Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 39, Number 4, 1971

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UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

BOARD O F STATE HISTORY Division of Department of Development Services MILTON

C. A B R A M S , S m i t h f i e l d ,

J A C K G O O D M A N , Salt L a k e C i t y , 1 9 7 3

197:!

President D E L L O G. D A Y T O N , O g d e n ,

Vice

M H S . A. c . JENSEN, S a n d y , 1 9 7 5

1975

THERON

President

Ex

MELVIN T . S M I T H . S a l t L a k e C i t y Secretary DEAN R. BRIMHALL, F r u i t a , MRS.

J U A N I T A B R O O K S . St. G e o r g e ,

I.I'KE,

Provo,

1975

CLYDE L. MILLER, S e c r e t a r y of S t a t e officin

H O W A R D c. P R I C E , J R . . P r i c e .

1975

1973

MRS.

1973

M R S . .NAOMI WOOLLEY, S a l t L a k e C i t y . 1 9 7 5

ELIZABETH SKANCHY. M i d v a l c , 19715

ADVISORY BOARD O F EDITORS M R S . H E L E N z . PAPANIKOLAS, Salt L a k e C i t y

THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, PrOVO

L A M A R P E T E R S E N . S a l t Lake. C i t y

S. GEORGE ELI SWORTH, L o g a n M R S . P E A R L JACOBSON,

H A K O I . D SCHINDLER, Salt L a k e C i t y

Richfield

J ER O ME S TO F i •• E1., L< >ga n

DAVID E . M I L L E R , Salt L a k e C i t y

ADMINISTRATION MELVIN JOHN

T. S M I T H .

J A M E S , JR., L i b r a r i a n

T h e U t a h S t a t e H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y is a n organization devoted t o t h e collection, prese r v a t i o n , a n d p u b l i c a t i o n of L^tah a n d r e lated history. I t w a s organized by publicspirited U t a h n s i n 1897 for this purpose. I n f u l f i l l m e n t of i t s o b j e c t i v e s , t h e S o c i e t y p u b lishes t h e Utah Historical Quarterly, which is d i s t r i b u t e d t o i t s m e m b e r s w i t h p a y m e n t of a $ 5 . 0 0 a n n u a l m e m b e r s h i p fee. T h e S o c i e t y a l s o m a i n t a i n s a sj)ecialized r e s e a r c h library' of b o o k s , p a m p h l e t s , p h o t o g r a p h s , periodicals, microfilms, newspapers, m a p s , a n d m a n u s c r i p t s . M a n y of t h e s e i t e m s h a v e c o m e t o t h e l i b r a r y a s gifts. D o n a t i o n s a r c e n c o u r a g e d , for only t h r o u g h such m e a n s c a n t h e U t a h S t a t e H i s t o r i c a l S o c i e t y live u p t o i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of p r e s e r v i n g t h e r e c o r d of U t a h ' s p a s t .

|

Director IRIS S C O T T . Business

Manager

T h e p r i m a r y p u r p o s e of t h e Quarterly is t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of m a n u s c r i p t s , p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d d o c u m e n t s w h i c h relate o r give a n e w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t o Latah's u n i q u e story.

C o n t r i b u t i o n s of w r i t e r s a r e s o l i c i t e d f o r t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e e d i t o r . H o w e v e r , t h e editor assumes n o responsibility for t h e r e t u r n of m a n s c r i p t s u n a c c o m p a n i e d b y r e turn postage. Manuscripts a n d material for publications should b e sent to t h e editor.

T h e U t a h State Historical Society docs n o t a s s u m e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s t a t e m e n t s of fact o r opinions expressed b y c o n t r i b u t o r s .

T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is e n tered as second-class postage, p a i d a t Salt Lake City, U t a h . Copyright 1971. U t a h State Historical Society, 6 0 3 East South T e m p l e Street, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102.

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

FALL 1 9 7 1 / V O L U M E 39 / NUMBER 4

Contents STATEHOOD FOR UTAH: A DIFFERENT PATH

BY HOWARD R. LAMAR

_

307

A REEXAMINATION OF THE WOODRUFF MANIFESTO IN THE LIGHT OF UTAH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY

BY H E N R Y

J. WOLFINGER

_

328

THE MAKING OF THE CONVENTION PRESIDENT: THE POLITICAL EDUCATION OF JOHN HENRY SMITH

BY JEAN BICKMORE WHITE

350

THE PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR 1970-1971

370

REVIEWS AND PUBLICATIONS

379

INDEX

-

EDITOR

MELVIN T. SMITH

MANAGING EDITOR

G L E N M . LEONARD

ASSISTANT EDITOR

395

MlRIAM B . M U R P H Y

THE COVER When Utah finally achieved statehood in 1896, the event marked the culmination of many years of effort by the territory. Represented on the cover are: President Grover Cleveland and the silver pen he used to sign the Enabling Act, a Harper's Weekly cartoon poking fun at polygamy, the facade of ZCMI draped with banners to honor the forty-fifth state, and a parade scene from the Pioneer Jubilee held the following year. Design by Keith Montague.

Books Reviewed

BROOKS, JUANITA, Story,

Uncle

Will Tells

BY SAM WELLER

His

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379

HAFEN, LEROY R., ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, Vol. IV,

BY DALE L. MORGAN

380

TYLER, S. LYMAN, ed., The Montana Rush Diary of Kate Dunlap,

Gold

BY LEROY R. HAFEN

381

WINTHER, OSCAR OSBURN, and RICHARD A. VAN ORMAN, A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67),

BY S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH

382

TAYLOR, RAYMOND W., and SAMUEL W. TAYLOR, Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million,

BY GARY L. SHUMWAY

._

._

383

BATEMAN, WALTER L., The Navajo of the Painted Desert,

BY BROTHER JUNIPER

384

GLASS, MARY ELLEN, Silver and Politics in Nevada: 1892-1902,

BY J O H N M. TOWNLEY

385

SCULLY, VIRGINIA, A Treasury of American Indian Herbs: Their Lore and Their Use for Food, Drugs, and Medicine,

BY HERBERT Z. LUND

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386

BURT, OLIVE W., The Story of American Railroads and How They Helped Build a Nation,

BY ROSALIE C. BARBOUR

386

FOWLER, CATHERINE S., comp., Great Basin Anthropology . . . A Bibliography,

BY MARK P. LEONE

__

387

CROSSETTE, GEORGE, ed., Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell,

BY ROBERT W. OLSEN

388

FITZPATRICK, DOYLE C , The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon King,

BY RUSSELL R. RICH

389

The fagade of ZCMI proclaims the good news of Utah statehood in 1896 Utah State Historical Society photograph.

Statehood for Utah: A Different Path

BY HOWARD R. LAMAR

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X o SUGGEST THAT UTAH achieved statehood by pursuing a different path from that of other territories is but to repeat the obvious. What other territory began with a government which was run largely by a church operating through an informal but partially invisible Council of Fifty?1 What other territory during a time of peace has been declared in rebellion against the United States and has been occupied by a federal army? What other continental territory has been the subject of so much special legislation, appointive commissions, and exceptional judicial control? What other territory has had to abandon cherished domestic institutions by manifesto, formally declare separation of church and state, and deliberately create national parties in order to get into the union? 2 That Utah's course was unique seems clear. If one views Utah's path to statehood on the occasion of its seventy-fifth anniversary of statehood, however, it tells us as much about American beliefs and values as it does about the distinctive values of members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. From the vantage point of 1971 it also begins to look as if the conflict was not so much between American and Mormon values and institutions as it was between a so-called WASP-American view of American values and a Mormon adherence to and espousal of values which they, too, could argue were "as American as apple pie."

To explore this argument let us begin with the history of the Mormons as portrayed in American history textbooks. There we are usually told that the Latter-day Saints are a fine example of a burgeoning native American religion born during a period of great millennial, spiritualist, and transcendentalist fervor in the United States.3 Such Dr. L a m a r is professor of history at Yale University. This article was first presented at the Eighteenth A n n u a l M e e t i n g of the U t a h State Historical Society in September 1970 a n d has been edited for publication.

1 Klaus J. Hansen, Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom, of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History (East Lansing, 1 9 6 7 ) , amply demonstrates the role the Council played in the governing of early U t a h .

2 Virtually every major work on U t a h and the M o r m o n s treats the difficult territorial years in detail. S t a n d a r d accounts a r e : Brigham H . Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (6 vols.. Salt L a k e City, 1930), vols. I I I - V I ; Leland H . Creer, Utah and the Nation (Seattle, 1 9 2 9 ) ; T h o m a s F. O ' D e a , The Mormons (Chicago, 1957) ; L e o n a r d J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1900 ( C a m b r i d g e , Mass., 1958) ; N o r m a n Furniss, The Mormon Conflict (New H a v e n , 1960) ; H o w a r d R. L a m a r , The Far Southwest, 1846-1912: A Territorial History (New H a v e n , 1966). Specific aspects are treated in R o b e r t J. Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict, 1862â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1890 (Washington, D . C , 1941) ; Everett L. Cooley, " C a r p e t b a g R u l e : Territorial G o v e r n m e n t in U t a h , " Utah Historical Quarterly, 26 (April 1958) ; a n d R i c h a r d Poll, " T h e Political Reconstruction of U t a h Territory, 1 8 8 6 - 1 8 9 0 , " Pacific Historical Review, 27 ( M a y 1 9 5 8 ) , 111-26, as well as m a n y others.

3 T h e M o r m o n C h u r c h "was indigenous," wrote R a l p h H . Gabriel. "Its creed a n d its theology were u n d e r debt to a wide variety of American folk beliefs." The Course of American Democratic Thought (New York, 1 9 4 0 ) , 55. See also F a w n M . Brodie, No Man Knows My

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comments imply that the Saints started with basic American premises and a home-grown philosophy and tradition. We are told, for example, that the Mormons developed the mysticism which Puritans suppressed in Congregationalism while adopting the often contrary strains of communitarianism, capitalism, millennialism, and manifest destiny so dominant in the age of Jackson.4 Yet most nineteenth century accounts see the Mormons as so different that by 1850 they were not only out of the mainstream, they had become, as David Brion Davis has observed in his brilliant article, "Some Themes of Counter Subversion," the arch symbol of evil subversives to the American public.5 It is doubtful that any accusation — apart from questioning the sincerity of their religious beliefs — so angered the Saints as the charge of un-Americanism. In an effort to reconcile or partially explain the assertion that the Mormons had an American religion but were unAmerican, I wish to argue that building on themes and premises in the American tradition they have taken a different but essentially American path and by so doing helped further define, explore, test, and reveal some fundamental American political beliefs. From the beginning they demonstrated that, like the federal Union with its theory of divided sovereignty, the so-called American tradition was ambivalent, contradictory, and subject to many interpretations. 6 Indeed, one of the difficulties the American historian has with Jacksonian Democracy — the period in which Mormonism began — is that to so many groups democracy meant so many things.7 To the Brook Farm intellectuals it meant one course of action, to the Shakers another, to Robert Dale Owen another, and to the Whigs, History: The Life of Joseph Smith (New York, 1963), 67, in which Mrs. Brodie calls the majority of sources for the Book of M o r m o n "absolutely American." See also W. W. Sweet, The Story of Religion in America (New York, 1920) ; Whitney R. Cross. The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800—1850 ( I t h a c a , N Y . , 1950), as well as many fresh new discussions in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 1 ( S u m m e r 1966) to present.

T h e American theme is also borne out in such representative texts as: J o h n D. Hicks, A Short History of American Democracy (Boston, 1 9 4 0 ) , 3 1 3 ; Leland D . Baldwin, The Stream of American History (New York, 1952), 1: 6 2 7 ; D u m a s M a l o n e and Basil Rauch, Empire for Liberty: The Genesis and Growth of the United States of America (New York, 1960), 1: 514.

O n the other h a n d , J o h n M . Blum et al., in The National Experience (New York, 1963), 26768, and R a y A. Billington, Westward Expansion (New York, 1 9 4 9 ) , 532 ff., stress M o r m o n desire to escape rather t h a n any indigenous American qualities.

4 Merle Curti, The Growth of American Thought (New York, 1943), 311-12.

5 David Brion Davis, "Some Themes of Counter-Subversion: A n Analysis of AntiMasonic, Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Mormon Literature," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 47 (September 1960), 205-24; see also Leonard J. Arrington and J o n H a u p t , "Intolerable Zion: T h e Image of Mormonism in Nineteenth Century American L i t e r a t u r e , " Western Humanities Review, 32 (Summer 1968), 243-60.

6 T h e problem of American heterogeneity is discussed in Davis, "Some Themes of Counter-Subversion," 209 a n d 214.

7 E d w a r d Pessen, Jacksonian America: Society, Personality, and Politics (Homewood, Illinois, 1969), 5-38, catalogues an extraordinary list of contradictory tendencies and beliefs.

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Democrats, States Rights Southerners, and to abolitionists yet other things. America is useful for proving things before untried, the aged James Madison â&#x20AC;&#x201D; inventor of divided sovereignty â&#x20AC;&#x201D; is supposed to have shouted into Miss Harriet Martineau's ear trumpet.

In retrospect it appears that while the Mormons likewise tried new ideas, they also drew on both the spiritual and temporal traditions of the United States and in many instances pursued their implications further than anyone else dared or troubled to do. After most groups had abandoned milliennialism and communitarianism, the Mormons pursued the idea of a practical gathering of the Kingdom until the end of the nineteenth century.8 Long after Brook Farm and New Harmony were a memory, and George Rapp's Utopian colony had declined, the Mormons experimented with the United Order of Enoch in various Utah communities. 9 But what has this to do with statehood? A great deal, for defined social and religious goals, experience in practicing them, and persecution to test conviction and provide challenge, had created a true community of Saints before the first Mormons set foot in Utah. 10 Such a community is the basis of a true state. Because they came as a coherent society rather than as individual pioneers who would eventually form a community and then a state, the 1849 Constitution of the State of Deseret was the symbolic expression of an existing condition and not a blueprint for, a future commonwealth. The Mormons, as Dale Morgan has said, "simply elaborated their ecclesiastical machinery into a government." 11 Let us avoid arguments about the real motives which lay behind the 1849 Utah statehood movement and pass on to implications. Whatever the motive, one of the purposes of the proposed State of Deseret was not to bring law and order but to keep lawlessness and disorder out. In so doing the Mormons took the then respectable doctrines of states rights and popular sovereignty and demonstrated that the doctrine could be used to protect an unpopular religion and its adherents as well as to defend freedom or a domestic institution such as slavery. Just as John C. Calhoun found in states rights a way to protect the minority from the tyranny of the majority, the Mormon statehood proposal was a way to protect a minority religion from the tyranny of a Gentile nation.

8

Hansen, Quest for Empire, 147-79.

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 323-49.

10 E. E. Ericksen, The Psychological and Ethical Aspects of Mormon Group Life 1 9 2 2 ) , 17 ff.

11 Dale L. M o r g a n et al., " T h e State of Deseret," Utah Historical Quarterly, July-October 1940), 83-87.

9

(Chicago, 8 (April-

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Statehood did not come in 1849, nor was the statehood effort of 1856 destined to succeed. By that time the doctrine of polygamy had become general knowledge and had added a vast new dimension to the issues of religious toleration and the protection of unpopular domestic institutions. It is significant that the Republican platform of 1856 not only promised to rid the country of the twin evils of slavery and polygamy, but it beautifully demonstrated what David Brion Davis calls a tendency to see all enemies as one no matter how disparate they may be.12 In this case the early association of Mormonism and the slavocracy in the public mind was to endure for nearly half a century. Further, the 1856 statehood movement coincided with the Utah rebellion and tested both the theories of states rights and the concept of popular sovereignty by raising the question as to who was supreme in the territories. The irony that it was James Buchanan, leader of the States Rights party and future upholder of the Dred Scott decision, who sent an army to Utah has been noted by most historians. His actions simply revealed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; four years before the Civil War â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the limits of American middle-class tolerance for what it considered an un-American domestic institution whether it was polygamy or an unpopular religion. It illustrated what Calhoun had been arguing all along, that a majority could not be trusted to respect minority rights or dissent without strong guarantees. The Mormon troubles of the 1850s also suggest that in a country as democratic and heterogeneous as the United States was, the Mormons were certain to experience fundamental problems of social, political, and regional alienation from the mainstream even without the presence of such an explosive issue as slavery.

Of particular interest is the way events in Utah tested Stephen A. Douglas's theory of popular sovereignty. Briefly put, Douglas argued that Americans on a frontier are capable of self-government. And certainly actual events seemed to support his thesis: Oregon, California, Texas, Kansas and Nebraska, and the future territory of Dakota had all established their own provisional or squatter governments which had led, or would lead, to regular territorial or state governments between 1836 and 1860. Certainly Utah's State of Deseret deserved to illustrate Douglas's premise as well. After the Kansas-Nebraska issue had erupted into a national crisis, Douglas added a second interpretation by asserting that laws or institutions unpopular with the local citizens would never be upheld locally. Douglas's most famous statement of this argument was at Free12

Davis, "Some Themes of Counter-Subversion," 206 ff.

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port in 1858 during the Lincoln-Douglas debates when he applied the principle to the problem of slavery in Kansas. 13 When it came to Utah, however, how far was Douglas willing to follow his own credos? Admittedly Douglas was hostile to the Saints because his Illinois constituency had disliked Mormons ever since the days of Nauvoo. When he heard that Utah was defending polygamy he urged in 1857 that the territory be divided between other territories or revert to the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States, In either case non-Mormon courts could try Utah people for their crimes.

Repeating most of the charges which anti-Mormon federal officials had filed in Washington since 1854, Douglas maintained that nine-tenths of the Mormons were aliens and were dominated by an all-powerful Brigham Young who wanted statehood for evil purposes. Therefore he urged repeal of the Organic Act, for, said he, "you can never rely on the local tribunals and juries to punish crimes permitted by Mormons in that territory." 14 Utah, unlike Kansas, was not to be allowed to practice home rule or popular sovereignty. Abraham Lincoln was quick to note that in backing down on self-government for Utah, Douglas had demonstrated what was "plain from the beginning, that the doctrine was a mere deceitful pretense for the benefit of slavery."15 Douglas's arguments bore some resemblance to those used by the Radical Republicans ten years later: namely, that the South, having taken itself out of the Union by certain un-American acts, could be treated as conquered territory. The arrested logic of the anti-Mormons was also borne out by a Republican congressman, Austin Morrill, who said in 1857 that the Mormons were hostile to the republican form of government and favored slavery, polygamy, and violence, but worst of all, they were Democrats !16 The theorizing was not all on the congressional side. When a Utah memorial asking for admission finally reached Washington in 1858 after the Mormon War had subsided, it is interesting to see Brigham Young arguing that the Ordinance of 1787 was directly contrary to the genius of the Articles of Confederation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; an American constitution of which 13 T h e so-called "Freeport D o c t r i n e " was not spelled out until August 27, 1858, b u t it was an integral p a r t of Douglas's p o p u l a r sovereignty concept from the beginning. See H e n r y Steele Commager, Documents of American History (New York, 1 9 4 6 ) , 348-49.

14 Speech of Hon. S. A. Douglas on Kansas, Utah, and the Dred Scott Decision, Springfield, III., June 12, 1857, P a m p h l e t in Yale Western A m e r i c a n a Collection, Beinecke Library, Yale University. Hereafter cited as Y W A .

15 "Speech at Springfield, Illinois," J u n e 26, 1857, in Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (New Brunswick, N . J., 1 9 5 3 ) , I I , 398-99.

16 Speech of Hon. Austin S. Morrill in the House of Representatives, February 23, 1857 (Washington, D . C , 1 8 5 7 ) , 4. P a m p h l e t in Y W A .

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he approved. It was not without careful forethought that the memorial asked that Utah be given admission "as a free and sovereign State in the great confederacy of our republic." 17 Some historians have not seen the efforts of 1849 or 1856 as serious attempts to achieve statehood or as being different, since the constitution presented to Congress on each occasion was virtually the same. But while the 1858 Constitution still asked for the creation of the State of Deseret, the memorial of that year stressed that Utah had a republican form of government and was "another link in the chain of states" between the east and the west and could serve as a path to the Orient. Seeing the state as a "star shedding a mild radiance from the tops of the mountains midway between the borders of eastern and western civilization," the memorial represented both a step away from a policy of total isolation and a step towards some role as a geopolitical middleman. A legislative memorial of that same year exclaimed: "Withdraw your troops, give us our constitutional rights, and we are at home." 18 Patriotic Mormon public rhetoric certainly did not reflect private Mormon feelings of anti-Americanism but it reflected an awareness of the situation they were in.

In carrying out the abortive statehood efforts of 1861-62, Young, Delegate William H. Hooper, and George Q. Cannon used arguments familiar in most territorial statehood movements: a desire for full rights in the Union, a wish to be governed by local residents, and the ploy that statehood would save the federal government money. Young posed a bargain: the Mormons would be loyal and stay in the Union in return for statehood and home rule.19 But in this case the argument was particularly unpersuasive, for the Mormons were handicapped more than they knew by the tyranny of the analogy between Utah and the South, the church hierarchy and slavocracy, polygamy and slavery, and the 1857 Rebellion and Southern secession.

If the curious juxtaposition of Southerners and Mormons affected the public's views of Utah before the Civil War, the war itself was to have a profound effect on both federal and Mormon policies for the territory. On the congressional side, for example, the war established preced17 U.S., Congress, Senate, "Letter of the Delegate of the Territory of U t a h in Congress."

Misc. Doc. 240, 35th Cong., 1st sess., April 20, 1858, Y W A . Emphasis mine.

18 Ibid.; see also Memorial to Congress . . . March 16, 1858. Y W A .

19 Besides the usual printed account the Letters of Brigham Y o u n g to W. H . Hooper, 1853-1869, M S S in Y W A , are useful in tracing the statehood efforts of 1861-62 as well as for later efforts. See also U.S., Congress, House, Memorial to Congress. . . 1862, Misc. Doc. 78, 37th Cong., 2d. sess., J u n e 9, 1862. YWA.

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ents of authority for the federal government which before 1861 would have been considered unthinkable. Pursuing a theory of congressional supremacy, Radical Republican congressmen were to use control of courts, disfranchisement, practice of discretionary appointive powers, and economic attrition both in the Reconstruction of the South and in accomplishing what Richard Poll has called the "Political Reconstruction of Utah." 20 Not only are the parallels between Utah policy and Southern policy remarkable, but the authors of the two policies overlapped like an interlocking directorate.

In April 1866, a Civil Rights Act sponsored by Congressman James M. Ashley of Ohio was passed by Congress giving federal district courts jurisdiction over all civil rights matters. 21 The Freedman's Bureau Act and the First Reconstruction Act also circumvented Southern state and local courts. Three months after the Civil Rights Act was passed, Ashley's friend and fellow radical, Senator Benjamin F. Wade, introduced a bill to circumvent Utah's courts,22 During the next three years other bills affecting Utah courts were introduced by Senator Aaron H. Cragin (in 1867) and by Ashley (in 1869) in which the theme of federal control was reiterated. 23 Then in 1869 Senator Shelby M. Cullom introduced a bill to disfranchise polygamous Mormons just as leading Southerners had been disfranchised in the Second and Third Reconstruction Acts.24 Utah citizens would have done well to listen to Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont who said in February 1873 that "the Supreme Court has decided that no one of the provisions of the Constitution has any application as it respects what we may do in the territories." 25 Such thinking led to the enactment of the Poland Act of 1874 which established further federal control over courts and juries in Utah.

Two years before Congress passed the Poland Act, Utah once again tried to gain statehood by holding a constitutional convention and by 20 R i c h a r d Poll, " T h e Political Reconstruction of U t a h " , 111-26, stresses the economic aspects a n d concentrates on the period 1886â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1890.

21 " A n Act to protect all Persons in the U n i t e d States in their Civil Rights. . . ." U.S., Statutes at Large, vol. 14, p . 27 ff. See especially Section 3.

22 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Globe, 39th Cong., 1st sess., 1865-66, July 12, 1866, 3750.

23 Ibid., 49th Cong., 3rd sess., 1868-69, J a n u a r y 14, 1869, p . 363 ff.; Roberts, Comprehensive History of the Church, V, 227.

24 For the bills a n d predictable M o r m o n reactions see Deseret News Weekly, December 1869-February 1870. For the Second a n d T h i r d Reconstruction Acts see U.S., Statutes at Large, vol. 15, p . 2 ff a n d p . 14 ff.

25 U . S., Congress, Senate, Congressional F e b r u a r y 26, 1873, p . 1789.

Globe,

4 2 n d Cong., 3rd sess., 1872-1873,

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Mormondom — a fresh supply of wives — going out to the settlements."

So read the caption on this Harper's Weekly cartoon published in January 1875.

ratifying the proposed state constitution which it produced. 26 While the memorial which accompanied the 1872 document used the standard argument for statehood — that the territorial system was an "inherently oppressive and anti-republican" colonial system run by non-residents — the Mormons began to pursue a policy at this time which for want of a better term one may call a policy of superior virtue. The policy was simply to demonstrate beyond any doubt that the Mormons were not only good Americans but super-Americans in their habits, virtues, and patriotic loyalty. In 1872 this policy was manifested first by Mormon willingness to let non-Mormons represent them in Congress. Tom Fitch, the silver-tongued orator-politician from Nevada and Arizona who had been invited to Utah to help the statehood cause, was to be a United States senator; and Frank Fuller, the territorial secretary, was to be a congressman. Further, Brigham H. Roberts suggests that at this time the Saints were willing to let Congress present conditions for entry and have them submitted to a vote of approval by the people of Utah. 27 26

Adopted 27

Constitution of the State of Deseret, with Accompanying March 2,1872 (Salt L a k e City, 1 8 7 2 ) . Y W A .

Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church, V , 457 ff.

Memorial

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Congress,

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The Mormons also argued that they were overburdened with court cases, and if that seemed a plea for escape from prosecution as polygamists, it was also a plea for a restoration of their civil rights. The Saints would, in fact, soon take a stand that they were crusaders for civil rights.

Still another argument using the virtue theme was that because of Mormon industry and energy the territory was now economically developed both in agriculture and mining. Unlike virtually all other territories Utah's warrants were worth ninety-eight cents on the dollar. It was not only fiscally sound to a remarkable degree, it was non-colonial in its economy and had as yet escaped the clutches of the national railroad monopolies.28 The argument that Utah was exceptionally virtuous in areas of endeavor where other territories were usually wracked by scandals was a solid one.

Equally significant was the constitutional clause providing for female suffrage which the legislature had enacted by territorial statute two years before. However cynical one may be about the basic motives behind the decision to give women the vote in Utah at this time, it is clear that once again Utah carried to its ultimate point a long delayed promise of equality by realizing a goal of suffragettes everywhere while demonstrating the unusually ambivalent meaning equality and civil rights had for most Americans. As both Thomas Alexander and T. A. Larson have shown in recent articles, Congressman George W. Julian, a Radical Republican, had urged in 1868 that Congress give Mormon women the vote.29 Again the Southern analogy is applicable. Julian saw plural wives as slaves of a sort and felt the vote would liberate them just as the vote was supposed to give the ex-slave equality. Upon reflection, however, both Julian and Congress decided that voting Mormon wives would simply echo their husbands. By 1878 Governor George B. Emery was urging the abolition of female suffrage in Utah. 30 If the proposed 1872 constitution for Utah represented the beginning of a politics of superior virtue and patriotism for the next two decades, it was paralleled by increasing control of Utah by the federal government.

With the passage of the Poland Act in 1874 the theme of court control became established policy. Governor Eli Murray — obviously reflecting the thought of certain senators — set the second theme when he wrote in 28

Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 245-56.

T h o m a s G. Alexander, "An Experiment W o m a n Suffrage in U t a h in 1870," Utah Hist or .—•son, " W o m a n Suffrage in Western America," A. Larso 30 U . S . , D e p a r t m e n t of the Interior, Annual . . . , 1878 (Washington, D . C , 1878). Y W A .

29

Report

of the Governor

of Utah

Territory

Statehood for Utah

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his 1880 annual report: "Time will not prove the remedy. It is revelation (so-called) against statute law." Murray was rebutting those who said the transcontinental railroad would americanize Utah. 31 The governor proposed a return to a discarded form of territorial rule which had been used in the Old Northwest, Louisiana, and Michigan: a federally appointed council or commission to govern Utah. Council government had been justified in these territories by the fact that they had a nonAmerican population which was presumably unready for self-rule.

Murray's suggestion eventually found elaborate expression in the Edmunds Act of 1882 which created the five-man Utah Commission.32 The role of that controversial body in the history of Utah is not the subject of this paper, but it is useful to note that the commission was, among other things, a compound of the governing council of the Old Northwest and ideas taken from the Second and Third Reconstruction Acts. The compounding was symbolized by one of the few light moments in the debate over the important act. The Edmunds bill was opposed by Southern Democrats and especially by Senator Joseph E. Brown of Georgia who used every opportunity to question Edmunds. On this occasion Senator Brown referred to the brass plates of the Book of Mormon. Edmunds replied that they were gold. Brown insisted over and over that they were brass. Finally the annoyed Edmunds said: "We will compound it and call it silver, which is a popular thing.[Laughter]" 33 Perhaps the greatest irony about the first Edmunds Act was that the bill would not have passed without the pressure exerted on members of Congress by Protestant churches and the national religious press.34 The coalition of churches and government to achieve separation of church and state in Utah again demonstrates what a limited and ambivalent meaning "separation" had for most Americans. At the very moment this crusade was taking place the government turned Indian agencies over to sectarian religious bodies to run. Under this portion of the "Peace Policy" the Episcopal Church in Dakota Territory became so strong it emerged as a major patronage force in local 31

U.S., D e p a r t m e n t of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Utah Territory (Washington, D . C , 1 8 8 0 ) , 8-9. Y W A .

32 T h e U t a h Commission has been covered in a n u m b e r of works b u t the a n n u a l Reports of the Utah Commission are extremely useful. See also Stewart Lofgren Grow, "A Study of the U t a h Commission, 1882-1896" (Ph.D. diss., University of U t a h , 1 9 5 4 ) , a n d Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 358 ff.

33 Joseph E. Brown, Defence of the Constitutional and Religious Rights of the People of Utah, February, 1882 (Washington, D . C , 1882). P a m p h l e t in Y W A .

34 Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah, 151-89. . . . ,1880

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politics.35 At the same time, the Catholic Church was so powerful in New Mexico it determined elections. Throughout the north Protestant churches were involved in legislative struggles to curb Catholic educational and social policies. These ironies reach an absurd climax when it is remembered that Gentile missionaries brought religious schools to Utah to save education from Mormon "church" influence.36 It was in the shadow of the recently passed Edmunds Act of 1882 that the fifth major effort to gain statehood took place in Utah. While all of the seventy-two delegates to the 1882 convention were Mormons, several women were present, and elaborate committees drew up a long constitution which contained many clauses on education. This time the theme of superior virtue was stronger than ever. Listen to the words of the legislative memorial which justified the calling of the convention: "It is the right and duty of the people of U t a h . . . to plead for and demand a republican form of government, so that they and their posterity may enjoy the blessings and liberties, to secure which the founders of this great nation lived, labored, and struggled and died'."37 The close — if new — identification with the American past was made even greater three years later when John T. Caine, speaking at a Mormon protest meeting against the injustice of the Edmunds Act, explained that in Utah in 1849 it was not a government of church and state, but a "government of the Church without the State" and exhibited "in modified form the influence which the pilgrim fathers exercised in the settlement of the New England states, and from whom we receive much of our civilization and the fundamental principles of our republican institutions."38 That same year Governor Eli Murray reported to the secretary of the interior that "a good Mormon cannot be a good citizen."39 Yet the evidence begins to suggest that by 1882 the beleaguered Saints had begun to identify themselves with what they saw as a true and ideal American republic, a republic whose freedom was in danger from the excesses of Gentiles in Congress. It was a very different republic, however, from the states rights confederacy which Brigham Young had espoused in 1858.40 35 H o w a r d R. Lamar, Dakota Territory, 1861—1889: A Study of Frontier Politics (New Haven, 1956), 180.

36 Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah, 165-66.

37 Q u o t e d in Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church, V I , 71.

38 Mormon Protest Against Injustices — An Appeal for Constitutional and Religious Liberty (Salt Lake City, M a y 2, 1885), 10-14. P a m p h l e t in YWA. 39 U.S., D e p a r t m e n t of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Utah Territory . . . ,1885 (Washington, D . C , 1885), 4.

40 T h e debate over entering the American mainstream and the decision to do so is well treated in Chapter 9 of Hansen, Quest for Empire; see also Lamar, Far Southwest, 399 ff.

Statehood for Utah

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At the same time, important changes were occurring in Washington.

It is probable that the election of Grover Cleveland as president of the United States in 1884 was as significant a development for the history of Utah as the theories of congressional Reconstruction had been after the Civil War. For the first time since Andrew Johnson's administration a Democrat sat in the White House — a Democrat with strong Southern backing. Even before Cleveland was elected, a proposal to extend and expand the Edmunds Act aroused some Southerners nearly as much as it did the Saints, for they saw it as a threat to civil rights generally and specifically as an attack on freedom of religion more than on the domestic institution of polygamy. Senator Brown of Georgia urged Edmunds to forget the bill and instead to lead fifty thousand New Englanders to Utah to convert rather than crucify. Then said Brown, "the whole state will adopt the more refined, delicate, voluptuous and attractive practices of the people of New England." 41 Cleveland and the Democratic party exhibited signs of sympathy for very practical reasons. If territories could be made Democratic in their party politics, they might become states and add Democratic senators to Congress. The political efforts the Democrats engaged in to make solidly Republican Dakota, New Mexico, and Wyoming Democratic overnight ranged from serious, intelligent maneuvers to absurd and laughable sleights of hand, but they engendered a statehood fever so widespread that by 1887 the Dakotas, Wyoming, Montana, Washington, New Mexico, and even Arizona were full of great expectations about admission.42 Here at last was a situation in which Utah might find a way to bypass the anti-Mormon Republicans in Congress — and the hated Liberal party in Utah — and gain statehood by declaring for the Democrats.

Such hopes had dramatic results. Not only did embryo Republican and Democratic parties spring up in Utah, but Delegate John T. Caine was identified as a Democrat in Congress and appears to have been encouraged by the administration to try for statehood. Rumors of debates within the Mormon Church as to the best way to achieve statehood implied that the church itself might split along party lines.43 41 Speech of Hon. Joseph E. Brown of Georgia on the Mormon Question, January 11, 1884 (Washington, D . C , 1884). Pamphlet in Y W A .

42 J o h n D . Hicks, The Constitution of the Northwest States, University of Nebraska Studies, no. 23 (Lincoln, 1923), remains the standard account of the statehood efforts of the Omnibus States.

43 T h e internal church debates over party affiliation are nicely depicted in J e a n Bickmore White, " T h e M a k i n g of Convention President: T h e Political Education of J o h n H e n r y Smith," Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Fall 1971), 350-69.

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Given all these hopes it is wrong to suggest that the 1887 constitutional convention in Utah was but another response to new anti-Mormon federal legislation which in March 1887 took the form of the famous Edmunds-Tucker Act. Moreover, the policy of superior virtue reached a climax in this convention. Not only were the delegates all non-polygamists, but only non-polygamists voted at the time of ratification.

