Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 41, Number 4, 1973

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. S M I T H ,

Editor

STANFORD J. L A Y T O N , Managing MIRIAM B. M U R P H Y , Assistant

Editor Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS T H O M A S G. A L E X A N D E R , Provo,

MRS.

I N E Z S. C O O P E R , Cedar

1974

City,

S. GEORGE E L L S W O R T H , Logan, G L E N M . L E O N A R D , Bountiful,

1975

1975 1976

DAVID E. M I L L E R , Salt Lake City, 1976 L A M A R P E T E R S E N , Salt Lake

City,

R I C H A R D W. SADLER, Ogden,

1976

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, J E R O M E S T O F F E L , Logan,

1974 1975

1974

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, a n d reviews contributing to knowledge of U t a h ' s history. T h e Quarterly is published by the U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102. Phone ( 8 0 1 ) 328-5755.

Members of the Society receive the Quarterly a n d the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues; for details see inside back cover.

Single copies, $2.00.

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage a n d should be typed double-spaced with footnotes a t the end.

Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact o r opinion by contributors.

T h e Quarterly Social Science

is indexed in Book Review Index Periodicals a n d on Biblio Cards.

to

Second class postage is paid a t Salt Lake City, U t a h .

ISSN 0042-143X

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A U T U M N 1973/VOLUME 41/NUMBER 4

Contents IN THIS ISSUE

339

UTAH GOES DRY

NELSON

340

JOHN S. H. SMITH

358

LARRY

E.

CIGARETTE PROHIBITION IN UTAH, 1921-23

THE SAINTS AMONG THE SAINTS: A STUDY OF CURANDERISMO IN UTAH THE IRONY OF MORMON HISTORY

E. .

.

FEROL BENAVIDES

PAUL

M.

EDWARDS

373 393

BOOK REVIEWS

410

BOOK NOTICES

423

RECENT ARTICLES

425

HISTORICAL NOTES

428

INDEX

430

T H E C O V E R View looking north on Regent Street at Second South, Salt Lake City, in 1918, evokes memories of the Prohibition era. Print is from a glass negative in the Inkley Collection, Utah State Historical Society. Cartoon on back cover celebrating the demise of John Barleycorn is from the Deseret News of August 1917. © Copyright 1973 Utah State Historical Society

PETERSON, C H A R L E S S., Take Up Your Mormon River,

Colonizing

Mission:

along the Little

1870-1900

R O B E R T J. L O E W E N B E R G

CRAMPTON, C GREGORY, Land of Living The Grand Canyon and the High Arizona,

Utah,

Nevada

.

LeRoy

410

Rock: Plateaus:

.

P. T . REILLY

H A F E N , L E R O Y R., The Joyous Journey

An

Colorado

411

of

R. and Ann W. Hafen:

Autobiography

.

.

MELVIN T. SMITH

413

Books reviewed N A S H , GERALD D., The American

Twentieth

Century:

an Urban Oasis

West in the

A Short

.

.

L A S S , WILLIAM E., From

History of

T H O M A S G. ALEXANDER

the Missouri

Great Salt Lake: An Account Freighting

.

.

.

of

414

to the

Overland

DONALD H. MOORMAN

415

ADLER, JACOB, a n d BARRETT, G W Y N N , EDS.,

The Diaries of Walter Murray 1886,

1887

.

.

.

Gibson:

S A M U E L W. T A Y L O R

P A U L , RODMAN W., ED., A Victorian

Gentlewoman

in the Far West: The Reminiscences Mary Hallock

Foote

.

and

the Legend

.

of

RICHARD H . CRACROFT

S M I T H , D U A N E A., Horace Tabor: .

418

His Life

J O H N E. BRINLEY, J R .

S T O U T , J O S E P H A L L E N , J R . , The

416

419

Liberators:

Filibustering Expeditions into Mexico, 1848-1862, and the Last Thrust of Manifest

Destiny

.

.

M A R T I N E A U , L A V A N , The Rocks to Speak

J O S E P H B. R O M N E Y

420

Begin K A R L E. Y O U N G

421

TITI-: S.M.T l.AKR TnmT'NK, Till KSDAV VOK.MXO, JAMARY II. 1917.

MUTT AND JEFF-W.H, for Medicinal Purposes It Doesn't Count

In this issue Herbs, intoxicants, and rituals—the pharmacy of antiquity—have never been far from man's reach in his long trek from primitivity to the present.

Cherished as an exilir and defended as a right, denounced as a bane and challenged as a social evil, these stimulants and remedies have often crowded the center of America's forensic stage in the twentieth century. Riding the crest of a national enthusiasm and further impelled by a citizenry whose dominant majority hold particularly strong views on such matters, Utah played an active and interesting role in these histrionics. Our first three articles detail a portion of the story.

As every schoolboy knows, Utah was the decisive thirty-sixth state to ratify the Twenty-first Amendment and bring Prohibition to an end. Less well known, but much more descriptive of the complexities of the state's history, are the facts surrounding Utah's statewide proscription of intoxicants a year and a half before ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment. These facts are synthesized in "Utah Goes Dry." The second article treats with an equally ambitious but lesser known social experiment—the prohibition of tobacco. Utah was just one of several states to adopt antitobacco statutes during the reform passion of the early twentieth century, but her story is uinque in its particulars and our perspectives are surely sharpened by its telling.

In "Saints among the Saints" the reader will gain an introduction to the history and practice of curanderismo, a folk medicine technically illegal in Utah but discreetly practiced by certain Chicanos. Alien though the prescriptions may be to the Anglo-American mind, their very efficacy should serve to open new interest in and appreciation for a subcultural history far too easily neglected.

Of a slightly different genre, but compatible with any theme, is the essay on historical method offered in conclusion. Thoughtful and expressive, it advances a unique thesis in dealing with a familiar subject. The subject is Mormon history.

ILACjj Qi wyiTE Where do the people of Utah belong?

Will the Legislative Assembly of 1909 allow the State to remain on the black list?

It is time for Loyal Citizens of this Progressive State to demand that the Laws shall be changed that the Commonwealth may not be one of the last to leave the rapidly diminishing column of Saloon States.

Th* . » . v . cut ia ih. » i r l H u . . n Lcagu* Map, takaa (ram Calllar'a WaaMy, J m i r | t at. t • « •

This remarkable map is taken from the Anti-Saloon Year-Book, 1909.

T h e only " w e t " States, where licensing still prevails throughout, are in solid black, the wholly " d r y " States are solid white. In Ohio, out of 88 counties, 57 are now without saloons.

In Arkansas there are but 317 saloons left.

In Iowa, 1,197. Twenty-two of the 42 counties of South Carolina are " d r y . " T h e r e are 11 " d r y " counties in Michigan, 96 in Kentucky, 10 in Maryland, and 21 in Oregon. Twenty-one counties and 450 municipalities in Nebraska are " d r y " ; 50 counties in Missouri are " d r y . " In Illinois 1,053 townships, with 1,525 saloons, voted " d r y " last April.

California has 6 " d r y " counties and 180 " d r y " cities and towns. Florida has but 250 saloons left.

Seventy-one of Virginia's 100 counties are " d r y . " In Massachusetts, 20 of the 33 cities have voted " n o license." T w o hundred and sixty of the 321 towns are "no,"- and there was, at the last election, a " n o license" majority throughout the State of 18.710 votes.

Utah State Historical Society collections.

Utah Goes Dry

BY LARRY E. N E L S O N

G,

You were God's worst enemy. You were Hell's best friend. I hate you with a perfect hatred. I love to hate you." 1 Thus spoke Billy Sunday during a funeral sermon he preached following the demise of John Barleycorn. The evangelist's colorful oration was among the many festivities celebrating the advent of national Prohibition, but John Barleycorn had not died easily. Two major efforts failed before the relentless Prohibitionists succeeded. Thirteen states adopted dry statutes between 1846 and 1855, but this number dwindled to five by 1863. The second significant though futile attempt came during the 1880s. The eventually triumphant wave was finally surging across the nation by 1913, and Utah was among the states engulfed by this final swell."

Discussion of Prohibition in Utah dated from the territorial period, but the ultimately successful campaign was not underway until the first decade of the twentieth century when the National Prohibition party, Women's Christian Temperance Union, Anti-Saloon League of America, and various local civic and religious groups were working for a statewide prohibition law. Although abstention from alcoholic beverages was a tenet of Mormonism, and the Utah electorate was predominantly Mormon, Joseph F. Smith who became president of the church in 1901 did not pressure politicians for enactment of a prohibition law because he wished to avoid charges of church interference in politics. T h e president's position did not, however, prevent other members of the church, including such prominent Mormons as Heber J. Grant, George Albert Smith, and David O. McKay, from actively participating in the dry campaign. 3 'OOD-BYE J O H N .

Mr. Nelson is completing doctoral studies in history at Duke University in North Carolina.

'New York Times, January 17, 1920, p. 3.

'Charles Merz, The Dry Decade (Garden City, 1930), 2-5. :t Bruce T. Dyer, "A Study of the Forces Leading to the Adoption of Prohibition in Utah in 1917" (M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1958), 1-6, 39, 104; also Ernest H. Cherrington, The Anti-Saloon League Year Book, 1917 (Westerville, O., 1917), 352. For a brief history of liquor legislation in Utah prior to 1917, see: Zamata v. Browning, 51 Utah 400 (1918) at 403-404.

342

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Demands for statewide Prohibition met determined resistance from liquor interests, but the most significant opposition came from the Republican party which dominated Utah politics. Reed Smoot, a United States senator and Mormon apostle, controlled the state party.

Smoot aligned the Republicans against a statewide law, because he reasoned that efforts to force Prohibition on all of the state's population would threaten his political base and revitalize old Mormon-Gentile antagonisms. Prohibitionists brought two dry bills before the state legislature in 1909, but Republican senators managed to kill one, and Governor William Spry, a Republican, destroyed the other with a veto when it reached his desk.4 With Republican cooperation the legislature enacted a local option law in 1911, but the statewide law remained unobtainable. Under the local option provision, dry campaigners conquered most rural areas, but important cities and towns, such as Salt Lake City and Ogden, stubbornly resisted aridity. T h e various groups working for Prohibition in the state joined forces in 1914 to form the Utah Federation of Prohibition and Betterment Leagues and to gird for another battle in the state legislature. With a vigor born of new unity, the Prohibitionists pushed a statewide dry law through the legislative session of 1915, but Governor Spry responded with another veto after the legislature had adjourned.'

T h e turning point in the struggle came with the election of 1916.

Reed Smoot, adhering to the national party platform and apparently convinced that U t a h was ready, publicly encouraged the Republicans to champion the dry goal. Following Smoot's lead the party nominated Nephi L. Morris, a Mormon and a known dry, for governor and placed a dry plank into the party platform. 6 Like their political opponents, the Democrats also vowed to bring statewide prohibition to Utah. T h e party convention met at Ogden and adopted a dry platform plank: We further pledge the Democratic Party, and its nominees for Governor, State Senators and Representatives, if elected, to pass, approve and have in full force and effect, not later than August 1, 1917, an act prohibiting the manufacture, sale or other disposition of intoxicating beverages within the State of Utah. . . J 4

Dyer, "Adoption of Prohibition in U t a h , " 15-16, 23-46.

'Ibid., 52-60, 65-66, 69-107.

6 Ibid., 113-120; also Brad E. Hainsworth, " U t a h State Elections, 1916-1924" (Ph.D. diss., University of U t a h , 1968), 30-32.

7 U t a h Democratic Party, Proceedings of the Democratic State Convention Held At Ogden, Utah, August 18, 1916 (Salt Lake City, Utah, 1916), 27.

343

Utah Goes Dry

The Democrats nominated Simon Bamberger, a German-born Jew, for governor. Bamberger, who had publicly declared himself a Prohibitionist, was a successful businessman with interests in mining, the Bamberger Electric Railway, the Bamberger Coal Company, the Salt Lake Valley Loan and Trust Company, and Lagoon—an amusement park near Farmington.8 In the speech nominating Bamberger as the party's candidate for governor, Brigham H. Roberts, a leading Democrat and Mormon, "I shall fulfill all my extolled Bamberger's dry convicparty's pledges/* tions and praised him for voluntarily Simon Bamberger ending the sale of alcoholic beverSection from a Utah Democratic ages at Lagoon. After being selected party campaign poster 1916.

Utah State Historical Society as the party's nominee for the state's collections. highest office, Bamberger delivered a short yet candid speech. Making no specific reference to any plank, he simply stated, "I stand on the platform adopted by this convention."1 Prohibition and other Progressive policies were basic issues in the 1916 election. Because they advocated many Progressive programs, the Democrats attracted both Democratic and Progressive voters. When the election results were tabulated, Simon Bamberger was chosen to be the state's first non-Mormon governor, and the Democrats also gained overwhelming control of the state legislature. Utah had moved significantly closer to Prohibition.'0 When the Twelfth Session of the Utah State Legislature assembled, a request for prohibition legislation was prominent in the governor's message. Asking the legislature to redeem the party's campaign pledge, Bamberger declared that "enactment of a law providing for absolute prohibition" within Utah was "the first duty of the Legislature." He SIMON BAMBERGER, Democratic Candidate for Governor

* Hainsworth, "Utah State Elections," 13.

11 Utah Democratic Party, Proceedings . . . 1916, 22. "'Hainsworth, "Utah State Elections," 11-45.

Utah Historical Quarterly

344

called for this "law to be in full force and effect not later than August 1, 1917."11 The "first duty of the Legislature" proved the most arduous task of the entire session.

The battle for a statewide prohibition law raged from January 10, 1917, to February 8, 1917. The question of whether Utah should have a dry law was not at issue; rather, the struggle centered around disagreements over the means necessary to achieve the dry Utopia.

The legislature was only in the third day of the session when a prohibition bill was introduced into the House of Representatives. Under Richard W. Young, Jr., a suspension of the rules, Repreas pictured in Proceedings . . sentative Richard W. Young, Jr., 1927 . . . 1928, of the State of Salt Lake County, introduced a Bar Association of Utah. statewide prohibition bill which Utah Prohibitionists had modeled after the Oklahoma dry statute of 1910.12 This legislator was destined to play a leading role in the advent of Prohibition in the state. He was the son of one of Utah's most illustrious soldiers, Brigadier General Richard W. Young. This scion of the general was a Salt Lake City attorney who had served as counsel for the dry forces and was an intimate friend of Heber J. Grant.13 In his haste to make the prohibition measure House bill 1, Young presented it before the House was fully organized.14 Several features of this dry bill precipitated controversy. The most volatile aspect was the section lodging ultimate responsibility for prohibition enforcement in a prohibition commissioner. Another source of disagreement was the section that allowed, under certain circumstances, search and seizure of alcoholic beverages without a search 11

State of Utah, Legislature, Senate, Senate Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, p. 25.

State of Utah, Legislature, House, House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, p. 39; also State v.

Davis et al, 55 Utah 54 (1919) at 58.

13 Loman Franklin Aydelotte, "The Political Thought and Activity of Heber J. Grant, Seventh President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints" (M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1965), 49.

14 House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, p. 39.

12

Utah Goes Dry

345

warrant. The ban on all beverages containing in excess of one-half of one percent alcohol by volume drew fire, and the stipulation that Prohibition become effective August 1, 1917, also provoked opposition.

Argument over the disputed sections of the bill was not restricted to the confines of the legislature. The Deseret News, at first offering only unqualified praise of the measure, declared, "It has been carefully framed, and is presumably as nearly free from loopholes and defects as human intelligence and experience can make it." The Salt Lake Tribune was much less pleased with the plan and argued that the proposal was ridiculously extreme. 1 ' The section that drew the most unfavorable criticism was the provision for a state prohibition commissioner. Opponents of this feature argued that such an officer was unnecessary because the state already had ample law enforcement personnel. The added expense of a commissioner was also assailed. Some felt that a commissioner would complicate enforcement and produce friction among the various law enforcement agencies of the state.1" Proponents of the commissioner provision built their case around one central point. They argued that the commissioner would serve as a check on those law officers in the state who might be reluctant to enforce Prohibition. This reasoning was clearly enunciated by the sponsor of the bill in a speech at the First Methodist Church in Salt Lake City. Representative Young "explained that the appointment of a prohibition director or administrator was considered necessary because of the likelihood of local officials at various places being unwilling to enforce the law." 17 During the House struggle, the News maintained a discreet editorial silence while the Tribune strongly opposed the commissioner.18 The most important opposition came from the governor who made no secret of his displeasure with the commissioner. He argued that a chief prohibition officer was expensive, unnecessary, and an unfavorable reflection on the integrity of the present law enforcement personnel.

Bamberger felt that the governor, as chief executive, should be charged with ultimate responsibility for enforcing the dry law.11'

''Deseret News, January 10, 1917, p. 4 ; and Salt Lake Tribune, January 11, 1917, p. 6.

(Subsequent references will be to News or Tribune.) '"Tribune, January 12, 1917, p. 9; and News, January 12, 1917, p. 1. ''News, January 22, 1917, p .14. ls Tribune, January 22, 1917, p. 1.

"News, January 22, 1917, p. 1.

346

Utah Historical Quarterly

Another point of contention was the provision for search and seizure of liquor without an official warrant. The News provided a summary of this provision: "All officers who have reason to believe liquor is being kept in any building not a private residence may enter such building and make search without a warrant, and may seize any liquor found and file complaint." Opponents of this measure argued that it was an unconstitutional invasion of individual rights.2'1 Critics also assailed the section that banned all beverages containing more than one-half of one percent alcohol. Arguing that this restriction was much too severe, they favored increasing the legal limit to at least two percent.

Apparently resigned to their fate, the liquor dealers formally contested only two features of the proposed law. Contending that they needed more time to conclude their business, the alcohol interests wanted the effective date for Prohibition moved from August 1, 1917, to January 1, 1918. They presented this request to the House committee considering the Young bill and to the governor, but in both instances the liquor dealers' proposal was rejected. When the bill reached the Senate, the liquor dealers asked that the limit of alcoholic content for legal beverages be set at two percent, but this petition was also denied.21 On January 16, 1917, Representative J. L. Boyden, of Summit County, introduced into the House an alternative to the Young prohibition bill. With three major exceptions, the Boyden bill was identical to the Young proposal. The ultimate responsibility for prohibition enforcement was vested in the governor rather than a prohibition director.

The lawful limit of alcoholic content in beverages was raised to two percent, and the right to search and seizure without a warrant was omitted. The August 1, 1917, effective date remained unchanged.22 The Utah Prohibition League swiftly attacked Boyden's measure with a vitriolic condemnation released through the News: We are not accusing the gentleman from Summit County of being an agent of the brewery interests, but we are sure that were he a devoted friend of such interests he could not do better than introduce such a measure. The league will stand solidly against any two per cent measure.

The league's statement was also important for what it did not say.

No explicit denunciation was made of Boyden's omission of the commissioner or the search and seizure provisions of the Young bill.23 "Ibid., Ibid., 22 House 13 News, 21

January January Journal, January

10, 1917, pp. 1-2.

19, 1917, p. 5; and Tribune, January 31, 1917, p. 8.

12th Sess., 1917, p. 7 1 ; and Tribune, January 17, 1917, p. 7.

17, 1917, p. 1.

Utah Goes Dry

347

On January 18, 1917, the I * EPRESENTATIVI J Boyden bill was referred to * i BOYDEN, whose prohibition bill has been referred the same House committee to the manufactures and commerce committee. which was considering the ->WVfVÂť/v Young bill. As a member of this committee, Richard Young was in an excellent Measure Now in Line to position to stall action on Come Before Representathe rival bill which was tives for Consideration Early Next Week. never reported out of committee.21 When the comDICTATOR CLAUSE mittee quietly acknowledged REMAINS IN DRAFT that Boyden's alternative Opponents of Boyden's Prowould be buried until the posed Law Fail in Effort more stringent prohibition to Lay Matter on Table. measure had been approved, the undaunted Boyden replied that he would arrange From the Salt Lake Tribune, for introduction of his bill January 19, 1917.

25 into the Senate.

Without recommendation for or against passage, the Young bill was reported out of committee on January 18, 1917, and the committee offered no significant alterations. On January 19 and 20 preparations were made for consideration of the measure as a special order of business for Monday, January 23.2,i At least two noteworthy preparations preceded the floor fight. Because the liquor issue had aroused much public interest, special seating arrangements were made to accommodate a large group of spectators. The News reported that a group of twenty-five representatives had met in a planning session prior to the crucial House confrontation. Referred to as the Alfalfa Club, this group purportedly laid plans to steer the Young bill, intact, through the House. Several proposals to make the law more stern were considered but rejected at this meeting.27 In view of the inadequate documentation, the actual existence and effectiveness of the Alfalfa Club may be seriously challenged, but

^ 1 PROHIBITION BILL REPORT ADOPTED

TI II LOIR HOUSE

"•'House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, pp. 39-40, 83, Index p. 5.

M Tribune, January 23, 1917, p. 1. * House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, pp. 81, 92, 94.

"News, January 22, 1917, p. 1, and January 23, 1917, pp. 1-2. The term Alfalfa Club was often used to refer to a group of rural legislators who were opposed to the wishes of urban members of the legislature.

348

Utah Historical

Quarterly

certain facts lend credence to the supposition that a group cooperated to clear a path for the bill. Despite previous opposition, the prohibition measure passed the House with relative ease, and the Tribune reported that proponents used parliamentary chicanery to thwart efforts to emasculate the bill.28 At any rate, the crowd of spectators and the group of dry solons were in their places when the House debate began. Although the discussion continued through the morning and into the afternoon, the proposal suffered no major alterations. T h e bill passed the House with only one dissenting vote, that of Representative Jacob T. Raleigh whose action was explained as an expression of opposition to the prohibition director feature. 29 When Bamberger learned of the House action, he became even more adamant in his opposition to the commissioner.

H e declared: If the commissioner gets through the Senate he won't get by me. I'll send the bill back to the legislators so quick it will make their heads swim . . .

I have promised the people economy as well as prohibition and I expect to see that they get both. 3 0

Aroused by this threat of veto, the Salt Lake Ministerial Association sent representatives to the governor requesting that he accept the commissioner. Bamberger's reply to the association was a published statement which reiterated his stand against the commissioner. T h e governor received numerous telegrams, letters, and telephone calls congratulating him for his position. 31 T o this chorus of opposition was added the voices of Salt Lake City's most prominent newspapers. T h e Tribune, long an enemy of the commissioner plan, editorially called upon the Senate to remove the disputed provision and charged that those who favored the commissioner did so out of a desire for pork barrel legislation. According to the Tribune, the director and staff appointments would provide political plums for legislators to apportion among their friends.32 T h e News, heretofore silent on this issue, finally voiced opposition to the commissioner. Careful to reaffirm its dry stand, the newspaper editorially commented:

Utah Goes Dry

349

Anxious as The Deseret News is for the enactment of an absolutely tight and effective prohibition law, and reluctant as we would be to introduce any element of discord that might imperil the passage and enforcement of such a measure, we nevertheless cannot but feel that a mistake is being made in the effort to retain the feature providing for a prohibition commissioner. 33

Thus, one of Utah's foremost dry organs went on record against the commissioner.

Forces opposed to the Young bill put an alternative prohibition law before the Senate. Introduced by Senator John H. Wootton of Utah County, Senate bill 45 seems to have been a fulfillment of Boyden's promise to get his bill, which had been pigeonholed in the House, presented to the Senate. Wootton's proposal eliminated the commissioner and the search and seizure provisions of the Young bill. Unlike Boyden's proposal, the Wootton measure retained the limit of one-half of one percent alcohol for legal beverages. 34 Wootton's proposal suffered the same fate as its counterpart in the House. The Senate assigned the bill to the Committee on Commerce and Industries from which it never emerged. 35 Wootton apparently agreed to allow his bill to be shelved until the fate of the House bill was determined. 3B The rising clamor of opposition may have convinced him that the Young proposal would probably be satisfactorily amended.

