Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 40, Number 3, 1972

UTAH'S ETHNIC MINORITIES

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. SMITH,

Editor

GLEN M. LEONARD, Managing

Editor

MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Assistant Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, Provo S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, Logan

DAVID £ . MILLER, Salt Lake City MRS. HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City LAMAR PETERSEN, Salt Lake City HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City JEROME STOFFEL, Logan

The Utah Historical Quarterly is the official publication of the Utah State Historical Society and is distributed to members upon payment of the annual dues: institutions, $7.00; individuals, $5.00; students, $3.00 (with teacher's statement). Single copies, $2.00.

The primary purpose of the Quarterly is to publish manuscripts, photographs, and documents contributing new insights and information to Utah's history.

Manuscripts and material for publication — accompanied by return postage — should be submitted to the editor. Review books and correspondence concerning manuscripts should be addressed to the managing editor.

Membership applications and change of address notices should be addressed to the membership secretary. Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, Utah 84102.

The Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion expressed by contributors.

The Utah Historical Quarterly is entered as second-class mail and second-class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah.

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

S U M M E R 1 9 7 2 / V O L U M E 40 / NUMBER 3

Contents IN THIS ISSUE

.

. .

IN MEMORIAM: DEAN R. BRIMHALL

. .

UTAH'S ETHNIC MINORITIES: A SURVEY SUN DANCE AT WHITEROCKS, 1919

BOOK REVIEWS BOOK NOTICES

.

.

. JUANITA BROOKS

RICHARD O.

. .

FIFTY YEARS WITH A FUTURE: SALT LAKE'S GUADALUPE MISSION AND PARISH I REMEMBER HIAWATHA

207

.

. .

ULIBARRI

210

KARL E. YOUNG

233

JERALD H.

MERRILL

242

VIRGINIA HANSON

265

. . .

RECENT ARTICLES HISTORICAL NOTES

. .

. . . . . . .

275

. 2 8 7

. . . . .

208

. 2 8 9

. . .

293

T H E C O V E R As varied as the landscape are the many faces of man in Utah. Japanese Americans gather outside Topaz High School in the 1940s. Mexican American parishioners and church workers pose outside Guadalupe Mission in the 1930s. On the back cover stand the heroic Chief Ouray and his wife, Chipeta, in an 1880 Smithsonian Institution photograph.

Andrew J. Russell captured a Black Union Pacific clerk at Echo City during the construction of the railroad.

© Copyright 1972 Utah State Historical Society

WEBER, DAVID J., The Taos

Trappers:

The Fur Trade in The Far Southwest, 1540-1846 . .

.

T E D J. WARNER 275

BRUNVAND, J A N HAROLD, A Guide for Collectors of Folklore in Utah . . MICHAEL O W E N JONES

K E I T H L E Y , GEORGE, The

276

Donner

Party

JOHN

BITTON, DAVIS, ED., The Reminiscences

Civil War Letters of Levi Lamoni Wight: Life in a Mormon Splinter on the Texas Frontier

.

.

.

STERLING HARRIS

277

and

Colony ROBERT FLANDERS

278

Medals S. LYMAN T Y L E R

279

BENDER, H E N R Y E., J R . , Uintah Railway: The Gilsonite Route RICHARD W. SADLER

280

PRUCHA, FRANCIS PAUL, Indian Peace in American History . . . .

Books reviewed PAIGE, HARRY W., Songs of the

Teton

Sioux

BARNEY O L D COYOTE

281

ABBEY, EDWARD, AND H Y D E , P H I L I P ,

Slickrock: The Canyon

Country

of Southeast

MIRIAM BRINTON M U R P H Y

Utah

.

282

DRIGGS, B. W., History of Teton Valley,

Idaho

DAVID L. CROWDER

284

COURLANDER, HAROLD, The Fourth World of the

Hopis: The Epic Story of the Hopi Indians as Preserved in their Legends and Traditions

L O R E N E PEARSON

284

PAHER, STANLEY W., Las Vegas: As It Began — As It Grew

.

.

.

.

POTTER, EDGAR R., Cowboy Slang

ELBERT B. EDWARDS

285

.

286

VIRGINIA N. PRICE

In this issue Promoters of tourism emphasize Utah's unique natural wonders — the "different world" of red rock canyons, sandstone citadels, and fossilized dinosaur bones. In addition, boosters echo historians in noting the cultural and historical differences contributed by the Mormons. Although it was not always so, the wild wonderlands of the southern region and the works of the dominant people are now advertised abroad as positive differences. A tourist's visit is incomplete without planned stops at natural vistas and Mormon landmarks.

Utah, not unlike neighboring states, is home to other different people who have often suffered from a negative press. Of non-European origin, they are easily identified as ethnic minorities: Japanese and Chinese immigrants from Asia, Blacks from Africa, Indians native to America, and Chicanos of a mixed Spanish-Indian background. Utah's ethnic minorities have been culturally isolated. Except perhaps for the Indian they have also been historically slighted.

Current social movements focus popular attention on the forgotten contributions and needs of minorities. In the picture above, Sister Maria Guadalupe assists young students at Salt Lake's La Hacienda to gain some of the qualifying skills needed by the ethnically segregated. An honorable place in society can be more easily attained with the help of a meaningful heritage. But the gaps in minority history in Utah are many. This issue of the Quarterly surveys minority history, examines the story of a specific group, views ethnic lifeways through the eyes of white onlookers, and — in all this — suggests that much ethnic history remains to be written in Utah.

In Memoriam

209

Browning's statement, "The last of Life, for which the first was made," seems eminently true of Dean R. Brimhall. For years after most men are confined to a rocking chair, he was out in the wilds of Wayne County, locating and photographing petroglyphs and pictographs of an ancient civilization. These hundreds of colored slides, so clear, so perfect, give an entirely new dimension to our concept of life on this earth. Sponsored and assisted by the Smithsonian Institution, Dean has made these available also to our area.

Hardly less surprising than the pictographs themselves are other views of a man well in his eighties on the high scaffolding taking the pictures. Add to this the finished product, labeled and numbered and filed, and the result is a contribution of enduring value.

His varied career brought him to national prominence in other fields.

As director of research for the Civil Aeronautics Administration, he supervised or originated more than one thousand research projects and was rewarded by the Department of Commerce with a gold medal for his contributions to aviation. He was also a psychologist and an educator.

The Utah State Historical Society is especially indebted to Dean Brimhall for its collection of early Utah diaries. As director of the State Planning Board for the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) for Utah, Dean authorized the project for collecting and preserving local history. Begun in St. George, it was soon made statewide, and later the program was adopted in some neighboring states.

Dean's work with the WPA and the CWA was of national import and was rewarded by citations and gold medals at the time. His contributions to history and ecology will grow in importance with the years.

Appointed to the Board of State History in 1965, he served with distinction up until the time of his death. At the Nineteenth Annual Meeting, the Society recognized his efforts in behalf of history by naming him an Honorary Life Member. The Board of State History is honored to have had Dean R. Brimhall as one of its members.

Juanita Brooks

I—J*|y

^wm Symbolic of the urban ghetto was Salt Lake City's Plum Alley — home to many Chinese. Whitewashed building is a noodle parlor. City Engineer's Collection at the Utah State Historical Society.

Utah's Ethnic Minorities: A Survey

BY RICHARD O. ULIBARRI

o

of American history has been that of the American melting pot. This theory has been propounded with such fervor that only recently has it been shown to contain some serious in' N E OF T H E PET THEORIES

Dr. Ulibarri is director of the Institute of Ethnic Studies at Weber State College. He received that institution's first Honors Lecture Award for his paper "The Negro Legacy in America." In June of this year he was named to the Board of State History.

This article will appear as one chapter in a forthcoming multi-author college textbook on Utah history. The footnotes are designed primarily as a guide to further reading.

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consistencies. The fact of the matter is that the melting has only applied to those immigrants who came to the United States from Europe. There are in the United States and in the state of Utah significant numbers of people who have never been assimilated. These are the members of the Black, Chicano, American Indian, and Oriental minorities. There are other so-called minority peoples residing in the state, but they are minorities only in the sense that they are small in number. In the main, these other people have become part of the American melting pot process.

True ethnic minorities in this country are those who, because of racial or cultural difference, are treated as a group apart or regard themselves as aliens here and who are, therefore, held in lower esteem and deferred from certain opportunities open to the dominant group. These are the people to be described in this historical survey.

The primary reason minority people have not mixed is the majority population's refusal to accept them because they are "different." All of them, for instance, have easily recognizable physical features such as skin color, texture of hair, stature, and facial features which set them apart from the majority. Another difference commonly shared is their nonEuropean origin.

Japanese and Chinese Americans came to this country from Asia.

Blacks were brought against their will as slaves from Africa. Indians, of course, were already here. Chicanos shared a European background on the side of their Spanish forefathers, but they also shared distinctive Indian cultural backgrounds. As a result of "different" backgrounds, these minorities have cultural traits unlike the norm for the rest of the country. Often these differing cultural traits have been taken as an affront by the majority society. Of critical importance is the fact that Indians, Blacks, and Chicanos have been conquered people, thus having suffered denaturalization and cultural isolation. Orientals, on the other hand, while not suffering this fate, did suffer severe immigration discrimination.

Another common trait of these minorities is that none of them shared in the American frontier experience except on the wrong end of the action. That is, they did not participate in a manner which brought them the benefits of that experience. Specifically applied in Utah, we see that here Indians suffered the loss of their lands to the early Utah white settlers at precisely the same time the land of the Mexican fathers of the present-day Chicanos was taken over by the United States government. Those Blacks who came during the settling of the Utah frontier

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came as slaves or servants, and Orientals came to stay only after the original settlements had been made, participating on the periphery as basic laborers. Incidentally, it should be stated that the experience in this regard was not unique but simply furthered a pattern developed elsewhere on the frontier of America's sweep westward.

The minority peoples in Utah are truly in the minority, for, while their number increased about sixty-three percent from 1960 to 1970, they still comprised only slightly more than six percent of the total population of the state in 1970. This contrasts with national figures which show minority groups comprising approximately fifteen percent of the total population of the United States. Chicanos form the largest minority group in Utah, numbering more than forty thousand persons or at least 3.5 percent of the total state population. Other minority groups in Utah comprise significantly smaller percentages of the state's population: Indians from various tribes, 1.1 percent; Orientals, 0.9 percent; and Blacks, 0.6 percent. The Chicanos, then, comprise a larger group than the other three minorities put together. 1 1 Figures used throughout, unless credited otherwise, are derived from U.S., Department of Commerce, General Social and Economic Characteristics, Utah: 1970 Census of Population (Washington, D.C., 1972).

Japanese Americans raised many crops at Topaz and on their own truck Utah Mate Historical Society collections, courtesy Leonard J. Arrington.

farms.

Utah's Ethnic

Minorities

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Most of Utah's minorities, with the exception of the American Indian, are concentrated along the Wasatch Front, particularly in the larger urban populations of Salt Lake City and Ogden. Blacks and Chicanos live in those communities which are close to the state's military installations where they most readily find employment.

The very small number of Chinese who reside in the state are concentrated in the densely populated areas where many are engaged in small businesses such as laundry and dry cleaning establishments and restaurants. Most of the Japanese Americans also live relatively close to the major population centers. Many of them, however, are engaged in farming activities, particularly in truck farms. Others own small business establishments, and the younger generations, now graduating from colleges, are entering the professions.

Most Indians still reside on the reservations; in San Juan County alone are found approximately half of Utah's total Indian population.

However, in the decade of the 1960s, an important shift was noted as Indians moved from the reservations to urban areas. During that period, the total Indian population in metropolitan Utah more than doubled, giving evidence of significant migration.

BLACKS : SERVITUDE AND SERVICE

The Black population in Utah is extremely small. There were residing in the state only slightly more than six thousand five hundred in 1970, and nearly all of these were located in the urban communities of Salt Lake City and Ogden — near military installations and the fastdying railroad centers. Nevertheless, Blacks have made their imprint on the area. The first Blacks arrived with the earliest fur trappers who entered the region. Sadly, most of them remain nameless. However, James P. Beckwourth, a member of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company from 1823 to 1826, was one of the area's noted Mountain Men. 2 The Brigham Young Monument at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets in Salt Lake City and the This is the Place Monument at the mouth of Emigration Canyon contain the names of three Black men who entered the Salt Lake Valley with the vanguard of Mormon pioneers. These three Black slaves achieved an immortality along with other Utah pioneers. Their names were Green Flake, Hark 1 For an account of the adventures of this comrade of Jedediah S. Smith and company, see James P. Beckwourth, The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth, ed. J. D. Bonner (New York, 1969).

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Lay, and Oscar Crosby.3 While they were the first Black slaves into the area, they were not the only ones, for there were many Blacks accompanying the Mormon parties on their journeys westward. A great number of the Mormons immigrated to the Great Basin from the southern states and brought their slaves with them. For example, the Mississippi Company in 1848 included fifty-seven white members and thirty-four Blacks."

Some Blacks came as free men and others as slaves. In the case of the latter, they often were the most valuable property a family had. Mormon pioneer John Brown listed in his autobiography an inventory of the gifts made to the church which included real estate valued at $775.00, a long list of livestock, farm equipment, tools, household articles, and one "African Servant Girl" valued at $1,000.00. The value of this slave girl constituted one-third of the entire gift.5 By the ambiguity of the Compromise of 1850, Utah was the only western territory in which Blacks were held as slaves. According to the United States Census of that year, there were in Utah twenty-four free Blacks and twenty-six Black slaves. And the census of 1860 listed thirty free Blacks and twenty-nine slaves.6 In 1851, the Utah Territorial Legislature passed an act protecting slavery in the territory. The law provided clearly defined obligations for both master and slave. These requirements were similar to those practiced in the South. While the slave trade was never legal in the territory, dealing in human bondage did take place. The legal practice ended, of course, with the conclusion of the Civil War. Many of the Black people at that time, both slave and free, were members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and remained in the territory. Some Blacks in the state today trace their origins to these early pioneers.7 Like other western territories, Utah has been the site of military defense installations, and Black men have played a significant role in establishing and maintaining them. In September 1884, war and the threat of war existed between the Ute tribes and the Mormon population.

As a result, the Bureau of Indian Affairs sent to the Uintah Reservation an agent who recommended the establishment of a fort near the reserva3 Dennis L. Lythgoe, "Negro Slavery in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Winter 1971), 40—41.

4 Philip T. Drotning, A Guide to Negro History in America (Garden City, N.Y., 1968). c J o h n Z. Brown, ed., Autobiography of Pioneer John Brown 1820-1896 City, 1941), 144.

"U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Negro Population (Washington, D.C., 1918), 57.

1 Lythgoe, "Negro Slavery in Utah," 54.

(Salt Lake 1790-1915

Utah's Ethnic Minorities

Blacks were employed at Utah mining camps, and R. J. Kemp's Junior Band at Mercur included a Black horn player. Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake Tribune Mining Centennial Collection.

tion for the "discipline and control" of the Indians. In August 1886, a site was selected at the junction of the Duchesne and Uinta rivers.

Chosen to command Fort Duchesne was Major F. W. Benteen, the man who had saved what was left of General George Custer's army. Benteen's Ninth Cavalry troops from Fort Steele and Fort Sidney, Nebraska, were Black. Much disliked by the Indians, they received from them the name "Buffalo Soldiers" because of their woolly beards. Their task was to defend the frontier of eastern Utah, western Colorado, and southwestern Wyoming.8 A monument at Fort Duchesne reads: August 21, 1886, two companies of colored infantry commanded by Major F. W. Benteen and four companies of infantry under Captain Duncan arrived at this site to control the activities of Indians. There were three bands of Utes — Uncompahgres, Whiterivers and Uintahs.

T h e troops hauled logs from nearby canyons, built living quarters, commissary, storehouses and hospital, thereby establishing Fort Duchesne.

Abandoned in 1912, now headquarters for the Uintah Reservation. 9

The famed "Buffalo Soldiers" served for nearly twelve years at Fort Duchesne.10 8 Thomas G. Alexander and Leonard J. Arlington, "The Utah Military Frontier, 18721912, Forts Cameron, Thornburgh, and Duchesne," Utah Historical Quarterly, 32 (Fall 1964), 344. ' 9 Inscription on Daughters of Utah Pioneers Monument No. 315, erected in 1935 at Fort Duchesne, Utah.

10 Alexander and Arrington, "The Utah Military Frontier," 344.

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Another military unit of Black soldiers — the Twenty-fourth Infantry Regiment — was stationed at old Fort Douglas and participated with distinction in Cuba during the Spanish-American War. These were the men who swept up San Juan Hill past the faltering Seventy-first New York Regiment, and, along with the Black Cavalry, helped save the day for Theodore Roosevelt. Following the battle of San Juan Hill, they served as nurses in the yellow fever hospital at Siboney.11 The Black population of Utah grew very slowly.12 While the entire population of the state at the turn of the century reached two hundred seventy thousand, there were only 678 Black residents, including approximately two hundred Black soldiers at Fort Duchesne. In the half century from 1850 to 1900, Blacks resided in Salt Lake, Uintah, Weber, and Tooele counties where they found employment with mines, railroads, and military establishments. " Drotning, A Guide to Negro History, 201.

Details on the location and number of Blacks in Utah are taken from George Ramjoue, "The Negro in Utah: A Geographical Study in Population," (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1968), 63-64.

12

Blacks frequently found employment with the railroads. These redcaps who worked in Ogden are: front row, LeRoy Johnson, Roy A. Goodwin, Johnnie McGhee, H w fertZil-r' Elmer Davis> Chase Ja(lues> Georie - Johnson, Walter S. Epps, William White. Photograph courtesy of Roy A Goodwin

Utah's Ethnic

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The period from 1900 to 1920 saw increased Black population growth. Despite the removal of some two hundred soldiers and their dependents from Uintah County, the Black population managed to double. Varied economic opportunities were available for them in Salt Lake City, in the coal mines in Carbon and Emery counties, and with the railroad in Weber County. However, population growth fell sharply in the period between 1920 and 1940. Employment — especially during the Depression — was extremely scarce, and Black people left the state in search of jobs elsewhere. The decline in coal mining in Utah's two coal counties presented particularly difficult economic conditions for Blacks, and by 1940, ninety percent of the state's Blacks lived in Salt Lake and Weber counties.

Beginning with the early 1940s, Utah's Black population increased much more rapidly than in previous years. Much of this growth resulted from increased employment opportunities with Department of Defense installations established during World War I I — Hill Air Force Base and the Naval Supply Depot in Davis County, the Utah General Depot in Weber County, and the Tooele Ordnance Depot and Dugway Proving Grounds in Tooele County.

As elsewhere in the United States, Blacks in Utah have faced discrimination and prejudice. The historical record shows that even lynchings occurred in the state, as in the cases of Sam J. Harney, who was lynched in Salt Lake City in 1885, and Robert Marshall, June 18, 1925, who was hanged twice in one day in Price by some eighteen hundred men, women, and children. 13 During the 1920s and the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan was active in the state and, as elsewhere, Blacks were the chief target. While blatant bigotry has subsided in the present day, Blacks still suffer from a degree of segregation. Statistics show that the Black core areas for Salt Lake City and Ogden, where at least eighty percent of Utah's total Black population resides, are in zones peripheral to the business district, from which they find it very difficult to escape.14 About seven census tracts in the central city area of Salt Lake contain about eighty percent of the city's Blacks, and in the central city of Ogden, five census tracts show about ninety-eight percent of the city's Black population. 15 13 Elmer R. Smith, "The 'Japanese' in Utah (Part I ) , " Utah Humanities (April 1948), 130.

14 Ramjoue, "The Negro in Utah," 65.

15 Ibid.

Review,

2

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Although Blacks have played a substantial role in the historical development of the state, it is obvious that they still have a long way to go in achieving equality in such areas as employment, educational opportunities, and adequate housing.

INDIANS : FIRST AND LAST CITIZENS

Another Utah minority which has played an influential role in the state's development, but which in many ways has further to go to achieve equality of opportunity to successfully compete in today's modern society, is the Indian in his various tribes throughout the state.

One of the obvious contributions of the Indian to the state of Utah is to be found in so many place names used throughout the state. 16 The most familiar is the name of the state itself. In addition, the names of counties such as Piute and Uintah; towns such as Panguitch, Parowan, and Kanab; and names of mountains and valleys such as Timpanogos Mountain, the Wasatch Mountains, and the Pahvant Valley in Millard County reflect the state's Indian heritage. It is fitting that there has never been any general feeling by Utah residents to change those names, for the Indian tribes lived in the area long before any other people.

According to the best calculations, the history of the Great Basin Indians must go back to the ancient Desert Culture of nine to ten thousand years ago when nomadic bands migrated according to the season, hunted and gathered food, and sought shelter in caves and under overhanging cliffs.17 By 6000 B.C. these Indians had evolved a specialized material culture and received new ideas, including agriculture, from Mexico which made possible a more sedentary style of living and gave them some leisure time. Archaeologists have called this more advanced culture the Southwestern, or Pueblo, Tradition. The flowering of Pueblo Culture, which reached classical proportions by the eleventh century, produced, among others, the Anasazi Culture centered in the Four Corners area. The decline of the Anasazi in the late twelfth century, for reasons that are not entirely clear, led to the eventual abandonment of their great towns. Archaeologists believe that the Hopis of northeastern 10 For an examination of the many Indian names used in the state, see William R Palmer, "Indian Names in Utah Geography," Utah Historical Quarterly, 1 (January 1928),

" A summary statement of early Utah Indian cultures is found in C. Gregory Crampton, Indian Country, Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Spring 1971), 90-94. See also the general works cited by Professor Crampton and an article by Jesse D. Jennings, "Early Man in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, 28 (January 1960), 2-27.