Further, women did not vote on the document in order to avoid any accusation that the ratification vote might be rigged. The constitution itself declared polygamy a misdemeanor and guaranteed that the clause containing this declaration could not be changed without specific repeal

by Congress. In effect the clause was made unrepealable. 44 This policy of super-conformity was also reflected in the statehood memorial to Congress in 1887. "Congress has not imposed unusual requirements upon a new state, but the people have placed these restrictions upon themselves in order to meet prevailing objections and secure political harmony with the existing states." Then the memorial went on to say: "Virtually the whole population are desirous of becoming fully identified as a State with the institutions of this great republic and of taking part in national affairs as loyal and peaceful citizens."45 With the exception of the Liberals who boycotted the ratification election, the voting population of Utah declared strongly for statehood.

Despite all these extraordinary efforts the statehood movement of 1887 was unsuccessful. The failure was a bipartisan one in a way. Not only did the majority of the Utah Commission and the territorial governor still oppose statehood, but a non-Southern reform group of Democratic congressmen was unhappy about the burgeoning Mormon Democratic alliance. The split in ranks came when Congressman Samuel J. Randall, whom Delegate Caine had failed to consult about Utah's admission, announced his opposition. Other Democrats began to back away from the issue and once again Utah failed to achieve statehood.46 Meanwhile Senator Edmunds, backed by religious pressure groups, managed to pass the harshest of the anti-Mormon laws, the EdmundsTucker Act of 1887, which marked the high tide of Reconstruction legislation against Utah, for it allowed seizure of church property and dissolved the Nauvoo Legion, the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company, 44

Constitution

45

" M e m o r i a l " in ibid., 24.

Chicago Tribune, J a n u a r y 5, 1896, 3.

of the State

of Utah,

and Memorial

YWA. 46

to Congress

(Salt Lake City, 1887).

Statehood for Utah

321

and the church itself as a property-holding institution. The act also extended court control and instituted a test oath.47 As had been the case earlier, Southerners opposed the new Edmunds-Tucker bill. Their arguments about an invasion of rights and freedom of religion were familiar ones. As Senator Brown had done previously, Congressman Risden T. Bennett of North Carolina used humor to attack the 1887 bill. "This bill," he said, "should be entitled a bill to put the Mormon church in liquidation. We are going to appoint a receiver for the assets of the Lord." The test oath, he declared, was one of "the sharp weapons which young oppressives first learn to wield."48 While the evidence presented here represents only a sampling, it looks as if the passage of the first Edmunds Act marked the point at which disinterested parties began to see the Mormons as basically good citizens who were being deprived of their civil rights. When such distinguished lawyers as George Ticknor Curtis agreed to defend Mormon Church officials during the 1880s, the good citizen case became stronger. It also seems significant that the pro-Mormon pamphleteers began to defend their cause with exceptional decorum and propriety during the decade.49 A new variation of the virtue theme appeared in the annual report of Cleveland's appointee, Governor Caleb West. There is, he said, a "bridging of the chasm that has separated the Mormon and non-Mormon people." The former were now helping in school matters, trade associations, Fourth of July celebrations, and were electing liberalized municipal governments. West himself felt that he might be able to declare for statehood once he could be sure there would be a lasting separation of church and state.50 Another kind of psychological barrier fell in 1889 and 1890 when, after a decade of statehood movements, six western states were admitted 47 U.S., Statutes at Large, vol. 24, p p . 635-41. As to the vigor with which trials would be conducted, the bill reminded Bennett of the Arkansas frontier judge who ordered the sheriff to bring in a jury, "or else," After a while the sheriff came in panting. " H a v e you got the jury, d e m a n d e d the judge. T have got eleven of them,' replied the sheriff, 'and have got the dogs after the others'."

48 Risden T . Bennett, Speeches in the House of Representatives, January 12 and February 17, 1887, against the Edmunds-Tucker anti-Mormon Bill (Washington, D . C , 1887).

Pamphlet in Y W A .

49 See A. M . Musser, The Fruits of Mormonism

by Non-"Mormon" Witnesses (Salt Lake City, 1878) ; James W. Stillman, The Constitutional and Legal Aspect of the Mormon Question (Boston, 1882) ; Federal Jurisdiction in the Territories. Rights of Local Self-Government. Judge Black's Argument for Utah before the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee, February 1, 1883; T. W. Curtis, The Mormon Problem: The Nation's Dilemma (New Haven, 1 8 8 5 ) . Y W A .

50 U.S., D e p a r t m e n t of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Utah Territory . . . 3 1888 (Washington, D . C , 1888), 19. Y W A .

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to the Union.51 A desire to round out the Union of states had begun which was not to end until New Mexico and Arizona were admitted in 1912.

But that trend, while important for Utah, was far less significant than the psychological impact of the famous and dramatic Manifesto of 1890 which seemed to settle the questions of polygamous marriages and of a church dominated political party once and for all. Both the Saints and the Gentiles of Utah would undoubtedly agree that the Woodruff Manifesto of 1890 seemed a reversal, a turning point, and a surrender on the part of the church. In the perspective of time the Manifesto appears to be less of a reversal than the true climax of the policy of superior virtue and hyper-conformity in public life which brought the Gentiles around to a more tolerant view.52 It would be misleading to say that after 1890 all was a bed of roses in Utah. Many federal officials remained skeptical; the Liberal party and its anti-Mormon friends in Congress died hard; the Utah Commission continued to be split between pursuing severe and lenient policies.53 Harrison's gubernatorial appointee, Arthur Thomas, remained deeply suspicious of the Saints, Within the church itself there were bitter fights between the older and younger generation of leaders and over secular and religious policies. But there had been a remarkable shift. Governor Thomas himself reported as early as 1889 that not only had a marvelous change taken place, but he implied that the change had been effected by the Mormons themselves. By 1890 he was reporting that the happy, stabilized mining conditions in Utah were due to Mormon resistance to uncontrolled mining development in the territory.54 By 1891 even the doubting Thomas had come to accept as sincere the Mormon commitment to a two party system. "I believe," he wrote, "the mass of the people have gone into the party movement in perfect sincerity and that it is their present determination not to retrace their steps."55 Ironically, the first legislature elected on clearly national party lines behaved so badly, Thomas was disgusted with it. Progress in the thinking of Congress was also evident. In 1892 Congressman William Springer of the House Committee on Territories saw that polygamy was 51

M o n t a n a , N o r t h and South Dakota, and Washington in 1889; I d a h o and Wyonr'n"

in 1890.

52 A fresh perspective is fully presented a n d carefully documented in H e n r y Wolfinger, " T h e Woodruff Manifesto in t h e Light of U t a h Constitutional History," Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Fall 1971), 328-49.

53 See Reports of the Utah Commission, 1889â&#x20AC;&#x201D;1891.

54 U.S., D e p a r t m e n t of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Utah Territory . . . , 1889, (Washington, D . C , 1889), 19; ibid., for 1890, 17. ^ Ibid. JOY 1891, 56.

Statehood for Utah

323

no longer the question; it was whether Congress would exclude Utah simply because a majority of her population belonged to one church.

If that proved to be the case, Springer felt that Congress, not Utah, would be guilty of faulty thinking.56 From 1892 until statehood was achieved the policy of superior virtue and patriotic conformity continued to pay off. Harrison and Cleveland granted acts of amnesty to former polygamists; a return of church property followed; and Utah entered the final stages of the statehood movement. Governor West, who had succeeded Thomas, paid an unconscious tribute to such a policy when he wrote in 1893: I k n o w of n o people w h o , in their p r e p a r a t i o n for statehood, h a v e been confronted with as delicate a n d grave questions a n d as radical differences, requiring the cultivation a n d exercise of t h e highest public qualities. Yet the responsibility has been m e t w i t h patience a n d forb e a r a n c e , a n d our people, after years of earnest effort, h a v e peacefully solved their difficulties a n d satisfactorily settled their differences. 57

It seems especially ironic that the church, by means of exercising its traditional power over the Saints and by pursuing a conscious policy, managed to create the image of the disciplined, virtuous MormonAmerican whom the Gentile now admired and respected.

By 1894 Utah's path to statehood seemed a broad road unobstructed except for lingering Gentile suspicions and the usual partisan problems.

The Enabling Act of July 1894, was followed in September by Cleveland's allowing ex-polygamists to vote. In effect, the national administration was now vying for Utah's vote. The constitutional convention, meeting from March 4 to May 8, 1895, wrote an acceptable constitution and on January 4, 1896, President Cleveland signed the act admitting Utah as a state.

When news of admission arrived in Utah, Salt Lake City gave itself up to expressions of joy and celebration. The ceremonies attending the inauguration of the state government on Monday, January 6, were such a mixture of Gentile and Mormon, local and federal, military and civilian that one could call it a cultural, social, and political proportional representation ritual. Governor West was not present at the ceremonies, but he was so profoundly moved by the account of that day that he congratulated both the Cleveland and the Harrison administrations on the 58 William Springer in U.S., Congress, House, Report of the Committee on Territories on the Admission of Utah as a State (Washington, D . C , 1889), 12.

57 U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Governor of Utah Territory . . . , 1893, (Washington, D.C, 1893), 19.

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success of the federal government's wise, "firm and beneficent policy" which had resulted in statehood.58 One could also argue, however, that the policy was successful because the Mormons had decided it would be, for they, too, had worked out a policy which allowed them to adjust their beliefs and reverse their unfavorable public image as American subversives without disastrous results. What Saint need be bothered by a separation of church and state when such statements as one made by Brigham Roberts, on the occasion of admission, represented the new Mormon rationale. "It is the mission of the church to make men," Roberts wrote, "leaving the men to make the state â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the community." 59 It is amusing and instructive to see what newspapers around the nation felt about statehood for Utah. The New York Times, suspicious 58 59

Ibid., for 1896.

Roberts, A Comprehensive

History

of the Church,

V I , 346.

Part of the Pioneer Jubilee parade of 1897 which celebrated not only fifty years of Mormon settlement but also the achievement of statehood the previous year.

Statehood for Utah

325

and uncertain, simply remarked that the public had better watch out for the constitutional implication of Utah's coming into the Union as less than an equal state because of Congress's unusual right to pass on polygamy.60 The Washington Post admitted jealousy.61 Utah had finally escaped government by the infamous Commission, it noted, but poor Washington was still being ruled by an autocratic congressional commission. Such parochial responses were even more pronounced in the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the San Francisco Chronicle. The former acted as if a very distant region of Mongolia had joined the Union, and in a search for relevance, noted that Albert Sidney Johnston, a Southerner, had been in Utah during the 1857 Rebellion.62 The Chronicle, on the other hand, welcomed Utah into the Union and wished her well, but for a selfish reason: I n o n e respect U t a h is a n enormously valuable accession to t h e family of States. She is sound as a dollar o n t h e financial question. T h e Citizen of U t a h , n o m a t t e r w h a t his political affiliation m a y be, is not to b e p e r s u a d e d t h a t silver is not a true, genuine, historical a n d necessary m o n e y metal, or t h a t t h e prosperity of the A m e r i c a n people is n o t to b e p r o m o t e d by a r e t u r n to free coinage. 6 3

The Chicago Tribune put the admission story on the front page and gave it full coverage by printing a short history of Utah and a special message by Governor Wells.64 Elsewhere Utah statehood was pushed aside by news about Venezuelan guerrilla activity, English problems in South Africa, and the appointment of a new poet laureate.

Three final observations about the different course of Utah's statehood struggle and the genuine Americanism of the state by 1890 seem pertinent. First, a reading of documents and speeches from 1849 to 1896 suggests that while Utahns were exceptionally proud of their pioneering heritage, the local subculture was not necessarily western and certainly not "cowboy" western. Utah became American by following paths different from those posed by Frederick Jackson Turner while coming to accept as gospel some of Turner's precepts about America. Second, Utah's achievement of statehood was due in part to deliberate change of the unpopular stereotype of the Mormon of the 1850s to that of the solid, energetic, conservative American citizen of the 1890s. Third, 60

New York Times, January 5, 1896, 4.

Washington Post, January 6, 1896, 6.

62 New Orleans Times-Picayune, January 5, 1896, 4.

03 San Francisco Chronicle, January 7, 1896, 1.

64 Chicago Tribune, January 5, 1896, 1.

61

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Utah Historical

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while church revision of the Mormon image may have been begun cynically or to escape persecution, by 1880 the Saints had convinced themselves of their own true Americanism.

The genuine Americanism was dramatically demonstrated at the famous 1897 jubilee held in honor of Utah's fiftieth anniversary of settlement. There the pioneer theme was strong as floats depicting the handcart expeditions, the pony express, overland coaches, Jim Bridger's cabin, the first house, and the first saw pit in Utah came down the main street of Salt Lake City. For those pioneers present who had come to Utah fifty years before, there were gold badges but they had been made by Tiffany's in New York.65 The celebrations featured a "wild east" show at which the celebrated Sie Hassan Ben Ali and his band of Bedouin Arabs did acrobatic and gymnastic feats. Bannock and Shoshoni warriors from Fort Hall danced war and ghost dances. A daring balloon ascension and parachute jump by Professor Wayne Abbott and the Leadville Drum Corps doing their sensational silent drill were featured highlights of the jubilee.

But there were also fireworks at Saltair, baseball, concerts, baseball, operatic solos, baseball, and 1,000 children singing "How Like a Voice from Heaven" by Donizetti, as well as the "Pilgrim's Chorus" by Verdi.

Billed as a "Pageant of Progress," it was also a sincere expression of middle-class American values and habits. 66 The image of the Mormon as super-American has waxed rather than waned in the years since 1896. A recent article in the popular French magazine UExpress suggesting that the young Mormon missionary abroad is perhaps the best representative of the true American "silent majority," indicates how consistent the devotion to middle-class values has been.67 What larger meaning, if any, does the history of the statehood struggle suggest? Certainly it is clear that in trying to establish cultural and institutional pluralism in the United States in the nineteenth century, the Mormons came up against deepset conformist beliefs, in defense of which anti-Mormon Americans proved to be willing to suspend civil rights, use force, and violate traditional constitutional limitations on the power of the government. Today, once again, we see groups urging variations of cultural pluralism, whether it be in behalf of 65

Utah Pioneer Jubilee, 1847-1897, July 20-25. Official Invitation.

Brochure in Y W A .

Ibid.

67 A n d r e Bercoff, " E t a t s - U n i s ; Les Disciples de la Bonne Parole", UExpress, November 2-8, 1970. See also Wallace T u r n e r , The Mormon Establishment (Boston, 1966), 3 3 1 .

66

Statehood for Utah

327

Hispanos, Black Americans, women's liberation, or genuine social and political radicalism. Both they and the forces which oppose them, whether government or private, might study the long history of the difficulties Utah experienced before achieving religious toleration and cultural survival through home rule within the Union. In looking back over the history of Utah from the vantage point of seventy-five years of statehood, one can even say that the difficulties ended because both sides thought they had won. It was an outcome which neither group had predicted. Back in the 1860s Brigham Young is reported to have said to Delegate Hooper as he was boarding the stage for Washington: "Remember Brother Hooper, anything for Statehood. Promise anything for Statehood." 68 In the light of history, that was a prophetic, positive, and even patriotic remark.

68

Chicago Tribune, January 5, 1896, 3.

F I R S T STATE LAW PASSED "I am about to sign the first bill passed by the State Legislature," said Governor Wells to the delegation, "with the pen behind my ear, which is the one used by President Cleveland in signing the Enabling act. This table," said he, pointing to the one on which the bill lay, "was made by J. R. Wilson of this city from woods furnished by the Governors of the various States, and the bill will be signed on it at Mr. Wilson's request.

"What time shall we say it i s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 3 : 5 0 ? " inquired the Governor, as he consulted his watch. Seven other watches appeared simultaneously, but their owners, with becoming respect for the watch of the State Executive, repressed all inclination to challenge the correctness of the Gubernatorial time-piece, and 3:50 o'clock was indorsed on the bill and became the historical minute. (Salt Lake Tribune, January 8, 1896)

AKTI-POLYGAMY BILL. Mr. Scott's proposed amendment to the Edmunds-Tucker E:::mSMkmffMMv. Bill: (BMmm, IG):: : ; : .

MUMm.mM . 1 (,d he it further enacted, That this act shall not take effect till six months after its approval by the President.

And there shall be an ejection held in the several precincts of said Territory on the third Monday of March, 1SS7. at which the qualified electors of said Territory may elect from each legislative district double the number of delegates they are now entitled to elect of Councillors and Representatives to the legislative assembly of said Territory. Ami the delegates <-•» elected sh.il^r^^V^-'t^jJt L a k e City on the first Monday of April. IS.^SSiMJ Mock noon, and shall form a ConstiMM3 (MJi

An v

M:: .

hm saitIL

the vofc* for that v^£ on the fir3 this

hall form and adopt a eonstituwhich shall ]»r<>!:il)it. polygamy shall be ratified by a majority of Sectors at an election to be held teral precincts of that Territory ii-i';,ne, 1887, then the provisions of . rhuiu inoperative until such eonl e d in the usual .maimer to and fed for to be held, conducted* : • manner now provided b • county tm I pv< ••>•••+ off 1

MrMy:Mm:m„

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A Reexamination of the Woodruff Manifesto in the Light of Utah Constitutional History

BY H E N R Y J . WOLFINGER

The Woodruff Manifesto

329

\^} NE OF T H E QUALITIES which attracts readers and scholars alike to the study of late nineteenth century Utah history is the drama of the protracted and bitter controversy between the territory and the federal government over the practice of polygamy. Although the polygamy question placed a severe strain on Utah's relations with the government throughout the territorial era, it was not until the 1880s that the simmering issue erupted into conflict as the federal government launched a full-scale campaign to suppress polygamy. The United States Supreme Court opened the way for such a campaign in 1879 when it declared the federal anti-polygamy law of 1862 constitutional. In 1882 Congress laid the legal ground-work for a successful prosecution of polygamists by establishing the offense of "unlawful cohabitation" through the Edmunds Act. Two years later federal officials in Utah moved to eradicate polygamy through a relentless enforcement of this statute. Literally hundreds of polygamists were arrested, convicted, and imprisoned in the following years. The campaign was broadened in 1887 with the passage of the Edmunds-Tucker Act, under which the government moved against the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints itself and escheated nearly a million dollars worth of its property. Finally, in 1890, the church found its members threatened with imminent disfranchisement when the Cullom-Struble bill gained a favorable report in both houses of Congress.

Under such pressures as these, the church capitulated to the government by surrendering the practice of plural marriage. The turning point, according to the standard accounts, came with the issuance of the Woodruff Manifesto in 1890. Through the Manifesto the president of the church stated publicly, for the first time, that he was submitting to the laws of the land and advising the members of the church to do likewise.

Not only did this announcement signal an end to Mormon resistance to the anti-polygamy laws, but it opened the way for a final settlement of the polygamy issue. The terms of this settlement were written into the Utah Constitution of 1895, under which the territory gained admission to the Union: polygamy was prohibited, but those who had married polygamously were not required to sever relationships then existing.

The standard accounts of this period have interpreted the Woodruff Manifesto as the dramatic highlight of the struggle over polygamy. HisDr. Wolfinger is an archival trainee at the National Archives in Washington, D . C This article was first presented at the Eighteenth Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society in September 1970 and has been edited for publication.

330

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torians, almost to a man, have regarded it as the turning point by which the church relinquished the practice of plural marriage. 1 However well this "turning point" thesis has served the purpose of dramatizing Utah history,2 it has tended to obscure the possibilities of reexamining the significance of the Manifesto. This paper seeks to offer a new approach to the Manifesto, one which argues that the church's surrender was a slow process of yielding up the practice of polygamy rather than a sudden moment of capitulation. As a result, the analysis does not focus on the events of 1890, but on the church's efforts to meet the pressures of the anti-polygamy campaign during the late 1880s. It will examine specifically the first of the steps which indicated that the church was yielding its position in the late 1880s: the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution for Utah during the early summer of 1887. By agreeing to adopt a constitution which prohibited and punished polygamy, the leaders of the church offered a concession to the federal government on the polygamy issue. Such a concession involved a major shift in the church's policy of coping with the federal anti-polygamy campaign. While the adoption of the constitution did not indicate that the church had surrendered to the government or that it was ready to abandon the practice of plural marriage, it did suggest that the attitude of church leaders had undergone a significant change. Recognizing the need for settling the polygamy issue with the government, they were now willing to make concessions to reach such a settlement. Such an attitude made the complete surrender of polygamy much more likely.

T H E POLITICAL CLIMATE

The significance of the 1887 constitution can become clearer by examining the context in which it originated. This context was the political situation in Washington, D . C , in early January of 1887. It was at this time that the proposal for a constitutional convention was drafted by church representatives who were protecting Mormon interests at the national capital. These representatives, who might be described more ac1 Note, for instance, any of the following: B. H . Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1 9 3 0 ) , V I , 210-29; Nels Anderson, Desert Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah (Chicago, 1942), 3 0 7 - 3 3 ; Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900, (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 353-79; H o w a r d Roberts Lamar, The Far Southwest (New Haven, 1 9 6 7 ) , 398-406; Gustive O. Larson, The "Americanization" of Utah for Statehood (San Marino, California, 1 9 7 1 ) , 243-64.

2 As an example of dramatic development, one may note the m a n n e r in which H o w a r d Roberts L a m a r culminates his account of the turbulent 1880s, " T h e n suddenly it was over. O n September 28, 1890, the news came t h a t the C h u r c h now forbade plural marriage, . . . ."

L a m a r , Far Southwest, 404.

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curately as political agents or lobbyists, included John T. Caine, the Utah delegate to Congress; railroad promoter John W. Young; the church attorney, Franklin S. Richards; and his Gentile legal associate, George Ticknor Curtis. Congress was close to passing another piece of special legislation for Utah at this time, and the political position of the Mormons was greatly endangered. This new measure was the Tucker bill, which the House Judiciary Committee had drafted as a substitute for the Edmunds bill, an earlier measure which had passed the Senate in 1886.

From the Mormon standpoint, the Tucker measure was much harsher and more oppressive than the original Edmunds bill, or, for that matter, the compromise version of both bills which would later pass Congress and become law in March of 1887 as the Edmunds-Tucker Act. The first of these measures, the Edmunds bill, had been named after its sponsor, Senator George F. Edmunds, the Yankee Republican from Vermont who had been chiefly responsible for the passage of the Edmunds Act in 1882. His new bill aimed to broaden the provisions of the earlier act in two major respects. First, it would facilitate prosecutions of polygamists by expanding the powers of the federal judicial officials as well as by altering legal procedures in polygamy cases.3 Second, and more important, the measure proposed to break the temporal power of the Mormon Church by disincorporating the church, escheating the bulk of its property, and regulating its business affairs through the appointment of government trustees.4 Senate Republicans, led by Edmunds and assisted by a few Democrats, had passed this bill in the early months of 1886.

Senate passage of the Edmunds bill did not please the leaders of the church, but it came as no surprise. The Senate had passed a similar measure during the previous Congress, but it had made no progress in the House of Representatives, controlled by the Democrats. Congressional Democrats repeatedly had given but lukewarm support to anti-polygamy legislation. Although the Mormons in Utah were aligned with neither of the national political parties, preferring to act politically through their own independent People's party, they were regarded generally as Democrats. This view was given substance by the support that the Mormons gave the Democratic organizations in both Idaho and Arizona territories.

Moreover, Southern Democrats saw a dangerous parallel between the 3 A copy of the E d m u n d s bill as passed by the Senate can be found in U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Record, 49th Cong., 2nd sess., 1886-87, p p . 581-82. Note sections 1, 2, 3, and 19 on this particular point.

4 Ibid., sections 12, 13, and 14.

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William L. Scott, courtesy Library of Congress.

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J. Randolph Tucker, courtesy Library of Congress

expansion of federal authority in Utah and the tribulations which the South had endured during the years of Reconstruction. Hence, church leaders and their agents in Washington anticipated a quiet death for the Edmunds bill when it was brought before the House and referred to the judiciary committee. J. Randolph Tucker, chairman of the judiciary committee, was a vigorous States' Rights Democrat from Virginia who had opposed the Edmunds Act in 1882. Initially he did not appear to favor the new Edmunds bill. He granted Mormon representatives more than a month of open hearings before his committee, seriously delaying House consideration of the bill and presenting the Mormons with a needed opportunity for publicizing their arguments that the bill was harsh, unnecessary, and unconstitutional. During these hearings Tucker publicly announced that he intended to delete several sections of the bill toward which he had serious objections.5 But church leaders soon discovered that they had seriously misjudged the political situation. Their early optimism turned to gloom when they learned of the judiciary committee's report on the Edmunds bill. As 5 John T. Caine to John Taylor and George Q. Cannon, May 22, 1886, John T. Caine Papers, LDS Church Historian's Office (referred to hereinafter as GHO) ; Taylor and Cannon to Enoch Farr, May 4, 1886, John Taylor Letterpress Copybooks (henceforth identified simply as Letterbooks), CHO.

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Manifesto

m

Mm, Mt L^*r+*v*.._<*^:

:

H i Ife^

Franklin S. Richards, Utah State Historical Society photograph.

John W. Young, Utah State Historical Society photograph.

promised, Tucker had modified the bill substantially, but the substitute which he offered in its place was far more dangerous than the original measure. This substitute, which became known as the Tucker bill, retained many features of the Edmunds bill, including the provisions for the escheatment of the church's property. Still more threatening were several new features which the committee had added to the bill.

One new section was designed to ease the talk of prosecuting polygamists by redefining the crime of polygamy. Up to this time few Mormons had been prosecuted on the specific charge of polygamy, due to the difficulty of securing evidence of the performance of plural marriages.

Most accused polygamists had been convicted of "unlawful cohabitation," a lesser charge for which the prosecution had only to prove that the defendant had acknowledged or associated with more than one woman as his wife. The Tucker bill proposed to alter this situation radically by defining polygamy as a continuing crime. Under this definition, federal officials no longer would need to prove the fact of marriage, but merely that a relationship of marriage did exist between one man and more than one woman. 6 This provision would have made it criminal for 6 A copy of the Tucker bill as passed by the House of Representatives can be found in U.S., Congress, House, Congressional Record, 4 9 t h Cong., 2nd sess., 1886-87, p p . 582-83. A

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a Mormon to have remained a polygamist, and prison terms of one to five years awaited those convicted of polygamy under this section of the bill. Church attorney Franklin S. Richards pronounced these measures "the most dangerous and mischievous feature of the bill," explaining, "There would have been no escape for the brethren, because nothing short of judicial proceedings to dissolve polygamous marriages, to have them declared void, would have saved the parties from prosecution."8 The institution of polygamy was already beleaguered by the enforcement of the anti-polygamy laws. This provision of the Tucker bill threatened it with utter eradication.

Another section of the bill was equally as dangerous, It proposed to destroy the church's political influence by making almost every public office in the territory appointive rather than elective. The express purpose of this provision was to fill key positions with Gentiles by placing the power of appointment in the hands of the president and the territorial governor.9 Gentile control of county law enforcement agencies would have provided the government with yet another tool for the complete suppression of polygamy. The church attorney predicted that the enactment of this provision would inaugurate "a reign of terror throughout the Territory," and he explained his assertion with a graphic illustration: Instead of a dozen policemen in this City we may expect a hundred, with innumerable "specials" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all paid out of the public funds to spy and capture persons who are seeking to avoid arrest. Numerous Deputy Sheriffs would draw pay from the County for like detective service, and eventually it would become impossible for any fugitive to live in the country. 10

This feature of the bill threatened to place the Mormons within the power of their most dangerous antagonists, the local Gentile minority.

Although the Tucker bill was an extreme measure, church agents realized that they stood almost no chance of defeating it once it reached the floor of the House of Representatives. They therefore pursued a strategy of delay, mobilizing influence with the Democratic party to detailed section-by-section explanation of the bill's provisions is contained in House R e p o r t No. 2535, Part 1, "Suppression of Polygamy in U t a h , " 49th Cong., 1st sess., 1886-87. N o t e section 11 of the bill (explained on page 2 of the report) on this particular point.

7 Richards to Caine, [n.d.], copy enclosed in Richards to Taylor, J u n e 28, 1886, Franklin S. Richards Papers, C H O .

8 Richards to Joseph F. Smith, M a y 3, 1887, Franklin S. Richards Letterbooks, U t a h State Historical Society.

9 U.S., Congress, House, Congressional Record, 4 9 t h Cong., 2nd sess., 1886-87, p p . 58283 sections 26, 27, a n d 28 of the bill, with explanatory comment to be found in H o u s e Report N o . 2535, P a r t ' l , 4 9 t h Cong., 1st sess., 1885-86, p . 10.

10 Richards to Taylor ( c o p y ) , November 17, 1886, Franklin S. Richards Papers.

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block consideration of the bill. Utah Delegate John T. Caine informed the First Presidency, "Our efforts have been directed . . . to prevent the Bill from coming up, for we fully realize that, if it ever gets to the floor, it will in all probability go through with a boom." 11 This strategy proved successful during the remaining summer months of 1886, but soon after Congress reconvened the following December, advocates of the bill persuaded the House Rules Committee to set aside a special legislative day for the consideration of measures from the judiciary committee.12 This move assured Tucker of the opportunity of placing his anti-polygamy bill before the full membership of the House. The passage of the measure was thus almost assured.

At this point church agents reassessed the political situation. They recognized the need for changing Mormon strategy on the polygamy question. Not only had uncompromising hostility toward the enforcement of the anti-polygamy laws proved unavailing, but it had served to arouse pressure for more radical measures to eradicate the institution.

Measures such as the Tucker bill indicated that Congress was willing to broaden the scope of its attacks on polygamy to the point of dispossessing the church of its property and eliminating Mormons from control of Utah political affairs. Formal arguments and political maneuvering had proved equally ineffective in defending polygamy from further government attack. The church attorney described public opinion toward the Mormons as "determined, bitter, and unrelenting." 13 His associate in Washington, George Ticknor Curtis, similarly informed the First Presidency: I am perfectly convinced that public opinion has become so crystallized on what is called "the Mormon question," that it is idle to expect to modify or change it. I have never known anything in the course of my life that presented such a phenomenon. In the ante-bellum period, when the whole country was so much excited about slavery, there were great and powerful States interested in defending it, which could combine for that purpose; and throughout the North there were at least large masses of people who, before actual war had begun, cordially and heartily stood by the South. But you are a mere handful of people; 150,000 against 50 or 60 millions, and those millions have made up their minds that polygamy shall be exterminated per fas ut nefas.14 11 12

Caine to Taylor and Gannon, December 19, 1886, Caine Papers.

U.S., Congress, House, Congressional Record, 49th Cong., 2nd sess., 1886-87, p p . 25-26

a n d 503.

13 14

Richards to Taylor, February 9, 1887, Richards Letterbooks.

Curtis to Richards ( c o p y ) , J a n u a r y 23, 1887, George Ticknor Curtis Papers, C H O .

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Under these conditions, in the midst of a political situation that could only be described as desperate, church agents decided that a concession to public opinion offered the only hope of blocking passage of the Tucker bill. Time was at a premium, and without the usual consultation with the First Presidency they drafted a resolution to be offered as an amendment to the Tucker bill. The resolution proposed to postpone by six months the date on which the bill would become effective after its approval by the president. During this six month interim the territory was authorized to hold a constitutional convention. Should this convention adopt a constitution prohibiting polygamy, and this in turn be ratified by the voters of the territory, the Tucker bill would not become operative until Congress had received the constitution and decided whether Utah should be admitted as a state.15 This resolution was meant to suggest that the Mormons might respond to public sentiment and place polygamy under a ban, provided they could escape, at least temporarily, from the perils of the Tucker bill. Church agents presented their resolution to an influential House Democrat, William L. Scott of Pennsylvania, who was friendly to the Mormons and opposed to the Tucker bill. He agreed to offer the resolution as an amendment to the bill, and from this point the resolution became known as the Scott amendment.

In terms of preventing House passage of the Tucker bill, the Scott amendment was a concession which offered too little, too late. Well aware of longstanding Mormon opposition to the operation of the anti-polygamy laws, congressmen suspected that the amendment was a bald attempt to buy time for the church, rather than a meaningful offer to eliminate polygamy. Representative Scott's effort to attach the amendment to the Tucker bill failed, and the House passed the measure by an overwhelming voice vote.16 The bill was then referred to a conference committee, for Senator Edmunds, displeased with the modifications which had been made in his original measure, had prodded the Senate into refusing to accept the Tucker substitute.

While the conference committee undertook to hammer out the differences between the two bills, one of the church agents, John W. Young, approached President Grover Cleveland with the Scott amendment.

Young presented the amendment to the president as a proposal for the settlement of the polygamy question. The amendment, he explained, would allow the Mormons to place polygamy under a permanent ban.

15 16

[William L. Scott], "Anti- Polygamy Bill," printed sheet, C H O .

U.S., Congress, House, Congressional Record, 49th Cong., 2nd sess., 1886-87, p . 596.

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The institution never could be eliminated effectively without Mormon cooperation, he argued, and the government could elicit this cooperation by extending an olive branch in the form of the Scott amendment. On the other hand, Young warned, the enactment of the Tucker bill without the Scott amendment would simply embitter the Mormons. The failure of the House to incorporate the amendment in the bill had demonstrated already, as far as the Mormons were concerned, that the sponsors of the bill were more interested in the destruction of Mormon political liberties than in the eradication of polygamy. Conciliation, rather than further oppression, Young concluded, provided the best approach for reaching a settlement of the polygamy question.

Although Grover Cleveland had called for an end to polygamy in his inaugural address of 1885, he had never been hostile to the Mormons.

In meetings with Mormon delegations he expressed his hope that the Mormons "could become like us" and promised a fair enforcement of the laws. Moreover, he had made special efforts to mediate and settle the polygamy question. In the early autumn of 1885 he had dispatched a personal emissary to Utah for consultations with the First Presidency.

But this mission had ended in failure when the leaders of the church reported that they were unable to offer any concessions on the polygamy question. Now, in response to the presentation of the Scott amendment, President Cleveland stated that the measure might provide a means for resolving the issue. But he gave no indication of what action he would take toward the pending anti-polygamy bill. Nonetheless, this conference encouraged church agents to nurse hopes that he would use his influence and urge the conference committee to accept the Scott amendment, and, if necessary, veto any measure which did not contain it.17 Church agents at the national capital had drafted and promoted the Scott amendment with several related purposes in mind. Their most immediate aim was the defeat of the Tucker bill, thus relieving polygamy from the threat of extinction and preserving the church from the dangers of possible political and economic devastation. But they also hoped, in the long run, that the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution would dampen national sentiment on the polygamy question, thus affording the Mormons an opportunity for securing statehood. Statehood, the ultimate goal, would bring the anti-polygamy campaign to an abrupt end by eliminating federal jurisdiction over the issue. However, neither of 17 [John W. Young] to Taylor and Cannon, telegram, J a n u a r y 14, 1887, J o h n W. Young Papers, C H O ; Young (endorsed by Franklin S. Richards a n d J o h n T. Caine) to James Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency], telegram, J a n u a r y 14, 1887, James Jack Letterbooks, C H O .

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these goals could be fully pursued until the president of the church had accepted the Scott amendment and approved the proposition that the Mormons should adopt an anti-polygamy constitution. And despite political conditions in Washington, church agents realized that such approval would not be given automatically. John Taylor, the president of the church, had enunciated a policy of rigid adherence to the principle of plural marriage throughout the anti-polygamy campaign. While the church's political agents were intent on improving Mormon relations with the government, President John Taylor was intent on maintaining the religious principles of the Latter-day Saints. The church president and his representatives in Washington viewed the political situation with different sets of priorities. This led to a serious conflict of opinion over the desirability of accepting the Scott amendment as a course of action.

