor. As the number of unions outside Salt Lake City and vicinity was not too large at this time, the Utah Federation of Labor, though technically a city central body for Salt Lake City, also acted as a central body for most of the labor unions in Utah.

This was an active period in the Utah labor movement, as indicated by the following entry in the minutes of the Painters Local 77.

Bro. Norling Delegate to the U.F.L. [Utah Federation of Labor] stated there was no business of importance with the exception that the Barbers were organized [25 members], and also trying to organize the Laundry employees, Bro. Zimmerman stated that the stage hands at the Theatre would like to have a union if they could have some one to help them. Bro. Norling stated he would see to it as soon as possible . . . , 15 12

Plumbers Local No. 19, "Minutes," Book I, November 20, 1890, p. 48.

Painters and Decorators Local Union No. 77, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I (18991902), April 27, 1899, p. 1.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., March 28, 1901, p. 85.

13

Labor Unions in Utah

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T h e apex of the structural pyramid of labor organization in U t a h was completed with the establishment of the Utah State Federation of Labor in 1908. An earlier attempt, in May 1904, to establish a statewide federation of labor met with only partial success as political issues created a conflict between the radical and the conservative elements in the Utah labor movement. Out of this conflict was born a permanent State Federation of Labor in 1908, which has since been the statewide central body of labor in Utah. The minutes of the Utah Federation of Labor report this second attempt to organize the State Federation of Labor, "The organization committee reported the State Federation has been organized; twenty-three unions were represented; all officers elected, and adjourned to meet again May 6th, 1908,.. ." 1 6 With the establishment of the Utah State Federation of Labor, the Utah Federation of Labor changed its name to Salt Lake Federation of Labor on May 8, 1908, 17 and became solely a city central body rather than a statewide organization. Undoubtedly the reason for this change was to avoid the confusion of names. Thus, the first decade of the twentieth century witnessed the completion of the structural pyramid â&#x20AC;&#x201D; local unions, city central, state federation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; of the labor unions in Utah, which remained basically unchanged thereafter.

A radical element, consisting primarily of miners in Utah, started to organize by the end of the nineteenth century. In fact, on May 10, 1898, the miners called a conference at Salt Lake City and established the Western Labor Union. 18 The following two decades witnessed active and revolutionary unionism in Utah among the mining and smelter workers through such nationally known organizations as the Western Federation of Miners, the Industrial Workers of the World, and the Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council. T h e chart on the following page represents the locals in Salt Lake City, Ogden, and mining towns to 1920.

The relatively active unionism in Utah during the first two decades of the twentieth century could be attributed to many factors. First, the population of Utah increased from 276,749 in 1900 to 373,351 in 1910, or by 34.9 per cent. It increased again to 449,396 in 1920. The population of Salt Lake City, which was then the center of most of the labor 16 U t a h Federation of Labor, "Minutes of the Meeting," April 10, 1908, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I I (1907-1910), May 3, 1908, p. 78.

17 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes of the Meeting," May 8, 1908, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book II, June 7, 1908, p. 88.

18 Irving Bernstein, "Union Growth and Structural Cycles," Labor and Trade Unionism, eds., Walter Galenson and Seymour Martin Lipset (New York, 1960), 79.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR (Organized November 15, 1881) U T A H STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR (Organized May 3, 1904) (Reorganized April 6, 1908) Chartered May 6, 1908 State-wide Labor Organization

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U T A H FEDERATED TRADES & LABOR COUNCIL 1889 U T A H FEDERATION OF LABOR 1896 SALT LAKE FEDERATION OF LABOR May 8, 1908 OGDEN TRADES & LABOR ASSEMBLY January 1, 1903 City Central Bodies

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Labor Temple Association Union Label League Women's Auxiliary City Central Organizations GROUP I — CONSERVATIVE BLOC

Building Trades Congress— 1893 Building Trades Council—(Salt Lake and Ogden) May 1, 1889. Reorganized October 30, 1908

Miscellaneous Locals (Affiliated with Salt Lake Federation of Labor) Bakers No. 63 Barbers No. 377 Bartenders No. 721 Brewery Workers No. 64, No. 252, No. 291 Cigar Makers No. 224 Chocolate Dippers No. 1 Confectioners No. 161 Culinary Alliance (Cooks & Waiters) No. 815 Fire Fighters No. 81 Horse Shoers No. 134 Laundry Workers No. 16 Leather Workers Meat Cutters & Butchers No. 537 News Writers Office Workers No. 16092 Oil Field, Gas Well & Refinery Workers No. 3 Retail Clerks No. 558 Salt Lake Federated Musicians No. 104 Stage Employees No. 99 Street Car Employees No. 382 Sign Writers No. 647 Teamsters No. 131, No. 291, No. 418 Telegraphers Upholsterers No. 90

Bricklayers Building Laborers Protective Association No. 1 Building Laborers & Hod Carriers No. 79 Bridge, Structural, & Ornamental, Reinforced Iron Workers and Riggers No. 27 Carpenters' District Council Carpenters & Joiners No. 184 Amalgamated Society of Carpenters No. 725, No. 767, No. 790, No. 794, No. 1370 Cement Finishers No. 550 Cement Workers No. 122 Electrical Workers No. 57, No. 354 Glaziers No. 911 Hoisting & Portable Engineers No. 354 Lathers No. 43 Painters & Decorators No. 77 Plasterers No. 68 Plumbers & Steamfitters No. 19 Sheet Metal Workers No. 121 Steamfitters No. 103 Tile Setters & Helpers No. 101 Wood, Wire, & Metal Lathers No. 45 Metal Trades Council

Allied Printing Trades Council

Blacksmiths No. 166 Boilermakers No. 103, No. 182 Foundry Employees No. 48 Iron Molders No. 231 — Iron Workers No. 27 Machinists No. 106 Pipefitters No. 726 Sheet Metal Workers No. 121 Steam Engineers No. 363 Pattern Makers G R O U P II — R A I L R O A D UNIONS CONSERVATIVE BLOC Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen The Order of Railway Conductors

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Typographical Union No. 115 Printing Pressmen's Union No. 148 Printing Press Feeders & Assistants No. 54 Stereotypers No. 71 Bookbinders No. 151 Photo-Engravers No. 50 Salt Lake Mailers Union No. 141, No. 21 Webb Pressmen's Union No. 28

INDEPENDENT UNIONS

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GROUP III

MINER'S & INDUSTRIAL UNIONS RADICAL BLOC

Western Federation of Miners (Western Labor Union) Bingham Miners' Union No. 67 Eureka Miners' Union No. 151 United Mine Workers No. 4422 Industrial Workers of the World No. 69, No. 202, No. 262 The Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council

Labor Unions in Utah

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activity, rose from 53,531 to 92,777, an increase of 73.3 per cent during the first 10 years of the twentieth century. The foreign-born poplation in Utah was 19.4 per cent in 1900, 17.6 per cent in 1910, and 13.1 per cent in 1920.

Second, the occupational changes were remarkable during this period. Of the total persons engaged in all occupations, approximately 29 per cent were engaged in agriculture. O n the other hand the manufacturing and mechanical industries accounted for 23 per cent of the total persons engaged in all occupations. The persons engaged in extraction of minerals grew from 6,643 in 1900 to 10,117 in 1920, which was approximately 7 per cent of the persons engaged in all occupations.

Thirdly, the number of manufacturing establishments in Utah in 1900 was 1,400, which provided employment for 6,615 persons. Though the number of establishments decreased to 749 in 1910, the number of persons employed increased to 11,785, which indicates the increase in the size of individual establishments during this 10 year period. Over 1,000 establishments in 1920 employed 18,863 persons. 19 Between 1890 and 1920, there was a remarkable change in the composition, structure, and characteristics of the labor force in Utah.

Intrastate transportation was growing rapidly and extensively. The first report of the Utah State Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics gives the following account of railroad development in Utah.

Work is now in progress on the U t a h railroad, which is being constructed by the United States Smelting and Refining Company, running from Morhland, Emery County, to Provo, a distance of one hundred miles.

Work will shortly be started on a suburban electric road from Salt Lake City to Payson, and other interurban lines are completed. T h e Denver and Rio Grande Railroad Company is double tracking and regrading a large section of its road west of Colton, and the electrification of nearly its entire main line in U t a h is contemplated. T h e U t a h Light and Railway Company is to extend its street car system from its present northern terminus in Salt Lake City to points north in Davis county, this year. T h e Ogden Rapid Transit Company will complete its electric line from Brigham City to Logan in 1913. 20

According to the report of the State Board of Equalization for 1918, the total railway mileage for the state was 3,253.20. Of the 29 counties 19 U.S., Census Bureau, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1920 Population (Washington, D . C , 1921-1923), I I I , IV and Manufactures IX. 20 State of Utah, Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics, The First Report of the State Bureau of Immigration, Labor, and Statistics, for the Years 1911â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1912 (Salt Lake City, 1913), 32-33.

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in the state at the beginning of the year 1919, only seven were without railroads. 21 The growth of transportation within the state resulted in the expansion of both product market and labor market, which facilitated labor mobility. T h e environment was conducive to the organization of labor.