Utah's Ethnic

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Arizona and the Pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico are the descendants of these "old ones."

While the Pueblo Culture declined, other tribes — notably the Shoshonean-speaking Utes, Paiutes, and Gosiutes of Utah, Arizona, and Nevada — continued on in much the same way as the early desert dwellers. In addition, Athapaskan-speaking Navajos came down from Canada to settle principally in north-central New Mexico shortly before the coming of white men into the area. They gradually extended their territory and influence westward and eventually north across the San Juan River into Utah.

Beginning with Coronado in 1540, Spanish influence over the Indians of the Intermountain West in the ensuing centuries brought great cultural changes to these tribes. Uniquely important was the introduction of horses which the Utes and Navajos, especially, exploited. Then, in 1776, the Dominguez-Escalante expedition provided the first comprehensive documentation of the Indians in Utah. Spanish traders and the fur men from Missouri and New Mexico came on the heels of the padres and their band of explorers, and, later, New Mexico caravan traders opened the fifteen-hundred-mile Spanish Trail between Santa Fe and Los Angeles through the country of the Utes and the Paiutes.

Further changes were wrought upon the Indians of the area at the conclusion of the Mexican-American War in 1848 when control of the entire area passed from Mexico to the United States. Even before that war was over, the Mormon pioneers arrived in 1847 to compete with the Indians for available territory. While the Mormons pursued a basic policy of peaceful coexistence, they nevertheless confronted the Indians for the limited available resources. The gold rush and the great move of other pioneers to the Far West brought large numbers of prospectors and pioneers over the lands of the Utah Indians.

The subsequent history of the Indians in the Territory of Utah followed the familiar pattern of the Indian elsewhere in America, that is, a story of confrontation between two cultures and the inevitable giving way of one to the other. 18 Initially, the arrival of white settlers was not disturbing to Utah's Indians. The Great Salt Lake separated the Ute and Shoshoni bands which ranged over the Great Basin. But the food supply in the area was meager at best, and the Indian was accustomed to spending most of his time in search of food. In his own way, the Indian 18 James B. Allen and Ted J. Warner, "The Gosiute Indians in Pioneer Utah," Historical Quarterly, 39 (Spring 1971), 163.

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Gone is the simple grace of the tepee in this 1910 photograph of a woman at home on the Uintah and Ouray Reservation. Utah State Historical Society, A. L. Inglesby Collection.

had worked out a solution to his economic problems and was getting along at least satisfactorily. However, when the whites came and moved south, selecting the best sites for their villages, they took the favorite spots and gathering places of the Indian. In so doing, the balance of the Indian economy was disturbed. Deer were driven back into the high mountains or were killed off by the superior weapons of white settlers. Other game became scarce and other food supplies were much reduced. Consequently, the Indians were crowded into the least desirable lands, and the action prompted resistance on their part — resistance which began at Battle Creek with the Ute Indians in 1850, followed by two major Indian wars in the state, the Walker War of 1853-55, and the Black Hawk War of 1863-68.19 Brigham Young attempted to solve the problem of the dispossessed natives by creating farms where they might be trained to be self-sufficient.

The attempt failed, however, and the people of the territory desired to have the Indians expelled as the only realistic solution. The final result, of course, was institutionalization on reservations. During the Civil War, "Floyd A. O'Neil, "The Reluctant Suzerainty: The Uintah and Ouray Reservation" Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (Spring 1971), 130-44; William Z. Terry, "Causes of Indian Wars in Utah, Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters Proceedings, 21 (1943-44) 51.

Utah's Ethnic Minorities

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President Abraham Lincoln designated the Uintah Basin as a reservation for the various bands of Indians.20 Before the advent of reservations and before the white men came into the area, Utes had freely roamed in the territories of New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah and even into the present-day panhandles of Oklahoma and Texas. By 1886, however, all three Utes bands were consolidated under one agency at Fort Duchesne.

Meanwhile, in 1884, President Chester A. Arthur had issued an executive order making all lands in the state of Utah lying south of the San Juan River in its confluence with the Colorado a part of the Navajo Reservation. Subsequently, the reservation has been extended so that today Navajos have use and occupancy of southeastern Utah northward to the Bear's Ears and the present town of Blanding.21 The Gosiutes, who had historically inhabited the region south and west of the Great Salt Lake, more or less isolated in one of the most arid and inhospitable regions of the United States, resisted government attempts to be moved to the Uintah Valley to be institutionalized with the Utes, or to Fort Hall with the Shoshonis. Ideas were even proposed for removing them to Indian Territory. All such attempts failed, and the Gosiutes finally were provided a reservation in Skull Valley in 1912 (extended in 1919) and also the Deep Creek or Gosiute Reservation, established on the border between Nevada and Utah in 1914. Today these federal reservations still exist in Utah along with tribal owned lands and Indian grant lands from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints.22 Presently, great changes are occurring among some of the Indians of the state. Some are moving in significant numbers from reservations into urban areas to be absorbed in the work force and cultural milieu of the larger society. In many instances, there is an awakening of interest in the ancient Indian cultures among Indians themselves. Some tribal governments, such as that of the Utes in the Uintah Valley, are cooperating with federal agencies in transforming the reservation economically.

Education is now very intensive, and most important is the rise of selfdetermination among many. This, coupled with a more realistic view of Indian aspirations by the federal government, indicates that after years of frustration, Indians will play the dominant role in determining the course of their own development.

20

O'Neil, "The Uintah and Ouray Reservation," 130.

J. Lee Correll, "Navajo Frontiers in Utah and Troublous Times in Monument Valley," Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Spring 1971), 161.

22 Allen and Warner, "The Gosiute Indians," 163, 177.

21

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September 1942 — Relocated Japanese Americans arrive at Topaz.

Historical Society collections, courtesy Leonard J. Arrington.

Quarterly

Utah

State

JAPANESE: FROM SETBACK TO SUCCESS

In the face of similarly adverse conditions, another minority group, the Japanese, has played the dominant role in its development. The census of 1890 showed 4 Japanese in Utah, all male laborers. Within the next ten years the Japanese population increased to 417, of which only 11 were females. Most of this total were farm laborers and railroad hands working on section gangs. A few worked in the mines. This population gradually increased more than fivefold, so that by 1910 there were 2,110 Japanese Americans in the state. These people resided primarily in the Salt Lake Valley where they worked as farm laborers and farmers on a rental or share-crop basis. The population continued to grow gradually into the 1930s.23 During the 1920s, many of the Issei (first generation Japanese Americans) worked in the mines within the state. At Bingham Canyon, eight hundred worked in the. world's largest open pit copper mine, and in central Utah, centered around the town of Helper, approximately a thousand Issei mined coal. They worked also in the smelters at Garfield, Tooele, and Magna. Issei contributed greatly to the truck gardening of Box Elder, Davis, Weber, and Salt Lake counties. Celery and tomato culture in particular are indebted to the industriousness of the early Japanese. The sugar beet industry also depended on Japanese labor.24 23

Smith, "The 'Japanese' in Utah," 134. "•'Ibid., 140; Bill Hosokawa, Nisei: The Quiet Americans (New York, 1969), 74.

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By the late twenties and early thirties, areas in Ogden and Salt Lake City began to be known as Japanese centers where one could find new houses, small stores specializing in Japanese food, laundries, and a few hotels. Between 1930 and 1940, there was a decrease of Japanese population, primarily because jobs were no longer available for non-whites.

Some of those who left Utah returned to California, and some returned to Japan.25 "The largest influx of persons of Japanese ancestry took place during the war years of 1942-45. This influx was due to abnormal conditions, but nevertheless has left its imprint upon the Japanese population of Utah."20 When the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, about one hundred twenty-seven thousand persons of Japanese descent lived in the United States. Of these, more than one hundred twelve thousand resided on the Pacific Coast. In the hysteria of the time, such a large number on the coast created unrealistic fears that their presence was dangerous to the security of the western United States. Consequently, their removal from the Pacific Coast was demanded.27 At first, before mandatory relocation was affected, Nisei (second generation Japanese Americans educated in America) and Kibei (second generation Japanese Americans educated in Japan) were instructed to move out of strategic areas on their own. Almost five thousand did so, coming principally to Utah and Colorado during this period of voluntary evacuation. Since Salt Lake City was generally the first stop for those moving eastward, about fifteen hundred dropped out of the eastward stream and remained in Utah, adding to the more than two thousand persons of Japanese ancestry already living here at the time.28 With the creation of Topaz in Millard County near Delta, Utah — one of ten centers under the War Relocation Authority — over eight thousand Japanese Americans were brought into the state between September 1942 and October 1945. For three years these imported residents comprised the fifth most populous city in Utah. Despite being forced to live under the most trying circumstances, residents of the center at Topaz, as well as those in the nine other centers, proved not only their patriotism but their industry as well. As strange as it may seem, during 25

Smith, "The 'Japanese' in Utah," 134, 140.

Ibid., 135.

27 Leonard J. Arrington, The Price of Prejudice: The Japanese-American Relocation Center in Utah during World War II, Twenty-fifth Faculty Honor Lecture, U t a h State University (Logan, Utah, 1962), 3-5.

28 Ibid., 7.

20

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World War II the headquarters of the Buddhist Church of America was at Topaz, having been transferred from San Francisco.29 Even before the conclusion of the war in the Pacific, the War Relocation Authority, recognizing that a serious mistake had been made, began to provide for the resettlement of Japanese out of the relocation centers. From the centers they went to those areas where there was the possibility for immediate employment. In Utah, the Tooele Ordnance Depot became one of the chief employers. By the end of 1944, three hundred new families had been added to the original Japanese families there, and many still live in that area.30 In all, some five thousand Japanese Americans settled in Utah after World War II. However, by the census year 1970, the population of Japanese Americans had once again decreased to probably not more than five thousand in the state.31 20

Ibid., 15, 33.

Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "They Kept 'Em Rolling: The Tooele Army Depot, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly, 31 (Winter 1963), 11; Jerry Taylor, "Orientals in Utah Seek a Median of Identity Ties to Community " Salt Lake Tribune, August 9, 1971.

11 Arrington, Price of Prejudice, 37-38.

30

Even the hysteria of wartime could not stop such normal activities as storytelling at Topaz. Utah State Historical Society collections, courtesy Leonard ]. Arrington.

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Extremely industrious, the Japanese are one of Utah's most successful groups. In Salt Lake City, the Japanese newspaper, Utah Nippo, has a circulation of about one thousand. Published twice weekly, it is quite effective in holding the community together. The most vibrant Japanese American organization is the Japanese American Citizens League, which can boast at least one member from nearly every Japanese family in the state. The various chapters carry out social and athletic programs, sponsor scholarships, and conduct youth activities. Religiously, the Japanese people of the state are aligned with the Japanese Church of Christ, the Salt Lake Buddhist Church, and the Nichiren Buddhist Church. Several hundred members affiliate with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.32 The newest generation, the Sansei, is nearly a century removed from the first Japanese immigrants to this country, but the traditions of their forefathers continue to provide them with the cultural attributes that have assisted them in periods of duress.

C H I N E S E : LABORERS AND B U S I N E S S M E N

The history of the Chinese in Utah begins with the construction of the transcontinental railroad. Charles W. Crocker, one of the "big four" of the Central Pacific Railroad, recruited Chinese. More than ten thousand of them were working on the transcontinental railroad in 1868.

Across Nevada and into Utah these crews laid up to ten miles of track a day. When the project was completed with the joining of the tracks at Promontory, Utah, in 1869, the Chinese moved to other railroad jobs or worked in mining communities.33 Three major population centers in the state at the turn of the century, Salt Lake City, Ogden, and Provo, all had a number of Chinese laundries and restaurants. Several of these establishments which were operating in the railroad center of Ogden in the late 1890s and early 1900s continue to the present time.34 Park City, which once had a solid Chinese subculture, and other mining areas of the state attracted significant numbers of Chinese laborers.36 By 1970 the Chinese population of the state was very small, probably not more than one thousand. Of this number, many were small "Ibid.

33 George Kraus, "Chinese Laborers and the Construction of the Central Parifi,- " TTt„h Historical Quarterly, 37 (Winter 1969), 42-45.

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Utah's Ethnic Minorities

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Thousands of Chinese participated in the construction of the transcontinental railroad in the 1860s. Shown here is a tea carrier. Utah State Historical Society collections, courtesy Southern Pacific Railroad.

business operators still managing restaurants, laundries, dry cleaning establishments, and other small concerns. The only Chinese organization in the state today is the Bing Cong Tong or Bing Cong Benevolent Association. A vestige of the organization that once brought fear into the hearts of the residents of San Francisco's Chinatown, the tong of today has mellowed and is basically a social organization which provides a place for Chinese to meet and to speak their native tongue. The organization has about one hundred members, all of them belonging to the older generation. Members of the older generation feel that younger Chinese in the state are losing their identification with the ancient traditions. However,

Utah Historical Quarterly

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it appears that there is enough left of the traditions of the past that the younger generations continue to be industrious and successful citizens.36 CHICANOS: ADJUSTING TO URBAN LIFE

As noted earlier, Utah's largest minority group is the Chicano. This term is desirable above all others for it is the only term which includes all of the various sub-groups of Spanish-speaking peoples. Chicanos are the "children" of the cultural legacy of the Spanish conqueror and the Indian wives of the conquerors. Unlike the English who brought their families to settle in America, the Spanish came for gold, glory, or gospel.

Consequently, they did not bring their wives and families, and those who chose to remain took wives from among the Indians. As a result, the culture of the Chicano has elements of its Spanish and Indian heritage as well as influences from the United States.

Chicanos are American, not Mexican, although many former Mexican nationals are included within the scope of the term. Along with Mexican nationals there are other subgroupings such as the "Spanish 16

Ibid.

Jose Victor Gonzales, John Morrison, and unidentified sheep shearers with the herd at summer pasture near Ground Hog Dam, Colorado.

Wint™pasture was in Monticello and Moab. Photograph courtesy of Manuel Fernandez

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Minorities

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Americans" from New Mexico and southern Colorado and the Texans, many of whom came as part of the migrant stream every summer throughout the state. Also among the yearly migrant stream are those who have been called "wetbacks" because they have illegally entered the United States at some time to seek employment. Finally, there are a few "Californios." Sometimes called Chicanos, but inaccurately, are the Spanish-speaking Latin Americans. Whether or not they are really Chicanos would depend upon their own desire to be associated with and their acceptability to the Chicano community.

Within this definition, the first Chicanos were the "Spanish pioneers." In 1540, Captain Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, a member of the Coronado expedition, reached the Colorado River near the southern edge of the Great Basin but probably did not get into the present state of Utah. The first Chicanos to definitely enter the state were members of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition of 1776.37 This expedition, which was the first non-Indian penetration of the Great Basin, set down the names of Indian tribes and geographical features, most of which are current today. While the Escalante expedition failed in its major objective — establishing communication and transportation connections between Santa Fe and the California settlements — it did lead to the development of trade from the New Mexico settlements into the Great Basin region. It is impossible to determine how far northward Spanish trade with the Indians actually reached, but in its westward passage through Montana and Idaho, the Lewis and Clark party observed many signs of contact between the Spanish from Santa Fe and area Indians. The Utes and Navajos, particularly anxious for Spanish horses, often engaged in furnishing slaves and pelts to the Santa Fe traders. The slaves traded were usually Paiutes and Western Shoshonis taken by the Utes and Navajos in warfare. 38 This early contact led directly to fur trapping operations by traders coming from Santa Fe into the Great Basin. As a result, the Old Spanish Trail was established, finally creating a link between New Mexico and southern California. The passing of the fur trade, the coming of the 37 T h e Utah State Historical Society has published many accounts of the DominguezEscalante expedition, including Herbert E. Bolton, ed., Pageant in the Wilderness: The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776, Utah Historical Quarterly, 18 (1950).

38 Catherine S. Fowler and Don D. Fowler, "Notes on the History of the Southern Paiutes and Western Shoshonis," Utah Historical Quarterly, 39 (Spring 1971), 103-4; Joseph J. Hill, "Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, 1765-1853," Utah Historical Quarterly, 3 (January 1930), 3 - 2 3 ; William J. Snow, "Utah Indians and Spanish Slave Trade," Utah Historical Quarterly, 2 (July 1929), 67-73.

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Dan Garcia and son near Ridway, Colorado, with the "Galloping Goose" which is still in use at Knott's Berry Farm. Courtesy of Manuel Fernandez.

Mormons, and the Mexican War of 1846-48 combined to bring an end to the old patterns which had attracted numbers of adventurers from Santa Fe to the areas surrounding the Great Salt Lake. 39 In many ways, the southeastern portion of the state is linked culturally to northwestern New Mexico and southwestern Colorado. San Juan County, particularly, contains many of the elements of the cultural patterns of those areas. Grand and Emery counties, too, have long had established populations of Chicanos, many of whom came from Colorado and New Mexico. Immigration of Chicanos from other portions of the Southwest and from Mexico did not take place to any appreciable degree until the turn of the century.

Some Mexican nationals who left Mexico during the Revolution of 1910 came into the United States. A number of these moved to Utah, settling along the Wasatch Front — particularly in Weber County — where they became employed with section gangs for the railroad. 40 Others settled in the state's mining districts. In 1912, when Utah's mining centers were in the throes of labor-management disputes, Mexican miners were brought in as strikebreakers. Hundreds entered the state at that 30 The most recent scholarly examination of the trade out of New Mexico is David J Weber, The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest, 1540-1846 (Norman, 1971). '" Interview with Manuel Fernandez, Ogden, Utah, November 18 1971.

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In this city engineer's photograph taken in the early 1900s, a racially mixed gang of workers lays streetcar track on Salt Lake's Main Street while a Black messenger with a bicycle looks up at the photographer. Utah State Historical Society collections.

time. During the Depression of the 1930s, the mines suffered a setback, and Chicanos, like other minorities, were forced into other types of employment. Many became agricultural farmhands during that period.41 The bulk of the Chicano population in Utah arrived after the beginning of World War II. They came not from Mexico but from the southwestern states of Arizona, Texas, California, New Mexico, and Colorado — principally southern Colorado and northern New Mexico.

The reason was purely economic. Northern New Mexico and southern Colorado had no industry, and the war boom of military installations in Utah attracted Chicanos in large numbers. In 1944, the Tooele Ordnance Depot, facing an acute labor shortage, went to New Mexico to recruit personnel. Both Indians and Chicanos were brought to Tooele, and 11 Helen Z. Papanikolas, "Life and Labor among the Immigrants of Bingham Canyon,: Utah Historical Quarterly, 33 (Fall 1965), 305.

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many still reside there. 42 This migration has continued in the years since World War II. The area has proved to be a prime source of employment because of the fair employment practices of government installations.

An additional source of Chicano migration to Utah since World War II has been the transient migrant stream which passes through the state in the spring, summer, and fall months. These migrant workers provide a valuable source of labor for Utah agriculture. Most of them are either Texans or Mexican nationals who pass as Texans. In recent years, as urbanization and mechanization have decreased agricultural opportunities in the area, more and more members have dropped out of the migrant stream and have taken up residence along the Wasatch Front.

Historically, Chicanos have been tied to the land. However, automation has driven workers from the fields, and large farms have dealt a death blow to the small landowner. Not possessing the skills for urban living, Chicanos have gone through a serious transition period. One of the most critical problems is that of education. Less than thirty-five percent graduate from high school, and many less attend college. There are some indications that this may change. Quite a number of Chicanos are to be found throughout the state in skills training programs.

In summary, Chicanos, Blacks, and Indians have not been able to succeed economically and have encountered serious social dislocations.

On the other hand, the Oriental races have evidently discovered a means of maintaining their identity and cultural backgrounds while surviving in the highly competitive system of the United States. With the civil rights reforms of the 1960s, added to the continuing pressure against bigotry and prejudice carried out by minorities and many sensitive whites, these groups may yet become equal citizens. Compared to many other states, Utah has had only a small percentage of minorities. Nevertheless, the task of providing full citizenship to minorities here has not been significantly different from other states in the Union, and much remains to be done.

Since understanding and appreciating the historical contributions of any people grants them dignity and self-respect, the recorded history of Utah's minorities provides a necessary step toward full citizenship status.

rl

Arrington and Alexander, "They Kept 'Em Rolling," 3-25.

Sun Dance at Whiterocks, 1919

BY K A R L E. Y O U N G

Drawing of a Ute sun dance lodge by a Ute school child. Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.

of the

Mr. Young is professor emeritus of English at Brigham Young University and president of the Utah Valley Chapter of the Utah State Historical Society. This article was presented at the Society's Nineteenth Annual Meeting and has been edited for publication.

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T.

o T H I N K BACK ON relatively recent events from a historical point of view might help one put things in a proper chronological focus. The sun dance at Whiterocks which is to be described here took place in 1919 — only fifty-three years ago. From several points of view the intervening period seems short. That sun dance occurred less than a dozen years before some of my colleagues and I started teaching at Brigham Young University. It doesn't really seem so far back.

But now think of a fairly similar period of time preceding the sun dance in question. The battle of the Little Big Horn, in which Custer and more than two hundred men of his command lost their lives, took place in 1876, only forty-three years before the sun dance of 1919. The shameful slaughter at Wounded Knee occurred near the end of December 1890, not a full twenty-nine years before this sun dance. Sixteen years after Wounded Knee a band of more than three hundred Utes, led by Red Cap, left Whiterocks on the Uinta River to go to Pine Ridge and live with the Sioux. Their departure was a mere thirteen years prior to the sun dance I am talking about.