DEBATE W I T H I N T H E C H U R C H

This proposition that the Mormons themselves should move to abolish polygamy had been discussed in church circles in the past, but it had never gained the support of President Taylor. The church president had made it a matter of strict policy that Mormons could not declare unlawful a principle that God had placed before them as a commandment.

In an address delivered less than a month before the 1884 legislature began its deliberations, he ruled out the possibility that the territorial assembly as a matter of political expediency might "do away with polygamy." He reminded his audience that the Lord and not the federal government would determine the fate of the Latter-day Saints, and he counseled those who were suggesting that the legislature should intervene against polygamy, "No yielding up of principles that God has revealed."18 Even the proposition of adopting an anti-polygamy constitution in return for a grant of statehood had been considered by the church president. In the spring and summer of 1879, soon after the United States Supreme Court had upheld the constitutionality of the anti-polygamy law of 1862, several leading congressional Democrats had carefully examined the possibility of admitting Utah as a state. They hoped to gain her electoral votes for the party in the presidential election of 1880. The project developed to the point where the Speaker of the House, who was favorable to Utah's admission, suggested that a committee of prominent congressional Democrats should visit the territory.

18

Journal

of Discourses,

X X I V , 355, delivered at Kaysville, December 9, 1883,

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One of the objects of the committee's visit would be the arrangement of an anti-polygamy constitution with leaders of the church. Under such a constitution the Democrats could admit the territory on the claim that the polygamy question had been settled. But the project was scuttled when the Utah delegate, Apostle George Q. Cannon, informed party leaders that there was no possibility of gaining Mormon consent for a constitutional prohibition of polygamy.19 Hence, it was not surprising that President Taylor initially regarded the Scott amendment as a deviation from church policy and a concession of religious principle. Upon learning of the proposal to adopt an antipolygamy constitution, he ordered his representatives in Washington to "go slow."20 Although his agents had informed him that the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution would not require the church to surrender plural marriage, President Taylor still feared that this move would prove compromising. Speaking for the membership of the church, he said, "It will not do for us, after enduring what we have for the sake of our religion and its principles, to put ourselves in a position where our words and actions may be construed into a surrender of that for which we have ever contended." 21 In other words, the church president would not permit the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution for fear that it might give the appearance that the Mormons intended to' surrender plural marriage.

In addition to these religious considerations, President Taylor felt that the Scott amendment was politically unwise. Public sentiment demanded the eradication of polygamy, and he did not believe that it would be content with the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution.

Skeptical congressmen in examining such a constitution would discover that it did not provide for a Mormon renunciation of plural marriage and would reject it. Even President Cleveland's conciliatory response to the Scott amendment did not indicate that he would agree to the admission to Utah on the basis of an anti-polygamy constitution. Under these circumstances, the church president felt that no good would result from the adoption of such a constitution: We should have the mortification of proposing a concession that would be spurned and thrown back at us with contempt. We should, thereby, not only lose our self-respect, but our people would be weakened, 19

Gannon to Taylor, J u n e 4, 1879, George Q . C a n n o n Papers, C H O .

Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency] to Young, cited in Taylor to Jack, [n.d.] (probably J a n u a r y 27, 1 8 8 7 ) , J o h n Taylor Letterbooks, C H O .

21 Taylor and C a n n o n to Caine and Young, J a n u a r y 27, 1887, Taylor Letterbooks.

20

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a n d the world would say t h a t we h a d offered to b a r t e r away principle for t h e sake of expediency. 2 2

In short, John Taylor thought that Mormon acceptance of the Scott amendment would simply undermine the church's position on plural marriage without significantly improving its long-term political prospects.

Although President Taylor would not permit his agents to present the amendment to the administration as a concession on the polygamy question, he did leave an opening for further discussion of the subject within church circles. He offered to reconsider his decision rejecting the amendment if Congress passed a measure, such as an enabling act, indicating that the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution would fully satisfy the requirements for Utah's admission as a state. In other words, the church president would not permit the Mormons to concede an antipolygamy constitution to the government, but he might accept such a constitution from the government as a condition for admission as a state.

22 Taylor and Cannon to Charles W. Penrose and Richards, February 19, 1887, Taylor Letterbooks.

The Rouche home near Kaysville where John Taylor hid to avoid arrest on polygamy charges from August 1,1886, to July 25,1887, the day of his death. Photograph by Walter Claudell Johnson.

Gift of Gustive O. Larson.

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From his standpoint, what the Mormons could not voluntarily concede to the government they might still accept as a requirement for statehood.23 In the following weeks, through letters as well as the dispatch of representatives to Utah for personal consultations with the First Presidency, church agents tried to meet these objections to the Scott amendment. In response to President Taylor's fears that the amendment would compromise the church position on plural marriage, Charles W. Penrose, editor of the Deseret News, and Franklin S. Richards, the church attorney, submitted a lengthy letter arguing that the adoption of an antipolygamy constitution would be a purely political matter in which Mormons would be acting in their capacity of citizens. The decisions reached by a constitutional convention would have no effect on the position of the church, they contended, and the church could remain neutral when they were made. Church leaders themselves would not have to take a stand for or against the constitution, since, as polygamists, they were disfranchised and barred from participation in politics. Throughout the process of adopting and ratifying the constitution the church had only to inform its members that their acceptance of the constitution would not endanger their church standing.

Penrose and Richards also insisted that the monogamous Mormons who endorsed the anti-polygamy constitution would not be yielding any principle of their religious faith. Rather, they would be bowing to an inevitable political development. Polygamy was banned already in the territory, and it would continue to be banned when Utah became a state, for the nation demanded this. In addition, Penrose and Richards emphasized that under statehood the anti-polygamy clauses of the constitution would afford a measure of protection for plural marriage, since the Mormons, rather than the federal officials, would be implementing and enforcing the prohibition of polygamy. It was possible, they suggested, that statehood would permit the Mormons so to define the civil law of marriage as to exclude celestial marriages from its provisions. Under such a statute more than one celestial marriage would not expose a Mormon to charges of polygamy, for his marriages would not be legally recognized.

At the very minimum, should the state legislature construe the crime of polygamy to encompass celestial marriages, the enforcement of the prohibition of polygamy would lie with the Mormons. As Penrose and Rich23 Taylor and Cannon to Caine and Young, January 27, 1887, and to Penrose and Richards, February 19, 1887, Taylor Letterbooks.

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ards explained, should the Mormons choose to obey the law of God and violate the anti-polygamy provisions of the constitution, "We [will] have our friends to adjudge us guilty and mete out the penalties which will have a minimum as well as a maximum limit, while now it is maximum and no minimum in practice." 24 With this understanding of the operation of the prospective constitution, a Mormon could endorse its antipolygamy features in the firm belief that he was sustaining and protecting the principle of plural marriage.

While this discussion continued, the Scott amendment was being quietly promoted in Washington despite President Taylor's injunction that his representatives should "go slow" on the measure. Continuing his negotiations with high administration officials, John W. Young had moved to counter the church president's fears that the amendment would not satisfy public opinion by attempting to secure Grover Cleveland's endorsement of the proposal as a means of completely settling the polygamy dispute. But time for such negotiations was running out insofar as the defeat of hostile legislation was concerned. On February 15, 1887, after a full month of deliberations, the conference committee produced the Edmunds-Tucker bill, a compromise version of the two bills. Although church agents had not succeeded in persuading the committee to include the Scott amendment among its provision, they had used the proposal to obtain the deletion of certain key features of the Tucker bill.

Of particular importance was the elimination of those sections which provided for redefining the crime of polygamy and for replacing Mormon elective officeholders with Gentile appointees. The Edmunds-Tucker bill was still a dangerous measure, but not nearly so threatening as the Tucker bill had been. The church attorney was later to comment, "The most diabolical provisions were struck out of the bill, and, although it is still very oppressive, the Saints can live under it and to some degree observe the laws of God."25 The Edmunds-Tucker bill quickly passed both houses of Congress with ease and appeared on the desk of the president. John W. Young made yet another appearance at the White House to present further arguments for a veto of the measure. Again he urged the president to take a more conciliatory approach toward the Mormons by adopting the terms of the Scott amendment as a settlement of the polygamy question. This conversation proved much more substantive and satisfactory 24 25

Penrose and Richards to Taylor, February 16, 1887, Penrose Papers, CHO. Richards to Smith, May 3, 1887, Richards Letterbooks.

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to Young than prior ones. In a telegram sent to the First Presidency immediately following the conclusion of the interview, he described Grover Cleveland as being "entirely satisfied with the wording of the Scott amendment, and [he] said [that] no good man could ask more." Therefore, concluded Young, the Scott amendment could now be regarded as a "private overture" from President Cleveland to the Mormon people.

Young recognized that John Taylor had expressed doubts about Cleveland's willingness to accept the amendment as a concession sufficient for a complete settlement of the polygamy issue. Hence, he emphasized that Cleveland had given more than simple verbal approval to the amendmeent. The amendment now represented a formal offer on behalf of the administration, complete with the following commitment: "Scott amendment now offered by them [the] same as if it had passed Congress, and they [the administration] to back up this programme now and next Congress when Constitution is offered." Moreover, knowing that President Taylor would be equally as concerned about the continued practice of plural marriage, Young announced that "the question of the cessation of plural marriages has never been mentioned." He ended his telegraphic report by urging the First Presidency to accede to the opening offered by the administration's acceptance of the Scott amendment. 26 When this lengthy dispatch arrived in Salt Lake City, discussion of the Scott amendment was reopened. The following day, February 27, 1887, President Taylor reversed his previous instructions and decided to accept the proposal as an administration offer for a complete settlement of the polygamy question. He informed John W. Young, "If Scott amendment will satisfy President Cleveland, it will be acceptable to us.

If it shall become law see no objections to people carrying out its provisions." At the same time, however, the church president emphasized in the most striking terms that Mormon acceptance of the amendment did not alter the church's position on plural marriage.

We desire it distinctly understood we accept terms of Scott amendment as a political necessity, and that in doing so we neither yield nor compromise an iota of our religious principles. If by consenting to its terms we should be understood as conceding anything religiously or giving up any doctrine or principle for which we have been contending we should recoil from it and emphatically reject it. If a constitution should be adopted according to its provisions it would, at worst, only be punishing ourselves for what our enemies are now punishing us.27 26 Young to Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency], telegram, February 25, 1887, Jack Letterbooks.

27 Taylor to Jack, February 27, 1887, a n d Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency] to Young, telegrams, February 27, 1887, Jack Letterbooks.

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Despite these qualifications, signifying a lingering distrust of the Scott amendment, John Taylor had committed the Mormons to the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution.

Despite the First Presidency's acceptance of the Scott amendment, Grover Cleveland did not reveal whether he intended to accept or reject the Edmunds-Tucker bill. It was known that his feelings towards the measure were mixed. Although the conference committee had eliminated several features of the Tucker bill which the president had regarded as objectionable, the Edmunds-Tucker bill still did not satisfy him. He particularly opposed those sections of the measure escheating the property of the church and granting the federal marshal exceptional powers for the attachment of witnesses.28 In addition, Cleveland surely must have recognized that the passage of the bill might jeopardize future negotiations with the church over the implementation of the terms of the Scott amendment. On the other hand, Democratic members of both the House and Senate had supported the bill overwhelmingly. A veto not only would risk a breach within the party over the polygamy issue, but it could expose the president to damaging Republican charges that he was "soft" on Mormonism. At the opening of his administration Cleveland had committed himself publicly to ending polygamy, and this stance made it extremely difficult for him to oppose a measure which was antipolygamic. In the words of John W. Young, Grover Cleveland was "a man whose makeup is such that it is difficult for him to crawfish gracefully on any subject."29 Trapped by these conflicting pressures, the president hedged his bets on both sides and allowed the Edmunds-Tucker bill to become law without his signature.

Although one might have expected that the enactment of the Edmunds-Tucker bill would have endangered the administration's negotiations with the church, this did not occur. Church representatives in Washington, anxious to see the terms of the Scott amendment carried into effect, excused President Cleveland's actions with the explanation that he had made no promises to veto the bill. Indeed, John W. Young interpreted the president's failure to sign the bill as a "favorable" act, given the pressures on him, for it publicly indicated that the measure was not entirely satisfactory to the president. Thus, the Mormons could anticipate 28

Papers.

29

Caine to Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency], telegram, March 6, 1887, Caine Young to Taylor and Cannon, March 4, 1887, Young Papers.

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that it would not be enforced zealously by the administration. In any event, Young advised, the president was still fully committed to implementing the Scott amendment. 30 John W. Young's reaction to the enactment of the Edmunds-Tucker bill revealed the importance that he, as well as other church agents, attached to the successful implementation of the amendment. Although the church representatives had devised the Scott amendment as a last-ditch means of defeating special legislation for Utah, the passage of such legislation did not cause them to consider abandoning the proposal. They remained convinced of the need to carry through on the measure. This suggests that, in the broader perspective, it had been the pressure of the anti-polygamy campaign rather than the Tucker bill alone that had produced the Scott amendment. That pressure still existed with the passage of the Edmunds-Tucker bill, and church agents believed that it would not abate until the Mormons began to manifest a determination to settle the problem of polygamy themselves. The Scott amendment, with its provisions for the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution, afforded the Mormons an opportunity to ban the institution which the nation found so obnoxious. Church agents were determined not to allow this opportunity to slip away.

With the First Presidency's acceptance of the Scott amendment, church agents had eliminated the major obstacle to the adoption of the 1887 constitution. In mid-June of 1887, after three months of further negotiations between the church and the Cleveland administration, the People's party of Utah Territory issued a call for the election of delegates to a constitutional convention. The convention itself met at the end of June and adopted an anti-polygamy constitution. Under the terms of the constitution, polygamy was prohibited and declared a misdemeanor.

This prohibition was made self-executing by establishing criminal penalties for polygamy. A three-year statute of limitations was placed over the offense, and the governor was forbidden to extend pardon to convicted polygamists without the approval of the president of the United States.

Finally, all these features of the constitution were made absolute and perpetual in the sense that they could only be modified with the consent of Congress and the president. The constitution was presented to the Utah electorate in August 1887 and ratified by an almost unanimous vote.

30 Young to Jack [in behalf of the First Presidency], telegram, M a r c h 4, 1887, Jack Letterbooks.

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The terms of the Scott amendment, accepted by John Taylor six months earlier, had now been fulfilled. A movement for statehood lay ahead. 31 T H E MANIFESTO IN PERSPECTIVE

While the Scott amendment was under discussion in Mormon leadership circles, church agents frequently referred to it as a "political settlement" of the polygamy question. By this they meant that the amendment, with its provisions for the adoption of a constitution prohibiting polygamy, would not affect the principle or practice of plural marriage.

This contention underlay much of the debate on the amendment -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in fact, it was one of the essential arguments which church agents utilized to gain John Taylor's acceptance of the proposal for an anti-polygamy constitution. The debate on the point was more than academic. From the historical standpoint, the validity of the contention that the terms of the Scott amendment were no more than a "political settlement" of the polygamy question has a direct bearing on the significance of the 1887 constitution. If, as church agents asserted, the constitution bore no religious implications, it becomes difficult to relate it to the Woodruff Manifesto, which was of the utmost religious significance for the principle of plural marriage. On the other hand, if the constitution did significantly affect the church position of plural marriage, its relationship to the Manifesto becomes easier to define. The conclusion of this paper, therefore, reopens this important question and seeks to determine whether the Scott amendment was a matter of politics or principle, whether, indeed, the adoption of an anti-polygamy constitution did alter the church's position on plural marriage.

On the one hand, it is obvious that the Scott amendment was designed and utilized as a means of protecting plural marriage from further attacks by the federal government. From the time of its drafting to the passage of the Edmunds-Tucker bill, the amendment served as a proposal to counter and offset pending legislative programs which threatened to broaden the scope of the anti-polygamy campaign. Its acceptance by the church president did not signify any abandonment of plural marriage.

Moreover, should the Mormons have succeeded in gaining statehood through the 1887 constitution, church agents already had indicated that its anti-polygamy clauses might not affect Mormon marriages. Even if the state should have brought these marriages within the scope of the 31

For a brief summary of the statehood campaign of 1887-89, see Larson's "Americanization" of Utah, 217-22.

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constitutional prohibition of polygamy, Mormon control of local law enforcement agencies would have guaranteed that polygamists would be prosecuted only with the greatest reluctance. From these standpoints, the Scott amendment appeared admirably suited to the purpose of defending the principle of plural marriage. The amendment was eminently a political document, drafted in a time of political stress as a "political settlement" of the polygamy question.

Nonetheless, the Scott amendment was a two-edged sword which might also undermine plural marriage. Although the prohibition of polygamy in the 1887 constitution might have no practical application, as the Mormons chose to interpret it, it was still a symbolic concession signifying that the leadership of the church recognized the need for conciliating public opinion. Even more important, the immediate and long-term political benefits which the Mormons hoped to derive from the adoption of the constitution were contingent on the appearance which the constitution presented to the American public. The abatement of the anti-polygamy campaign, as well as the more distant goal of statehood, were directly dependent on convincing Congress and the nation that progress was being made towards the eradication of polygamy. Church leaders and church agents might assure one another privately that the prohibition of polygamy did not affect the principle of plural marriage, but they dared not utter these comments publicly, for such remarks would have thrown grave doubt on the claim that the Mormons were yielding to national sentiment on the polygamy question. In these circumstances it is not surprising that once the monogamous Mormons had ratified the antipolygamy provisions of the 1887 constitution, church leaders no longer advocated or defended polygamy publicly.32 The adoption of the con32 Compare, for example, the message of the First Presidency delivered at the General Conference of April 1887, with those delivered at conferences in 1885 and 1886. T h e former message is singular for its failure to mention "the principle." [James R. Clark, ed., Messages of the First Presidency (5 vols., Salt Lake City, 1965-70), vol. I I I . ] This policy applied to all public discourses, and it is revealing to notice the reaction of the church leadership on the rare occasions when polygamy was mentioned in violation of this injunction. One such incident occurred at the General Conference of 1888, when R u d g e r Clawson, recently released from the penitentiary after serving a lengthy term for polygamy, defended the doctrine. Wilford Woodruff, giving the reaction of the Council of Twelve, reported: " W e were considerably annoyed, not to say mortified, at the w a n t of care which was manifested in cautioning the brethren who spoke not to touch on topics t h a t at the present time, were likely to arouse prejudice." Woodruff then explained t h a t he h a d explicitly cautioned Lorenzo Snow, the senior apostle attending the conference, on this point, going so far as to instruct him that, "if anyone attempted to speak about polygamy, to throw his h a t at him." [Woodruff to Richards and Penrose, April 12, 1888, Wilford Woodruff Letterbooks, C H O . ] After the d e a t h of J o h n Taylor in July of 1887 the church leadership even censored theological works dealing with plural marriage. O n e such work, written by an elder teaching at the Brigham Young Academy at Provo, was analyzed by a church reviewer who reported, " T h e arguements [sic] on the pre-existence of m a n a n d eternal marriage form almost the entire m a t t e r of the religious portion of this work, other principles of the gospel are simply worked

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stitution had pushed the church into a position of public silence so far as the principle of plural mariage was concerned. This was a practical rather than a symbolic concession. It meant that the church could never reopen its public defense of plural marriage without laying its monogamous members open to the charge of having misled the government in adopting the anti-polygamy constitution of 1887.

Most important, acceptance of the Scott amendment revealed a significant shift in the thinking of the church leadership. When the federal officials launched their campaign of prosecutions in 1884-85 and drove a large portion of the church leadership underground, many within the church anticipated that "the raid" would be a brief episode. In his last public address, John Taylor had compared the outbreak of prosecutions to a natural storm, one which would temporarily rage and then quietly subside. He advised the Latter-day Saints not to submit to the laws of the land, but to place their trust in the Lord for the interim. The church president expressed the metaphor in the following words: I would do as I said some time ago. If you were out in a storm, pull up the collar of your coat and button yourself up, and keep the cold out until the storm blows past. This storm will blow past as others have done; and you will see the miserable sneaks who are active in these measures . . . will be glad to crawl in their holes by-and-by. 33

But the storm had not weakened in the next two years; if anything, it had intensified. By early 1887 church agents in Washington had lost all hope that the anti-polygamy campaign would "blow past" in the course of time. They concluded that concessions to public opinion were absolutely necessary to shield the church and its institutions from destruction, and they proceeded to draft the Scott amendment to meet the needs of the moment. Likewise, John Taylor's acceptance of the amendment, in his own words, "as a political necessity," implicitly acknowledged the argument that circumstances were forcing the church to give way to the government. Through the Scott amendment the church had taken the first step in the process of yielding up concessions to the government on the polygamy issue.

Even at this early date some church leaders realized that a series of small concessions could lead to a major surrender. When Apostle John into this main thread." The reviewer found the work theologically sound, but doubted whether "so strong an arguement in favor of plural marriage" should be published "under the present political aspect." Woodruff advised that "it would scarcely be wise" for the work to be published "at the present time." [George Reynolds to Woodruff, with penciled reply at bottom of page, February 6, 1888, Woodruff Papers, CHO.] 33 Journal of Discourses, XXVI, 155, delivered in Salt Lake City, February 1, 1885.

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W. Taylor, a son of John Taylor, was asked his opinion of the Scott amendment in late February of 1887, he expressed opposition to the proposal. His statement displayed remarkable foresight: I t has taken quite a time to school t h e L a t t e r - d a y Saints to w h a t w e believe to day, a n d I find t h a t it is getting to be believed t h a t Prest.

T a y l o r will yet receive a revelation to cancel the revelation on Celestial m a r r i a g e . A n d you let a n y t h i n g officially a b o u t this [the Scott a m e n d m e n t ] , a n d it will create quite a stir a m o n g t h e people. 3 *

George F. Gibbs, one of the secretaries to the First Presidency, voiced a similar sentiment at the same time. He regarded the policy of conciliating the government as "dangerous in the extreme," so long as the basic conflict over polygamy was unsettled and the church remained the inferior party in the dispute. His analysis of the situation laid bare a central issue, which he phrased as a question: "If it be a concession to concur in the Amendment, . . . our position, which, to us, is everything, at once becomes assailable; and if made assailable, who can compute the consequences?"35 Who, indeed, could compute the consequences of the slow retreat on the polygamy issue? Only time would tell, and the process of retreat would take three more years until complete surrender came about through the issuance of the Woodruff Manifesto.

34 Handwritten report in pencil contained in the George Q. Cannon Papers, CHO. The report is untitled, but it can be identified by its opening lines, "The following remarks indicate the mind of the brethren expressing them, relative to the Scott amendment referred to in telegram of John W. Young of this date â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Feb. 25, 1887 . . . " ss Gibbs to Cannon, February 26, 1887, George F. Gibbs Papers, CHO.

SCENES IN CONGRESS O V E R

UTAH

Jan. 29th. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; By appealing to the H o u s e C a p t a i n [ U t a h Delegate W i l l i a m H.] H o o p e r succeeded in obtaining half a n h o u r to deliver his speech in. As h e finished [ M o n t a n a Delegate William H.] Claggett j u m p e d u p a n d requested ten m i n u t e s for reply. T h e n succeeded a scene which I scarcely ever saw paralleled in Congress. T h e m e m b e r s gathered a r o u n d h i m a n d listened t o h i m with great interest. W h e n his ten m i n u t e s were exhausted, cries of "go on, go o n , " were h e a r d from all sides. T i m e was g r a n t e d h i m to continue, not a n objection being m a d e . O h it was pleasure to m a n y to h e a r t h e " M o r m o n s " denounced, t o h e a r B r i g h a m Y o u n g villified a n d U t a h held u p to public o d i u m , a n d execration H e h a d not finished his t r i a d e [sic] w h e n his t i m e was r e n e w e d ; b u t on motion of M r . [Samuel S.] C o x of N e w York, on t h e condition t h a t t h e Delegate of U t a h h a v e five m i n u t e s to reply. W i t h these extrao r d i n a r y evidences of sympathy from his a u d i e n c e Clagget was greatly fired u p . ( A n o n y m o u s diary of a "leading M o r m o n " q u o t e d in Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, 3 [October 1883], 77)

The Making of the Convention President: The Political Education of John Henry Smith

BY JEAN BICKMORE

WHITE

6, 1895, J o h n O Henry Smith stood before the N MARCH

Constitutional Convention of the territory of U t a h and accepted the honor of being president of that convention.

H e observed that it was a proud day in his life and a landmark date in the history of the territory.

H e pointed out to his fellow delegates that previous constitutional conventions in the territory h a d been exercises in futility. But now, with an Enabling Act of Congress to guide them and with A photographer in Nottingham, England, took this portrait of John Henry Smith, ca. 1882.

Courtesy Western Americana, University of Utah.

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a different atmosphere in the territory, it seemed likely that the fruit of their efforts would be the constitution of a state in the federal Union.

The delegates were entrusted by the people, he pointed out, "with the grave responsibility of presenting to them for their consideration a fundamental law, under which they expect to live, under which their children and their children's children in all likelihood may live . . . , m John Henry Smith was correct in observing that in the American tradition, a constitution is a fundamental law. It is superior to statutory law and not as easily changed. It provides for the most important agencies of government. Constitutions also commonly set forth the fundamental rights of citizens.

When all of this is said, there are still other characteristics of constitutions to consider. Constitutions are commonly recognized by those who study them to be political documents. That is, they allocate power and legal authority between competing individuals and interests in society. As a familiar example, they describe the powers and limits on the powers of the various branches of government. They specify who shall have the privilege of voting and who shall not. In the thorny area of taxation, they m a y exempt certain groups of citizens or certain types of property from sharing in the financial support of government. Writing a constitution setting forth these rights, responsibilities, and allocations of authority is essentially a political task.2 This is so because the writers of constitutions, like legislators, must use the processes of discussion and voting to settle conflicts. They must make painful decisions between the competing claims of different citizens and interest groups, They must make compromises and reach consensus on a myriad of controversial matters. It is in this sense that constitution writing is a political task. With these thoughts in mind, I suggest that constitutions should be (and usually are) written by men with a background in political life, not by men untouched by the conflicts and struggles of their times.3 D r . W h i t e is assistant professor of political science at Weber State College and a m e m b e r of the U t a h Constitutional Revision Commission. This article was presented at the Eighteenth A n n u a l M e e t i n g of the U t a h State Historical Society in September 1970 and has been edited for publication.

1 U t a h , Constitutional Convention, 1895, Official Report of the Proceedings and Debates (2 vols., Salt Lake City, 1898), I, 4 1 . Hereinafter referred to as Convention Proceedings.

2 Definitions of "politics" a n d "political" vary, even among political scientists. Some emphasize the gaining of domination over others, some the relation to public policy, some the struggle for advantages or power. A fairly comprehensive definition was given by William T. Bluhm, who described politics as " a social process characterized by activity involving rivalry a n d cooperation in the exercise of power, a n d culminating in the making of decisions for a g r o u p . " See Theories of the Political System (Englewood Cliffs, N . J., 1 9 6 5 ) , 5.

3 T h e social a n d economic culture of U t a h Territory in the 1890s has been explored by several writers, notably R i c h a r d D . Poll in "A State is Born," Utah Historical Quarterly, X X X I I ( W i n t e r 1 9 6 4 ) , 9 - 3 1 ; L e o n a r d J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the

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There is another consideration. A writer on state constitutional development has pointed out that "Constitutions must be developed out of the life and aspirations of the people, not borrowed from others. Their fundamental concepts, to be useful and lasting, must be in tune with the particular culture and times."4 This paper explores the political background and education of the president of the Utah Constitutional Convention of 1895, John Henry Smith.5 Hopefully, it will be shown that he was particularly well equipped with the political skills and the understanding of Utah's special problems in the 1890s that suited him for the position. Much of the story will be told in his own words as recorded in his personal journal and letters.6 The convention president was not plucked from political obscurity.

He was an active politician who by 1895 had spent more than two decades developing political skills and friendships. Smith always described himself as a "lifelong Republican" and was intensely partisan to that cause. He was faithful to the political aims of the leadership of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. In addition, he seems to have realized that the non-Mormon citizens of the territory had to be reached across bridges of personal friendship and trust before statehood could be achieved. He was aware, then, of the special problems of writing a constitution for a state with Utah's unusual social, religious, and economic culture.

John Henry Smith was a big man, with a commanding presence and a talent for oratory.7 Although his formal education was brief, he read a Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), especially chapter 13, "Aftermath," 380-412; and S. George Ellsworth, " U t a h ' s Struggle for Statehood," UHQ, X X X I (Winter 1963), 60-69.

4 Harvey Walker, " M y t h and Reality in State Constitutional Development," in W. Brooke Graves, ed., State Constitutional Revision (Chicago, 1960), 10.

5 For an overview of convention personnel, see Stanley S. Ivins, "A Constitution for U t a h , " UHQ, X X V (April 1957), 95-116.

6 T h e sources from which most of the information for this paper is drawn are J o h n Henry Smith's "Journal," covering the period from 1875 through 1895 a n d two letterbooks covering the period from April 30, 1884 through 1897. These materials are in the Smith Family Papers, Western Americana, University of U t a h Library, and the writer is most grateful to Dr. Everett L. Cooley, Western Americana curator, for his generous assistance in making them available.

Unless otherwise noted, letters are all from this collection. T h e use of materials in the archives of the C h u r c h Historian's Office of the C h u r c h of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is also deeply appreciated. " J o u r n a l " entries which are dated in the text have not been cited again in footnotes.

7 H e was born at Carbunca, Iowa (later known as Council Bluffs), on September 18, 1848, a son of Apostle George A. a n d Sarah Ann Libbey Smith. His parents had been driven from Illinois and Missouri with the rest of the members of the M o r m o n Church, a n d p a r t of the family did not come to U t a h until J o h n H e n r y was one year old. W h e n he was eighteen years of age he married Sarah F a r r ; ten years later he married Josephine Groesbeck.

Additional biographical information is available in Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 1850-1941 (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1901-1936), I., 141-44. See also, for the later period of his life, obituary articles in Salt Lake City newspapers, October 13

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Smith

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great deal, mostly in history, biography, a n d essays, often noting the titles a n d commenting on the contents in his daily journal. H e seems to have enjoyed visiting and, as the sociologists of today would put it, "interacting" with other knowledgeable h u m a n beings. These social interactions seem to have added to his knowledge a n d understanding of others â&#x20AC;&#x201D; particularly the non-Mormon people whose backgrounds and political aspirations h a d to be taken into account in the movement for statehood.

T h e governmental positions held by J o h n Henry Smith were not numerous. I n 1872 he was appointed assistant clerk of the territorial house of representatives, and in the same year he was chosen assistant clerk of the constitutional convention. I n 1876 he was elected to the Salt Lake City Council, and in 1881 he won a seat in the territorial legislature.

I t was primarily as an informal actor in the political process, rather than as a n officeholder, that John Henry Smith gained his political education.

His experience in politics may be traced through three roles that he played in the two and a half decades prior to the achievement of statehood: one, as a church leader; two, as a participant in the political planning and actions of the church leadership; and, three, as a Republican party organizer and promoter.

I t is not always easy to sort out these roles. O n many occasions he seems to have worn three hats at once. At times it is not easy to decide whether Smith's political actions were directed by the First Presidency or undertaken on his own (although probably with their tacit a p p r o v a l ) .

I t must not have been easy for his contemporaries in the outlying stakes to distinguish between his role as a church authority at conference on Sunday and his role as a Republican party organizer in the same town on Monday. 8 Yet, he seems to have seen little conflict between the demands of his various roles.

CHURCH

LEADER

A prominent member of the M o r m o n Church, Smith served as a missionary and later as mission president in Europe. H e became a member of the Q u o r u m of Twelve Apostles in October 1880. As a churchm a n he traveled widely in U t a h and in the surrounding states and territories of Idaho, Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico. H e also transacted church business in Mexico and traveled on the European continand 14, 1911. J o h n Henry was the father of George Albert Smith, who became a n apostle and president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

8 For an example of his combined religious-political trips see J o h n Henry Smith " J o u r n a l , " November 23 and 24, 1891.

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ent. John Henry Smith knew there was a world outside of U t a h , and he knew that the destiny of the M o r m o n people was to a great extent in the hands of powerful individuals outside the church.

Besides giving him the opportunity to travel and enlarge his understanding, his position as a church leader provided him with opportunities to develop the art of settling conflicts between individuals and factions.

Smith seems to have been a favorite "troubleshooter," for he was sent by the church leadership on many occasions to wards a n d stakes where some dissension h a d been noted. His mission was to settle the difficulty or to decide appeals from the decisions of the ecclesiastical courts so common at that time. 9 During these journeys, he formed a wide circle of friendships, an asset to anyone in political life.

POLITICAL

MISSIONARY

A second role was that of furthering the political aims of the church leadership, both within and outside the territory. Among the most important of these aims during the 1880s and early 1890s were the repeal or softening of the enforcement of anti-polygamy laws and test oaths, the defeat of any legislation aimed at weakening the church (such as confiscation of church p r o p e r t y ) , and most important-â&#x20AC;&#x201D;statehood. T h e latter was the most desired because it would rid the territory of the federal officials and permit a greater degree of law-making autonomy.

T o further these aims, Smith was sent on several political missions. I n the limited scope of this paper it will be possible to present only a few typical examples of these activities.

O n e of the most impressive experiences of Smith's lifetime occurred in the winter of 1882. I n mid-February President J o h n Taylor asked him to go with Apostle Moses T h a t c h e r to Washington, D. C , to see what might be done to block passage of an anti-polygamy measure, the Edmunds bill. H e met and visited with several members of Congress and presented a petition of protest bearing more t h a n fifty-one thousand signatures to the Speaker of the House of Representatives. His efforts were fruitless, but he learned a bitter lesson about the power of numbers in politics and about the depth of feelings in other parts of the nation against the Mormon practice of plural marriage. 1 0 9

See, for example, ibid., M a r c h 15 and 16, September 20, 1890.

T h e atmosphere surrounding passage of the Edmunds bill, the actions of both houses of Congress, the efforts of U t a h n s to have a commission appointed to investigate conditions in the territory, and the provisions of the act are detailed in Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1892-1904), I I I , 166-94.

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After sitting all day in the House gallery, he described his sense of anger and frustration over the course of events. This staunch Republican also acknowledged that the Democrats in the House had struggled against the bill's passage. He wrote in his journal on March 13: The speaker made a most dastardly ruling, both cowardly and wicked.

It was a strictly party vote, the democrats standing by law and order and the Republicans by misrule and misgovernment[.] it was a manly fight on the part of the democrats in the face of popular clamor. . ..

Today has been one of the most exciting of my life [he concluded]. The liberties of my people hanging on a thread and I powerless to do any thing only sit and look on and ask the Lord to strengthen our friends and make them equal to the task.

On the following day, March 14, he sadly observed in his journal that the Democrats who had voted for the bill were really opposed to it but "could not in their judgement vote against the bill without ruining their chances for reelection." He now understood, if he had not before, how strongly the tide of national opinion was running against the Mormons.

After the bill was signed by President Chester A. Arthur, John Henry Smith returned to Utah. Here numbers counted, too, but part of the purpose of the Edmunds Act was to cut down the number of Mormons who could vote or hold office in the territory by eliminating any who practiced polygamy.11 The act also provided for a five-man committee (known as the Utah Commission) to supervise registration and elections.