T H E NATURE OF U T A H U N I O N S

The nature and characteristics of workers and their work, and the environment under which they work, influence the philosophy of their organization. The philosophy of a labor union is also characterized by its objectives and goals as well as by the means it uses to achieve these goals. Examining the nature of unionism in Utah at the end of the nineteenth century, one finds a predominance of craft unions which were loosely affiliated to the city central body.

The objectives and goals of early labor unions were restricted to improving conditions of work, protecting the craft, and bettering the wages. The unions more or less took the form of fraternal organizations.

Social activities were enthusiastically celebrated and Labor Day parades were colorful. The Labor Day parade of 1901 consisted of 2,000 workers, " . . . the bone and sinew of Salt Lake," as described by the Deseret Evening News. The report further states: It was a great crowd, too that deserted the residence portions of the city and swarmed over the streets to greet the toilers. . . . Fair maidens who probably never before gave a second thought to the begrimed and overailed worker, gazed with admiration upon the muscled arm of the blacksmith as he wielded his sledge upon the red hot iron. T h e little red-clad painters' devils, with their face smeared with ink were voted "just too cute for anything," and the brewery display of kegs and bottles looked more attractive than ever did before. 22

Until 1910 most local unions insisted on maintaining their own nature and characteristics even when these were in conflict with the policies of central labor organizations, such as Salt Lake Federation of Labor and Utah State Federation of Labor.

The means to achieve the goals of the labor unions were mainly centered around economic pressures or strikes. The earlier strikes were restricted to individual establishments. A list of "unfair" shops was published by the unions and the union members were asked not to work for them. The penalty was usually a fine. For example, the minutes of the 21 22

Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, I, 355.

Deseret Evening News (Salt Lake City), September 2, 1901.

SHEELWANT PA WAR

Miners were the subject of intense union organizing activity, but these unskilled miners in Park City, near the turn of the century, were not welcome among the craft unions.

meeting of Plumbers Local 19, on June 20, 1896, state that "It was moved and seconded that J. C. Heesch be fined $150.00 for the stand he took against our association during our last strike, and for working debtremential to our by laws since then . . . carried." 2 3 The impact of the earlier strikes, except in the mining camps, was not severely felt by the community. The nature of the issues involved in the strike, which were mostly economic, and the number of the members involved, which was often not too large, tended to make the strike a mild weapon. The plumbers strike in 1890 is an example of how the employeremployee relationship affected the strike policy. A minute book entry on July 11, 1890, states: It was here announced that a delegation of master plumbers were awaiting to confer with the Journeyman. It was moved and carried they be invited into Hall and state their case. T h e delegates were received and stated that they had nothing to offer but requested a like delegation of the Journeymen to confer with him [them] and try and arbitrate. 2 4 23

Plumbers Local No. 19, "Minutes," Book II (1895-1903), June 20, 1896, p. 57.

"Ibid., Book I, July 11, 1890, p. 8.

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Later in the same strike it was decided that, ". . . the adjustment of the strike be left in the hands of Mr. Slater," 25 who was the president of the Federated Trades, a city central body of the organized labor. This indicates a tendancy towards mediation and arbitration rather than fighting a strike to the end.

The carpenters strike in 1890 for a wage increase and a closed-shop; the streetcar men strike in the same year for improvement in their conditions of work; the general strike of plumbers in 1911 for a wage increase; the electrical workers strike in 1916 for recognition of their union; and the cooks and waiters strike in 1919 for a wage increase and a closedshop were comparatively important strikes up to 1920. O n the other hand the miners strike in November 1903, against Utah Fuel Company of Carbon County; the Federation of Railway Shopmen strike in 1911, against the Harriman Railway System; the Smelters Union strike in 1912, against the American Smelting and Refining Company; the most violent strike of Bingham miners in 1912; and the Park City mining strike in 1915 are examples of powerful strikes conducted not only for economic reasons, but fought for the sake of principles, such as recognition of respective unions.

Generally, the methods used in conducting strikes and their impact on the community reveal the nature and the characteristics of the unions involved. Most of the strikes that occurred in Salt Lake City reflected the conservative nature of the unions. O n the other hand, almost all of the strikes conducted in the mining camps of Utah are evidence of the fact that the mine workers' unions were militant in character and radical in nature.

The Building Trades Council, the Metal Trades Council, and the Allied Printing Trades Council, all consisting of skilled locals, formed a bloc of craft-conscious unionism. O n the other hand the Western Federation of Miners; the I W W ; the Workers', Soldiers' and Sailors' Council; and the United Mine Workers formed an active and revolutionary unionism, which came directly in conflict with the "craft-conscious" conservative element of the Utah labor movement.

The radical groups not only failed in their attempts to organize skilled craft unions, but were also defeated when they tried to organize an I W W local of building laborers. Mr. L. J. Trujillo, an active and idealistic member of I W W Local 202, made sincere efforts to organize an I W W affiliated local of building laborers around 1906. However, his 25 Ibid., July 17, 1890, p. 22. Mr. Sleater's name has been misspelled often in the minutes.

His full name was Robert G. Sleater.

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attempts met with only partial success and though Local 262 of the I W W â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Building Employees Industrial Union" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; came into existence on March 5, 1906, it was short-lived. A letter written by Mr. Trujillo to the officers of the I W W Local 202 explicitly shows the difficulties encountered by radical organizers to extend their activities beyond the mining camps of Utah.

T o the Officers and members of the mix Local # 2 0 2 [skilled and unskilled] Comrades & Fellow workers As I have undertaken to organize the Building Employes Ind. U. # 2 6 2 , with old Craftmen simplers, I wish to state that it has been a failure [the word failure scratched and substituted by the words hard proposition] and on account of a band of ring rulers the Local is not progressing very fast, in our last meeting night the self constructed leaders show[ed] their contempt [the word contempt scratched and the words bitter opposition are substituted] to the new union, but there is enough class conscious members that will uphold our charter and we appeal to your local for moral support. O u r object is to incorporate with the mix local until such time that the branching become necessary.

Yours for the revolution, L. J. Trujillo (Organizer) 2 6

The Salt Lake Federation of Labor tried in vain to bring together these factions in the Utah labor movement. O n November 25, 1910, the Federation, in an attempt to recognize both factions equally, voted unanimously in favor of a charter to be granted to the Western Federation of Miners by the American Federation of Labor. 27 The minute books of various unions are evidence of the sentiments of the locals of the conservative bloc toward the radicals.

For example, on the matter of sending delegates to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council, a radical organization formed in February 1919, the minute books of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor give the following account: Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors council of Salt Lake asking Federation to send delegates, and upon motion the chair appointed Currie, Roundy, and Bales a committee to investigate and report back to the next meeting. 28 28 Mr. L. J. Trujillo was elected the recording secretary of the Building Laborers' Protective Association, Local No. 1, in the regular meeting of that local on December 25, 1905. All his correspondence is found in Building Laborers' Protective Association, "Minute Book," No. I. The letter cited above was not dated, but it follows the minutes of the meeting held on Monday evening, April 2, 1906.

27 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes," November 25, 1910, as reported in Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes," Book I I I (1910-1911), December 3, 1910, p. 79.

28 Salt Lake Federation of Labor, "Minutes," March 28, 1919.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Women played an important part in the labor force of the garment of the tailoring department of the Utah Woolen Mills.

industry.

View

T h e inclination of the regular meeting of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor is evident from the minute book entry: "Special committee submitted a majority report recommending that we do not send delegates to the workers, soldiers, and sailors council. Meeting non-concurred [emphasis added] in the report." 2 9 A further entry on the same issue says, "Resolution from Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors Council, adopted by roll call vote 67 to 5."3<) This action by the Salt Lake Federation of Labor was the result of a difference of opinion between the conservatives on the one hand and the supporters of the radicals on the other. Apparently the supporters of the radicals were successful in adopting the resolution from the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council. However, on the issue of a general strike in support of securing the release of Thomas J. Mooney, a radical labor leader of the Iron Molders International, the Salt Lake Federation of Labor voted to hold the strike in abeyance. 31 From the minutes of the Typographical Union, Metal Trades Council, and Building Trades Council, it is apparent the opinions of these unions were not always the same as the Salt Lake Federation of Labor.

"Ibid., April 11, 1919.