The point to be arrived at here is this. If what happened fifty-two years ago does not seem terribly remote, then by analogy what happened forty-three years before the sun dance of 1919 probably did not seem extraordinarily remote as far as the Indian people were concerned. There were probably a good many Indians present at the ceremony of which I write who were adults in 1876 and who could remember vividly and with pride the reports which no doubt spread all over the Indian country of the smashing defeat of the Blue Coats at the Little Big Horn. T h e Ute Indians near the end of the second decade of this century were probably a lot closer to their grandparents' ways of life and thought than Utes of today are to the mores of their grandparents.

During the summer of 1919 I was living in a tent on the bench lands above the Green River about five or six miles from Ouray, where a ferry was operated. I was helping my father prove up on a piece of ground which he had homesteaded. I can remember seeing strings of ponies come up out of the river bottoms at daybreak and trot single file off in the direction of Whiterocks. Men, women, and children rode these ponies, and they had come, so I was told, across the Book Cliffs on a long ride from the Southern Ute Agency in the southwest corner of Colorado.

Indians on the local reservation traveled by horseback, too, or drove buckboards with the women and children seated on the floor in the back.

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The older women all wore moccasins. They buckled their calico dresses in with long beaded belts and carried their coins in dangling, beaded buckskin purses. The older men also wore moccasins and dressed their hair in braids. They covered their heads with broad silk handkerchiefs when they rode, leaving only a narrow slit open in front of nose and eyes and crowning the whole with tall, wide-brimmed black hats. The heavy silk, I learned, was a protection against the swarms of gnats, "no-seeums," that made life miserable.

It was people like these who came to the sun dance in 1919. None of them drove cars. Not many of the white farmers in the area had cars either. I can remember the many ponies and buckboards that came down to the sun dance grounds from the shacks and cabins around Whiterocks, Randlett, Ouray, and Myton. If the hay needed cutting, no matter. It could wait until after the big annual ceremony at Whiterocks.

The dance site was an open flat of coarse grass, dotted with scant growths of wild rosebushes and buffalo-berries and located about three miles south of Whiterocks and half a mile north of the Uinta River.

Judging by the number of sun dance ghosts, that is, the tall, forked center poles which were left standing after each of the yearly ceremonies, one might surmise that these grounds were the traditional spot where the dance had been held ever since the Utes had been forced out of their lovely mountain valleys in Colorado and had been obliged to settle on lands far less desirable for farming than their own grassy meadows back

Street scene at Whiterocks, ca. 1912. Utah State Historical Society gift of Floyd A. O'Neil, courtesy of Mrs. James W. Hoopes.

photograph,

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on the White River. Some of the cottonwood ghosts looked very ragged and weatherbeaten indeed. Occasionally one might see a bundle of willows still lodged in the cleft of the pole, ten or twelve feet above the ground. Nothing else remained standing of the structure which each year housed the ceremony.

Originally there was a leafy wall of branches surrounding the center pole. This enclosure measured probably sixty feet in diameter. The branches were woven into a circle of sturdy cottonwood posts which supported a dozen straight young lodgepoles, peeled and beautiful, like the spokes of a great wheel overhead. Their butts rested in the stubby forks of the circling posts; their tips were interwoven above the forks of the center pole; and within these forks was lodged the sacred medicine bundle.

Ringing the interior of the 1919 enclosure was a series of individual booths, hugging the west wall and extending around the arc north and south. The east side of the enclosure was open. It faced directly toward the point where the rising sun would emerge above the low hills. The booths were shallow enough to provide plenty of room for the dancing, but each booth was separated from its neighbors by a leafy panel on the two sides, thus providing a certain feeling of privacy to the individual who occupied it.

No white man could predict precisely on what day the sun dance would commence in the summer of 1919. I am not certain that any given Indian could either. The schedule was arranged according to Indian time, which allowed for plenty of latitude. For three days prior to the dance we drove up to the sun dance grounds, expecting on each evening to see the dance commence. What held the ceremony up I could never find out. The Indians who occupied the camps which had been set up in the surrounding flats and bottomlands did not seem concerned enough about the delays to know why they happened. O r at least they did not care to share their concern with us. "Will they dance tomorrow?" we asked. "Mebbeso. You come long sundown. Mebbeso dance," was the best we could get out of them.

On the day when the dance did commence we arrived before sundown and wandered around the campgrounds, watching various groups of men playing monte on a blanket spread out in the shade or absorbed in the stick game. This was a fascinating gambling routine in which a participant, skilled in sleight-of-hand maneuvering, juggled two small peeled sticks, while men on his side kept up a rhythmic tapping on a

Sun Dance at Whiterocks

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pole laid in front of them. Players on the opposing side watched narrowly until one of them was certain that he knew which hand the marked stick was in. Then he pointed. If he was right, the two sticks went over to the other side and a counter was added to the winner's pile.

Meanwhile I tried to keep an eye on the big tepee — the only one around — which was pitched about seventy-five yards from the sun dance corral. Occasionally a man with a bundle lifted the door cloth and went into the tepee. After the sun went down, as twilight set in, the stick games and monte stopped, and people began to gather in front of the sun dance corral. It was quite dark when, abruptly, a loud boom sounded on a big drum. All talk and bustle ceased. Then another boom came and a third.

I forget how many booms there were, but the pace was very slow and the tension was great. Then a blanketed figure emerged from the tepee and began to walk around it. He was followed by a second figure, and a third, until all the dancers had come out and were walking with slow, dignified tread in single file about seven or eight paces apart. They were muffled in blankets or robes, hanging full length and drawn up over their heads, partially concealing their faces. From the lips of each dancer an eagle bone whistle protruded through the folds of the blanket and emitted an eerie, melancholy note which was repeated again and again.

The line of dancers walked toward the dance enclosure and circled it three times — once for each night and day that the dance was to endure. Meanwhile the big drum boomed at slow, regular intervals. After the third round, the dancers entered the enclosure and took up their positions in the booths facing the sun dance pole. It was too dark to see what ceremonial gestures, if any, were performed by the dancers, but, dimly, one could make out that they were arranging personal items within the booths which they were to occupy during the next three days. They folded their robes and straightened their loin cloths, some of which hung from naked waists to naked feet and were broad enough to encircle the whole body. Other dancers wore more conventional style G-strings, looped over a belt before and behind and hanging down several inches below the knees.

The slow pounding on the drum had now ceased, and one became aware of the origin of this accompaniment. Halfway between the open east entrance to the corral and the center pole and then off toward the south side of this quarter of the encircled area hung a large drum. It was suspended in a horizontal position by thongs which were looped over four stakes that had been driven there for the specific purpose of

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supporting the drum. Five or six singers knelt around the drum, waiting now for the ceremony to commence. Presently the sun dance chief came forward and stood before the center pole. The other dancers stood motionless, facing him. He sang then, without accompaniment, four short songs initiating the rites. He walked back to his position, and abruptly a high, quavering voice struck out on a spine-tingling song. Immediately the beaters came down in nine measured thumps, then fell into a steady rhythm as the other voices of the chorus joined in unison singing. The dancers meanwhile lifted their faces to the forks of the pole, where the sacred bundle was lodged, and began blowing their eagle bone whistles — high, piercing notes which were as wild and lonely as the cry of an eagle among the cliffs and clouds.

Now the dance began, each dancer advancing in a straight line toward the center pole. With elbows tucked in against their sides and forearms extending straight out in front of them, trunks erect, eyes fixed on the medicine bundle above them, feet together and knees slightly bent, the dancers came forward in a succession of swift, short jumps. The movements were somewhat like those of white men participating in a sack race, except that in such a race individuals would leap as far and as rapidly as they could. Here, however, the Indians advanced only a few inches, perhaps no more than three, in each jump. But since the effort was to keep time with the beating of the big drum, the exertion must have been enormous. I know this because I had tried the steps myself when I was ten years old. With my younger sister, whom I had browbeaten into accompanying me, I went through the motions in our old corral, dancing back and forth towards a snubbing post instead of the sun dance pole. I remember being completely winded within minutes.

How the dancers kept up the performance as long as they did really astonished me. But I soon discovered that, contrary to the white man's credulous belief in the story about the Indian's dancing without stopping for a period of three days, these dancers stopped before they became exhausted and lay down to rest in their leafy bowers. Some of them hung sheets across the entry to their niches, thus achieving a degree of privacy during rest periods. It was soon apparent that certain dancers would continue dancing considerably longer than others, and there was evidently no set pattern of when to rest and when to take up the dance again.

The chorus at the big tom-tom kept up the songs, one after another, with hardly a pause, showing such familiarity with the music that I was certain they had spent many hours practicing before the day when the

Sun Dance at

Whiterocks

Sun dance at Whiterocks. Dancers are moving toward center pole. courtesy of William F. Hanson.

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Photograph

dance began. Such habits of song practice are common among the Pueblo people of the Southwest before big ceremonial events. Occasionally a singer would tire and leave the group. Then his place would be taken by someone else. As far as I could tell, there were no words in the singing which accompanied the dancing but rather a characteristic vocalizing of the notes, also a very common practice in Indian singing.

And thus the night wore on. Spectators who had edged into the sun dance corral and sat down in the space between the chorus and the opening in the eastern wall lay on their sides with legs drawn up, an almost universal posture among the Indians present, and went to sleep. But the songs continued, and intermittently the dancers labored back and forth towards the center pole or reclined in their narrow booths. I noted, however, that oftentimes dancers would stand in the openings of their booths, flexing their knees to the rhythm of the song and the drum something like the loose-jointed jogging which boxers learn to perform while standing in one location. Always, nevertheless, the action was accompanied by the plaintive piping on the eagle bone whistles, which reminded one of the mysteries inherent in this rite.

At last as the gray of approaching dawn began to appear over the distant mountains, the dancers all stopped their night-long routine and

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commenced elaborate preparations to greet the sun. They combed their hair and smoothed their braids. They painted their cheekbones and brows and put all items of dress in order. They tied eagle down fluffs in their hair and folded their robes neatly. And then presently all of them had come forward and were standing in rows before the sun dance pole and directly facing the growing light in the east. In front of their ranks stood the sun dance chief, intent on the imminent miracle of the sunrise.

With eyes fixed on the horizon and eagle bone whistles between their lips, all of the dancers stood motionless, waiting the moment when the rim of the sun should first appear above the sharp edge of the sloping hills.

The moments dragged as the sky paled, turned white, and gradually yielded to the burning edge of the sun. Immediately the bone whistles shrilled and piped. The men lifted their arms and stretched out their hands to the dazzling brightness. They blew long, penetrating notes on their whistles and began to rub the sunlight into their naked arms and shoulders. They reached out their hands at arms length again and again toward the sun and then stroked their breasts and sides, their braids, their brows, and their cheeks with the blessings and power that the sun was bringing to them.

I could not for an instant bear to look directly into that sun light, but the dancers gazed steadfastly at the blazing ball during the whole period of its ascent above the horizon. That they were not all blinded immediately and permanently by this fanatical act is more than I can understand. Perhaps they focused their eyes immediately above the burning center, but to me, twenty feet away, they seemed to be staring into the total brightness.

After the sun had lifted completely above the hills, the drumming and singing ceased, and all of the dancers turned towards their booths to rest and relax before resuming the arduous pounding up and down those little paths which their feet were wearing in lines radiating out from the pole to their individual booths. Some of the dancers paused as they turned back from the welcoming of the sun to stroke the sunlit face of the pole and again rub this magic into their limbs and over their breasts and hair.

The Indian audience melted away, too, as people retired to their tents to eat and rest before returning to the ceremony. For the dancers there was nothing but rest and meditation. None of them would touch food or water during the next three days.

What was the significance of the sun dance? I heard various interpretations. Commonly I was told that it was a healing ceremony. But as

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I regarded the dancers in full daylight, I was impressed by the appearance of well-being, especially in the younger men who participated.

Several of these young men, I assumed, were dancing for the recovery of someone else to whom they had pledged the rite, or else they had committed themselves to the ceremony out of a desire to take part in a public spectacle and were consequently more interested in the drama of the presentation than in the ritual. Considerable talk went around among the white spectators concerning those dancers who seemed to endure the hardships of thirst and fasting best and at the same time perform most often the arduous dance forward and back to the center pole.

According to the tradition among Plains tribes, the sun dance is commonly vowed by someone who seeks to prevent sickness from attacking him or his near relatives. The significance of the ceremony is, however, surely not simple. Within the tradition, according to George A. Dorsey of the Field Museum in Chicago, there are elements of fertility worship, of success in war against a great enemy (sometimes symbolized by the center pole), of acknowledgement of the influence of the stars and cardinal points of the compass, and of rebirth and regeneration.

It was clear to me, from the mystery surrounding the presence of the big tepee, in which, no doubt, secret rites were performed, that the whole ceremony was divided into two parts, a secret part and a public part. Had I been present when the center pole and the long overhead rafters were selected and cut down, I might have witnessed a symbolized warfare, in which the enemy was felled and dragged into camp by whooping, triumphant warriors on horseback. I heard about this from Indian informants whose names I was too naive to learn at the time — if, indeed, I could have learned them.

The willow bundle in the fork of the center pole may have represented the nest of the thunderbird, whose cry was imitated by the blowing on the eagle wing bone whistles. At least, this was a well-known element of the rite among other Plains tribes.

Though there were some men taking part in the dance for whom the religious elements perhaps had little meaning, there can be little doubt that for the tribe as a whole this was the greatest event of the year.

Other dances, such as the bear dance, the round dance, and the turkey dance, were distinctly minor events in the Ute calendar. For the Utes, as for other Plains people, the sun dance was the chief expression by the tribe as a whole of their religious beliefs.

Fifty Years with a Future: Salt Lake's Guadalupe Mission and Parish

BY JERALD H .

Father Collins and his "kids" at Guadalupe Mission in the 1930s.

MERRILL

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ÂŁ< IFTY YEARS OF HISTORY have not brought fifty years of progress to the Mexican American in Salt Lake City. Isolated from the larger community by his language, culture, religion, and pattern of employment, he has felt the alienation of the city's institutions and the denial of its opportunities. His church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; while attempting to give meaning to his life, family, and community â&#x20AC;&#x201D; has hesitated to take a strong position relating to his social development and to his goal of social justice. For him the Catholic Church has been a father not an advocate, and his parish has been an agency relating to him as a client rather than a friend who would join in his struggle for dignity, opportunity, and equality.

Yet, the service role of the parish cannot be ignored. Emergency need and tragedies must find a caring response within the parish community as within a family. Nevertheless, a balance must be sought between the church's service role and its advocacy role. Service attempts to relieve the symptoms of alienation and poverty, while advocacy would root out their causes. As advocate, the parish has traditionally dealt with problems on an individual and family basis instead of mobilizing the parish people and resources toward definite social goals.

Guadalupe Parish has a unique potential for dealing with the causes of poverty. Many poor people are members of the parish, and many more of the poor live in the surrounding area. Of these poor families, most are Mexican American, yet a significant number of Black and Caucasian families are living in poverty. The plight of these urban poor has not gone unnoticed by middle-income families, and a strong group of these "advocates" is already relating with the poor in the areas of worship, education, and service activities. A core group, cutting across ethnic and socio-economic lines, can work toward developing a strong advocacy role for the parish. By studying the issues and gathering the necessary resources, this group can produce the changes most beneficial to the poor. As a multiethnic parish with great socio-economic and educational diversity, Guadalupe may become a catalyst in a restless and polarizing city, turning ferment into progress toward dignity, opportunity, and equality.

This paper examines the Mexican American within a historical framework, detailing his migration to Utah in the early part of this century, the building of Guadalupe Mission, and the work of Guadalupe Center. T h e history of Guadalupe in Westside Salt Lake City is in a sense Father Merrill, a former chemistry and physics teacher at Judge Memorial High School in Salt Lake City, is co-pastor of Guadalupe Parish. Photographs are from the parish files.

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a microcosm of the minority experience in other urban areas. A look at the first fifty years of this community's history gives some indication of its potential and of the course its future development may take.

BEGINNINGS OF A MEXICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY

Mexican Americans form Utah's largest minority, yet they have only recently begun to receive much attention from the state. Almost all of Utah's more than forty thousand Mexican Americans are native sons and daughters whose forebears became Americans in 1848 when the United States annexed the Southwest, including Utah, under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Although natives, they have remained, as their biographers have noted, strangers in their own land, an invisible minority. Those who came with the conquered lands were regarded by other Americans as a conquered people. Their land and rights were soon usurped. Others who came north from Mexico beginning about 1900 were equally victimized by attitudes generated by the Mexican-American War. Robbed of hope by such ethnic prejudice, they have subsisted far below national norms both socio-economically and educationally. 1 Mexican Americans and, to a lesser degree, Mexicans began migrating slowly into Utah only after 1900. Five Spanish surnames appear in the Salt Lake City directories between 1900 and 1910, including a cafe 1 For educational statistics and suggested reforms, see Philip D. Ortega, "Montezuma's Children," The Center Magazine, 3 (November-December 1970), 23-31.

The most complete and respected reference on the Spanish-speaking people in the United States is Carey McWilliams, North from Mexico (Philadelphia, 1948).

Two important journals of the thought and culture of Mexican Americans, or Chicanos, are El Espejo â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Mirror, a series of anthologies, and El Grito, A Journal of Contemporary Mexican Thought, a quarterly, both published by Quinto Sol Publications Inc P O Box 9275, Berkeley, California.

R E S I D E N C E , SS W. T H I R D S O U T H S T .

I N D . P H O N E 1914

ABRAHAM MEJIA GUARANTEES TO SERVE NOTHING BUT

GENUINE

MEXICAN

DISHES

S H O R T O R D E R S AND ALL KINDS OF S A N D W I C H E S PUT UP NO. 1 C O M M E R C I A L ST.

SALT LAKE Advertisement

CO R. F I R S T S O U T H

CITY

from the Salt L a k e C i t y D i r e c t o r y , 1908.

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proprietor, Abraham Mejia, who advertised "Genuine Mexican Dishes" as well as short orders and sandwiches. 2 "Mexicans," as they are listed, first appear as coal miners in 1913-14. 3 The great strike of 1912 at Bingham Canyon gave a surge to immigration when Utah Copper brought in a reported five thousand Mexicans and Mexican Americans as strikebreakers. 4 Some of these men were recent immigrants to the Southwest from Mexico, having fled the revolution; others came from neighboring states. Although relatively few of these men remained in Utah after the strike, those who did stay became the beginning of a new labor force in the state. Wounded by their defeat during the strike, the Greek immigrant miners began to move into small businesses of their own and out of the mining and railroad labor force.

Filling these jobs were the Italians — who had come to Utah twenty years before the Greeks — and, gradually, the Mexican immigrant and the Mexican American.

Interviews conducted by the author over a period of thirteen years from 1958 to 1971 point up a variety of reasons for Mexican and Mexican American immigration. One couple left Mexico because of the revolution. After working for the railroad for a few years, the man moved his family to Utah in 1916 where he found work in the mines. A woman recalled that her family had left Mexico about 1914 and settled in a Utah mining town. Encountering prejudice in one of its hardest forms — nothing was done by local authorities when four town boys raped her at age twelve — the family moved to Salt Lake City as soon as they could.

Another woman recounted that her husband who had been herding sheep in central U t a h was shot to death by a posse in 1926 following a bank robbery. " H e could not have robbed the bank," she said, "but he was blamed because he was a Mexican." The woman and her children moved to Salt Lake City where she supported her family with whatever work she could find. Ten years later she married a man who worked for the railroad. While mines and the railroads brought many to Utah, other immigrants found work here as janitors, handymen, and construction laborers. Seasonal farm workers sometimes took up permanent residence in the city and sought other types of employment. Mexican American farmers found Depression era farming as unprofitable as some of their 2

R. L. Polk and Co., Salt Lake City Directory, 1908 (Salt Lake City, 1908), 746.

State of Utah, John E. Pettit, Tenth Biennial Report of the State Mine Inspector of the State of Utah, 1913-1914 (Salt Lake City, 1915), 108. (The report is bound as number 23 in Public Documents. State of Utah, 1913-1914, volume 3.)

4 Helen Zeese Papanikolas, "Toil and Rage in a New Land: The Greek Immigrants in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, 38 (Spring 1970), 130-31.

3

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fellow citizens. As one farm wife put it, "It was hard to make a living on our farm in New Mexico, so in 1930 we moved to Salt Lake. We had relatives here who said we could find work. My husband found a job as a janitor." Another family joined the migrant stream from Texas for several years but decided in 1953 to stay in Salt Lake City. "We did not have much in Texas," explained the interviewee. "My husband got a job here as a laborer in construction work."

Catholic Church records pick up another strand of the story of the first Mexican American immigrants. Begun in 1870, the book of baptism for all of Utah and eastern Nevada records the baptism of the first Spanish-surnamed child as follows (from the Latin) : "A.D. 1902, on the 26th day of October. I baptized Guadalupe Chavez, a girl born on the 10th of August this year to Miguel Chavez and Ann Thornberg. The godparents were Secundio Carpintero and Jennie Geary." The entry was signed by W. F. Morrissey.5 Further baptisms of Spanish-surnamed children are recorded: in 1906, Vigil and Lemos; in 1907, Salazar; in 1908, Mejia, Trujillo, and Lopez; in 1913, Martinez; in 1914, Delamora; in 1916, Montoya in Magna, Jaramillo and Gonzalez in Monticello, and Mejia in Salt Lake City. But even among their fellow Catholics, the Spanish-speaking were not yet a significant group. The few names listed above are almost lost in a list of the children of Irish, Austrian, Italian, and German immigrants to Salt Lake City.