The devotees of the commissioner feature did not, however, concede defeat. Upon receiving the bill from the House, the Senate referred it to committee for study. Among those who beseeched the committee to retain the commissioner was Representative Richard Young and a former Salt Lake police chief, S. M. Barlow. Donald D. McKay, floor leader of the House, led a successful movement at the convention of the Utah State Farm Bureau to put that organization on record in favor of the commissioner plan. 3 ' These defenders must have been sadly disappointed when the Senate committee reported the bill. The committee readily acknowledged that its "proposed amendments will materially alter the structure of the said Bill."38 The recommendations eliminated the commissioner and the search and seizure provisions. The Tribune reported that the 33

News, January "Senate Journal, :a Senate Journal, '•'"News, January "Ibid., January 1917, p. 10.

M Senate Journal,

23, 1917, p. 4.

12th Sess., 1917, p. 102; and Tribune, January 24, 1917, p. 8.

12th Sess., 1917, p. 110, Index p. 4.

25, 1917, p. 2.

26, 1917, p. 1; and Tribune, January 25, 1917, p. 1, and January 28, 12th Sess., 1917, pp. 148-49.

Utah Historical Quarterly

350

SIGNS

OR

|iY>',,vr1irnt,

lfllT:

THE !!>• J n . l ' i T

TIMES M••i'hi>.-li«oli I

Another Leak!

The Men Who Are Helping the Prohibition

Movement.

PICTURE DRAMA& THBY

The " Poor Man's Club " of the

John T. McCutcheon's cartoon ran in the January 19,1917, issue of Deseret News.

Future.

SPEAK

Utah Goes Dry

351

leaders of the Utah Federation of Prohibition and Betterment Leagues were willing to accept these deletions.3" As a special order of business, the Senate began debate of the prohibition measure on January 31, 1917. During this discussion, the terms "Governor" or "Attorney General" were successfully substituted for the term "commissioner" in the original proposal. The stipulation was also included that a legal search warrant be obtained prior to searching any premises.40 These two changes were the only major alterations made by either house of the legislature. The opposition of the governor, several legislators, the Tribune, the News, and the acquiescence of the Utah Federation of Prohibition and Betterment Leagues were dominant factors in this tailoring of the bill.

After a final vote of passage, the bill was returned to the House.

In a move that can be interpreted as an effort to promote unity in the dry camp, Representative Young proposed that the House accept the bill as amended by the Senate. With only one dissenting vote, the motion carried. 41 Again the lone dissenter was Jacob T. Raleigh. He was a Salt Lake City construction contractor, and his construction activities continued after he moved to California in 1928. As fate would have it, this single Utah legislator who voted against Prohibition lived just long enough for history to vindicate his judgment. He died one day after Utah's 1933 electorate voted to repeal Prohibition, but in 1917 the Utah Progressive party chastized him for his negative stand on the Young bill.42 Before sending the bill to the governor, the House took two precautions to prevent either willful or negligent error. A duplicate copy of the measure was made and filed with the chief clerk until the original was safely "in the hands of the Secretary of State." Also, Representative J. H. Mace of Gunnison was appointed to accompany the messenger who delivered the bill to the governor. 43 The initial response to the legislation was general acclaim.

Bamberger declared, "I believe the prohibition bill as it finally passed is a splendid measure—one of the best in the United States." 44 The Tribune concurred, "No prohibition bill ever became law with a better * Tribune, January 30, 1917, p. 1. '"Senate Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, pp.

"House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, pp. ''News, November 11, 1933, section 2, "House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, pp.

"Tribune, February 2, 1917, p. 1.

163-69, 171-73.

170-71. p. 7 ; and February 12. 1917, p.

171, 197.

Utah Historical Quarterly

352

chance of being enforced."45 As might be expected, the News was ecstatic and happily joined in the "widespread jubilation over the passage of the bill."46 Upon receipt of the bill, Bamberger referred it to Attorney General Dan B. Shields for examination.

Apparently swayed by the pleas of liquor dealers, the governor's referral included special instructions requesting that adequate phraseology be provided to allow production of "near beer" in Utah if the bill as passed by the legislature prohibited Dan B. Shields served as such activity. The attorney general attorney general of Utah, 1917-1921. Utah State ruled that the proposed law allowed Historical Society collections. consumption but prohibited manufacture of beverages containing less than one-half of one percent alcohol.47 The governor returned the measure to the House asking that modifications be made to allow manufacture of such drinks.

The request encountered a furor of opposition. A group from the Utah Federation of Prohibition and Betterment Leagues met with the governor and argued against any change in the law.48 The House refused to alter the bill, and the allegation was made that liquor interests were behind the proposed change. Also, any alteration would mean that the bill would have to go through the Senate where further emasculation might occur.49 The unchanged measure was returned to the governor who felt that panicked dry leaders had stampeded the House; nevertheless, he signed the bill.50 With Prohibition finally enacted into law, Bamberger declared, "The prohibition question in Utah has been decided. If every good citizen will do his duty in aiding the Governor and peace officers of the state the enforcement of prohibition will be easy."51 45

Ibid., February 3, 1917, p. 6.

News, February 2, 1917, p. 4.

Attorney General to Governor, February 7, 1917, Attorney General, Correspondence, 1917-19, U t a h State Archives, Salt Lake City.

48 Tribune, February 8, 1917, p. 7.

4S Ibid., February 9, 1917, p. 1.

50 Ibid.; and House Journal, 12th Sess., 1917, p. 233.

61 Tribune, February 9, 1917, p. 1.

4S

47

Utah Goes Dry

353

Speculation that circumstances related to the return and final passage of the bill might endanger the law's validity arose shortly after the bill received the governor's signature. '2 A disturbed Representative Young asked the attorney general about such a possibility. The reply stated that although there was no cause for alarm the lawmakers should take the "extra precaution . . . to expunge from the House record all matter pertaining to any transactions in reference to the bill after the same had been submitted to the Governor." 53 Although not everything the Prohibitionists had desired, Utah's law was comprehensive and thorough. With a few exceptions, the statute proscribed manufacture, importation, transportation, advertisement, or possession of preparations containing in excess of one-half of one percent alcohol by volume. Acknowledging the legitimate need for certain products containing alcohol, the law allowed possession of denatured alcohol, pure grain alcohol for scientific and industrial purposes, patented medicines, flavoring extracts, and sacramental wines.

Anticipating the possible misuse of these commodities, the legislators devised elaborate safeguards. To monitor legal alcohol, the law provided for a state alcohol warehouse through which all legal alcohol would be distributed, established a complex system of permits and reports, authorized the governor and attorney general to promulgate additional regulations, and vested administrative responsibility in these two officers and the state chemist in conjunction with local justices of the peace. The law required that patented medicines and flavoring extracts contain "no more alcohol than absolutely necessary" and conform to standards established by the state chemist.

The prohibition law placed prime enforcement responsibility upon the governor and attorney general and also required the appropriate county and municipal officials to participate in enforcement. Peace officers were given broad interrogation, search, seizure, and arrest powers. Persons convicted of a first violation were guilty of a misdemeanor, and any subsequent offense, with the exception of drunkenness, was felony punishable by a term in the state prison. Persons maintaining an establishment for illegally dispensing spirits were subject to a fine, imprisonment, or both, and the law abolished property rights "in any liquors, vessels, appliances, fixtures, bars, furniture and imple-

:,

-Ibid., February 13, 1917, p. 14.

Attorney General to R. W. Young, Jr., February 8, 1917, Attorney General, Correspondence, 191 7-19.

51

354

Utah Historical Quarterly

ments" employed in violation of the liquor law.54 After examining the new statute, Attorney General Shields concluded, "I believe Utah has as near a 'bone dry' law as can be found anywhere in the United States."55 Utah's provisions against personal possession of liquor were more stringent than the Volstead Act which Congress later enacted to implement the Eighteenth Amendment.50 Although subject to judicial interpretation and legislative revision, the statute of 1917 served as Utah's basic dry law during the entire era of Prohibition.,: As provided, statewide Prohibition came to Utah on August 1, 1917, and the dry season was greeted with mixed emotions. The Tribune estimated that four thousand persons were "dependent on the liquor business in Salt Lake," while the News calculated that "one hundred and twenty-two store rooms used exclusively for sale of liquors and about forty buildings, as drug stores and restaurants, where liquor is dispensed as a side line" would be affected by Prohibition.58 During the last few wet days the "retail bars sought to dispose of the stock they had on hand. . . . It was a case of bargain sales, and the liquor was handed out at the last at most any price offered. Auction sales were the order of the day, and every place was jammed with bidders."09 The News carried an advertisement offering used office equipment for sale by a retiring liquor establishment.00 Some alcohol dispensaries made plans to remodel and go into a different business after Prohibition while other dealers prepared to leave the state. Apparently convinced that nation : wide Prohibition was inevitable, one Salt Lake City retailer announced plans to move to Havana, Cuba, and continue selling liquor. Becker's Brewery in Ogden began preparing for a move to Evanston, Wyoming.01 The possibility of a business slump resulting from this activity was not considered to be serious. If such a recession did occur, both the Tribune and the News agreed that the stimulus of war would prevent any grave economic decline.02

54 State of Utah, Laws of the State of Utah . . . 1917 (Salt Lake City, 1917), chap. 2, "Prohibiting the Manufacture and Use of Intoxicating Liquors, and Regulating the Sale and Traffic Therein," 2 - 2 1 .

"Attorney General to Gilbert E. Boreman, August 9, 1917, Attorney General, Prohibition Bureau Correspondence, B-H, 1917-28, Utah State Archives. ™ State v. Johnson, 61 Utah 256 (1923).

57 Larry E. Nelson, "Problems of Prohibition Enforcement in Utah, 1917-1933" (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1970), 30-89.

58 Tribune, January 28, 1917, p. 28; also News, July 31, 1917, p. 1. '"Tribune, August 1, 1917, p. 11.

60 News, July 31, 1917, p. 3. "'Ibid., February 13, 1917, p. 2; and Tribune, July 31, 1917, p. 14. "•News, July 31, 1917, p. 4; and Tribune, August 1, 1917, p. 11.

Utah Goes Dry

355

Some Utah residents were also making wet plans for the coming period of aridity. In this connection, the Tribune noted: For weeks past citizens have been laying in supplies in conservation preparation for the dry season now at hand. They have carried it home by arms full, had it delivered by cartload, and it is estimated that hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of liquor is now stored in the cellars of the homes of people in Salt Lake. In many instances wagon loads of the liquor have been delivered to the cellars of residents, it is said, and it is declared that hundreds of people who do not make a habit of using liquor at all have purchased an emergency supply for "medicinal uses" and stored it away for future reference. 03

Some people were making a personal effort to forestall Prohibition for as long as possible.

For the News the advent of Prohibition ranked with the most important event in Christian history. A front page editorial, permeated with untempered religious fervor, announced: "We stand today on the threshold of a great reform. We are facing a new dawn, a new day . . . [the] passing [of alcohol] will be the greatest blessing we have known since Christ." The newspaper described the activities of the last wet night in Salt Lake City with disdain: "Noisy, and in some cases riotous, scenes marked the closing hours of King Alcohol's reign." The debauchery necessitated treatment of "more than a dozen cases . . . at the hospital," and, according to the News, there was at least one instance in which a policeman was nearly shot by an inebriated celebrant.04 The Tribune's narrative vividly contrasted with the pious description given by its competitor. Instead of solemn references to Christ's Advent, the Tribune observed, "John Barleycorn is dead. Long live aqua pura."05 For this newspaper, the coming of Prohibition was a valid reason for an alcoholic celebration: Salt Lake turned out en masse for the obsequies attendent upon the official passing of Old M a n Booze. He died game—like the "spirit" of the west which he was, with his boots on, and he spent the last lingering moments of the waning hours in a blaze of glory outrivaling a New Year's celebration in its galaxy of wine, women and song. 00

That which the News considered moral decadence was only adult recreation for the Tribune: "''Tribune, August 1, 1917, p. 11. "'News, July 31, 1917, p. 1, and August 1, 1917, p. 1. '"Tribune, August 1, 1917, p. 1. ,: " Ibid.

Utah Historical Quarterly

356

T h e passing of the liquor traffic in Salt Lake and other "wet" sections of the state was orderly on the whole. There were fights, of course, evidence of rowdyism here and there in the byways and less observable places, and exuberance burst beyond the bounds of propriety occasionally, but civil authorities held the over zealous celebrants well in check and there were no serious disorders reported. 0 '

The celebrants were described with tongue in cheek: People made a mad rush upon the stores and carted the liquor away inside and out. Nearly everybody had packages. Some of them tried to carry enough to last them inside of themselves, while others struggled through the weaving throngs on the streets with both arms and all their pockets filled. Some sought to carry packages both inside and in their arms, with varying degrees of success. 08

33 Âť

Served on the dining cars of the Union Pacific System

INK

Whether solemn or gay, whether viewed through dry eyes or wet, Prohibition became the law, and two further steps were taken to assure perpetual Prohibition. Utah voters ratified a dry amendment to the first constitution in 1918, and the state legislature of 1919 ratified the Eightenth Amendment to the national Constitution.09 The Tribune edi-

Breweries in Utah and elsewhere were prepared for Prohibition and ran ads for nonalcoholic beverages days after the law in Utah went into effect.

" Ibid. m Ibid., P . 11. (i9 State of Utah, Eleventh Biennial Report of the Secretary of State . . . of the State of Utah, 1917-18 (Salt Lake City, 1919), 18-19. The report is bound as no. 29 in State of Utah, Public Documents, 1917-1918, vol. 3. See also State of Utah, Laws of the State of Utah . . .

1919 (Salt Lake City, 1919), "House Joint Resolution No. 1," 404-5.

Utah Goes Dry

357

torially prophesied, "Within a few years the now most violent objectors to prohibition will acknowledge it as a blessing. . . . Old soaks will be drained dry. Old thirsts will vanish; no new ones will be cultivated. The nation as a whole will sober up." 70 The march toward statewide Prohibition in Utah during the twentieth century generally paralleled developments in other states.' 1 As was common across the country, clergymen were prominent in the Utah movement, and Prohibition was linked to progressivism. Utah Prohibitionists worked through local groups and in cooperation with national organizations to achieve their goal. As was typical in the nation, local option in Utah was a milestone along the route to statewide aridity which revealed dry strength in rural territory and dry weakness in urban areas. Delays caused by the political situation made Utah one of the last states to enact a statewide law, but this allowed Utah Prohibitionists to benefit from the experiences and tactics of other states in such matters as drafting a dry statute and writing a prohibition amendment into the state constitution. In ratifying the Eighteenth Amendment, Utah joined with forty-five of her sister states. Prohibitionist sentiment was powerful enough in Utah to enact a law that was among the strictest of state statutes and more rigid than the Volstead Act. Undoubtedly, many local contemporaries of these events agreed with Billy Sunday that John Barleycorn was truly dead. '''^Tribune, January 12, 1919, p. 2.

71 For a discussion of national trends see Peter H. Odegard, Pressure Politics, the Story of the Anti-Saloon League (New York, 1928) and James H. Timberlake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900-1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963).

BURGLARIZED FOR BOOZE

Sometime Sunday night or Monday morning a boxcar at U t a h Junction, loaded with whiskey in cases, was broken into and a quantity appropriated. Later the car was sent back to Castle Gate, resealed and started west to its destination, not, however until it was rifled the second time of a quantity of goods. Sheriff Collingham was then summoned, but when he got there the car was gone. No great effort or expense is being gone to in trying to get hold of the burglars. T h e car was en route to Hiawatha to be loaded with coal, trainmen bringing it through from Zion as an empty. It was consigned to California. (The Sun [Price], August 24, 1917.)

Edward Southwick, state senator from Lehi, as shown in U t a h Since Statehood, vol. 2.

Cigarette Prohibition in Utah, 1921-23

BY J O H N S. H . S M I T H

A H E EARLY YEARS OF T H E twentieth century were marked by many profound and significant changes in the nature of American life. None carried more potential for basic change in the social fabric than the struggle initiated by elements of the Progressive movement to change the nature of society through legislation designed to remake human lives in a more positive and productive mold through the elimination of a range of "social evils."

The most colorful manifestations of this effort were the various prohibition movements, of which liquor prohibition is the most celeMr. Smith is a teaching fellow and a doctoral candidate in history at the University of

Utah.

Cigarette Prohibition

359

brated. A similar but less well known example of attempts to legislate morality arose from the companion efforts of prohibition groups in the period between 1896 and 1921 to ban the sale and public consumption of cigarettes and other tobacco products. 1 During this time no fewer than fourteen states prohibited the sale of cigarettes entirely, with the last of these laws remaining in force as late as 1927.2 Cigarette prohibition never attained the notoriety of liquor prohibition, partly because its advocates were ultimately unsuccessful in promoting it as a national policy and partly because the difficulties of enforcing anticigarette laws brought about their repeal within one or two legislative sessions of their enactment. These temporary successes of the No-Tobacco League, the Clean Life Army of the Anti-Cigarette International League, the indefatigable Women's Christian Temperance Union, and allied bodies are no reason to scorn the efforts of the tobacco prohibitionists. For these "evil weed" warriors were usually the same as the opponents of "demon rum," and only their overriding concern with liquor prevented them from pressing the anticigarette campaign with full vigor. But by the time the liquor victory had been won, a new age had begun—one in which they were too busy defending hard-won Prohibition to be capable of successfully promoting antitobacco laws. However, the will was there. Thundered Billy Sunday in his most exuberant mood: "Prohibition is won; now for tobacco.'"

That challenge was taken up with particular enthusiasm in Utah where the cigarette suffered not only from its reputation as a habit of creatures of low morals and a bringer of disease and infirmity but also because its use constituted a specific violation of the Word of Wisdom, the health and dietary code, the observance of which was, and is, accepted by the members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-daySaints as a sign of orthodoxy.

The earliest tobacco legislation placed on Utah lawbooks concerned itself with forbidding the sale of cigarettes and other tobacco products to minors. This 1896 law had never been enforced with any degree of effectiveness which later led organized opposition to anticigarette legis1 While the reformers were against tobacco in general, it was the cigarette that bore the brunt of the attack. One interesting reason is suggested by Richard B. Tennant, The American Cigarette Industry, Yale Studies in Economics, vol. 1 (New Haven, 1950), 134. "The first users of cigarettes in this country were the immigrant populations of the large cities, and this alone was enough to make the xenophobic hinterland suspicious." Another reason was that pipes and cigars were somehow considered more manly and less harmful. The most probable reason for the cigarette's being singled out for prohibition lay in the fact that it was an inexpensive habit and that cigarettes were usable by women and young people.

2 Ibid., 134.

'Robert K. Heiman, Tobacco and Americans (New York, 1960), 250.

360

Utah Historical Quarterly

lation to question the viability of a much tougher law banning sale to and use by adults.

Church leaders, concerned with the moral and physical well-being of their young people, periodically attacked both this laxity and the habit itself in General Conference sermons and through articles in church publications. But their rhetorical attitudes were not acted upon with any vigor until the postwar period. In 1919 at a special meeting of the Social Advisory Committee of the LDS church, a suggestion was offered and adopted "that we use every effort, in kindness, to do away with cigarette smoking."4 The Social Advisory Committee, chaired at this point by Elder Stephen L. Richards, responded enthusiastically and was to expend considerable energy over the next two years planning and executing an antitobacco campaign.

Meanwhile, outside the church, a Utah chapter of the Indianabased No-Tobacco League of America had been established a few months earlier with Fred L. W. Bennett as president.5 This organization proceeded to publish its own local organ, the No-Tobacco News, to promote the idea of control and prohibition of tobacco in Utah on a non-sectarian basis.6 Although to the community at large it appeared little was happening other than observable propaganda from pulpit and prohibition group, it would seem that in fact a great deal of well-coordinated activity was underway. In March 1920 a church publication editorialized, "We believe that the abolition of the entire tobacco business would be beneficial to the higher interests of the human race."7 This was followed quickly by an announcement at the June conference that the theme and slogan of the Mutual Improvement Associations, the church's youth organizations, for the 1920-21 year would be "We stand for the non-use and non-sale of tobacco."8 4 Social Advisory Committee Minutes, June 2, 1919, Archives Division, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, hereinafter cited as LDS Archives.

5 Improvement Era, 22 (May 1919), 645. Bennett had shown his interest in this subject in an article, "Selling Tobacco, Tea, and Coffee," Improvement Era, 20 (July 1917), 797-99, in which he related how he as a recent convert to Mormonism found it inexplicable that Mormon merchants could sell these products in good conscience and called for the women of the church to boycott such stores.

6 This magazine appears to have been published at least twice, and was remarked upon approvingly by the church's Improvement Era, 23 (December 1920), 181. Earlier, in 22 (September 1919), 1016, the Improvement Era had quoted the following from the national NoTobacco Journal in support of an argument against allowing the habit to spread: "How would you like to have women and girls, not only smoking the poisonous, stinking stuff, but chewing, slubbering and spitting the stuff around while they are baking the pies and the cookies?"

"Improvement Era, 23 (March 1920), 451.

8 Improvement Era, 23 (August 1920), 875-81. In his address on the subject of tobacco, Elder Melvin J. Ballard noted the precedent of liquor legislation and urged a similar battle on behalf of tobacco.

Cigarette Prohibition

361

The Social Advisory Committee reemphasized this indication of church interest in tobacco legislation in a newsletter sent out in July 1920. This publication contained specific recommendations for "coercive and persuasive" measures to be carried out by special stake committees which were to work to interest the church membership in a greater awareness of the cigarette evil and of the possibilities of prohibitory legislation.0 Further indications that this church committee may have been acting as a spearhead for promoting the idea of prohibitory legislation among church members is suggested by a letter, dated November 19, 1920, from the general secretary of the Young Men's Mutual Improvement Association to the Social Advisory Committee: Dear Brethren: At the meeting of the General Board of the Y M M I A held last Wednesday evening, the matter of following up our Slogan on the Tobacco Evil was considered, and it was recommended that your committee take measures to ascertain, how the members of the next Legislature stand on the three propositions, Prohibition of the Cigarette Smoking, Prohibition of Smoking in Public Places, and Prohibition of Advertising Tobacco in the State. This is to be done through the respective Stake Social Committees. 10

The result of this was that on November 30, 1920, the newly renamed Conjoint Correlation and Social Advisory Committee's Tobacco Sub-Committee made several recommendations, including that "Stake Presidents [be asked] to interview legislators, their attitude [to be] obtained on an anti-cigarette law, a law forbidding smoking in certain public places, and a non-advertising of tobacco law insofar as state control is concerned." They also recommended that "a committee be appointed to formulate the bills covered by these points." The action of the whole committee was that a suitable letter be framed with the assistance of Elder Richards to be sent to the chairmen of the Stake Social Committees "asking them to secure this information as tactfully as possible, and that in addition, the assistance and advice of the Council of the Twelve be sought." It was also moved and passed that proper legal counsel be procured to draft suitable bills.11 Events began to move quickly following this meeting. On December 10, 1920, the Conjoint Correlation and Social Advisory 9

Social Advisory Committee, Newsletter No. 3, July 12, 1920, LDS Archives.

Social Advisory Committee Minutes, November 19, 1920.

11 Conjoint Correlation and Social Advisory Committee Minutes, November 30, 1920, LDS Archives.

10

362

Utah Historical Quarterly

Committee could send out a letter notifying the Stake Committees that the week of January 17 to 23, 1921, was the time when "the Church will concentrate its energies in an anti-tobacco campaign."

The letter concluded, "Stake and Ward Social Committees should marshall their forces and carefully plan for this effort. This should not be interpreted to mean undue publicity. The effectiveness of any strategy, particularly a campaign, often depends upon the extent to which it is a surprise."12 Surprise it was. Although the level of condemnatory articles about tobacco in church publications had risen considerably and although national publications were examining the possibility of tobacco prohibition,13 there appears to have been no airing of the subject as a political issue during the election campaign period of late 1920. As the Salt Lake Tribune noted later in a bitter editorial, it was not "a campaign issue in any sense, not withstanding what private pledges were, more or less secretly, extracted from candidates over the state."14 But the key to the importance of the campaign was clearly reflected in the New Year message from LDS President Heber J. Grant which concentrated heavily on the tobacco menace and the responsibility of the Latter-day Saints to eschew this evil.15 This lead was quickly reinforced. The same issue of the Improvement Era carried a lengthy article by a University of Utah professor, Frederick J. Pack, proving tobacco harmful to human efficiency.10 Other church magazines carn

Ibid., December 10, 1920.