30 Ibid., June 13, 1919.

31 Ibid., June 27, 1919.

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For example the Federation asked local unions to take a vote on the question of whether the unions should unite in a general strike July 4th for the purpose of "securing the release of Thomas Mooney, now serving a life term in California for complicity in the preparedness-day parade in San Francisco." T h e Typographical Union voted unanimously against the strike. The Federation also asked whether or not the Federation should send delegates to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council of Salt Lake City. The motion was made "that the unions is opposed to the sending of delegates by any labor organization to the Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors council and that we condemn and denounce the said council." 32 The minutes of the Salt Lake Federation of Labor appearing in the minutes of the Typographical Union stated that the resolution and communication from the Typographical Union regarding the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council had been consigned to the waste basket, and also that Delegate Steen of the Typographical Union had stated that the resolution did not represent the sentiment of the Typographical Union, but was the work of one individual. T h e Typographical Union voted to repudiate the alleged statement of Delegate Steen and reaffirm its approval of the resolution and accompanying communication. 33 The reaction of both the Metal Trades Council and Building Trades Council to the resolution presented by the Salt Lake Federation of Labor concerning the strike and sending a delegation to the Workers', Soldiers', and Sailors' Council were the same. The motion was lost.34 The controversy between the Typographical Union and the Salt Lake Federation of Labor regarding the support to the radical element resulted in a decision by the Typographical Union, ". . . to pay no more per capita tax to the Federation." 3 5 The radical labor movement did not significantly change the nature or the structure of labor unionism in Utah. But it certainly added color to the history of the Utah labor movement during the first two decades of the twentieth century.

T H E SURVIVAL OF CONSERVATIVE U N I O N I S M

Professor Neil W. Chamberlain of Yale University, in his book talks about unions as agents and institutions. He observes that: 32 Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes of the Meeting," Book I V (1911-1919), May 4, 1919.

33 Ibid., June 1, 1919.

34 Metal Trades Council, "Minutes of the Meeting," June 6, 1919; Building Trades Council, "Minutes of the Meeting," June 9, 1919.

35 Typographical Union Local No. 115, "Minutes," Book IV, July 6, 1919.

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once a labor union has come into existence, it acquires organizational interests of its own which differ in some respects from the interests of the individual member who looks to it as his agent. This is due to the fact that the union regards itself as an ongoing institution whose interests therefore require it to consider a potential future membership as well as its present constituents. Moreover, as a collective representative it encounters conflicts within its own membership, and it can scarcely act as an agent for conflicting interests except by rationalizing its actions in terms of organizational welfare. 36

It seems that the structure and nature of the unions in Utah, which remained simply as the agents of their members, precluded them from evolving as ongoing institutions emphasizing the broader organizational interests over the specific factional interests. Craft-conscious unionism developed the unity of interests only within specific crafts, and craft unions of skilled workers, which were in the majority, placed emphasis upon the present rather than the future of their own crafts. They were guided solely by the benefits to be derived by those who happened to be on the membership role at the moment.

T h e survival of conservative unionism in Utah was a result of these structural and characteristic factors which were internal factors existing within the labor movement.

T h e external factors responsible for conservative labor movement in Utah were social, economic, and political in nature. Edward Gross in his book states that in early days when industry was small, local customs regulated industrial affairs. He says, "Business might dominate the community not because it desired to do so or it felt that it should do so but rather because there was no other power available to counterbalance business control." 37 In the early Utah economy the Latter-day Saints Church played a vital part. Business was mainly under the guidance of the church, and even when business became free of church domination and direction, it still found itself following the philosophy developed in the early period. The church advocated a conservative labor unionism.

This is evident in a statement made by President Joseph F. Smith in 1903.

If we are to have labor organizations among us, and there is no good reason why our young men might not be so organized, they should be formed on a sensible basis, and officered by men who have their families and all their interests around them. T h e spirit of good-will and brotherhood, such as we have in the Gospel of Christ, should characterize their conduct and organization.

Neil W. Chamberlain, The Labor Sector (New York, 1965), 100.

Edward Gross, Industry and Social Life (Dubuque, Iowa, 1965), 37-38.

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It is not easy to see how the Latter-day Saints can endorse the methods of modern labor unions. As a people we have suffered too much from irrational class prejudice and class hatred to participate in violent and unjust agitation. N o one denies the right of laborers to unite in demanding a just share of the prosperity of our country, provided the union is governed by the same spirit that should actuate men who profess the guidance of a christian conscience. 38

During the early period of union organization, social life was centered around church activities. Professor Arrington gives an extensive account of the part played by the church in fighting the depression of the 1890's.39 All the church welfare programs and other organized social activities indirectly shadowed the activities of the early labor organiza38 "The Church and Unionism," reprint of an editorial published in the Deseret News, November 29, 1941.

39 Leonard J. Arrington, " U t a h and the Depression of the 1890's," Utah Historical Quarterly, X X I X (January, 1961), 3-18.

Concrete workers making repairs on Mountain

Dell Dam in Parley's

Canyon.

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tion. This might be one of the reasons why Utah labor unions evolved as the "functional type" described by Professor Robert F. Hoxie, concentrating their attention strictly on the attainment of economic goals.

According to Hoxie, the union emerges when group sentiments have been crystalized. "The union constitutes a common interpretation and set of beliefs concerned with the problems confronting the worker and a generalized program of amelioration. Such a persistent group 'viewpoint or interpretation' Hoxie calls functional type unionism." 40 T h e predominance of the agrarian activity and relatively simple economic conditions of life did not give rise to any significant labor legislation in Utah until the turn of the century. The first 20 years of the twentieth century witnessed the enactment of health and safety legislation in mining, child labor laws, eight-hour laws for certain workers, minimum wage laws for female workers, and workmen's compensation laws. Attempts were made to recognize and remedy labor problems, as far as possible, through the establishment of the Utah State Bureau of Labor and the Industrial Commission.

The culmination point in this field of labor legislation came with the enactment of legislation in 1917, entitled "Bettering Conditions of Labor." The act provided that, It shall not be unlawful for working men and women to organize themselves into, or carry on, labor unions for the purpose of lessening the hours of labor, increasing the wages, bettering the conditions of the members of such organization; or carrying out their legitimate purposes as freely as they could do if acting singly. 41

The act also embodied measures implying the legality of strikes, permitting picketing during labor troubles, and restricting the use of injunctions against labor unions.

Organized labor, however, did not long enjoy the freedom and security accorded to it by the 1917 enactment. Business organizations of the state strongly urged the repeal of the law, and in spite of a huge demonstration, which involved approximately 2,500 men who marched to the State Capitol on October 4, 1919, a special session of the legislature passed a law defining and prohibiting picketing in Utah. 42 This was the beginning of the open-shop movement which strongly opposed organized labor in Utah all through the 1920's.

40 41

Dunlop, "Labor Organization," Labor Economics, 62.

State of Utah, The Compiled Laws of the State of Utah, 1917 (Salt Lake City, 1919),

3651.

42 State of Utah, Laws of the State of Utah Passed at a Special Session in 1919 (Salt Lake City, 1920), 37.

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Nevertheless, up to 1920, a fairly comprehensive labor code was developed in Utah, although the administration and the enforcement of this labor code did not become effective until the establishment of the State Industrial Commission in 1917. The economic and political efforts of organized labor were quite influential in securing the passage of significant labor laws. However, as this reasonably broad labor code was realized before 1920, relatively more emphasis of Utah labor organizations could be and was directed toward their immediate economic needs. This is a basic characteristic of "pure and simple" unionism. Utah labor legislation was, therefore, another external factor which made possible the development of a conservative or "pure and simple" type of unionism in Utah.

The search for historical truth is an everlasting job. One must necessarily fit the pieces of facts into the theoretical framework and try to find out why things happened the way they happened in the past. Professor Kenneth Davies states that while Utah is not, and never has been, a "labor" state, labor has played an important part in its history. 43 The viewpoint of this paper is that the social and economic history of Utah have played an important part in shaping the structure and nature of its labor organizations.

43 J. Kenneth Davies, "Mormonism and the Closed Shop," Labor History, 1962), 169.

I I I (Spring,

Through the Uintas: History of the Carter Road

BY A. R. STANDING

At

.ention of the Carter Road often elicits the response, " I have never heard of it. Where is it?" It was a road from Carter Station on the Union Pacific Railroad, and from Fort Bridger, Wyoming, over the Uinta Mountains to Fort Thornburgh â&#x20AC;&#x201D; located at the mouth of Ashley Creek Canyon, six and one-half miles northwest of Vernal, Utah. This is the story of the Carter Road as assembled from numerous written sources, visits with "old-timers" who remember the road, and personal treks over it.

No one knows the road's beginning. Originally, the route was used as a trail by Indians before white men entered the country. T h e first known use of any portion of the route as a wagon road began in 1865 when Major Noyes Baldwin, who was then commanding officer at Fort Bridger, opened a road from Fort Bridger to Browns Park or Browns Hole. Baldwin followed the approximate route of Wyoming Highway 2105 and its Utah extension, Highway 43, which passes through Mountain View and Lone Tree, Wyoming, and Manila and Linwood, Utah.

The Carter Road followed the route of the Browns Park Road to Burnt Fork. Baldwin's road followed down Henrys Fork along the creek bottom, crossing the creek seven times, to near the confluence of Henrys Fork with Green River, now covered by Flaming Gorge Reservoir. Here it turned north two or three miles where Green River was crossed. It then went u p Spring Creek through what is known as Minnie's Gap, and on easterly, skirting the south slope of Richardson Mountain, down a creek into Clay Basin, thence down the approximate route of the present road into the upper end of Browns Park.