Then, in the December 1920 issue of Catholic Monthly appeared a story of major importance in the history of Guadalupe Mission.

During the past summer an Italian mission was established on Rio Grande Avenue to meet the needs of the Italian people in the western part of the city. The Rev. M. Raimondo is in charge of the Mission where he maintains an office and has evening classes for some of the Italian children and others interested. Father Raimondo has been holding Mass for his people in the Chapel of St. Mary's Academy on First West Street, founded in 1875, each Sunday morning at 9:30 o'clock.

It was this effort by Father Raimondo that evolved â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as the Mexican American population in the area increased â&#x20AC;&#x201D; into Guadalupe Mission.

Much earlier the second Catholic parish in Salt Lake City had been located in this area. In 1892 Bishop Lawrence Scanlan dedicated St. Patrick's Church, a remodeled frame house at the comer of Fourth West and Fifth South streets. Sixteen years later, in 1908, this lot and building were purchased for railroad expansion, and the church was "Baptismal records arc located at Cathedral of the Madeleine, Salt Lake City.

Guadalupe Mission and Parish WESTSIDE SALT

247

LAKE

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

St. Patrick's, 1916 Guadalupe Chapel-Convent, 1927 Guadalupe Church, 1948 Westside Clinic, 1949 Bishop Glass School, 1953 Catechists Convent, 1943 (St. Mary's Home) 7. First Guadalupe Center, 1962 8. Guadalupe Center, 1966 9. La Hacienda, 1970

-P

moved to a newly-acquired home on Fourth South, east of Fifth West.

The foundation was placed and the cornerstone laid for a new church on Fourth South just west of the future Guadalupe Mission in 1914, but no more work on the structure was done. As Father Fries explained: Nothing further was done toward building the church. Work had to be stopped during the winter months and the sudden death of Father Ryan in April, 1915 . . . and the death of Bishop Scanlan in May, 1915, prevented the continuation of construction in the spring. The old foundation still remains in place.6

The present St. Patrick's Church was completed in November 1916 at 1072 West Fourth South.

Following Father Raimondo's death in May 1921, the Italian Mission was moved to a building opposite the future mission on Fourth "Louis J. Fries, One Hundred 1926), 80.

and Fifty Years of Catholicity

in Utah (Salt Lake City,

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South between Fourth and Fifth West. The Very Reverend Monsignor Michael F. Sheehan, pastor of St. Patrick's Church, offered the Mass and held Sunday school classes for the children of the neighborhood who were principally of Italian, Mexican, Syrian, and Armenian descent. Finally, in 1924, the Italian Mission, still a part of St. Patrick's Parish, was moved to the site at 524 West Fourth South.

For about two months in 1927, the mission was served by the first of four Mexican priests, Padre Perfecto Arellano. His assignment as assistant pastor at St. Patrick's with "special duties for the Mexican people" lasted until November 26, 1927. Following in his footsteps came Padre Antonio Galaviz who served the mission from December 26, 1927, until July 26, 1929, with the assistance, from time to time, of his brother, Padre Turibio Galaviz. These two "Padres Mexicanos," who lived in quarters at the rear of the chapel, started a Spanish school and offered music lessons. Both were accomplished guitarists and singers, and Padre Antonio was an excellent pianist and organist as well. They returned to Mexico when they were assured that their work there could be conducted with greater freedom.7 Then, on December 19, 1929, Padre Inocencio Martin, from Plaza Church in Los Angeles, began a brief, two-month period of service at the mission, residing at St. Patrick's.

Responding to an invitation from Bishop John J. Mitty extended through Bishop John Joseph Cantwell of Los Angeles, six Sisters of Perpetual Adoration arrived in Salt Lake City on November 11, 1927. Their twelve years of service to the people of the mission has become legendary.

A former residence west of the chapel at 528 West Fourth South was purchased for a convent, and the combination convent-chapel was given the name of Our Lady of Guadalupe, although it remained a part of St. Patrick's Parish. During the fall of 1929 the rear wing between convent and chapel was constructed, and, finally, in 1933, the front was completed, making one building of the two former houses.

On April 5, 1930, Father James Earl Collins, who was also assistant pastor at the Cathedral of the Madeleine, was appointed "Administrator of the Mexican Chapel of Our Lady of Guadalupe" by Bishop Mitty. At that time an important turning point in the life of the Mexican American ' T h e Mexican Revolution of 1910 resulted in a reform constitution in 1917 which established a strong anti-church policy. The first president, Alvaro Obregon, was merely anticlerical, but his successor, Plutarco Calles, instituted a persecution against the church Church buildings were taken over and many destroyed by the state, and religious instruction' and the administration of the sacraments was forbidden. In 1926, in retaliation, Pope Pius XI ordered all churches closed and church personnel to leave Mexico. Mexican Catholics rose en masse and the revolt of the Cristeros began. After three years, Calles softened his attitude churches were reopened, and priests and nuns returned to Mexico.

Guadalupe

Mission and Parish

Guadalupe Mission, 524-528 West Fourth the city rebuilt the Fourth South viaduct.

249

South,

closed its doors July 1970

when

community was reached when the mission was given a status separate from St. Patrick's Parish. 8 The beginning phase had ended. Having achieved a new identity, the mission went on in the Depression and war years to increase its religious, educational, and social services to the area's children. 9 MEXICAN SISTERS AND FATHER COLLINS'S " K I D S "

Sister Rosario was superior of the band of six Sisters of the Perpetual Adoration who arrived in Salt Lake City from Mexico in November 1927.10 These sisters were dedicated by the spirit and rule of their religious congregation to a twenty-four-hour vigil before the Blessed Sacrament 8 A Catholic parish is defined by a certain territory with fixed boundaries. Within the parish boundaries a mission church may be established to meet the needs of a group of people. Some years later the mission may be given independent status from the parish and, later, become a territorial parish as it continues to grow. " O n Christmas Eve 1932 a fire destroyed the interior of St. Patrick's Church. During repairs the mission served the people of St. Patrick's. The Depression was harshly felt at the mission In 1935 Sunday collections were as low as four dollars. The parishioners numbered 1,035.

10 Two sisters served for only a short time, while three, Sisters Maria del Espiritu Santo, Sofia, and Bibiana, served for twelve years. In 1930 four more sisters and a lay sister came to bring their number to nine. The "Madres," as they were called now included Sisters Maria de la Luz, Maria de la Paz, Victoria, Maria del Pastor, and Maria de Guadalupe. Sister Maria del Espiritu Santo became superior on August 12, 1929, and Sister Rosario again in 1935.

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each day. Two sisters in successive one-hour turns knelt in prayer before the altar upon which Jesus Christ, sacramentally present, was loved and honored. The scapular of their maroon religious habit bore the figures of a gold chalice and a white altar bread in expression of their religious vocation. As the variety of programs and the number of children increased at the mission, the sisters were forced to curtail their vigil of adoration to night and early morning hours. Such a departure from their commitment met with stem disapproval from the supervisor-general, Sister Maria del Socorro del Sagrado Corazon, who came to visit the convent in 1931 and again in 1938.

During their twelve-year stay the sisters taught the children of the mission religion and arts and crafts. Twenty-six children attended the first communion class held in 1928. In October of the following year, the sisters inaugurated a three-hour kindergarten class which met each weekday afternoon. Beginning with ten children, the classes doubled in size during their three-year existence. Religion classes, in addition to Sunday school, were attended by children following the regular school day. A summer school was started in 1928. Besides religion, the sisters taught the boys printing, glass painting, woodwork, and carving, while the girls

Father Collins with some of his "kids", parish workers, and the Mexic sisters outside the mission in the 1930s.

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learned crocheting, sewing, and needlepoint. The Salt Lake Tribune of August 11, 1933, carried a picture of the mission children displaying their sewing, glass painting, and model building.

The mission's programs for children received added impetus with the appointment in 1930 of Father Collins as administrator. A native of Salem, New York, Father Collins had studied at Fordham University, at St. Mary's in Baltimore, and in Rome. His youth — he was thirty-one when he arrived in Salt Lake — energy, and resourcefulness were what the mission needed as it developed and grew toward eventual parish status. Using Father Collins's own notes, an article he wrote for the Inter mountain Catholic?1 and the statements of many people, a story can be reconstructed.

For twenty-seven years the people of the mission, and later the parish, saw in the figure of Father Collins their church in action and their "Lord among them." Living in poverty — his only extravagance was the mission — Father Collins patched his suits and glued composition soles to his shoes. His salary was shared with his people. Each year, in order to visit his mother in Albany, New York, he borrowed on his insurance and repaid the loan month-by-month in the following year. He bore in silence much infuriation with the "good Catholic ladies" who tried to help but who betrayed snobbish and condescending attitudes toward the poor Spanish-speaking women with their ever-present babies and small children. Working by the motto that any system is better than none, Father Collins recorded everything he had to remember in a little black notebook. Classes, time, and leaders and teachers were organized as systematically as circumstances permitted.

It was to his "kids" that Father Collins gave his greatest attention, to the extent even of practicing games with the sisters before they played them with the children. From mid-June to mid-August each year, summer school was the major mission effort. By the second week of summer school, after the word had spread, children of every faith came streaming in to the 150-foot front area at 524-528 West Fourth South.

A single day's attendance rose as high as two hundred fifty. Father Collins reported that the vacation school of 1934 had an average daily attendance of 175 and included a large number of Greek Orthodox and LDS children. A parade with motorcycle escort made a fifteen-block march on July 9. It has now 11

Intermountain

Catholic, November 23, 1934.

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Mexican American children and many of their Westside neighbors attended the first summer school at Guadalupe Mission in 1934. Next to Father Collins in the third row, center, is Bishop Kearny. The Mexican sisters are on either side of the group.

become a custom to have a grand celebration on the closing evening of the school. 12

Commenting on the same event, one newspaper wrote: Father Collins in charge of the Vacation school explained it was not a new N R A idea but that the 150 kiddies of every faith and nationality come each morning to the free summer school . . . Mexican, Greek, Italian, Syrian, Armenian, English, Scandinavian, Irish and American children. Father Collins explained that 61 per cent were of Mexican parentage and for this reason Mexican sisters are in charge. 13

The summer school day started at nine o'clock with instructions from Father Collins and assignment to softball and volleyball teams.14 After forty-five minutes of religious training, classes dispersed in every 12

Ibid.

Undated clipping, probably from the Intermountain Catholic, in the Scrapbook of Silvio Mayo of Salt Lake City.

14 The surviving excavated area and the foundations put down for the proposed church in 1914 were converted to a play area, volleyball courts, and a place for carnival booths. Key workers at the mission in its earliest years were Julio Lemos, Victorio Garcia, Librado Rojas, and Manuel Garcia. In the thirties, the Italian family of Maio and the Lebanese families of Shool, Attey, and Zaelit worked devotedly. For summer school Father Collins recruited cathedral parishioners Ann Gibbons, Marian Cosgriff, Mary O'Carroll, Lois Northrup, Bessie Stone, and Cora Murphy among others. Pat Mahon and Ben Ivory were stalwarts among the men. Father John LaBranche, now administrator of St. Joseph's Church, Ogden, and Monsignor Jerome Stoffel, now pastor of St. Jerome's Church, Logan, pitched in during the summers they were home from studies for the priesthood.

13

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direction, inside the building and out. The ball games followed with sisters and teachers playing along with the children. Handicrafts were next. The day's activities closed with a two-reeler featuring Charlie Chaplin, the Keystone Cops, or William S. Hart and a snack treat.

An auction system was inaugurated in 1931 for all children's activities. Tokens were given for attendance and lessons. Friends of the mission saved small articles that would serve as prizes for the children. Four times each year the children brought all their tokens to bid for the articles.

In addition to the summer school, the mission was a center for many other children's activities. In 1934 a Boy Scout troop was formed under the leadership of "Uncle Ben" Ivory. Two years later this group evolved into a boys club which met for two-and-a-half hours twice a week. After a forty-minute religion class, the boys played checkers or Monopoly, listened to "Gang Busters," or watched an old-time movie, usually twice.

Father Collins and the sisters sought to teach a love for prayer and the liturgical services to the children. Both individuals and groups were instructed in the Latin responses and learned songs for the Mass and for feast days. A Daily Mass Society, which included thirty-six children, attended seven o'clock mass each morning followed by religion class, games, and refreshments. The Girls Sodality, begun in 1935 for girls fourteen to eighteen, met weekly at the mission and took all the prizes at the Diocesan Sodality picnic at Murray in 1936. In May and October, the rosary was recited each evening, and vespers were prayed on Sunday afternoons.

The devotions and processions of Corpus Christi, Forty Hours, Holy Thursday, and Las Posadas at Christmas were celebrated with preparation and participation. Choirs were developed to sing the liturgy and to entertain at parish and civic functions.

On December 27, 1939, the Mexican Sisters said goodbye to the mission and its people to go to new assignments in California, Texas, and Mexico. Father Collins staged a farewell party for them at which the children did more crying than entertaining. "Las Madres" are remembered with nostalgia for their unwearying love for the children and the people of the mission, for their valiant efforts to learn English and to understand American ways â&#x20AC;&#x201D; particularly American cooking â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and for their artistic and sewing talents.

The day after the Mexican sisters' departure, four women of the Society of Missionary Catechists arrived at the convent. Coming from an American religious congregation founded by Father John J. Sigstein, a Chicago priest, and Bishop John Francis Noll of Fort Wayne, Indiana,

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these women were known as catechists until 1946 when a revision in their statutes changed their name to sisters.15 Father Collins's notes for 1939 mention "the Mission has a parish song." To the music of a Mexican Marian hymn, the first verse was: We're down on Fourth South, far from luxury, Down where the viaduct spans the D&RG, Most unpretentious, but somewhat quaint With Guadalupe as our patron Saint. 10

On January 17, 1944, the mission became a parish with Father Collins as its pastor. A temporary territory of one block was soon expanded and boundaries established from West Temple to Fifth West and from First South to Sixth South. Father Ramon Gerras was appointed assistant pastor for a short time. The parish list now included 1,813 persons.

Father John LaBranche, who assisted Father Collins for several summers while a student and seminarian, wrote: Father Collins was not talented in the expression of his feelings in private or in public. H e had to express them in action, sacrifice and untiring work. What he tried to tell the people of the Mission was that he loved them. H e placed no conditions on his devotion. Good and bad, responsive or indifferent, young or old received his love and everything he was to bring them to God and to each other. 17

BUILDING U P T H E N E W PARISH

During and following World War II the railroads were busy and employment was abundant. This was a period of great growth, building, and change in the new Guadalupe Parish. People, too, were on the move, and many Mexican American families came to the Westside from Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona. Loans insured by the Veterans Administration funded Rose Park subdivision in the northwest section of the city. As growth continued, church facilities became cramped. Not without "The first four were Catechists Dickebohm, Clifford, Lara, and Cime who continued the programs at the mission and taught religion in other parishes. On August 16, 1943 they moved to the former Davidson home at 1206 West Second South, which became their convent until June 1970. They were now eight in number: Mary Dickebohm, Edna Like Genevieve Sulhvan, Rosario Lara, Catherine Ley, Helena Smith, Frances Garcia, and Mary Ball. When the catechists moved, Mary Murray and her son Henry moved into the mission as housekeeper and caretaker. Father Collins moved there from the cathedral the following January. o, â&#x20AC;˘ "r^11? entire lyrics have not been found. This verse was reported to the author by Alice Shool of Salt Lake City. ' 17 LaBranche to Merrill, September 1970.

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a smile, Father Collins noted: "Chancery office ranks us 4th parish in the City in ability to save money and 2nd in the Diocese in number of souls registered." 18 On April 14, 1947, the first payment of $3,000 was made on a 165foot square lot at Sixth West and Second North. A final payment of $3,000 was made on June 26, and on December 9 a surplus chapel was purchased from Camp Kearns for $2,400. The following spring, on May 16, the chapel was dedicated at the new site. Father Collins moved into quarters above the rear of the chapel, and Father Ignatius Strancar, a priest displaced from Yugoslavia, moved into the mission as assistant pastor on November 2.19 18

Father Collins's notes are found in the files of Guadalupe Parish.

On January 14, 1950, Father Strancar was transferred and replaced by Fathers Ernest Schneider and Ramon Gerras for brief periods. On March 12, 1951, Father Collins was appointed Honorary Canon of the Cathedral in Mexico City by Archbishop Luis M. Martinez.

Upon his return from accepting the honor a banquet was held in celebration. On September 14 of that year, Father Genero F. Verdi became assistant pastor.

19

Our Lady of Guadalupe

Catholic Church, 715 West Second

North.

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Several social service activities and experiments were begun in the late 1940s and early 1950s in Guadalupe Parish. A duplex at 736-740 West Second North, across the street from die parish church, was purchased on February 19, 1949, for $5,800. After remodeling, it opened to the public on October 12 as the Westside Clinic under the sponsorship of Holy Cross Hospital. The following year the east half of the clinic was remodeled as a rectory for the pastor.

The Brothers of Social Service, an experimental effort by Bishop Duane G. Hunt to train men to assist priests in their work, began in April 1953 with the arrival of Brothers Peter and Michael. On September 10 they accepted their first postulants whose training was directed Bishop Duane G. Hunt successively by Fathers Collins, Verdi, with the first confirmation Fagiolo, and H a r m a n at the mission. The class at Guadalupe Church in 1948. The new group slowly dwindled away in the next parish grew rapidly during five years. the war and postwar years New building construction was in the to become the second largest in the diocese. air again in 1953. Money had been raised in a citywide drive for a Catholic elementary school on the Westside. Father Collins had purchased three lots at 850 West Sixth North as a possible site.

When, much to his disappointment, the new Bishop Glass School was located on Goshen Street to the north of St. Patrick's Hall, talk started about building a new church for the parish at the Sixth North location.

Father Collins thought the plan too expensive, and after many discussions with parishioners and bishop, he won the decision to add an east wing to the existing church on Second North. The new wing was dedicated on January 26, 1957.

Later that year, on August 31, Father Collins died at Holy Cross Hospital. The parish bulletin of the following day announced: "Your prayer is requested for the repose of the saintly soul of our beloved pastor, Father Collins, who went to his eternal reward last night at 6 p.m."

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During the next few years several priests served the parish briefly.20 Then, in December 1959, Father Thomas J. Kaiser assumed the leadership of the parish, although Father John Sanders, whose health was failing, remained as pastor. Father Sanders died on September 22, 1961.

In this interim period, the parish launched a successful fund drive for a new school bus, organized a Boy Scout troop, and opened the Guadalupe Boys Club under the leadership of "Big Jim" Hale and, later, that of Willie Price.

Mrs. James E. Cosgriff, a wealthy member of Cathedral Parish, died on March 24, 1961, leaving a bequest to Guadalupe Parish, as follows: Bequest for a church in the Parish of O u r Lady of Guadalupe. I give to the R o m a n Catholic Bishop of Salt Lake City, A Corporation Sole One Hundred Thousand Dollars ($100,000.00) toward the construction of a church building in the Parish of O u r Lady of Guadalupe in Salt Lake City, Utah. 2 1

Two and a half years later, on September 22, 1963, Father Kaiser announced in the parish bulletin: On Tuesday, September 17th, our beloved Bishop, Mr. [Alan] Brockbank, a couple of lawyers and I met in the Bishop's office for the transfer of title to a 10-acre piece of land located on the northeast corner of 9th North and Redwood Road. We became the proud owner of the 10 beautiful acres. T h e sale price was $60,000. We gave our 3-acre plot and $25,000 for the property. Great things are going to happen to our parish. I know that you are as thrilled about this as I am.

Thus "Operation New Guadalupe" was launched with plans for a new church and religious and social center. The ten acres were divided into small lots on a large m a p placed at the rear of the church. The "buy a lot" campaign continued into February 1964. While not fully successful, with a debt still remaining on the tract, the campaign gave to the parish a site for future planning.

20 Father John Rasbach was appointed as parish administrator. After several years of problems with a series of used school buses, a drive for funds to buy a new bus was launched.

A new bus was purchased in February 1958 and is still in operation for school and youth service. Father John Sanders was appointed pastor on February 17, 1958. He had come to the diocese as a young man from Holland and served as pastor of Magna, Tooele, and Dragerton.

His health was failing, and Guadalupe was to be his last appointment. Just after his ordination, Father Jerald H. Merrill served as assistant for six months until Father Antonio Bargallo came in November 1958. Padre Antonio, an elderly priest, had served in teaching and parish work in Spain, England, Cuba, and California. He served at the mission, residing there until December I960 when he returned to his home in Barcelona. Father Martin A. McNichoIas assisted Father Sanders for a few months in 1959.

21 Mrs. Cosgriff's will is filed with the clerk of the Third District Court, Salt Lake City.

The money has been retained in savings up to the time of this writing to be used at some future date for construction of a church building.

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In the next few years, members of Guadalupe Parish undertook a variety of service activities aimed at youth and at those in need, and a Parish Council was elected to oversee many parish activities and concerns. One service activity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Food for Christ Hungry effort â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was begun in 1964. Frequently a Sunday would be announced as "Canned Milk Sunday," "Staple Sunday," "Corn Sunday," "Soup Sunday," etc., and the people coming to mass that day would bring a can or two of the kind of food requested. This provided emergency food for needy families and for St. Thomas House on Fourth North next to the tracks.