See, for example, L. Ames Brown, "Is a Tobacco Crusade Coming?" Atlantic Monthly, (October 1920), 446-55.

14 Salt Lake Tribune, February 17, 1921, p. 6.

15 Printed in the Improvement Era, 24 (January 1921), 259-62, with a similar message carried by Liahona, The Elders' Journal, 18 (January 18, 1921), 275.

16 Frederick J. Pack, "How the Impending Tobacco Crusade Can Be Avoided," Improvement Era, 24 (January 1921), 218-28. Dr. Pack was a leading church authority on the subject, with a number of publications to his credit. His Tobacco and Human Efficiency (Salt Lake City, 1917) was to be used as a standard text during the coming church education campaign. The thrust of Dr. Pack's argument, indeed the general tenor of prohibitionist argument in church and nonchurch publications, was that there existed a close identity between moral and physical fitness. Although smoking was damned as a hazard to health, most commentators seemed more concerned with its potential to limit spiritual and material growth. An article

by Elder Richard R. Lyman, "The Cigarette Menace," Improvement Era, 23 (December 1920), 144-45, handily lists nearly all the moralistic catch phrases that kept turning up in the prohibitionist literature. "Boys who smoke cigarettes are like wormy apples. They drop off long before harvest time." "I consider cigarette smoking the greatest menace devastating humanity today, because it is doing more than any other vice to deteriorate the race." "I consider any young man at school, in college, or in any professional school is seriously, indeed almost fatally handicapped by the habit of smoking." "One-half the truth has never been told about the evils of cigarette smoking. It blunts the whole moral nature and has an appalling effect upon the physical system as well. I have seen bright boys turned into dunces and straightforward, honest boys made into cowards by cigarette smoking." " T h e tobacco habit leads to vice, and is frequently the forerunner of crime. This is because tobacco is a drug, and dulls the moral sense." These quotations garnered by Elder Lyman from national figures concerning cigarette smoking will come as no surprise to readers familiar with the dying years of the Progressive movement.

13

Cigarette Prohibition

363

Ministers Indorse Anti-Cigarette Bill Hie Salt Lake Ministerial association following yesterdu> - meeting, indorsed the Routhwiek anti-cigarette bill • iv iffore the legislature, in the following statement : "'i'he Ministerial association in meeting Feb. 7, at which were present representatives of the Baptist. Christian, C'onirregntional, Episcopal Methodist and Presbyterian churches, go on record as heartily supporting the Southwick anti tobacco hill, which is now he fore the legislature nf the state of ! 'tab. We believe the personal liberty of non-smokers should be pm*,.>,Mod as this bill guarantees; wo further believe that the antagonism to this bill is in a largo degree from those who have n profit-making interest either in the ownership of property where tobacco is sold or in the sale of tobacco itself. Wo therefore pledge our full support to the bill and our aid in its enforcement when it is passed."

Cigarette prohibition received a strong push from this announcement in the Deseret News, February 8, 1921.

ried similar articles and also instructions for special programs to be carried out by church organizations during the week of January 17 through 23. The Relief Society Magazine specifically noted that the church would be concentrating all its efforts in an antitobacco campaign during that week.17 The campaign even included the Sunday Schools of the church, with instructions being given for a program for Sunday, January 23, that was to conclude with everyone standing to join in the pledge borrowed from the original MIA theme, "We stand for the non-use and non-sale of tobacco."18 An example of the careful detail of church organization was contained in an article in the Young Woman's Journal which outlined how each church organization was to cover some aspect of the antitobacco crusade. The Young Men's organization was to concentrate on the scientific arguments for tobacco prohibition and the role of subsequent law enforcement. The Young Ladies' organization was to concentrate on absorbing the "ideals of womanliness," and a suggested program was given which reduced the arguments for the nonuse of tobacco to handy slogans: "It makes men selfish in their disregard of woman's sense of refinement;" "Smoking fathers are likely to have smoking children;" Relief Society Magazine, 8 (January 1921), 43.

Juvenile Instructor, 56 (January 21, 1921), 18.

364

Utah Historical Quarterly

"It impairs physical strength and intellectual power." Other organizations had similar programs outlined.10 The Deseret News launched its drive for tobacco prohibition on January 15 with a lengthy article attributed to the Social Advisory Committee of the church.20 Two days later an item datelined Washington, D.C, alerted Salt Lake City to the fact that Senator Reed Smoot had introduced a bill to prohibit the use of cigarettes in government buildings.21 The combination of Senator Smoot's bill and the notable church activity on the subject prompted the Advertising Club of Salt Lake City to draw the obvious conclusion and resulted in its issuing a statement deploring any action to prohibit cigarettes or other tobacco products.22 On the same day the Deseret News editorialized in favor of cigarette prohibition, stating that the public was ready for such action. The following day it added a novel argument to the campaign against tobacco by claiming that the cost of the habit could be more profitably used to feed the starving millions in the Near East and China.23 On January 19, 1921, the issue was completely opened with the introduction of Senate bill 12 into the Utah upper house by Senator Edward Southwick.24 Support and opposition to the bill fell into two clearly defined groups among the public at large. The proponents were the hierarchy and most of the membership of the LDS church, with strong support from evangelical Christian groups.2' The opponents of the measure consisted mainly of the Gentile business community and a few concerned Latter-day Saints. They had the strongest voices for their opinion in that the Salt Lake Tribune, the Salt Lake Telegram, and the weekly Citizen joined the fight against the Southwick anticigarette bill. However, their efforts to organize opposition suffered from lack of time and their own reluctance to believe that such "freak" legislation, as they called it, stood any chance in the legislature. The 19 Young Woman's Journal, 32 (January 1921), 28-29. Before listing the planned activities, the magazine made a statement of authority. "This campaign has been inaugurated by the Correlation and Social Advisory Committee, with the approval of the First Presidency and General Authorities, and the General Boards of the Church."

20 Deseret News, January 15, 1921, p. 6.

21 Deseret News, January 17, 1921, p. 7.

22 Salt Lake Tribune, January 18, 1921, p. 10.

23 Deseret News, January 19, 1921, p. 9.

24 The final version of the bill was substantially that proposed, State of Utah, Laws of the State of Utah . . 1921 (Salt Lake City, 1921), chap. 145: "An act making it unlawful to sell cigarettes and cigarette papers; to advertise cigarettes and cigarette papers; to permit minors to smoke in certain places of business; for any person to smoke in certain enclosed public places."

20 Deseret News, February 8, 1921, p. 7. The Salt Lake Ministerial Association formally endorsed the Southwick anticigarette bill and pledged full support.

Cigarette Prohibition

365

Salt Lake Tribune, especially, was to feel that amendments would render the bill harmless.

One clergyman did speak out against the bill. The Reverend Elmer I. Goshen of the First Congregational Church called for common sense in the matter, stating that smoking for persons over twenty-one was surely a personal matter and the enforcement of an anticigarette law would bring all the laws of the state into contempt. 20 Perhaps the most pertinent observation about the bill came from the Citizen: "A cigarette does not mean life, but to some it may mean liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 27 But to arguments that doctrines of "the dominant Church" were being introduced into legislation to the detriment of the personal freedoms of other citizens, proponents like Senator Southwick had a ready answer. He rebutted that it was the duty of the minority to abide by majority legislation and that there was no issue of personal liberty in this matter because smokers by the nature of their vice infringed on the rights of nonsmokers. 28 The progress of the bill through the legislative process was unchecked by the rapidly growing opposition. Groups like the Printers' Union and the Veterans of Foreign Wars voiced their opposition, but the bill encountered no serious obstacles. Amendments to provide for licensing and more effective enforcement of the old law concerning sale to minors were defeated in both the Senate and House. Petitions initiated by local tobacco sellers were placed before the legislature but were completely overshadowed by the greater numbers of petitions submitted by the anticigarette forces.29 There can be no doubt that some petitions carried more weight than others as, for example, that submitted by the board of the Deseret Sunday School Union representing one hundred twenty-seven thousands Sunday school workers in the state of Utah. 30 The prohibition forces generated a greater volume of publicity than their opponents. One advertisement, paid for by the Young Men's * Salt Lake Tribune, January 29, 1921, p. 22.

"Cigarettes as Symbol of Liberty," Citizen, January 29, 1921, p. 9.

28 Deseret News, February 3, 1921, p. 6. But in response to this self-righteousness, the Citizen of February 5, 1921, p. 9 carried a pointed satirical essay on a personal habit of Senator Southwick which they felt infringed on the sensitivities of others. "The solon who would suppress the offensive cigarette masticates the maddening chickle." Senator Southwick, it appeared, had not had the grace to remove his chewing gum during his tirade against the cigarette in the Senate chamber.

"Salt Lake Tribune, February 5, 1921, p. 22. :1 ° State of Utah, Legislature, Senate, Senate Journal, 14th Sess., 1921, p. 275. Following the introduction of the Southwick bill the Senate and House received petitions favoring the bill almost daily. Even a casual glance through either the House or Senate journals will register the fact that the bulk of these petitions were from wards, stakes, and other groups within the Mormon church.

27

366

Utah Historical Quarterly

and Young Ladies' Mutual Improvement Associations of Salt Lake County, included the following observations about the cigarette smoker: "a defective—a physical, mental and moral defective. The cigarette smoker is not a degenerate because he smokes cigarettes. Quite often he is a cigarette smoker because he is a degenerate."31 Further fuel for the debate was contributed by the Women's Christian Temperance Union which claimed that the Red Cross had been responsible for corrupting the morals of young soldiers by shipping cigarettes to France. The program of the Red Cross was defended in a special resolution passed by Legion Post No. 2 of Salt Lake City.32 But the public controversy had no effect on the nature of Senate bill 12. Having been reported favorably out of committee, the Southwick bill survived a few mild attempts at a licensing amendment and was finally passed by the Senate fourteen to three, with one member absent.

Clearly the selection of the Senate for the introduction of the bill had been prudent.33 The House presented more of a challenge to the bill, in that a substantial number of members were willing to accept some kind of tobacco legislation—but preferably a licensing system. During a special order of business on February 24, an amendment to this effect deadlocked on a vote at twenty-three pro and twenty-three con, with one absent and not voting. When the bill itself was immediately put forward for a vote, the results were thirty-three to thirteen, with one absent and not voting.34 The moderates, one concludes, opted to switch to full support of the Southwick bill.

The closing debate was both bitter and revealing. Representative O. F. McShane of Beaver County, sponsor of the defeated licensing amendment, referred to the rumor that the bill had been directed by the church and predicted that the end result could only be the resurrection of the anti-Mormon American party.35 Also of interest was a statement

by Representative M. S. Winder of Salt Lake County, one of those who had switched his vote: 31

Deseret News, February 9, 1921, p. 10.

The Red Cross cigarette program was generally supposed to have been masterminded by the American Tobacco Company. See Deseret News, February 16, 1921, p. 2, and "Too Much Fire in the Smoke of the Tobacco Battle," Citizen, February 19, 1921, p. 4. The program called for citizens to raise funds to purchase cigarettes to send abroad. Spokesmen for the LDS church had spoken against this practice at the time. See Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Eighty-eighth Semi-annual Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1917), 59.

33 Senate Journal, 14th Sess., 1921, pp. 199 and 275.

34 State of Utah, Legislature, House, House Journal, 14th Sess., 1921, pp. 378-80.

33 Salt Lake Tribune, February 25, 1921, p. 1.

32

Cigarette

Prohibition

367

I regard as the most regrettable feature of this affair the lobbying done by a certain group of men who are members of my Church, whose methods I consider despicable in the extreme.

However, since I have pledged myself to my constituency to vote for antitobacco legislation, I am compelled to vote aye on this question. 30

The law was signed

by Governor Charles R. Charles R. Mabey. Utah State Mabey on March 8 and Historical Society collections. took effect on June 7, 1921, accompanied by some approving words from the Deseret News but otherwise without fanfare. T h e Citizen voiced the attitude of many who wondered what was next, when it asked sarcastically: "Shall we allow our people to go on being stimulated by demon caffeine, when a mere law can dash the cup of inebrity from their lips?"37 In July anoVAugust a few perfunctory arrests were made but, as predicted, the law was largely ignored. T h e various law enforcement agencies disclaimed responsibility. T h e city police suggested state law should really be enforced by county sheriffs, and the county sheriffs excused themselves on the grounds of the pressure of other work. It was a transparent evasion of legal responsibilities but a good indication of how the police regarded the legislation. T h e new law created only minor problems of interpretation for the attorney general, who found himself deliberating as to whether or not Dr. R. Shiffman's Asthmador Cigarettes came under the ban (they did) and whether cartons of legal pipe tobacco displayed in shop windows contravened that section of the law that concerned advertising (they did not). 3 8 For the next year and a half the law was in essence simply ignored and seemingly forgotten apart from occasional sharp remarks in the Deseret News.™ T h e indifference of public officials to the anticigarette 3B

Ibid., p. 12. "' "Why Not a Special Session to Eradicate Sin?" Citizen, March 19, 1921, p. 3. :,s State of Utah, Attorney General, Biennial Report of the Attorney General . . . for the Period Ending November 30, 1922 (Salt Lake City, 1922), bound as no. 3 in State of Utah, Public Documents, 1921-1922, vol. 1. :,il Deseret News, November 18, 1921, p. 4. "Utah's anti-cigarette law, carefully prepared and triumphantly passed though it was, has had about as lax enforcement as any statute that was ever placed upon the books. . . . the law has practically remained a dead letter . . . dealers have violated it with scarcely a pretense of secrecy."

368

Utah Historical Quarterly

law was decried by President Heber J. Grant, who demanded that in the upcoming elections of 1822 the Latter-day Saints should vote for no candidate who will not declare his willingness to retain the anticigarette law on the statutes. He added that the anticigarette law ought to be enforced, not repealed."40 Following the elections that is exactly what happened. The new Salt Lake County sheriff, Benjamin R. Harries, a man openly backed by the prohibitionist-dominated Social Welfare League, began to enforce the law in earnest.41 Simultaneously with Sheriff Harries's announced intention to enforce the law, a move was put under way to repeal or amend the anticigarette laws. This movement drew largely on the business community and used as arguments the loss of revenue that prohibition caused the state and the adverse effect enforcement would have on the tourist industry.

The bill to amend the law was introduced by Senator Henry N. Standish of Salt Lake County on February 14, 1923, and referred to the Public Affairs Committee. After a brief closed-door session the Standish bill, which was a simple licensing system, was returned with an adverse report. This action prompted the Salt Lake Telegram to claim that the same influence which had promoted the Southwick law was still at work influencing legislators. According to the Telegram, the measure of this interference was revealed by information in their possession that proved the Salt Lake County delegation was secretly pledged by the Republican party to keep its hands off the cigarette law.42 All these charges paled into insignificance with the sensational arrest of four prominent Utah businessmen for smoking an after-dinner cigar in the Vienna Cafe in Salt Lake City. Ernest Bamberger, National Republican Committeeman and former senatorial candidate; Edgar L. Newhouse, a director of the American Smelting and Refining Company; A. N. McKay, manager of the Salt Lake Tribune; and John C. Lynch, manager of the Salt Lake Ice Company; were marched down Main Street to the county jail building on South Second East Street to be booked.43 Immediately the Utah law became a subject for editorial comment throughout the nation, an occurrence that was particularly annoying to the Salt Lake City business community then in the midst of a municipal promotion campaign. Newspapers as far afield as Boston 40

Improvement Era, 25 (September 1922), 955.

"The Plunge into the Blue," Citizen, January 6, 1923, p. 3. Sheriff Harries's election was the subject of a court case in which sixty-eight plaintiffs charged that his election was with the connivance of the Ministerial Association and the LDS church.

42 Salt Lake Telegram, February 20, 1923, p. 1.

43 Salt Lake Tribune, February 21, 1923, p. 22.

41

Cigarette Prohibition

369

and San Francisco had an opportunity to wax indignant over this infringement of personal liberty.44 Sheriff Harries's deputies did not stop with the arrest of those four businessmen; in the following days they scoured the lobbies of the Hotel Utah and the state Capitol with considerable success. Utah restaurants blossomed with signs reading, "Look out for Mike and John."

Deputy Sheriffs Michael Mauss and John Harris quickly became two of the best-known men in Salt Lake City.45 Deputy Mauss, one deduces, was tackling his job with special enthusiasm since he appears to have been a vocal supporter of prohibition in the first place—to the extent that he headed a four-man petition submitted to the House back in 1921.40 This time the antiprohibition forces had more success in their efforts. The obvious ridicule to which Utah was being subjected and the affronts to personal dignity involved in the arrests for smoking violations gave them better ammunition than they had ever had. The Salt Lake Tribune daily recounted how Utah had become the laughing stock of the nation, and quoted out-of-state newspaper opinion. 4. Suddenly on March 2, a Deseret News editorial signaled the partial capitulation of the prohibition group. After arguing defensively that the law would have worked if it had been vigorously enforced from the first, the editorial allowed that the substitute bill for the Standish bill met with most of the requirements for protecting youth. It noted with approval that the advertising clause was even stronger and forbade the advertising of any kind of tobacco, not just cigarettes. This extra safeguard, it was felt, would effectively protect youth from "alluring" advertisements for pipe and chewing tobacco.4* The Standish bill had not survived the committee hearing, but with the sudden notoriety showered on the state it must have been clear to legislative supporters of the anticigarette law that the public temper demanded some change. The fact that the church newspaper commented favorably on the substitute bill, Senate bill 184, on the day following its introduction is more than happy chance—especially as the substitute bill was introduced by the same committee that had turned down the Standish bill. On March 3 the new bill was unanimously approved by the Senate and passed to the House. In the House 44

"Utah's 'No Smoking' Signs," Literary Digest, March 24, 1923, pp. 14-15.

"Salt Lake Tribune, February 22, 1923, p. 20. w House Journal, 14th Sess., 1921, p. 223.

17 Salt Lake Tribune, February 25, 1923, p. 2. ,s Deseret News, March 2, 1923, p. 4.

Utah Historical Quarterly

370

"Why Don't You Move to America?"

If there is a law on our Statute Books that, when enforced, will prompt a man living in the Capital of the United States to wire his friend, "Why don't you move to America" (meaning move out of Utah), it is a law that concerns all of us. We are all stockholders in the Commonwealth or Utah and we all expect dividends from our investments and our efforts. We are entitled to legislative action that will not only protect our interests, hut enhance their value, and when a legislature enacts a law like our Cigaret Law, that will provoke, however facetiously, an assumption that Utah is without the pale of the United States and itself a stench in the nostrils of the free peoples of America, it is time the free people, of Utah act together in an effort to remove this impression.

A MASS MEETING ================ Is Called at

= = = = =

1:30 This Afternoon at the Orpheum Theater for the purpose of forming an organization that is opposed to "freak" legislation and particularly the "Cigaret or Tobacco" Law. One hundred business men met Thursday morning to arrange for this mass meeting, and invite everyone in the state who is interested in removing the stigma of "Mack sheep" from our fair state to be present. Out-of-town delegations are expected in large numbers.

We do not oppose the enforcement of any law on the Statute Books of the State ot Utah.

TODAY, 1:30 p. m.

ORPMEUM EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE PAUL F. KEYSER J. H. PATRICK W. J. HAIXORAN M. K. PARSONS EDGAR NEWHOUSE CHARLES TYNG ERNEST GAYFORD

ALFRED FRANK LEON SWEET MAJOR ALVA LEE ALBERT FISHER D. L. WERTHEIMER A. D. M'MULLEN R. E. GOSS

Half-page ad from the Salt Lake T r i b u n e , February 24, 1923, spelled the beginning of the end for cigarette prohibition.

Cigarette Prohibition

371

the bill received the prompt treatment of something nearly everyone was eager to be done with and on its final reading was passed thirty-four to twenty with one absent.49 That same day, March 8, the bill received Governor Mabey's signature.

It can be argued that the demise of the anticigarette law was a result of exactly the sort of public indignation that the sponsors had sought to avoid at the time the law was being promoted in 1921.

In combining private pressure with a massive and well-timed campaign against tobacco, the major prohibitionist force had been able to persuade the 1921 legislature as to where its duty lay.5" The opposition, caught by surprise, did not take the issue seriously enough to mount an effective counter-campaign. However, 1923 found the situation reversed, with a well-organized group centering around the Salt Lake Tribune, the Salt Lake Telegram, and bolstered by the Chamber of Commerce and many businessmen. This, coupled with the publicity generated by the arrest of prominent citizens like Ernest Bamberger, created a movement and a cause capable of repeal. 51 Intensive and critical public examination of the issue at this stage had done what the proponents had rightly feared might happen had they allowed their opposition ample warning in 1921.

Despite the support the Mormon church received from other churches, the cigarette prohibition movement in Utah was largely a Mormon effort. In a sermon at General Conference in April 1921 Elder Richard R. Lyman could say: . . . Mutual Improvement workers and others, in and out of the Church, have waged a rather intense campaign against the use of the cigarette in the state of Utah, and wherever else the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has members. . . . I am proud to have helped to secure the following result: T h e State of Utah has passed a law prohibiting the sale or giving away of cigarettes or cigarette paper. This work has not been a matter of hysteria. With us it is not a mania. We have proceeded deliberately. We feel as if with mathematical certainty we have done something for the lasting benefit of the young people of our communities. . . . If we have been too intense in this campaign, may we be forgiven. 52

"House Journal, 15th Sess., 1923, p. 542. ""Improvement Era, 24 (April 1921), 575, printed a list of who had voted for and against the bill.

"Salt Lake Tribune, February 25, 1923, p. 1. The mass meeting held in Salt Lake's Orpheum Theatre was a huge success. Every seat was taken and crowds waited outside. A delegation of two hundred fifty people was welcomed from Ogden. (See illustration, opposite page.)

52 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Ninety-first Annual Conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1921), 143-44.

372

Utah Historical Quarterly

The whole affair of cigarette prohibition in Utah can be dismissed as part of the season of excess that all America experienced in the twenties. But much more than the right to legislate on moral questions was involved in the Utah case. In a more or less open exercise of its moral authority, the Mormon church had failed itself and regenerated some of the old antagonisms of Utah politics.5' It was no secret that the church considered the outlawing of cigarettes a desirable goal. Throughout the campaign it had stressed that society had an obligation, for example, to protect minors from the vice. No one will deny that nonsmokers have a right to protection from the tyranny imposed by smokers in enclosed public places. Where the prohibition movement erred was in promoting an unrealistic law that went far beyond those goals the prohibitionists considered most desirable—protecting minors and controlling the sale of tobacco.

From the standpoint of today's medical knowledge, there was considerable merit in the church's attack on the use of tobacco. Had the church confined itself to propaganda and educational efforts, aimed at both members and nonmembers, its moral concern would likely have been expressed in an acceptable and legitimate fashion. Prohibition is a questionable legislative tool in an open society, raising the possibility of violating individual freedoms. Unless carefully and specifically defined in terms of the actual—not idealistically presumed— prevailing moral and social climate, it has a built-in guarantee of failure—human nature. r3 ' Citizen, February 19, 1921, p. 7. A cleric threatened to create a new party to fight along religious lines. See also, the Tribune, February 24, 1923, p. 1, where Rabbi Adolph Steiner of Temple B'nai Israel attacks "blue" laws as having taken the place of the fagot and the rack once used by those who sought to join powers of church and state.

Newest Fashion.—We understand that one of the ladies of U t a h appeared in the public assembly last Sabbath, clad in a buckskin sack, beautifully ornamented with the same material; the exhibition we have every where heard spoken of in the highest praise, and we only wish that it had been our wife who had set this noble example. Surely this sister has manifested her faith by her works; she believes in home manufacturers, and her name will be registered in the archives of U t a h , as a pattern worthy of imitation by all. Ladies of Deseret go to with your mights, and do likewise, and your husbands will bless you. (Deseret News, January 10, 1852.)

The Saints among the Saints: A Study of Curanderismo in Utah

BY E. FEROL BENAVIDES

Quetzalcoatl bathing at midnight, Florentine Codex.