The challenge of the Edmunds Act called for a plan of action, and for the next few months Smith's journal shows a mounting activity aimed at holding political control of the territory. He played a part in much of this activity, as a member of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles of the church and as a member of the somewhat mysterious Council of Fifty.12 Almost as soon as he returned from Washington, he met as one of the members of the secret Council of Fifty (made up mostly of the top leadership of the church) to discuss plans for a new convention to draw up a constitution. On April 5, 1882, he noted that the council had met 11 Estimates of the number of disfranchised vary from 12,000 by Richard D. Poll, " T h e Political Reconstruction of U t a h Territory, 1866-1890," Pacific Historical Review, XXVI ( M a y 1958) 120, to 15,000 in Everett L. Cooley, "Carpetbag R u l e : Territorial Government in U t a h , " UHQ, X X V I (April 1958), 121.

12 Klaus J. Hansen states in Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History (East Lansing, 1967), 173-74 and 211, n. 69, that J o h n Henry Smith became a member of the Council of Fifty in April 1880.

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and decided that no minority representation would be put in the new constitution. "It was also decided," Smith added, "that nothing should be done or said in regard to plural marriage." He also described a meeting of the Twelve Apostles in which provisions of the proposed constitution were discussed. A few days later the convention of 1882 adopted the document.13 It can be seen that although formal political power lay with officeholders, such non-governmental structures as the church's Quorum of Twelve Apostles and the unique body known as the Council of Fifty exercised an enormous â&#x20AC;&#x201D; often decisive -â&#x20AC;&#x201D; power in the political affairs of the territory. This informal power was soon to be challenged with the arrival of the Utah Commission to administer the election laws and with the intensification of the federal government's "crusade" against polygamists.

This called for strengthening the political solidarity of Mormon voters. It also greatly increased the desire for statehood and freedom from the administration of anti-polygamy laws by federal officials in the territory.

At the end of 1882 John Henry Smith was called to preside over the European mission of the Mormon Church, with headquarters in Liverpool, England. Upon his return to the United States in the spring of 1885 he took some time to travel in the East and to visit non-Mormon relatives in New England. Summing up the predicament of the Saints in a letter to his cousin, Joseph F. Smith, who was in Hawaii to avoid prosecution for unlawful cohabitation, he observed that there were bitter feelings against the Mormons by easterners, who, he said, were "wrought up by the false stories, and I see no chance to change the current of public opinion."14 In Utah, he found conditions appalling. He recalled that he had "found regular panic existing among the people," with men, women, and children slipping from place to place," his own family in four different places, and the church president and several apostles in hiding. He added somewhat critically, "We seem to have no defined policy but are trusting to luck. I don't know how it is possible for men with large families to continue the dodging business very long when they have no 1 3 See John Henry Smith " J o u r n a l , " April 24 and 27, 1882.

J o h n Henry Smith Letterbooks, April 23, 1885, Smith Family Americana, University of U t a h Library.

14

Papers,

Western

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means to support themselves or families with. I can see no way out of the present business only to stand and take it."15 It was another time of helplessness and frustration for John Henry Smith.

There was still some political power to be wielded within the territory, through the legislature, and this could be largely controlled through the Mormon People's party. That summer Smith and Heber J. Grant set about to pick and put into office cooperative candidates, but they were not entirely successful. Smith indicated in a letter to Francis M. Lyman that he could not purge some of the uncooperative legislators in Morgan and Summit counties "without hurting the feelings of the people." He was learning that when persuasion fails in politics it is sometimes wise not to force an issue.16 At this same time â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in July of 1885 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Smith noted that "the heat" had become intense, and he was not referring to the weather. On July 2 he recorded in his journal that he had been arrested by U.S. Marshal H. F. Collin for illegal cohabitation but released for "lack of evidence."

On July 21 he observed that the federal officers were keeping a close watch on him and that his mother's home in Provo had been raided.

He had noted earlier in the year that "everyone of us may have to go to the pen. I feel perfectly willing to do so if needs be, but I had much rather stay out. I know that plural marriage is from the Lord and I hope to be able to meet with fortitude whatever he may require of me."17 Why was Smith fortunate enough not to have to spend time in the penitentiary? In describing his arrest and immediate release by the commissioner, he acknowledged that many polygamists had been "sent to the pen for half what they proved against me, but it was my good fortune to have a friend or two at Court and the commissioner was one of them. . . . Personal friendships are my only security at the present, but I cannot as yet make up my mind to run."18 In letters to Joseph F. Smith, who was then second counselor to President John Taylor, he was candid about the value of his non-Mormon friends. He said he felt that the Lord was using some outsiders "who are personally my warm friends and will do all they can for me . . . ."19 But there was still a note of caution: is Ibid.

16 July 2 1 , 1885, Letterbooks.

1 7 John Henry Smith to S. W. Sears, April 30, 1885, Letterbooks. is John Henry Smith to George W. Libbey, April 21, 1886, Letterbooks.

19 May 4, 1886, Letterbooks.

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#m **>

Charles S. Zane.

C. W. Bennett.

G. M. Bartch.

The Alta Club here are very largely the instigators of these prosecutions, and in that body I have many acquaintances. Greenman told me that Pat Lannan [business manager of the Salt Lake Tribune] always stood up in my defense. McKay the Commissioner told me awhile ago to keep a little quiet[.] I feel that if it becomes necessary for me to run the Lord will use some of these fellows to say look out. When I was before the Commissioner last year he told me that the outsiders did not want me put in prison. So they may lull me to sleep and come and take me away.20

It is evident that by this time John Henry Smith had built some bridges of friendship into the non-Mormon community; it is also evident that he was not sure just how much weight they would bear.

During the late 1880s the prospects for statehood often seemed dim.

With the passage of the Edmunds-Tucker Act in 1887, church property was escheated, and tighter controls over the electoral process were instituted. Consequently, the desire for statehood was intensified, and efforts to gain this elusive goal frequently were noted in Smith's accounts of meetings with the First Presidency and Quorum of Twelve Apostles. He reported in his journal on August 4, 1887, that it was unanimously agreed by a group of the leading brethren that the statehood question would be pushed. On August 12 he wrote that costs of attaining statehood had been discussed and that a half million dollars probably would be required. The next day, action was taken at a council meeting.

20

July 28, 1886, Letterbooks,

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359

Wilford Woodruff, George Q . C a n n o n a n d Joseph F. Smith were sustained as a committee to get statehood if possible, and one h u n d r e d thousand appropriated to set the ball in motion. 2 1

Besides church funds, private contributions evidently were also needed.

John Henry Smith noted in his journal on October 10 that he was arranging to borrow some money and would give one thousand dollars to the state movement.

Money was not all that would be needed to attain statehood. There was the nagging question of polygamy. Although this may have been more of an emotional than a real issue for those who opposed statehood because they feared economic and political domination by church leaders,22 it had a powerful appeal in Washington, D. C. It could not be ignored. Could it be abandoned â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at least temporarily? Smith appears to have entertained the idea. In a letter to his cousin on April 3, 1888, he wrote: T h e brethren are all in good health a n d spirits but I a m of the opinion t h a t m a n y of t h e m are losing faith in the State M o v e m e n t if they ever h a d any. I t looks to m e as if the only chance on t h a t score is to give the whole business away, renouncing our faith say for five years a n d then taking it u p again when once inside of the great Governmental fold. 23

This seems to have been only a bit of speculation on the part of Smith. For despite the fact that the constitution drawn up in 1887 contained an anti-polygamy clause, Wilford Woodruff did not seem inclined at that time to remove this barrier to statehood. President Woodruff was quoted by Smith as stating at a meeting in the Manti Temple in May of 1888 that "We won't quit practising Plural Marriage until Christ shall come."24 The political fortunes of Mormons outside of Utah were also affected by polygamy. In Idaho a test oath effectively disfranchised all Mormons, causing some to withdraw from the church temporarily in order to vote.25 In Arizona, where Mormons were felt by many to hold the balance of political power, it was agreed that those who were practicing plural marriage should not try to run for office. It was also agreed that 2

i John Henry Smith "Journal," August 13, 1887.

See statement of Idaho Senator Frederick T . Dubois on "political domination of the church" as more important than polygamy, in Klaus J. Hansen, Quest for Empire, 170.

23 Letterbooks.

24 J o h n Henry Smith "Journal," May 17, 1888.

25 Ibid., entries for October 11, 26, and 29, 1888.

22

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they would vote with the Democratic party for that territory's delegate to Congress.26 The election of 1888 brought a new sense of urgency to those in Utah who were working for statehood, for it brought a change in the presidency of the United States. The election of a Republican, Benjamin Harrison, over Democrat Grover Cleveland was greeted with misgivings by many in the territory. Rightly or wrongly it was felt that the Democratic party nationally was more sympathetic to the Mormons, less inclined toward vigorous enforcement of the anti-polygamy statutes, and more likely to grant statehood for Utah.27 A contemporary of John Henry Smith, Abraham H. Cannon, reported that a majority of the speakers at a meeting in the opera house "seemed to feel that the election of Harrison meant death to 'Mormonism.' "28 A group of the apostles and other leaders met on November 13 and agreed to make a last-minute effort to get into the union before the Democrats left power.29 Not only were they unable to do so, but it was soon evident that new legislation designed to break the political power of the Mormons might be passed. Within two years, victories of the nonMormon Liberal party in Salt Lake City and Ogden showed that a reconsideration of the political strategy and tactics of the church leaders was in order.

By the early months of 1890, church leaders faced some pressing problems with regard to party politics, not only in Utah but in other areas where Mormon political strength was felt and feared. In the deliberations and actions of the next few years, John Henry Smith was deeply involved.

Evidently the church political strategists at this time were following a "reward your friends and punish your enemies" policy. The journals of Smith, Abraham H. Cannon, and others show that the time had come in the surrounding areas of Colorado, Wyoming, Idaho, and Arizona to reward those who were likely to be effective in furthering statehood for Utah and in keeping test oaths out of their own constitutions. Sometimes this involved active support of Republicans; always it involved 26

Ibid., September 2, 1888.

Richard D. Poll discusses reasons for this in " T h e Political Reconstruction of U t a h Territory," especially 119-22.

28 Abraham H. Cannon "Journal," November 10, 1888. Original in Brigham Young University Library; photocopies in the U t a h Historical Society Library and in Western Americana, University of U t a h Library.

29 John Henry Smith "Journal," November 13, 1888.

27

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361

efforts to keep from appearing to "meddle" in partisan politics — for fear of adverse reactions.

By mid-1890, the church leaders came to grips with the problems of political support for candidates in Idaho, Wyoming, and Arizona. At a meeting of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles, First Presidency, and other leading churchmen on July 31 it was resolved that the Mormon people in Idaho be instructed "not to vote or meddle in politics, because the anti-Mormon sentiment is so strong that trouble would most likely follow those who cast votes."30 Smith was sent to Wyoming to urge the Saints as far as possible to vote the Republican state ticket, "as a reward to Delegate [J. M.] Carey and his party forgetting Wyoming admitted as a State without any anti-Mormon legislation in the charter, and giving women the franchise."31 It was noted by Apostle Abraham Cannon that "the Democrats when they had the power to do us good were afraid, and betrayed us so that now we feel as though the Republican Party should be tried to see if they will be fair to us."32 A hands-off policy was adopted for Arizona in 1890. Although church leaders were by now doubtful of the ability of Arizona Democrats to help further their goals, they feared that they would be open to charges of ingratitude and fickleness if they switched to the Republican.

"It was finally decided," Abraham H. Cannon noted, "to leave it with our people there to divide and vote either Republican or Democratic as their inclinations might direct."33 The following year, when a constitutional convention was in progress in Arizona, this policy was changed. An instrument of this change was John Henry Smith, who went with John Morgan, a member of the church's First Council of Seventy, on a combined political and religious mission to that state. Not only did he carry written authorization from the First Presidency to counsel the Saints in prudent courses of action, but he also had glowing letters of introduction to Arizona Republicans from three of his non-Mormon friends who were federal judges — Charles S. Zane, C. W. Bennett, and G. M. Bartch — and from United States Marshal E. H. Parsons. They praised him as a staunch Republican and pointed out that he had considerable influence with Mormon voters.34 30 31 32 33 34

Abraham H . Cannon "Journal," July 31, 1890.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid., August 7, 1890.

Texts of notes in John Henry Smith " J o u r n a l , " September 19 and 2 1 , 1891.

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He had a mission of some diplomatic delicacy to perform, one in which Mormons, Republicans, and Democrats would figure. One aim was to block a Republican-supported test oath that would have disfranchised polygamous Mormons.35 He started by traveling to San Francisco to renew an old friendship with a former Democratic governor of Arizona, Conrad M. Zulick, then continued on to Arizona. Reporting on the visit to the constitutional convention in Phoenix, the two men wrote to the First Presidency: W e were m e t very kindly by m e n of both political parties a n d every courtesy extended to us. W e h a d interviews with the leading m e n of t h e R e p u b l i c a n party, a n d found t h e m perfectly willing to meet us half way, b u t stating frankly t h a t a united vote in Arizona by o u r people, for t h e Democracy, m e a n t w a r to the d e a t h on their p a r t ; Division m e a n t favors a n d friendships. 3 6

Evidently the time had come to divide the Arizona Mormons between the national parties, which meant encouraging Republicanism among the Saints. No assignment could have brought more joy to John Henry Smith. He told the First Presidency that the situation was "quite favorable for the organization of the two parties" since there were "brethren ready and prepared to take hold of the Republican party and perfect its organization among the people."37 This is only one of many examples that could be cited to show the wide range of Smith's political activities in the early 1890s outside of Utah. He had ample opportunities to dabble in politics in Colorado, where he frequently visited his second wife, Josephine, in Manassa. In 1890 he reported that he had thrown influence to Senator Henry M. Teller (a Republican at that time) who had asked for Mormon aid and promised to do all he could for the Mormons.38 In 1892 he wrote to relatives in Colorado requesting their help in keeping Mormons from going to the Populist or the Democratic party because it would affect the welfare of the entire Mormon people.39 Similar political activities of Smith in Wyoming and Idaho can be seen during this same period.

The entire story of the Woodruff Manifesto in 1890, the division of the Mormon People's party and the non-Mormon Liberal party along 35 For a discussion of the test oath (it was not included in the constitution) see J a y J. Wagoner, Arizona Territory 1863-1912 (Tucson, 1970), 289.

36 J o h n Henry Smith to President Wilford Woodruff a n d Counsellors, October 6, 1891, in J o h n Henry Smith Papers, 1889-1897, C h u r c h Historian's Office.

37 Ibid.

38 J o h n Henry Smith to Woodruff, November 4, 1890, in J o h n Henry Smith Papers, 1889-1897, Church Historian's Office.

39 J o h n Henry to S. S. a n d A. R. Smith, November 1 and 2, 1892, in Letterbooks,

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Smith

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national party lines from 1891 through 1893 need not be recounted here.

Switching from a policy of official neutrality toward national political parties agreed upon in 1890,40 church leaders decided in 1891 to disband the church-dominated People's party and help organize along national party lines. John Henry Smith played a part in these activities, along with a number of other prominent Mormons and non-Mormons, Smith reported that he, President Woodruff, and George Q. Cannon, first counselor in the First Presidency, had talked over the political situation with some non-Mormon friends and decided it was best to organize the Republican party. 41 "President Woodruff said he was a Republican and I said I was." 42 The following day Smith reported that he had spent most of the day buttonholing men to find out what their politics were if they had any. He was given the approval of President Woodruff, who told him to select men he wanted to go with him in that work.43 At this time, according to Abraham H. Cannon, the aim of church leaders was to keep the two political parties evenly divided in the ter40

See A b r a h a m H . C a n n o n " J o u r n a l , " April 5, 1890, for statement of policy.

Both parties had already been organized b u t the People's and Liberal parties had not been dissolved.

42 J o h n H e n r y Smith " J o u r n a l , " May 14, 1891.

43 Ibid., M a y 15, 1891.

41

John Henry Smith, Francis M. Lyman, and Anthon H. Lund (front row) and three unidentified men pose in front of the Beehive House, ca. 1909.

Courtesy LDS Church Historian's Office.

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ritory. Mormons were to refrain from seeking political office and to try to find "honorable Gentiles" to fill positions. T h e bitterness between Mormons and the non-Mormon federal office holders was beginning to dissolve, and everything possible was to be done to foster this atmosphere as a necessary condition for statehood. 44 During this time, John Henry Smith was frequently in the company of prominent non-Mormon Republicans in the city — or out in the territory pursuing his religious and political duties.

At this point, the activities of church leader, political missionary for the church, and Republican partisan seemed to be entirely harmonious and all furthering the goal of statehood. 45 REPUBLICAN

PARTISAN

If all these activities seemed entirely compatible to J o h n Henry Smith, they would not always seem so to others. As he played his third role of Republican partisan — often indistinguishable from his other roles — he was to learn that in party politics you can lose friends as well as make them. H e was caught u p in the controversy over whether church leaders should be in partisan politics at all. H e was also criticized for being overzealous and personal in his attacks on Democrats.

A b r a h a m H . Cannon wrote that Smith's political activities were the subject of a lengthy discussion by the Q u o r u m of Twelve Apostles early in 1892. H e recalled: John Henry Smith next told of the way in which he had become mixed up in politics, and of the work he had been doing. If it had not been for his labors he said we might every one have been disfranchised by this time. It seemed to me that he took considerable honor to himself for the present mildness which is shown towards us. He then spoke of the principles of his party in such a partisan spirit that it caused several interruptions from Bro. Thatcher who is as strong a Democrat as John is a Republican. Bro. [Lorenzo] Snow [president of the quorum] had to interfere and check the spirit which was starting. 46

A call for a vote of approval of Smith's activities was too much for the Democratic apostles. Franklin D . Richards said he knew of times when John Henry h a d "caused great offense by calling those w h o did not believe as he did some pretty h a r d names, and he for one did not approve of such talk. H e gave Bro. Smith a rather severe rebuke." T h e matter was 44

Abraham H. Cannon " J o u r n a l , " J u n e 29, 1891.

See, for example, his activities in the amnesty request in "Journal," December 19 and 21, 1891.

46 Abraham H. Cannon "Journal," J a n u a r y 12, 1892.

45

John Henry Smith

365

withheld from a vote.47 John Henry Smith confessed that he was somewhat hurt by remarks at the meeting but felt that the apostles had parted feeling "first rate." 48 Perhaps.

The following month John Henry Smith went to Washington, D. C , as part of a Republican delegation urging statehood immediately. This was in opposition to the limited self-government or home rule bill sponsored by Utah's Delegate-to-Congress John T. Caine, a Democrat. This trip gave him an opportunity to meet prominent Republican office holders, including Secretary of State James G. Blaine. Again he carried letters from his friends among the non-Mormon Republicans of the territory, certifying to his support of the Republican cause and his influence among the Mormons of Utah. The visit of Smith and other Republicans was regarded by Democrat Caine as a political ploy to seize credit for furthering statehood and to see that Democrats did not get credit for passing a home rule bill. Caine also commented on the spectacle of Mormon Democrats and Republicans opposing one another along party lines and expressed fears that "party feeling" would lead to bitterness and estrangement among the brethren.49 This was only a prelude to the election of 1892, in which both John Henry and Joseph F. Smith participated actively on the Republican side. As a counterweight to these two prominent churchmen, Apostle Moses Thatcher spoke at the Democratic territorial convention and subsequently entered into an exchange of public letters with John Henry Smith.50 These were not confined to lofty debates cn the issues but sometimes included personal innuendos and speculations on the Democratic or Republican leanings of Lucifer. No wonder some of the Saints were surprised and puzzled by the sight of such political dissension in the highest councils of the church, where unity had always been the ideal.

Was it proper for church leaders to be in partisan politics at all?

There was much pressure on the First Presidency to show â&#x20AC;&#x201D; publicly at least â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a kind of benign impartiality toward the two national parties.

This was frequently pressed by Democrats, who feared that the church 47

Ibid.

J o h n H e n r y Smith " J o u r n a l , " J a n u a r y 12, 1892.

49 J o h n T . Caine to George Goddard, February 1, 1892, J o h n T. Caine Letterbooks, C h u r c h Historian's Office.

50 See J o h n Henry Smith letter in the Ogden Standard, M a y 24, 1892, and Moses T h a t cher reply in the Salt Lake Herald, M a y 28, 1892. See also Apostle Moses Thatcher's The Issues of the Times (Salt Lake City, 1892) a n d Joseph F. Smith's pamphlet, Another Plain Talk, Reasons Why the People of Utah Should be Republicans (Salt Lake City, 1892), both in Pamphlet Collection, U t a h State Historical Society.

48

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Utah Historical Quarterly

leaders' influence in strengthening the Republican party was going too far. To avoid this, should all the highest leaders withdraw from partisan politics and take vows of political silence? President Wilford Woodruff stated, in essence, that all church members were free to participate in political affairs and that no one would be coerced to vote for one party or another. He did not put a stop to the partisan activities of John Henry Smith.51 It would have been exceedingly difficult for Smith to have hidden his Republican sympathies in 1892, or at any other time. For him the Republican party was the instrument of his secular faith; it was his "political church," so to speak. He believed profoundly and sincerely in the principles of the party as he understood them. He felt the Republican party was the salvation not only of the Mormons but of the nation, despite such blows to his faith as the passage of the Edmunds Act by Republicans in 1882. He believed that when Mormons had studied the history of both parties, Utah would be Republican. Good sense would dictate this, he felt, not the Republican influence of prominent church leaders.52 Did Smith ever realize that his influence as a church leader might make it difficult to resist his appeals on behalf of his "political church"?

The answer is, clearly, yes. He sometimes warned others against using pressure or "church influence" in politics, and he sometimes emphasized that he was speaking as an individual in asking for political support.54 But it was difficult for him to see how a Mormon could be a Democrat.

He wrote to a friend: I t is to my m i n d a strange t h i n g t h a t any latter day saint c a n link his destiny with the D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y considering all of the history of the past a n d the disorder t h a t m u s t of necessity follow t h a t idea of governm e n t , b u t you have the right to be w h a t you please a n d I would not curtail you in any way. do w h a t you concieve [sic] to be right a n d m a y t h e L o r d bless you. 5 5

John Henry Smith continued to do what he thought was right in partisan politics. At a meeting of the Quorum of Twelve Apostles on 51 See account of this campaign in B. H . Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), V I , 301-10. For statement of President Woodruff and Joseph F. Smith on political freedom of the Saints, see 309.

52 This view is explained in John Henry Smith to H . E. Baker, M a y 20, 1892, Letterbooks.

53 For a concise explanation of his Republican philosophy see J o h n Henry Smith to Messrs. Saxey, Holbrook & Keeler, November 12, 1891, Letterbooks.

54 See for example, John Henry Smith to Jesse N. Smith, M a r c h 14, 1892, a n d to William Halls, October 12, 1894, Letterbooks.

55 John Henry Smith to W. W. Damron, M a y 7, 1892, Letterbooks.

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October 12, 1893, it was decided that "all of the Presidency, Twelve, Presidents of the Seventies, Presidency of Stakes and Bishopric keep out of politics. Except as the Presidency of the Church might wish."56 Apparently the Presidency wished John Henry Smith to continue his work, for his letters and journals for the next two years show no abatement of his political activity. He was playing all three roles with zest and satisfaction.

In 1894 Utahns elected a Republican delegate to Congress, Frank J. Cannon, son of George Q. Cannon of the First Presidency. They also elected delegates to a constitutional convention, in accordance with the Enabling Act which had finally been passed by Congress earlier in the year. Utah was at last on the threshold of statehood â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and voting Republican in the bargain. John Henry Smith's fondest dreams were coming true!

He reported that on November 6 he had voted the straight Republican ticket. The day after the election he recorded with much satisfaction that the internal interests are saved. The flag again floats for the American people. F. J. Cannon is elected to Congress. My precinct has gone Republican. I am elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. 57

His joy was short-lived. There were charges of fraud in the Salt Lake City Third Precinct and demands for an examination of the ballots by the Utah Commission. This Democratic-dominated body was the last group of men in the world in whom John Henry Smith wanted to rest his fate. He was not surprised when their examination showed that he was fifty votes short of election.58 He was determined to fight for his seat and did so through the courts. Several of the most prominent nonMormon Republican judges and lawyers in the territory handled his case; three prominent non-Mormon Democratic lawyers defended the action of the commission in denying the certificate of election. The result was a standoff. The Utah Commission was prohibited by the court from opening all the ballot boxes but it retaliated by refusing to certify Smith's election on the basis of the first count.59 He filed an affidavit with the 56 J o h n H e n r y Smith " J o u r n a l , " October 12, 1893. See also A b r a h a m H . Cannon Journal, same date. H e emphasized that church leaders were to "hold themselves in such a position as to counsel the brethren, and act as arbiters between both parties."

57 J o h n Henry Smith "Journal," November 7, 1894. ss Salt Lake Herald, December 19, 1894.

59 Accounts of the controversy were carried in the Salt Lake City newspapers during December of 1894 through February of 1895. J o h n H e n r y Smith's journal entries show his anxieties over the case, while the U t a h Commission report for 1895 includes a summary of the case in M i n u t e Book G, pp. 340 and 341, U t a h State Archives.

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convention on the opening day and placed the issue in the hands of the convention. This political hot potato was handed to the credentials committee, which promptly reported that it wanted the matter settled by the whole convention. Forced to make a decision, the committee voted to recommend the seating of the delegates who h a d filed affidavits. T h e following day J o h n Henry Smith was elected president of the convention. 60 THE

CONVENTION

PRESIDENT:

AN

OVERVIEW

Constitutions, it may be said in summarizing, are political documents, written to reflect the needs a n d desires of the people w h o are to be governed under them. T h e finished products are always less t h a n perfect in the eyes of any one segment of society, for conflicting claims must be reconciled and compromises must be made. This, it would seem, must be the work of politicians â&#x20AC;&#x201D; m e n who are skilled in the arts of diplomacy, compromise, and consensus building. This is not to suggest that they should be lacking in principles or a high sense of purpose. As John Henry Smith observed, convention delegates are making decisions that will affect not only their own generation but the lives of their children and their children's children, if they do their job well. Their task, then, is to produce a document t h a t will be accepted by various and conflicting groups in their own time, and still survive in years to come.

I n 1895, Mormons and non-Mormons, Republicans and Democrats, sat down together to complete the last task remaining before finally attaining statehood. Some m a y prefer to think that this job was done by "statesmen" who were above the religious and political conflicts of their times. T h e evidence shows that t h e opposite is true. Both Mormons and non-Mormons among the delegates h a d lived through the bitter battles of the past a n d were eager to move into a new era. I t was not because they stood above the events of their times but because they understood t h e m so well that they were determined to succeed.

For their president they chose a m a n whose life reflected the long struggle for statehood. H e h a d shared the burdens a n d fought the battles of his own people. At the same time, h e h a d realized how dependent the Saints were on overcoming the hostility of the rest of the nation. H e h a d cultivated friendships among the non-Mormons of the territory through 60

seating.

See Convention

Proceedings,

I., 12-40, for a complete account of the debates over

John Henry Smith

369

his business and political activities. If he lost a little lustre and hurt a few feelings in his zeal for the Republican cause, this was a price he was willing to pay for his convictions. It was all part of his political education.

Perhaps Smith's greatest contribution to the statehood effort was his ability to reach across religious lines. The attainment of statehood did not mean the end of Mormon and non-Mormon conflicts over church influence in Utah politics. There was a new era of bad feeling in the first decade of the twentieth century, arising out of the hearings on seating Senator Reed Smoot and the role played by Mormon President Joseph F. Smith in Utah politics. On October 13, 1911, John Henry Smith died suddenly. The editor of the bitterly anti-Mormon Tribune paid him a tribute that must have been galling to his colleagues in the church leadership.

I n general it may be said that Apostle Smith belonged to that b r a n c h of the church which reached out for a new departure, a turning away from the bigotries, the intolerances, and the exclusiveness of the past, and for getting into touch with American life and American institutions. H e was handicapped in this by being a polygamist; but he did not obtrude his polygamy, as so many of the elders are in the habit of doing. In church councils he was always on the side of broadmindedness, and the loosening u p of the restrictive bands which have held the people together as "a peculiar people," hostile to all "outsiders." H e did not consider every one not of the faith as his enemy, as so many of the Saints do, and as the tendency always is in the bigoted, fanatical clique that is so powerful in the general management of the church's affairs. . . .

I t is unfortunate for the people of U t a h to lose such men as J o h n Henry Smith. T h e r e are too few of his way of thinking left in the c h u r c h ; a n d his influence in modifying the exclusiveness and bigotry of the old order has been m u c h needed, and never more so than at the present time. 6 1

Men like John Henry Smith are always needed to carry out difficult political tasks. Not because they are above the battle, but because they have been part of it. Not because they lack firm convictions, but because they realize their views cannot be forced upon others in a free society. Not because they are untouched by contemporary conflicts, but because they have learned to understand the needs and desires of their opponents.

Such a man has had a political education to fit him for a political task.

Such a man was John Henry Smith.

61

Salt Lake Tribune editorial, October 14, 1911.

The President's Report for the Fiscal Year 1970-1971

BY MILTON C. ABRAMS

The Utah State Historical Society works under a very prosaic mandate to collect, preserve, and disseminate Utah's history. Its work has been done through a traditional program of publishing the Quarterly and Newsletter, by providing library services to patrons and researchers, and by two more recent programs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Utah Humanities and Historic Preservation projects â&#x20AC;&#x201D; both of which have given to the Society a new and needed visibility.

Dr. Abrams, librarian at Utah State University and chairman of the Utah Historic and Cultural Sites Review Committee, has served on the Board of State History since 1965 and as president since 1969.

Keynote speaker at the annual dinner of the Utah State Historical Society was Robert M. Utley, chief historian, National Park Service.

President's Report

371

Utah Humanities Project: The purpose of the Humanities Project has been to disseminate relevant ideas in the humanities to a broad general audience through museum kits, slide presentations, community displays, and programs of local organizations.

1. Museum kits have been developed in cooperation with state and district school officials to dovetail with Utah history curricula. This past year kits on communications, building materials, and rock art were distributed. Kits now being developed will focus on historical geography, dinosaurs, and transportation. Teachers of Utah history have responded favorably to this project, and many who helped evaluate the kits have asked to have them back again. Cooperating with the Humanities Project in the evaluation of the kits were teachers and supervisors in four districts : Davis, Salt Lake, Granite, and Nebo.

2. Slide presentations dealt with "The Rock Art of Prehistoric Utah" and "Utah: Then and Now." The Bertha Eccles Community Art Center in Ogden adapted the rock art presentation to its tour program.

The slides have been in great demand by elementary classes visiting the the art center. The presentation on Utah's changing landscape â&#x20AC;&#x201D;- "Then and Now" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; made use of two slide projectors operated simultaneously.

This program was especially well received at senior citizens centers throughout the state. Both programs were circulated in schools and were shown to church, club, and civic groups.

3. Under the community display phase of the fifteen-month pilot project the Society and local chapters attempted to inform the general public of local history. The Society sponsored exhibits at the Utah State Fair, at the social studies section of the Utah Educational Association convention, and at the Mansion. The Humanities Project cooperated in a display of local industry at the Weber County Library and is helping plan a Carbon County historical display for the College of Eastern Utah this winter. Community exhibits were set up in banks and local business establishments by the officers of the Iron County, Sevier Valley, and Sanpete Valley chapters.

4. To assist local chapters in their activities the Humanities Project assembled an Officer's Notebook, initiated a chapter newsletter, sponsored a workshop for chapter leaders, and compiled an extensive list of speakers.

Chapter officers will now have more than 120 qualified specialists to select from in planning their 1971-1972 lecture schedules.

The humanities grant has now been renewed for a second fifteenmonth period by the National Endowment for the Humanities, Programs

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Quarterly

of museum kits and aid to local chapters will be expanded under this second phase. Two new projects have begun. One of these is a Father Escalante slide presentation which, it is hoped, will begin to focus the attention of Utah citizens on the approaching National Bicentennial in 1976. The Escalante expedition of 200 years ago brought Europeans into Utah in their first recorded excursion and has significance regionally and nationally. The second new project will establish a program of guided tours and interpretive history exhibits for the Mansion.

Museums'. During the past year the Historical Society has strengthened its support of museums. The Emery County Museum at Castle Dale joined the Society as a local chapter and has conducted an energetic program of field trips. The museums in San Juan County, at Monticello and Branding, have both called on the Society for advice. In contacting and working with local history museums. Dr. Glen M. Leonard has encouraged the use of interpretive displays and assisted museum personnel in getting help through the publications and technical leaflets of the American Association for State and Local History. He also assisted in the updating of the membership lists for the Utah Museums Conference.

The Humanities Project's proposed museum display at the Mansion will help interpret the story behind this historic old home to the thousands who visit it each year. Volunteer guides will be enlisted to conduct regular tours of the home for interested student and adult groups. The use of the Keams Mansion as a museum of social and mining history is expected to multiply many times through this expanded tour program.

Local Chapter Activities: The major concern of the Historical Society has been its effort to reach the communities throughout Utah.

The Society has long had local chapters, and a number of these have been very active for years, However, with new thrust special advances have been made during the last year. The Daggett County Chapter has led the way in percentage of the local population enrolled and has pursued an active program of meetings, tours, and preservation projects, including a program of documenting early cabins, The Society's newest affiliate is the Alta Canyon Chapter, organized early in August.

The older chapters have continued their enthusiastic sponsorship of monthly lecture meetings and summer treks to historic sites. The Iron County Chapter has expanded its successful oral history project. The Rio Virgin Chapter has progressed in its efforts to preserve and restore the Washington County Courthouse. Sevier Valley Chapter supplemented its quality program by publishing a guide to local historic sites. Sanpete

President's

Report

373

County Chapter immersed itself in the valley's annual Mormon pageant by providing supplementary tours and displays, and the chapter in Wasatch County cooperated in a successful summer playhouse featuring Brigham Young University students.

Dr. Glen Leonard continues to direct the Humanities program and is assisted in its implementation by Miriam B. Murphy, assistant project director, Helene Crane, secretary, and David Atkinson, research assistant.

Utah Historic Preservation: Gary D. Forbush, an architect, was named project director for the Utah Preservation Program. He has worked Milton C. Abrams, president of the board, addresses the annual meeting closely and effectively with Melin Provo. vin T. Smith, former preservation officer. They have been assisted by Helen Mathison, secretary, and hundreds of volunteers throughout the state of Utah.

In 1969 the Utah State Legislature committed the state to at least a two-year Historic Sites Survey program, appropriating during that time approximately $27,500 in state funds, which with matching federal monies have been used to finance a survey of state sites to date. During this time an inventory of hundreds of sites has been developed. Three registers have been established •— the National Register of Historic Places, the State Register of Historic Sites, and the Century Register for pioneer homes. Certificates have been given to proprietors of national and state sites, and a marker has been designed for each of the registers.

In addition, a Utah Historic Preservation Plan has been written and submitted to the National Park Service, which awarded the plan high commendation and a two-year period of acceptance. In fact, then, phase one of Utah's preservation planning — the Historic Sites Survey — has reached its zenith.

While some two hundred fifty sites have been registered, with nearly fifty sites nominated to the National Register, it is understood that hun-

374

Utah Historical

Quarterly

dreds more will be reviewed by the governor's Historic and Cultural Sites Review Committee as soon as proper research and documentation can be completed on them. In effect, the survey will never end. However, phase two is in its ascendency. Greater emphasis will now be placed on actual preservation projects. Two such projects are the restoration of the Historical Society Mansion and the Washington County Courthouse.

These National Register sites have qualified for matching federal monies.