"Big Jim" Hale started this home for transient men which is now St. Mary's Home at 1206 West Second South directed by John Bush.

The youth of the parish were likewise active in the social concerns of the day. The story of Carol Elizondo who organized the Junior High School Confraternity of Christian Doctrine is especially inspiring. Carol, who died of cancer on April 9, 1970, was given the Catholic Youth Organization medal posthumously for her efforts. As described by the Deseret News of April 24, 1970, the club

Dancers and musicians in colorful costumes at Guadalupe Mission, ca. 1963, celebrate the feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe, December 12.

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was an instant success. There were parties, ice and roller skating outings, programs, community and neighborhood projects, a lot of activity. I t was such a success that earlier this week the members of her church honored Carol by renaming the club. From now on it will be known as the Carol Elizondo Club.

Fifty people were elected to the Parish Council in November 1967 by those parishioners attending masses. The group included men, women, and high school students." T h e council organized several commissions: financial, charity, administration, confraternity of Christian doctrine, maintenance, social action, youth, and, later, an altar commission. A ways and means commission included the entire council, and the spiritual formation commission included those on particular commissions. Guadalupe was growing in both organization and in size. The parish census for 1968 reported 2,537 people.

On January 28, 1969, Father Kaiser became pastor at Magna after more dian eight years at Guadalupe. Father William H. Flegge was appointed pastor, and Father Reyes Rodriguez served as assistant for several months. The Oblates of St. Francis de Sales, teachers at Judge Memorial High School, served the parish on weekends.

GUADALUPE C E N T E R

In January 1961, Father Jerald H. Merrill was assigned to the mission. He was told by one of the parishioners after his first Sunday sermon in Spanish, "Father, I prayed during Mass that the Holy Spirit help you to speak better Spanish."

The people at the mission were anxious at this time to remodel the interior of the mission chapel. The sanctuary walls were paneled and the floor carpeted. A gas furnace was installed to replace the six gas stoves that had heated the building. Outside and inside painting and a new roof completed the new look. The mission was given more autonomy from the parish, and soon baptisms and weddings were conducted there.

All adults were invited to join the Guadalupana Society which met 53 Elected were the following men: Eugene Barber, Eppie Gonzales. Joe Carrillo, George Dahmen, Harry Bolam, Bernard Gray, John Bash, John Caputo, Sam Mele, Tony Mele, William Price, Lee Caputo, Daniel Wood, Patrick Denner, Ray Khoury, Matt Hutchings, Bob Graham, Bill Higham, Ray Campos, Al Cuglietta, Nick Barber, Joe Cordova. Tim Quinn, Lucas Barela, Juan Benavidez, and Ken Dell; women: Mary Barber, Rose Hart, Mary Hutchings, Marcella Kelly Bernice Gray, Corine Bridgewaters, Cleo Carrillo, Georgia Dennis, Darlene Wood, Julia Park, Dolores Dahmen, Molley Bena\idez, Elaine Bondi, Kay Cafarelli, Mary Ann Bolam.

Virginia Park, Sara H o m e . Joan Shumway, Nancy Barber, and Rosie Graham; high school students: Bobby Barber, Margaret Munk, Billy Price, Eugene Dennis, and Mary Hutchings.

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Members of the Guadalupana Society, 1965, inside the mission. This leadership group consisted of: front row, Bea Valdez, Vera Salazar, Emma Gallegos, Madalene Archuleta, Mary Maestas, Florence Garcia; second row, Mary Gutierrez, Becky Valdez, Clara Martinez, Bennie Martinez, Carlos Valdez, Albert Gallegos; third row, Manuel Valdez, Joe Gutierrez, Abe Maestas, Benny Archuleta.

monthly to discuss problems they felt to be related to the mission.23 Although only one-third of the forty-five families of the mission were represented, this monthly "town meeting" was a democratic way of decision making. In 1962, they decided to rent a 2,000 square-foot room under the Rio Grande Hotel, 424 West Third South, at $150 per month.

This became an active social center for children, teenagers, and adults for fun and fund-raising. This was the initial step toward — and in fact was named — Guadalupe Center. A 100-foot lot east on Mead Avenue from Emery Street was purchased in 1964. A social center and, later, a church were planned.

During these years there was a strong emphasis on leadership training. The people were anxious to "get somewhere," both with themselves and their mission. A series of cursillos — three-day renewals of Christian living and leadership — attracted forty-three people from the mission, 23 With the new church at Sixth West and Second North in 1948, the mission at 524528 West Fourth South returned to the status of a mission under the administration of the new church. It was again called Guadalupe Mission as it had been earlier under St. Patrick's Parish, and the new church was called Guadalupe Church. In 1961 the mission was given administrative autonomy from the parish.

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and at least thirty attended the Gabriel Richard Leadership Course in Spanish or in English. The feeling was expressed often in Guadalupana meetings that if a large Guadalupe Center could be supported, the mission could "really do something."

Then, in March 1966, the present Guadalupe Center, a 7,200square-foot warehouse at 346 West First South, was leased by the mission for five years at $500 per month. The $8,000 that had been saved from fund-raising at the original center soon vanished into the costs of remodeling the warehouse for maximum utility. Many volunteer hours under the leadership of Manuel G. Martinez and Oliver Ulibarri and the indulgence of creditors brought remodeling to completion. The concept was simple. Guadalupe Center was to become a gathering place for families, teenagers, and adults. In addition, it would provide a meeting place for Mexican Americans and people from the larger community to plan projects and organizations answering the needs of local Mexican Americans.

A number of programs and projects did develop successfully. The Westside Catholic Credit Union, which began before the center opened, now has 309 members and $61,000 in assets. The Voluntary Improvement Program ( V I P ) , which was started in the first summer to provide adult basic education, has maintained an average enrollment of fifty students or more with a decreasing student-tutor ratio now almost one to one. The Westside Family Cooperative, while not significant in size or accomplishment with its sixty members, did demonstrate over two years the feasibility of the cooperative idea locally. In September 1969, the Co-op became the Westside Family Market, a food outlet for needy families, which is supported by twenty-five Catholic and Protestant parishes and several private agencies in Salt Lake Valley. In the first year of operation, the market distributed emergency food valued in excess of ten thousand dollars to over four hundred families. Another success story involves Utah Nonprofit Housing Corporation which was formed by a group representing churches and cooperative associations.

To date, Utah Nonprofit has rehabilitated four houses in the inner city under F H A Section 22 l h and constructed seven new houses in Magna under FHA Section 235. Preliminary approval has been given to the building of townhouse and apartment units under a co-op housing plan.

With all these efforts bearing fruit, the Mexican American community still lacked an organization oriented to civil rights and economic

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opportunity. Finally, at a mass meeting held in December 1967 at the center, the one hundred fifty people present chose a Central Action Committee to begin such an organization. The resulting S O C I O (Spanishspeaking Organization for Community, Integrity, and Opportunity) has become a statewide voice and social action group in Weber, Salt Lake, Davis, and Carbon counties. While lack of staff restricts the efforts of SOCIO, progress has been made in the fields of employment, housing, scholarships, and participation in educational planning and evaluation.

Economic and employment programs have been further primed by such organizations as Hispanamer, Inc., a local development corporation begun by thirty men and women to assist one another in entering the business world. Loans are available from the Small Business Administration for joint and individual business ventures. The Utah Migrant Council, funded for $85,000 in May 1969, provides for educational, health, legal, and family needs of the six thousand Mexican Americans who enter the state from Texas each spring to work on Utah farms. The program has grown out of its original office at the center and is now located at 724 South Third East.

Activities for young people were also taken into account in planning Guadalupe Center. In the beginning, the youth program included boxing,

La Morena in 1967. Guadalupe Center's restaurant has become a multi-ethnic gathering place and the major source of revenue for other center activities.

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judo, skiing at Alta, and summer camping. In March 1969 the three-story Thunderbird Youth Center was leased at 44 North Third West with the help of the Salt Lake Rotary Club and several business firms. While a full-time director was employed, a basic concept of the program was to involve teenagers themselves in planning each week's activities and to provide them with information and direction toward educational and employment opportunities.

Over the past few years while programs and organizations were being formed, the greatest contributor to the warmth and fellowship at Guadalupe Center has been La Morena Cafe. Started six months after the center opened, La Morena survived a slow beginning to become the principal source of revenue for the center and its projects.

Guadalupe Mission was permanently closed on July 1, 1970, and construction of a new concrete viaduct on Fourth South began a few days later. Father Flegge was named vice-rector at the cathedral, and Father Merrill and Father Patrick R. Mclnally were appointed to a team ministry at Our Lady of Guadalupe Parish as co-pastors.

A new phase of parish activities began three weeks later, on July 21, when Bishop Joseph Lennox Federal purchased for Guadalupe Parish the Sixteenth Ward Chapel of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints at 129 North Fifth West for $35,000 from Diocesan Development

La Hacienda, 129 North Fifth West, houses the Early Learning religion classes, and recreational and craft activities.

Center,

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Drive funds. Plans had already been made for use of the building, and on September 8 the Early Learning Center opened. Children four, five, and six years of age attend individualized classes. A demonstration program for four-year-olds who come from Spanish-speaking homes is taught in Spanish. As skills in Spanish develop, the children will begin working with English.

Six classrooms at the Hacienda are available for religious instruction, and office space there has been given to a field project of the University of Utah Graduate School of Social Work under the direction of Luis B. Medina. Then, in the spring of 1971, the parish youth program directed by Paul Ausick and Bill Walsh moved into the Hacienda.

Continuing a tradition begun in 1927 by the Mexican sisters, the Daughters of Charity, in response to the request of Bishop Federal in the fall of 1967, came to serve the poor on the Westside. They have worked untiringly and cheerfully in home visiting, organizing activities for children and elderly, teaching religion and basic education skills, conducting summer schools, and working with related agencies. The first two sisters, Mary Frances and Adele, served for two years. They organized the used clothing, appliance, and furniture operations of Catholic Charities and Guadalupe Center into the St. Vincent de Paul Thrift Store, 625 South State. The store is presently operated by Bennie E. Martinez with the profits going to support the charitable works of the sisters. Sister Joan succeeded the first two sisters. She conducted adult religion classes and a summer program for children along with her work with individual families. At present, Sisters Delia and Mary Martha are completing their second year of work with energy and creativity.

Looking back over the years since the founding of the Italian Mission on the Westside in 1920, we can see the gradual emergence of Guadalupe as a distinct community within the larger urban area. The problems and struggles of tiie past fifty years have been great, and difficult challenges lie ahead. But the people of Guadalupe, in union with others, are determined to forge a new future for the Mexican American in Salt Lake City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a future of dignity and justice, opportunity and equality. With all that has been learned and accomplished to date, the hope of achieving this end is great. As de Tocqueville wrote, early in American history, "The evils which are endured with patience so long as they are inevitable seem intolerable as soon as a hope can be entertained of escaping them." It is this hopeful unrest that Guadalupe Parish can work to resolve.

Frances Rollins and Mae Hanson visit their sisters, Berness and Virginia, at the subway at Tramtown.

I Remember Hiawatha

BY VIRGINIA HANSON

N

A

in 1936 George Ockey, the Carbon County school clerk, welcomed a couple of slightly dazed Cache County natives to the teaching ranks. He gave us a key to one part of the teachers' dormitory in Hiawatha, the promise of one new mattress, and directions to the site of the King Cole Mine eighteen miles from Price.

O

BRIGHT SEPTEMBER DAY

Miss Hanson is librarian at the Cache County Public Library, Logan, Utah. Photographs accompanying this article are courtesy of the author.

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Berness Rawlins of Lewiston and I, a Cornish girl, had come more than two hundred miles from our little Mormon farm towns near the Idaho border to the center of the state's coal mining region where people of many different nationalities and religions had settled. The hope of new experiences had brought us to Hiawatha, but we were already homesick for the Cache County pupils we had deserted. We chatted cheerily as we rode through the dry, bleak miles of country so strange and new to us.

When our driver, Marybelle Pike — the last connection with home — waved goodbye and drove off to visit relatives in Price, an abandoned and subdued pair of tenants inspected their new abode.

Two scantily furnished bedrooms and a bathroom containing the essentials were upstairs. On the ground floor were a living room, kitchen, closet, and two porches. The school board had left some straight chairs, a table, a coal range, an ancient sewing machine, and an oddly generous assortment of plain oak rocking chairs. By standing on chairs we were able to stow away our supplies on shelves which must have been installed by the tallest workman in town. We decided to store our silverware in the oven, vowing to rescue the knives and forks if we made a fire in the kitchen stove.

The third female member of the faculty, Virginia Bush from Riverton, appeared as Berness and I were struggling with curtain material purchased that morning. She proved to be a capable and willing seamstress and was soon involved in our house-brightening project. Surveying our handiwork we were not fully satisfied that our brave gestures could be defined as the gentle touch which makes a house a home.

Hiawatha was literally and figuratively a divided place. 1 The road which had brought us from the outside world ran through String Town.

Mine officials lived in the houses on Silk Stocking Row. The Italians, Japanese, Mexicans, and Greeks lived in areas designated by nationality.

The Serbs, French, and other minority groups were tucked in here and there. I was told that one of the miners, Julius Winroth, was the only 1 An Austrian named Smith was, according to local tradition, the first settler of Hiawatha.

Traces of his dugout were apparently still visible in the wash near the old teachers' dormitory in the 1940s. F. A. Sweet opened a mine on the middle fork of Miller Creek c.1908 and named the camp Hiawatha. Later, two other men — Browning and Eccles — opened a mine at the present site of Hiawatha and called it Black Hawk. Greek Town boasted the first houses.

Sixteen houses were built east of the tracks in 1911. In 1912-13 houses were built along the tram, and, a year later, west of the school. On September 26, 1911, the town was incorporated. For a time Black Hawk and Hiawatha existed as separate towns, each with its own post office, but in 1915 the two towns were consolidated under the name Hiawatha. United States Fuel Company had purchased and consolidated the mines in 1912. T h e company built churches, a school, and an amusement hall and operated water and sewage systems and the Millerton Dairy. (C. H. Madsen, "Hiawatha," in Thursey Jessen Reynolds comp Centennial Echos from Carbon County [Price ( ? ) , 1948], 213-18.)

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other Swede in town, but we never met due to his sudden death. The school building, the dormitory, the homes in the immediate vicinity, and the nearby hotel were in Flat Town. (We could see a topographical reason for the name but never did know how it rated on the social scale.)

Occasional visitors registered at the hotel, but the usual occupants were mine employees. When the day's labors were ended the men sat out on the porch. Boarding houses nearer the mine were also used by miners without families.

Learning to identify townspeople was a gradual process. Dr. Galen O. Belden was the physician, and Angelina Peperakis was the friendly girl at the company store. Her father, Angelo, constituted the police force, assisted by William Steckelman, the night watchman. At the post office we met Ewell C. Bowen who issued money orders, postage, and instructions on opening our box, number 266. The chief executive at the mine office was Clarence M. Orr who lost his life in an automobile accident while we were teaching that year. Bishop Clifford Albrechtsen was the shepherd of the little Mormon flock, and among our nearest neighbors were the Gordons, Thompsons, Crombies, Andersons, and Leamasters.

Very few elderly people were to be seen. Miners tended to move away when retirement came. Students of college age had left for their respective schools, and it seemed unlikely that there would be many single people in our approximate age group.

Our groceries came from the only store in this company town. The huge containers of olive oil surprised us and introduced us to a different world of cooking, an introduction that was completed when we sampled minced ham and other cold cuts only a hardened garlic addict could survive. We limited our purchases to rather bland items except for Perrucis's pepperoni which was well worth the long walk to their place of business in the "suburbs." Our milk came from the Millerton Dairy on the outskirts of Hiawatha. In a little hillside bakery in Greek Town, two Italian bakers named Cianfichi and Chiavini complicated an incongruous situation by making incomparable French bread.

The first six grades of Hiawatha School were to be taught by the Misses Rawlins, Bush, and Hanson. The principal, H. A. Dahlsrud, whose family lived in Ephraim, was already established in his part of the dormitory. Two men would instruct the junior high school classes: Ruel Halverson, temporarily a "bachelor" while he awaited the arrival of his wife from Salt Lake City, and Joseph Demman who was married to a Hiawatha girl.

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The Italian bakers Dominick Cianifichi and Virgilio Chiavini outside their bakery in Hiawatha's Greek Town.

While preparing for the Grand Opening we unearthed rollbooks from previous years and found such names as Oppermann, Budo, Edwards, Radakovich, Orfanakis, Valdez, Christensen, Veillard, Mitani, Clavel, Kolovich, and Patterakis. It was evident that tliere would be variety in the enrollment, and it was a difference that made Cornish seem far, far away. On Monday morning Rosie Petroni announced, with admiration and respect, "You're the first new teacher who could pronounce our names right!" This lifted the morale of a homesick stranger considerably. School had begun, and we were off to a good start.

As the year progressed we noted a distressing lack of interest in the PTA. This was one organization which should have flourished, as there was very little activity which could unite a citizenry made up of unrelated groups. Many of the parents were reticent about attending gatherings because of their faulty English. This handicap, plus a tendency to associate mainly with their own nationalities, prevented the desired fellowship. But we all went to the movies!

Early in the term Berness produced a play called Rescued by Radio, and friends and relatives of the cast came to see the performance. Events of this kind rather than the more formal PTA drew parents and others to the school. For Columbus Day the fifth and sixdi grades presented a

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dramatization of the illustrious Christopher's life. In costumes more ingenious than accurate little Steve Hillas was appealing as the child Christopher, John Maragakis was stalwart and idealistic as the adult explorer, and pretty Mary Davis made such a queenly Isabella that the large audience was very responsive. Our hopes were raised for future participation in school affairs.

The annual band concert in Price kept Mr. Halverson busy. His musicians practiced marching down the street, past the store, the memorial for dead war heroes, the hotel, and the school. Day after day the familiar marches dinned in our ears. Miss Rawlins was enlisted to play accompaniments for competing soloists, and the hills in Carbon County must still be reverberating from the tones of Jack Crombie's clarinet playing "The Bluebells of Scotland."

My students were very willing, always polite, and sometimes surprising. We had a contortionist in the fifth grade. Leeon was capable of normal locomotion, but when he read — which was constantly — he usually had his feet higher than his head. Classmates compared him with Willis Willet, a comic strip character, and we all learned to walk over or around his dangling appendages. We were expected to follow the Utah Course of Study faithfully, and the students tried hard to master the subject matter. One day we labored over the importance of the marvelous human circulatory system, emphasizing the elasticity of blood vessels and their functions. A favorite report came from Polly, who wrote, "Veins are little rubber pipes full of dirty blood." Another time, when we were defining the word pantomime with visual demonstrations, one little group acted out the process of getting ready for school. In another quickly-planned scene, Mello began chasing two boys around the room in what seemed an endless pursuit. After they had allowed themselves to be caught, Mello made peculiar snatching motions in their direction. T h e charade was too difficult for us: Mello had planned to catch two chickens, pluck tiieir feathers, and boil the victims for dinner.

The diverse backgrounds of our children made for some unscheduled learning experiences. One rainy day Helen Nucich had carefully wrapped her books in a newspaper. It was obviously not the Sun-Advocate, so I asked if we could see the paper. She shyly retrieved it from the wastebasket as if she were fearful of being ridiculed for bringing in alien literature. T h e Cyrillic symbols — new to many of us — were fascinating, and our discussion prompted others to bring books and

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papers from home. Many of the pupils were bilingual, and they developed a pride in their accomplishments and their precious heritage. The remarkable youngsters in that Hiawatha school could have gone on a world tour and produced their own interpreters in Paris, Tokyo, Madrid, Hamburg, Athens, Naples, Dubrovnik, or Warsaw.

As the school year drew to a close, parents were invited to a final program. The children presented readings and musical selections and demonstrated dances learned during the year. A disinterested observer would have thought their behavior stilted and unspontaneous as the stiffly polite boys requested specified young ladies to join them in the dances, but the display of gallantry impressed their proud parents. The girls, who had practiced well, served refreshments with unprecedented grace. Finally, all the boys and girls stepped forward to receive wellearned reading certificates. There were no wallflowers on this happy occasion.

While school duties absorbed a large share of our time, we enjoyed a pleasant variety of extracurricular activities. Shortly after our arrival in town, a Sunday school officer called. When he learned that Berness and I were Mormons he divulged the ulterior motive for his visit. A vacancy in the teaching corps needed to be filled. Berness was quick to

Berness Rollins enjoys warmth of "upholstered" Hanson reads sitting in a kitchen chair.

radiator while

Virginia

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relate her innumerable responsibilities, and I found myself assigned to take over a class before I realized what had happened.

Following on the heels of the Sunday school officer were three young men who introduced themselves as Alden Burdick, Sam Martino, and Fred Perkowski. Sitting erect in a rocking chair, "Brother" Burdick announced that they were our ward teachers. Berness asked if the message for the month might be on the evils of deception. With a burst of laughter Alden confessed that he hadn't been very thorough in explaining to his colleagues the custom of sending two brethren to visit Latter-day Saint families periodically, and he had been a little uncertain about our thinking that three made a crowd. They had thought it a good way to become acquainted. It was. The three of them became our good friends.

Once a week the entire faculty drove into Price for a Brigham Young University extension class in physics. However, the stores were closed by the time class ended, so we rarely had an opportunity to shop for items not available in Hiawatha. Adopting the local custom, we each requested mail order catalogs. When six big, thick books arrived they served us well. The long radiator in the living room, sometimes too warm to be used as a lounging spot, was "upholstered" with volumes contributed by Montgomery Ward and Sears. Thanks to these firms We had entertainment, reading material, a resource for the necessities of life, and insulation.