374

Utah Historical Quarterly At the temple of limpias; curanderos dealing in their wares of special prayers, incienso and protection from evil spirits holy water, rose leaf petals oil for the body and fortune cards zodiac signs, mescalito and sacred words on the cross1

^ o READS A STANZA FROM a poem by a young man identifying himself as El Gallo (the rooster), an ex-drug addict and ex-convict turned poet.

Like many other contemporary youths from the ethnic/racial minority groups in this country, El Gallo is attempting to achieve self-actualization by synthesizing his own identity, by examining his cultural heritage and marrying that heritage with his present reality. His poem, "Curanderas and Other Day Forces," intertwines images from sixteenth-century folk religion and medicine with artifacts of mysticism from other cultures enjoying a popular renaissance in the United States during the last third of the twentieth century. Tarot cards, zodiac signs, and mescaline merge with prayers, holy oil, and sacred scripture in order to fit curanderismo into 1973. Unknown, however, to the vast majority of the dominant culture, curanderismo is not in need of updating or restructuring. This complex folk practice is performed in the space age very much as it was performed in the Spanish colonial period or the pre-Columbian era. Side by side with modern medical accomplishments this folk procedure continues to exist in many parts of the United States.

Unknown, also, to most residents of the Wasatch Front, in the shadow of the McKay-Dee Hospital or the University Medical Center in the year 1973, curanderismo is widely practiced in Utah."

Like many highly complex social/cultural phenomena, curanderismo defies simplistic explanation. It is often referred to as Mexican Ms. Benavides is an instructor of English at the University of Wyoming. This article was originally presented as a paper at the combined annual meetings of the Folklore Society of Utah and the Utah State Historical Society in Salt Lake City, September 8, 1973. The author wishes to acknowledge the encouragement given her by Dr. Jan. H. Brunvand.

1

Gallo, Space Flutes and Barrio Paths (San Diego, 1972), 32.

An interesting parallel to the youth of the subculture's attempts to integrate their mystical heritage with that of the dominant culture is the contemporary establishment's use of "now" and subcultural themes. A recent manifestation of this was evidenced by a major television network's presentation of a weekly series program. A script writer of "Medical Center" brought a curandero out of the barrio, clothed him with sincerity, gave him a prodigal son with a medical degree, and sentimentalized the generation gap, an ethnic identity crisis, the concept of social mobility, and cultural value conflicts—all in fifty-five minutes. The day before that presentation, only Americans of a sub-subcultural group were acquainted with curanderismo.

Now, however, to at least that portion of majority Americans who consume "prime time," curandero is a familiar word.

2

Curanderismo

in Utah

375

or Latin-American folk or native healing. These definitions are correct, but limiting. T h e word itself, meaning the state or the practice of curing, is an abstraction of the concrete noun curandero la, one who cures (the curer). The root is from the Spanish verb curar, a cognate of the English to cure. Although primarily a practice of folk medicine, this curing is by no means limited to physical illness or disease. The functions of curanderismo extend into numerous other aspects of folk culture. In recent years there have been major scholarly studies of curanderismo as folk narrative, folk medicine, folk psychotherapy, and folk psychiatry. These studies, however comprehensive and erudite, have limited curanderismo to the perspective of the respective scholar, although the practice could just as easily be the subject of scholarly interest as folk religion, folk economics, and folk rehabilitation therapy, among others. As on archaeologist explained it: Usually a curandero can cure more than physical illness. He is also reputed to be able to locate lost or stolen property, divine future events, assure success in personal matters, romance, and business, cure insanity and alcoholism, and counteract the effects of witchcraft.3

A similar limitation is placed on curanderismo by attempting to define it geographcially. As folklorists have often pointed out, political boundaries are not cultural boundaries, and folk practices do not stop at rivers or imaginary lines. For the purpose of this study, therefore, it is expedient to define curanderismo as Mexican-American folk curing, remembering throughout that while there are thousands of MexicanAmericans who have never heard of a curandera, there are conversely thousands of inhabitants of South America, Central America, Mexico, the Caribbean Islands, and Europe who practice curanderismo daily.

Though the practice varies widely, it retains for the most part the same name and common characteristics; but the human needs which; perpetuate this proceeding in Denver, Colorado, differ from the needs which perpetuate it in the isolated, rural areas of Ecuador or Chile.

This study, therefore, with no intentions at inclusiveness, will look at curanderismo as it has existed during this century in certain MexicanAmerican communities in the United States, particularly focusing on how it has existed and still exists in rural and urban Utah.

Douglas C. Sharon, "Eduardo the Healer," Natural

History,

81 (November 1972), 32.

376

Utah Historical

Quarterly

T H E CHICANO IN U T A H

In a nation where they number ten million and are the second largest ethnic/racial minority group, Americans of Mexican origin or Indo-Hispanic descent have often been referred to as "the invisible minority." That appellation is nowhere more accurate than in the state of Utah. Although part of the original empire of Aztlan, the symbolic Chicano homeland, Utah has never been considered a Chicano state as have her other southwestern sisters—Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and California.

The reasons behind an already "invisible" minority's further obscurity in this state can be clearly seen. Historically, Utah has been a state of majority dominance. The timing and patterns of Utah's exploration, subsequent settlement, and ultimate growth have manifested themselves in the twentieth cenutry in a very small nonwhite, non-Anglo population. "The minority peoples in Utah are truly in the minority." 4 Here all ethnic/racial minorities combined comprise only six and seven-tenths (6.7) percent of the total population of the state. 5 Compare this with national figures which show minority groups as twenty percent of the total population, while in the major cities of the East, Midwest, and West Coast areas minority peoples often comprise forty, fifty, or even sixty percent of the population total.

Comparatively speaking, therefore, Utah has a very small nonwhite, non-Anglo population. The largest of the state's minority groups, outnumbering all other racial and ethnic minorities combined, Chicanos still total only four and two-tenths (4.2) percent of the state population. 6 And the vast majority of that four percent are fairly recent residents of the state.

Shockingly, the "invisibility" of the Chicano extends even into areas where he should be most clearly visible. In a state internationally recognized for its rich folk tradition and its distinguished folklore scholarship, Chicano folk tradition has gone unrecognized and unseen.

The University of Utah Folklore Archive Index, for example, lists sixteen national or ethnic groups whose local folklore has been studied.

Although the index mentions such diverse groups as Pakistani and Samoan, nothing resembling Chicano, Mexican, or even Spanish is 4

Richard O. Ulibarri, "Utah's Ethnic Minorities," Utah Historical Quarterly, 40 (Summer 1972), 212.

5 State of Utah, Department of Employment Security, The 1971 Utah Population Report (Salt Lake City, 1972), 8.

6 Ibid.

Curanderismo in Utah

377

included. However, the index does contain studies of the Basques, the distant and far more exotic cousins of the mundane Mexican-American.

A second reason behind this apparent neglect of a rich folk tradition can be seen by reviewing the history of the Chicano in Utah. This history is in the main a history of the twentieth century. Although Spanish-speaking people first penetrated the area that is now Utah in 1765, neither the expedition of Juan Maria de Rivera nor the famous expedition of Frays Silvestre Velez de Escalante and Francisco Atanasio Dominguez in 1776 left any permanent settlements. "Although Utah was claimed by Spain, and later Mexico, effective colonization never went beyond northern New Mexico and southern Colorado." 7 The nineteenth cenutry saw occasional Spanish adventurers penetrate the area that is now the state of Utah as far as the Great Salt Lake. During the early 1800s some Spanish and Mexican traders and fur trappers worked Utah, but, again, they left no lasting settlements.

By 1855, the combined factors of the depressed fur market, the Mormon settlement, and the Mexican and Walker wars forced the demise of what Spanish trade there had been, leaving almost no Mexicans in the territory. The few Mexican vacqueros and sheepherders who assumed positions in the frontier economy during the last half of the nineteenth century were generally solitary and isolated. s Thus it was left to the twentieth century to fulfill the destiny of Aztlan, to return at least a few of the Indo-Hispanic people to Utah, the northernmost province of their original homeland.

During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there had been slow but steady growth of the Chicano population in the other southwestern states. The indigenous Indo-Hispanic communities expanded gradually and were supplemented with immigrants from Mexico. But the number of immigrants entering the United States from Mexico were few in number compared to what they would later become.

In 1910 the Mexican Revolution stimulated the exodus of many Mexican nationals from their homeland, yet very few of these immigrants found their way to Utah. Two years later the first large immigration of Mexican nationals took place when some four thousand Mexican laborers were brought into the Bingham area as strikebreakers by the Utah Copper Company. Although some of these workers returned to

7 Vicente Mayer, et al., " T h e Mexican in Utah, 1900-1960," (MS in progress, American West Center, University of Utah, 1973), 8.

"Ibid., 8-10.

378

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Mexico when their job was finished, many stayed, making permanent homes in the area."

Gradual immigration supplemented this first large group of Chicano inhabitants, and by 1920 the nationwide census indicated that the Utahbased Mexican-American population had jumped sevenfold in one decade. From 1920 to 1930 fewer Mexican immigrants chose Utah as their destination, settling more often in the other southwestern states.

Nevertheless, the Mexican population in Utah continued to grow and by the 1920s Chicanos began to form social, political, and religious organizations. T h e economic Depression of the 1930s which devastated so many of the majority citizens of this country was less destructive to the Chicanos in Utah. Though economic necessity turned many of them into agricultural farmhands, few actually left the country to return to Mexico. 10 The beginning of World War II marked the largest influx of Chicanos Utah had yet seen. Attracted not only by the mining and agricultural employment opportunities, many came to work the railroads and, particularly, the war production industries. Many of these new immigrants to Utah came not from Mexico but from the other southwestern states, mainly southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. 11 Since World War I I there has been steady and constant growth of the Chicano communities in Utah. T h e state has continued to offer employment opportunities, primarily through its government installations. Agricultural workers from Mexico and Texas have also added to the state's Chicano population, passing through on the migrant stream and occasionally electing to remain. 1 " The present-day Chicano population of the state resides principally along the Wasatch Front. T h e two major cities of Salt Lake and Ogden house the majority of these residents. In both cities the MexicanAmericans usually reside in the lower-middle to lower class neighborhoods of the central, west, and northwest sections of town. Outside the two major cities, Chicanos in Utah are concentrated in the agricultural counties of Box Elder, Utah, and Davis; the mining districts of Carbon, Salt Lake, and Tooele counties; and the areas which serve the government installations—Weber and again Davis and Tooele counties.

Southern areas of the state also contain Chicano residents, although the cultural heritage of these rural Chicanos differs somewhat from that 9 Ibid., 20-21.

19 Ibid., 23, 27-34, 11 Ulibarri, "Utah's 12

Ibid., 232.

and Ulibarri, "Utah's Ethnic Minorities," 231.

Ethnic Minorities," 231.

Curanderismo in Utah

379

of their urban counterparts. "In many ways, the southeastern portion of the state is linked culturally to northwestern New Mexico and southwestern Colorado." 1 ' San Juan, Grand, and Emery counties are the home of some Indo-Hispanics whose forefathers were part of the Spanish colonial settlements in New Mexico and Colorado.

Thus, the Utah Chicano communities of the present and the recent past remain, despite interpenetration with the mass culture, small in numbers, shortly rooted, and somewhat fragmented. These ostensibly invisible and tightly knit subcultural communities are, in essence, folk groups, sometimes isolated from their would-be leaders—those Chicano professionals associated with the state's higher educational institutions or the church.

This isolation becomes even more obvious when an interested party attempts to document the folk practices of the Chicano lower class.

The middle class, imported or emergent, concerned with projected public opinion and endeavoring to have the lower class acceptable by Anglo standards, often deny the existence of folk practices which may carry negative connotations. Combined with the natural reluctance of a subcultural group to expose themselves to ridicule and the fact that curanderismo is illegal in Utah, direct evidence of this practice becomes difficult to obtain. 14 Nevertheless, curanderismo and/or recent local variants of the traditional practice exist. A brief acquaintance with traditional curanderismo will allow the interested party to recognize the practice.

A BRIEF LOOK AT CURANDERISMO

The genesis of curanderismo is not widely known. Like many folk practices it can be traced back into antiquity, and expert opinions differ as to its exact origin and derivation. Some scholars tend to emphasize the European elements in curanderismo, while others state that it derives solidly from pre-Columbian America. 15 Dr. Ari Kiev, in his very comprehensive study of curanderismo as folk psychiatry, traces the origin of Mexican folk medicine back into both the Spanish and Indian cultural heritages. " Ibid., 230.

14 Title Fifty-eight, Section (Chapter) Twelve of the Utah Code Annotated prohibits the practice of medicine without appropriate licensing. Although 58-12-17 permits "the treatment of the sick or suffering by prayer or other spiritual means without the use of any drug or material remedy," the same reference holds that compounds or concoctions of "various herbs" cannot be administered as "domestic family remedies." '" Sharon, "Eduardo the Healer," 32.

380

Utah Historical

Quarterly

. . . it is important to note that much of the curandero's knowledge derives from traditional fifteenth and sixteenth century European medicine and that there are firm historical foundations for his beliefs and practices.

T h e curandero's beliefs about emotional illness derive in part from the Spanish-Catholic tradition of Mexico and in part from the Indian heritage bequeathed to Mexico by the Aztecs, Mayans, and other Indian groups and are an amalgam of magic, folk belief, and empirical experience. 16

Indeed, an in-depth examination of the religious and medical practices, as well as the cultural orientation of both the Indians and the Spaniards, indicates that a cultural marriage between the two was not only the most logical source of Mexican folk medicine/religion but that the strength of that marriage is perpetuated in present-day society.

Contemporary curanderos who demonstrate an advanced knowledge of herbal remedies are to a great extent using the scientific discoveries of their pre-Columbian ancestors, while those who trace an illness to the eating of a hot tortilla or the drinking of cold milk are generally the disciples of Hippocrates, many generations removed. 17 According to Kiev, not only were the Spanish-European medical beliefs intermixed with those of the indigenous peoples, but the philosophical and religious bents of the respective groups intermixed even more perfectly. "The Aztecs put great store in fate and highly personalized Gods, a personalism which the curandero still follows in his emphasis on the saints and personal saints." 18 Like the curanderos of today, the Aztecs accompanied their worship with prayers, symbolic acts of propitiation, and magical maneuvers.

A firsthand account of the spontaneity of the Indo-Hispanic synthesis is documented in the famous report of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca to the viceroy of New Spain in 1536. In a twentieth century rendering of a letter which describes the ordeals of Vaca's captivity, Haniel Long has rewritten the famous Spanish explorer's account of the following incident.

T h e Indians danced incessantly. They asked us to cure their sick.

When we said we did not know how to cure, they withheld our food from us. We began to watch the procedure of their medicine men.

18 Ari Kiev, Curanderismo: Mexican-American Folk Psychiatry See chapter 3 for a detailed discussion of this subject.

17 Ibid., 46.

18 Ibid., 28.

18 Ibid.

(New York, 1968), 22-23.

Curanderismo

in Utah

381

It seemed to us both irreligious and uninstructed. Besides, we found the notion of healing Indians somewhat repellent, as your Majesty will understand. But we had to heal them or die. So we prayed for strength.

We prayed on bended knees and in an agony of hunger. T h e n over each ailing Indian we made the sign of the Cross, and recited the Ave Maria and a Pater Noster. T o our amazement the ailing said they were well.

And not only they but the whole tribe went without food so that we might have it. 20

Thus rooted, as is the Chicano himself, in the Indian-Spanish synthesis, curanderismo has survived these five centuries primarily through oral transmission and apprenticed observation. As Ruth Dodson affirms in an article on Mexican-American herbal curing, "this lore is handed down from generation to generation, from mother to daughter especially." 21 Although many variants exist, generally speaking curanderismo is a combination of folk medicine and faith healing. To some it is all one or the other, but most curandero/as combine a knowledge of herbal remedies with liberal doses of prayer and religious/superstitious ritual.

An example of this dichotomy may be seen in the work of the aforementioned Ruth Dodson, a Texas folklorist, who in 1832 wrote an article containing a detailed examination of the most common herbal medicines used by curanderas. Almost twenty years later, in 1951, Ms. Dodson completed the research and published a book about Don Pedro Jaramillo, the famous Texas curandero who cured only with prayer and holy water.

A typical example of this amalgamation is described in Madsen's Mexican-Americans of South Texas. Here a curandera herself relates one of the curing procedures. Her method of diagnosis is to "clean" the patient's body with an egg. This consists of drawing or sweeping a raw egg over the sick person's body (usually in the sign of the cross), cracking the eo;g into a glass of water, and examining the ego; white as it curls in the water in order to recognize the nature of the affliction.

This diagnosis is followed by taking the patient's pulse, giving him strengthening teas, and religious/superstitious ritual such as cutting an outline of the patient's body in dirt and reciting the Twelve Truths of the World forward and backward.""'

2(1 Haniel Long, "The Captivity of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca," A Documentary History of the Mexican-Americans, ed. Wayne Moquin (New York, 1972), 8-9.

21 Ruth Dodson, "Folk-Curing among the Mexicans," Tone the Bell Easy, ed. J. Frank Dobie (Austin, 1932), 82.

22 William Madsen, Mexican-Americans of South Texas (New York, 1964), 79.

Utah Historical Quarterly

382

Knowing the history behind curanderismo and something about its methodology, one might still be amazed that the practice continues in present-day society. In his excellent book, Cultural Difference and Medical Care, Lyle Saunders delineates two important points which must be realized by any nonmember of the Mexican-American subcultural group if he wishes to understand curanderismo.

T h e first point is that the practice of medicine is a social activity.

In whatever form it may take and wherever it may occur, the practice of medicine always involves interaction between two or more socially conditioned human beings. Furthermore, it takes place within a social system that defines the roles of the participants, specifies the kinds of behavior appropriate to each of those roles, and provides the sets of values in terms of which the participants are motivated. . . .

T h e second point to be emphasized is that medicine is a part of culture. In its totality, medicine consists of a vast complex of knowledge, beliefs, techniques, roles, norms, values, ideologies, attitudes, customs, rituals, and symbols, that interlock to form a mutually reinforcing and supporting system. . . . Medicine as an institution is integrated with other major institutional complexes—government, religion, the family, art, education, the economy—into a functioning whole, which is culture.- 3

An understanding of these concepts makes it possible to accept the fact that disease, like language, is to some extent a result of culture.

There are, therefore, diseases to which only certain cultures succumb.

It is most often these diseases which the curandero/a treats. An obvious motivation to seek the help of a folk healer, rather than a medical doctor is the possible ridicule an ailing MexicanAmerican might receive from an Anglo physician who does not recognize certain diseases.

A detailed examination of these diseases and their symptoms and cures is to be found in several scholarly works already noted. The most 23

Lyle Saunders, Cultural Differences and Medical Care: The Case of the SpanishSpeaking People of the Southwest (New York, 1954), 7.

Foot massage, a technique used by some curanderas, was also advocated by Edward B. Foote, M.D., in Medical Common Sense, 7899.

Curanderismo in Utah

383

common of these is mal ojo ("evil eye"). This concept exists in variations in other folk cultures as well. Other common diseases prominent in certain Mexican-American subcultures are empacho ("surfeit"), susto ("fright"), and caida de mollera ("fallen fontanelle").124 These diseases may have actual physical symptoms and/or psychological (magical) ones; similarly, their cures, if successful, may have met and satisfied emotional as well as physical needs. The former area, although minutely examined by Dr. Kiev, is realized by some simply as a matter of common sense.

Typical of this attitude is a statement by a Mexican-American professional man who, reminiscing about his childhood, remembered being treated often for evil eye sickness. The man stated that although he no longer believed in mal ojo, he felt that the cure, which had generally worked, did two important things for him. It demonstrated his family's love for him and made him feel important. A middle child, the man remembered that he often felt left out of the praise the older boys received and jealous of the attention given to the baby. Sulky and sickly, he would become the center of the family when someone pronounced that he suffered from the evil eye. After being cleaned with the egg, the man stated, he felt important and loved by all members of his family. "Those minutes before I dropped off to sleep were full of happiness and security.""5 The majority of scholarship available on curanderismo has examined this practice primarily from scientific and social scientific perspective. Ruth Dodson, prominent among those who have handled curanderismo as folk narrative (The Healer of Los Olmos), delineates but does not formularize certain characteristics of Don Pedro Jaramillo, the famous curandero of Los Olmos, Texas. However, those characteristics are generally applicable and with some exclusions could be structured into formularized prerequisites. Most prominent among these characteristics are some kind of divine revelation or inspiration, altruistic rather than economic motivation, and often a physical anomaly confirming the person's divine ordination.

In the case of Don Pedro, for example, he claimed the power to heal the sick only through their faith in God and through God's power to make known to him which prescription to use. Don Pedro, of course,

24 Cervando Martinez and Harry W. Martin, "Folk Diseases among Urban MexicanAmericans," Journal of the American Medical Association, 196 (April 11, 1966), 147. "'Madsen, Mexican-Americans of South Texas, 77.

384

Utah Historical Quarterly

made no charge for his services; in fact, he himself often gave to the poor and the sick who had sought his help. The story behind how the gift of healing came to be bestowed on him was that when he was a poor laborer in Mexico, working for a half-bushel of corn and the equivalent of five dollars a month, he suffered an affliction of the nose.

One night when the pain was particularly intense he went out to the woods to a pool of water. There Don Pedro lay down by the pond and buried his face in the mud which instantly gave him some relief from the pain. He continued to stay by the pond, treating his nose with mud until three days had passed. After this length of time he was well, but his nose remained disfigured. This anomaly was always associated with the gift of healing that was credited to Don Pedro.26 CURANDERISMO IN UTAH

The curandero/as who have practiced in Utah in the last thirty years, and those who continue to practice now, share many common characteristics with the traditional curandero/a. Chief among these is invisibility. A "real" curandero/a (to be distinguished from the occasional faker) never advertises and is often difficult to unearth, particularly for a researcher who is not a member of the subculture.

Nevertheless, direct evidence of this folk practice can be obtained through tenacious pursuit and gracious informants.

Following are four transcriptions from recent field experiences which deal with curanderismo in Utah. These four were selected from approximately twice that number because they present a wide variety of practices, opinions, and experiences. They include an unsuccessful experience with a faith healer, a report on a traditional and legitimate curandera, comments from a cleric who is not a member of the subculture but is well acquainted with it, and the testimony of a practicing curandera who demonstrates an advanced knowledge of herbal curing.

The following is a summary of a partially directed interview with Leonela Salazar of Salt Lake City, taken on November 30, 1972, at her home. Mrs. Salazar is a sixty-four year old widow of Spanish-American ethnic descent. The entire transcription of this interview was obtained in Spanish, although Mrs. Salazar speaks some English.

Mrs. Salazar was born Leonela Trujillo in 1908 in Cebolla, New Mexico. Her father, a native of Chama, New Mexico, and her mother, 26 Ruth Dodson, "Don Pedrito Jaramillo: T h e Curandero of Los Olmos," The Healer of Los Olmos, ed. Wilson M. Hudson (Dallas, 1951), 12.

Curanderismo in Utah

385

a native of El Rito, moved to Cebolla where they had a sheep ranch.

When their three children were partially grown, the family moved to Sunnyside, Utah, because of the availability of high-paying jobs associated with the mining industry in that area.

Leonela married Jose Salazar in 1926. The couple moved often and finally settled in Salt Lake City after World War II where Jose found work as a foreman in a foundry. T h e Salazars bought a house and eventually had five children of their own.

Mrs. Salazar stated that she remembered many women in New Mexico who had never seen a doctor; a partera ("midwife") assisted in the birth of their children. In Utah, however, the Salazars and others of their community consulted doctors on occasion.

Mrs. Salazar's younger brother, Antonio, who was then living in Utah, became very ill about 1950. The exact nature of his illness was not described, but it was an obvious mental or emotional illness of some sort. Antonio was in and out of Salt Lake City hospitals with no substantial improvement for several years. In 1955 the illness became more acute, and he was confined to the state hospital in Provo. Once there his condition deteriorated even more, and no amount of professional medical help could improve it.