The establishment of the Carter Road was the result of Indian trouble in western Colorado. A succession of events culminated on September 29, 1879, in an ambush by Indians of Major Thomas T. Thornburgh in command of 190 officers, soldiers, and scouts en route to protect the White River Indian Agency. In the meantime a sudden attack on the agency resulted in the deaths of Agent Nathan Cook Meeker, eight men and boys attached to the agency, and two travelers.

O n demand of the settlers in western Colorado, the government effected a treaty with the White River Utes that resulted in their removal Mr. Standing, a past president of the Weber Valley Chapter of the U t a h State Historical Society, spent 41 years in the U.S. Forest Service in the Intermountain and Pacific Regions before his retirement. T h e photographs used in this article were furnished by the author.

A section of the Carter Road from Young Springs to the summit tains where extensive rock work was required.

of the Uinta

Moun-

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to the Uintah Reservation in Utah. A fort, named in honor of Major Thornburgh who had been killed in the Indian attack, was established in the fall of 1881 to protect the people living near the reservation and to assure control of the Indians. 1 Troops had been removed from Fort Bridger on May 23, 1878. Government officials believed that with the influx of white settlers the Indians were unlikely to cause further trouble. T h e attack on Major Thornburgh's command and the massacre at the White River Agency quickly changed this thinking. Utes had also been crossing the north side of the Uinta Mountains to hunt and raid cattle. They escaped into the Uinta Mountains before they could be apprehended.

Judge William A. Carter 2 was deeply concerned by these events.

Removal of the troops from Fort Bridger adversely affected his business interests of cattle ranging in that area. When news of the trouble at the White River Agency reached Fort Bridger, Judge Carter saw an opportunity to benefit himself, as well as other settlers in the area, and so went to Washington, D.C. He convinced the authorities that soldiers should be returned to Fort Bridger, and further suggested that the newly established Fort Thornburgh be supplied from Carter Station and Fort Bridger. The following description and subsequent use of the Carter Road was written by William A. Carter, Jr., 3 son of Judge Carter.

When the order for the re-establishment of Fort Bridger was given, Judge William A. Carter, who had lived there since its construction in 1858, was instrumental in bringing to the attention of the commanding officer of the Department the practicability of making a wagon road across the Uinta Mountains to the proposed site of the new post, by a shorter and more direct route than the one then in use by way of Park City, Utah.

There were two trails in use by the Uinta Ute Indians, between their reservation and Fort Bridger. One crossed immediately west of Gilbert's Peak and was known as the Soldier Trail, because it was said to have been used by General [sic] Marcy 4 in 1857, on his trip to New Mexico for emergency supplies for the army sent to Utah under General Albert Sidney Johnson [Johnston]. The other route, known as the Lodgepole Trail, ran from a point near the present Burnt Fork post office in Wyoming to Ashley, Utah.

1 For a history of Fort Thornburgh, see Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arrington, "The Utah Military Frontier, 1872-1912: Forts Cameron, Thornburgh, and Duchesne," Utah Historical Quarterly, 32 (Fall, 1964), 330-54.

2 William Alexander Carter, Sr., was born April 15, 1818, in William County, Virginia.

He graduated from the Virginia Academy and taught school and studied law. In July of 1857 Carter arranged with General W. S. Harney to serve as sutler-general at the new post to be established in connection with the Utah Expedition.

3 William Carter, Jr., was born at Fort Bridger on July 26, 1863.

4 Captain R. B. Marcy was dispatched by General Albert Sidney Johnston from Fort Bridger on November 27, 1857, to Taos, New Mexico, to obtain meat and draft animals to replace those lost as a result of Mormon resistance to the Utah Expedition.

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VERNAL fort Duchesne

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Utah Historical Quarterly In the Summer of 1881, General George Crook, commanding the Department of the Platte, made an inspection trip across the mountains from Fort Bridger to the Uinta U t e Agency, and the writer was invited to accompany him. T h e party crossed by the trail west of Gilbert's Peak.

T h e route was found to be impracticable for a wagon road, and General Crook decided upon the Lodgepole Trail advised by Judge Carter as the best route for a road, and favored its construction and adoption for the transmission of troops and supplies.

There was much rivalry between towns in Colorado, U t a h and Wyoming for the location of the road to the new military post, but Fort Bridger was favored by distance. O n this account and because of General Crook's approval, Judge Carter undertook, at his own expense, the work of making a passable road along the route designated, expecting that it would be adopted and improved later by the War Department. The winter of 1881-1882 was aproaching; there was no time for surveys; streams had to be bridged; marshes corduroyed; a roadway cleared through timbered sections; and two long and difficult dug-ways were to be constructed. One of the latter, a half-mile long ran from Sand Canyon to the top of the mountain near Lodgepole Park; and the other two miles long, climbed the main range between M a m m o u t h Springs 5 and Summit Park. . . . Early in 1882, a contract was let by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department for freighting supplies by way of the new road from Carter Station on the Union Pacific R.R., via Fort Bridger, to Fort Thornburg[h].

It fell to the lot of the writer to carry this contract out, and on the first day of May, 1882, we started with twenty-two six-mule teams and wagons, loaded with freight for the new post.

It soon became evident that from the character of the past winter at Fort Bridger, we had very erroneous conceptions of what we would encounter in attempting to freight through the mountains so early in the spring. T h e dug-way between Sand Canyon and Lodgepole was blocked with snow and ice, which had to be removed before we could get our outfit up the mountain. From the head of the dug-way the road was almost impassable. Ravines filled with melting snow and water nearly up to the wagon beds; bogs in which both teams and wagons were often mired down at the same time; hills so soft that all the teams we could hook on were often required to pull a single wagon to the top; and slopes so sidling that the whole crew, with ropes, were needed to keep a loaded wagon from upsetting; were everyday experiences.

U p the long dug-way above M a m m o u t h Springs and on top of the main range, our difficulties seemed to have been overcome; when we reached Brush Creek, where in one locality, a separate road had to be cut through the timber for each wagon. T h e ground at this place appeared dry and firm, but each team broke through a thin crust into a quicksand beneath, making the road impassable for the next team. In spite of obstacles we delivered the freight at Fort Thornburg[h] in three weeks from the day we started.

5 Mammouth Springs was later named Young Springs after Lieutenant Young who operated a military station there. Richard and Vivian Dunham, Our Strip of Land: A History of Daggett County, Utah (Lusk, Wyoming, 1947), 50.

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As soon as conditions permitted, in the summer of 1882, Major W. H. Bisbee, who was then in command at Fort Bridger, sent Lt. R. H. Young with a detachment of soldiers, to work on the road, which from that time was known by T h e Army as T h e Thornburg Road. Such good work was done by this party, especially in removing large boulders from the road way and corduroying the swamps, that when we had to take a second train of supplies over the road, in July 1882, it was a different story. We had learned too, that mules were not best adapted to such conditions, and we used work-oxen, with "bullwhackers" instead of "muleskinners" for drivers. . . .

In the summer of 1883, four companies of Infantry, under Major I. DeRussey were ordered to work on this road, for a period of three months, and by then the greater part of the corduroy through the mountain parks was laid. . . . 6

Hauling freight on the new road was extremely difficult as can be seen from Carter's description and also the following narrative.

6 William A. Carter, Jr., "The Fort Thornburg Road" (typescript, supervisor, Ashley National Forest, Vernal, U t a h ) .

L. A. Fleming examining Uintah County.

corduroy

remains

of the Carter Road in Summit

Park,

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Willie Carter, the Judge's son, came home from Cornell University to take charge of the Carter interests. 7 H e appointed William Summers foreman of the freighting operations, sent to Missouri for a carload of mules, and early in the spring of '82, the freighting started. T o m Welch, who later bought up several of the ranches on Birch Creek, was one of the teamsters.

T h e outfit of ten mule teams and heavy freight wagons started off from Bridger. It took days to cover the first few miles, for the blue, badland clay mired the wagons down to the hubs. Teams would have to be uncoupled, hitched onto the lead wagon to haul it along a ways, and then brought back to double up on the other wagons.

At Smith's Fork, the teamsters camped for a week, hoping that the mud would dry up. Unfortunately, it turned out to be a very wet spring, and the mud grew worse rather than better. T h e outfit managed to move on ten miles, and then hung up again. It took another several days to get over Henry's Fork Hill. Then, when they got up Birch Creek in the timber, the going got really tough. T h e mules simply couldn't pull the wagons out of the deep, black mire. Summers was forced to return to Bridger and report that the wagons just couldn't get through.

Young Carter was anxious to carry out the contracts; so he went to Rawlins and purchased a number of ox teams. T h e oxen did the trick —• they could manage in the mud -where the mules couldn't. Summers started off with a new set of wagons and supplies and the oxen. They managed to pass the stranded mule outfits, take their load over to Fort Thornburgh, and return in time to help pull the original loads over.

By putting long stretches of corduroy over the marshes and swales up in the mountains, and over the worst of the muddy stretches down below, the wagons kept going, and Carter finished up the contract that fall. . . .

Impracticable — and nearly impassible — as the road was, the ranchers in western Daggett County were grateful for it. While they couldn't use it to haul heavy loads, they could at least get over the mountains to Ashley Valley in a buckboard to get honey and apples, or to take a sack or so of grain to the grist mill to be ground into flour.