Potato roasts were new to us, but when the neighborhood children invited us to join them on Bakers' Hill we appreciated the honor. These spontaneous events required little preparation and were accompanied by storytelling. T h e darker the evening, the more eerie the tales related.

Julius, a lonely Scandinavian who had been killed on the tram, was a favorite subject for conjecture. Most of the townspeople had decided that his death was suicidal. Consequently, the little house in which he had lived was haunted. AH of the children admitted to feeling nervous when they darted past it, and not one had ever stepped inside to see if it were true that the calendar still hung on the wall with all the working days crossed off methodically up to the day of the gruesome accident.

While we salted and peppered the smoky, hot potatoes, the older girls told of carrying hat pins as insurance against overly friendly males when walking down to Flat Town on dusky evenings. There were no accounts of these lethal weapons having been used, however. The word must have been spread around.

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Friday nights were gala occasions in Hiawatha. T h e mining company provided free movies at the amusement hall for employees and their families. We didn't notice the Bowens from the post office at these affairs, and we were the only other outsiders â&#x20AC;&#x201D; technically ineligible for fringe benefits. Since no one appeared to demand payment, we teachers trailed in with the authorized attenders. When lights went out the audience was silenced until Shirley Temple's curls and dimples flashed on the screen, accompanied by wild cheers from the front rows.

In addition to these activities, there were pleasant visits with the other teachers and their families and with the hospitable Garbers, Mechams, Albrechtsens, and others. And our frequently used ice cream freezer made our house a popular gathering place. We often had callers drop in to listen to radio broadcasts of baseball games, and we staged parties for various age groups. Treasure hunts and picnics were lots of fun, and, of course, we saw all the basketball games â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a major source of entertainment in many small towns.

We found good friends among these people who once were strangers. One day Yemiko came to school with a note her father had written. "My wife will make dinner with Japanese food and please to honor with your presence and bring Fled and San and Alden." Alden had gone away to school, but Fred and Sam were delighted to accept the invitation. Mrs. Sugihara, with her slight knowledge of English, proved to be a charming hostess and a superb cook.

Others were equally hospitable. Whenever we approached Greek Town, bright-eyed children would run ahead to announce that we were coming. We soon recognized daskala â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Greek word for teacher.

Continuing our education, Nick Maragakis, who had ordered some first readers, patiently listened to our attempts at reading the Hellenic alphabet and some elementary sentences. His wife, Alexandra, showed us how to make what sounded like koulouria, and we loved her baklava and kourambye. As was the custom, she brought out beautifully embroidered napkins when serving these favorite pastries to guests. In April Mrs. Peperakis and Elizabeth Petroulakis introduced us to Easter bread. We also followed with interest the Greek observance of name days. Since almost every family had an Ioannis (John), January 7 was a particularly busy time. Friends went from house to house to celebrate and honor those named John.

Living in a mining town brought us in touch with aspects of economics quite different from those of small agricultural communities.

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Jennie, Mike, and Eli Kolovich trudge through the deep snow to Hiawatha's school.

Once, when our supply of coal for the kitchen range ran low, we waited impatiently for a delivery that never came. In desperation we borrowed a burlap bag and a little red wagon and set out for the tipple where we had seen piles of coal which had fallen from the cars. Youngsters who saw us were alarmed. It was against regulations to pick up coal, they informed us. Just then our gallant friend, Sam Martino, came along and risked his job by collecting some fuel for us in need. We were not reported nor arrested, but "carrying coals to Newcastle" took on a new meaning.

Along with the joyful memories are also those of times when a certain gloom and tension hung over the town. Even the little children were affected by the atmosphere at home and around the hotel where bachelor miners lived. T h e mine would be idle and opening time uncertain. Occasionally some youngster would display worn shoes to a classmate and wonder if he would get new ones in time for the holidays. Parents were grim and worried, and we teachers were told not to expect students to incur expenses for any unusual activities. Some men were considering seeking employment elsewhere. Then, to add to our uncertainty, one day a frightening whistle pierced the eardrums of the populace. Was this a shrill announcement of an accident? We rushed out to the front porch

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prepared for disaster. Instead we saw happy passersby hurrying home.

Children shouted, "They're going back to work! The mine is opening!"

Once more men in their hard hats, blackened with coal dust, would be met at the end of the shift by their faithful offspring racing up the hill.

When May came the surrounding hills which had looked so bleak took on a strange new beauty. On our last trip to the post office the men on the hotel steps beamed like members of a benevolent order. Once "Johnny Buckets" and the other bachelor miners had appeared to us as rather sinister black-browed strangers. Smiling back at them, we couldn't foresee then that most of the houses in Hiawatha would disappear and its population dwindle to less than two hundred with most of the miners living in Price and driving to their work. The school would stand vacant and neglected, and buses would transport all students to a larger school. We didn't look that far into the future. There was no reason to assume that Hiawatha would be a place revisited, but it was a sure thing that our successors would not be hanging a homemade Spanish flag from the bathroom window to summon an imaginative, agile boy named Jack to run errands. Teachers sometimes feel dubious about the worth of their efforts, and as we rode northward I wondered if my students had learned anything while their instructor had been getting her education.

JAPS TO CELEBRATE Tonight at Harmonie hall the fifty-second anniversary of the birth of the Mikado of Japan will be celebrated by the Salt Lake Colon)' of Japanese. The Japanese stores were not open this morning and signs in English hung on the doors announced: "Closed. We celebrate our Holiday." Meanwhile the Japanese of the city were busy at the hall they had engaged for this evening, preparing decorations, and a banquet for the visitors. The colony here expects a large number of Japanese to come in from outlying points to join in the celebration. The arrangements are in charge of E. D. Hashimoto, known locally as Salt Lake's Mikado, as he has general control of the Japanese in L'tah.

Interest in the Mikado's birthday is widespread throughout the west, and in addition to the gathering tonight celebrations will occur in Ogden, Idaho Falls, and Sugar City. An influential Japanese, Mr. Sinnow, who is a guest at the Wilson, left today at 1:30 to preside at the Ogden colony's celebration. (Deseret Evening News. November 3, 1904, p. 1.)

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GIW^:

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The Taos Trap res: The F:.r Traic :>: ihe F- Ss:.: hurst. 1540-1846. Bv DAVID J. WEBER. X o r m a n : Lhiversitv of Oklahoma Press. 1971. x\-l - 264 pp. S3.95.'

Taos was a strategic center for the fur trade of the F a r West in rhe earlv nineteenth century. O u t of this northeastern Xew Mexican town. Spanish.

French, Mexican, a n d American trappers ventured forth in search of the elusive beaver and other fur-beaxins arima.s. From a tangled skein of often conflicting evidence, David J. Weber. associate professor of historv at Sar. Diego State College, has unraveled a:: exciting tale of the adventures and misadventures of rials intrepid and "reckless breed" of men.

For the first time the activities oi the Spaniards in the fur business are accurately portrayed. L o u s neglected or ignored as not playing a significant role in the fur trade, the Spaniards have been accused of ignorance and indolence. Weber demonstrates, however, that while the Spaniards perhaps did not exploit die business to the fullest, thev did show the way and did lay important ground -work for trappers and traders of other narior.5. Frenchmen.

Mexicans, and Ang!o-Americans followed trails blazed by Spaniards in all directions out of Taos â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to Colorado, the Great Basin, the Colorado River, the Gila River, and die Grand Canyon.

Robert Glass Cleland published a pioneer work on this subject in 1950. but his book touches onlv a small portion of me story, and certain of his data and some of his conclusions are no longer tenable in view of the additional research of the last twentv vears. Others

have written on various aspects of the Soutnwest fur trade, but the present WOI'K is the most comprehensive account to date. Weber has sifted e^e^v shred of available evidence to render tins exciting and informative book.

Scholars have Ions suspected tiiat die Spanish and Mexican Archives of Xew Mexico the originals are in die State Records Center in Santa Fe^ contained important information about this subject, but until now thev have never been fully exploited. Aldioush the author states that these documents have yielded only a "modest return" he feels it was rewardins because they '^permit the correction of earlier errors of fact and interpretation, cast some venerable "heroes' in a r.ew and unfavorable light and provide a fresh perspective and more balanced view of the fur trade in that region."

The importance of Taos as a center of die fur trade has now been placed in perspective bv the author. Taos looms as important in its o \ m right as does Fort Vancouver to the British and the Rocky Motet tain Rendezvous and St. Louis to the Americans. Mar.v sisrificar.t trappins expeditions departed from Taos, and die contributions of die members of diese expedition, s to seography. politics, and the Spanish. Mexican, and American economy may now be better understood. T h e roster of trappers who used Taos as a base of operations at one time or anodier reads like an honor roll of die Mountain Men.

276 The author's clever use of appropriate quotes from the journals and letters of the trappers themselves enhances the readability of the book. T h e extensive bibliography, the many footnotes, and the excellent index contribute to its scholarly nature. Good maps located throughout the volume aid the reader in following the peregrinations of the various trappers in and out of Taos.

Utah Historical Quarterly This is a valuable contribution to the history of the fur trade of the F a r West and must now rank as the best book on the subject of the fur trade of the Southwest from 1540 to 1846.

T E D J.

WARNER

Associate Professor of History Brigham Young University

A Guide for Collectors of Folklore in Utah. By JAN HAROLD BRUNVAND. (Salt Lake City: University of U t a h Press and U t a h Heritage Foundation, 1971. xvi + 124 pp.

Cloth, $6.50; paper, $3.95.)

Individuals at the University Press must be congratulated for having prepared a handsome volume that is an outstanding example of the printer's art.

In addition, members of the U t a h Heritage Foundation should be lauded for their desire to learn more about, and preserve some kind of record of, the oral and social history of Utah, especially that history involving those basic modes of human behavior manifested daily that are often called "lore." T h e author, too, deserves recognition for having attempted to grapple with a difficult question: how to develop a basic guide to field work in folklore that will be meaningful to the amateur who in turn will provide useful data for analysis by professional folklorists and historians.

In order to explain to the potential "collector" the nature of the data base, Brunvand synthesizes earlier concepts of folklore rather than initiates his own in terms of present research; however, these older concepts are now considered by many folklorists inadequate for dealing with the most important questions involved in the study of human behavior. Thus, two problems arise: the data recorded may not be as useful as the author hopes, and the amateur collector may be somewhat confused as to what he should observe and record and how this should be done,

Regarding the second problem first, Brunvand treats folklore as the traditional aspects of culture of any group but excludes from consideration the behavior of American Indians because in groups "lacking a written native language it is impossible to distinguish aspects of culture as 'folk' or 'non-folk'; the whole culture is traditional" (p. 22).

T h e reader is likely to wonder about this, however, since Indians tell jokes, riddles, and proverbs; sing songs; and dance, which is the same kind of behavior indicated by die author as constituting folklore in other groups. The author also insists that die "official theology and ritual of a religious group are not folklore" (p. 22), but then treats much of Mormon behavior as folklore including "the lore of faith and folly, and miracles and missionaries of Mormondom" (p. 2 3 ) , which again may puzzle the collector. I n addition, the collector may wonder about the propriety of recording "the vital statistics on die informant: full name, address, age, background, sex, education, occupation, etc." (p. 13), which presumably will be made available to the public (unless archivists later erase such information or at least restrict the use of this material), especially when this data accompanies the "text" of a belief prominently labeled "superstition." Brun-

Book Reviews and Notices vand notes that personal information of this sort will be forthcoming once the collector has gained his informant's trust, but the amateur collector should be warned to impose safeguards on the data himself in order to avoid possible misuse by otiiers.

In regard to the first problem, it should be pointed out that the rather aimless gathering of "texts" on small cards has been criticized often by researchers who contend that it produces little that is useful even for the rather limited needs and outputs of those individuals subscribing to the historicgeographic method of study. W h a t is needed for the understanding of human behavior is, as others have noted, an archive of confirmed hypotheses based on problem-oriented research involving special training of the investigators, which is not really "fun" or appro-

277 priate for weekend jaunts of "collecting" in the "field" as advocated by the author.

T h e purpose of this book is primarily to "stimulate the statewide collection, preservation, and study of the existing folklore of the state of U t a h " (p. 3 ) .

T h e first two goals will probably be achieved at least in terms of the concept of lore set forth in this volume, for the guide is certainly attractive in appearance and readable. One wonders, though, if die rather aimlessly collected textual material which is fitted into the author's generic categories will lend itself to much fruitful study.

MICHAEL O W E N JONES

Assistant Professor of History and Folklore University of California at Los Angeles

The Donner Party. By GEORGE KEITHLEY. (New York: George Braziller, Inc., 1972. viii + 254 pp. $6.50.)

There is probably no party whose crossing of the plains is better known than that of the Donner Party or — as it is usually phrased — ill-fated Donner Party. Their initial pride, their almost incredible bad luck, their misinformation, their mismanagement, their internal dissensions, and their eventual starvation and cannibalism at Donner Lake have been worth a chapter in nearly every history of the West.

Further, they have been the subject of several histories of their own as well as novels.

Now there is a book length poem, The Donner Party by George Keithley. For anyone to write a book length poem these days is unusual. T o succeed in publishing it is astonishing. But Keithley has not only published his book but has also had an extract published in Harper's and has been widely reviewed.

The work has evidently been the result of a long obsession for the poet, who not only researched the story thoroughly but traced the whole Donner route even to snowshoeing over Donner Pass.

The story line, though, is a composite of all of the diaries and histories but rather closer to Vardis Fisher's The Mothers than to any of the others.

The poetry —• and on this the book must succeed or fail — is unrhymed and in three line stanzas throughout. The lines themselves are short and irregular and of varying quality. Some lyric passages are very, very good and some are pedestrian and prosaic, so that the reader who has no special love for poetry will wonder why he did not write the thing in paragraphs.

Nonetheless, the final effect of the book is successful. T h e portraits of

278 George Donner (the narrator) and his wife, Tamsen, and Kresberg the cannibal and others are effective and intimate.

Further, the intensity of emotion that Keithley succeeds in conveying is probably best handled with poetry, and that intensity probably could not be sustained as well by prose.

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It is not really history, it is not really a novel, but it is worth reading. It will probably, even hopefully, inspire a new wave of poetry about the West.

J O H N STERLING HARRIS

Assistant Professor of English Brigham Young University

The Reminiscences and Civil War Letters of Levi Lamoni Wight: Life in a Mormon Splinter Colony on the Texas Frontier. Edited by DAVIS BITTON. (Salt Lake City: University of U t a h Press, 1970. xix + 191 pp. $7.00.)

This is a perfectly beautiful little book, a joy to handle, read, and possess in an age of ever-cheaper book designs and materials — a tribute to the craft and skill of both editor and publisher.

Every page reflects the editorial care — one might almost say loving care — of Professor Bitton.

The volume is a by-product of Bitton's larger work, a biography of Mormon Apostle Lyman Wight, fatiier of Levi Lamoni. Bitton's interest in the father is more apparent than that of the son; the subtitle, Life in a Mormon Splinter Colony . . ., is more gratuitous than descriptive. Young Wight seems not to have been much engaged by his father's Mormon vision (except perhaps to share a profound antipathy for Brigham Young, probably the basis for his later affiliation with the aggressively anti-Brighamite Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints). Essentially, Levi Wight was a Texan, not a Latter-day Saint. Conversion, in his forties, came after his character was formed. Of the effect upon him of having been the son of a schismatic Mormon apostle he says virtually nothing. His evaluation of the experience in youth was vitiated by the isolation and the secularizing influences of the frontier, the very great struggle to survive, and perhaps by his father's vagaries and religious eccentricities. Later in life, the

memory of his father was doubtless colored (dark) by his personal espousal of the Reorganized Church's war upon polygamy: Lyman Wight had had plural wives. Nowhere in die reminiscences is there a clue to the father's polygamy, though references to the mother and to the "father's wife" are frequent. (Other Wight descendants have likewise covered the traces of the offending wives in their historical writings. See, for example, various works of Heman C. Smitii, nephew of Levi Lamoni Wight and for a time historian of the Reorganized Church, and of his daughter, Inez Smith Da\is, author of Story of the Church.)

One of Lyman Wight's characteristics was certainly shared by die son: an eternal moving around. Never, over their combined life span of 122 years, was either settled down; and the combined peregrinations of die two would have to total many thousands of miles, most of it on foot or horseback. What such wanderings implied for the quality and character of life in nineteenth century America is somewhat revealed in these pages. Despite the deprivations and hardships, the poverty and insecurity, Levi Lamoni Wight obviously relished it, as had his father.

Wight was a Confederate cavalryman throughout the Civil War. The army, the war, the poverty and anxiety

Book Reviews and Notices of his wife and young family, and the postwar turmoil that prompted a twelveyear exile from his native state comprise a fourth of the reminiscences. H e was neither a vainglorious nor a shirking soldier but a patriotic citizen doing his duty and trying to survive. T h e letters, the second half of the book, are all wartime letters passed between Wight and his wife. As such they are a treasure; but it is unfortunate that letters from other periods did not survive to be included as well.

T h e book might at first seem only another collection of wartime letters and recollections set in a modest, family-oriented autobiography. But there is more. T h e warmth and closeness of family, a touching and poetic conjugal love, and hard work and moving about as a way of life constitute a minor epic.

Wight was a "common m a n " of the

279 place and generation (1836-1917) whose culture and character survive here. His spelling, which Bitton has preserved, is almost totally phonetic; so the reader is treated not only to his articulate and colorful idiom, but also to the way he would have spoken it.

The reminiscences were apparently written in 1907 as a private legacy for the family and are candid and personal.

They differ from the editorially "cleaned u p " and more polemical autobiography written in 1902 for the Reorganized Church (of which he was a lay missionary in middle age) and later published in its Journal of History.

ROBERT FLANDERS

Professor of History Southwest Missouri State College Springfield

Indian Peace Medals in American History. By FRANCIS PAUL PRUCHA. (Madison: The State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1971. xiv+ 186 pp. $15.00.)

Francis Paul Prucha, S.J., professor of history at Marquette University, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, has gained an awareness of the many-faceted aspects of relations between modern nationstates and the Indians of the Americas through his continuing research and various publications that relate to government-Indian interactions.

T h e awarding of ceremonial canes, medals, flags, and even uniforms to dignify the formal contacts between nations and the representatives of Indian tribes was an important ingredient in the total approach of European and American governments to people, both Indian and white, who loved formal occasions with their pomp and ceremony.

Through the use of the official correspondence of representatives of the United States and a rich selection of secondary materials Father Prucha is

able to trace "the use of Peace Medals in American Indian Policy" from the presidency of George Washington to the period after the Civil War. This portion of the book is a definite contribution to the study of United States Indian policy.

Through his presentation of information on "the designing and production of United States Indian Peace Medals" and the photographic reproductions of such medals prepared for, and used on behalf of, presidents of the United States from George Washington to Grover Cleveland and Benjamin Harrison, we are able to appreciate the contributio is of outstanding designers and engravers and to see the aesthetic qualities of what they produced. This will be useful as a contribution to the history of American art.

With changes in the policies of the United States toward Indian tribes in the nineteenth century, the use made

280 of the medals gradually changed. They became less symbols of friendship and national allegiance and more mere rewards for services rendered and for good behavior. This was a reflection of the loss of independence and power on the part of individual Indian leaders and of the intervention of representatives of the United States into the internal affairs of tribes once left entirely to tribal governments and tribal leadership.

Father Prucha is to be congratulated for die contribution this definitive study of the Indian Peace Medals has made to the students of relations between the Indian tribes and the United States, to

Utah Historical

Quarterly

museum curators, to collectors of medals, and to Americana enthusiasts generally. T h e State Historical Society of Wisconsin saw to it that the study was well clothed in a handsome book with an attractive dust jacket.

The notes, the scholarly bibliography, and the useful index all add to the pleasure that the reader will receive from the ownership of the book.

S. L Y M A N TYLER

Director Center for Studies of the American West University of Utah

Uintah Railway: The Gilsonite Route. By H E N R Y E. BENDER, J R . (Berkeley, California: Howell-North Books, 1970. 239 pp. $9.50.)

This volume details the history of the only railroad to penetrate the Uintah Basin. T h e Uintah Railway was a narrow gauge route built early in this century to serve as a means of carrying gilsonite to market. T h e discovery, nature, and uses of Uintah Basin gilsonite and the construction of the railroad under the direction of the General Asphalt Company are described in detail. Less than one-fourth of the railroad was in Utah, and it entered the Uintah Basin from the southeast and Colorado. T h e road stretched from Mack, Colorado, the Uintah's junction on the D&RGW, northwest to the U t a h line and then into the Uintah Basin. Most gilsonite reached the line by wagon and later by truck.

The railroad was in operation from 1904 to 1939, and during this era there were constant rumors that it would be extended from Dragon, Utah, its northernmost stop, to Vernal, but this possibility was never realized.

During this era, gilsonite had many uses including paint for the Model T, chewing gum, insulation for electrical wires, and paint for the piles at Saltair.

Although the road was specifically built to carry gilsonite, it also carried U.S. Mail, passengers, and wool during the shearing season. I n 1914 as the government increased the weight limit of the parcel post package and charged five cents for the first pound and one cent a pound thereafter, the Uintah Railway became the prime carrier of parcel post into the eastern Uintah Basin. Parcel post became the cheapest method for shipping such items as cement, bricks, copper ore, and groceries. Thirty-five thousand ton of bricks carried by parcel post over the Uintah Railroad during 1916 were used to construct the Coltharp Building in Vernal. By mid-November 1916, a change in Post Office regulations limited parcel post shipments.