At this time a Mrs. Blanco, a curandera supposedly of Spanish and Rumanian descent, lived in Salt Lake City. Mrs. Blanco was well known throughout the local area, and many people came from other states to seek her services. Mrs. Salazar, concerned with the condition of her brother, went to the home of Mrs. Blanco for help.

Mrs. Blanco agreed to attempt to cure Antonio but put the primary responsibility for the success of the undertaking on Mrs. Salazar.

According to Mrs. Blanco, if Mrs. Salazar's faith were strong enough and if she followed directions exactly, her brother would be cured.

Mrs. Salazar was required to pray many hours every day. Although no specific prayers were required, those said had to be done at specified times. Mrs. Blanco warned Leonela that she must be strong enough to resist the evil spirits and the devil who would surely try to dissuade her from the effort.

After some weeks of this regimen, Mrs. Salazar again visited the curandera. This time she was instructed to continue her prayers and not to see her brother at the regular time. (Mrs. Salazar was in the habit of driving to Provo to visit him every other day.) Instead, Mrs. Blanco instructed Leonela to go to Provo the following Friday and to

386

Utah Historical Quarterly

be careful in the car because the evil spirits were becoming more aggressive.

Mrs. Salazar followed the curandera's instructions exactly. On Wednesday before the appointed Friday she prayed and went to bed.

That night Leonela dreamed that she was standing near a river and was surrounded by many different kinds of animals. Although the animals did not attack her, Mrs. Salazar was afraid until the Virgin of Perpetual Help appeared in the river and assured her that all would be well.

On her visit to Provo the following Friday Mrs. Salazar found her brother much improved. For the first time in many months he recognized her, talked freely, and remembered things. He also made the statement that he felt as though he had awakened from a long sleep.

On the return trip to Salt Lake City the hood of the car which Mrs. Salazar was driving flew up unexpectedly. A serious accident was luckily avoided.

During Mrs Salazar's subsequent visit to Mrs. Blanco, the curandera told her that when she gave her brother the final cure Mrs. Blanco would also reveal the name of the individual who had made him ill.

She further admonished Leonela not to fail in carrying out her part of the final cure as Mrs. Blanco's own safety had now become involved.

The curandera stated that if Leonela did not follow instructions she would never see her (Mrs. Blanco) again.

The brother, whose health was improving steadily, was brought home. The curandera warned Leonela not to let him come into contact with evil spirits and not to permit him to have contact with bad people or to drink alcoholic beverages. Once Antonio had undergone the final cure he would be safe and could resume normal activities.

One day during Antonio's convalescence Leonela returned home to find him drinking wine with some relatives. Worried about Mrs. Blanco, Leonela rushed to her home only to find she had disappeared. To the best of Leonela's knowledge, Mrs. Blanco never reappeared, though she later heard that Mrs. Blanco had moved to Orem.

Mrs. Salazar's brother was never completely cured and to this day suffers some manifestations of emotional illness. For failing to follow instructions, for not curing her brother, and for jeopardizing Mrs. Blanco's safety, Mrs. Salazar still blames herself.

The following is a summary of a partially directed interview with Rebecca Florez Alvera who was born in Salt Lake City in 1925 and

387

Curanderismo in Utah 1

•MM, :s

.;•

•,

m

: :

:

•mMMMM.;,

still lives there; she has eight children, one of whom is a junior at the University of Utah. Although Ben and Rebecca Alvera are fluent in both Spanish and English, their children speak only English. Beckie Florez Alvera was the oldest child of Incarnacion Florez who was well known throughout the MexicanAmerican subculture in Utah and neighboring states as a successful curandera. She practiced her healing arts until her death in 1968.

Mrs. Alvera stated that her parents were born in Fresnillo, ZacaIncarnacion Florez of Salt tecas, Mexico, in 1899 and 1900.

Lake City was well known as a In 1920 the Florezes, then a young curandera among Chicanos in the Intermountain area. married couple, came to Utah as Photograph courtesy of part of a migrant group enlisted to Rebecca Alvera. work in various capacities. Her father found permanent employment with the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad in Salt Lake City.

Beckie Alvera remembers her first home well. "When I was a young child we lived in a railroad car on a siding near the yards. Many other families had these same homes. Ours was a coach car with the seats removed. It was well furnished, and my mother kept it immaculately clean. We drew water from a pump in the yard, had our own kitchen, but shared toilet facilities." It was in this home that Mrs. Alvera remembers her mother's activities as a curandera.

Although she never advertised, Incarnacion Florez had a fairly steady clientele. As her fame spread, Mrs. Florez tried to discourage patients because her work as a curandera interfered with her primary duties of housewife and mother. Later, when the family moved to a real house, Beckie did not have the chance to watch the curing process as closely because the rituals were usually performed behind closed doors.

According to her daughter's testimony, Mrs. Florez seems to fit the traditional description of a curandera perfectly. She combined prayer, ritual, and medicine, denying her power to cure and stating that God merely used her as an instrument of his will. Mrs. Florez accepted no

388

Utah Historical Quarterly

money for her services, only an occasional gift to help defray expenses, and she consulted with anyone who needed her services. Like all "good" curanderas, Mrs. Florez encouraged her patients to seek the help of a physician for any serious illness. Similarly, she refused to treat patients until they assured her that they had already consulted a physician without success. Incarnacion Florez also had a slight congenital deformity in her fingers—the knuckles were twisted, causing the top portion of her fingers to protrude.

Mrs. Alvera did not know exactly when or how her mother had begun curing. She remembers those activities from the time she was a small child until her mother's death in 1968. During those forty years Mrs. Florez always had many pleased patients. As word spread of her success she became known for her abilities in other states. Many Mexican-Americans came to be treated by La Medica from as far away as Houston. Although her mother has been dead for five years, Mrs. Alvera often receives long distance calls from residents of other areas who are hoping to contact Incarnacion Florez.

The following is a summary of a partially directed interview with Father Jerald H. Merrill, the priest of the Guadalupe Parish in Salt Lake City and the director of the Guadalupe Center.

Father Merrill, although a Salt Lake City native himself, became associated with this Mexican-American community only after he had taken his orders and was serving in an official capacity with the Catholic church. His first experience with curanderismo, however, was as a seminarian. On a bus trip to Mexico, which he and a priest were taking as sponsors of a holy pilgrimage, one of the parishioners became ill.

Some of the other women removed the sick lady from the bus and cured her. One of the techniques involved taping a penny to the sick woman's navel.

Father Merrill stated that it was from his companion priest that he formulated his own attitude towards curanderismo. While it was not to be encouraged, harsh disapproval could cause fear, hostility, and alienation. Thus Father Merrill has ignored the practice these many years, although he has been well aware of its existence in his parish.

In Father Merrill's opinion, Incarnacion Florez was by far the best known of the local curanderas, although in the past he had known of others. He stated that he was often asked for blessed items and religious articles, and he knew why they were wanted. Once when

Curanderismo in Utah

389

called to perform extreme unction at the bedside of a dying man, he encountered a curandera preparing to leave.

Father Merrill stated that although the demand for blessed items had fallen off considerably in recent years, it was his opinion that curanderismo was still practiced in Salt Lake City and that evidence of this would not be difficult to obtain if the researcher knew where to look.

The following is a summary of a partially directed interview with Te Valdez of Ogden, Utah. Mrs. Valdez is a relatively young and energetic woman who lives in the predominantly Mexican-American westside of Ogden and is active in Chicano community affairs. She has had nine children, six of whom are still living; although only fortysix years of age, Mrs. Valdez is the grandmother of fifteen youngsters.

Besides community work, Te Valdez directs her energies into teaching Mexican folk dance and, occasionally, to curing. Understandably, Mrs. Valdez was reluctant to refer to herself as a curandera, but she did agree that this was the most appropriate word to use in describing her curing activities.

Mrs. Valdez stated that she was born Te Marie Cisneros in La Madera, New Mexico, in 1928. Her grandmother was Agustinita Cisneros, a well-known curandera and partera in that part of rural New Mexico. Mrs. Valdez feels that although her ability to cure was probably somewhat inherited from her grandmother and somewhat inspired by early exposures to the curing process, the primary source of her curing power is an inherent ability. Whether a gift from God or just a chance occurence, Mrs. Valdez is not sure, but she is sure that her curing ability comes from some special instinct for knowing just what to do. A pragmatic might label her successes as the result of trial and error, for Mrs. Valdez does not claim to be infallible, but she thinks that in the total picture she has succeeded in curing her patients much more often than not.

According to her own story, Mrs. Valdez became aware of this special ability when as a twelve-year-old girl in New Mexico she cured her cousin. Her grandmother had been treating the feverish boy with yerbabuena (an all purpose herb similar to mint). Leaving for the day, Mrs. Cisneros instructed the girl to continue treating the boy with tea made from the herb. Instead of continuing the treatment as prescribed, young Te decided that she preferred the fresher appearance of another herb, verbena. She boiled this herb into a tea, strained it, and gave the beverage to her ailing cousin. A couple of hours after ingesting

390

Utah Historical

Quarterly

the tea, the boy's fever broke, and he was resting comfortably when the adults returned home Since she had disobeyed orders, she was at first reluctant to reveal to her grandmother the secret of her cousin's recovery After much persuasion she explained her actions to her grandmother who, deciding that the girl possessed the potential for curing, began from that time on to train her as a curandera.

Mrs. Valdez has cured on an occasional basis ever since. Although she doesn't seek patients, she does feel that since she has the ability she should respond to people who need her help.

Mrs. Valdez and her husband, Eddie, moved to Ogden in 1948. At that time he had just been discharbd from the service Vervaine (verbena) was and hearing that there were good governdescribed as "a secret and divine medicine" in ment jobs available in Utah moved his John Gerard's Historie family to Ogden. Mrs. Valdez's reputation of Plantes, 1597. as a curandera in Utah began when some friends from New Mexico visited the Valdez family in Ogden. The visitors' son became ill and was cured by his hostess. The neighbors in Ogden, aware of this occurrence, began to call upon Mrs. Valdez themselves for curing and thus began her services to her Utah community.

Mrs. Valdez cures primarily with herbs, although occasionally she has cured with other traditional methods, such as the egg. In 1967 she became acquainted with the famous Irish-Apache herbalist, Clarence Patrick Sundance. Working with him, she expanded her already wide knowledge of herbs. Some of the herbs she uses she grows herself in Ogden. To obtain others, however, she must make occasional trips to Colorado or New Mexico where they are available. Some of the herbs she uses are poleo ("pennyroyal"), alhucema ("lavender"), manzanilla ("chamomile"), and chamiso par do ("brown sage"). Others are osha, verbena, maricola, immortal, yerba del dapo, cascara sagrada, istafiate, and contrayerba. She recommends osha for the prevention of colds.

391

Curanderismo in Utah

Another remedy for the common cold and for sore throats is to wash a red potato and eat it raw and unpeeled.

Mrs. Valdez attributes much illness to an imbalance in the temperatures of the body which is often brought on by the consumption of a hot or cold food or beverage. She also diagnoses by feeling body temperatures. A baby, for example, who has empacho will have a different temperature in different parts of his body. Vinegar applied to the bottom of the feet will, according to Mrs. Valdez, reduce fever.

She departs from the traditional curandera in that she uses no sacred objects. She believes in God, but prayer is not part of her curing ritual. One traditional curing technique that she relies on heavily is massage. Some of her most seriously ill patients have been relieved by expert massaging. In the main, however, her curing is herbal; and for some Indian remedies, she is reluctant to give out the formulas.

Mrs. Valdez is very thorough in her work, maintaining complete records on every patient she has treated. She charges no fees but occasionally accepts some other method of recompense for her services, such as a dinner out.

Te Valdez intends to leave Utah in the near future to move to New Mexico to work in a clinic where herb medicine is being seriously examined.

CONCLUSIONS

Folk practices continue for many reasons, prominent among which is the fact that these performers fill the aesthetic, emotional, physical, or psychological needs of the folk who perpetuate them. Curanderismo continues in part because of the failure of the American medical system to serve certain Mexican-American subcultural peoples. Medical doctors will generally see patients only in unfamiliar and sometimes terrifying environment. Similarly, established medical care is prohibitively ,

,

.

•

TVT

Bathing temples

and

expensive and extremely inconvenient. Not only is a curandera's help free or reasonably priced, but it is generally mobile

forehead with lavender water relieved catalepsy and migraine, according

and available on short notice. Moreover,

OI

.

.

to John Gerard s Historic

piantes, 1597.

392

Utah Historical

Quarterly

the curandero/a speaks a familiar language, does not condescend to the patient's opinion or ideas, and often cares for the patient's wellbeing with sincere affection. Also important is the fact that a curandero/a rarely instills the patient with hopelessness. Statements to the effect that the patient must learn to live with his pain or that medical science hasn't conquered this disease are not made by folk healers.

While the primary intention of this study is to examine a folk practice and show evidence of its existence, it projects an implicit comment on the medical system of this country, and, particularly, of this state. It reflects, for example, on the shameful facts that there are no Mexican-American medical doctors in the state and that the first Mexican-American students to enter the University of Utah Medical School did so in 1970.

Studies such as this one also imply that in medicine, as well as in all other aspects of mainstream American life, the time for ethnocentricity has passed. T h e various ethnic/racial minorities in this countryhave much to contribute to overall knowledge, and as the recent attention focused on acupuncture indicates, folk medicine deserves serious study and open-minded scholarship.

S T A T E M E N T OF O W N E R S H I P , M A N A G E M E N T , AND CIRCULATION

T h e Utah Historical Quarterly is published quarterly by the U t a h State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City, U t a h 84102. T h e editor is Melvin T . Smith and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. T h e magazine is owned by the U t a h State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine.

T h e purposes, function, and non-profit status of this organization and the exempt status for federal income tax purposes have not changed during the preceding twelve months.

T h e following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,757 copies printed; no paid circulation; 2,446 mail subscriptions; 2,446 total paid circulation; 150 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 2,596 total distribution; 1,161 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,757. T h e following figures are the actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,576 copies printed; no paid circulation; 2,581 mail subscriptions; 2,581 total paid circulation; 150 free distribution (including samples) by mail carrier or other means; 2,731 total distribution; 845 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3.576.

Paul M.

Edwards

The Irony of Mormon History

BY P A U L M . E D W A R D S

I

N AN EARLY Dialogue there appears a remarkable article by Richard L. Bushman called "Faithful History."1 It seems too appropriate to be coincidental that in the same issue—though separated by what the second author will call the "divided payoff"—is an article by Samuel W. Taylor called "How to Read a Mormon Scholar." The juxtaposition of these two articles and their content is characteristic of the topic I wish to address, which is the idea of faithful history and some of the complexities and ironies arising when Mormons and historians open Pandora's box of mixed loyalties.

Dr. Edwards is chairman of the Division of Social Sciences at Graceland College, Lamoni, Iowa. This essay was first presented as the luncheon address at the Twenty-first Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society, September 8, 1973, in Salt Lake City.

1 Richard L. Bushman, "Faithful History," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon 4 (Winter 1969), 11. It is unfortunate that Professor Bushman has not published his " T h e Book of Mormon and the American Revolution," which he presented at the Yale of the Mormon History Association in October 1972. Its availability would give us base for further dialogue.

Thought, address, meeting a wider

394

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Perhaps I should clarify two points in order to preclude unnecessary confusion and judgments. My concern is with the Mormon movement in its widest perspective and with that wide historical search within Mormonism. We share so much in common it seems unnecessary at this point to be alerted to theological and social differences be they real or imagined.

Another definition concerns the term irony. I use the word "irony" to refer to the incongruity between that which is expected and that which occurs. Adopting its dramatic usage, I am also referring to the fact that the audience is often more aware of the incongruity than the characters who voice it. Unlike some who use this word, I am not implying any metaphysical character to the irony and do not consider the situation to be negative or necessarily hopeless.

First, I would like to consider the concept of the faithful historian about which so much has been written and so little said. Leonard J. Arrington in his tribute to President Joseph Fielding Smith introduces the question. He reports President Smith saying: "The chronicler of important events should not be deprived of his individuality; but if he willfully disregards the truth, no matter what his standing may be, or how greatly he may be respected, he should be avoided." 2 I agree wholeheartedly.

Professor Arrington goes on to say that " 'Objectivity' for President Smith meant seeing that the history of the Church was presented in a positive light, rejecting the extreme and irresponsible charges of the Church's enemies." This is less clear; for it suggests that either the church (the larger Mormon movement in our case) is always positive, that extremes are necessarily wrong, or that nonpositive statements about the church are either extreme or irresponsible. These positions do not seem defensible. My concern is not with President Smith or with Dr. Arrington—far from it. What does concern me, however, are these questions: questions of integrity and the integrity of questions.

Richard Bushman in his article, "Faithful History," brings the issue further to a head by saying that when a professional historian is being a good historian, he is being religious.3 I agree. I would also 2 Leonard J. Arrington, "Joseph Fielding Smith: Faithful Historian," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 7 (Spring 1972), 23.

3 Bushman, "Faithful History," 11-17.

Mormon History

395

assert that when a professional plumber is being a good plumber he is being religious. The common term in both these cases is "good," not historian or plumber. To suggest that the religious convictions of the historian alter history is a fallacy; such convictions may well change the shape of the future, but they only confuse the understanding of the present. History which is dependent upon an individual's faith is a statement of convictions, not a statement of the conviction of his or her inquiry. If we are interested in the former rather than the latter, then we should be searching for a pastor—not a historian.

We might profit here from making a distinction between a fairy story and historical interpretation. The fairy story represents permanent longings and concerns both traditional and unchallengeable convictions which are true despite evidence to the contrary. History begins with a willingness to consider the evidence, to challenge the story, to question the values, and to deal with the end as direction rather than as conclusion. These two are often confused, and the confusion creates fallacies which denigrate the value of each.

Let me construct a hypothetical case aimed at no one but threatening us all. Many of the best things being done in Mormon history are being done by professional historians who have made their mark on areas other than Mormon history. This is understandable for a variety of reasons, not the least of which is economic. These persons built their reputations because they played according to discipline rules to which they were subject or to rules which they had publicly offered as their own. They played, in either case, according to a defined system which was subject to criticism and was internally defined by others playing the same game. Then these professionals turned their attention to the Mormon movement taking their credentials with them. In their new role they have given their attention to the concerns arising from their religious background and have produced works in a variety of media, all labeled "historical."

Because of their reputations we listen and open our minds to their presentations, assuming all the while that they will bring the same level of responsibility and respectability to their inquiry into Mormonism.

Instead, we often find that they are using their faith as a club with which to beat their perceptions. They involve themselves in methodologies and interpretations that deny their training and reputation. They answer the questions of their inquiry with straw men who weep in the face of contradiction, and they seem to believe in order not to be forced

396

Utah Historical Quarterly

to know. We find these historians have gone into history in search of a text for their sermons rather than for an understanding of the past.

I can understand this hypothetical problem. I think I have been guilty of it. But I deplore it; it cannot be justified. If the answer to historical contradiction is faith—if we believe regardless of the facts at our disposal—then we do not need historians. In fact, we do not need theologians. We already know all we are willing to believe. If the justification for this selective methodology is that the questions being asked are beyond reasons, then readers have the same right of selectivity; for there is no "reason" for asking a reasonable and/or responsible man to interpret an illogical world. If what we want are logs for the fires of our expectation, we who are still unsure need psychiatrists, not historians, in order that history might be constructed in the light of our needs.

Bushman states, "The facts are more like blocks which each historian piles up as he chooses, which is why written history is always assuming new shapes."4 This adopts the attitude of Froude but not the historical pessimism; for his statement was, "It often seems to me as if history was like a child's box of letters, with which we can spell any word we please. We have only to pick out such letters as we want, arrange them as we like, and say nothing about those which do not suit our purpose."5 I have no quarrel with Bushman as far as he goes, but it is the second part of Froude's quote that is important. There are a lot of Mormon historians who do not seem in the least chagrined when they discover that all the uncomfortably shaped blocks remain.

Bushman affirms that Mormon history cannot emerge from "theological doctrine."6 This interesting statement is followed later by, "The Book of Mormon is a source of insight about the nature of history which Mormons have only begun to mine. Since it was written by prophets, we can assume the extraneous cultural influences were largely subordinated to faith. . . ."T This is a rather interesting assumption—one which would be seen by anyone else as a theological doctrine. With such a statement Bushman has already applied as a philosophy of history a theological assumption which is, I believe, inconsistent in terms of the article. The role of the historian is not to prove religion. It is not, I believe, even to record the history of religion. It is to interpret the 4

Ibid., 14.

James Anthony Froude, Short Stories (London, 1888), 7.

Bushman, "Faithful History," 16.

'Ibid., 17.

5

6

Mormon History

397

duration of a people who are, in this case, religious. Joseph's experience in the grove is not to be proven. At this stage it can only be dealt with.

The difference, for the Mormon movement, is often the difference between "sanctioned" and "suspicious" histories.

John Stuart Mill's essay On Liberty—still the greatest thing ever written on intellectual honesty—suggests to us that freedom of thought must include protection against "the tyranny of prevailing opinion."

His argument for the necessity of freedom warned us that silencing an opinion puts us into the position of ignoring the partly true on the grounds that it might also be partly false. "True" histories, when the word means edited and accepted, add to the prevailing opinion of the age. In doing so, they fail to challenge traditions or, more important, to challenge the age with the prospect of growth.

Remember Mill's warning, "All silencing of discussion is an assumption of infallibility." This is the danger of our "positiveness." The greatest harm in persecution, particularly in the written word, is not done to those who are themselves heretics. Instead, as Mill has suggested, it is to those who are not heretics, because the mental development of the latter is stifled by fear of the position of heresy. The danger of manipulated history is not really the danger that this year's history is more myth than narrative, but that this year's historians will come to accept this myth as history's only offering. For thinking people, belief in the potential of their processes is their source of energy. It will die when they find that they can no longer follow the light of their inquiry, carrying with them the belief that it makes a difference. When thinking people discover that they have become simply the connection between yesterday's prevailing concept and today's popular acceptance, they have lost the source of their initial inquiry.

When it becomes necessary to adjust one's thinking to the "truth," there is no way to avoid the corollary consideration that the "truth" is no longer subject to challenge, that it is infallible. The suggestion of infallibility is a strange and ironical position for a movement dedicated to the progressive nature not only of humanity's involvement but, for portions of the movement, to the progressive nature of God. The faith of historians is not faith that history will prove their point or that they can select events and parade phenomena to evaluate their longings. Nor is it obedience to a creed or a dogma. The faith of the historians of faith is that they believe in the unity of the world in such a way that whatever they discover in humanity, or in gods, good or bad,

398

Utah Historical

Quarterly

in support or in criticism of the institutional views, their discoveries cannot help but express the divine nature of things and bring security to the dreams that are within us.

The problem is, however, more than just a question of integrity.

It also deals with the integrity of questions. Much of what is being written in Mormon history these days is answers to questions that are no longer being asked. The expanded contribution we can make lies in understanding the nature of the questions to be asked. The concerns are not necessarily grove experiences or missionary activities in England, or lines of succession but are, instead, problems that face the churches— questions which appear to this generation to be suspended in time.

If ever a people were in need of understanding both the legality of their doubts and the eternal nature of their paradoxes, it is now.

The answer appears to be, as Elbert Smith used to say, that we stop setting the sun by our watches. We start to write history honestly. This means using as our restraints, not the dictates of a traditional institution or heritage, but the character of our discipline that has grown and is growing through analysis and self-criticism. Be a faithful person, be a faithful historian, be a faithful creature of God and it is hard, as the saying goes, "to be false to any man."

II

A reevaluation of the questions being asked would alter the trends in the writing of Mormon history. I do not intend here a critique of Mormon historiography. For such a critique I would suggest you consult works like those of Robert Bruce Flanders or Marvin Hill. 8 I wish, however, to make a brief observation about these trends.

The ironic aspect of these trends is that we have not related the lesson of our religion to the value of our discipline. We have not allowed the revolutionary nature of the movement from which we have sprung to make us revolutionaries. The one thing about which we might all agree concerning Joseph Smith is that he was not the usual sort of person. He did not approach life itself—or his religious commitment— in a usual way. Yet, the character of our historical investigation of Joseph and his times has been primarily traditional, unimaginative, and lacking in any effort to find or create an epistemological methodology 8 Robert B. Flanders, "Writing on the Mormon Past," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 1 (August 1966), 4 6 - 6 1 ; Marvin S. Hill, "The Historiography of Mormonism," Church History, 28 (December 1959), 418-26, are only two of many good works that have been done recently.