They are only the beginning for the state. In addition, the state's Historic Preservation Plan will be revised and updated. Brochures on the various sites are planned as well as historic tours to visit and enjoy Utah's heritage.

Our history is meaningful only when our citizens become cognizant of it. Historic preservation provides the Society with a unique opportunity to collect, to preserve, and to publish Utah's history. Thousands of people are becoming involved in one way or another. In cooperation with the Utah Heritage Foundation, the Society supported the Historic American Engineering Record (HAER) Survey this summer. Other programs have been advanced as well, including a survey of Indian petroglyphs and pictographs by Polly Schaafsma and the excellent survey work by the Junior Leagues of Ogden and Salt Lake City and other interested individuals.

Not only is the preservation program making Utah people conscious of their heritage, it is attracting tourists to the state, an economic factor of significance. History must have economic consequence if we are to ask our society to finance the preservation of the past. Arrow Press Square, Trolley Square, and Keith-Brown Mansion (Terracor) are excellent examples of businesses becoming involved profitably as preservationists.

Finally, preservation of the past is possible only when the public accepts its responsibility to care enough. Whether a lovely church, a historic home, or an Indian rock painting, it is the public conscience that counts.

Publications and Research: The pressures of the above programs have compounded the needs and opportunities for publication of Utah's history. Fortunately the Society has the Utah Historical Quarterly which continues to publish exciting new materials in the form of interpretive articles, essays, and diaries. Two special issues featured the Indians of the Utah area and reclamation efforts of importance to Utah irrigation and conservation history.

President's Report

375

The Society's 75th anniversary and the 125th anniversary of Mormon settlement offer two themes for possible treatment in the year ahead.

Circulation has now increased to 2,360 with 2,000 extra copies of the Indian edition being printed.

The Society's Newsletter and Preservation News have continued their excellent reporting of activities of the Society and the Historic Sites Survey. In addition, a new publication, Chapter News, has been initiated under the Humanities Project to provide a more detailed exchange of news among the affiliated chapters. This newsletter is also sent to all local museums in an effort to improve communications and share useful ideas.

Other publication achievements during 1971 included a biography of Governor William Spry by William L. Roper and Leonard J. Arrington, and a centennial history of the Salt Lake Tribune by O. N. Malmquist. Both have been well received and suggest a worthwhile publication future for the Society.

After many years of very able service to the Society, Margery W. Ward resigned in March 1971 to teach in the public schools. To meet this loss, Miriam B. Murphy was employed as associate editor. However, because of the need for expanded editorial and publication services due to the Utah Humanities Project and the Historic Preservation programs, with consequent increased administrative duties falling to the director, it was decided to reorganize the editorial staff. While the director remains as editor, Dr. Glen M. Leonard, coordinator of publications and research, will serve as managing editor, and Mrs. Murphy as assistant editor.

The involvement of the Society with school teachers through the Humanities Project has brought repeated requests for help in organizing junior history clubs in the schools. The Society is hopeful of providing some guidelines for interested teachers and has once again begun investigating the possibility of a junior history program. This new editorial potential projects toward the Society's future objectives.

Public Services: Probably the most notable of the public services provided by the Society was the seventy-fifth anniversary celebration of statehood during January. The program was conceived at the Society and suggested to Milton L. Weilenmann who in turn reported to Governor Calvin L. Rampton. The governor appointed a blue ribbon committee headed by Arch L. Madsen, president of Bonneville International Corporation, and John W. Gallivan, publisher of the Salt Lake Tribune. The

376

Utah Historical

Quarterly

week-long Diamond Jubilee celebration featured a different theme each day to focus on Utah's progress as a state. T h e Historical Society was depended upon to provide information from the past. This background research was presented in newspaper articles, radio and television features, and in brief historical talks during the observance of each day's theme. T h e week centered around Statehood Day sponsored by the Society on January 4. Programs on other days during the anniversary week examined Utah's cultural heritage, progress in education, transportation, communication, industry, recreation, government, ethnic groups, and local communities. I n addition, a special Diamond Jubilee display was prepared as part of a month-long open house at the Mansion.

T h e achievement of statehood in 1896 is of special interest to us, because the event precipitated the establishment during the following year of the U t a h Historical Society.

Library and Research: This has been a difficult year for the library.

Budget cuts and inflation have been costly. T h e Society was able to add 2,400 books, pamphlets, microfilms, and periodicals to its collections; however, this amount represents a yearly rate decrease in acquisitions of more than 650 items from 1969-1970. Total holdings have increased to a new high — 15,000 books, 13,700 pamphlets, 10,000 bound periodicals and 920 rolls of microfilms. T h e photograph collection has increased to more than 22,000. Margaret M'~M.m..

Lester has done an excellent job ~ ' M ^ and reports that the Society has recently received one of its most significant gifts, the John E. Bennett collection, from Ronald Inkley of Inkley's Photo Company of Salt Lake City. Other major contributions have been made for which the Society is grateful. T h e services of many volunteers have been appreciated.

M a r t h a Stewart now provides excellent service as research librarian. T h e part-time Melvin T. Smith, director, welcomes staff continues its good contriguests at the annual meeting of the bution also. John James, Jr., has Utah State Historical Society.

(

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-

•

••••'-•

•

.'

'•

y

President's Report

377

served the Society for many years with great dedication and distinction.

Unfortunately, this past year he has suffered from arthritis, periodically being unable to be at work. Yet he has continued to perform with excellence under conditions that have been extremely difficult for him.

Because of the increased demand for historical data by state and federal agencies and private individuals, the library is anxious to expand its research service. The Society has provided general advice on many matters and particular expertise to Utah State Parks and Recreation on its Pioneer Village Project, and to the Bureau of Outdoor Recreation in locating and documenting the Mormon Battalion Trail. (Dr. Charles S. Peterson, John Yurtinus, Kent Powell, and David Atkinson were involved in this research.) Another project researched the location of the Pony Express Trail and stations through Utah. Much of this research, conducted by Dr. Richard Jackson and Raleigh Crausby, Brigham Young University Department of Geography, has been used by Bureau of Land Management personnel. Other major historic trails, historic sites, and districts must eventually be carefully, thoroughly, and officially documented. The history community and other related disciplines will be asked to participate. Architects, geographers, artists, folklorists, and writers are already involved in preserving and reviewing Utah's heritage.

The Society's Nineteenth Annual Meeting, held in Provo on September 18, reflected this expanding focus.

Awards: To recognize outstanding contributions to Utah history, the Society each year at its annual meeting confers a select number of awards. Nine deserving men and women were honored this year. The Society's Honorary Life Membership was given to Dr. Dean R. Brimhall, a recognized authority on Indian rock art and member of the Board of State History since 1965.

The J. Grant Iverson Service Award was presented to F. Garn Hatch for his efforts in preserving the Wasatch Stake Tabernacle. O.N. Malmquist was honored for his service to history as author of The First 100 Years: A History of The Salt Lake Tribune, 1871 - 1971, and Mrs. LaVell Johnson was cited for extensive research on the history of Delta and west Millard County.

Mrs. Rebecca S. Payne received the Society's Teacher Award for her social studies curriculum guides developed for use in Granite School District. Classroom teachers honored for their success in making Utah history live for their students were Mrs. Louise Hetzel, second grade teacher at Helen McKnight Elementary School in Moab, and Mrs.

378

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Carmen Hepworth and Mrs. Florene Adams, fourth grade teachers who cooperated in an effective program at Cedar City Elementary.

Mrs. Fawn M. Brodie was awarded the Morris S. Rosenblatt Award for her article, "Sir Richard F. Burton: Exceptional Observer of the Mormon Scene." It was voted the outstanding article to appear in the Utah Historical Quarterly during the past year.

In May, the Society's annual Student Awards were presented to outstanding young historians at five local colleges and universities. Recipients were Perry Glen Datwyler (Utah State University), Christopher Merritt (Westminster College), Guy F. Potter (Brigham Young University), Kathleen Queal Stirling (University of U t a h ) , and Francis Wikstrom (Weber State College).

Administration: After two and one-half years as director, Dr. Charles S. Peterson resigned to accept a position at Utah State University. His services to the Society were many â&#x20AC;&#x201D; he emphasized moving the Society's services out into the state. The Preservation and Humanities projects are products of his leadership. Upon Dr. Peterson's leaving, Melvin T. Smith was appointed the new director. It is anticipated that continued emphasis will be given to maintaining an excellent professional Quarterly; to collecting, researching, and publishing Utah's history; and to preserving and restoring its heritage. Staff will be added as funds are available to do these jobs.

-mmm:.

All of this growth places additional burdens on the regular staff at the Society. Iris Scott, business manager, now handles an ever increasing budget, particularly with federal funding. Ann Flitton, receptionist, is asked to greet tourists as well as friends and patrons, since the Historical Society Mansion is now a National Historic Place.

The programs and new projects portend greater visibility for the Historical Society as we move toward our seventy-fifth anniversary. All of this is good, yet the Society suffers for want of budget. All of these new and needed services not only merit but must have membership and public and legislative support. Fortunately we have friends. We need more.

Dean R. Brimhall receives Honorary Life Membership in the Utah State Historical Society from Theron Luke, board member.

R EVI EWS AIM D PUBLICATIONS

Uncle Will Tells His Story. By JUANITA B R O O K S . (Salt Lake City: T a g g a r t a n d C o m p a n y , 1970. v + 249 p p . , $12.50) Ernest H e m i n g w a y once said, "All good books a r e alike in t h a t after you have finished reading one, you will feel that all t h a t h a p p e n e d to you and afterwards belongs to you, the good and t h e bad, t h e ecstasy, t h e remorse a n d sorrow, the people and the places and how t h e w e a t h e r was. If you can get so t h a t you c a n give that t o people then you are a writer." This is exactly w h a t Mrs. Brooks has accomplished. " I w a s b o r n April 2 3 , 1881 in St. George, U t a h , t h e fifth child a n d t h e second son of George a n d Emily Cornelia B r a n c h Brooks. " M y father was a stonecutter by t r a d e ; h e h a d been trained by his foster father, E d w a r d L. Parry, who was t h e master mason for both t h e Tabernacle and the Temple."

So begins a series of anecdotes a n d stories told by Will Brooks, husband of our well-known historian Juanita Brooks. H e lived most of the eighty-nine years of his life in a n d around St. George, U t a h .

H e r e is t h e story of a boy growing u p in a western frontier town, of his schooling a n d his religious training, of his becoming a m a n , a n d of t h e thirst for knowledge t h a t took h i m from o n e end of o u r state to t h e other. Will Brooks realized there a r e some things which cannot b e learned quickly a n d

time, which w e all have, must b e taxed heavily for acquiring them. T h e y a r e the simplest of things a n d because it takes a m a n ' s life t o know them, t h e little " n e w " t h a t each m a n gets from life is very costly; t h e only heritage h e has to leave.

Will Brooks h a s left t h a t heritage in his m a n y stories: heartwarming, tender, a n d sad. T h e y tell tales of m a n y famous a n d n o t so famous, people t h a t h e encountered during his career as school teacher, sheriff, a n d postmaster.

O n t h e subject of horses Will once related: " W e always h a d a t least one horse, a n d I learned to ride early, but it was n o t until Uncle F r a n k came to live with us t h a t I learned w h a t a horse might m e a n t o a m a n . Uncle Frank's deformed foot m a d e a horse a real necessity for him. M o u n t e d , Uncle Frank was handsome, with a sound, straight body a n d a fine h e a d ; a-foot, he was a cripple w h o walked with a n effort. 'A horse is a servant of man,' h e said, ' b u t h e will be a better servant if h e is well cared for. . . . Always talk t o your horse. . . .

D o n ' t try to sneak u p on h i m to catch him, o r h e just might whirl a n d kick your brains out. L e t h i m know you a r e there, t h a t you are coming for him a n d t h a t you expect h i m to wait for you.

T h e n as you ride, talk to h i m or to yourself. R e p e a t t h e T e n C o m m a n d ments o r a verse you know . . . it's n o t so m u c h w h a t you say, as that fact t h a t the horse is conscious of your v o i c e . ' ' Uncle Will Tells His Story is cut from a n unusual literary cloth. T h e

Utah Historical Quarterly

380 style is unfettered and free of cumbersome formality. I t is easy, enjoyable reading for young and old alike. I t is at once the tale of a young T o m Sawyer in a n early M o r m o n settlement, yet the saga of a strong-willed, courageous m a n who feared none but loved all.

A few words must be said of the beautiful design and production of this book. With the book design a n d cover

by Joel H . Izatt and the many examples of special photography done by D a n a H o w a r t h , this limited first edition is a collector's item. It was lithographed in two colors on Blue Ridge I n d i a n Ivory text. With its book jacket lithographed in four colors this book, filled with all the color of the frontier spirit, is one we highly recommend.

SAM W E L L E R

Salt Lake

City

The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West. Vol. I V . Ed. by L E ROY

R.

HAFEN.

(Glendale:

The

A r t h u r H . Clark Company, 1966. 397 p p . $14.50) [Editor's note: T h e following is the last of numerous reviews prepared for the Quarterly by Dale L. M o r g a n . Its publication was delayed initially because of enlarged special issues in 1969.

M r . M o r g a n — w h o h a d earlier reviewed volumes I - I I I •— then graciously agreed to write a consolidated review of volumes I V - V I . However, he was u n able to complete the three-volume review before his untimely death last March.]

This volume in the continuing Hafen series on the m o u n t a i n men (and traders a n d entrepreneurs) of the West is the mixture as before, possibly of higher average quality than the three t h a t preceded it. Thirty-three sketches by seventeen authors increase the total of biographies in the series as a whole to 125, or about one-third of the n u m b e r en-

visioned in the prospectus. For a U t a h audience we might note t h a t no sketch has yet been published for Elijah ("Barney") Ward, the only m o u n t a i n m a n of any note who ever became a M o r m o n convert.

A. P. Nasatir's sketches of James M a c kay and J e a n Baptiste T r u t e a u are concerned with top figures in the Missouri River trade of the 1970s, the closing era of Spanish Louisiana, a n d reflect his large knowledge of t h a t scene; very interesting is a footnote announcing the existence in C a n a d a of m o r e of T r u teau's diary of 1794-1796 t h a n we had known to be extant, t h o u g h this m a n u script was not available to Dr. Nasatir for the uses of his sketch. Theodore H u n t , as written up by E. Lee Dorsett, figures as one of t h e p a r t n e r s in the Missouri River trade two decades later; a n d T h o m a s James, with his important book on M a n u e l Lisa's enterprises of 1809-1810, and on a Santa F e trapping tour a decade later, is given searching scrutiny by the always well-informed Frederic E. Voelker.

T h e m o u n t a i n m e n of the Southwest are the principal preoccupation of the various authors. I have before remarked in this Quarterly on the outstanding performance of J a n e t L e c o m p t e in this area of history a n d in this series. T o her previous contributions she now adds detailed a n d searching accounts of Charles Autobees, Alexander K. Branch, J o h n Hawkins, Charles Kinney, and Archibald Charles Metcalf. Harvey L. Carter, another resident of Colorado Springs, returns with informative sketches of George a n d R o b e r t Bent, Robert Fisher, J o h n L. H a t c h e r , and T o m T o b i n ; it is to be noted, however, that Carter repeats t h e old gossip that Robert Bent was killed by Comanches near Bent's Fort in 1841, whereas Louise Barry has shown conclusively t h a t he died in St. Louis t h a t year. This brings m e to a salient observation: N o one now has any business writing about any

381

Reviews and Publications of the m o u n t a i n m e n w h o does not take account of Miss Barry's remarkable " R e vised Annals of Kansas, 1540-1854," published serially in the Kansas Historical Quarterly, 1961-1967. T h e young scholar D a v i d J. Weber, whose Southwestern researches have previously been hailed in this series, is back with sketches of Gervais N o l a n a n d J o h n Rowland.

A n n W . H a f e n provides a n account of J a m e s O h i o Pattie which is vitiated by h e r inattention to t h e now-established fact t h a t Pattie entered t h e West in 1825, n o t in 1824, as h e incorrectly rem e m b e r e d in his book. D r . Hafen himself has u p d a t e d slightly his previously published sketches of Alexander a n d Prewett Sinclair, a n d has also joined with Adrienne T . Christopher in writing u p t h e remarkable life of William F .

M a y ( w h o , as it happened, died in G r e a t Salt L a k e City in 1855). J o h n Dishon M c D e r m o t t shows signs of becoming the J a n e t Lecompte of the Platte fur t r a d e by a d d i n g a sketch of Joseph Bissonette to previous well-detailed biographies of salient personalities. R a y Mattison, w h o is m o r e concerned with t h e u p p e r Missouri area, gives us accounts of Alexander Harvey a n d J o s h u a Pilcher which, like his previous contributions, a r e informative b u t tantalizingly so; one wishes he could be given t h e opportunity to work for a few m o n t h s in t h e collections of the Missouri Historical Society. Harvey E. Tobie is always worth listening to on t h e subject of m o u n t a i n m e n who wound u p in Oregon, a n d this time h e has George Wood Ebbert in tow. Parallel is J e r o m e Peltier's account of "Black" Harris, a n d J o Tuthill's sketch of Elbridge Trask. J o h n E. W i c k h a m has some useful things to say about Peter A. Sarpy, principally remembered for his association with t h e Council Bluffs a r e a ; a n d Alfred Glen H u m p h r e y s a n d Doyce B. Nunis, Jr., write u p t h e more familiar Pegleg Smith a n d Milton G. Sublette.

T h e Iroquois m o u n t a i n m e n are not

forgotten, as Merle Wells adds a sketch of Pierre Tivanitagon ( " O l d Pierre") to t h e gallery of one-time British t r a p pers h e has been developing. T h e other three sketches in the volume are reductions of previously published books, George Drouillard by M . O . Skarsten, Antoine Leroux by Frobes Parkhill, a n d Antoine Robidoux by Williams S. W a l lace. T h e last of these should have undergone searching revision, in view of t h e constantly expanding record on the R o b i d o u x clan.

D A L E L.

MORGAN

The Montana Gold Rush Diary of Kate Dunlap.

Edited a n d Annotated by S. LYMAN TYLER.

(Denver, C o l o r a d o :

F r e d A. Rosenstock, O l d West Publishing Company, a n d Salt Lake City: University of U t a h Press, 1969. 76 p p . $15.00) W h a t first strikes the reader as h e picks u p this book is its h a n d s o m e form a t a n d unusual design. T h e diary is tied to a large scale m a p (U.S.G.S. base) which in twenty-two successive pieces runs from Keokuk, Iowa, to B a n n a c k City, M o n t a n a , a n d shows t h e route a n d t h e distance traveled each day. I n order to accompany the m a p , t h e diary also runs from east to west, begins a t the end of t h e book, a n d proceeds tow a r d t h e front. This a r r a n g e m e n t has a degree of logic b u t is u n o r t h o d o x a n d initially confusing.

T h e importance of t h e m a p hardly compensates for its cost, especially i n view of t h e fact t h a t m o r e t h a n fourfifths of the m a p is of the old OregonCalifornia T r a i l t h a t has been described a n d reproduced hundreds of times.

I t might have been m o r e justifiable to have retained detailed m a p p i n g for the point of b r a n c h i n g from the famous m a i n trail near South Pass to D u n l a p s ' destination a t Bannack City. This section, in p a r t along t h e L a n d e r Cutoff, is

Utah Historical Quarterly

382 so little known that a m o r e ample description of it would have been new a n d welcome.

T h e book comprises 75 large pages (9 by 13 inches) and is beautifully printed on handsome paper. T h e volume is a four-color printing job — the diary in black, the footnotes in red (one section in b l u e ) , and the m a p in b r o w n a n d blue. R e d lines tie each day's entry to the m a p section traversed that day. This unusual plan and layout results in costly production. I n fact, the complicated design dominates the book, a n d the identified designer takes the credit — a n d maybe the blame — for the unique volume.

T h e diary is by K a t e D u n l a p , an intelligent and observant w o m a n of twenty-six years. She a n d her husband of three months set out for the M o n t a n a mines from Keokuk, Iowa, M a y 2, 1864, a n d arrived at Bannack City on August 16. H e r observations enroute a r e interesting and perceptive. Since the journey was m a d e at the time of t h e " I n d i a n W a r of 1864," it is somewhat strange t h a t more I n d i a n trouble was not encountered.

Dr. Tyler has done good, professional editing. T h e main supplement to the diary he takes from J. I. Campbell, Idaho: Six Months in the New Gold Diggings. The Emigrant's Guide Overland (New York and Chicago, 1864).

This includes tables of distances, description of mining processes a n d supplementary contemporary information.

I n addition to the diary the editor has included biographical information on Mr. and Mrs. D u n l a p , a brief review of early M o n t a n a mining history, Mrs. Dunlap's letter of J a n u a r y 10, 1865, descriptive of M o n t a n a , and J o h n Mullan's report on M o n t a n a Territory in his Miners and Travelers Guide (New York, 1865). T h e text is illustrated with good photographs of Bannack City a n d some of its buildings and an appropriate selection of the exceptional drawings of

scenes along the Oregon Trail by the fine artist Frederick Piercy.

T h e diary is a good contribution to the history of M o n t a n a and of the West.

L E R O Y R.

HAFEN

Professor of History Brigham Young University A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67).

By

OSCAR

OSBURN

WINTHER

and

R I C H A R D A. V A N O R M A N . (Blooming-

t o n : I n d i a n a University Press, 1970. x x v + 3 4 0 p p . $5.00) T h e late Oscar O s b u r n Winther published in 1942 The Trans-Mississippi West: A Guide to Its Periodical Literature, covering the years 18111938. I n 1961 the work was extended to include literature published to 1957 u n d e r the title A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West (1811-1957).

T h e latter work is here supplemented for the decade 1957-67. T h e 1961 work abstracted 9,244 titles from seventy periodicals, chiefly state a n d regional historical journals. This supplement, following the same policies a n d format, abstracts 4,559 titles. T h e table of contents is detailed, as it needs to be, for the index is only to names of authors of articles. T h e work badly needs a subject index. T h e range of subjects is far wider t h a n subject headings, which include each state, C a n a d a and Mexico, and such topics as agriculture, fur trade, immigrant groups, Indians, military, mining, Mormons, Oregon Trail, reclamation and conservation, transportation a n d communications, a n d the West.

This bibliography is of the utmost importance to any scholar interested in western American history.

This reviewer checked those titles of direct interest to U t a h and M o r m o n history and found in the 1961 work some 335 titles, of which 170 were from the Utah Historical Quarterly. T h e sup-

383

Reviews and Publications plement yielded 225 titles, of which 143 were from the UHQ. The greatest number of entries were found under "Mormons" and "Utah." The 1961 work yielded 143 entries on the Mormons, 40 of which were from UHQ; 107 entries were listed under Utah, 82 having come from UHQ. The supplement yielded 54 articles on the Mormons, 23 of which were found in UHQ; 111 articles were listed under Utah, of which 99 came from UHQ. This attests to the increased serious attention Utah and Mormon history has received in recent years, of the vitality and contribution of the Utah Historical Quarterly, and that the serious scholar cannot rely on one source alone for his information but must search a wide range of periodical literature (at least read the "Recent Articles" lists in UHQ and other historical journals, hoping he will not miss essential articles). By all means, search this work diligently, for you will find gems in unusual places.

S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH

Professor of History Utah State University Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million. and

By RAYMOND W.

SAMUEL

W.

TAYLOR

TAYLOR.

York: The Macmillan 1970. xi +400 pp. $8.95)

(New

Company,

Raymond W. Taylor, with the collaboration of his playwright brother, Samuel W. Taylor, gives an eyewitness account of the frenetic days of the uranium boom of the 1950s. The best work written so far on the boom, Uranium Fever nevertheless has a number of glaring weaknesses. Most noticeable are the organizational defects. The reader is kept in constant transition from the fishing trip that lured Taylor into the boom country, to Provo, Utah, where Taylor was running for Utah County Sheriff; from waking up in a polygamist's bedroom, with grandfather John Taylor's

picture staring from the wall, to claimstaking in House Rock Valley; from producing a Warner Brother's documentary on the boom to revisiting Taylor's abandoned claims a decade later.

In attempting to include so many major themes Taylor clutters his narrative.

Long diatribes detailing the evils of the Atomic Energy Commission, an attempt to sketch the history of the uranium industry since its nineteenth century beginnings, and a final chapter designed to tell where leading boom personalities are now â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but instead dwelling mainly on introducing new characters â&#x20AC;&#x201D; add to the confusion.

As a historical work, the book has a number of other failings. Discussion of the pre-boom uranium industry is inadequate. Also, major aspects of the boom itself, such as the penny stock frenzy and the important role of a few large corporations, receive little attention beyond allusions to Taylor's own experience. There are numerous factual errors and misspellings of proper nouns; and a number of the biographical sketches provide more color than is justified. Some of Taylor's descriptions of personal experiences tax the credulity of persons who recall what conditions were really like during the boom. Most of those who survived the fever of that time agree that the boom was relatively free of violence and danger. Yet Taylor tells of spending a terrifying night surrounded on three sides by buzzing, coiled rattlesnakes, with his back to a precipice. He claims that, twice, conniving partners left him on the desert to die.

He insists that he stared down the barrel of a rifle meant to kill him, nearly died of thirst, narrowly missed being cast into prison, and only through an act of providence was kept from being seduced by two Fundamentalist maidens.

Nevertheless, it is a mistake to concentrate on the obvious weaknesses of the work, for by so doing the reader misses its actual significance. The book

Utah Historical

384 does h a v e some scholarly depth. Taylor after meticulously interviewing a n u m ber of key persons, describes a V e r n o n Pick, "discoverer" of t h e fabulous Delta Mine, in a m a n n e r radically different from other biographers. Even m o r e impressive, although poorly integrated into the book, is his biography of Stella Dysart, evangelist-turned promoter, w h o discovered the bonanza u r a n i u m deposits of Ambrosia Lake, N e w Mexico, while wildcatting for oil. F u r t h e r m o r e , this was not m e a n t to be a definitive history of t h e u r a n i u m industry or even a defense of Taylor's actions in abandoning his home, business, a n d political career for a fling at u r a n i u m prospecting. I t doesn't m a t t e r t h a t his search began after almost all of the outcroppings w o r t h claiming h a d been discovered or t h a t the Fundamentalists lured h i m into a n area where even deep drilling held little promise for success.

By presenting a n account of his own soaring expectations a n d crashing failures, Taylor captures the intensity of the u r a n i u m fever in a m a n n e r which n o other writer has done. If, in so doing, he produces a work replete with structural a n d factual weaknesses a n d if he is guilty of claiming the experiences of m a n y to b e his own, h e is only doing w h a t other important chroniclers of the American West have done from J a m e s O h i o Pattie on.

T h e lay reader should find in Uranium Fever the kind of excitement t h a t has kept t h e public engrossed in t h e "history" of the American West long after they have ceased to show interest in other areas of history. T h e book also should inspire serious scholars to a t t e m p t to m a t c h Taylor's superb writing style, while at the same time focusing their own methodological training on a n episode which, for a m o m e n t in our history, created a national hysteria.

G A R Y L. S H U M W A Y

California

State College Fuller ton

The Navajo

of the Painted

Quarterly Desert. By

W A L T E R L. B A T E M A N . (Boston: Bea-

con Press, 1970. 124 p p . , $5.95) The Navajo of the Painted Desert is attractively gotten u p with m a n y fine drawings a n d photos. T h e title raises a question, as I believe t h a t there are very few Navajos living in the Painted Desert, since most of the Navajo Reservation is n o r t h of it. T h e jacket also gives some misleading information, as it places the Navajo Reservation in the northwestern corner of Arizona, while it is really in t h e northeastern corner a n d spills over into U t a h a n d N e w Mexico. T h e story, however, is good a n d tells of the life of a Navajo family in the 1890s. M r . B a t e m a n uses t h e story as a springboard to give us descriptions of several ceremonies a n d the legends behind them.

T h e life of a Navajo family of today, living in the remote canyons a n d on the still more inaccessible mesas, is very similar. T h e children do go to the Bureau of I n d i a n Affairs boarding schools or in some cases m a k e their way to a school bus route a n d a t t e n d public school. T h e y leave h o m e a r o u n d six thirty or seven in t h e m o r n i n g a n d ret u r n a r o u n d five thirty in the evening.

T h e pickup has replaced the horse and wagon for the most part, b u t in many cases the roads, or r a t h e r trails, have remained about t h e same as they were in the 1890s. T h e traveler in Navajoland will find some of t h e m a i n highways blacktopped a n d some of t h e other roads maintained, b u t o n t h e byways a b o u t the only improvements are those m a d e by the Navajo so t h a t h e c a n get his pickup home.

T h e last chapter falls far short of telling of all t h e advances of t h e Navajo Nation. Most school boards have some, if n o t all, Navajo members. Teachers and teacher's aides, nurses a n d aides, medical a n d dental technicians, doctors a n d lawyers as well as businessmen have returned to the reservation to work with

385

Reviews and Publications their people. The Navajo Nation has brought industry to the reservation, and here all but the very top jobs are held by the Navajo. The nation operates the Navajo Tribal Utility Authority that supplies electricity to the reservation as well as gas, water, and sewage to the communities; it is ninety-five percent Navajo. The Navajo Forest Products Industry is a huge one with a mostly Navajo staff. The Navajo Nation staffs its own newspaper, the Navajo Times. New homes are springing up constructed by the Home Improvement Training Program. If the reader comes to the reservation he should come prepared for the old way of life, as depicted in the book, and also the modern way of living. He will find the highways patrolled by the Navajo police and fine new motels and restaurants and supermarkets to cater to his needs.

BROTHER JUNIPER

Hat Rock Valley Retreat Center, Monument Valley, Utah Silver and Politics in Nevada:

1892-

1902. By MARY ELLEN GLASS. (Reno:

University of Nevada Press, 1969. xi 4 242 pp. $5.50) Mrs. Glass's book might be considered a prospectus for future political and biographical studies of turn-of-the-century Nevada, as well as a competent and rewarding survey of the silver controversy within that Great Basin state.

A parade of antithetical personalities emerges from its pages to reveal much of the insouciant venality combined with hidden interests that ruled Nevada government. Many of these figures are worthy of further study, and this monograph attractively stimulates scholarly efforts in that direction. The work is a skillful addition to a small, slowly growing list of works explaining Nevada in terms other than mining productivity.

The central thesis examined by the author is the ultimate control of the

Silver party by the Central Pacific Railroad. The railroad had either ruled the state absolutely or shared its sovereignty with the Bonanza mining firms since the 1860s. The rise of a new political force, dedicated to the solution of problems that affected the Central Pacific's sheltered tax position, posed a direct challenge. After some initial backing and filling, the railroad saw fit to infiltrate this new organization, rather than openly oppose it. By 1898 these tactics were so successful that the party apparatus became the vehicle for continuing railroad state dominance. The unique position of a radical, at least to the public, party existing as a means of maintaining the status quo was attained.

The final half of the book is devoted to the problems of fusion of the silver interests and politicians into either of the two national parties, and particularly to the conflict between William Morris Stewart and Francis Griffith Newlands. Silver's power as a motivator of votes was seriously hampered by the split between the two men. Each had his own coterie of followers. Their personal vendetta, inside the state and out of it, contributed heavily to the declining power of the Silver party.

Newlands is shown in a favorable context, but he still comes off as a slightly begrimed Galahad.

An adequate index has been included and the price is happily below the $10.00 figure that seems to be attaining the status of the minimum wage. As a student of Nevada history, I wish the author had included an essay on the sources. Aside from the comment on the flyleaf that the Crime of '73 consisted of making illegal the production of all silver coins, other gremlins were unnoticed. Mrs. Glass professionally shows that Nevada's Gilded Age was largely gilt.

J O H N M. TOWNLEY

President Southern Nevada Historical Society Las Vegas

386 A Treasury of American Indian Herbs: Their Lore and Their Use for Food, Drugs, and Medicine. By VIRGINIA SCULLY. (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1970. xiv + 306 pp. $6.95) The introduction to this book recalls to the reader that the beauty of the West has two perspectives: one toward the majestic horizon and one toward the lichens, sage, and flowers at his feet. It stirs interest by touching on pioneer medicine. It gives an entertaining account of the author's efforts to collect material. This is a good beginning, but the book proves to be superficial and poorly organized. It cannot be used as a botanical or pharmaceutical guide and it has little historical value.

The subject matter is presented in alphabetical order as a series of brief statements about herbs, trees, diseases, symptoms, lesions, and parts of the anatomy. The arrangement is not strict.

Under the heading "Chilblains," for example, are discussed chilblains, stomach ache, skin irritation, colic, teething, cough, croup, improper growth, fever, worms, influenza, diarrhea, and mouth sores (p. 140). The lack of a strict system makes the book repetitious.

The exposition of the medical subjects is largely from the standpoint of defending and, indeed, vaunting, the merits of Indian remedies on the presumption that getting well means therapeutic cure, and widespread or continued use from generation to generation proves that a given remedy must have been effective. We are told, for example, that it "has been proved for centuries" that lying in a trench of warm ashes and drinking geranium tea will keep a recently delivered woman from becoming pregnant until the infant's first birthday (p. 121).

There is irrelevant material such as the following alphabetically listed item, quoted in its entirety: "Children. If the juice of sarsparilla is given a newborn

Utah Historical

Quarterly

child, it shall never be hurt by poison.

That was an English superstition enunciated by Culpeper. We can find no parallel in the Indian pharmacopoeia. They used only what for centuries had been tested and proved for their children" (p. 142).

Terms with dubious scientific meaning are used such as purifying the blood, blood cleanser, swelling of the gall bladder, stimulant to the brain, lowering the vital activity, panting heart, and "strengthening effect on the viscera" (pp. 127,154, 185,284,285).

The book is illustrated by line drawings from two antique books which are not indigenous to the West. Foxglove is shown, although it is not a native plant (p. 175). We are assured, however, that if it had been at hand, the Indians would have learned its value as a source of digitalis. The description of dogwood in the text depends largely on the "Legend of the Dogwood" found on every postcard stand in southeastern United States. The prototype is the eastern dogwood (cornus florida) which has no resemblance whatsover to the drawing presented (pp. 38-39).

This chatty and rambling book has many shortcomings, but the reader can find amusing items. The most intriguing medical procedures described are an enema of tobacco smoke for the seemingly drowned, a "drink of pine" to those struck by lightning, and an extract of wild cat fat mixed with ground rose petals for eczema (pp. 162, 201, 271).

HERBERT Z. L U N D ,

M.D.

Greensboro, North Carolina The Story of American Railroads and How They Helped Build a Nation.

By OLIVE W. BURT. (New York: The

John Day Company, 1969. 256 pp., $4.95) The golden era of American railroading has passed. Even if the future holds more spectacular and successful modes

Reviews and Publications of travel, o n e wonders if it will excite the imagination as t h e glorious old steam engine has. I n The Story of American Railroads, Olive W. Burt is reaching a generation of children w h o have probably h a d little or no acquaintance with t h e train as a method of travel.

T h e early triumphs a n d defeats of the dreamers who saw t h e U n i t e d States connected by rail a r e all recorded i n M r s . Burt's book. T h e m e n of vision, t h e first successful passenger train, t h e Civil War, t h e bitter battles a n d skulduggery to gain control, t h e bad guys, a n d t h e engineer hero a r e all here to e n c h a n t t h e reader.

Beautifully illustrated with well chosen pictures t h a t effectively enhance the story, Olive Burt's book h a s presented t h e young reader with a comprehensive a n d informative book t h a t will hold his attention.