Eventually the freighting of gilsonite completely by truck slowed both the gilsonite shipments and the U i n t a h Railway to an eventual standstill in 1939.

Bender has written in a readable style and is often colorful in describing such incidents as picnics, snow slides, fatal accidents, and railroad life. Uintah Railway appeals directly to the narrow

Book Reviews and Notices gauge railway buffs with its detailed schematic drawings, numerous photographs, and thorough attention to specifications of rolling stock. Bender himself is an officer in the Central Railway Historical Society. O n occasion he uses railroad terms and descriptions that are unfamiliar to the general reader.

For example, he notes that a most unique feature of this route was the use of two articulated engines. Yet he never explains the background of these engines, and without additional informa-

281 tion the reader can only gain glimpses of why these engines proved so valuable on the Uintah Railway. On page 18 a caption is found with no picture to accompany it. These small faults should not detract from an otherwise excellent and profusely illustrated study of a littleknown aspect of Utah-Colorado history.

RICHARD W.

SADLER

Assistant Professor of History Weber State College

Songs of the Teton Sioux. By HARRY W. PAIGE. (LOS Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1970. x v + 202 pp. $7.50.)

The author, Harry W. Paige, has performed a difficult job well. Through his book, Songs of the Teton Sioux, he provides an excellent and refreshing insight into the cultural values and practices of the western or Teton Sioux. In providing this insight, the author tastefully and effectively portrays subtle but significant differences between the cultures of western society and the Teton Sioux, whose culture frequently parallels that of other Indian tribes of the High Plains. Equally significant is the impressive array of primary sources that the author used in his work. They give a balanced treatment of the subject in a fashion that the reader is provided an introduction to Sioux Indian culture that is at once informative and empathic. It provides a sound historical perspective from which the Sioux attitudes toward world and environment may be explored. T h e primary and secondary sources are used in a style that is consistent with the author's delicate treatment of the Sioux Indian culture, a complex and often bewildering area for peoples of the western society.

As with other tribes of the Plains, Sioux Indian culture defies preciseness and specificity in the light of strict and

compelling mores and protocol. This makes it difficult to make analyses and comparisons with western values and practices. It is also difficult and impractical to attempt delineations of Sioux and Plains Indian cultural areas for comparison and study because life styles and practices subtly, but definitely, extend from one area into others. When social, political, and spiritual practices are delineated and categorized in the light of western values, there is created a real opportunity for distortion and misinterpretation of Indian values and practices.

In Songs of the Teton Sioux, the author takes note of this facet of understanding the oneness through which the Sioux and Plains Indian relate to world and environment. Dr. Paige delicately balances a combination of Indian and non-Indian examples to effect an intrinsic understanding often lacking in similar works that explore cultures which are incongruous to western society's values. T h e songs of the Teton Sioux are used to extrapolate principles and practices into the broader system within which the Sioux lived.

The primary sources are impressive in two instances. First, they represent a

282 segment of the contemporary Sioux population which is instrumental in the cultural reawareness and rearmament of the Teton Sioux. Through Jake Killsinsight, Lloyd One Star, Ben Black Bear, and others, the interpretations, style, and protocol for song usage are properly projected into the broader cultural values and systems of the Sioux as best remembered by people who dedicate themselves to preserving the primitives' values and traditions in a contemporary situation. In the second instance, the author skillfully refrains from imposing his own judgment and non-Indian values upon the information he has compiled. H e merely compares values and practices of the Sioux with familiar values of the non-Indian community. He subtly cautions against characterizing Indians of yesterday and today through the contents of the book.

Utah Historical Quarterly Songs of the Teton Sioux is a delightful introduction to the Sioux people through the oral tradition to be found among them. It provides an insight that tells the reader that the "unknown is an extension of the known . . . the unseen an extension of the seen" and that this is a basic departure of the Sioux Indian system from that of western society. It alerts the reader to that premise of oneness through which the Sioux Indian relates to his environment, one of supplicating the reality and illusory aspects of his world. This is a refreshing change from the frequent non-Indian premise that "Indians worshiped plants, animals, and stones."

BARNEY O L D COYOTE

Professor of American Indian Studies Montana State University Bozeman

Slickrock: The Canyon Country of Southeast Utah. By EDWARD ABBEY and PHILIP HYDE. Sierra Club Exhibit Format Series. (San Francisco: T h e Sierra Club, 1971.

144 pp. $27.50.)

U t a h slickrock is dangerous stuff. T h e apotheosis of visual form, its sheer masses and intricate details compound a daring aesthetic that unhinges the mind a bit. Edward Abbey and Philip Hyde, two of the more recent victims, have collaborated in this Sierra Club Exhibit Format volume which is guaranteed to displease both state and federal bureaucrats and the stockholders of assorted power companies.

The Sierra Club has set the standard for books of this kind. Philip Hyde's photographs are very good indeed. "Lichen on standstone near rim of Water Canyon" splashes across two pages (pp.

136-37) like an abstract mural. Bentonite hills (pp. 106-7), a sandbar (p.

127), Indian paintbrush (p. 138), Wingate formation (p. 8 4 ) , a stagnant pool

(p. 5 0 ) , or wild lilies on a dune (p. 40) reveal an artist's perception and selectivity of detail that excite both the eye and the imagination. T h e color separations are perfect, and the printing — done in Verona, Italy — reflects the care of master craftsmen. T h e luxurious, coated enamel paper will last many hundreds of years—-longer perhaps than die soutiieast U t a h slickrock it captures so magnificently.

Abbey and Hyde have divided the book between them. Hyde's part is naturally heavy on photographs, while Abbey plies his trade with words. The lean, chiseled prose which made Abbey's Desert Solitaire a classic statement of that western character, the loner, with twentieth-century trappings — fourwheel drive, cold beer, and a pet snake

Book Reviews and Notices —• fails to come off here with the crackle of the earlier work. Abbey, with his heart on his sleeve, writes movingly of the canyon country: "There was no rain at all where we were, and the ground was perfectiy dry. But you could feel it tremble with the resonance of the flood. From within the flood, under the rolling red waters, you could hear the grating and grumble of big rocks, boulders, as they clashed on one another, a sound like the grinding of molars in a pair of leviathan jaws. The kind of sound, in other words, for which neither imagination nor fantasy can ever really prepare you. T h e unbelievable reality of the real. . . We camped on the bench that evening, made supper in the dense violet twilight of the canyon while thousands of cubic tons of semiliquid sand, silt, mud, rock, uprooted junipers, logs, a dead cow, rumbled by about twenty feet away. Deep and rich as our delight" (p. 30). Abbey, rapier in hand, comes off as just another angry polemist-propagandist: "As the genius of American commerce has discovered, almost anything can be sold. Your own mother is merchantable — at least as glue, lampshade covers, a cake of soap" (p. 70). By now the reading public must be tired of even the propagandists with whom it agrees.

Abbey hacks away at the U t a h Highway Department, the Bureau of Land Management, power companies, chambers of commerce, and the citizenry of Escalante. Deservedly, perhaps. Nevertheless, one questions whether assault tactics will achieve any of the ends sought by the Sierra Club, Abbey, this reviewer, or a host of other people in and out of U t a h . As Paul Salisbury of the Uinta Chapter of the Sierra Club suggested in the July 1971 issue of Unita News: "Things are bad enough in the environment that they needn't be over dramatized." T h e flaw in this book's

283 prose is that it attempts at times to scare the reader to death and does not succeed.

Some truths most all environmentalists hold to be self-evident: Kaiparowits and Navajo power plants should not be built, dam is virtually a naughty word, and road building should be well thought out before the first bulldozer chugs into view. Equally evident is the fact that U t a h lives on a shaky economic base. Ogden, for example, could well become the largest ghost town in the West if Hill Air Force Base folded. The state needs tourism. Tourism does not necessarily mean destruction of wilderness or environment. We can learn from Yellowstone, Yosemite, and Glen Canyon. Conservationists and developers both need to abandon name-calling and engage in some non-competitive brainstorming. Pack trips, interpretive visitor centers on the edge of the wilderness (similar to those proposed for Yellowstone) , and schools for all ages in wilderness survival immediately suggest themselves as possible candidates for development consonant with preservation.

T h e photographs in Slickrock plead the case for wilderness — particularly the Escalante — with great eloquence.

So does crusty old Abbey with his wellwritten catalogs of plant and animal life and his sensitivity to color, form, and mood. His capsule history of the area (pp. 3 2 ^ 4 ) adds dimension for the general reader, although the 1775-76 dating of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition (p. 41) is in error. In all, it is a book only a subdivider could hate.

Let's hope the Sierra Club continues its fine publications program which has brought us sixteen large, lavishly illustrated volumes to date.

MIRIAM BRINTON M U R P H Y

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Utah Historical Quarterly

History of Teton Valley, Idaho. By B. W. DRIGGS. Edited by L o u i s J. CLEMENTS and HAROLD S. FORBUSH. Revised edition. (Rexburg: Eastern Idaho Publishing Company, 1970. 280 pp. $6.25.)

From early fur trappers and traders to present day ranchers, the beautiful Teton Valley of eastern Idaho has attracted people's attention. With the republishing and editing of the 1926 edition of B. W. Driggs's History of the Teton Valley, the history of the valley is once again made available.

About one-half of the original edition was concerned with the trappers and traders, about one-fourth with the valley's pioneers, and about one-fourth with the development of the small villages and towns. T h e editors have indicated where modern research concerning the trappers and traders has superseded that available in 1926, updated the political and ecclesiastical history of the towns and villages, and added to the original chapter of biographies.

I n the new edition several problems are apparent, primarily the result of poor proofreading. There are numerous typographical errors, and the printing is not uniform in places, making reading somewhat difficult. Driggs often used parentheses to set apart a state-

ment in the original edition. T h e editors occasionally use parentheses in the text when they should use brackets. Some footnotes are not in sequence or have no corresponding number in the body of the text. There are several unnecessary and vague footnotes. O n occasion the indefinite "some authorities" is used.

Acknowledgment of the authorities and their works is common courtesy and would enhance the credibility of the footnote.

T h e editors have added an index and a bibliography. T h e book is attractively bound. T h e publishing company, of which the editors are members, was organized to published regional histories of Idaho, a laudable undertaking. This book was the first effort. Presumably, experience gained from this effort will be used advantageously in forthcoming publications.

DAVID L. CROWDER

Assistant Professor of History Ricks College Rexburg, Idaho

The Fourth World of the Hopis: The Epic Story of the Hopi Indians as Preserved in Their Legends and Traditions. By HAROLD COURLANDER. (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1971. 239 pp. $6.95.)

In this epic story of die legends and creation myths of the Hopi Indians of Arizona, Harold Courlander worked directly with his informants in the delicate task of recording their oral literature. As folklorist and novelist, he is the author of an impressive list of books in the field of tribal traditions of many parts of the world, a veteran in the task of preserving points of view and beliefs that have survived centuries in these timeless oral histories. As a careful, on-

the-spot recorder, Mr. Courlander believes that these stories give insights into distinct, highly developed ways that are not visible in potsherds â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;&#x201D; important as archaeological excavations are in otiier respects. T h e remarkable Hopi traditions, tenaciously held by this agrarian, matrilineal clan survival from die Golden Age, are of special interest, for their ways and h u m a n values are very different from those of the European invader. They offer, in The Fourth

Book Reviews and Notices World of the Hopis, an opportunity for an in-depth study of an enduring precept: respect for the total living world.

Twenty legends await the listener. Beginning with Endless Space, the creation myths find the Sun-Spirit gathering elements together to make the First World. T h e evolution of life begins with insectlike creatures who are led out of the caves of darkness by Spider-Grandmother, the Sun-Spirit's messenger — both revered today in the ceremonials of the villages. This is followed by the emergence of life, including man, from the Lower to the U p p e r World, where all are set each one apart to develop in their own ways — a mythology not based upon the concept of any "chosen" group. T h e tales carry on from legendary to historical times.

As descendants of seed-gatherers, rather than hunters, the Hopi clans began their long search for a living place that would provide elemental survival needs in accordance witii their belief that all living things are related and must be kept in balance. These migrations of centuries led them to build and abandon villages, to merge and separate with other cultural and linguistic groups. At last the need for continuity and fulfillment of destiny began to take shape as scattered tribes began to drift to the springs along the southern

285 edge of Black Mesa where they have lived since the thirteenth century.

Mr. Courlander has chosen a quotation from the Palatkwapi story for the dedication page. "When a stranger comes to the village, feed him. Do not injure one another, because all beings deserve to live together without injury being done to them. When people are old and cannot work anymore, do not turn them out to shift for themselves, but take care of them. Defend yourselves when an enemy comes to your village, but do not go out seeking war.

The Hopis shall take this counselling and make it the Hopi Way." This highly developed human way, tenaciously preserved, provides a reassurance that mankind can achieve a reverence for the total living world which may lead to the survival of the earth as a habitation for future generations.

An introduction and an excellent map of the Black Mesa region precede the Epic Story. At their close Mr. Courlander has added a scholarly account of notes on narrators and informants and notes on the stories, plus an indispensable glossary and pronunciation guide to Hopi names which are, of course, strange to our ears and eyes.

LORENE PEARSON

Santa Fe, New

Mexico

Las Vegas: As It Began — As It Grew. By STANLEY W. PAHER. Maps and illustrations by R O N E. PURCELL. (Las Vegas: Nevada Publications, 1971. 181 pp. $10.95.)

Books treating of the modern Las Vegas are common and commonplace.

In Las Vegas: As It Began — As It Grew, Mr. Paher delves behind the artificial facade, the glaring lights, and the rush of the pleasure seeker, to bring the first comprehensive study of the basic community and its origins.

Ignoring the popular myths of early Spanish discovery via the Colorado River, he begins with the first recorded

arrival of Caucasian man, the Spanish of New Mexico, opening a trade route to the Pacific Coast. The author catches and transmits the spirit characteristic of each of the periods covered. T h e explorers' challenge and the traders' zeal in opening the Old Spanish Trail lead to the discovery of the springs and meadows basic to subsequent development.

The abortive attempt of the Mormons to settle the Las Vegas area is

Utah Historical Quarterly

286 portrayed in light of adverse odds, the combination of which precluded even a modicum of success. T h e most prodigious efforts were not enough to overcome the sterility of the soil, the isolation of the settlement, lack of a balanced economy, thieving Indians, and the division of authority by die creation of a second (the Lead) mission.

The ranching period, from the Mormon effort to the coming of the railroad, brings new and valued material in the story of O. D. Gass. A m a n of varied but divisive interests, Gass was dominated by his zeal for mining and left the ranch to his creditors to pursue this interest. T h e splendid research and extensive treatment of the Gass period, however, tends to point up an apparent neglect and sketchy review of the significant Stewart period which followed.

The spirit of the new city is captured and presented in the light of a husding boom town catering to the railroad, land speculators, home builders, and a thriving freighting business and in meeting the harsh challenge of the desert environment. Boom town enthusiasm is kept alive after the formative period by political forces working for autonomy

Cowboy

Slang.

in county government and the creation of Clark County with Las Vegas as the new county seat.

Reverses suffered from the disastrous flood in 1910 sent die town into doldrums. T h e reader feels the revival of the old spirit with congressional provision for the construction of Hoover (Boulder) D a m in 1928. T h e construction economy replaced by power production and World W a r I I industry keep the spirit alive until the demands of an affluent society for recreation provide new incentive for growth.

Mr. Paher, a master at ferreting out rare historical photographs to tell the story of his first work, Nevada Ghost Towns and Mining Camps, uses the same technique, together with sketches

by Mr. Purcell, to effectively supplement his written story.

The book fills a void for general knowledge of the history of the area, but the student will regret the absence of footnotes or bibliographical references.

ELBERT B. EDWARDS

Board of Trustees Nevada Historical Society Boulder City, Nevada

By EDGAR R. POTTER. Illustrated by R O N SCHOFIELD.

(Seattle:

Superior Publishing Company, Hangman Press, 1971. 64 pp. $5.95.)

As the cowboy becomes a diminishing factor on the American scene the aficionados of this strictly western character increase worldwide. Edgar (Frosty) Potter has tailored a book for this audience. Included are such subjects as cowboy's glossary, rodeo rules and dictionary, ear marks, and names of various brands and how to read them. I n this latter connection, it will hearten the novice to consider brand reading in the same light as hindsight. After the brand is known it is a cinch to read it.

T h e section devoted to cowboy slang which gives the book its title does noth-

ing to detract from the legendary and popular conception of the character: independent, colorful, and taciturn. The vernacular of die cowboy in which "slang is as common as tumbleweeds" points u p a dry, quick, though usually gende, wit; and in this age of expletives, the homespun language is a relief. A cowboy is a gentleman â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at least in the presence of a lady.

Somewhat reminiscent of the works of Russell are the profuse illustrations by Ron Schofield.

VIRGINIA N. PRICE

Price,

Utah

Soldier and Brave: Historic Places Associated with Indian Affairs and the Indian Wars in the Trans-Mississippi West. By t h e NATIONAL PARK SERVICE.

The National Survey of Historic Sites and Buildings, vol. 12. ROBERT G.

FERRIS, series editor. N e w edition.

(Washington, D . C . : U . S . Government Printing Office, 1971, xvi + 543 pp. $4.00.)

Evidence of the mushrooming interest in America's western heritage is apparent in this handy catalog. T h e 1963 edition listing 146 sites in a 279-page format has been expanded to 214 sites and 453 pages. T h e earlier volume listed two U t a h sites â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Fort Douglas and the Gunnison Massacre site. T h e revision adds Cove Fort a n d Fort Deseret.

Gove Fort and the Fort Douglas officers quarters in the 1890s are pictured.

Brief histories (one hundred to three hundred words for U t a h locations) explain t h e historic role of battlefields, forts, trading posts, treaty sites, reservation agencies, a n d Indian missions and schools in twenty-four states. T h e volume includes 216 pictures, nine maps, a thorough index, and a selected bibliography.

scribes selected reference works leading the student or researcher to sources of all kinds. The author, who has advanced degrees in both history and library science, explains the nature of hundreds of catalogs, union lists, directories, indexes, and guides under ten general headings.

The Handbook covers all fields of history and is international in scope, but it emphasizes English-language sources of the United States and Great Britain.

Among general guides discussed are encyclopedias, dictionaries of history, almanacs, yearbooks, statistical handbooks, gazetteers, place-name literature, and atlases. Sections on national library catalogs, trade bibliographies, legal sources, and government publications open the door to vast holdings. Of special interest are descriptions of guides to dissertations, primary sources (manuscripts, oral history, diaries, quotations, and speeches), serials, newspapers, and biographical materials. This descriptive guide has a place on every historian's bookshelf.

The Art of the Old West from the Collection of the Gilcrease Institute [Tulsa., Okla.]. By PAUL A. R o s s i and DAVID C. H U N T . (New York: Alfred

The Historian's Handbook: tive Guide to Reference

A DescripWorks. By

H E L E N J. P O U L T O N , with the assistance of

MARGUERITE

S.

HOWLAND.

( N o r m a n : University of Oklahoma Press, 1972. xii + 308 p p . $9.95; paper $4.95.)

Anyone looking for historical material in libraries or archives will find this guide a n invaluable time-saver. It de-

A. Knopf, 1971. 335 pp. $25.00.)

A Bibliographic Guide to the Archaeology of Oregon and Adjacent Regions.

By L E R O Y J O H N S O N , J R . , and DAVID

L. COLE. (Eugene: Museum of Natural History, University of Oregon, 1969. 41 p p . Paper, $2.00.) Includes parts of Washington, Idaho, Nevada, and California.

Utah Historical Quarterly

288 Conservation in the United States: A Documentary History.

Edited by FRANK E. S M I T H et al. (5 vols.; New

York: Chelsea House in association with V a n Nostrand Reinhold, 1971.

4075 p p . $150.00.) Emphasizes national legislation and public policy in four subheadings: Land and Water, Recreation, Minerals, and Water and Air Pollution.

The Depletion Myth: A History of Railroad Use of Timber. By SHERRY H .

O L S O N . (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971. 228 p p . $9.00.) This monograph uses economic data to challenge the idea that railroads depleted forests by harvesting timber for crossties.

The Great Betrayal: The Evacuation of the Japanese-Americans during World War

II.

By AUDRIE

GIRDNER

and

A N N E LOFTIS. (New York: Macmil-

lan Co., 1969. x + 562 pp. $12.50.)

Guide to the Manuscript Collections of the Oregon Historical Society. By the OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY. (Port-

land: Oregon Historical Society, 1971. 264 p p . $20.00.) Alphabetical and subject listings of Oregon Historical Society manuscripts catalog, approximately eight thousand entries.

Index to Periodicals of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: Cumulative Edition for the Years 1961-1970, in Two Volumes. (Salt Lake City: T h e Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1972. iv + 1074 p p . Paper, $9.00.) Indexes The Children's Friend, Church News, Conference Reports, Improvement Era, The Instructor, and Relief Society Magazine.

Jackson Hole, Wyoming: In the Shadow of the Tetons.

By DAVID J. SAYLOR.

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970. 268 pp. $4.95.) A read-

able treatment emphasizing the early history â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Indians, trappers, settlers, and frontier justice.

The Life of Jim Baker, 1818-1898: Trapper, Scout, Guide and Indian Fighter.