Mormon History

399

revolutionary enough to deal with the paradox of our movement. The irony of our position is that many of our methods and interpretations have become so traditional that they can only reinforce the fears of yesterday rather than nurture the seeds of tomorrow's dreams.

A good many historians are asking us, as a matter of pure historical credence, to accept that historical credence as impossible. None of us here knows anything but second or third generation interpretations, and the basis from which we operate is one of historical acceptability. Our very involvement is evidence of the credibility of learning from, and interpreting through, history. We cannot assume our discipline is unchanged by the study of the discipline, or that we can be Mormons and Mormon historians and not be changed by the fact that we are altering our present as we investigate our past.

My observation is that a good portion of our efforts are polemical.

These works begin with the assumption that some people and some ideas are valuable in and of themselves as "recognized" masters of thought and action. Our histories are discussions of the correctness of these ideas. They appear designed to challenge, not the idea, but any suspicions that might arise about the ideas. Many discuss developments of the institution from the view that each new thinker, each new idea, must be evaluated as being "good" or "bad" in relation to that initial record. Probably the worst example of this is Inez Smith Davis's book, The Story of the Church" which the RLDS people continue to publish despite all suggestions to the contrary.

One reason for this trend is that we act as if there were no permanent problems in Mormonism. The lack of perennial problems leaves the historian with the tendency to exaggerate individual greatness and to exaggerate the necessary contemporariness of even the most archaic of ideas and positions. A current example of this is Stanley P. Hirshson's The Lion of the Lord.U) Partial challenges have been the social and cultural histories like those by James Allen and Marvin Hill, and by the writings of Davis Bitton, S. George Ellsworth, Juanita Brooks, and Charles Peterson, and, to a lesser degree, by the articles appearing in Essays in Mormon History."

" Inez Smith Davis, The Story of the Church (Independence, Mo., 1943).

1,1 Stanley P. Hirshson, The Lion of the Lord (New York, 1969).

11 To cite just a few works: James B. Allen and Marvin S. Hill, eds., Mormonism and American Culture (New York, 1972) ; Juanita Brooks, John Doyle Lee: Zealot, Pioneer, Builder, Scapegoat (Glendale, Calif., 1972); and F. Mark McKiernan, Alma R. Blair, and Paul M. Edwards, eds., The Restoration Movement: Essays in Mormon History (Lawrence, Kan., 1973).

Many others are making a like contribution.

400

Utah Historical Quarterly

Another contemporary trend consists of those works designed to tell us what "really happened." These seemingly popular presentations bubble with the effervescence of "good faith." Two varieties are obvious.

The first is what I call doxographical history. One example will make my point: Pearson H. Corbett's history Hyrum Smith: Patriarch?1 This is the cut and paste method of writing pushed to its extreme. It is based on a succession framework in which all that has ever been said by, or about, some person or topic is collected, cut into pieces, and molded into a puzzle of the author's peculiar design. It reports only on what others have said and often tries to repaint old pictures using stiff brushes.

They make little new contribution; often they simply confuse the issue, for in them truth appears to depend on the number of scraps of materials that can be collected.

Mark McKiernan's work on Sidney Rigdon is an example of the other extreme of this methodology.13 It is a valuable collection of information but only rarely a history, for it offers little interpretation.

One suspects that each bit of information was collected and given importance simply because Sidney Rigdon's name appears on it.

The second variety of this "really was" view is the retrospective.

These works are not just collections of isolated materials forced into new covers, not even the presentation of materials that the historian can mark true or false. In this case, we are talking about the belief that each bit of information is added to the last, like bits of string to a huge ball. The increasing size of the ball of string suggests to us new strength rather than just more string, since we assume each bit of information is "yet more light." Each period is seen as a contribution to the previous; thus the new cannot contradict the old, and all "growth" is seen as evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The retrospective works on theories that are too tight. It is too committed to determinism—often even to predeterminism—which is strangely ironic for an institution in which agency is the clue to humanity.

One questionable variety of the retrospection type is the "speedy interpretation" of which Stanley Kimball is a good example. This is an author, called a "skimmer," who tends to run through the forests of facts, making virgin pronouncements before really seeing the trees. An example of the "growth retrospection" is the seven-volume history of

12 13

1971).

Pearson H . Corbett, Hyrum Smith: Patriarch (Salt Lake City, 1971).

F. Mark McKiernan, The Voice of One Crying in the Wilderness (Lawrence, Kan.,

Mormon History

401

the Reorganization which has continued in publication these past years.14 These volumes do make an important contribution, for the "Reorganites" have never maintained day books or statements of duration. However, they are not histories in the sense we have discussed; they are less than the Reorganization needs and, in my understandably biased opinion, considerably less than the author could contribute if freed from the institutional format he inherited. I am assuming that the proposed sixteen-volume sesquicentennial publication under the general editorship of Leonard Arrington will in fact be a history rather than sixteen isolated narratives. This is an opportunity to pursue some as yet undeciphered and perennially misunderstood characteristics of the movement. Many of these questions show their head only in the unity of problematic history; they are so easily avoided in selective piecemeal accounts.

To explain my point, let me suggest that these volumes will address in their wiser consideration such things as anti-Mormonism as a continuing theme; schematics, or "great dispersions;" the influence and contribution of apostate peoples; state, regional, and local conditions as environments which influenced both local and wide policy; the western contribution as a contribution rather than as a phenomenon; the "tainted saints;" and the juxtaposition of the Mormon nationalists rather than the nationalistic Mormon.15 At this point may I encourage, as an alternative, the continuation of, and commitment to, the breakthrough in problematic history of which Max Parkin, Leonard Arrington, Davis Bitton, Robert Flanders, Klaus Hansen, and Warren Jennings have been good examples. By this, I mean the development of the historical investigation which arises from the fact that historians are puzzled human beings who are aware of the confusion of being contemporary man or woman with a memory. These are people who ask themselves, "What is it that we are trying to understand?" and search and interpret in the realization of this query.

But it is not just a question of being puzzled. It is more than that.

We are talking about what it means to have the feeling of puzzlement.

It includes the willingness to seek from the past and from the present 14 Joseph Smith, Heman C. Smith, and F. Henry Edwards, History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 7 vols. (Independence, Mo., 1897-1973). " Topics of significance have been suggested by many concerned with the development of Mormon history. James B. Allen and Richard O. Cowan, "The Twentieth Century: Challenge for Mormon Historians," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 7 (Spring 1972), 26-36, is one excellent source. Other valid suggestions can be found in the Utah History Research Bulletin published by the Utah State Historical Society.

By "Mormon nationalists" I mean that body of persons whose tie to Mormonism is social, cultural, economic, and political and in no major way religious. I would venture to say this is a large group.

402

Utah Historical

Quarterly

and to do so in the hope that the search, even with some error, is the key to tomorrow. These people face the irony of the fact that Mormonism, which is integrated in its complexity, has been studied in such a disjointed fashion.

Such people leave the antiquarianism of their colleagues behind.

They no longer delight in facts for facts' sake—in artifacts for artifacts' sake. They leave behind also their scholasticism and have deserted their love for distinctions' sake. And they expose themselves to be the test of doubt in a world of assumed answers. So many Mormons, who would be historians, expend their energies in scholastic antiquarianism. in

My third observation deals with the philosophy of history. Every attempt to sum up the totals of the past, to comprehend the past as a wdiole, to decipher or impose upon the past some ultimate meaning is a philosophy of history. To wait for an official philosophy of history is itself a philosophy of history. Few historians write from any consistent philosophical system, but their investigations are influenced by implied metaphysical assumptions. This is not the time for an analysis of these implied philosophies, but I would like to make some general observations about Mormon histories, Mormon historians, and philosophies of history. 16 Let me begin with the obvious by making a distinction between the past and history. T h e past is yesterday. It is that series of events and reactions to events, as well as memories of the memory of the events, which cannot be retrieved. They belong to the yesterdays; and like the yesterdays, they have no existence, not even their present, save it be through their relation to tomorrow.

History, however, is what has been done to the past by those to whom the past is so meaningful it must be interpreted. T h e historian is a person who does things to and with the past so that they (the past and the historian) develop significance in the present. T h e manipulation is not by historians, but of historians, a fact ignored by both Brodie and Hill. 17 T h e mere massiveness of the past requires the classification and lumping of events and ideas, all of which are invented (like the 16 I do feel a study should be conducted at some later date. It could not but help those who are themselves concerned about their own lack of direction.

17 Fawn M. Brodie, Can We Manipulate the Past? (Salt Lake City, 1970). Marvin S. Hill, " T h e Manipulation of History," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 5 (Autumn 1970).

Mormon History

403

term "restoration") to simplify, codify, and classify. All of these activities are intuitive and, being so, are not in the same category as the events they are designed to classify and explain. Hence, the irony: the more subjective the system must be, the more objective we are called to be with it.

Remember also that historians deal with human beings. They deal with those who have commanded the attention of an era and who have emerged as the leaders and the led. They deal with what people are supposed to have done, the thoughts they are supposed to have had, and the decisions they came to—or did not come to.

What historians really want to know, and what they often give the impression that they do know, is forever gone, as is the past about which they abstract. The historians' search for realities is a futile search, for what they find instead are Platonic images dancing on the cave wall.

And, their trauma is extended, for they are writing not only about strangers but for strangers. These readers are as incomprehensible in their own time as those about which we would write.

So, to round out the obvious, when historians try to present things they think they can say about the past, they must say it to humans who are strange, incomprehensible, predetermined in part by their environment, and more than a little suspicious. Unless historians write only for other historians (a dangerous vocation at best), they must deal with the influences upon those for whom they write of the history that they are writing.

In Richard D. Poll's timely article in Dialogue^ he states that the church has no official philosophy of history. Perhaps I read into his statement, but it seems to me he is telling us this fact as if it were in some way tragic. I view it as an evidence of modern miracles. Poll explains that by a philosophy of history he means "a central conception of what history is about. What does the process add up to?" 19 Philosophies of history arise from inquiry into history as a part of the unity of humanity. Surely no one would imply that adequate study has been done in the history of the Mormon movement to suggest an "official philosophy of history," even if one were possible. If, however, we wanted to attach one of the standard theories onto the research process within the movement, then "official" philosophy requires only the recommendation by a person with enough clout to get it accepted. ,s Richard D. Poll, "God and Man in History," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon 7 (Spring 1972), 101. w Ibid.

Thought,

404

Utah Historical Quarterly

Poll is very much correct in pointing out that any attempt to draw a philosophy of history from the "doctrine of the Church" has never been done. He makes a beautiful case for the inconsistencies rampant in those doctrines and suggests the position that the LDS have a real tendency to venerations rather than a commitment to a sense of history.20 One example that Poll did not mention is the Utopian concept of history which plagues the discipline with self-doubts. This concept anticipates that historical inquiry will support the idea that the source of our end, and the salvation of our times, will in fact arrive outside of history. I do not want to debate the theological aspects. But I believe such an assumption is ironical if not unhistorical. This paradox asks us to discover from our history that in the long run of our history, history has no effect. The role of the personally involved God dealing in history when He feels it necessary may well be true. That is not my question.

But if it is true, then history can lay no credit to, nor draw information from, such mundane things as cause and effect, prescription, duration, and certainly not the assumption of historical indeterminism.

The problem is that for many historians not only is God working out His visions on the anvil iron of history but that since those "visions" are recorded as official truth the historian is forced into the role of either anticipating history or remaking history. There is always the temptation as well—succumbed to in such works as Pearl Wilcox's With the Latter Day Saints on the Missouri Frontier'^—to assume as historical evidence that "God wouldn't do that."

Linked with this Utopian image is another related problem, for one of the dangers inherent in our movement is that Mormon historians take themselves far more seriously than they do their subject. Fawn Brodie, who is open for criticism from a dozen directions, seems to be most suspect when, as Rodman Paul points out, she is being sarcastic.

Samuel W. Taylor is not always appreciated for his humor though it seems to me he is laughing at historians, not history. Gordon Mesley's recent sarcasm in Courage has already received more criticism than articles which questioned the Book of Mormon.22 At this point the primary necessity is not a philosophy of history but a philosophy—or if you prefer—a doctrine of man which, I trust, will include historians.

l°Ibid., 102.

21 Pearl Wilcox, With the Latter Day Saints on the Missouri Frontier (Independence, Mo., 1973).

22 Gordon Mesley, "An Apostle Trips," Courage: A Journal of History, Thought, and Action, 3 (Winter-Spring 1973), 138.

Mormon History

405

I believe that a doctrine of man is going to be necessarily understood prior to the time we are able to put together any very significant theories of history at all. In the meantime, we must deal with that approach which arises from our own training and which is expressed within an existing series of philosophical and theological contexts that most of us neither understand nor would accept if we did. History is a very serious subject, but we are not necessarily always seriously dedicated or reverent people. Thus, the humor which speaks truth, even through the vehicle of fiction, has much to say to us.

Still another related question concerns the scarcity of Mormon scholarship. Rodman Paul, reflecting surprise that so little first-rate work had been done in Mormonism, suggested that it might be due to lack of curiosity necessary to inspire students. 23 I think an earlier comment in the same article might have been more indicative of the problem.

For it is true, as he suggests, that the social scientists have rushed in where historians failed to tread. T h e problem is that they deal with Mormonism as a movement and then call it history. Thus, what is known about us is descriptive of past behavior and is often considered as prescriptive for future behavior rather than indicative either of present conditions or future extension.

I think, sometimes, these sociological assumptions are decreed to be historical laws and then, in turn, philosophies of history. They are, instead, empirical data, coming as they do from experience and observation of events. They are called historical but are not until they include interpretation. They are only past: empirical past. A philosophy of history is not empirical. It does not try to tie events together by some external connection of these past events. Instead, it tries to deal with all that is known in connection with some larger assumptions. These assumptions are a part of the imaginative nature of historians, assumptions which they cannot ignore, for they work within them to find meaning from the chaos of their factual data. A philosophy of history does not postulate this unity of the process. Instead it formulates consideration of the process.

Likewise, the attempt to support any historical presentation by a philosophy of history which is "proclaimed" rather than emerging is in vain. So far, a distinctive moral judgment cannot be made through any appeal to a trend in human history. We are left, then, with having to 2:1 Rodman, Paul W., " T h e Mormons as a Theme in Western Historical Writing," Journal of American History, 54 (December 1967), 511.

The

406

Utah Historical

Quarterly

arrive at some total moral or ethical judgments apart from our own experience. Until we have valid moral and theoretical judgments for all events, any attempt to evaluate events in terms of a progressive moral movement is in fact only the understanding of one person, not a movement, not an institution, not even a discipline. At best it is a discussion of our own moral and cultural idiosyncrasies.

At the root of most "proclaimed" philosophies of history is the attempt to collect an army of facts and information to proselytize an official view of the past—at least the past as is presently present. Poll suggests some paradoxical characteristics of Mormon theology24 which will make an "Official Philosophy of History" difficult if not impossible.

I would go further to suggest that having once arrived at these truths the problem of an official philosophy of history becomes moot. The very nature of proclaimed truth is unhistorical and, in this case, unphilosophical. Thus individuals rather than institutions should be the source of such systems.

Poll does discuss how he, as an LDS historian, handles some of the questions of faith that stem from his vocation. He affirms that (1) God is present in history as organizer, definer of goals, director and influencer to the extent He keeps us moving toward these goals; (2) divine intervention is to be expected at those points where it can "be no other way." 2 While in no way disparaging Poll, might I suggest that this statement is a theology of history, not a philosophy of history, the difference being that a theology of history is based on an ultimate commitment which one holds in such a way that it is the organizer of evidence, not the result of evidence. A philosophy of history is one of the ultimate concern which leads one to challenge any unsystematic characteristic of paradoxical nature to the answers being given.

Thus, I agree with Poll there is no "official" Mormon philosophy of history. I believe there never should be. Probably there will be few personal philosophies because few of us have learned enough from our own history to leave history alone and allow it to speak.

IV

Finally I would like to present a postulate for consideration. I recognize a good deal of German historicism in the writing of Mormon history. I mean that there appears to be little distinction between the 24

He means LDS, but I think the others have the same problem. " P o l l , "God and Man in History," 105-7.

Mormon History

407

method, the subject matter, and the procedures of the natural and human sciences. This suggests to the readers that historical discoveries are individual events and occurrences which are discovered by themselves with no reference to their unity, nor with reference to their effect on the discipline. Put a different way, I feel we have not found the epistemological method necessary to deal with our history honestly while providing the foundation for historical judgments. Wilhelm Dilthey presented an epistemology that I think might well work for us, but few have recognized it and fewer still have paid any attention to it.26 Examining its scope and narrowing it in complexity, I would like to comment briefly on it here.

As we have observed, it is impossible to view the past as it "actually was." Nevertheless, we feel some compulsion to deal with that now nonexistent past with some sense of objectivity in order for there to be historical judgments rather than just contemporary opinion. For both Dilthey and John Dewey this objective "empirical" judgment is made on the "inner or conscious side" of the no-longer-present. Professor Arrington introduced Collingwood and this general idea in an early Dialogue1' By "inner" here, they mean the objectivity available within our present experience when we are reliving to our fullest that which is no longer present in others. The empirical grounds for our past, says Dewey, must somehow continue to exist; and he found the clue to that in critiquing the momentary experience with the results of long, honest, and assimilated historical experience.

Inasmuch as this is possible the integrity of the historical inquiry begins with the realization that momentary dropping into history— as is the case with our doxographical authors—prevents us from sensing, knowing, or understanding the consciousness of external events. Since there is no way to avoid the fact that past judgments are based on the contemporary us, it seems that the objectivity must start there with our breadth and scope. This means the protection of our own subjective selves into those external objective events we must consider. It means thinking, feeling, fearing, questioning; it means inventive and imaginative interpretation; it means applying human, personal judgments to those feelings that arise from our study. This is one of the major justifications for Mormons writing Mormon history. Obviously not only 20 For the best Dilthey's Philosophy 27 Leonard J. Dialogue: A Journal

discussion of the concepts suggested here see Howard N. Tuttle, Wilhelm of Historical Understanding (Leiden, Neth., 1969).

Arrington, " T h e Search for Truth and Meaning in Mormon History," of Mormon Thought, 7 (Summer 1968), 56-65.

408

Utah Historical

Quarterly

Mormons will write Mormon history. But no person who is not moved and affected by the movement can and or will arrive at the inner consciousness that we have considered.

When I use the terms "inventive" and "imaginative," I am not suggesting mystical daydreaming or myth-making. I am talking of imaginative minds as historically informed and molded minds which feel and sense beyond that which they can touch. Mormon historians must, by all means, take advantage of every disciplined means of selfcorrection and judgment possible. But having done that, they must not rest on the assumption that they have now been historians. For their job is not one of collecting but appraising within the responsibility and respectability of their training and the value of their method. There is more to being a historian than ascribing information; historians are people in time and as such they give human meaning and divine involvement in time. 2S Socrates suggested that the methodology of honest people consists of correcting errors and cleaning up confusion through the relentless exposures of generalities. In the final sense, Socrates engaged in the perpetual testing of all general statements by involvement in the particular instance through which he continually regeneralized in a more disciplined fashion. T h e particular instance was the testing ground for the significance of the unity, not an end in itself.

History, I maintain, is a liberal art; and its contribution is not what it can find out but what it does to those who study it and are involved in it. True, it must be faithful to its own rules of research and of evidence ; and it must be freed from the multitude of pressures which would twist the evidence, or the historians, to prove some position not subject to the quest. But if this is so, then historians paint upon the canvas of life, they do not either make the canvas or sell it. If historians are people of concern, of commitment, of faith, they will contribute that; they do not need to write history according to policy. This commitment to involvement supports what we already know—that in history as in no other discipline the amateur is vital. For it is the interest, the love of the past, the willingness to become half lost in the imagination of previous days that is the historian's first tool and the one which few graduate students learn to use.

28 Such a person is Alma Blair whose years of interest and study have made him friend, teacher, and the professor of the church. His contribution has been as reflector, thinker, and as expounder and interpreter, but most of all, as a man to whom history has been his mentor.

Mormon History

409

Of this kind of history Leonard Arrington writes, "Interpretation history, must by its very nature be private and not a Church venture."

I must agree, but my agreement lies in the fact that the church must always be the collector rather than the interpreter of history. Dr. Arrington goes on to say, "The Church itself must not be burdened with the responsibility of weighing the worth of one interpretation against another. Contrariwise, the historian ought to be free to suggest interpretation without placing his faith and loyalty on the line." 29 Again, I agree, but this seems to be only more evidence against any "official history," for institutional histories are written by people—many times by one person.

In history the act of analysis is the act of synthesis. It is like passing through the countryside. The view is both witnessed and synthesized while passing. The knowledge we seek is to be acquired by penetration into the events; by living in the times; by assuming the doubts, the questions, as well as the joys of those who came before us. It is not, therefore, the result of either general laws of history or official philosophies of history.

There may well be some doubt as to my faith. But let me leave you with this comment. I am both sinner and believer. Suspended as I am between the evils I point out and the visions that I see, I did not come to criticize but to give voice to my faith. I am a faithful historian.

I have faith in history. I also have theological faith. As well, I have faith in the intellectual process and in the investigative outcome of that process. I believe that history investigated with integrity, fearlessly questioned, honestly systemized, and fairly presented is a far more ethical and rewarding road to our mutual understanding and significant appreciation than are unchallenged and uninvestigated beliefs.

I am not so unfeeling that I cannot understand those who fear the consequences of such open investigation. Yet I must assume such fears really are—paradoxically—their lack of faith. It is not difficult to become confused between faith and truth; but if I may, I would like to leave you with a quote from Liddell-Hart that bears some consideration: "Faith matters so much in times of crisis. One must have gone deep into history before reaching the conviction that truth matters more."

20

Arrington, "The Search for Truth," 59-60.

Take

Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing along the Little Colorado River, 1870-1900.

By CHARLES S. PETERSON. (Tucson, Ariz.: T h e University of Arizona Press, 1973. xii + 309 pp. $9.50.)

Mormon plans for colonizing northern Arizona took shape in the early 1850s. Exploratory visits southward began no later than 1855, and by 1873 migration was well underway. Having learned the dangers of evangelizing amidst the unregenerate, the Saints sought refuge in the desert. Isolation would insure Mormons a majority and permit their institutions to flourish.

Moving down the Little Colorado River in stages, colonies were formed at Moenkopi and T u b a City east of the Grand Canyon. While hardships and a dedication to shared purposes bound immigrants to each other, it was the United Order — Mormon socialism — that was expected to keep Mormons cooperatively together once settled. Resembling other socialistic, communalistic ventures of the period, the Orders expressly eschewed private property and the open market in favor of a Rousseauite equalitarianism imbued with millennial expectations.

Orders were set u p at a number of villages along the Lower Little Colorado. Those at Sunset and St. Joseph lasted into the 1880s. All were dreary failures. Work was rotated among the membership, and compensation was often distributive. Responsibility and incentive were thereby minimalized with the inevitable result that authority was increasingly centralized. If men did not own their property neither did they fence it. T h e cows were in every-

body's corn when it was nobody's turn to shoo them out. Pursuing an Owenite literalness in economic theory, the Saints also aspired to Shaker-like uniformity in dress and manners. At Sunset the monocratic Lot Smith dispensed equalitarian sandwiches, sermons, and spankings from the head of his "long table." More devoted to the interests of the group than to group idols, Smith made Sunset prosper even while permitting the Order to fail. U n d e r his leadership "property rather than union" (p. 122) became the basis of village

life.

Peterson turns from the Orders to other examples of Mormon socialism.

H e discovers that "cooperation was a labored product. . . . Mormons . . . never successfully put aside the countering tendencies of personal interest" (p. 124). Proposing to test the motivational impact of what he calls "ideologic voluntarism," Peterson undertakes an analysis of two Mormon efforts to employ unified and egalitarianized manpower as an instrument for achieving group power vis a vis the Gentile world.