In 1880, Daggett County had again changed its allegiance, being shifted from a part of Summit County to Uinta County, with Ashley, or — after 1885 — the brand new, little town of Vernal as their county seat. So to Ashley or Vernal everyone had to go to file on their land, pay taxes, get married, serve or answer a writ, or any other official business. For this purpose, the old military road came in very handy. 8

In the summer of 1882, soldiers from Fort Thornburgh established a sawmill about in the center of Summit Park to supply lumber for Fort Thornburgh. It was operated by soldiers with Henry Ruple as their sawyer. 9 During the period of construction, military camps were estab7

Judge Carter died in November of 1881 from pneumonia contracted while building the Ibid.

8 Dunham and Dunham, Our Strip of Land, 49-50.

9 Daughters of Utah Pioneers of Uintah County, comp., Builders of Uintah: A Centennial History of Uintah County, 1872 to 1947 (Springville, Utah, 1947), 97.

road.

The Carter Road

263

lished along the route, one at Dodds Hollow 10 where the remains of several cabins still may be seen. Following the road, a military telegraph line was constructed in the fall of 1882 between Fort Bridger and Fort Thornburgh.

Soon after use of the Carter Road began, General George Crook decided that freighting from Park City, Utah, rather than Carter, was best because the road was open longer during the year. Both routes were then used to supply Fort Thornburgh. In 1882 and 1883 contracts were let with John H. Arnold, Merrill L. Hoyt, and Joseph Hatch to haul supplies from the two locations at $3.10 and $3.00 per 100 pounds. 11 Another freight contractor, William Richmond, operated with eight horses and mules and two wagons. The wagons, with exceptionally high wagon boxes and elevated spring seats, were frequently mired during the rainy season, and it often took three weeks to make the trip to Carter Station and return. 12 In 1883 the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad was completed to Salt Lake City, and freighting of goods into the Uintah Basin from Price, Utah, began.

Fort Duchesne, located by General George Crook at the junction of the Uinta and Duchesne rivers on August 16, 1886, was constructed that fall. Army contracts for hauling over a million pounds of freight to the post over the Carter Road were awarded to J. S. Winston. Later, contracts were let at Price, Utah, to ship goods to the fort. As the Price route was much shorter, men from Fort Douglas and Fort Duchesne were detailed in 1886 and 1887 to improve it. 13 In 1884 Fort Thornburgh was abandoned as a military reservation, and the goods and equipment were hauled to Fort Bridger. However, the Carter Road continued to be important to the region.

A major use of the Carter Road was in connection with the Dyer Mine. This mine, named after the cowboy who discovered it, is located on Dyer Ridge at the head of Kane Hollow Fork of Brush Creek. Rich copper deposits were discovered about 1887, and the mine operated until about 1900. Quantities of gold and silver were also found in the copper ore. Estimates of the value of ore extracted from the mine vary from a quarter of a million to three million dollars. One million dollars seems 10 Named after Captain Dodds, early Ute Indian agent, who, with his son, grazed the first cattle on Taylor Mountain and had his headquarters here.

11 Alexander and Arrington, "Military Frontier," U.H.Q., 32, p. 342, 348.

12 D U P , Builders of Uintah, 97.

13 Alexander and Arrington, "Military Frontier," U.H.Q., 32, p. 348.

264

Remnants

Utah Historical

of miners' cabins at the Dyer

Quarterly

Mine.

to be the most reliable figure. Mining operations at the Dyer Mine ended when a rich pocket, which went down about 240 feet, played out. At the peak of mining production, about 50 men were employed. Hand-picked ore was hauled to the railroad over a road from the mine northwesterly through Oaks Park and Windy Park to connect with the Carter Road in Trout Creek Park, about a mile below the present Forest Service Trout Creek Guard Station, and then over the Carter Road to Carter Station. 14 Later, a smelter was constructed near the head of Anderson Creek, about two airline miles northwest from the Dyer Mine, and ore and ingots were hauled over the road. Much hauling was done during the winter months when sleighs could be easily moved over the frozen marshes, the worst part of the road. The ore was reloaded on wagons at Youngs Springs for the balance of the trip to Carter Station. 15 Fragments 14 Information furnished the writer by G. E. Untermann, director of the Utah Field House of Natural History, Vernal, Utah, who was employed at the mine.

15 Dunham and Dunham, Our Strip of Land, 49.

265

The Carter Road

Handmade

mine rails found at the Dyer

Mine.

of the green copper ore can still be found along the road from the Dyer Mine to Carter Creek.

Residents of Daggett County continued to use the Carter Road as the main route to Vernal and vicinity until a road was started in 1922 along the route of present Highway 44 from Vernal to Manila via Greendale. The road from Greendale to Manila was constructed in 1923 and opened in 1924. Use of the Carter Road continued up to 1924. The Forest Service did some improvement work on the road that year. In the 1930's passenger cars were going as far as Youngs Springs from the west side. 16 From the crest of the Uinta Mountains to Birch Creek, much of the road is no longer passable, except on foot or horseback.

Following is some specific information about the road and its attractions for those who may some day want to visit it.

16 Information furnished the author by Glen Lambert of Vernal, Utah, who served as forest ranger on the Manila Ranger District and Hole-in-the-Rock District of the Ashley National Forest from 1923 to 1927, and on the Vernal Ranger District from 1927 until he retired May 31, 1956. He is well acquainted with the Carter Road from Fort Thornburgh to Birch Creek. His assistance is gratefully acknowledged.

266 Fort Thornburgh plaque at Maeser, Utah. The initials of Major Thornburgh should read "T.T." rather than

Utah Historical

Quarterly

^~~y

"J.N." As previously stated, the Carter Road followed the route of the 1865 road from Fort Bridger to Browns Park as far as Burnt Fork.

It crossed Henrys Fork at present Burnt Fork and ran southeast to Birch Creek, then followed up the east side of Birch Creek to the mouth of what William A. Carter, Jr., called Sand Hollow â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a very appropriate name. This is four and seven-tenths miles south of the junction of the Birch Creek Road (Utah Highway 165) and the Manila-Mountain View Road (Utah Highway 2105) and about a mile and one-half below the Ashley National Forest boundary. From this point the road progressed southeasterly up Sand Hollow and Carter Dugway to the head of it; thence across Lodgepole Creek to intercept the present Conner Basin Road near an old sawmill sitting about a half mile from where the Conner Basin Road leaves the Birch Creek Road (Utah Highway 165). T h e Carter Road then followed up the route of the Conner Basin Road and on southeasterly to the west end of Sheep Creek Park. It went through Sheep Creek Park and along Beaver Creek to its junction with Carter Creek. T h e old road can be seen going down a steep hill about a quarter of a mile southeast of Browne Lake D a m and on down Beaver Creek. At the junction of Beaver Creek and Carter Creek, Judge Carter had a log cabin with a fireplace constructed as a station for freighters who were to use the road, which explains how the creek received its name. From this point the road progressed south up a draw with numerous small springs where the old corduroy is still visible. Not far up this draw the road branches, one going southeast to Youngs Springs, and the other going southwest a half mile or so before turning east toward Youngs Springs. From Youngs Springs the road goes southeast about a mile to Deep Creek; thence up the east side of Deep Creek about three miles over a long dugway to the summit â&#x20AC;&#x201D; elevation of the summit where the road crosses is 9,866 feet. From the summit the road goes in a straight line south-southeast across Summit

The Carter Road

267

Park. It is graded up several feet much of the way across the park, and stretches of rotted corduroy and stubs of the old telegraph poles can still be seen.

Signs of the old road are still in evidence most of the way along the Taylor Mountain Road toward Vernal. It passed through Big Park, the lower end of Ox Park, Soldier Park, and Trout Creek Park. At Dodds Hollow, the road was about a half mile east of the present road and passed by the old Dodds Hollow cabins. About seven-tenths of a mile down the Taylor Mountain Road from the junction of the Merkley Spring Road, there is an old rock milestone on the south side of the road on which is chisled V[ernal] 16 M[iles].

Near the lower end of Taylor Mountain, about three and one-half miles south of the Ashley National Forest boundary, the original road went southwest down Spring Creek to Ashley Creek, and then down Ashley Creek to Fort Thornburgh. Later, this was used as a horse trail, and a wagon road was established southeast from Spring Creek to the site of the present Steinaker Reservoir, and, thence west along the base of the foothills to Fort Thornburgh.

It seems appropriate to close this narrative with the words of William A. Carter, Jr., concerning the Carter Road.

T o the traveller who comes upon this road at any part of its course, through the Uinta Range, it seems to present an unusual example of wasted effort and money, but like many other of the works of man, it served its purpose, and gave way to changes in the development of the country. 17

Carter, "Fort Thornburg Road."

REVIEWS and PUBLICATIONS Mormon Establishment.

By W A L T U R N E R . (Boston: Houghton in C o m p a n y , 1966. 343 p p .

00) The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today.