By NOLLE M U M E Y . Reprint

of 1931 edition. (New York: Interland Publishing Inc., 1972. xii + 234 pp. $20.00.)

North America War,

Divided:

1846-1848.

The

Mexican

By SEYMOUR V.

C O N N O R and O D I E B. F A U L K .

(New

York: Oxford University Press, 1971. $7.95.) Includes Mormons.

Our Indian Wards. By GEORGE W. MANYPENNY. Reprint of 1880 edition with a new foreword by H E N R Y E. FRITZ. (New York: DaCapo Press, 1972. xxxviii + 436 p p . + 10 pp. $12.50.)

The Plains: Being No Less Than a Collection of Veracious Memoranda Taken during the [Fremont] Expedition of Exploration in the Year 1845. . . . By ISAAC COOPER [Frangois

des Montaignes); edited by NANCY ALPERT M O W E R and D O N R U S S E L L .

(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972. xxvi + 182 pp. $7.95.)

The

Rise of Teamster

Power

in the

West. By DONALD GARNEL. (Berkeley

and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972. xii + 363 pp. $12.50.) Discusses Mormon influence in U t a h labor and devotes a chapter to Teamsters Union activities in the Rocky Mountain area.

Roaming the American West: Adventure and Activity Guide to 110 Scenic, Historic, and Natural Wonders. By DONALD E. BOWER. (Harrisburg, Pa.:

Stackpole Books, 1971. 256 pp. $9.95.)

Describes ten sites in each of eleven states. U t a h sites are Logan Canyon, High Uintas Highline Trail, Dinosaurland, Timpanogos Cave, Ophir,

Articles and Notes

289

Dead Horse Point, Capitol Reef, Silver Reef, Hovenweep, and Monument Valley.

Snake Country Expedition of 18301831: John Work's Field Journal.

Edited by FRANCIS D. HAINES, JR. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971. xxviii + 172 pp. $7.95.)

Uprooted Americans: The Japanese Americans and the War Relocation

Authority during World War II. By DILLON S. MYER. (Tucson: Univer-

sity of Arizona Press, 1971. xxx + 360 pp. $8.50.)

The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness: Sidney Rigdon, Religious Reformer, 1793-1876. By F. MARK MCKIERNAN. (Lawrence, Kan.: Coronado Press, 1971. 190 pp. + 14 plates $7.50.) Appendix reproduces an 1844 manuscript.

AGRICULTURE Barnes, Thomas, "How to Make an Ox Yoke," Foxfire, 5 (Winter 1971), 200205.

Bowman, Nora Linjer, "Branding," Northeastern Nevada Historical Society Quarterly, 2 (Winter 1971), 5-12.

Kelsey, Darwin P., ed., "American Agriculture, 1790-1840: A Symposium," Agricultural History, 46 (January 1972), 1-233. Entire issue consists of papers delivered at a symposium at Old Sturbridge Village, September 1618, 1970.

Rosenberg, Charles E., "Science, Technology, and Economic Growth: The Case of the Agricultural Experiment Station Scientist, 1875-1914," Agricultural History, 45 (January 1971), 1-20.

BUSINESS Fauver, Carl, " 'Bootstrap' Industries Help the American Indian in the 1970s," Intermountain Industry, 73 (November 1971), 8-11. Gosiute steel fabrication plant.

Hubbell, John G., "Everybody Likes to Work for Bill Marriott," Readers Digest, 100 (January 1972), 94-98. A business portrait of restaurant and hotel owner J. Willard Marriott, condensed from the Chicago Sun-Times, December 5, 1971.

290

Utah Historical Quarterly

Stokesbury, James L., "John Jacob Astor: 'A Self-Invented Money-Making Machine'," American History Illustrated, 6 (October 1971), 32-40.

Thompson, George, "Monument to a Dreamer," Desert Magazine, 35 (March 1972), 14-15. Minersville, Beaver County.

"UP&L Purchases LDS Church Underground [Coal] Mine," Circuit, 34 (February-March 1972), 2-3.

EXPLORATION AND TRAVEL "Touring Glen Canyon Dam," Reclamation Era, 57 (August 1971), 27-30.

Garber, D. W., "Jedediah Strong Smith: At Home in Ohio," The Pacific Historian, 16 (Spring 1972), 2-14.

Greer, D. C , "Annals Map Supplement No. 14. Great Salt Lake, Utah," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 61 (March 1971), 14-15.

Howard, Enid C , "The Trail to Druid Arch," Desert Magazine, 35 (April 1972), 6-9. , "Utah's Lavender Canyon," Desert Magazine, 35 (March 1972), 1821.

Ogden, Mark, "Great Explorers: Humboldt," Explorers Journal, 50 (March 1972), 52-56.

HISTORIANS AND HISTORIOGRAPHY "[Charles] Redd Donates Half Million to Y," Brigham Young University Today, 26 (February 1972), 1, 6. Details the establishment of the Western Studies Center and the Lemuel Hardison Redd, Jr., Chair of Western History at BYU. "Dr. [Ernest L.] Wilkinson Appointed Editor of BYU Centennial History [1975]," Brigham Young University Today, 26 (February 1972), 14.

"Dr. [Leonard J.] Arrington Named to Redd Chair of Western History at BYU," Brigham Young University Today, 26 (February 1972), 1, 6.

Hagan, William T., "On Writing the History of the American Indian," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 2 (Summer 1971). A review article.

Johnson, Kenneth M., "Fremont's 1856 [Presidential] Campaign," The Branding Iron [Los Angeles Westerners Corral], no. 105 (March 1972), pp. 10-13.

Schmutz, Richard, "Can Records Really Tell Us What Happened in the Past?"

The Ensign of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2 (April 1972), 47-49.

Tutorow, Norman E., and Arthur R. Abel, "Western and Territorial Research Opportunities in Trans-Mississippi Federal Records Centers," Pacific Historical Review, 40 (November 1971), 501-18.

H I S T O R I C SITES AND MUSEUMS "Ancient Animals Flourished Around Lake Bonneville," Utah Natural 4,no. 1 (1972), 1,3.

History,

Articles

and Notes

291

"Artifacts Pieced Together at BYU . . . Archaeologists Work on Nauvoo Restoration," Brigham Young University Today, 26 (March 1972), 1, 3.

Dunn, William R., "Historical Societies and Museums," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 64 (Winter 1971), 449-52. Includes a note on the opening of the visitors center built by Nauvoo Restoration, Inc. Eagar, Mike, "Brigham Young's Winter Home," Pow Wow, 6 (February 1972), "East Canyon Lake State Recreation Area," Pow Wow, 6 (March 1972), 1.

Goeldner, Paul, "The Architecture of Equal Comforts: Polygamists in Utah," Historic Preservation, 24 (January-March 1972), 14-17.

"Historic Devereaux Mansion," The Pioneer, 19 (January-February 1972), 2.

Holmes, M. Patricia, "Cast Iron Store Fronts," Skylines, Midwest Architect, Summer 1971.

Jenson, Harold H., "The Pioneer 14th Ward Chapel [in Salt Lake City]," The Pioneer, 19 (January-February 1972), 14.

Kelsey, Darwin P., "Outdoor Museums and Historical Agriculture," Agricultural History, 46 (January 1972), 105-28.

"New State Park Will Get Pioneer Cabin of Joseph F. Smith's Mother," The Pioneer, 19 (March-April 1972), 11. " 'Roughneck' Meets Teacher; Science Career Blossoms," Utah Natural History, 4, no. 1 (1972), 2. Story of Dr. Stephen D. Durrant, mammalogist, University of Utah.

Sande, Ted, "Some Thoughts on Industrial Archeology, Preservation, and Training," Society for Industrial Archeology Newsletter. Supplementary Issue No. 1 (March 1972), pp. 1-3.

Tenney, Gordon, "Gunlock Lake State Beach," Pow Wow, 6 (March 1972), 2-3.

Unterman, Billie, "Lake Bonneville's Rival [Lake Uinta]," Pow Wow, 6 (February 1971), 2.

INDIANS Medicine, Bea, "The Anthropologist as the Indian's Image-Maker," The Indian Historian, 4 (Fall 1971), 27-29.

Deloria, Vine, Jr., "The American Indian and His Commitments, Goals, Programs: A Need to Reconsider," The Indian Historian, 5 (Spring 1972), 5-10. Includes a section on "the lessons of history."

Gallaway, Lowell E., and Richard K. Vedder, "Mobility of Native Americans," Journal of Economic History, 31 (September 1971), 613-49.

"Stanford Removes Indian Symbol," The Indian Historian, 5 (Spring 1972), 21-22.

Thompson, Richard A., "Prehistoric Settlement in the Grand Canyon National Monument," Plateau, 44 (Fall 1971), 67-71. Reports the findings of a Southern Utah State College archaeological survey.

292

Utah Historical Quarterly

Tujios, Andrew Patrick, "The Story of the Utes," The Trolley Times, 1 (October 1971), 4.

LITERATURE AND FOLKLORE French, Carol Anne, "Western Literature and the Myth-Makers," Montana, the Magazine of Western History, 22 (April 1972), 76-81.

Lambert, Neal E., and Richard H. Cracroft, "Through Gentile Eyes: A Hundred Years of the Mormon in Fiction," The New Era, 2 (March 1972), 14-19.

Lee, Fred L., "The Western Adventures of Washington Irving," Westport Historical Quarterly, 7 (June 1971).

Schopf, Bill, "The Image of the West in the Century, 1881-1889," The Possible Sack,?, (March 1972), 8-13.

Walker, Don D., "Essays in the Criticism of Western Literary Criticism. I I : The Dogmas of [Bernard] DeVoto," The Possible Sack, 3 (February 1972), 14; (March 1972), 14-18.

SOCIETY AND RELIGION Carson, Gerald, "The Late, Late Frontier [rodeos]," American Heritage, 23 (April 1972), 72-77, 102.

Casson, Lionel, "Who Got Here First?" Horizon, 14 (Spring 1972), 96-103.

Pre-Columbian voyages to America, including mention of Mormon writings.

Francaviglia, Richard V., "The Cemetery as an Evolving Cultural Landscape," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 61 (September 1971), 501-9.

Hoover, Earl R., "The Famous Hymn Writer Who Lived and is Buried in Cleveland," Ohioana Quarterly, 14 (Winter 1971), 154-56. Author of "God Be With You 'Til We Meet Again."

Pickart, Walter, "In Witness Whereof," The Westerners Brand Book [Chicago], 28 (August 1971), 41-43, 45-48; (September 1971), 50-51. The wills of Brigham Young and five other westerners.

TRANSPORTATION AND C O M M U N I C A T I O N Clay, Wallace A., "The Life of a Telegraph Operator on the Old O P . , " Salt Flat News, 2 (February 1972), 6-7. , "The Way the 'Hogs' Worked Promontory Hill during the Golden Spike Era," Salt Flat News, 2 (March 1972), 9.

Hillinger, Charles, "Dr. [Harvey] Fletcher, 'Father' of Stereo, Studies Sounds at BYU," Brigham Young University Today, 26 (March 1972), 10.

Koenig, Karl R., "Stockton's Three Scrap Yard Steamers Now on the Wasatch Mountain Railway [Heber Creeper]," Pacific News, 12 (January 1972), 8-10.

Serven, James E., "Horses of the West," Arizona Highways, 48 (March 1972), 14-39.

Articles and Notes

293

WESTWARD M O V E M E N T AND SETTLEMENT Doughty, Nanelia S., "Living in Tonopah, 1904," Southern Nevada Historical Society Backtrails, 1 (April 1972), 1-6. Based on the letters of May Bradford, daughter of surveyor S. K. Bradford.

Dunyon, Joy F., and F. Earl Walker, "East Mill Creek History: From Log Cabins to Mansions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A Community of Charm," The Pioneer, 19 (MarchApril 1972), 17-18.

Goates, Les, "The Tragedy of Winter Quarters: Mormon Camp Served Its Purpose," The Pioneer, 19 (March-April 1972), 12-13.

Grant, H . Roger, and David E. King, "A Mormon Plan for an Island Kingdom of God," Prologue: Journal of the National Archives, 4 (Spring 1972), 26-30.

Hansen, H. N., "An Account of a Mormon Family's Conversion to the Religion of the Latter Day Saints and of Their Trip from Denmark to Utah," Part 1, Annals of Iowa, 41 (Summer 1971).

Lehr, Jr., "Mormon Settlement Morphology in Southern Alberta," The Albertan Geographer, no. 8 (1972), pp. 6-13.

"Little Cottonwood Comments [placenames]," The Rambler [Wasatch Mountain Club], March 1972, pp. 5-6.

MacDonald, Craig, "They Didn't Stand a Chance," Desert Magazine, 35 (March 1972), 16-17. Pioche, Nevada, in the 1870s.

The Utah State Historical Society has inaugurated an annual Golden Spike Award in Transportation History to encourage scholarly studies of the history of transcontinental railroading and related history in the West. The 1973 award of $300, funded by a grant from the Golden Spike Centennial Celebration Commission,' will be given for the best unpublished article-length manuscript on the influence of railroading in nineteenth-century Utah submitted for consideration to a panel of judges.

Manuscripts should be typewritten with footnotes in a separate section at the end of the paper and must be from 5,000 to 7,000 words. Two copies of each entry, accompanied by return postage, should be sent before July 1 1973, to Golden Spike Award, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple

294

Utah Historical Quarterly

Street, Salt Lake City, Utah 84102. The winning entry will be announced at the Society's 1973 Annual Meeting and will be published in the Utah Historical Quarterly.

The Oral History Collection Project of the Utah State Historical Society library is in its second year of operation in southeastern Utah, where Gary L. Shumway is directing field work among residents of San Juan County. The first summer's work in 1971 brought some four hundred hours of taped reminiscences to the library. Dr. Shumway is a native Utahn and director of the oral history program at California State College in Fullerton.

Important Utah territorial papers have been acquired in microfilm by the library of the Utah State Historical Society. Available for use are fifteen rolls covering the executive branch of the territorial government, 1850â&#x20AC;&#x201D;95. Originals of these records are deposited with the Utah State Archives. Librarian Jay Haymond has also arranged with the Denver Federal Records Center to obtain microfilm copies of about twelve linear feet of Civil and Criminal Court Records of the territorial period.

The Society's newspaper collection has been expanded with the purchase of microfilm copies of local newspapers prior to 1956. The library has added 100 microfilm reels reproducing seventeen newspapers from major Utah mining towns and has complete files of seventy weekly newspapers from counties throughout the state.

In addition, the library has copied its map collection of the territorial period on aperture cards for use with microform readers. This will allow for easier handling and will eliminate the danger of loss or damage to valuable early maps.

The first issue of the Utah History Research Bulletin has been distributed by the Utah State Historical Society to history departments, research libraries, and researchers. The Bulletin lists research in progress on topics of Utah and related history and notes projects recently completed or published. Listings were compiled from information submitted by researchers in response to an inquiry mailed to more than one thousand persons. The Bulletin also notes potential research topics suggested by historians, librarians, and archivists. Copies of the first number are available from the Society. Subsequent issues will be mailed to interested persons free of charge each April and October.

Herbert E. Bolton's Pageant in the Wilderness: The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776, including the Diary and Itinerary of Father Escalante Translated and Annotated, has been reprinted in a paperback edition by the Utah State Historical Society. Originally published in 1950 as volume 18 of the Utah Historical Quarterly, the 283-page study has been one of continuing interest among scholars of the American West. An updated Publications List containing information on this and other books issued by the Society is available upon request. The list also notes prices for back numbers and bound volumes of the Utah Historical Quarterly.

Articles and Notes

295

The Society's library is now receiving the following additional periodicals, bringing to 247 the number of magazines and newsletters regularly received and available for use by persons studying the history of Utah, the Mormons, and the West: AASLH Newsletter (American Association for State and Local History), American Scene (Thomas Gilcrease Institute of American History and Art), Backtrails (Southern Nevada Historical Society), Bicentennial Newsletter (American Revolution Bicentennial Commission), County Bulletin (Utah Association of Counties), Humanities (National Endowment for the Humanities), Living Historical Farms Bulletin, Mormonia: A Quarterly Bibliography of Works on Mormonism, Sighted From the Crows Nest (bibliographical; Washington State Historical Society), Urban Land (The Urban Land Institute), Utah Artisan (Utah Art League), and Utah Holiday.

The Archives Branches of western Federal Records Centers will sponsor a conference on Indian records tentatively entitled "Indians of the Great Plains" in Oklahoma in September 1972. Further information is available from Robert Svenningsen, GSA, Building 48, Denver Federal Center, Denver, Colorado 80225.

A. Russell Mortensen, director of the Utah State Historical Society from 1950 to 1961, has been appointed chief historian for the National Park Service, Washington, D.C. Dr. Mortensen has been assistant chief historian since 1970.

He succeeds Robert M. Utley who was named director of the Office of Archaeology and Historic Preservation to replace Ernest Allen Connally following Dr. Connally's appointment as associate director for professional services.

In preparation for the move this fall to the new Church Office Building where it will occupy the entire five-story east wing, the Historian's Office of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was reorganized in April 1972 and renamed the Historical Department. New division heads are Leonard J. Arrington, History Division; Earl Olson, Archives Division; and Donald T. Schmidt, Library Services Division. Assisting Dr. Arrington, who was named Church Historian, are two half-time assistant church historians: Davis Bitton, professor of history, University of Utah; and James B. Allen, professor of history, Brigham Young University. Dean Jessee and William Hartley will serve in new positions as historical associates. Focus of the Church History Division will be the researching and publication of Mormon history.

Two annual awards of $250 each will be given by the Forest History Society for articles concerned with North American forest history. Separate committees of judges will select articles published in Forest History and in other scholarly journals. Articles must deal with man's use of North American forests and will be judged on the following criteria: importance of the subject, contribution to knowledge, and quality of scholarship and writing. Editors may nominate articles published in their journal during the proceeding calendar year. Information on the 1973 awards is available from the Award Committee, Forest History Society, P.O. Box 1581, Santa Cruz, California 95060.

296

Utah Historical Quarterly

Charles S. Peterson, a former director of the Utah State Historical Society, has been awarded the Western History Association's Oscar O. Whither Award for his article, " 'A Mighty Man Was Brother Lot': A Portrait of Lot Smith â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Mormon Frontiersman," which appeared in the Western Historical Quarterly, October 1970.

Four new research and publications efforts have been initiated by the Church History Division, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Historians selected by the division will write a multi-volume sesquicentennial (1830-1980) history of the church. This summer the division sponsored four research fellowships for work in church archives. Now being developed are an oral history program and a Heritage Series documentary project which will publish the papers of prominent Mormon leaders.

The Herbert Hoover Library has opened for research oral histories of some four dozen persons including Ezra Taft Benson of the Council of the Twelve, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Benson was agriculture secretary under Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Mormonia: A Quarterly Bibliography of Works on Mormonism, Box 54 Williamsville, New York 14221, began publication with the Winter 1972 issue. The first number (a twenty-four page publication reproduced from typescript) contains an essay on Mormon bibliography by Velton Peabody, the magazine's compiler and publisher, and selected bibliographies of Mormon-oriented "Books [including book reviews] and Pamphlets" and "Periodical Articles."

The publisher promises "to guide the Mormon scholar and the non-Mormon alike to all pertinent material, whether pro-Mormon, anti-Mormon or neutral."

The Utah Genealogical Association, P.O. Box 1144, Salt Lake City, Utah 84110, is distributing a quarterly newsletter and a new quarterly magazine, Genealogical Journal, to its members. The Journal, which began publication in March, features information on genealogical research and articles on basic research techniques.

The Library of Congress has published A Preliminary Annotated List of Maps Selected from the Collections of the Geography and Map Division, and is preparing a more comprehensive annotated bibliography for maps which reflect the development and growth of American railroads, 1830-1900. The list includes official government surveys, Pacific Railroad surveys, U.S. Land Office maps, and maps issued by commercial publishers. Black and white photographic reproductions and color transparencies of the maps included in the list may be purchased.

The U.S. Bureau of the Census has published seven final reports on 1970 housing and population characteristics for Utah and its metropolitan areas. Information on prices may be obtained from the Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Division of D e p a r t m e n t of D e v e l o p m e n t Services BOARD OF STATE

HISTORY

MILTON C. ABRAMS, Smithfield, 1973

President D E I X O G. DAYTON, Ogden, 1975

Vice President MELVIN T. SMITH, Salt Lake City Secretary M R S . JUANITA BROOKS, St. George, 1973

JACK GOODMAN, Salt Lake City, 1973 M R S . A. C. JENSEN, Sandy, 1975 THERON L U K E , Provo, 1975

CLYDE L. MILLER, Secretary of State

Ex officio HOWARD C. PRICE, JR., Price, 1975 M R S . ELIZABETH SKANCHY, Midvale, 1973 RICHARD O. ULIBARRI, Roy, 1973

MRS. NAOMI WOOLLEY, Salt Lake City, 1975 ADMINISTRATION MELVIN T. SMITH,

Director

GLEN M. LEONARD, Publications JAY M. HAYMOND, Librarian GARY D . FORBUSH, Preservation IRIS SCOTT, Business Manager

Coordinator Director

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; locating and documenting historic buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

MEMBERSHIP Membership in the Utah State Historical Society is open to all individuals and institutions interested in Utah history.

Annual membership dues are: institutions, $7.00; individuals, $5.00; students, $3.00.

Life memberships, $100.00. Tax-deductible donations for special projects of the Society may be made on the following membership basis: sustaining, $250.00; patron, $500.00; benefactor, $1,000.00. Your interest and support are most welcome.