T h e train robber of history holds a particular fascination for all of us. H e has been the inspiration for m a n y novels a n d moving pictures. T h e a u t h o r h a s told his story b u t has carefully avoided m a k i n g h i m a hero. She h a s also, perhaps too carefully, shunned m a k i n g a b a d guy of t h e railroad m a g n a t e by glossing over t h e questionable m a n e u vers of many early railroad tycoons.

T o m a n y of us w h o grew u p knowing t h e railroad a n d its shortcomings, Mrs. Burt's book will a t times seem hightly romanticized. Few of us saw t h e elegance she tells us about. We are m o r e likely to recall late trains, dirt, crowded dining cars, a n d poor a n d sometimes r u d e service.

Mrs. Burt has written numerous children's stories a n d seems t o b e a t h e r best when recounting historical facts for the young. She is a d e p t a t putting sometimes dull information into a historical text t h a t will hold t h e reader's interest.

This book contains excellent material for t h e junior high student w h o h a s

387 become enthralled with early American transportation.

R O S A L I E C. BARBOUR

Elementary Education Coordinator Idaho State Historical Society Great Basin Anthropology . . . A Bibliography. Compiled by C A T H E R I N E S. F O W L E R . E d i t e d by D O N D . F O W L E R a n d T H E L M A W I N N I E . University of

N e v a d a Social Sciences a n d H u m a n i ties Publication No. 5 ( R e n o a n d Las Vegas: Western Studies Center, Desert Research Institute, 1970. xx + 418 p p . $10.00) Catherine Fowler is responsible for this bibliography of 7,000 items devoted to aspects of Great Basin anthropology.

T h e bibliography is so extensive a n d well-organized t h a t it will have t h e effect of focusing even greater interest on t h a t area of N o r t h America used so often and well in the past by anthropologists.

After listing general references, m a t erial o n natural environment, a n d general works, the bibliography is divided into four m a i n sections: archaeology, ethno history, anthropology (ethnography a n d ethnology), a n d federal a n d state documents. M a n y items, especially reports a n d documents from state a n d federal officials, a r e a n n o t a t e d for general categories of content. T h e most valuable p a r t of t h e bibliography is t h e last major section where t h e disparate materials comprising t h e h u g e n u m b e r of primary government sources o n Great Basin I n d i a n groups are fully listed a n d evaluated. I n addition to t h e vast r u n of commissioners' a n d agents' reports listed by tribal grouping, there is a section o n early state a n d federal relations with groups in the Great Basin. T h e a p pendix, which is inadequately labeled in the table of contents, is a listing of u n published manuscripts o n t h e Great Basin housed in the Bureau of American Ethnology Collection, Smithsonian N a tional Anthropology Archives, Washing-

388 ton, D. C. Many of these are annotated and are of immense importance to the Great Basin scholar. Among these there is a noticeable strength on linguistic materials from the nineteenth century.

All of these various strengths highlight the ethnographic focus of the bibliography. The material on the aboriginal tribes in the Great Basin is undoubtedly exhaustive, and this resource will serve permanently as the primary reference for the area, especially if updated occasionally. Alternatively, the information on archaeology is not especially complete and there is little information on physical anthropology, while that on linguistics is not segmented into a separate category. None of these is an especially important flaw if the bibliography's primary focus is understood.

The bibliography is introduced by a series of very clear and extremely useful maps. In order, they are devoted to linguistic distributions, principal prehistoric cultures and sites, trails of California, historic tribal distributions, and modern Indian reservations. The maps serve, although inductively, to clarify what is not made clear in the introduction to the bibliography. That is, what criteria define the Great Basin? This bibliography could have done explicitly what Paul Kindoff did when he defined Mesoamerica. Catherine Fowler has not said in so many words what the Great Basin is; she has rather allowed the differing sets of data to do the job through the introductory set of maps. As a result, the borders of the Basin vary according to the criteria used. They vary also through time as is seen when the archaeological map is contrasted with the ethnographic map.

This is an especially valid technique in a bibliography, but also serves to point up the dynamism that any culture area will be subject to regarding the alteration of its boundaries through time.

The ethnohistorical section of this bibliography provides listings on con-

Utah Historical

Quarterly

tact ethnography and the less systematic observations made for the most part in the nineteenth century. But in addition, the section contains listings of interest to scholars concerned with the Mormon exploration and settlement.

It would have been impossible to include full bibliographic material on Mormon presence in the Great Basin in this volume, and, indeed, since a separate bibliography on Mormons is being produced, it would seem unnecessary to extend treatment in this bibliography to them.

At many points the bibliography is cross-referenced with itself, making it impossible for the user who may be unfamiliar with anthropological terminology or tribal names to get lost. There is also a very handy set of contentidentifying labels at the bottom of each page, making instant section selection possible. To finish a superb job of planning and lay-out, there is an index of authors' names.

MARK P. LEONE

Program in Anthropology Princeton University Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell.

Edited and introduced by GEORGE CROSSETTE. (Boston, Mass.: David R. Godine, 1970. 122 pp. $12.50.)

Of all the activities which were part of the Powell Centennial celebration during 1969, this book is one of the best.

It presents Powell as a person effectively. The speechmaking and river trips which were part of the celebration are gone and perhaps forgotten by some.

Various publications were issued which interpreted the career of Powell. Warren Danzenbaker of the Smithsonian Institution and Nellie Carico of the Geological Survey collected Powell survey material. All of this is significant, but in this small book George Crossette has brought together pieces of Powell's writing in which one can perceive the

389

Reviews and Publications essence of Powell's thinking. M r . Crossette is one w h o can well do this. H e is chief of geographic research of t h e N a tional Geographic Society, an organization Powell helped found.

T h e reader will encounter Powell face to face, a n d the only screen is M r .

Crossette's selectivity. T h e selections are not from t h e books of Powell, b u t from articles, introductions, a n d speeches.

time before M r . Crossette did it, a n d I t h a n k him.

I n this book, one sees Powell as a m a n of action w h o also happens to be able t o write effectively. M r . Crossette thinks Powell thought of himself as a philosopher. If Powell did, h e writes most like a reformer. O n e of t h e m a j o r themes t h a t runs through the selections in this book is application of science a n d humanities to improve the condition of m a n , especially in the western U n i t e d States.

T h e selections are organized in m o r e or less chronological order from 1875 to 1899. T h e first two selections are dated 1875 a n d are about the 1870 expedition to t h e West. F u r t h e r along h e writes of reform policies which govern land use in t h e West. T h e third section deals with Powell's scientific writing. H e accepts a n d writes about the basic theories of Charles D a r w i n a n d Lewis H e n r y M o r g a n , the anthropologist.

Powell's conclusions are best stated in t w o short quotes from articles in this section: " I t is thus that the whole universe of life is a struggle; all living beings are engaged in a warfare one with a n other." A n d , ". . . progress is m a d e by establishment of justice in t h e struggle for peace." Powell's later writing is m o r e theoretical, presenting less of the action and reform of the earlier works.

I t is certainly not difficult to accept the way in which Major Powell is presented to the public in this book. I t must have taken a great deal of time to dig out the various materials from which the excerpts were taken. T h e organization, format, a n d illustrations are fine. I t is a book which has been needed for some

PATRICK. (Lansing, M i c h i g a n : N a tional Heritage, 1970. 289 p p . $7.95)

ROBERT W.

OLSEN

Harpers Ferry, West Virginia

The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon

King.

By D O Y L E C. F I T Z -

A study of the preface a n d introduction of Fitzpatrick's King Strang Story is the key to w h a t one c a n expect in the book; b u t the preface is totally different from the introduction. I n t h e preface, a u t h o r Fitzpatrick explains briefly a n d clearly t h a t the purpose of t h e book is to correct 120 years of mis-information a n d history about James Jesse Strang, whose n a m e , h e states, historically represents a mistrusted tyrant. The King Strang Story is devoted to a vindication of Strang by setting t h e record straight.

T h e introduction deals mostly with t h e digressions of t h e a u t h o r in commenting u p o n M o r m o n s other t h a n t h e Strangite group. These comments are also interspersed throughout t h e rest of the book, a n d nearly every one produces a historical inaccuracy.

The King Strang Story contains 289 pages, with t h e first 114 pages telling the story of his life a n d works. T h e rest of the book is divided into three other parts. T h e first of these is a n epilogue of 20 pages dealing with t h e family of James J. Strang. H e r e t h e a u t h o r portrays t h e upstanding character of Strang's wives a n d descendants a n d leaves t h e impression t h a t all of t h e m have been bitter against t h e c h u r c h in U t a h . This is not entirely so, as some of t h e m today a r e members of t h e C h u r c h Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints; one of them is a friend a n d neighbor of t h e reviewer.

390

Utah Historical

T h e next part, called miscellany, covers 62 pages, a n d deals with w h a t Fitzpatrick calls a sampling of Strangite impostures ( J o h n C. Bennett a n d George Adams) a sampling of Strangite defenders (George Miller, Lorenzo D o w Hickey, a n d Wingfield Watson) , a portrait of Strang, a n d a list of Strang's Beaver Islanders, n a m i n g 367 of them.

T h e last part, 84 pages, is a review of t h e most i m p o r t a n t literature previously published about J a m e s J . Strang.

I n his critique of this literature, h e h a s d o n e a commendable j o b of evaluating each source.

A great weakness of t h e book is its lack of footnotes. Nevertheless, t h e author's seven years of research into Strang Americana equipped h i m well to present a m u c h m o r e correct p o r t r a i t of J a m e s J. Strang t h a n h a s been done previously. I t is unfortunate, however, t h a t h e chose to digress from his field of research, as h e would h a v e accomplished well his goal h a d h e only stayed with t h e King Strang Story, leaving o u t entirely the introduction a n d t h e digressions which are loaded with errors.

As far as t h e life a n d c h a r a c t e r of J a m e s J . Strang is concerned M r . Fitzpatrick has performed a service to truth, to t h e history of t h e state of Michigan, a n d also t o t h e worthy descendants of J a m e s J. Strang.

R U S S E L L R. R I C H

Professor of History and Religion Brigham Young University

Ghost Dance Messiah. By P A U L BAILEY. (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1970) A History States.

of the Indians

History III.

of Utah,

City: A u t h o r 1971) The

Literature

Pope and U.S. Indian N.

ELLIS.

[228 So. 3 r d East],

of the American

West.

The Lure of the Land: A Social History of the Public Lands from the Articles of Confederation to the New Deal.

By E V E R E T T D I C K . ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r -

sity of Nebraska Press, 1970) Navajo

Warfare.

By W I L L A R D W I L L I A M S

HILL. (New Haven: Human tions Area Files Press, 1970)

Rela-

Picture Maker of the Old West: William H. Jackson. By C L A R E N C E S. J A C K S O N . ( N e w Y o r k : Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971) Politics and Grass: The Administration of Grazing on the Public Domain.

By P H I L L I P O . F o s s . (Seattle: U n i versity of Washington Press, 1960; reissued, N e w Y o r k : Greenwood Press, 1970) and Passion:

Sexuality

in Vic-

By M I L T O N R U G O F F .

G. P. P u t n a m ' s Sons,

GEOFFREY

W A N D E S F O R D E - S M I T H . (Seattle: U n i versity of Washington Press, 1970)

RICHARD

Volume (Salt L a k e

t o n : H o u g h t o n Mifflin, 1971)

(New York: c. 1971)

By

STOUT.

Edited by J . G O L D E N T A Y L O R . (Bos-

Congress

General

1930-1970.

By W A Y N E

torian America.

R I C H A R D A. C O O L E Y a n d

(Norman:

University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1970)

Prudery

By

of the United

By A N G I E D E B O .

NEW BOOKS AND PUBLICATIONS and the Environment.

Quarterly

Policy.

(Albuquer-

q u e : University of N e w Mexico Press, 1970)

ARTICLES OF INTEREST Agricultural History â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 44, October 1970: "Western Agriculture a n d t h e N e w D e a l , " by L E O N A R D J. A R R I N G -

T O N , 337-53; "Eisenhower a n d Ezra

391

Reviews and Publications Taft Benson: Farm Policy in the 1950s," by EDWARD L. and FREDERICK

Arizona Highways—'47, June 1971: "Living Spirits of Kachinam," by PAUL COZE [entire issue devoted to

H. SCHAPSMEIER, 369-78.

Hopi Kachinas], American History Illustrated — 6, June 1971. "The Race to Promontory," by THOMAS FLEMING, 10-25.

The American Journal of Legal History — 15, January 1971: "Judicial Review in the Rocky Mountain Territorial Courts," by GORDON MORRIS BAKKEN,

56-65.

The American West — 8, January 1971: "Incident at Tragedy Springs: An Unsolved Mystery of the California Trail," by FEROL EGAN, 36-39 [in-

volved men of the returning Mormon Battalion, 1848]; "A Home for the Spirit: A Brief History of the Wilderness Preservation Movement — The Story of an Idea Given the Strength of Law,"

by RODERICK N A S H ,

41-47

[mentions Dinosaur National Monument defense in the 1950s] — March 1971: "Horses and the American Frontier," by FRANCIS HAINES, 10-15; "A Western Phenomenon: The Origin and Development of Watershed Research, Manti, Utah, 1889, by ALBERT ANTREI, 42-47 — July 1971: "The [Dr. Dean R.] Brimhall Saga: Some Remarkable Discoveries in the Cliffs of Utah. Part One: The Man,"

by FAWN M. BRODIE, 4-9, 61 — September 1971: "The Brimhall Saga . . .

Part Two: The Discoveries," by FAWN M. BRODIE, 18-23, 63.

Annals of Iowa — 40, Winter 1970: "Markers for Remembrance: The Mormon Trail," by LIDA L. GREENE, 190-93.

Arizona and the West—11, Winter 1969: "Lost Manuscripts of Western Travel," by J O H N FRANCIS M C D E R -

MOTT, 315-26.

Art in America—58, May-June 1970: "Mormon Art and Architecture," by MAHONRI SHARP YOUNG, 66-69; "Mormon Society — A Photo Story,"

by KIMBALL YOUNG_, 70-71.

BYU Studies— 10, Spring 1970: "A Note on Mormon Americana at Yale," by JEFFREY R. HOLLAND, 38688 — Summer 1970: "Ideals of Mormons and Gentiles in Utah and other States," by VIRGIL B. SMITH, 425-28

— 11, Autumn 1970: "Utah Ranch: An Oil Painting," by FLOYD E. BREINHOLT, 33-36; "Educating the Saints —'A Brigham Young Mosaic," by H U G H NIBLEY, 61-87 — Winter 1971: "Mormon Bibliography: 1970," by CHAD J. FLAKE, 200-206.

Church History — 40, March 1971: "To Transform History: Early Mormon Culture and the Concept of Time and Space," by ROBERT FLANDERS, 108-17.

The Colorado Magazine — 48, Winter 1971: "Henry M. Teller and the Edmunds-Tucker

Act,"

by M.

PAUL

1-14; "The Nims and Czar Incidents in the Denver Press,"

by D W I G H T L. S M I T H , 49-58 [Colorado River survey].

HOLSINGER,

Courage — 1, March 1971: "The Challenge to Centralized Power: Zenus H. Gurley, Jr., and the Prophetic Office,"

by CLARE D. VLAHOS, 141-58.

Desert Magazine — 34, May 1971: Most of this issue is devoted to Utah vacation lands — June 1971: "Shakespeare in Utah's Color Country," by CAROL-ANN FULLER, 22-25, 37.

392 Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought —5, Autumn 1970: "The Coming of the Manifesto," by K E N NETH W. GODFREY, 11-25; "A Lesson from the Past," by WILLIAM L. K N E C H T , 75-80 [handcart migration of 1856]; "Sources of Mormon Americana in Utah," by DEANA L. ASTLE, 107-12 — Winter 1970: "The Principle of the Good Samaritan Considered in a Mormon Political Context," by DAVID S, KING, 11-22;

"The Last Days of the Coalville Tabernacle," by EDWARD GEARY, 4250; "The Coalville Tabernacle: A Point of View," Anonymous [Salt Lake City author], 50-58; "The Lessons of Coalville," by PAUL G. SALISBURY, 58-65; "Among the Mormons A Survey of Current Literature: Periodical Articles on Mormons and Mormonism," ed. by R A L P H W. H A N -

SEN, 116-20.

Utah Historical

"The King Follett Sermon," part 1,

by J O S E P H S M I T H , J R . , 13-17; "Mormon Settlements in Nevada," by CHRIS J E N S E N , 25-29; "The Branch that Wouldn't Die," by GILBERT W. SCHARFFS, 31-33 [Mormonism in Poland] — M a y 1971: "The King Follett Sermon," 13-17 [conclusion] •—-June 1971: "General Thomas L. Kane: The Soldier," by NORMAN R. BOWEN and ALBERT L. ZOBELL, JR.,

22-27.

Golden West — 6, January 1970: "Tony Ivins —• Son of Saintland," by JOE KOLLER, 24 [Anthony W. Ivins in St. George].

Idaho Yesterdays—14, Summer 1970: "Colonel E. A. Wall: Mines, Miners and Mormons," by G. W. BARRETT,

2-11—Fall 1970: "Mason Brayman and the Boise Ring," by T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER,

The Enchanted Wilderness Magazine: Journal of the Colorado Plateau and Its Borderlands — 1, January-February 1971: "Utah," by WARD J. ROYLANCE, 37-48; "History and Culture . . . Background for Pleasure,"

by C. GREGORY CRAMPTON, 54-55.

The Ensign of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints— 1, January 1971: "The Church and Its Magazines," by DOYLE L. GREEN, 1215; "The Human Qualities of Joseph Smith, the Prophet," by LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, 35-38; "April 6, 1830: The Day the Church Was Organized," by DOYLE L. GREEN, 39-56 •—-February 1971: "Heritage of a Prophet," by RICHARD LLOYD ANDER-

SON, 15-19 [family background of Joseph Smith] — M a r c h 1971: "A. William Lund (1886-1971)," by A L BERT L. ZOBELL, J R . , 75 [obituary of

assistant church historian]; "General Conference in England," by ALBERT L. ZOBELL, JR., 24-25 —April 1971:

Quarterly

21-27 — Winter

1970-

71: "Stopping a Run on a Bank: The First Security Bank of Idaho and the Great Depression," by LEONARD J.

ARRINGTON

and

GWYNN

BAR-

RETT, 2-11 — 15, Spring 1971: "Butch Cassidy and the Great Montpelier Bank Robbery," by WILLARD C. HAYDEN, 2-9; "Enos Andrew Wall: Mine Superintendent and Inventor,"

by G W Y N N BARRETT, 24-31. — Summer 1971: "The 1921 Depression: Its Impact on Idaho," by G W Y N N BARRETT and

LEONARD ARRINGTON,

10-

15.

Journal of American Folklore — 83, January-March 1970: "As the Saints Go Marching By: Modern Jokelore Concerning Mormons," by JAN HAROLD BRUNVAND, 53-60.

Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society — 54, Spring 1971: "The Mormons in Illinois, 1838-1846: A Special Introduction," by STANLEY B. KIMBALL, 4-21; "Mormons in Han-

393

Reviews and Publications cock C o u n t y : A Reminiscence," by EUDOCIA

BALDWIN

MARSH,

ed.

by

Douglas L . Wilson a n d Rodney O .

Davis, 22-65; " T h e N a u v o o C h a r t e r : A

Reinterpretation,"

by J A M E S

L.

K I M B A L L , J R . , 66-78; "Joseph Smith a n d t h e M a s o n s , " by K E N N E T H W .

G O D F R E Y , 79-90.

Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians — 30, M a r c h 1 9 7 1 : " T h e F o u r M o r m o n Temples i n U t a h , "

by DAVID S. A N D R E W a n d L A U R E L B.

B L A N K , 51-65.

Minnesota History — 42, W i n t e r 1970: "Last Days of t h e U p p e r Mississippi F u r T r a d e , " by R H O D A G I L M A N , 122-

40.

Missouri Historical Review — 65, O c t o ber 1970: "Senator George G r a h a m Vest a n d the 'Menace' of M o r m o n i s m —

1882-1887," by M . P A U L H A L S I N G -

ER, 23-36; — A p r i l 1 9 7 1 : "Jackson County i n Early M o r m o n Descriptions,"

by

RICHARD

L.

New Era—1,

Order

is L o v e , "

April 1 9 7 1 : " T h e

by C A R O L

LYNN

PEARSON, 19-33 [Excerpts from a n e w two-act musical based o n t h e U n i t e d O r d e r as lived in Orderville, U t a h , in t h e 1880s].

New Mexico Historical Review — 46, April 1971: "Navajo Foreign Affairs, 1795-1846," by F R A N K D . R E E V E , 101-

32 [Part I , 1795-1815].

Oregon Historical Quarterly — 72, M a r c h 1971: " A M a j o r M o n u m e n t : Oregon-California Boundary," by F R A N C I S S. L A N D R U M , 5-53

[Includes

d a t a o n boundaries of State of Deseret a n d U t a h Territory].

Pacific Historical Review — 39, November 1970: " T h e Ambitions of Lansford W . Hastings: A Study in Western M y t h - M a k i n g , " by T H O M A S F . A N D R E W S , 4 7 3 - 9 1 ; 40, M a y 1 9 7 1 :

"Tradition and Opportunity: T h e Japanese I m m i g r a n t i n America," by J O H N M O D E L , 163-82.

ANDERSON,

270-93.

The Pacific Northwesterner — 15, W i n ter 1 9 7 1 : " T h e O t h e r R i c h a r d Bur-

Montana: The Magazine of Western History — 2 1 , April 1971: " T h e Diam o n d R . Rolls O u t , " by BRIGHAM D . and

The

BETTY

M.

MADSEN,

ton,"

by

EDWIN

A.

POOLE,

[entire

issue] [his impressions of Salt L a k e City a n d Brigham Young].

2-17

[Freighting from U t a h to M o n t a n a ] .

The

Possible

Sack — 2, M a r c h 1 9 7 1 :

"Valley T a n , " by E R N E S T B U L O W , 7-

10; " T h e Basques of t h e American West: Preliminary Historical Perspec-

8. — M a y 1 9 7 1 : "Brother Brigham a n d the Virginian: A n Irreverent, I n accurate, a n d Superficial U s e of History t o Explain W h y t h e Polygamist R a t h e r t h a n the Cowboy is the Center of M o r m o n Frontier Fiction," by L E V I

tives," by W I L L I A M A. D O U G L A S S , 12-

S. P E T E R S O N .

Nevada Historical Society Quarterly-— 13, W i n t e r 1970: "Nevada's First T r a d i n g Post: A Study in Historiog r a p h y , " by R U S S E L L R . E L L I O T T , 3 -

2 5 ; " T h e Yager J o u r n a l s : Diary of a Journey Across t h e Plains," by J A M E S P R E S S L E Y YAGER [Part Four], 26-52 — 14, Spring 1 9 7 1 : " A Place of R e fuge,"

by J U A N I T A B R O O K S ,

13-24;

" T h e Yager J o u r n a l s " [Part Five], 2754.

Restoration Reporter—1, June 1971: " H i r a m Page's 'Peep' Stone," 7-8.

South Dakota History—1, Spring 1971: " A n Early M o r m o n Settlement in South D a k o t a , " by GERALD E .

Utah Historical

394 JONES, 119-31 — Summer 1971: "South Dakota's Other Borglum," 207 [Solon Hannibal Borglum, Utah-born sculptor, brother of Gutzon Borglum].

Utah Law Review — Spring 1971: "Local Government Modernization: A Utah Perspective," by ARVO V A N ALSTYNE, 78-87.

Western American Literature — 5, Winter 1971: "Washington Irving and The Empire of the West: An Unacknowledged Review," by WAYNE R. KIME, 277-85; "Annual Bibliography of Studies in Western American

Literature,"

ed.

by J O H N

S.

289-300; "Research in Western American Literature," ed. by BULLEN,

THOMAS J. LYON, 301-5.

72; "Little Sahara: A World of its Own," by STEVE PRICE, 73-74; "Bull-

frog Basin" by

FRAN BARNES,

75-77.

The Western Historical Quarterly — 2, January 1971: "The Sutler at Fort Bridger," by W. N. DAVIS, JR., 37-54; — "Sources and Literature for Western American History: A Selection of Basic Works," 55-60.

Western Humanities Review — 24, Spring 1970: "Western American Space and the Human Imagination,"

by STUART B. JAMES, 147-55.

Western Pennsylvania History — 51, January 1969: "Philander C. Knox and the Crusade Against Mormonism, 1904-1907," by M. PAUL HOLSINGER,

Western Gateways: Magazine of the Four Corner States—11, Summer 1971: "Tree Ring Dating and the Great Pueblo Civilization," by W I L LIAM K. PECK, 34-35; "Utah's Henry

Mountains," by BARBARA

Quarterly

ECKKER,

68-

47-56 [Unseating of Senator Reed Smoot].

The Western Political Quarterly — 24, June 1971: "The 1970 Election in Utah," by FRANK H. JONAS and DAN E. J O N E S , 339-49.

INDEX

Abajo Mountains, 147 Abbott, Wayne, aerialist, 326 Abrams, Milton C : photograph of, 3 7 3 ; " T h e President's Report for the Fiscal Year 1970-1971, 370-78 Absolutely Mortensen, nickname, 23, 26 Adams, Florene, received U t a h State Historical Society award, 377 Adams, George W., West Cache director, 230 Adams, S. H., helped slaves escape, 45 Agriculture: effects of drought on, 209, 26162, 2 9 9 ; in Weber Valley, 255-56; in West Cache, 224-37 A. Guthrie Company, constructed Echo D a m , 259 Alder, Douglas D., "German and Italian Prisoners of W a r in U t a h and I d a h o , " 55-72 Alexander, Thomas G.: " T o w a r d a Synthetic Interpretation of the Mountain West: Diversity, Isolation, and Cooperation," 202-6; " A n Investment in Progress: Utah's First Federal Reclamation Project, T h e Strawberry Valley Project," 286-304 Alfonsi, Mario Alfredo, prisoner of war, 6869 Allen, slave, 42 Allen, James B.: " T h e Gosiute Indians in Pioneer U t a h , " 162-77; Indian litigation used by, 94 Almquist, K a r l Gustaf, prisoner of war camp inspector, 60-62, 65 Alphabet Hansen, nickname, 23, 27 Alphabet Jensen, nickname, 28 Al Soup, nickname, 27 American Federation of Labor, 267 The American Heritage Book of Great Adventures of the Old West, reviewed, 79 Ames, Charles Edgar, Pioneering the Union Pacific, reviewed, 76-77 Anasazi C u l t u r e : at Mesa Verde, 9 1 ; replaced in Great Basin, 97 Anderson, Thomas C , " T h e 'First' Irrigation Reservoir in the United States: T h e Newton, U t a h , Project," 207-23 Andrew Ah Ha, nickname, 23-26 Ankatosh, U t e sub-chief, photograph of, 142 Annie Handy, nickname, 29 Annie Taller, nickname, 28 Appah, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Aripene, U t e trader, 187 Arizona, Mormon settlements in, 194 Arizona Woolgrowers' Association, 240 Arny, William Frederick Milton: life of, 11516; photographs of, 116, 126; reported to commissioner of Indian affairs in 1870, 119-27

Arrington, Leonard J . : co-author of Spry biography, 3 7 5 ; " T h e 'First' Irrigation Reservior in the United States: T h e Newton, U t a h , Project," 207-23 Arrive, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Arthur, Chester A.: adds land to Navajo Reservation, 1 6 1 ; signs E d m u n d s bill, 355 Arze, Mauricio, Spanish trader, 103 Asdzaa Ts'osi. See Wetherill, Louisa Wade Ashley, James M., Ohio congressman, 314 Ashley Valley, settled by Mormons, 137 Athapaskan, spoken by Navajos, 92 Atkinson, David T . : Humanities Project researcher, 3 7 3 ; researched Mormon Battalion Trail, 377 Atlantic and Pacific Railroad, sold land, 240 Attebery, Louie W., review of Greenway, ed., Folklore of the Great West: Selections from Eighty-three Years of the Journal of American Folklore, 1^-15 Aztec L a n d and Cattle Company, bought railroad lands, 240

B Babb, Cyrus Cates, hydrographer, 138 Bailey, Reed W., on terracing, 270-72 Balcomb 3 K. C , regional C C C administrator, 283-84 Baldridge, Kenneth W., "Reclamation Work of the Civilian Conservation Corps, 19331942," 265-85 Bancroft, H u b e r t Howe, cited on Black Hawk War, 131 [Bankhead], Alex, slave, 46 [Bankhead], D a n , slave, 46 Bankhead, George, in Mississippi company, 44 [Bankhead], George, slave, 46 [Bankhead], Ike, slave, 46 [Bankhead], J o h n slave, 46 Bankhead, J o h n H., slave owner, 43-46 [Bankhead], Lewis, slave, 46 [Bankhead], Nancy, slave, 46 Bankhead, Nathan, slave, 43-46 [Bankhead], Rose, slave, 46 [Bankhead], Sam, slave, 46 Bankhead, Sina, interviewed about slaves, 46 [Bankhead], Susan, slave, 46 Bannocks, Western Numic spoken by, 97 Barbour, Rosalie C , review of Burt, The Story of American Railroads and How They Helped Build a Nation, 387 Barnes, Will C , cattleman, 240 Bartch, G. M . : federal judge, 3 6 1 ; photograph of, 358 Bateman, Walter L., The Navajo of the Painted Desert, reviewed, 384-85

396 Battisti, Joe, Italian prisoner of war, 60 Battle Creek, U t e resistance at, 130 Bauram, Charles L., killed in C C C accident, 281 Bear Killer, nickname, 26 Bear River Bird Refuge, built by C C C , 285 Bear River Canal, 232 Bear River Project, planned, 222 Bear's Ears, in Navajo territory, 146-48 Beckwith, F r a n k : at Chief Walker's grave, 197-98; Indian Joe, In Person and In Background, 94, 113; knowledge of Indians, 197 n. 2 Beller, Jack, cited on slaves, 46 Benito, Navajo chief, 122 Bennett, Alfred, went to San Bernardino, 47 Bennett, C. W . : federal judge, 3 6 1 ; photograph of, 358 Bennett, F. T., Navajo agent, 122 Bennett, Risden T., North Carolina congressman, 321 Benson, B. Y., West Cache construction boss, 232-33 Benson, Ezra T., built Tooele mill, 164 Bergongoli, Maresciallo, directed studies for war prisoners, 63 Bertucci, Clarence V., shot prisoners of war, 67 Big Chris, nickname, 25, 28 Big Headed Olsen, nickname, 25 Big Hollow Reservior, built by C C C , 275 Big John, nickname, 25 Big J o h n Nickolai, nickname, 29 Bigodi, Sam, Navajo scout, 152 Big Range, water needed for, 224-37 Bilii Ligai: visited prospectors, 153; testified to murders, 155 Bingham, B. F., West Cache director, 23233, 235 Bingham, William, West Cache director, 230 Black Hawk, U t e chief, died, 131-32 Black Hawk War, 130 Black Hills Ordnance Depot, 64 Blaine, James G., U.S. secretary of state, 365 Blair, [S. M.], defended slave in shooting case, 48 [Bland], M a m m y Chloe, slave, 47 Bleak, James G., "Annals of the Southern U t a h Mission" cited, 183 Blue Mountains. See Abajo Mountains Blythe, J o h n L., built ferryboat, 8 Bollwinkel, J. V., CCC engineer, 275 Book of Mormon, plates of, 317 Bootlegger Jensen, nickname, 27 Bosque Redondo, Navajos returned from, 151 Bottle John, nickname, 26 Boulder Creek, photograph of, 243 Bowman, John H . : attempted to solve m u r d e r case, 156-60; Navajo agent, 155

Utah Historical Quarterly Box Elder County: C C C projects in, 269, 2 7 1 ; Ogden-Brigham Canal in, 281-82 Boyd Nickolai, nickname, 24 Boyd Tight, nickname, 24 Brimhall, Dean R.: awarded U t a h State Historical Society honorary life membership, 377; photograph of, 378 Brinkerhoff, David, at Lee's Ferry, 15-17 Brodie, Fawn M . : given U t a h State Historical Society's Rosenblatt award, 378; review of Carmer, The Farm Boy and the Angel, 73-74 Brook Farm, democracy at, 310 Brooks, Juanita, Uncle Will Tells His Story, reviewed, 379-80 Brother Juniper, review of Bateman, The Navajo of the Painted Desert, 384-85 Brown, C. A., watermaster, 234 Brown, Elizabeth Crosby, slave owner, 44 [Brown], Henry, died of pneumonia, 44 Brown, James, settled on the Weber, 255 Brown, James S., at Moenkopi, 11 Brown, J o h n : baptized slaves, 41-42; diary of, 43-45; deeded property to Mormon Church, 53 Brown, Joseph G.: Georgia senator, 3 1 7 ; opposed Edmunds Act extension, 319, 321 Brunvand, J a n Harold, The Study of American Folklore, reviewed, 80-81 Buchanan, James, sent army to U t a h , 311 Bull, Joseph, went to San Bernardino, 47 Bullock, Thomas, reported on Hopis, 180 Bunker, Edward, approved Lee's choice of ferry road, 12 Burt, Olive W . : Negroes in the Early West, reviewed, 75-76; The Story of American Railroads and How They Helped Build a Nation, reviewed, 387 Burton, Robert, interviewed on slaves, 48 Busco, Ralph A., "German and Italian Prisoners of War in U t a h and I d a h o , " 55-72 Bushnell General Hospital, war prisoners treated at, 60, 63, 66-67, 70 Butler, M. W., West Cache board president, 229-30

Cabeson, Weminuche warrior, 120 Cabeza Blanco Hijo, Weminuche warrior, 121 Cache County: farm income of, 2 3 7 ; geography of, 224-25; history and settlement of, 208-10, 225-26^irrigation in, 226-37; Newton reservoir built in, 207-23 Cache Valley Irrigation District: directors of 2 3 5 ; water rights of, 236 Cahuilla, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Calhoun, James S., negotiated 1849 Ute treaty, 117, 138 Calhoun, John C , and states rights, 311

Index Caine, J o h n T . : U t a h delegate, identified as a Democrat, 319; lobbied for statehood, 320, 3 3 0 - 3 1 ; protested Edmunds Act, 3 1 8 ; sponsored home rule bill, 3 6 5 ; tried to block Tucker bill, 334-35 Campbell, Alexander, evangelist, 115 [Camp], Ben, slave, 48 [Camp], Caroline, slave, 48 [Camp], Charlotte, slave, 48 C a m p Clearfield, educational program of, 61 [Camp], D a n : kidnapped, 5 2 ; listed as slave, 4 8 ; sold,. 53-54 C a m p Deseret, concerts for war prisoners at, 61 C a m p , Ellen, took slaves on mission, 48 C a m p Hill Field, prisoners of war at, 63-65 [Camp], Ike, slave, 48 C a m p Ogden Army Service Forces D e p o t : facilities at 57-58; photographs of, 55, 59, 62, 6 9 ; war prisoners at, 6 1 , 65-67 C a m p Rupert, war prisoners at, 63, 68 C a m p Salina, war prisoners killed at, 67, 72 C a m p Tooele, war prisoners at, 58, 68 C a m p , William, acquitted of slave kidnapping, 52 C a m p , Williams Washington, slave owner, 4748, 53-54. See also Camp, William Cania, Capote warrior, 120 Cannon, A b r a h a m H., noted Mormon political feelings, 3 6 0 - 6 1 ; 363-64 Cannon, Frank J., Republican activities of, 31-33, 36-37, 367 Cannon, George Q . : and polygamy, 339; Republican activities of, 35-36, 3 6 3 ; sends W a r r e n Johnson to Lee's Ferry, 10; on statehood, 312, 359; went to San Bernardino, 47 Capote U t e s : A m y reports on, 119-20, 12324; refused to have miners in their territory, 120-21; territory of, 117; treaties with, 118 Carey Act of 1894, 257 Carey, Joseph M., delegate and senator from Wyoming, 287-88, 361 Carmer, Carl, The Farm Boy and the Angel, reviewed, 73-74 Carpenter Madsen, nickname, 27 Carreta No. 1, Capote warrior, 120 Carr eta No. 2, Capote warrior, 120 Carrington, -, attorney general in slave kidnap case, 52 Carson, Christopher ( K i t ) , led Utes against Navajos, 149-50 Carson, J. B., U t e agent, 122 Carter, Charles, Heber cattleman, 245 Garter, K a t e B., The Story of the Negro Pioneer, cited, 47 Carvalho, Solomon N., on Chief Walker, 89, 197 Case, Cephas, helped slaves escape, 45