Specifically the Mormons established a merchandising cooperative, the Arizona Cooperative Mercantile Institution ( A C M I ) . They also organized Mormon workers into a "union" of sorts in order to deal with the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad. In 1880 Mormons went eagerly to work for the Atlantic and Pacific. T h e plan was to

411

Book Reviews and Notices bring in needed capital by putting Mormons to work on the road. Welcoming the A and P for this reason, Mormons also hoped to monopolize and control the labor market to head off the Gentile immigration expected to come with the railroad. T h e same thinking brought A C M I into existence.

John Wr. Young, Brigham's controversial son, took charge of Mormon railroad affairs. Evidencing a "sharp edge of individualism" (p. 128), Young borrowed heavily of money and labor, falling in debt to both. Seeking profit with communalistic objectives proved a poor business. It was, suggests Peterson, perhaps too mildly, an "exercise in divided loyalty" (p. 136). A C M I while not a failure in all respects as a business, nonetheless failed to "raise a barrier against the . . . greed of Babylon's middlemen . . . contribute to self-sufficiency . . . or brothely love. . . ." (p. 148). " T h e People," it need hardly be said, though Peterson does say, did not own the cooperative. T h e pattern here as elsewhere was centralization, profit-taking, a n d authoritarianism, with no significant social or economic benefit to Mormon consumers. Once again it was a speaking socialism in the rather shamed face of a silent capitalism.

In the final half of the book the author considers Mormon approaches, ideological and practical, to Arizona's brittle desert land. Peterson rests his theoretical discussion on the specula-

tions of Albert Weinberg, making this part of his commentary much less satisfactory than his fascinating account of Mormon struggles to force the desert to yield to h u m a n purposes. T h e book concludes with chapters on Mormon relations with the Indians and the merchant-politicians at St. Johns in the mid '80s. T h e last chapter offers "social and cultural glimpses."

T h e materials of the text—much new, all exciting—are presented enthusiastically and with scholarly care. Even so the book suffers measurably from organizational problems. At times the facts jostle one another, seemingly on the lookout for a theme to hitch onto.

T h e theoretical underpining is evanescent, it disperses rather than collects the data. Perhaps most unfortunate, Peterson has not taken the opportunity to raise what appear to be the obvious questions that emerge from his analysis concerning socialistic renderings of equalitarianism or concerning equality itself. Indeed euphemistic obfuscation —"ideologic voluntarism," for example —indicates he prefers to evade these matters. If it is too much to expect a kind word for capitalism, there is hardly any reason to be gentle with socialism.

Typographical errors are not serious, e.g., Welch for Welsh Indians. T h e primary bibliography is superb.

ROBERT J.

Arizona

LOEWENBERG

State

University Tempe

Land of Living Rock: The Grand Canyon and the High Plateaus: Arizona, Utah, Nevada.

By C. GREGORY CRAMPTON. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972. xvii + 267 + vii pp. $17.95.)

This handsome volume is an excellent accomplishment brought about by the fusing of several qualified talents. T h e author's text has been blended smoothly into an outstanding overall design with

pleasing type and a superb binding.

Few books are blessed with such imaginative, functional maps, evidently conceived by Merrill K. Ridd. T h e firm of Keith Eddington and Associates is

412 to be commended for coordinating the various phases and achieving a work of beauty.

T h e format is most interesting and distinctive. T h e book is divided into four parts, each of which has three chapters, and each chapter except the first is broken down into four or five sub-sections. T h e seventeen maps and diagrams, in color, are conveniently placed to illustrate the text. Sixteen color and one hundred five black-andwhite photographs, most of them outstanding, accentuate the author's appreciation of the area's pictorial values.

Two hundred thirty pages are devoted to the photographs, maps, diagrams, and text, augmented by a preface, nineteen pages of footnotes, seventeen pages of bibliography, and a scant fourpage index. T h e bibliography, usually a strong point in this author's publications, is copious, but the list includes a surprising number of superficial references inconsequential to the theme, while some important Mormon source materials are excluded. T h e index is inadequate, even for this short text.

Dr. Crampton has traveled far in compiling his material. H e has interviewed many people, visited pertinent archives. His combing of the gleaned detail has been, of necessity, highly selective and the resulting brief text is a melange of history and several of the sciences.

T h e book, essentially about the land, water, and people of the Grand Canyon country, does not appear to be directed at the hard-nosed specialist but more toward the layman possessing limited knowledge and the time needed to enlarge his understanding of one of the most interesting regions in the world.

O n page 15 Dr. Crampton notes ". . .

Utah Historical Quarterly nearly everyone has been satisfied with the partial view." This generally has been true, and the author now shows the other side of the coin by making a broad, although highly condensed, presentation. His technique probably will reach more people than the "in depth" monographic approach relating to specific phases.

This reader thinks that two chapters of the book stand above the others.

These are chapters four and nine, dealing with Spanish exploration and mining and Indian phases respectively.

Considering the ecological and racial minority problems facing our country today, the thoughtful citizen might well ponder Dr. Crampton's words on page 163: " T h e Indians of the Grand Canyon country had lived in harmony with the land that supported them. They did little to change the face of nature.

They were at one with the earth and could not easily survive under the impact of those who exploited it."

It would be nice to report that this historical synopsis is free of errors, but it is not. About eighty aberrations were noted, none monumentally detrimental to the overall scope of the work; but they will be recognized by knowledgeable readers and will affect the author's credibility. Erroneous captions of photographs involving locations, distances, and dates appear on pages xviii, 22, 46-47, 61, 115, 140-141, 143, and 157.

One closes this beautiful book with the feeling that its production was more important than historical fidelity. T h e gem was placed in its setting before it was fully cut and polished.

P. T.

REILLY

Sun City,

Arizona

Book Reviews and Notices The

413

Joyous Journey of LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen: An Autobiography.

By L E R O Y R. H A F E N . (Glendale, Calif., and Denver, Colo.: T h e Arthur H . Clark Company and Fred Rosenstock, T h e Old West Publishing Company, 1973.

335 pp. $11.50.)

T o share one's life with others is an act of generosity; to chronicle carefully its events, a labor; to detail them literarily, a work of art. Using journals, diaries, letters, and their own recollections, the Hafens have recaptured highlights and mileposts along their joyous journey of history. In general the writing is Dr. Hafen's.

T h e book divides logically into three parts. T h e first recalls vividly and often humorously Roy's heritage as a second generation Mormon boy born in the arid Southwest of Bunkerville, Nevada, in 1893, the youngest child of polygamous, patriarchal John Hafen, a Swiss covert to Mormonism. Coupled to these peculiarities of the Mormon church in his early life were the influences of the Virgin River and pioneer work ethic so much a part of those Saints' lives.

This portion is an important historical document.

In this setting, with its plentitude of peer and sibling rivalries and support, Roy Hafen grew u p and learned, especially that "formal education" could make a difference for him. His pursuit of it led him away to schools throughout U t a h and eventually to the University of California where the great western historian Dr. Herbert E. Bolton prepared him and other distinguished colleagues for history careers.

Ann Woodbury's birth in St. George, to second generation Mormon pioneers, provided her advantages and "luxuries" not known in Bunkerville.

Early she loved literature which was to become so much a part of her own life and career. She recalls with vivid emotion her patriarchal blessing, given traditionally to young Mormons, in which Brother Jarvis assured her that her

wishes "to make nice poems and stories" would be realized.

At St. George Roy met Ann. Their courtship recollections are humorous, warm, and intimate. T h e joyous journey had begun.

T h e second part of the book details Dr. Hafen's professional career. An assignment with the Colorado Historical Society became the launching pad.

While he remained with the society for thirty years as editor and state historian, his stay was not without occasional rough waters. Perhaps the major challenge came with physical exhaustion and collapse in 1937 due to overwork.

Recovery was slow but complete. By this time his professional competence was nationally recognized.

During these years Ann took care of their two children and expanded her own literary interests. T h e untimely death of daughter Norma shocked their lives. But the team of Hafen and Hafen continued with Ann becoming more involved in historical research and writing.

T h e final portion deals with the golden years after retirement as Colorado state historian in 1954. T h e Hafens returned to Utah, located at Brigham Young University, and continued to produce quantities of quality histories. Their more contemporary activities are quite well known to readers. Modest in the recounting of their many honors and achievements, Dr. Hafen notes two with special meaning: his own "Distinguished Citizen of Denver Award" and Ann's "Poet Laureate Award" in Manila.

But the last years were not without tragedy. After seeing two of her brothers stricken and die with cancer

414 between 1964 and 1968, Ann was herself afflicted in 1970. Dr. Hafen relates the last of their life together with deep affection and sensitivity.

T h e book has its limitations—it is not their family story nor the story of their family life in the traditional sense; it only rarely provides the reader with introspective insights into the feelings and moods of these two highly successful and complex people; and occasionally, the record reads with the tedium of a historic travelogue. Yet, one soon realizes that this was one of the devices the Hafens used to collect, live, and produce history in such quantities.

Utah Historical Quarterly It is a good book. It is more than mere biography. It is the story of a highly successful historian and how he pulled it all together. It is the story of pioneer progeny moving from the setting and soil of their humble homes to international awareness and acclaim. It is an unusual love story of history that was the joyous journey of LeRoy and Ann Hafen.

M E L V I N T.

SMITH

Director Utah State Historical Society

The American West in the Twentieth Century: A Short History of an Urban Oasis.

By GERALD D. N A S H . (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973. viii + 312 pp. Cloth, $9.95; paper, $4.95.)

Despite trends in the twentieth century which have made the United States and the Far West largely urban and commercial rather than rural and agrarian, many historians continue to emphasize the development of features which have long ceased to be major aspects of our society. Gerald Nash offers here an attempt to reverse that trend by showing that agrarianism and atavism no longer serve as useful vehicles to understand the development of contemporary society.

T h e thesis of the book is that while the West began as a rural region, it has long since developed into an urban oasis in which the patterns of life generated by the previous society have been modified to such a degree as to make them hardly recognizable. T h e discussion centers around California which Nash sees as the pacesetter of western political, social, and economic development in the twentieth century. Following a rather conventional pattern of chronological division (The Progressive Era, T h e First Wrorld War and the 1920s, T h e Great Depression, World

War II, and T h e Post-war West) Nash sees the Second World War as the point at which the West had become so influential that the trends which it set largely influenced the remainder of the United States.

Undoubtedly the strongest feature of the book is the discussion of economic development. It is here that the secondary literature and Mr. Nash's expertise are most adequate. From its beginning as little more than a colonial appendage of eastern interests, the West has developed into an economic pacesetter. T h e key factor in this development has been the emphasis of technology and scientific achievement.

T h e emphasis on California, however, has led to the slighting of the discussion of other states in the region.

There is, for instance, virtually no discussion of U t a h politics since World Wrar I I despite the national prominence of politicians like Elbert D. Thomas.

Arthur Watkins, and Frank Moss.

Although he was the Republican party's presidential nominee in 1964, Barry Goldwater receives only passing men-

Book Reviews and Notices tion. While the Mormon Tabernacle Choir and the U t a h Symphony are mentioned, there is no discussion of Mahonri Young or Cyrus Dallin. T h e impact of Aimee Semple McPherson is discussed, but there is no consideration of the influence of the Mormon church.

T h e discussion of problems of the 1960s includes a consideration of ethnic minorities and the environment but fails to consider the higher than average unemployment which characterized the economies of more than half the states in the region in 1969. T h a t this is not entirely an ethnic problem is indicated by the fact that states like Utah, Idaho, and Wyoming with only small groups of ethnic minorities fell into this category. There is also a tendency to slight conservative and reactionary organizations like the John Birch Society and the American Independent Party, both of which have been quite influential in the 1960s.

For readers whose particular interest is U t a h history, the book is somewhat disappointing. T h e discussion of economic development is excellent, prin-

415 cipally because of the secondary literature generated by Leonard Arrington and his associates. T h e discussion of political, cultural, and social development in Utah, however, is less than adequate. This is due largely, however, to the failure of political and social historians to produce the monographic literature which interprets Utah economic development in the twentieth century.

O n the whole, however, Mr. Nash's book makes an excellent contribution to the secondary literature of the American West. T h e generalizations should form the basis for much further consideration of western development in the present century. T h e emphasis on urban development has long been needed in the consideration of the W^est and continues a trend set by such scholars as Earl Pomeroy, James Allen, and Duane Smith.

T H O M A S G.

ALEXANDER

Professor of History Brigham Young University

From the Missouri to the Great Salt Lake: An Account of Overland Freighting.

Bv WILLIAM E. LASS. (Lincoln: Nebraska State Historical Society, 1972. xxi + 312 pp. $7.95.)

In the developing years of the transMississippi frontier, few stories have been more fascinating, or so unique, as overland freighting. In recent years several studies have been completed vividly detailing the exploits of Russell.

Majors & Waddell and other luminaries in this far-ranging enterprise. Yet this scholarship has left many questions unanswered. Perhaps the major untold story remaining was the total effect overland freighting had on the establishment and growth of towns along the Missouri River. Dr. Lass's book, concentrating on freighting through the Platte River Valley during the period

1848-1869, reviews the ephemeral struggle between O m a h a , Leavenworth, Nebraska City, Atchison, Plattsmouth, and lesser known towns to dominate the economic lifelines of the westward passage.

Often the fabled wealth of government contracts or control of the massive westward migration of gold-seekers and settlers depended on a single bridge, at times a short stretch of improved road, or political events far removed from the scene of battle. T h e fortunes of Nebraska City peaked and died with the U t a h War, although its decline was somewhat slowed by its

416 early dominance of the Colorado gold strikes. Mainly because of her geographic advantage, O m a h a easily led in the M o n t a n a trade of 1864-1865, only to relinquish her position to Plattsmouth the following year.

Protection of the overland was very expensive, and all of the Missouri River towns benefited from military operations during the time of troubles with the Indians. Throughout this period competition between towns to be named as the main depots for resupplying the W a r Department's far-flung operations caused widespread resentment, especially if pioneer communities commanded little private trade. High stakes intensified the struggle. I n the fiscal year ending J u n e 30, 1865, Washington spent over six million dollars in transportation and supply costs for its posts and forts along the three major plains routes. Annuity payments to friendly Indians also proved an important source of wealth for hundreds of individuals who marketed corn and flour or provided services to the Indian Department.

Yet, while a half dozen towns enjoyed unprecedented prosperity during the boom year of 1865 and looked forward to when western freighting would reach new dimensions in the following year, it

Utah Historical

Quarterly

was the Union Pacific, not the wagon freighter, which would benefit the most from the boom. As the company's iron rails penetrated the frontier, bustling small cities turned into quiet little prairie or river towns. Although overland freighting would enjoy moments of renewed activity generated by gold discoveries in the Black Hills and Montana, plus expanded military operations during the next decade, Nebraska slowly turned to normal economic accommodation.

There is much to recommend this study, and a careful reading of the text is recommended for scholars and the general reader. Beginning with a clear account of the men and animals used in the overland freighting. Professor Lass carefully traces on five maps, and describes in vivid narrative, the geography and terrain used in longhaul wagon freighting. Added interest is achieved by one hundred personal sketches of men important in the history of freighting's boom, plus an appendix of two hundred lesser known figures who worked out of various marketing centers.

D O N A L D R.

MOORMAN

Professor of History Weber State College

The Diaries of Walter Murray Gibson: 1886, 1887. Edited by JACOB ADLER and G W Y N N BARRETT. (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1973. xxi + 199 pp. $10.00.)

Back in those dear, dead days when the short story was the most profitable form of creative writing, the Saturday Evening Post was known as the best market in the world both for pay and prestige. An aspiring author sent in a story, which came back with a note,

"Not quite. But we loved your heavy.

Try again." T h e author then recognized that while his hero was a stereotype, his villain was a most interesting character. So he rewrote the story from the viewpoint of the heavy. Now the former villain was the hero, the old

417

Book Reviews and Notices hero the new villain; and because the new hero was a fascinating person, the author made his first sale to the SEP. H e had learned not only a trick of the writing craft but a profound truth about life: there actually are no heroes nor villains in this world but only people with opposing viewpoints; each side in a conflict sees the other as villain.

Walter Murray Gibson, apostate missionary to Hawaii, colorful promoter, swindler and adventurer, controversial politician who has been accused of precipitating the fall of the last kingdom of Hawaii, now is being "revisited." His journals have been annotated, his story presented from his own viewpoint. Inevitably, the villain becomes the hero.

This new book, containing the last two years of his Diaries, adds to the revised image. Certainly it is all to the good, for even as a hero Gibson is an original person and a marvelous literary character—and those kind are unfortunately hard to find in Mormon history. O u r good guys are stereotypes; only our heavies make interesting reading.

If we could come back for a look at things a hundred years from now, we well might be surprised at what scholars will have done with our legendary villains such as Governor Lilburn W. Boggs with his "expel or exterminate" order; John C. Bennett, assistant president of the church, who broke with Joseph Smith at Nauvoo; Samuel Brannan who was sent ahead to prepare a place for the Saints in California and who fell away when Brigham Young decided to stop in U t a h instead; the Prophet's brother William who defected after a power struggle with Brigham; William Law, leader of the schism which published the Nauvoo Expositor; and even the "mobbers," so dearly treasured as stereotype bad guys, might be seen as sincerely motivated when revisited.

Already a number of former heavies

have gained a new image through revisitation, notable among them E m m a Smith, the Prophet's wife, and John D. Lee, scapegoat of Mountain Meadows.

There has been some preliminary revisiting of Sidney Rigdon and others. If rumor can be believed, even Bill Hickman, self-styled "Danite Chief of U t a h " and "Brigham's Destroying Angel," has been reinstated into the church; and if this rumor isn't true, it very well might be on our revisit a century hence.

And what an interesting history we will have at that time. W h a t fascinating people. It will be worth the trip back.

T h e revisited Walter Murray Gibson does every single thing which earned him the reputation of rascal, opportunist, and adventurer; but now, from his own viewpoint, everything is justified.

T h e new Gibson has more dimension than the old rascal. T h e concept is rounded, the character more lifelike.

His highly fanciful account of his early life is taken at face value, the dubious aspects of his get-rich-quick schemes— one of which brought the U.S. to the brink of war—are soft-pedaled. Instead of stealing half the island of Lanai, exploiting the natives, and selling church office, he is really taking the side of the Hawaiians against their white exploiters. T h e new Gibson is interested in helping the leper colony. H e pats dogs on the head and kisses babies.

Involved in political scandals, he points at others.

In burnishing the revised image, however, we must take care not to polish it too brightly, or the former rascal will lose the very qualities which make him, as a scamp, such good reading.

And to do that to a character of parts such as Walter Murray Gibson would be a major literary crime.

SAMUEL W.

Redwood

City,

TAYLOR

California

418

Utah Historical Quarterly

A Victorian Gentlewoman in the Far West: The Reminiscences of Mary Hallock Foote. Edited by RODMAN WT. PAUL. (San Marino, Calif.: T h e Huntington Library, 1972. xx + 417 pp. $8.50.)

These reminiscences make for delightful reading. They present rich insights into the life of Mary Hallock Foote (1847-1938), an author now considered by the literati as a minor writer of local color novels and stories about the West but in the last part of the nineteenth century a popular and widely published author of works which she, as a genuinely accomplished illustrator, generally illustrated herself.

This New York Quaker, transplanted in 1876 to the American West as the wife of a civil engineer, left her cultivated and aesthetic beginnings to rough it in the raw mining towns of Colorado and California, with a long interlude in a canyon near Boise where her husband was attempting to harness the Boise River for an irrigation project which would not be realized until a number of years after Foote was forced to give up.

Yet through all of this moving about, living in tents and cabins and making exhausting periodic visits back home, Mrs. Foote maintained her close contacts with such prestigious periodicals as Atlantic Monthly, Scribner's, Century Magazine, and 57. Nicholas, which welcomed her stories as well as her illustrations. She found time as well to publish such novels as The LedHorse Claim (1883), a mining camp romance, and Coeur d'Alene (1894), an attack on organized labor in the Coeur d'Alene region of Idaho.

But this book is not a recounting of the life of a woman of letters. It is a sensitive account of the struggles of a woman torn between her need for like-

minded friends, for cultivation, and her love of the beauty and vigor of the West with all of its harshness. T h e book is then replete with what Henry Nash Smith has called the genteel-vernacular tension, a tension which attracted Wallace Stegner who won the 1971 Pulitzer Prize for his novel, Angle of Repose, which is based on Stegner's study of the Foote materials in the Stanford Library.

Drawing heavily upon a typescript of Mrs. Foote's reminiscences and numerous letters from the author to her friends in the East, Stegner has translated Mrs. Foote's friends and family into characters, and incidents and events in her life into the major thrust of his plot. T h e similarity is startling, and reading these two books in tandem is fascinating. Stegner has filtered the whole through the alembic of his imagination, and the result is Mary Hallock Foote with a difference. T h e two books form an interesting case study in the creative process, as Stegner moves imaginatively beyond even those family skeletons which Mrs. Foote has been so careful to skirt in her own account, to create a novel which is not plagiarism but artistry.

Stegner's interest in Mrs. Foote springs primarily from his continued interest in the impact of the experience of the West on the individual.

And the West of Mrs. Foote, the West of the 1870s through the 1890s, is a personal West which comes alive and makes this book valuable to the historian or history buff. T h e reader gets vivid glimpses of the San Francisco and New Almaden of 1876; of cabin life in Leadville, Colorado; of a primitive

Book Reviews and Notices Morelia, Mexico, during a brief interlude in 1881; of Boise Valley during the early years; and finally, of mining development in Grass Valley, California, where Mr. Foote was superintendent of the North Star Mines.

Mrs. Foote's ability to capture, vividly and freshly, the tenor and detail of life in these virtually undescribed regions during this formulative period make this book highly valuable and entertaining.

Still another reason for the attractiveness of this book is the insight which it gives into early western mining activity and the prominent personae of that great industrial saga. T h e Footes, respected and admired in their circles,

419 associated with important mining engineers and financiers, East and West.

Finally, the narrative is enhanced by the vigor of Mrs. Foote's style as she relates one woman's adjustments and adaptations, one woman's admirable attempt to cultivate the best values of the East and the West in an era when such fusion was seldom attempted— or possible. T h e book, well edited and footnoted, is heightened in value by the profusion of Mrs. Foote's own excellent illustrations.

RICHARD H .

Horace Tabor: His Life and the Legend. By D U A N E A. S M I T H .

Associated University Press, 1973. xiv + 396 pp. $12.50.)

Horace Tabor was a busy m a n ; busy, busy, busy. This Colorado mining magnate of the late nineteenth century has been captured in all his dimensions by Professor Smith of Fort Lewis College in Durango. Tabor's luck in money, matrimony, and politics created a legend in Colorado that Professor Smith has disentangled to create what is now Tabor's definitive biography.

Horace Austin Warner Tabor and Augusta L. Pierce Tabor were part of the first wave of large-scale white settlement of Colorado. As a fifty-niner Tabor "got in on the ground floor" of Colorado and played a role in virtually every aspect of that state's development. Tempered by his stolid, pious wife he began his rise in the state.

Mining and its quick wealth had attracted Tabor to Colorado and remained his constant interest. However,

CRACROFT

Associate Professor of English Brigham Young University

Boulder, Colo.

the expectations of mining provided a poor living, and Tabor became a merchant while grubstaking other miners' pursuits. His merchandising was successful, and 1877 found him opening a store in the new camp of Leadville.

H e soon became the town's leading merchant, organized a newspaper and a bank, and was elected mayor. Early in 1878 one of his grubstakes discovered the Little Pittsburg vein. Tabor became a multimillionaire before the year ended.

T h e next five years of Tabor's life are covered in hectic detail and represent the major portion of the book.