By ROBERT M U L L E N . (New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1966. xvi + 316 pp. $5.95) Mormonism remains a continual object of scholarly and popular interest, a fact to be partly explained by its curious combination of being typically an American p h e n o m e n o n while a t t h e same time being uniquely itself. Its problems are indeed those of America as a whole in miniature, but with significant elements unique to its own history and c o n t e m p o r a r y setting. R e l i g i o n in America today faces problems of moral and intellectual relevance as indeed does religion in the western world generally.

T h e Second Vatican Council dramatized this crisis of relevancy for all religious men in the West. What about Mormonism ? Based in a rapidly changing Utah, though with a majority of its m e m b e r s now o u t s i d e the m o u n t a i n Zion, Mormonism faces its version of the general challenge. Among the issues central to this current crisis are two which have become central to Mormonism at the moment. Religious groups in America have sought contemporary ethical relevance in their support of the struggle for civil rights for Negroes, and clergy a n d religious from v a r i o u s denominations, c u t t i n g across ancient divisions, have appeared on picket lines and in militant demonstrations. Sec-

ondly those among t h e members of America's churches who fear that the older world in which they felt their values protected if not embodied is being u n d e r m i n e d by rapid change, often turn t o ultra-conservative politics for consolation and support. Right-wing political extremists and religious conservatives on the defensive against the forces of secularization tend to merge and join together in a n ideological crusade to bring back older conditions or to conjure into existence desired conditions whose historical precedents may be entirely imaginary. T h e tendency for religion-on-the defensive a n d political rightism to coalesce is not a new one and has been a conspicuous phenomenon at least since the French Revolution. T h e schemata of Vatican I I are historic precisely in that they indicate the turning away by the great body of the hierarchy of t h e Roman communion from such earlier defensive alliances a n d a turn instead toward open dialogue with contemporary points of view â&#x20AC;&#x201D;â&#x20AC;˘ even hostile ones. I t marks t h e recognition, long obvious to the sociologist and historian, that "holy alliances" of faith and reaction are costly to religion and ultimately subversive of it.

How does the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints measure u p when examined against the background of these two issues: the demonstration of relevance in relation to standing up for effective equality for all the children of God, and the danger of seduction by the illusory refuge of alliance with rightism.

Wallace T u r n e r presents a good up-todate discussion of these questions. I n

Reviews and

269

Publications

his three chapters on politics, "Romney and the Rightists," T u r n e r shows the real attraction which conservatism in politics exercises u p o n t h e L.D.S. C h u r c h .

Moreover, he shows us how this attraction leads over into a real susceptibility for extremism. T h e church's difficulties with both Birchism and Apostle Benson are discussed. T h e author concludes t h a t the M o r m o n C h u r c h " c o u l d become a bastion of the right-wing, r e a c t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l forces who are allied with southern racists in many common purposes" (p. 325). Moreover, he finds the church policy of barring Negroes from the priesthood as part of a general attitudinal set which he calls "racial bigotry" (p. 245) and having "the ultimate effect" of being "as racist as anything asserted by the Theodore Bilbos and Robert Sheltons in the bigoted corners of the southern states" (p. 244). Yet he holds that though "possible," it is "unlikely that the Mormon church could become the religious refuge of the anti-Negro bigots" (p.

325). He sees as safeguard against rightist d o m i n a t i o n and the t r i u m p h of bigotry the "growing number of liberally oriented Saints produced by the exposure to the life outside U t a h and by the Mormon drive for education of the young" (pp. 325-26). H e is quite aware of the i n t r a - c h u r c h significance of George Romney, a man both liberal in social and political matters and highly orthodox in religion. H e offers a model whose significance may prove as significant in the future as it is unusual at present.

T u r n e r finds the c h u r c h in deep trouble in these two issues. His analysis, however, is presented against the background of Mormon history and its general current problems, considering all the m a j o r issues d i v i d i n g Mormons today. H e is an able investigator and has prepared his study with skill and care. U t a h social scientists, excommunicated F u n d a m e n t a l i s t s who practice

plural marriage, Michigan's governor, and ordinary folk have been interviewed for this book. Authoritative published works and in one case at least an u n p u b lished thesis have been consulted. Some in U t a h will feel that his probe is too blunt and that the author's frankness is at times irreverent. But all will find the work enlightening and fascinating. As a neutral outside interpreter of Mormonism today, T u r n e r does show empathy and sympathy but as a seasoned newspaperman he calls his shots without circumlocution. T h a t enemies of the church may quote him to advantage is not his fault. H e has something important to say to thoughtful members and friends of the Mormon Church.

Mr. Mullen's book tells pleasantly and in a highly noncontroversial way the story of Mormonism from its foundation to now. It is a good introduction for one completely unfamiliar with the background and is evidently intended as such. It is less than candid on the race problem in U t a h and the church, and it underestimates the problem of rightwing extremism. Its discussion of sources is inadequate and its attempt to classify those who have written on Mormonism either uninformed or impertinent. If one has never read a book on Mormonism he would not do badly to read Mr. Mullen's book. H e might find it highly enjoyable and thoroughly illuminating to read Mr. Turner's as a follow-up.

T H O M A S F.

O'DEA

Professor of Sociology University of California, Santa Barbara

An Informal Record of George P. Hammond and His Era in the Bancroft Library.

By T H E FRIENDS OF T H E

BANCROFT LIBRARY.

(Berkeley:

The

Friends of the Bancroft Library, 1965. xii+ 119 pp.)

In May 1965 a special meeting of T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library was

270 held to honor Dr. George P. H a m m o n d on the eve of his retirement after 19 years as director of that great research library a n d as professor of history at the University of California in Berkeley. O n that occasion he was surprised with the formal presentation of this little book, produced to salute him as a scholar, archival administrator, and friend. This book reviews the remarkable growth of that historical and literary research collection, serviced by a highly competent staff under his direction, with the very considerable s u p p o r t a n d encouragement of the voluntary association known as T h e Friends of the Bancroft Library.

T h e book is comprised of a Foreword, seven essays, and two addresses centering on G.P.H. and the B.L., contributed by "Friends" and fellow scholars. I t also includes an address by Dr. H a m m o n d ; a c o m p r e h e n s i v e b i b l i o g r a p h y of his books, articles, reviews, a n d edited publications; a n d a reprinting of his first published article. A section of some 11 illustrations includes r e p r o d u c t i o n s of selected rare-book and original manuscript materials, plus examples of the remarkable pictorial collections from the library, and two portrait sketches of Dr. H a m m o n d made at a 10-year interval, c o m p l e m e n t i n g the e x c e l l e n t photograph which serves as the frontispiece illustration. T h e work was published for distribution to members of the organization of T h e F r i e n d s of B a n c r o f t Library, numbering over 1,000, and was not made available for general sale.

C o n t r i b u t o r s whose essays a n d addresses make up this charming little volume are all people who have had a hand in some phase of the making of the Bancroft Library, in association with George H a m m o n d , and their names will be familiar to most students and aficionados of H i s p a n i c - A m e r i c a n history, Western Americana, and Californiana.

Their respective contributions not only recall their associations with Dr. H a m mond and pay tribute to him as scholar,

Utah Historical Quarterly library administrator, book- and manuscript-collector, and a warm and charming friend, they also relate interesting accounts of the acquisition of valuable additions to the library's materials in which the writers had a hand, or provide excellent descriptions of the kind and character of some of the lesserknown important collections available at Bancroft Library.

For this reviewer, who arrived at the Berkeley campus as a new "grad student" in history in 1946, the same year that G.P.H. became the fourth director of the Bancroft Library, a reading of the volume was like an "old home week" return. O n e might well wish that T h e Friends of Bancroft Library had seen fit to make this little volume available to that wider audience of friends of western history who might be interested in its contents.

EDWARD H . H O W E S

Professor of History Sacramento State College

The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West. Biographical sketches of the participants by scholars of the subject and with introductions by the editor. Edited by L E R O Y R. H A F E N .

( G l e n d a l e : T h e A r t h u r H . Clark Company, 1966. Vol. I l l , 411 pp. $14.50) This third volume carries forward a series expected to extend to six or more volumes before the project is closed with an analytical index. I reviewed the first two volumes in the Spring, 1966, Utah Historical Quarterly, and my viewpoint on the editorial plan, as on the virtues a n d defects of the series generally, was sufficiently expressed at that time. T h e present review is limited to the specific contents of the latest addition to the series.

It consists, then, of 35 alphabeticallyarranged b i o g r a p h i c a l sketches by 25 different writers. Some of the "moun-

Reviews and

Publications

tain men" never actually laid eyes on the m o u n t a i n s , being Missouri River traders of greater or lesser note. One, John Thomas Evans, belongs to the period antedating Lewis and Clark; several were British t r a d e r s , i n c l u d i n g Michel Bourdon, Peter Skene Ogden, Pierre Chrysologue Pambrun, and David Thompson. Experienced hands like Janet Lecompte and Harvey L. Carter are back with finely detailed and documented accounts of such southwestern m o u n t a i n men as M a r c e l i n o Baca, John J. Burroughs, Joe Doyle, Antoine and Abraham Ledoux, Marcellin St. Vrain, George S. Simpson, William T h a r p , and Dick Wootton; in particular I would urge Mrs. Lecompte to begin thinking about a large book under her own byline which would build effectively upon the preliminary studies she has been publishing in this series and in the Colorado Magazine. Harvey L. Tobie returns with useful sketches of such veterans of the northern Rockies as William Doughty and Caleb Wilkins.