397 Case-Wheeler Act, 208, 216 Catholic Church, in New Mexico, 318 Central U t a h Project, 294, 304 Chambers, Peter, interviewed about slaves, 46 Chambers, Samuel, interviewed about slaves, 46 C h a m p , George H , loan officer, 230-31 Chapoose, Conner, U t e leader, 194-95 Charley Slobberboos, nickname, 23, 26 Chaves, renegade Capote leader, 119-20 Chee Dodge, Navajo interpreter, 157 Chemehuevi, Southern Paiute sub-group, 97, 101-2 Cheney, Thomas E., review of Brunvand, The Study of American Folklore, 80-81 Chiviato, Weminuche warrior, 121 Chiviz, Capote warrior, 120 Chorpenning, , doctor, 166 Chris Biddy, nickname, 28 Chris Blacksmith, nickname, 27 Chris Cellar Jensen, nickname, 26 Chris Tallerass, nickname, 23, 25, 28 Chris Tinker Madsen, nickname, 27 Christensen, Christian Lingo, missionary to Hopis, 189-90, 193 Christensen, James Boyd: "Function and F u n in Utah-Danish Nicknames," 23-29; nicknamed Boyd Nickolai, 24, 29 Christensen, Parley Packer, presidential candidate, 223 n. 39 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints : background of Manifesto of, 328-49; and church-state conflict, 317-18; Indian policies of, 93, 103, 106-8; loyalty of, 315-16; missionaries of, 3 2 6 ; nineteenth century public image of, 308-10, 324-26; and partisan politics, 319-20, 364-65; political strategies of, 354-68; and slavery, 4950, 5 4 ; and states rights, 3 1 0 ; as a subculture, 326-27; and the Walker War, 89, 106. See also Mormons; Polygamy; Manifesto; and individual Mormon leaders Chyumo, Capote warrior, 120 Civilian Conservation Corps: dams built by, 274-75; photograph of camp of, 2 7 2 ; photographs of projects of, 265, 2 7 9 ; in U t a h , 265-85; U t a h enrollees in, 267-68; value of, 283-84; war prisoners housed by, 5 7 ; worked on Newton dam, 216-17, 220 Civil Rights Act of 1866, 314 Clark, Henry, went to San Bernardino, 47 Clarkston, in Cache Valley, 208-10 Clark, W. L., helped slaves escape, 45 A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67), by Winther and V a n O r m a n , reviewed, 382-83 Clearfield Naval Supply Depot, war prisoners at, 66

398 Cleveland, Grover: and Commission on Forestry, 239; defeated by Harrison, 360; does not sign Edmunds-Tucker bill, 344-45; elected president, 319; a n d Scott amendment, 336-37, 339, 3 4 3 ; signs U t a h statehood bill, 323 Clevenger, , at Lee's Ferry, 17 Clinton, Jeter, police justice, 48 Collin, H . F., U.S. marshal, 357 Colorado River, and the Hopis, 183, 187, 190-91 Colorado River Basin, waters of, diverted to Great Basin, 290 Colorow, White River U t e leader, 137 Comanches, Central Numic spoken by, 97 Compromise of 1850, gave U t a h local option on slavery, 40-41 Congregationalism, mysticism suppressed in, 309 Cooley, Everett L., " I n M e m o r i a m : Dale L. Morgan, 1914-1971," 85-88 Copperfield, David, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Cora, Uto-Aztecan language, 97 Corn Creek, Indian lands at, 109, 139 Cornea, Capote warrior, 120 Cornea Jr., Capote warrior, 120 Coronado, Francisco Vasques de, in the Southwest in 1540, 91 Correll, J. L e e : "Navajo Frontiers in U t a h and Troublous Times in M o n u m e n t Valley," 145-61; used archeological data, 94 Cosinas, now known as Havasupais, 102 Coulbourn, Tom, slave, 48 Council of Fifty, shadow government, 308, 355-56 Cragin, Aaron H., New Hampshire senator, 314 Crampton, C. Gregory, " I n d i a n Country," 90-94 Crane, Helene, Humanities Project secretary, 373 Crausby, Raleigh, researched Pony Express Trail, 377 Creamery Pete, nickname, 24, 27, 29 Crismon, Charles, at Council Bluffs, 43-44 Critchlow, J. J., U i n t a h Indian agent, 13235, 173 Crofton, R.E.A., Fort Wingate commander, 156-57 Crosby, Elizabeth, with Mississippi company, 44 [Crosby], Grief, slave, 43 Crosby, Oscar, slave, 40, 42-44 Crosby, Vilate, slave, 46 Crosby, William, slave owner, 42-44, 49 Crossette, George, Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell, reviewed, 388-89 Cross-eyed M a r t , nickname, 26 Cubero, Navajo squatter, 125

Utah Historical Quarterly Cullom, Shelby M., Illinois senator, 314 Cullom-Struble bill, 329 Culmer, H.L.A.: complains of sheep, 249; engraving of "Wasatch by Moonlight" by 201 Cuminpitche, Weminuche warrior, 121 Cummings, B. F., told about W. M. Johnson's genealogy, 16 Cupeno, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Curtis, George Ticknor, lawyer for Mormon Church, 3 2 1 , 331, 335 Custer, George, at Little Big Horn, 134 Curivitche, Capote warrior, 120

D a g h a a Sik'aad, Navajo leader, 151 D a g h a a Yazhi, and m u r d e r of prospectors, 143-54, 156, 160 Danes: converts to Mormonism, 24; humor of, 24, 2 9 ; naming p a t t e r n of, 2 4 ; nicknames of, 23-29; in Sanpete County, 24 Danish Pete, nickname, 24 Danish Pete Yo, nickname, 23, 26 Darger, Stanford P., review of Karolevitz, This Was Pioneer Motoring: An Album of Nostalgic Automemorabilia, 79-80 Datwyler, Perry Glen, won U t a h State Historical Society's student award, 378 Davis and Weber Counties Canal Company, bought Echo water, 258 Davis, Benjamin, superintendent of Indian affairs for U t a h , 167 Davis, Charles, went to San Bernardino, 47 Davis County: C C C projects in, 269; early history of, 255 Davis, David Brion, cited, 309, 311 Davis, James, Welsh interpreter, 188 Dawes Severalty Act, 137 Dayton Globe and Iron Works, won Strawberry Valley contract, 291 Deep Creek: Gosiute lands at, 163; Indian farm at, 109, 111, 166-67 174, 176; land kept by Indians at, 113; painting of, 169; reservation at, 177; school at, 112 Deep Creek Reservation, reverted to public domain, 139 Deer Creek D a m , site cleared, 282-83 Delaney, Robert W . : edits I n d i a n history document, 9 4 ; " T h e Southern Utes a Century Ago," 114-28 Democratic p a r t y : controlled 1899 Utah legislature, 3 1 ; democracy of, 310; factions of, 33, 35, 37-38; failed to elect senator, 3 1 ; inexperience of, 3 8 ; a n d polygamy, 331-32; and statehood, 319 [Dennis], Jim, slave, 48 [Dennis], J i m Valentine, slave, 48 Dennis, Nancy ( M a m m y ) , slave, 48 Dennis, William Taylor, slave owner, 48

Index Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, 134, 282, 290-91 Denver, Norma, interviewed Gertrude Chapoose Willie, " I Am an American," 194-95 Deseret Alphabet, taught to Hopis, 188-89 Deseret Farmer, quoted, 206 Deseret, State of: 1849 Constitution of, 130; granted timber rights, 164 Desert Culture, 90-91, 93 Desert Lands Act, 226-27, 287 Dibe Ligai, testified in murder case, 148 Dine Ts'osi, Navajo witness to murder of prospectors, 153-56, 160 Disciples of Christ, founder of, 115 District Soccer League, war prisoners in, 60-61 Do'at'iini, brother of Hashkeneinii, 150 Dodds, Pardon, U i n t a h Indian agent, 132 Dodge, George W., Gosiute Indian agent, 173 Dominguez-Escalante Expedition, and Indians, 92, 98, 102 D o p p , William, West Cache construction boss, 232 Dougherty, J o h n V., Gosiutes work lands of, 172-73 Douglas, White River U t e chief, 133 Douglas, Stephen A., and popular sovereignty, 311-12 D r e d Scott Decision, 311 [Drummond], Cato, slave, 4 8 D r u m m o n d , W. W., slave owner, 48 Duke Indian Oral History Project, at University of U t a h , 94 Duncan, John, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129

East Canyon D a m , 264 Echo D a m : construction of, 258-62; photograph of, 254 Edmunds Act of 1882: House hearings on, 332-33, 354-55; polygamists prosecuted under, 329 Edmunds, George F., Vermont senator authored anti-polygamy legislation, 314, 320-21, 331-32 Edmunds-Tucker Act of 1887: effects of, 212, 321, 329, 358; extension of, proposed, 3 1 9 ; passage of, 320-21, 331, 342-45 Egan Canyon, Gosiutes farmed at, 172 Egan, Howard, missionary to Indians, 107, 166 Ellsworth, Maria S., review of Tanner, A Mormon Mother, An Autobiography, 78-79 Ellsworth, S. George, review of Winther and V a n Orman, A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the TransMississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67), 382-83

399 Emery, George B., territorial governor, 316 Emett, James S., at Lee's Ferry, 21 Emmy Hans, nickname, 27 Enabling Act, 323, 350-51 Ephraim, Danes in, 24-27, 29 Episcopal Church, in Dakota Territory, 318 Evans, Charles, witnessed sale of slaves, 53 Ewell, Mary Lee Bland, told about slaves, 47 Ewell, William, immigrated to U t a h , 47

Fact Finders Act, 299 Fairbanks, David, went to San Bernardino, 47 Fairmont Park, war prisoners work at, 64 The Farm Boy and the Angel, by Carl Carmer, reviewed, 73-74 Farnsworth, A. L., and Lot Smith, 17 Fechner, Robert, C C C director, 267, 278 Federal Land Bank, held West Cache stock, 236 Federal Reclamation Act of 1902, 257 Felt, N. H., interviewed on slavery, 49 Fiddler Christensen, nickname, 27 Finley, Arthur W., Strawberry Valley W a t e r Users' Association president, 304 First Reconstruction Act, 314 Fish, Joseph, at Lee's Ferry, 13, 22 Fitch, Thomas, Nevada representative, 315 Fitzpatrick, Doyle C , The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon King, reviewed, 389-90 [Flake], Daniel, slave, 41 Flake, Green, pioneer slave of 1847, 40-42, 44, 46 [Flake], Isham, slave 41 Flake, James M., slave owner, 41-43 Flake, Mrs. James M., gave slaves to Mormon Church, 42 Flake, John M., inherited slaves, 41 Flake, Jordan, disposed of slaves in will, 41 [Flake], Lyse, slave, 41 Flake, M a r t h a Green (Liz), slave, 4 1 , 46 [Flake], Ned, slave, 41 Flake, Osmer D., family biographer, 41 Flake, William J., went to San Bernardino, 42 Flewellen, , barber, 45 Flewellen, Betsy Crosby Brown, slave, 43-44 Flitton, Ann, receptionist at U t a h State Historical Society, 378 Flying Hans, nickname, 26-27 Fort Bridger, 134 Fort Buenaventura, 255 Fort Defiance, Navajo agency at, 160 Fort Douglas: C C C enrollees at, 2 6 8 ; C C C inspectors from 2 8 3 ; war prisoners at, 62, 66-68; 72

400 Fort Duchesne: Indian agency at, 137, 1 4 1 ; photograph of, 139 Fort Hall I n d i a n Reservation, 109, 173, 176, 326 Fortier, Samuel, engineer, 213, 229 Fort Massachusetts, 118 Fort Monroe, C C C m e n set sent to U t a h from, 268 Fort Robidoux, 128 Fort Thornburgh, 134 Fort Union, 118 Folklore of the Great West: Selections from Eighty-three Years of the Journal of American Folklore, Greenway, ed., reviewed, 74-75 Forbush, Gary D., U t a h State Historical Society's director of preservation and planning, 373 Forest Reserve Committee, of Logan, 251 Forney, Jacob, U t a h I n d i a n superintendent, 165-67, 180-82 Foutz, Joseph L., and Lee's Ferry, 14 Fowler, Catherine S.: Great Basin Anthropology . . . A Bibliography, reviewed, 3878 8 ; "Notes on the History of the Southern Paiutes and Western Shoshonis," 95-113 Fowler, D o n D . : Great Basin Anthropology . . . A Bibliography, reviewed, 387-88; "Notes on the History of the Southern Paiutes and Western Shoshonis," 95-113 Fox, Jesse W., surveyor, 164 Fred Niels Peter, nickname, 28 Freedman's Bureau Act, 314 Freeman, D a n , first freeborn Negro in U t a h , 46 Fremont Culture, 97 French, James, Indian agent at Abiquiu, 116 Fuller, Frank, and U t a h statehood, 315 F u r trade, 92, 103, 106, 254-55

Gallivan, J o h n W., co-chairman of U t a h ' s D i a m o n d Jubilee, 375 G a n a d o M u c h o , Navajo chief, 155 Garcia, Lagos, Spanish trader, 103 Gardner, Henry, U t a h state senator, 289 Gaston, James K., helped slaves escape, 45 General Electric Company, won Strawberry Valley contract, 291 General Revision Act of 1890, set limit on land acquisition, 287 Ghirudato, Leone, director of studies for war prisoners, 63 Gibbons, Andrew S., a m o n g the Hopis 185 Gibbs, George F., saw Scott a m e n d m e n t danger, 349 Gilsonite, on U t e lands, 137 Giovanoni, • war prisoners, 65•, Monsignor, ministered to

Utah Historical

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Girous, — -, Catholic priest, ministered to war prisoners, 65 Glass, M a r y Ellen, Silver and Politics in Nevada: 1892-1902, reviewed, 385-86 Glendale Co-op, W. M. Johnson obtained interest in, 7 Gold rush, threatened Indians, 93, 106 Goodwin Brothers, Big R a n g e ranchers, 22728 Goodwin, C. C , in 1899 election, 34 Goodyear, Miles, a n d Fort Buenaventura, 255 Gooseberry Reservoir, 283 Gosiutes: at Deep Creek, 113, 177; and farming, 107, 165-67, 171-73, 175; Jedediah Smith saw, 106; a n d Mormon pioneers, 162-77; resisted relocation, 16869, 171-74; speech of, 9 1 , 96-97; territory of, 163, 174; a n d treaties of 1863, 168, 170 Graff am, George W., U i n t a h I n d i a n agent, 132 Granit, Gerhard, former war prisoner, questioned, 70 Grant, Heber J., 3-4, 357 Great Basin Anthropology ...A Bibliography,

by Fowler, comp., reviewed 387-88 The Great Plains, cited, 202-3 The Great Platte River Road: The Covered Wagon Mainline Via Fort Kearney to Fort Laramie, by Mattes, reviewed, 77-78 Greenman, J o h n W., U . S. commissioner, 358 Greenway, John, ed., Folklore of the Great West: Selections from Eighty-three Years of the Journal of American Folklore, reviewed, 74-75 Greer, Thomas, took slaves on mission, 48 Grin Billy, nickname, 26 Grinning Moses, nickname, 26 Grow, Stewart L., " U t a h ' s Senatorial Election of 1899: T h e Election T h a t Failed," 30-39 Gruenheit, H a n s J o h a n n , prisoner of war, 58-59 Guero, U t e sub-chief, p h o t o g r a p h of, 142 Guthrie, A., Company, constructed Echo D a m , 259

H Hafen, LeRoy R . : review of Tyler, The Montana Gold Rush Diary of Kate Dunlap, 381-82; The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, vol. I V , reviewed, 380-81 Haight, Hector C , Davis C o u n t y pioneer, 255 Haight, H o r t o n D., at Lee's Ferry, 12 Half Bushel Jensen, nickname, 25 Hallam, J o h n , helped slaves escape, 45 Hamblin, J a c o b : averts conflict with Indians, 107; a n d the Hopis, 181, 183-84, 187-92; and Lee's Ferry, 4, 8-9; looked for Moun-

Index tain Meadows survivors, 187-88; noted plight of Southern Paiutes, 110-11 Hamblin, Lyman, at Lee's Ferry, 9 Hamblin, William M., with Hopis, 185 H a n d y John, nickname, 28 Hans K., nickname, 27-28 Hanson, Edward, surveyor, 226-27, 229 Hardaway, Robert M., colonel in charge of Bushnell General Hospital, 60 Hardscrabble Olsen, nickname, 23, 26 Harms, Clemens, Lutheran pastor, ministers to war prisoners, 65-66, 69-70 Harris, Henry, J r . : " T h e Indians and the F u r M e n , " 128; interviewed, 94; " T h e Walker W a r , " 178 Harrison, Benjamin: appointed Thomas governor, 3 2 2 ; elected president, 3 6 0 ; granted amnesty to polygamists, 3 2 3 ; took Paiute Strip from Navajos, 161 Hashkeneinii: affirmed son's innocence, 155; arrested, 156-57; died, 160; evaded captors, 149-51 heard of murder of prospectors, 154; in jail, 160; life of, 149-50; threatened agent, 152 Hashkeneinii Biye': accused of murdering prospectors, 153-54; arrested, 156-57, 160; in hiding with Utes, 157-58; photograph of, 145; pleaded innocent, 155; son of Hashkeneinii, 150; succeeded father as Navajo chief, 161 Hash Knife, northern Arizona cattle company, 240 Haskell, Thales, with the Hopis, 181, 184, 186-87, 189 Hastiin Beyal, testified to Navajos in U t a h , 148 Hastiin John, trading post owner, 161 Hatch, Al, sheep owner, 285 Hatch, F. Garn, given U t a h State Historical Society's Iverson award, 377 Hatch, Ira, visited Hopis, 181, 189 Hatlis, Henry, baptized W. M. Johnson, 5 Havasupais, traded with Southern Paiutes, 102 Hazel Big Chris, nickname, 28 Heead, F. H., Indian superintendent, 131 Heber Valley, illegal grazing by residents of, 137 Hell Roarin Johnson, nickname, 23, 26 Henry Mountains, Navajos ranging in, 14748 Hepworth, Carmen, given U t a h State Historical Society's teacher award, 377 Hermano, Capote warrior, 120 Hetzel, Louise, given U t a h State Historical Society's teacher award, 377 Hijo Benow, Weminuche warrior, 121 Hinckley, Ira N., visited Little Colorado settlements, 13 Hinton, Richard J., studied irrigation, 287 Historic Sites Survey, 373-74

401 Hitchcock, Ethan A., secretary of the interior, 290 Hobble Creek, photograph of, 265 Holiday, J. H., surveyor, 229 Holladay, J o h n D., in Mississippi company, 44 Homestead Act, settlements in U t a h under, 137, 226 Hollister, O. J., testified on irrigation, 228 Hooper Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 [Hooper], Shep, slave, 48 Hooper, William H . : slave owner, 48, 53-54; congressional delegate, 313, 327 Hopis: as descendants of Anasazi, 9 1 ; language of, 96, 189; life style of, 9 3 ; and Mormon missionaries, 179-94; photograph of, 1 9 1 ; and Prince Modoc myth, 188-89; traditions of, 182-85; visited Salt Lake City, 188, 190-91 Horspool, Francis L., painter, 169 Hortal, Louis, prisoner of war camp inspector, 61 Hoskaninni. See Hashkeneinii Hotevilla, H o p i village of, 182, 187 Hovenweep National Monument, 89 Hudson's Bay Company, Intermountain activities of, 97, 254-55 Huichol, Uto-Aztecan language, 97 Humphrey, T. H., engineering student, 213 Huntington, Al, at Lee's Ferry, 21 H u r t , Garland, Indian agent, 105 Hyde, Orson, explained M o r m o n stand on slavery, 50

Idaho, war prisoners in, 57 Ignacio: photograph of, 117; Southern U t e chief, 120-22 Indian Court of Claims, 143 Indian history, evidence used in writing of, 93-94 Indian Joe. See Pickavit, Joe Indian Removal Act of 1864, 170 Indian Reorganization Act, 112, 144 I n d i a n : associations, 105-8; history, 90-93; horse culture, 98-102; languages, 96-97, 99; myths, 100-1; schools, 112; slavery, 103-5; subsistence, 100-1; trade, 101-2 treaties, 117-18, 123. See also various tribal designations Indian Territory. See Oklahoma Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station, 270-72 Intermountain Indian School, formerly Bushnell General Hospital, 60 International Association of Machinists, Fechner board member of, 267

402 Ingalls, George W., reported on Indians, 10811, 174-75 Ireland L a n d and Cattle Company, of Salina, 245 Irish, O. H., Indian superintendent, 130-31, 169-70 Ironton steel plant, economic effects of, 301 Irrigation: in Newton, 207-23; in U t a h County, 286-304; in Weber County, 2566 4 ; in West Cache, 224-37 Isidro, Capote warrior, 120 Italian, Capote warrior, 120 Ivory, Matthew, went to Council Bluffs, 44

Jackman, A. R., witnessed slave sale, 53 Jackson, Alden A. M., of St. George, 8 Jacksonian Democracy, difficulty of defining, 309-10 Jackson, James, at Lee's Ferry, 8-9, 11, 14, 19 Jackson, Richard, researched Pony Express Trail, 377 Jake Butcher, nickname, 29 James, Isaac E., surveyor, 6 James, John, Jr., U t a h State Historical Society librarian, 376-77 Jarvis, Robert, Gosiute Indian agent, 165-66 Jenkins, Washington, Ogden engineer, 230-31 Jensen, Jacob, nickname of, 29 Jensen in the Green House, nickname, 26 Jensen in the White House, nickname, 26 Jensen, James C , nickname of, 28 Jensen, James C. E., nickname of 27 Jensen, James S., nickname of, 28 Jenson, Andrew, L D S C h u r c h historian, 41 Jicarilla Apaches, A m y agent for, 116, 123, 127 J i m Dist Nielson, nickname, 26 Jimmy Big Chris, nickname, 28 J o h n Shiner, nickname, 23, 26 Johnson, Andrew, President, 116, 319 Johnson, Elizabeth (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 9 Johnson, Elnora, (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 20 Johnson, Frank Tilton (son of W a r r e n ) , 13, 18, 21 Johnson, Jeremiah (son of W a r r e n ) , 11, 17, 21 Johnson, J. H., slave owner, 48 Johnson, J o h n A., black wrangler, 17 Johnson, J o n a t h a n (son of W a r r e n ) , 19 Johnson, L a u r a Alice (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 19 Johnson, LaVell, given U t a h State Historical Society's service award, 377 Johnson, Mary Evelett (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 6 Johnson, Melinda (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 11, 19

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Quarterly

Johnson, Millie (daughter of W a r r e n ) , 19 Johnson, Permelia J a n e (wife of W a r r e n ) , 5-6,9,11,13,21 Johnson, S a m a n t h a (wife of W a r r e n ) , 7, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20-21 Johnson, Thomas, ancestor of W. M. Johnson, 4 Johnson, Tim, White River U t e , 140 Johnson, W a r r e n Marshall: character of 4, 10; children of, 6, 9, 11, 1 3 ; converted to Mormonism, 5 ; death of, 2 2 ; early years of, 4-5; at Glendale, K a n e County, 6-7; at Lee's Ferry, 9 - 2 1 ; married Permelia Jane, 6; married Samantha, 7; at M u d d y Mission, 5-6; in New England, 4, 16; occupations of, 6-7, 10, 14; photograph of, 3 ; in Wyoming, 21 Johnston, Albert Sidney, with U t a h Expedition, 325 Jose, Capote warrior, 120 Josepha, Weminuche warrior, 120 J u a b County, lack of irrigation water in, 293-94, 301 J u a n anche, Capote warrior, 120 Juaniquio, Capote warrior, 120 J u d a h , T. H., Cache Valley Irrigation District general manager, 235 J u d d , Zadok K n a p p , rented rooms to W. M. Johnson's wives, 11 Julian, George W., Radical Republican congressman, 316 Julien, Denis, trapper, 128

K K'aayelii, Navajo leader, 146-47, 151 Kaibab Indians, practiced horticulture, 101 Kaibab Reservation, 111-13 Kaneatche, Moache chief, 121 Kanetzke, H o w a r d , review of Burt, Negroes in the Early West, 75-76 Karolevitz, Robert, This Was Pioneer Motoring: An Album of Nostalgic Automemorabilia, reviewed, 79-80 Karren, Thomas, sheep owner, 285 Kawaiisii, Southern Numic speakers, 97 Kearns, T h o m a s V., Arizona rancher, 157-58 Kearns, Thomas, senator, 39 Kee Diniihi, Navajo leader, 147-48, 151 Kelly, Charles: "Charles Kelly Discovers Chief Walker's Grave," 197-98; " I n Memoriam," by Mortensen, 196-200; photograph of, 196 Kelsey, Frank C , civil engineer, 257 Kigalia. See K'aayelii Kimball, Heber C.: Green Flake worked for, 4 2 ; oratory of, 2 4 8 ; pioneer company of, 4 6 ; owned slaves, 43 Kingsbury, , cavalry officer, 157 Kingsley, J. L., propagandized war prisoners, 62-63

403

Index The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon King, by Fitzpatrick, reviewed, 389-90 King, William H . : Democrats fail to elect, 37; in 1899 senate election, 32-33, 36; photograph of, 32 Korn, Bertram W., wrote introduction to Carvalho journal, 89 Knell, Benjamin, among the Hopis, 185 Knighton, Henry, nickname of, 28

Lake Bauram, named, 280-81 Lake Bonneville, 208 Lamar, Howard R., "Statehood for U t a h : A Different Path," 307-27 Lannan, Patrick H., Salt Lake Tribune business manager, 358 Larsen, Annie, nickname of, 29 Larsen, Jens, ancestor of J. B. Christensen, 24 Larsen, John, nickname of, 28 Larson, E. O., U . S. engineer, 280-81 Larson, T. A., cited, 316 Lancaster, W. B., injured on Strawberry Project, 295 LaSal Mountains, Navajos ranged there, 147-48 Law, Albert A.: accused McCune of bribery, 34, 37; photograph of, 35 Lay, Hark, slave with 1847 pioneers, 40, 4244, 46 [Lay], Henderson, slave, 43 [Lay], Knelt, slave, 43 Lay, William H., slave owner, 42-44 Lazy Dave, nickname, 26 Leadville D r u m Corps, at Pioneer Jubilee, 326 Leavitt, Thomas, 185 Lee, E m m a Batchhelder (Mrs. John D.) : photograph of, 15; ran ferry after husband's arrest, 9, 11-13; sold interest in Lonely Dell ferry to LDS Church, 14-15; settled at Lonely Dell, 7 Lee, Hector, cited, 25-26 Lee, John D . : arrest and imprisonment of, 8-9, 1 1 ; execution of, 13; found refuge with Hamblin, 8; and Hopis, 180, 188-89; at Lee's Ferry, 4, 8-9, 12; at Lonely Dell 7; photograph of cabin of, 184 Lee, Rachel (Mrs. John D . ) , settled at Jacob's Pools, 7 Lee's Ferry: fees charged at, 11-12; Hamblin's activities at, 4, 9; Johnson's activities at, 4, 9-21; Lee's activities at, 4, 8; rough road at, 11-14 Lee, William, farmer, 171, 173, 175 Leggroan, Esther, interviewed about slaves, 46 Leithead, James, Mormon bishop, 6, 14-15

Leonard, Glen M.: Humanities Project director, 373; Quarterly managing editor, 375 Leone, Mark P., review of Fowler, comp., Great Basin Anthropology . . . A Bibliography, 387-88 Lester, Margaret D., U t a h State Historical Society photograph librarian, 376 Lewis, John S., favored Strawberry reservoir, 289 Liberal party: boycotted 1887 Constitution, 320; dominated by non-Mormons, 3 8 ; skeptical about Manifesto, 322 Lincoln, Abraham: debated Douglas, 312; Indian policies of, 116, 130, 168 Little Big Horn, Indian troops at, 134 Little Chris, nickname, 25, 27 Little, Feramorz, visited by Brigham Young, 48 Little, Jesse, discussed slaves, 48 Little Jimmy Big Chris, nickname, 28 Little John, nickname, 25 Litzford, Miles, slave, 46 Litzford, Rose, mother of first freeborn Negro in Utah, 46 Livestock: photograph of, 247; on public lands, 245-51 Lockhart, John, with Mississippi company, 44 Logan, Utah, in July 1902, 241-42 Lost Creek Dam, 264 Luiseno, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Lumbering, effects of, 243-44, 251 Lund, Anthon H., photograph of, 363 Lund, Herbert Z., review of Scully, A Treasury of American Indian Herbs: Their Lore and Their Use for Food, Drugs, and Medicine, 386-87 Lyman, Amasa M.: pioneer company of, 4 2 ; went to San Bernardino, 42, 49 Lyman, Amasa, Jr.: discussed freeing of slaves in California, 4 9 ; listed slaves and slave owners in Utah, 42-43 Lyman, Francis M . : and People's party, 357; photograph of, 363 Lytel, J. L., Strawberry project engineer, 297 Lythgoe, Dennis L., "Negro Slavery in U t a h , " 40-54

M McAllister, William James Frazier, carpenter, 17 McConnel, Jehiel, learned Hopi, 189-90 McCune, A. W.: accused of bribery, 34, 37; defeated by Kearns in 1901, 39; and 1899 senate election, 32-34; photograph of, 35 McDonald, A. F., and Lee's Ferry, 8 Mack, Charley, Ute delegate, photograph of, 129 McKinley, William, death of, 288

404 McKown, Francis, with Mississippi company, 44 McLaughlin, James, Indian inspector, 139-40 McNally, James, prospector, murdered in Monument Valley, 151-55, 159 McQuarrie, J o h n G., voted for E. H . Snow, 33 Madison, James, and divided sovereignty, 310 Madsen, Arch L., co-chairman of Utah's Diamond Jubilee, 375 Malmquist, O. N . : author of Tribune history, 375; won U t a h State Historical Society award, 377 Manifesto: background of, 328-49; as a conformist document, 322; and 1887 Constitution, 346-49 Manuel, U t e raider, 122 Manuel, Capote warrior, 120 Marshall, S. E., Navajo agent, 152 M a r t h a Dave, nickname, 27 Martineau, Harriet, English writer, 310 Martineau, Lyman R., Forest Reserve committeeman, 251 Martine, Capote warrior, 120 M a r t Stompey, nickname, 28-29 Mary Antone, nickname, 27 Mathison, Helen, U t a h State Historical Society secretary, 373 Mattes, Merrill J., The Great Platte River Road, reviewed, 77-78 Matthews, Robert, went to San Bernardino, 47, 49 [Matthews], Uncle Phil, slave, 43 Matthews, Williams, slave owner, 43 Maughan, Peter, led settlers to Cache Valley, 209 Maughan's Fort, in Cache County, 209 Maughan, W W . , attorney, 230 Maxwell, George H., of National Irrigation Association, 288 Mead, Elwood, commissioner of reclamation, 261 Meeker, Nathan, Indian agent, 134 Merrick, James, killed by Utes, 151 Merrill, Parley, West Cache director, 230 Merrill, Stephen A., "Reclamation and the Economic Development of Northern U t a h : T h e Weber River Project," 254-64 Merritt, Christopher, won U t a h State Historical Society student award, 378 Mesa Verde, 91 Mexican War, 93 Mexico: Indian slave trade in, 103-4; influenced Desert Culture, 90; and the Mexican War, 9 3 ; in the Southwest, 9 2 ; Uto-Aztecan language spoken in, 96-97 Miconi, Gene, prisoner of war, 67 Midview Dam, 280 Midwife Taylor, nickname, 27

Utah Historical Quarterly Miera, Bernardo de, m a p by, 92 Millard County, crickets in, 276 Millennial Star, slaves mentioned in, 48-49 Miller, David E., review of Mattes, The Great Platte River Road: The Covered Wagon Mainline Via Fort Kearny to Fort Laramie, 77-78 Miller Hermanson, nickname, 27 Miller Jensen, nickname, 27 Minidoka Project, in Idaho, 303 Mining: and Brunot Treaty, 121 n. 16, 124 n. 19, 127; in M o n u m e n t Valley, 151; Mormon attitudes toward, 322; in San J u a n Mountains, 119, 124-25; on Ute lands, 120-21, 137 Minniss, J. F., Indian agent at Ouray, 135-37 Mitchell, Ernest, killed by Utes, 151 Moaches, Southern U t e sub-group: Amy agent of, 116; territory of, 117; treaties affecting, 118 Moapas, practice horticulture, 101 Moapa Reservation, on Southern Paiute land.