Contributions by A. P. Nasatir, Raymond W. Settle, Richard E. Oglesby, and Alvin M. Josephy, Jr., to name a fewr are fully up to the standard of their diverse separate publications.

More particularly interesting to me, however, is the work of various newcomers to the field of fur trade scholarship. Rex W. S t r i c k l a n d , with new information from Mexican archives, has notably extended the record on James Baird; David J. Weber equally impresses with his account of Stephen Louis Lee; and Cierald C. Bagley offers an interesting account of Daniel T. Potts. Ted J. Warner's brief narrative of Peter Skene Ogden's life is somewhat uncritical, and is also disappointing in that it leaves out of account his journals of 1825-26 and 1826-27 as authoritatively published by the Hudson's Bay Record Society; and several of the studies are so deficient in fresh information as to raise the question, why they were published â&#x20AC;&#x201D; espe-

271 cially the sketches of Jim Baker and Richard Campbell. Still, the average level of the individual contributions is high, more than justifying the publication of this series, and students of western history will await with interest the volumes yet to come.

D A L E L. MORGAN

Bancroft

A Room Old

for the Night:

West.

Library

Hotels of the

By RICHARD A. V A N O R -

MAN. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966. x i i i + 1 6 2 p p . $4.95) As new towns were founded in the American West, one of the first structures usually raised was a hotel. At first it was often a tent or a dugout with a capacity for half a dozen patrons who were compelled to sleep on the floor or on tables without the benefit of bedding.

As the towns prospered and grew so did the hotels until, in many cases, they were the most p r o m i n e n t and i m p o r t a n t structures around.

In places like Abilene, Kansas, in 1868, the hotel was the city hub since fabulous cattle deals were made there, social activity centered in its halls, and political strategy was conceived in its rooms. T h e Drovers Cottage was the largest, most elaborate building in town for the five years it was there. When it was taken to Ellsworth in 1872, it was as though the head of Abilene had been surgically removed.

So it was with a great many other hotels in other western towns.

It is difficult to underestimate the importance and influence of the hotel in the development of J. he West. Strangely, few historians and writers have made more than a mention of this facet in their studies. Now, finally, Professor Richard A. Van O r m a n has produced a delightful book filled with concise and well-written vignettes on nearly all areas of the western hotel. V a n O r m a n writes not only with professional ability (he is

Utah Historical Quarterly

272 professor of history at the Calument Campus of Purdue University), but also from a personal viewpoint since he is a descendant of an old American hotel family.

O n e need only to review the chapter headings to see the wide range of topics within the general theme. T h e author covers old West hospitality; resort hotels; palatial hostelries and ones not so grand; meals of the times; servants, managers, and owners as well as patrons; and for topping a good chapter on what life in the hotels could be like.

A Room for the Night is a good book to read on a cold winter's evening when visions of grand balls, warm lobbies, and carpeted halls form easily in the mind.

It is good, also, to read that some of the hotels were a little less than liveable as cold winter winds whistled through unplastered walls and one's bed partner, probably a stranger one h a d never seen before, tossed, t u r n e d , s n o r e d , and scratched the vermin inhabiting his unwashed clothes. Certainly V a n O r m a n has given a lively a n d accurate picture of all levels of this kind of community living.

O n e cannot say this is truly a history of western American hotels; perhaps it is better described as a social document that has finally opened the door to a long neglected but interestingly important part of our past.

J O S E P H W. S N E L L

Assistant State Archivist Kansas State Historical Society

Retreat

to Nevada:

A Socialist

Colony

of World War I. By W I L B U R S. S H E P -

PERSON with the assistance of J O H N

G. F O L K E S . (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1966. xiv + 204 pp. $5.25) Reading Retreat to Nevada was both interesting and disappointing.

Interesting because this carefully researched volume by a professor of history

at the University of Nevada explains the ruins of buildings that still can be seen by motorists driving along the highways just east of Fallon, Nevada. They are all that remain of a socialistic colony established there — at Nevada City in 1 9 1 6 — b y would-be cooperativists.

But the book is disappointing because the story is told in a stilted manner, with disturbing breaks in the continuity that make reading almost difficult.

It does show, however, that even these Marxists of half a century ago could not follow in practice —• any more than the Russians of today — the true socialistic teachings of Karl Marx. Jealousies and aspirations for personal gains derailed communism in Nevada in 1916, during the short life of the Nevada City colony, just as the U.S.S.R. now is increasingly following the personal rewards basis of capitalism.

M U R R A Y M.

MOLER

Associate Editor Ogden Standard Examiner

Exploration and Empire: The Explorer and the Scientist in the Winning of the American West. By WILLIAM H .

GOETZMANN. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966. xxii + 656 + xviii pp. $10.00) Here is an unusual book. William H. Goetzmann has taken a mass of familiar people and events — such as the mountain men, Fremont, the railroad surveys, Hayden, a n d Powell—has studied them in the original sources, and then has fashioned his findings into a volume that gives us for the first time a comprehensive history of western exploration in the nineteenth century. T h e result is a book that is at once a highly detailed narrative and yet also very much of an interpretation.

T h e author's initial assumption (p. xi) is that nineteenth century exploration was more than just a series of disconnected discoveries; it was a purpose-

273

Reviews and Publications ful and continuing process, even though carried out by men who varied greatly in training and objectives. Mr. Goetzm a n n is impressed by the extent to which e a c h e x p l o r e r was "programmed," as he expresses it, by the eastern or European culture from which he came. But the author finds a kind of national purpose being fulfilled by the sum total of all their efforts.

T h e most notable chapters are those on the civilian scientists who were in the West from 1860 to 1900. Despite all that we have been told about Powell, Hayden, a n d Clarence King by Wallace Stegner, William Culp Darrah, Richard Bartlett, and T h u r m a n Wilkins, Mr. Goetzmann is able to a d d considerably to our understanding, partly because of excellent n e w r e s e a r c h , b u t p a r t l y because he is looking at these men not as a biographer would, but rather in comparison with one another, as units in a complex whole. Less valuable is the author's discussion of such too-familiar themes as the mountain men, Fremont, and early travel over the California and Oregon Trails.

T h e book is as extensively illustrated as any volume published in a long time.

There are well-chosen and well-annotated groups of old paintings, drawings, and photographs. T h e reproductions of old maps, however, have been so greatly reduced in size as to be almost unreadable even with a magnifying glass.

RODMAN W.

PAUL

Professor of History California Institute of Technology

The

Horse

in America.

W E S T HOWARD.

By R O B E R T

(New York: Follett

Publishing Company, 1965. 243 pp. $6.95) T h e recent second printing of this book will be welcomed by the horse lover, the researcher, and the history buff interested in memorabilia based on horses and horsemanship. Not only does

the author deal with the development and use of the horse in America but he excites the imagination with glimpses of b r o n c - b u s t i n g C e n t a u r s migrating across the Caucasus and Balkans and barbarian charioteers racing along at possibly 10 miles an hour to conquer U r and Egypt.

Mr. Howard paints the tropical lushness of the Laramie Plains, Wyoming, in the Eocene Epoch where the foreb e a r e r s of the h o r s e first roamed in America. With changing climate and forage, this hardy beast evolved until it almost achieved the physical appearance of the modern horse, then unaccountably it disappeared. T h e facts involved make for a good science "who done it."

Columbus reintroduced the horse to the New World when he landed "peddlers' nags a n d cart drafters" off Haiti, no mean feat this since their transportation in tiny sailing vessels across u n c h a r t e r e d seas w a s an a u d a c i o u s undertaking. Succeeding explorers and colonizers brought horses with them, the latter importing breeding stock; the Conquistadors, h o w e v e r , limited their horseflesh to stallions, a status symbol for the caballero.

I n great detail the author traces the origin of the various breeds of horses among them the Quarter Miler developed by the Virginia horsemen in 1690 to run a track that length at Malvern Hills, the Chicasaw horse bred by the Indians of Tennessee and Mississippi, the sturdy Conestoga which pulled the wagon of the same name, the superior saddler k n o w n as the N a r r a g a n s e t t Pacer, and the Morgan sired by "Figure," one of the most famous names in horsedom. E n g l i s h b r e e d s carefully tended in the south later provided the "hot blood" strain ridden by the Virginia Dragoons under "Light Horse Harry" Lee. T h e author also points out that while "gentlemen of the turf" formed a Jockey Club in Charleston, South Carolina, the horse and his rider were playing an

274

Utah Historical

important role in the history of the West. H e states that the Lewis and Clark expedition brought back word that from the late seventeenth century the horse had swept through all the trans-Mississippi West transforming the habits and culture of the American Indian. Pope's Plot, which resulted in the massacre of possibly half the Spanish population of Santa Fe in 1680, and the subsequent plunder of horses from ranches and missions are credited with p r o v i d i n g m o u n t s n o t only for t h e Apaches and Navajos but also for tribes as far removed as the Utes.

Mr. Howard chronicles the westward migration. Emmigrants bound for the California gold fields and the Nevada silver mines at a later date brought with them e a s t e r n horse b r e e d s of which many foundered on the trails. As a consequence and due to its favorable geographic location, Salt Lake City became a t r a d i n g c e n t e r for livestock. T h e author quotes Hubert Howe Bancroft who wrote the Mormons bought "jaded oxen and horses at one-fifth their cost, often blooded stock which needed only rest." This kind of windfall would gladden the heart of any horse trader!

Although not a book to be read at one sitting the quantity of facts and miscellany assembled are formidable, nevertheless, Mr. Howard writes with authority and interest and has produced a provocative history.

Forty-three pages of illustrations, a helpful chronology, a usable system of notes, a Glossary and Index complete the volume.

VIRGINIA N. PRICE

Preston Nutter Ranch Price, Utah

Quarterly

U t a h State Road Commission is a project which is most l a u d a t o r y . Other departments of state government could well follow this example.

T h e author, Ezra C. Knowlton, can speak from an eyewitness point of view on much that is contained in the book.

Mr. Knowlton was an employee of the U t a h State Department of Highways for 29 years, four of those years as chief engineer. Sitting near and in the top position for an extended period of time, Mr. Knowlton helped shape the direction of Utah's highway development and is thus able to provide background and insight afforded few individuals.

T h r o u g h laborious research, the author has traced the beginnings of road construction from the first "authorized" roads to the state's modern interstate network of freeways. T h e legal aspects of the development of the road system form one of the least interesting but most important parts of Mr. Knowlton's story. Only a person with the author's training and e x p e r i e n c e could bring understanding to this otherwise complicated subject.

Some chapters offer real drama. T h e account of the construction of the Lincoln Highway is a good study in pressure politics with all that implies.

An a m p l e A p p e n d i x provides the reader with a compilation of brief biographies of commissioners, a digest of road laws, and highway expenditures and receipts.

Although a large undertaking, the Highway Department is to be congratulated for the publication of this history.

EVERETT L. COOLEY

Utah State Historical

Director Society

in

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS

Utah. By EZRA C. K N O W L T O N . ([Salt

L a k e City, 1967.] xxv + 943 p p . $10.00)

Crazy Weather. By CHARLES L. M c N I C H O L S . Reprint. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967)

R e c e n t p u b l i c a t i o n of History of Highway Development in Utah by the

Critchlow and Related Families.

The Life Histories, Writings and Genealo-

History

of Highway

Development

Reviews and Publications

275

gies of William Critchlow, Benjamin Chamberlin Critchlow and Elizabeth Frances Fellows Critchlow and Their Families. Compiled, augmented and edited by GEORGINA BOLETTE C R I T C H LOW

BICKMORE, C H A R L O T T E R H O D A

CRITCHLOW

RYBERG and

ELIZABETH CRITCHLOW.

FRANCES

([Salt Lake

City, 1967]) How They Dug the Gold: An Informal History of Frontier Prospecting, Placering, Lode-mining, and Milling in Arizona and the Southwest. By O T I S E. Y O U N G , J R . (Tucson: Ari-

zona P i o n e e r s ' H i s t o r i c a l Society, 1967) Joseph

Smith,

The

Prophet-Teacher.

By BRIGHAM H . R O B E R T S . tion by S T E R L I N G

M.

Introduc-

MCMURRIN.

(Princeton: T h e Deseret Club of Princeton University, 1967) No More Than Five In A Bed: Colorado Hotels in the Old Days. By SANDRA DALLAS. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967) Palenque: The Walker-Caddy Expedition to the Ancient Maya City, 18391840. Collected and edited by DAVID M. PENDERGAST. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967) Sod and Stubble: The Story of a Kansas Homestead.

By J O H N I S E . Reprint. ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1967) Son of Old Man Hat: A Navaho Autobiography.

R e c o r d e d by W A L T E R DYK.

Foreword

by EDWARD

The World's Rim: Great Mysteries of the North American Indians. By BURR

ALEXANDER.

American Heritage — X V I I I , J u n e 1967: "Here Come the Wobblies!

T o the hard-bitten laborers of the I.W.W., the union was a home, a church, and a holy crusade," by BERNARD A. WEISBERGER, 3Iff.

The Bulletin [Missouri Historical Society] — X X I I I , April 1967: " T h e Myth of the Fremont Howitzer," by D O N A L D J A C K S O N , 205-14

Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought — 2, S p r i n g 1967: " T h e 'Legend' a n d the 'Case' of Joe Hill,"

by V E R N O N

H. JENSEN,

97-109 —

Summer 1967: " T h e Coalville Tabernacle, A Photographic Essay," text by THOMAS

WOOD,

photographs

by

DOUGLAS H I L L , 6 3 - 7 4

The Improvement Era—70, April 1967: [portion of issue devoted to the Salt Lake Tabernacle] "Bring on the Lumber: T h e B u i l d i n g of the T a b e r nacle," by STEWART L. G R O W , 4 - 9 ;

" O p e n i n g of the T a b e r n a c l e , " by ALBERT L. ZOBELL, J R . , 1 0 - 1 3 ; " T a b -

ernacle Organ," by JAY M . TODD, 14-20; "Focal Point for Important Events," by ELEANOR K N O W L E S , 2 2 -

25; "Tabernacle Choir," by MABLE J O N E S GABBOTT, 26-31;

"Popular

Tales about the shape of the Tabernacle roof," 42-43 Journal of the West — V I , April 1967: "Proselytism, Immigration and Settlement of Foreign Converts to the Mormon Culture in Zion," by J O H N ALDEN O L S O N ,

189-204

SAPIR.

Reprint. ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1966)

HARTLEY

ARTICLES OF INTEREST

Fore-

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly — X, Spring 1967: "William C. (Hill) Beachey, N e v a d a - C a l i f o r n i a - I d a h o Stagecoach King," by VICTOR GOODWIN,

3-46

Re-

Pacific Northwest Quarterly — 58, January 1967: " T h e Mystery of Saca-

p r i n t . ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, 1967)

gawea's Death," by H E L E N ADDISON HOWARD, 1-6; "Sacagawea and the

word

by C L Y D E

KLUCKHORN.

276

Utah Historical Quarterly

Suffragettes, An Interpretation of a Myth," by Ronald W. Taber, 7-13 Sunset, The Magazine of Western Living— 138, M a y 1967: "Unlocking the canyon country. Jeeps take you, without roads into Utah's new national park, around the park, beyond t h e park. A n d in 1967 you still are years ahead of t h e crowds [Canyonlands National Park]," 8 2 91 Utah Architect — No. 44, Spring 1967: "Manti's Mormon Castle," by K E N N E T H L. LAMBERT, 25-26

Utah Science — 28, M a r c h 1967: " T h e Great Salt Lake: H u b of Utah's Water Development," by J A Y M. BAGLEY,

GAYLORD

V.

SKOGERBOE,

and

D O N N A H I G G I N S , 15-20

Western American Literature—I, Spring 1966: " T h e Mountain M a n as Literary H e r o , " by D O N D . W A L K E R , 1 5 -

The Westerners New York Posse Brand Book — 14, No. 2: "Timothy O'Sullivan, Pioneer Photographer of the West," Part I I , by JAMES D . HORAN,

25ff.

Westways — 59, M a y 1967: [entire issue d e v o t e d to C a l i f o r n i a Gold R u s h ] "When Was T h a t Golden Day," by RODMAN W. P A U L , 5 - 7 ;

"Innocents

Aboard [travel by ship]," by JERRY M A C M U L L E N , 8 - 1 1 ; " T h e Overland

Ordeal [travel by land]," by R A Y A L L E N BILLINGTON,

12ff.; "Life in

the City," by RICHARD H .

DILLON,

16ff.; "Life in the Mines," by Remi N a d e a u , 20ff.; " T h e ' S t r a n g e r s ' A m o n g T h e m [ i m m i g r a n t s ] , " by D O Y C E B. N U N I S , J R . , 2 4 - 2 7 ; "Gold

as C u l t u r e ' s C a t a l y s t , " by W. H .

H U T C H I N S O N , 2 8 - 3 1 ; "Drive [Highway] 49 to ' 4 9 , " by R u s s

LEADA-

BRAND, 3 2 - 3 4 ; "A M o t h e r Lode Album [photographs]," 35-46; "Methods in t h e Madness [mining

25; " T w o Views of T h e American West," by J I M L. F I F E , 34-43 — Fall 1966: " T h e Primitive and the Civilized in Western Fiction," by LEVI S.

methods]," by PAUL D I T Z E L ,

PETERSON, 197-207

W. CAUGHEY. 54-55

47ff.;

"Towns on the Sidelines: An End to the Quiet Life," by W. W. ROBINSON, 5 0 - 5 3 ; " T h e Midas Touch," by J O H N

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