112-13 Moenkopi (also Moencopi) : Hopi village of, 182; Mormons at, 194; photograph of, 193 Mohaves, traded with other tribes, 102 Moon Lake Project, 280 The Montana Gold Rush Diary of Kate Dunlap, ed. by Tyler, reviewed, 381-82 Monument Valley: Navajo and white conflicts in, 145-61; photograph of, 159 Moquich (also Moqui, M o q u i t c h ) . See Hopis Morgan, Dale L.: cited, 310; " I n Memoriam," by Cooley, 85-88; review of Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, vol. I V , 380-81 Mormons: developed irrigation, 207-8, 21013, 252; and the Hopis, 179-94; at Lee's Ferry, 4 ; in Mexico, 189, 192; at Muddy Mission, 5-6; in northern Arizona, 4, 189, 192; from Scandinavia, 2 4 ; settled in Cache Valley, 209-10, 225-26; settled on Gosiute lands, 163-64, 176; settled on Ute lands, 130; settled in Weber County, 2555 7 ; settlement pattern of, 209, 225. See also Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints; Polygamy; individual Mormon leaders A Mormon Mother, An Autobiography, by Tanner, reviewed, 78-79 Morrill, Austin, anti-Mormon congressman, 312 Morrow, H. A., C a m p Douglas general, 17475 Morgan, John, sent on Arizona political mission, 361 Mortensen, A. R., " I n Memoriam," for Charles Kelly, 199-200 Moss, Frank E., U t a h senator sponsored Newton repayment bill, 221 Mountain Meadows Massacre, search for survivors of, 180-82

405

Index The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, vol. IV., ed. by Hafen, reviewed, 380-81 Mountain West: economic development of, 204-6; physical environment of, 202-3; resources of, 203-4; settlement of, 204-6 Moyle, J. H., on 1899 senate ballot, 36 M u d d y Mission (Nevada), difficulties of, 5-6, 8, 181 M u d d y Valley, Indian reservation, 111 Murdock, Abe, U t a h congressman, 280 Murphy, Miriam B.: Humanities Project assistant director, 3 7 3 ; Utah Historical Quarterly assistant editor, 375 Murray, Eli, territorial governor, 317-18

N Nahuatl, Uto-Aztecan language, 97 Nash, Gerald D., review of Ames, Pioneering the Union Pacific: A Reappraisal of the Builders of the Railroad, 76-77 National Irrigation Association, 288 Nauvoo Legion, dissolved, 321 The Navajo of the Painted Desert, by Bateman, reviewed, 384-85 Navajos: adaptability of, 92-93; A m y agent for, 116, 123-27; fled federal troops, 192; at Fort Sumner, 149, 151; horse culture of, 102; located on Miera map, 9 2 ; Mexican expedition against, 146, 148-50; photograph of, 147; raided in Southern U t a h , 181-82; raided by Southern Utes, 121-22; reservation for, 123-27, 1 6 1 ; in San J u a n County, 146-49; as slave traders, 103-5; and Southern Paiutes, 107; trade of, 1 0 1 ; and Utes, 148-51, 158, 178 Nebeker, Aquila: adjourned U t a h legislature, 36; on 1899 senate election ballots, 32-33, 36; photograph of, 32 Negroes in the Early West, by Burt, reviewed, 75-76 Nelson, Lydia Ann (Mrs. David Brinkerhoff), sister-in-law of W. M. Johnson, 15 Nelson, Samantha. See Johnson, Samantha Newell, Frederick Haynes: commissioner in U.S. Geological Survey, 138; and the Strawberry Valley Project, 288-89, 297 Newland, Paul A., major at Fort Douglas, 6768 Newlands Act, passed, 289 Newlands, Francis G., Nevada senator, 288 New Mexico, Indian agencies in, 116 Newton, Cache Valley town, 208-10 Newton Irrigation Company, 212, 215-16 Newton Project, 217-23 Newton Reservoir: benefits of, 222-23; construction of, 217; federal funding of, 21317; history of, 207-23; photographs of, 207, 215; pioneer building of, 210-12 Newton Town Corporation, bought water stock, 217

Newton Water Users Association, 216-27, 221 Nicknames, Danish, 23-29 Nielsen, John, autobiography of, 285 Nielsen, Lars, naming of, 24 Nielson, Frihoff, G., signed bond for Lee's Ferry post office, 14 Niels Postmaster, Danish nickname, 26 Nord, A. L., Wasatch Forest supervisor, 268 Northern Paiutes, Western Numic spoken by, 97 North Ogden Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Norton, A. B., New Mexico Indian superintendent, 124 Nowlin, Bryant, Mormon elder went to Council Bluffs, 43-44 Numic, Uto-Aztecan language of, 96-97 Nuttall, L. J o h n : in K a n a b , 18; at Lee's Ferry, 14-15; on Little Colorado, 13

Ogden, 255-57 Ogden Air Technical Service Counsel, 63 Ogden Arsenal, soccer teams at, 61 Ogden Chamber of Commerce, requested reclamation survey, 263 Ogden, Peter Skene, trapper, 105, 254-55 Ogden River Project, 263, 281-82 Ojo Blanco, Weminuche warrior, 120 Oklahoma, recommended for Indian relocation, 173 Old Northwest, governing council of, 317 Olsen, Robert W., review of Crossette, ed., Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell, 388-89 Onate, J u a n de, Spanish colonizer, 91 O'Neil, Floyd A.: interviewed Henry Harris, Jr., " T h e Indians and the Fur M e n , " 128; " T h e Reluctant Suzerainty: T h e U i n t a h and Ouray Reservation," 129-44; used Indian oral history, 9 4 ; interviewed Harris, " T h e Walker War," 178 Oraibi: Mormon missionaries at, 181-82, 186; photograph of, 179; sacred stone of, 185; trade at, 186-87 Otto by Yingo, nickname, 23, 26 Ouray, Colorado I n d i a n agency, 134 Ouray, U t e chief: photograph of, 142; sought peace, 134 Overland Mail Company, and Gosiutes, 164, 167, 169 Owen, Robert Dale, democracy of, 310

Pa-bus-sat. See Cornea Padre, Capote warrior, 120 Paiute Indians: cultural conservatism of, 92; and Hopis, 183, 187; on Miera map, 9 2 ;

406 and Mormons, 180-81; Shoshoni spoken by, 91, 96-97; with Chief Walker, 178. See also Southern Paiutes Palon, Capote warrior, 120 Panamint, Central Numic spoken by, 97 Panic of 1907, harmed West Cache, 234 Panic of 1903, delayed West Cache canal, 232 Papago, Uto-Aztecan language, 97 Park City, road to U i n t a h reservation from, 134 Parker, A. F., Ogden engineer, 230 Parker, Eli S., commissioner of Indian affairs, 119 Parsons, E. H., U.S. marshal, 361 Pauwanie, Weminuche warrior, 121 Payson, economy of, 300-1 Payne, Rebecca S., given U t a h State Historical Society's teacher award, 377 Pedro Gallegos, Capote warrior, 120 Peep Hole Soren, nickname, 23, 27 Peggy Jensen, nickname, 25, 29 Peg Leg Nielsen, nickname, 25 Penrose, Charles W., endorsed anti-polygamy constitution, 341-42 Peoples Bank and Trust Company (Illinois), 234 People's party: called 1887 constitutional convention; dominated by Mormons, 38, 3 3 1 ; uncooperative members of, 357 Perkins, Andrew, members of emigrating company of, 46 [Perkins], Ben, slave, 43, 46 [Perkins], Esther, slave, 43 Perkins, Frances, secretary of labor, 267 [Perkins], Frank, slave, 43 Perkins, Jasper N., slave owner, 43, 46 Perkins, Mary, slave, 43, 46 Perkins, Monroe, slave owner, 43, 46 Perkins, Reuben, slave owner, 43, 46 Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company, dissolved, 321 Persechopa, Weminuche chief, 120 Persson, Sture, Y M C A inspector of prisoner of war camps, 6 1 , 68 Perty Pete, nickname, 23, 26 Pete, Navajo scout, testified to murder of prospectors, 152-55 Pete Golddigger, nickname, 26 Peterson, Charles S.: "Albert F. Potter's Wasatch Survey, 1902: A Beginning for Public Management of Natural Resources in U t a h , " 238-53; ed., "Charles Kelly Discovers Chief Walker's Grave," 197-98; " T h e Hopis and the Mormons, 1858-1873," 179-94; researched Mormon Battalion Trail, 377; resigned as director of U t a h State Historical Society, 378 Peterson, L. P., irrigation director, 235

Utah Historical Quarterly Pickavit, Joe (also Pickyavit) : at Chief Walker's grave, 197-98; described Sun Dance, 113; studied to be medicine man, 94 Pig Killer Thompsen, nickname, 27 Pima, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Pimichi, Weminuche warrior, 120 Pinchy Chris, nickname, 23-24, 26 Pinchot, Gifford: conservation theory of, 252; 1896 western forest survey of, 239-41 Pine View D a m , 264, 280-81, 284 Pino, Navajo captain, 125 Pioneering the Union Pacific: A Reappraisal of the Builders of the Railroad, by Ames, reviewed, 76-77 Piquitagon, Capote warrior, 120 Plain City Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Pleasant Valley, meetings with Gosiutes held in, 166 Pleasant Valley War, between Arizona sheep and cattle owners, 249 Polacca, Tom, Hopi convert to Mormonism, 193-94 Poland Act of 1874, put U t a h courts and juries under federal control, 314-15, 317 Poll, Richard, cited, 314 Polygamy: cartoon of, 3 1 5 ; and constitution of 1887, 320, 346-49; in 1856 Republican platform, 3 1 1 ; J o h n Taylor refused to give up, 338; led to disfranchising of Mormons, 359-60; and the Manifesto, 322, 328-49; redefined in Tucker bill, 333. See also Edmunds-Tucker Act; Edmunds Act; Manifesto; Taylor, J o h n ; Woodruff, Wilford Pomeroy, Earl S., cited, 205 Pony Express, went through Gosiute territory, 164 Potter, Albert F . : arrived at Logan, 238, 2414 2 ; daily log of, 241-43; 1902 Wasatch survey of, 238-53; frontier experiences of, 240-41; noted attitudes toward reserves, 248-52; observed forest activities, 243-46, 248, 2 5 1 ; photographs of, 238, 253 Potter, Guy F., given U t a h State Historical Society student award, 378 Powell, David, slave owner, 43 Powell Irrigation Survey, appropriations for, 286 Powell, John, slave owner, 43-44 Powell, J o h n Wesley: environmental theory of, 239; irrigation study of, 286-87; reported on Gosiutes, 174-75; reported on U t a h and Nevada Indians, 108-11 Powell, Kent, researched Mormon Battalion Trail, 377 Powell, Moses, in Mississippi company, 44 Powers, O. W., on 1899 senate election ballots, 32-33, 36 Preston ( I d a h o ) : photograph of prisoners of war in, 6 4 ; prisoners of war camp in, 58, 66

Index Price, road to U i n t a h Reservation from, 134 Prince Modoc, mythical Welshman, 188-89 Prisoners of w a r : activities of, 60-63, 65-66; effects of propaganda on, 7 1 ; as farm workers, 59, 63-64; and Geneva conventions, 56-57, 66, 7 1 ; health of, 59-60; interviewed, 6 9 - 7 1 ; location of camps for, 57 n. 6; morale of, 6 6 ; photographs of, 55, 58, 59, 62, 64, 6 9 ; in U t a h and Idaho, 57-72 Provo Reservation Water Users Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Provo River Project, 280, 282 Pueblo Culture, 91 Purin, Ruggerio, told of prisoner of war experiences, 64-65

Radical Republicans, 312, 314 Rampton, Calvin L., appointed committee for Utah's Diamond Jubilee, 375 Randall, Samuel J., Pennsylvania congressm a n opposed statehood, 320 Rawlins, Joseph L., elected U . S. senator in 1897, 3 1 , 38 Ray Tight, nickname, 23, 26 Reclamation Extension Act, 299 Reconstruction Finance Corporation, 268 Recreation, use of reservoirs for, 303-4 Red Brick: photograph of, 2 3 0 ; T r e n t o n school, 229 Red C a p : photograph of, 129; sought alliance with Sioux, 141 Redd, J o h n J., slave owner, 46-47 Reed, Amos, Gosiute sympathizer, 167 Reed, Chambeau, traded at Whiterocks, 128 Reilly, P. T., " W a r r e n Marshall Johnson, Forgotten Saint," 3-22 Report on the Lands of the Arid Region, published, 287 Republican party: denounced polygamy in 1856 platform, 3 1 1 ; in 1899 senatorial election, 33-34, 38. See also Smith, J o h n Henry Richards, C. C , failed as 1899 compromise senate candidate, 35 Richards, Franklin D. (apostle), rebuked J. H. Smith for partisan activities, 364-65 Richards, Franklin S. (attorney) : lobbied for statehood, 3 3 1 ; opposed Tucker bill, 334; photograph of, 3 3 3 ; promoted anti-polygamy constitution, 341-42 Richards, Willard, pioneer company of, 42 Rich, Benjamin, slave owner, 47 Rich, Charles C , slave owner, 42-43, 47, 49 [Rich], Dick, slave, 47 Rich Hans, nickname, 23, 26 Rich, Joseph, went to San Bernardino, 47 Rich, Russell R., review of Fitzpatrick, The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James

407 J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon King, 389-90 Riordan, Denis M., Navajo agent, 152-53, 155 Rigby, M . C.j irrigation director, 235 Rigby, William F., Mormon bishop, 210 Roberts, Brigham H , on statehood, 315-16, 324-25 Robidoux, Antoine, among Utes, 128 Rocky Mountain Fur Company, activities in northern U t a h , 208-9, 254-55 Roosevelt Dam, 303 Roosevelt, Franklin D . : approved Moon Lake Project, 280; approved Newton Project funding, 215; praised by former war prisoner, 7 1 ; and C C C , 266-68 Roosevelt, Theodore: favored reclamation, 288; gave Navajos additional lands, 1 6 1 ; interested in conservation, 239; opened U t e lands to white settlement, 140 Roper, William L., co-author of William Spry biography, 375 Rosa Big Chris, nickname, 28 Roundy, Lorenzo W., warned J. D. Lee of troops, 8 Ruby Valley, Gosiute farm in, 166 Rush Valley, Gosiutes in, 163 Sadler, Richard W., review of The American Heritage Book of Great Adventures of the Old West, 79 St. George Temple, completed, 13 Saint Joseph's Church ( O g d e n ) , and war prisoners, 65 Saint Mary's of the Wasatch (Salt Lake C i t y ) , and war prisoners, 65 Salazar, Francisco, led Mexicans against Navajos, 146 Sally's Andrew, nickname, 27 Salt Creek, flood control project on, 268 Salt Hans, nickname, 27 Salt Lake Temple, building stone for, 212 Salt Lake Basin Project, surveyed, 257-58 Salt Marsh, Gosiute farm, 174 San J u a n County, Navajos in, 146-49 San J u a n Indians, horticulture of, 101 San Pete, reverted to public domain, 139-40 Sanpete County: Danish nicknames in, 2329; growth of, 301 San Pete Valley, Indian farm, 109 Savage, Charles, photographed Hopi trade delegates, 191 Savillo, killed by Ignacio, 120-21 Scandinavians: converted to Mormonism, 24; naming pattern of, 2 4 ; nicknames of, 23-29 Schnyder, Paul, inspector of prisoner of war camps, 61 Scofield D a m , 283

408 Scott amendment: effects of, 346-49; endorsed by Cleveland, 3 4 3 ; promoted, 3424 4 ; to Tucker bill, 336-41 Scott, Iris, U t a h State Historical Society business manager, 378 Scott, William, Pennsylvania congressman, photographs of, 328, 332. See also Scott amendment Scrook Knighton, nicknamed by Danes, 2829 Scully, Virginia, A Treasury of American Indian Herbs: Their Lore and Their Use for Food, Drugs, and Medicine, reviewed, 38687 Seaman, John, sawmill owner, 15, 17 Second Reconstruction Act, disfranchised southerners, 314, 317 Seenie Flat, nickname, 26 Selected Prose of John Wesley Powell, ed.

by Crossette, reviewed, 388-89 Serrano, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Shavanaux, Charlie, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Shavano, Ute sub-chief, photograph of, 142 Sheep: on forest ranges, 246-51; photograph of, 247; winter herding of, 285 Sheepherder Mortensen, nickname, 27 Shelton, Marion J., among the Hopis, 18687, 189 Shivwits, practiced horticulture, 101 Shivwits reserve, near Santa Clara, 111 Shoemaker Christiansen, nickname, 26 Shoshoni Indians: in Cache Valley, 208-9; with Chief Walker, 178; sub-groups of, 96-97. See also Western Shoshonis Shoshoni language: and Desert Culture, 9 3 ; spoken, 9 1 , 96-97. See also Numic Shumway, Gary L., review of Taylor and Taylor, Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million, 383-84 Sibolleta, Navajo squatter, 125 Sie Hassan Ben Ali, performed at Pioneer Jubilee, 326 Silver and Politics in Nevada: 1892-1902, by Glass, reviewed, 385-86 Simmonds, A. J., " W a t e r for the Big Range," 224-37 Sioux Indians, and Utes, 141, 178 Skull Valley, Gosiutes in, 163, 171-72, 174-77 Slavery: and Chief Walker, 92, 103-5; as a religious issue, 4 9 - 5 1 ; Spanish influence on, 103; and territorial law, 51-52; among U t a h pioneers, 40-54 Smart, Tom, Logan sheep owner, 251 [Smith], Aunt " ", slave, 43 Smithfield, Cache Valley town, 209 Smith, George A.: confirmed J. D. Lee as ferryman, 8; and Hopi mission, 191-92 [Smith], H a n n a , slave, 43 Smith, John Henry: arrested for polygamy, 357; church activities of, 353-68; as 1895

Utah Historical Quarterly constitutional convention president, 350, 367-69; and 1892 election, 365-66; in Europe, 356; obituary of, 369; and People's party, 3 5 9 ; photographs of, 350, 3 6 3 ; Republican activities of, 363-68; and statehood, 354-55, 359, 365 Smith, Joseph, 5, 16; and slavery, 50-51 Smith, Joseph F . : and election of 1892, 36566; in hiding in Hawaii, 356; and John Henry Smith, 357, 365-66; political influence of, 369; pushed for statehood, 359 Smith, Josephine, second wife of John Henry Smith, 362 Smith, Jedediah S.: saw Indians on the UtahNevada border, 105-6; trapped on the Weber, 254-55 Smith, Jesse N , visited Little Colorado settlements, 13 Smith, Jonathan, Farmington doctor, 5 Smith, Lot, had difficulties with A. L. Farnsworth, 17 Smith, Marcus Aurelius, Arizona delegate, 286-87 Smith, Melvin T . : director of U t a h State Historical Society, 3 7 8 ; photograph of, 376; as preservation officer, 373 Smith, Permelia Jane. See Johnson, Permelia Jane Smith, Robert M., with Mississippi company, 44 Smith, William, slave owner, 43, 49 Smoot, R e e d : as an archetypical U t a h n , 2056; on 1899 ballot, 34; met with water users, 297; pled case of white settlers, 140; Senate hearings on seating of, 369 Snow, E. H., received complimentary vote, 33 Snow, Erastus, and Lee's Ferry, 13-16 Snow, Lorenzo, stopped partisan political talk, 364 Sobotar, Capote chief, 119-21 Soldier Canyon, road built in, 134 Sorensen, Soren, nickname of, 27 Sorrel Pete, nickname, 24-27 Sourdo, Capote warrior, 120 Southern Democrats, opposed Edmunds bill, 317 Southern Paiutes: culture of, 96-113; language of, 96-97; and Mormons, 106-8, 1101 1 ; photographs of, 94, 104; Powell and Ingalls report on, 108-11; raided by slavers, 103-5; reservation life of, 108-13; schools for, 112; territory of, 97-99, 117; as traders, 101-2; use of horses by, 98-100, 102, 104 Southern U t e s : Amy's recommendations for, 123-27; and federal officials, 115; and miners, 120-21; photographs of, 114, 126; raided Navajos, 121-22; resisted reservations, 118; sub-groups of, 117; territory of, 114-17; treaties of, 117-18; tribal organization of, 128 South Field Ditch, 226-27

Index Spain, cultural impact of, 91-92, 102-3 Spanish Fork, Indian lands in, 109, 139 Spanish Fork diversion dam, 295 Spanish Fork East Bench Irrigation and Manufacturing Company, 289 Spanish Fork Treaty of 1865, provided for U t e resettlement, 130 Spanish Trail, opened by 1830 traders, 92 Spencer, Howard O., gave advice on Lee's Ferry, 9, 14-15 Springer, William, Illinois congressman, favored statehood, 323 Sprouse, , Mr., slave owner, 43, 46 [Sprouse], Daniel, slave, 43, 46 Spry, William: biography of, 3 7 5 ; caught fish at Strawberry Reservoir, 303-4 Squeaky Bill Anderson, nickname, 26 Stansbury, Howard, and 1849 survey, 163-64 Stark, Wallace, Ute delegate, photograph of, 129 States Rights Southerners, democracy of, 310 Steele, John, described Hopi dances, 184-85 Stewart, A. J., surveyed Big Range, 225-26 Stewart, J. Z., Jr., attorney, 233 Stewart, M a r t h a , U t a h State Historical Society research librarian, 276 Stewart, William M., Nevada senator, 287-88 Stirling, Kathleen Queal, given U t a h State Historical Society student award, 378 The Story of American Railroads and How They Helped Build a Nation, by Burt, reviewed, 387 Stout, Hosea, diary cited on slavery, 48-49, 52 Stratton, James, went to Council Bluffs, 44 Strawberry Highline Canal Company Water Users' Association, 293 Strawberry Valley Project: benefits of, 300-4; completed, 295; facilities built for, 290-94; history of 286-304; photographs of, 286, 292, 297, 302; opponents of, 300; repayment of, 299; user cost of, 298; water rights for, 206-98 Strawberry Valley Water Users' Association, 297, 299, 304 The Study of American Folklore, An Introduction, by Brunvand, reviewed, 80-81 Suckive, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Sullivan, Patrick J., found slave bill of sale, 54 Sutherland, George: and 1899 senate election, 32-33, 36; favored opening Uintah Reservation, 138; photograph of, 32 Swapp, Alex, at Lee's Ferry, 21 Sweet William, nickname, 27 Swendsen, G. L., Logan professor, 251-52 Swenson, Albert, farmer, 302

Tabby, U t e chief, 131 Tabby-To-Kwana, Ute chief, 132

409 Tabequache Utes, 117-18. See also Uncompahgre Utes Tabor, E. F., engineer, 290 Taft, William Howard, created Gosiute Reservation, 177 Takermonk, nickname, 27, 29 Tanner, Annie Clark, A Mormon Mother, An Autobiography, reviewed, 78-79 Ta-peats, Paiute Indian, photograph of, 95 Taputche, Capote warrior, 120 Tarahumara, Uto-Aztecan language, 97 Ta-vah-puts, Uintah chief, photograph of, 133 Taylor Grazing Act of 1934, 278 Taylor, John, Negro interpreter, photograph of, 114 Taylor, J o h n : last public speech of, 3 4 8 ; and Lee's Ferry, 14, 18; received letters from J. H. Smith, 357; refused to give up polygamy, 338; and Scott amendment, 34244, 346; sent lobbyists to Washington, 354; on slavery, 4 9 ; son of, 348-49 Taylor, John W., and Scott amendment, 348-49 Taylor, Raymond W., Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million, reviewed, 383-84 Taylor, Samuel W., Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million, reviewed, 383-84 Teenie City Ditch, nickname, 26 Teller, Henry M., Colorado senator, 287-88, 362 Thain, W. H , irrigation director, 235 Thatcher Brothers Bank, loaned money for West Cache, 233 Thatcher, Moses: defeated by Rawlins in Senate election, 3 1 ; and 1892 election, 365; objected to J. H. Smith's politicking, 364; sent to lobby in Washington, 354 Third Reconstruction Act, disfranchised southerners, 314, 317 This Was Pioneer Motoring: An Album of Nostalgic Automemorabilia,

by Karolevitz, reviewed, 79-80 Thomas, A. L., in 1899 election, 33 Thomas, Arthur, suspicious of Mormons, 322-23 Thomas, Daniel M., slave owner, 43, 49 Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art, owner of Carvalho portrait of Chief Walker, 89 Thompson, A. H , loan officer, 234 Thornburgh, T. T., major, killed by Indians, 134 Tiffanys, designed gold badges for 1847 pioneers, 326 Tillman, Benjamin F., South Carolina senator, 288 Toe Paddy Nielsen, nickname, 23, 26 Tooele: Gosiute Reservation near, 177; photograph of, 165; raids by Indians in, 164; surveyed, 164; Utes near, 178

410

Utah Historical Quarterly

Tooele Ordnance Depot, prisoners of war at, 58 Tooele Valley, Gosiute territory, 163 Totsohnii Hastiin, Navajo chief, 155 Tourtellotte, J. E., Indian superintendent, 171-73 Townley, J o h n M., review of Glass, Silver and Politics in Nevada, 1892-1902, 385-86 Townsite Act of 1906, 303 A Treasury of American Indian Herbs: Their Lore and Their Use for Food, Drugs, and Medicine, by Scully, reviewed, 386-87 T r e n t o n Canal, 226-27 Trenton Irrigation Company, 235-36 Truly, Ekles, with Mississippi company, 44 Tuba, Hopi Indian, receptive to Mormonism, 183-84, 193-94 Tiibatulabal, Uto-Aztecan language, 96 Tucker bill, found oppressive by Mormons, 331, 333-37 Tucker, J. R a n d o l p h : conducted House hearing on Edmunds bill, 332-33; photograph of, 332. See also Edmunds-Tucker Act Tumpeache, Capote warrior, 120 Turner, Frederick Jackson, 325-26 T u t e Nielsen, nickname, 26 Tyler, S. Lyman, ed., The Montana Gold Rush Diary of Kate Dunlap, reviewed, 381-82

u U i n t a h and Ouray Reservation: Gosiutes resisted relocation at, 168-69, 171-74, 176; history of, 129-44; m a p of, 136; roads built to, 134; Southern Paiutes fear Utes at, 109, 111; white settlers on, 133, 137-41 U i n t a h Basin, pest control in, 277-78 Uncle Will Tells His Story, by Brooks, reviewed, 379-80 Uncompahgre Reservation, gilsonite discovered on, 137 Unemployment, during the Depression 26667 Union Pacific Railroad: aided C C C corral building, 280; relocated Park City branch, 259 U . S. Bureau of Agricultural Engineering, and flood control, 268 U . S. Bureau of Reclamation: and C C C projects, 280-84; and Newton Project, 214-20; surveys by, 296; in U t a h Valley, 289 U . S. Constitution, 31 U. S. Department of Agriculture, and C C C projects, 265-67 U . S. Department of Interior, and C C C projects, 265, 267 U . S. Department of Labor, selected C C C workers, 267 U . S. Department of W a r : and C C C workers, 267; and war prisoners, 6 1 , 71

U . S. Division of Grazing, and C C C projects, 273-80 U . S. Forest Service, Potter's survey for, 23853 U . S. Soil Conservation Service, and CCC projects, 273-75 U p p e r Spanish Fork Power Plant, 303 Uranium Fever: or No Talk Under $1 Million, by Taylor and Taylor, reviewed, 383-84 U t a h : C C C camps, 268-69; Constitution of 1887, 320, 330-49; Constitution of 1882, 318, 356; Constitution of 1895, 323, 329, 350-51; constitutions, 3 1 3 ; economy, 2056, 252, 300-4; election of 1899, 30-39; forests, 238-53; slavery, 40-54; statehood, 307-27; war prisoner camps, 55-72 U t a h Coal Company, in Huntington Canyon, 248 U t a h Commission: and Council of Fifty, 356; created, 317; examined 1894 election ballots, 367; opposed statehood, 3 2 0 ; split on policy, 322; supervised elections 355 U t a h Construction Company, bid declined, 231-32 U t a h County, and Strawberry Valley Projeect, 289-90, 293, 296-98, 301 U t a h Depot Italian Service U n i t League Team, 60 U t a h General Depot, prisoner of war camp near, 57 Utah Historical Quarterly, statement of ownership, management, and circulation of, 39 U t a h Humanities Project, 370-72 U t a h - I d a h o Sugar Company, 263, 301 U t a h Mortgage and Loan Company, helped finance West Cache, 230, 233-34 U t a h State Agricultural College, 250-53 U t a h State Engineer, studied Newton reservoir, 214 U t a h State Historical Society: annual report of, 370-78; awards given by, 377-78; library of, 376-77; local chapters of 372-73; preservation work of, 3 7 3 ; publications of, 374; U t a h Humanities Project of, 370-72 U t a h State Road Commission: acquired watershed land, 2 7 1 ; aided C C C corral building, 280; relocated part of Lincoln Highway, 259 U t a h State University, 250-53 U t a h Territorial Legislature, passed slavery law, 51-52 U t a h War, affected Indian policy, 182 U t a h Water Storage Commission: and Moon Lake Project, 2 8 0 ; studied Newton reservoir, 214; surveyed Weber County needs, 257 U t e s : and Black Hawk War, 130; burial customs of, 198; chiefs of, 105; in conflict with other Indians, 135, 148-51, 158, 178; and horse culture, 92, 98-100, 102; language of, 9 1 , 96-97; on Miera m a p , 92;

411

Index self-esteem of, 194-95; as slave traders, 1034 ; and Spanish Fork Treaty, 130; territory of, 117; trade with, 1 0 1 ; treaties with, 118, 130; and Walker War, 89, 106, 130 Uto-Aztecan, dialects of, 96-97

V a n O r m a n , Richard A., A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67), reviewed, 382-83 Vicente, Capote warrior, 120 V o n Brechkh, H . V. A., drawing by, 162 V T Cattle Company, 17

w Wade, Benjamin F., Ohio senator, 314 Walcott, Samuel, murdered while prospecting in M o n u m e n t Valley, 151-55, 158-59 Walker (also Wakara, Wakar, Wakarum, and other spellings), U t e Chief: grave of, 1979 8 ; and Hopis, 180, 186-89; portrait of, 8 9 ; traded horses and slaves, 92, 103 Walker W a r : and Mormons, 89, 106, 130; in oral history, 178 Wanrodes, U t e , discussed opening Indian land to whites, 139-40 Wanship D a m , 264 Ward, Margery W., resigned position with U t a h State Historical Society, 375 Warets, U t e sub-chief, photograph of, 142 W a r m Springs, Gosiute farm, 174 Warner, T e d J.: " T h e Gosiute Indians of Pioneer U t a h , " 162-77; studied Indian litigation, 94 W a r r e n Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Wartensee, P. Schnyder de, Y M C A prisoner of war camp inspector, 59 Wasatch Mountains, Potter surveyed forests of, 238-53 Washington, Capote warrior, 120 Water Conservation and Utilization Act, 208, 216 Webb, Walter Prescott, cited, 202-3 Weber Basin Project, 263-64 Weber Basin Water Conservancy District, 263 Weber Canal Company, 257 Weber Canyon, photograph of, 260 Weber County, early history of, 254-57 Weber River, and Echo D a m , 254-64 Weber River Project, 264 Weber River Irrigation Project, 257 Weber River Water Users Association: a n d Echo D a m , 2 5 8 ; and flood control, 2 6 4 ; repaid construction costs, 260-61 Wee-che, U t e delegate, photograph of, 129 Weilenmann, Milton L., and U t a h ' s Diamond Jubilee, 375

Weller, Sam, review of Brooks, Uncle Will Tells His Story, 379-80 Wells, Daniel H . : governor's message of, 3 2 5 ; performed polygamous marriage, 7 Wells Fargo station, at Deep Creek, painting of, 169 Wells, Heber M., opened 1899 U t a h legislature, 31 Wellsville (Cache C o u n t y ) , 209 Weminuche (Weminutche, Wemenutche and other spellings) : A m y recommended Rio Los Pinos agency for, 123-24; A m y reported on, 119-21; territory of, 117; treaties affecting, 118 West Cache C a n a l : completed, 2 1 3 ; construction of, 231-37; photograph of construction camp of, 224 West Cache Irrigation C o m p a n y : financial difficulties of, 233-35; incorporated, 22930; reincorporated, 2 3 5 ; revived, 236-37 West, Caleb, territorial governor, 321-24 Western Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Western Monos, Western Numic spoken by, 97 Western Shoshonis: attached to N e v a d a superintendency, 172; cultural history of 96-113; and fur trappers, 105-6; language of, 96-97; location of, 97-99; and M o r mons, 106-8, 110-11; Powell and Ingalls report on, 108-11; on reservations, 108-13; schools for, 112; as slaves, 103-5; trading activities of, 101-2; used horses, 98, 100-4 Western Union, lines moved, 282 Western South Field Irrigating Company, 225 Wetherill, Louisa W a d e , established Navajo trading post, 160-61 Wheeler-Howard Act of 1934, 144 Whigs, democracy of, 310 Whitbeck, C. S., U . S . legal examiner, 297 White, Boco, U t e Delegate, photograph of, 129 White, J e a n Bickmore, " T h e Making of the Convention President: T h e Political Education of J o h n Henry Smith," 350-69 White River Agency, established for Colorado Utes, 134 White River U t e s : resisted white settlement, 140-41; territory of, 117 Whitney, Orson F., member of 1899 legislature, 37 Widtsoe, J o h n A., quoted on water use, 206 Wilkie, M a t t h e w T., went to San Bernardino, 47 Willard City Commission, donated watershed lands to U.S., 273 Willard D a m , 264 Williams, T. S., slave owner, 48, 52-54 Willie, Gertrude Chapoose: interviewed, 94; " I Am an American," 194-95 Will Jensen, nickname, 28

412 Wilson, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; -, district attorney, 48 Wilson Irrigation Company, bought Echo water shares, 258 Wilson, James, secretary of agriculture, 288 Wilson, Woodrow, enlarged Gosiute Reservation, 177 Wind River Reservation, in Wyoming, 109 Winther, Oscar Osburn, A Classified Bibliography of the Periodical Literature of the Trans-Mississippi West, A Supplement (1957-67), reviewed, 382-83 Wirtz, A. J., favored Newton D a m , 215 Wise, J o h n J., C C C project supervisor, 27172 Wolfinger, Henry J., "A Reeaxmination of the Woodruff Manifesto in the Light of U t a h Constitutional History," 328-49 Wood, Charles Gilbert: photograph of, 2 2 8 ; West Cache Canal promoter, 229-31, 235 Wood, Joseph, West Cache director, 230 Woodruff, Wilford: and Hopis, 191-93; political beliefs of, 363, 366; resisted arrest for polygamy, 17-18; and statehood, 359; and Warren Marshall Johnson, 18-19, 21. See also Manifesto Woolley, E. D., and W. M. Johnson, 20-21 Woolley, F. B., recorded slave sale, 53 Works Progress Administration, and Newton D a m , 216-20 World War Two, 218-19; prisoners of war in U t a h during, 55-72

Yaago, Hashkeneinii's mother, 150

Utah Historical Quarterly Yamparicas, U t e sub-group, 134 Young, Brigham: approved abandonment of M u d d y Mission, 6; approved confederation, 313, 3 1 9 ; and Cache Valley settlement, 209-10; and chief Walker, 8 9 ; confirmed J o h n D. Lee as ferryman, 8; and Hopis, 182, 190-91; Indian policy of, 93, 106-9, 130, 182; and Lee's Ferry, 12; personality of, 248, 312; sent scouting parties out, 255; and slavery, 42-43, 48, 50-51, 5 4 ; suppressed I n d i a n slave trade, 103, 106; wanted statehood, 327; and W. M. Johnson, 11 Young, J. J., watercolor by, 162 Young, J o h n W . : acted as agent for sale of E m m a Lee's property, 14; lobbied for Scott amendment, 336, 3 4 3 ; lobbied for statehood, 3 3 1 ; photograph of, 3 3 3 ; urged veto of Edmunds-Tucker bill, 342-45 Young, Joseph W., St. George stake president, 12 YMCA, helped war prisoners, 60-62 Young, Willard, civil engineer, 257 Y u m a n : language, 1 0 1 ; mourning practices, 102 Yurtinus, J o h n , researched M o r m o n Battalion Trail, 377

Zane, Charles S.: on 1899 ballot, 34; as a federal judge, 3 6 1 ; photograph of, 358 Z C M I , photograph of, 307 Zion National Park, C C C work in 268, 273 Zulick, Conrad M., Arizona politician, 362 Zuni, villages visited by Coronado, 91

SPECIAL MEMBERSHIPS AND H O N O R E E S O F THE UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

HONORARY LIFE MEMBERS Bernice Gibbs Anderson Dean R. Brimhall Kate B. Carter %f*V Everett L. Cooley /*/;

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Marguerite Sinclair Reusser Joel E. Ricks Horace A. Sorensen Russel B. Swensen FELLOWS Leonard J. Arrington Fawn M. Brodie Juanita Brooks Olive W. Burt C. Gregory-' Crampton Austin E. Fife LeRoy R. Hafen Jesse D. Jennings A. Kail Larson Gustive O. Larson v«V David E. Miller Wallace Stegner

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