Instant riches propelled Tabor into the upper reaches of Colorado's sociopolitical elite. T o lead their new lives the Tabors moved to Denver where his money bought him leadership as a businessman (in mining, banking, and

Utah Historical Quarterly

420 property holding), as a community benefactor (contributing opera houses), and as a politician. Soon elected to the position of lieutenant governor, he failed in his bid for a senatorship only to become an appointed thirty-day senator. His economic position began to collapse almost as fast as his rise had occurred; lawsuits, the plague of mining entrepreneurs, and futile expenditures in pursuit of a new bonanza completely drained his fortunes from his Leadville mines. However, personal scandal kept his name before the public.

His abandonment of Augusta and his romance with beautiful Elizabeth (Baby Doe) McCourt is the stuff from which legends arise and so they did. Tabor's impoverishment was so complete that upon being offered the relatively insignificant position as postmaster of Denver, he quickly accepted.

fessor Smith. Judicious use of Tabor's remaining papers and other primary and secondary sources has been made to create as accurate a portrayal as can be expected. T h e only shortcoming seems to be the limited analysis of Tabor's significance in Colorado and the West. Tabor's U t a h activities are noted but are not given the space Utahns would like.

Although the price is a little steep, western (and gilded age) readers and writers will profit from this study, and for writers, Professor Smith has provided an excellent example for all of us.

We need in-depth biographies on many more of Utah's political, economic, social, and religious leaders, especially those since statehood. Without these studies our understanding of the state, region, and nation is severely handicapped.

T h e rise and fall of Horace Tabor is an exciting story told in an exciting, if somewhat confusing, manner by Pro-

The Liberators: Thrust

Filibustering

of Manifest

Expeditions

Destiny.

J O H N E. BRINLEY, J R .

Boston

into Mexico,

By J O S E P H

ALLEN

1848-1862,

University

and the Last

STOUT, J R . ( L O S Angeles:

Westernlore Press, 1973. iv + 202 pp. $7.95.)

Troubled northwestern Mexico after 1848 was an attractive place to ambitious foreigners.

It was politically unstable, sparsely populated, harrassed

by Indians, and potentially wealthy in minerals and land. Joseph Allen Stout, Jr., assistant professor of history at Oklahoma State University, describes this situation and the expeditions into that area by Charles de Pindray, Caspar Raousset-Boulbon, Joseph Morehead, William Walker, Henry Crabb, and William Gwin.

T h e book is based on newspapers, government documents, articles, and

books, including some from the Mexican viewpoint. Its organization is solid, with initial chapters effectively describing the situation, narratives of the expeditions and the Gadsden Purchase, and a conclusion. T h e writing is fairly clear but sometimes confused by perplexing assumptions and reasoning. It is illustrated, indexed, and includes a limited bibliography.

T h e thesis of the book is that the filibusters were motivated primarily by personal ambition, adventure, and wealth rather than idealism or ideology.

T h e author further says that their ex-

Book Reviews and Notices peditions were a result of desperation born of frustration in their lives u p to that time. Their personal ambition clearly is paramount, and their desperation is plausible. But when this thesis is related to several other explanations in the book, the result is confusing.

T h e filibusters are also characterized as being "shaped by their times, reflecting the spirit of the American mission," and of representing the "roily age" of that period. T h e "American mission" seems to refer to Manifest Destiny and the expedition by Gwin is said to be the "last thrust of Manifest Destiny."

Although the author refers to the works

by Merk and Weinberg on Manifest Destiny, his thesis is not related well with the analysis of either of these writers.

T h e theme of Anglo-Saxon racial superiority discussed by Weinberg is cited, but the lives of the filibusters are not shown to emphasize this characteristic. With the exception of Wfalker, neither are the filibusters portrayed as visualizing themselves as special agents of Manifest Destiny. Nor, with the exception of Morehead, are they pictured as unwitting tools of that belief.

The

Rocks

Begin

DENDOOVEN.

to Speak.

421 Also, the author's thesis of personal motivation does not fit well within Weinberg's broad theme of Manifest Destiny as a moral justification for expansion.

T h e author supports Merk's statement that the post-1848 filibusters were motivated by petty materialism. But contrary to Merk, who discounts such motivation as a part of Manifest Destiny, the author equates the two.

Neither does the book's treatment of "mission" correlate with Merk's analysis of that theme. Moreover, the asserted demise with Gwin of Manifest Destiny is in opposition to the renewed vitality of that theme in United States overseas expansion as discussed by Merk and others.

In spite of these interpretive shortcomings, this book provides a convenient description of several of the most important filibusters into northwestern Mexico.

J O S E P H B. R O M N E Y

Assistant Professor of History California Polytechnic State University San Luis Obispo

By L A V A N MARTINEAU.

Edited by G W E N E T H

REED

(Las Vegas: K C Publications, 1973. xiv + 10 pp. $8.95.)

In this provocative book LaVan Martineau claims to have solved the western version of the riddle of the Sphinx. We all remember that ancient Oepidus, with his imaginative reading of the Sphinx's riddle, rescued his people from the ravages of the plague.

Fortunately, the interpretation of the meanings of hundreds of panels of rock writing in western canyons has not been essential to the preservation of the

health of our nation. But if Mr. Martineau's methods of interpreting the picture writing of the Indians should become the accepted key to unlocking the messages (if they are messages) left by these earlier inhabitants of our continent, a tantalizing puzzle will have been solved, and much new information about their culture and history will be available to us.

422 At the outset a reader of Mr. M a r tineau's book is likely to be impressed by his contention that a basic similarity exists between the symbols which appear on rock panels and the hand signs which are employed by Indians while talking in sign language. For example, even a novice in the sign language can easily recognize that a quarter circle above a dot might be a graphic representation of a partially cupped hand coming down over something else, the manual sign and the symbol on the rock both meaning "hidden," according to Mr. Martineau.

T h e book is copiously illustrated with photographs of rock writing and with carefully executed diagrams in ink which meticulously represent the petroglyph or pictograph of each photograph. And a considerable number of these symbols are explained by descriptions of the hand gestures (sign talk) which underlie the symbols.

Of course, the author of the book very early gives us warnings that "pictography is not a system devised for the mentally lazy, nor is it something to be learned by rote as easily as an alphabetic symbol." Even so, this caution is hardly sufficient for one who would learn to interpret rock panels quickly. First, Mr. Martineau advises us, one must learn a few hundred basic symbols, and he cannot go far until he has a fair notion of the concept or actual idea behind each symbol. In other words, a comprehension of the cultural environment and a glimpse of thought patterns of the author of a rock panel is an exceedingly useful aid to interpretation. T o suggest the import of this last statement, one might refer to Mr. Martineau's theory that most of the animals depicted in rock panels do not represent accounts of hunting or of ceremonies involving magic. R a t h e r the "quadrupeds" have human, not animal reference, and indicate lateral motion,

Utah Historical Quarterly an idea difficult to express in a human figure that is facing the reader.

Once a good working knowledge of basic symbols is attained, a reader must still realize that no word order is possible for an author who is trying to compose symbols into understandable phrases. Symbols in rock writing were evidently arranged in a cluster method.

And the reader must first identify a topic before he can attempt to read a panel fully, even though most of the symbols in it are known.

As important, however, as an understanding of "sign talk" and its underlying significance in pictography, is a comprehension of the skills involved in cryptanalysis. Mr. Martineau has evidently had considerable acquaintance in both areas.

T h o u g h the author is guilty of a fair number of sweeping assertions which might be challenged, for the most part his tone is not polemic but straightforward and reasonable.

It would be most helpful if he could cite the support of trained anthropologists or archaeologists, but he is chary of these groups and evidently they of him.

It is, I confess, rather difficult to go along with him without the satisfaction of having his theories tested by, say, twenty intelligent Indians from twenty tribes who have had a tradition of sign talk. If, working independently, they should make consistent interpretations of his rock panels, he might go far in convincing a skeptical fraternity of scientists. It would be unfortunate, however, to discredit him simply because he does not have the credentials of formal training. W h a t if he should prove to be right?

K A R L E. Y O U N G

Professor Emeritus Brigham Young

of English University

Hippocrates in a Red Vest: The Biography of a Frontier Doctor. By BARRON

B. BESHOAR.

(Palo

Valuable as political history, Hippocrates is priceless as social history.

Alto:

American West Publishing Company, 1973. 352 pp. $9.95.)

Twenty years a correspondent with Time, Life, and Fortune, formerly a stylist for several nationally known newspapers, and author of a biography on John Lawson, Barron B. Beshoar here applies his well-honed pen to a biography of his extraordinary grandfather, Michael Beshoar, M . D . An early settler in the Trinidad region of southwestern Colorado, Michael Beshoar considered his primary calling that of physician. But he was infinitely more. As crusading editor, political party leader, judge, educator, entrepreneur, and social eccentric, Dr. Beshoar was a titan of the time and tailormade to serve as the focal point for a charming sectional history.

T h e book is handsomely bound and further embellished by numerous photographs, but in lieu of footnotes the reader is presented with the explanation that the work proceeded from the doctor's "books, papers, diaries, daybooks, notebooks, letter-books, ledgers, journals, writings of various kinds, filing boxes and cases filled with letters, and box after box of newspaper clippings."

Fortunately, the bibliography refines this welter somewhat.

Dr. Beshoar's accounts of the white, Indian, and Mexican medical practices of the day are not less than intriguing and themselves alone justify the volume.

A Venture in History: The Production, Publication, and Sale of the Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft. By HARRY CLARK. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. xiii + 177 pp. $8.00.)

Employing a direct style and a wealth of knowledge, Harry Clark offers the reader new pleasures with the familiar story of Hubert Howe Bancroft as a historian and an editor. But it is in its emphasis of Bancroft as a promoter and publisher that Clark's book makes its greatest bibliographic contribution.

Through such innovations as subscription sales, by manipulating favorable reviews, by soliciting assistance from prominent friends to the outer limits of taste and decorum, and through the exploitation of several other promotional devices, Bancroft quickly became and has long remained a figure of controversy. Possessing a strong personality and a deep commitment to material goals, he naturally had many stormy relationships. Most notorious of these was with his vice-president, Nathan Stone. Their feud lasted an incredible twelve years, involved suits and countersuits as well as personal threats and intimidation, and resulted in an explosive demise for the History Company.

Clark describes other, though less cataclysmic controversies, such as those be-

Utah Historical Quarterly

424 tween Bancroft a n d two of his major literary assistants, Henry O a k a n d Frances Fuller Victor, wrhose alienation and subsequent exposes of the "workshop" history made Bancroft a favorite target for such journalistic sharpshooters as Ambrose Bierce.

Containing several photographs, a m ply documented, a n d well indexed, Clark's volume is an essential complement to Bancroft's Works a n d a worthy addition to the library of any serious student of history. I t can be read and enjoyed as a biography, b u t in reality it is a good deal more. It is an engaging a n d enlightening history of an enterprise.

American Indian Ceremonial Dances: Navajo, Pueblo, Apache, Zuni.

Drawings, lithographs, a n d etchings by

IRA M O S K O W I T Z ,

J O H N COLLIER.

American

History.

RICHARD U P T O N .

Hostiles and Horse Soldiers: Indian Battles and Campaigns in the West.

By L O N N I E J. W H I T E with contribu-

An

Interpretive

By ROBERT V. H I N E .

(Bos-

By J O H N

UPTON

TERRELL. (New York: World Publishing Company, 1972. xv + 411 pp. $12.50.)

D A V I S O N , J A M E S T . K I N G , and J O E

A. STOUT, J R . (Boulder: Pruett Publishing Company, 1972. xix + 231 pp. $8.95.)

Jackson

Hole.

By FRANK

IN

Memories.

TIMBER

and

By J O H N STANDS MARGOT

LIBERTY

with the assistance of ROBERT M .

CALKINS.

(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973. x + 299 p p . $7.95.)

Journey to Ixtlan: Juan.

The Lessons of Don

By CARLOS CASTANEDA.

(New

York: Simon a n d Shuster, 1972.

315 p p . Paperback, $2.95.) Castaneda continues his conversations with a Yaqui Indian sorcerer.

The Life of Jim Baker, 1818-1898.

NOLLE M U M E Y .

Cheyenne

(Glendale, Calif.:

T h e Arthur H . Clark Company, 1973. 316 p p . $11.50.) Contains over sixty photographs.

tions by JERRY K E E N A N , STANLEY R.

West:

Chronicle.

Fort Custer on the Big Horn, 1877— 1898: Its History and Personalities as Told and Pictured by Its Contemporaries. Compiled a n d edited by

a n d text by

ton: Little, Brown a n d Company, 1972. x + 371 p p . $12.50.) Destined to become a standard text in the history of the Trans-Mississippi West.

Apache

The Fifth World of Forster Bennett: Portrait of a Navaho. By V I N C E N T CRAPANZANO. (New York: Viking Press, 1972. vii + 245 p p . $7.95.)

(New York: Bounty

Books, 1972. 192 pp. $3.95.) Revised edition of the more appropriately titled Patterns and Ceremonials of the Indians of the Southwest originally published in 1949.

The

U T L E Y . (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972. xv + 330 p p .

Paperback, $2.25.) First published in 1967 by Yale University Press.

(New York:

By Inter-

land Publishing, Inc., 1972. 234 p p . $20.00.) Reprinted in limited quantity from the 1931 edition.

425

Articles and Notes The McCartys: Cassidy.

They Rode with

Butch

By RICHARD E. C H U R C H I L L

(Leadville, Colo.: Timberline Books, 1972. 43 pp. Paperback. $1.00.)

On the

KENT

Way to the Sky.

HALL.

By DOUGLAS

(New York:

McCall

Books, 1972. 224 pp. $5.95.) Raised in Vernal, Utah, during the 1940s and 1950s, the author uses this time and place as the setting for a fine novel of boys probing the timeless question of sin and yielding their innocence to manhood.

Red Rock Country: The Geologic History of the Colorado Plateau. By DONALD L. BAARS.

(Garden

Doubleday / Natural History 1972. 264 pp. $9.95.)

City:

Press,

Stephen A. Douglas. By ROBERT W. J O H A N N S E N . (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973. xii + 993 pp. $19.95.)

Surely

the Night.

By CLAIRE

NOALL.

(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1972. 273 pp. Paperback. $6.00.) A careful blend of history, lore, and creative writing has produced an excellent novel of a Mormon girl growing to maturity in Utah during the late nineteenth century.

The Ungodly: Party.

A Novel of the Donner

By RICHARD R H O D E S .

(New

York: Charterhouse, 1973. 371 pp. $8.95.)

AGRICULTURE AND CONSERVATION Gould, Lewis L. "Western Range Senators a n d the Payne-Aldrich Tariff," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, 64 (April 1973), 49-56. Opposition to elimination of tariff on hides.

Peterson, Charles S. "Small Holding Land Patterns in U t a h and the Problem of Watershed Management," Forest History, 17 (July 1973), 4 - 1 3 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SOURCES Grimshaw, Velma, et al. " T h e Cache Genealogical Library," Genealogical Journal, 2 (September 1973), 84-89. Describes collections at Logan.

Schmidt, Donald T . " T h e Historical Department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," Genealogical Journal, 2 (June 1973), 62-65.

Svenningsen, Robert. "Genealogical Records in the Denver Federal Archives and Records Centers," Genealogical Journal, 2 (June 1973), 43-50.

426

Utah Historical Quarterly

BIOGRAPHY Jessee, Dean C. "The Writings of Brigham Young," The Western Historical Quarterly, 4 (July 1973), 273-94.

Oberley, Edith Toole, "The Baron C. C. O'Keeffe: The Legend and the Legacy," Montana, The Magazine of Western History, 22 (Summer 1973), 18-29.

O'Keeffe ran one of the first stores in Montana, sending supplies as far away as Corinne, Utah, in the 1860s.

"Richard Leigh—Beaver Dick," Upper Snake River Valley Historical Society Quarterly, 2 (Winter 1972-73), 52-56. Brigham Young is said to have nicknamed Leigh "Beaver Dick."

Richards, Hyrum John. "The Saga of Hyrum Thomas Richards: Nauvoo Refugee Built First House in Mendon," The Pioneer, 20 (September-October 1973), 14-15.

ETHNIC GROUPS Ellsworth, S. George, ed. "Simon Bamberger: Governor of Utah," Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly, 5 (July 1973), 231—42.

Lai, Him Mark. "Oral History," Bulletin of the Chinese Historical Society of America, 8 (January 1973).

"The Chicano," Pacific Historical Review, 42 (August 1973). Issue contains seven articles on the history of the Chicanos in the United States.

EXPLORATION AND FUR TRADE Malone, Michael P. "The Gallatin Canyon and the Tides of History," Montana, The Magazine of Western History, 22 (Summer 1973), 2-17. Traces history of the area through Mountain Men Jedediah Smith and Peter Skene Ogden up to present-day resort development.

HISTORIC SITES AND PRESERVATION Brooks, Maurice. "Historic Sites and Their Preservation," West Virginia History, 34 (January 1973).

Clary, David A. "Preserving the Environment: Participating in the Review Process," History News, 28 (February 1973). Historic preservation and the NEPA. Donaldson, Wayne. "Country of the Soul: Life as it Should Be Lives on in Sanpete," Utah Holiday, 2 (August 20-September 10, 1973), 4-7. Photo-essay on Sanpete County historic sites.

"Historic Preservation," Law and Contemporary Problems, 36 (Summer 1971).

Includes articles on federal and state legislation, environment, Blacks, and periodical literature on the legal aspects of preservation.

"Northwest General Purchases Ogden Mansion . . . ," Univest, 3 (August 28, 1973), 1, 7. Real estate development firm plans restoration of Scowcroft mansion in Ogden.

HISTORICAL ACTIVITIES Brichford, Maynard. "Historians and Mirrors: A Review Essay," The American Archivist, 36 (July 1973), 397-402. What historians write about the practice of history.

Committee on Oral History of the Society of American Archivists. "Oral History and Archivists: Some Questions to Ask," The American Archivist, 36 (July 1973), 361-65.

Articles and Notes

427

Edwards, F. Henry. "Historians and the Department of History of the Reorganization," Part 1, 120 (August 1973), 19-21; Part 2, 120 (September 1973), 24-25, 37. Lecture presented at 1973 Mormon History Association meeting in Salt Lake City.

Gunderson, Robert C. "The Accreditation Program of the Genealogical Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," Genealogical Journal, 2 (September 1973), 97-102.

Holmes, Reed M. "The Need for a Sense of History," Courage, 3 (Winter-Spring 1973), 114-16. Remarks made at the 1973 Mormon History Association meeting in Salt Lake City.

HISTORIANS AND HISTORIOGRAPHY Stegner, Wallace. "Historian by Serendipity," American Heritage, 24 (August 1973), 28-32, 92-96. Bernard DeVoto is the historian.

Peterson, Charles S. "Searching the Past to Serve the Present," Genealogical Journal, 2 (September 1973), 79-83. Research should be more than vital statistics.

Russell, Don. "How I Got This Way," The Western Historical Quarterly, 4 (July 1973), 253-61. Autobiographical sketch.

INDIANS Bork, Jeff, and Larry M. Blair. "San Juan County Navajos: Social and Economic Statistics," Utah Economic and Business Review, 33 (August 1973), 1-5.

Colley, Charles C. "The Struggle of Nevada Indians to Hold Their Lands, 18471870," The Indian Historian, 6 (Summer 1973), 5-17.

Euler, Robert C. "Exploring the Past on Black Mesa," The American West, 10 (September 1973), 12-17. Strip mining company in northern Arizona supports archaeological excavations on Hopi and Navajo reservations.

Howard, Enid. "The Pilling Figurines," Desert Magazine, 36 (September 1973), 18-19. Clay figurines of the eleventh century found in a southeastern Utah cave.

LITERATURE AND FOLKLORE Etulain, Richard W. "Research Opportunities in Western Literary History," The Western Historical Quarterly, 4 (July 1973), 263-72.

Graham, Ina Agnes. "My Aunt, Ina Coolbrith," The Pacific Historian, 17 (Fall 1973), 12-19. Ina, born Josephine Donna Smith, a daughter of Don Carlos Smith, became the first librarian of the Oakland Free Public Library and achieved literary note as a poet.

Mead, Norman W. "Zane Grey: The Man Whose Books Made the West Famous Lived Here," Arizona Highways, 49 (October 1973), 8-9.

Sweeney, Ben. "Jack London's Noble Lady," The Pacific Historian, 17 (Fall 1973).

20-31. Ina Coolbrith is the lady.

MILITARY AND LEGAL Hofman, Cornelius A. and John H. Merriam. "Interaction of Federal and State Tax Laws: Idaho, A Case Study," Rendezvous, 7 (Spring 1972).

Jackson, Sheldon G. "Two Pro-British Plots in Alta California," Southern California Quarterly, 55 (Summer 1973), 105-35. Details rumors of Mormon "invasion" of California in 1840s.

Utah Historical

428

Quarterly

RELIGION Jensen, Richard. "A New Home, A New Life: Contributions of the European Saints in Building the Kingdom," The Ensign of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, 3 (August 1973), 56-62. Early converts to Mormonism and their contributions in various fields.

Quinn, D. Michael. "The First Months of Mormonism: A Contemporary View by Rev. Diedrich Willers," New York History, 54 (July 1973), 317-33. Includes annotated translation of Willers's letter about the Book of Mormon and the organizers of the church.

Young, Biloine W. "Minnesota Mormons: The Cutlerites," Courage, 3 (WinterSpring 1973), 117-37.

The Utah State Historical Society library recently completed its microfilming of approximately a thousand pounds of Park City, Utah, municipal records. The records were presented to the library following the recent fire in Park City which inflicted extensive damage on the buisness district and emphasized the advisability of committing these data to duplication and safekeeping. Dating from the late nineteenth century, the documents include minutes of city council meetings, justice of the peace court records, certain police records, water system records, vital statistics, and fragmentary data from local churches.

The Historical Society's librarian has announced Joseph Smith, Jr., estate papers from the county seat Hancock County, Illinois. Made available to the library assistance of F. Mark McKiernann, the collection contains ments and deals with the years 1842-1851.

the accession of the record depository of through the generous over a hundred docu-

Another accession of interest to researchers and friends of the Historical Society is the Franklin Worrell and Thomas C. Sharp papers, also containing over a hundred documents. The records cover the Nauvoo years and promise new insight into the anti-Mormon agitation.

The Special Collections libraian of the Marriott Library, University of Utah, has announced several manuscript acquisitions certain to be of value to many students of Utah history. Included among them is the complete file on

Articles and Notes

429

Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, consisting of business records, subscription lists, and manuscripts published and rejected. Also of interest are select diaries and journals of Joseph E. Johnson, journalist and printer who pioneered publications in Council Bluffs, Omaha, and St. George. Finally, two journals kept by Joseph C. Kingsbury, an early convert to Mormonism and close acquaintance of Joseph Smith, would be valuable resource material for research into early Mormonism and the westward migration of 1847.

The curator of Special Collections, Clark Library, Brigham Young University, has recently acquired the diaries of James E. Talmage and the diaries of David John.

The Mormon History Association has revealed plans for the publication of an annual Journal of Mormon History. Individuals interested in subscribing to the journal or submitting articles for publication should contact Dr. Richard Sadler, Department of History, Weber State College, Ogden, Utah.

INDEX

Abernathy, Thomas P., studied Jacksonian Democracy, 225-26 Adams, Hugh L., Sr., Parowan sheriff, 168 Advertising Club of Salt Lake City, against cigarette prohibition, 364 Agriculture: and Amish-Mennonite doctrine, 3 0 - 3 1 ; and Mormon town patterns, 2 6 29; in Utah in 1873, 5 Adler, Jacob, ed., The Diaries of Walter Murray Gibson: 1876, 1887, reviewed, 416-17 Aldrich, Nelson A., G O P leader, 133 Alexander, Thomas G., review of Nash, The American West in the Twentieth Century: A Short History of an Urban Oasis, 414-15 Alfalfa Club, group of rural legislators, 347 Allen, Clarence E., congressional candidate, 141 Allen, James B., and Mormon historiography, 399 Allen, Rufus, explored Colorado River, 232 Alvera, Ben, husband of Rebecca, 387 Alvera, Rebecca Florez, interviewed about curanderismo, 286-88 American Anti-Imperialist League, addressed

by W. H. King, 122 The American Buffalo in Transition: A Historical and Economic Survey of the Bison in America, by Rorabacher, reviewed, 317-18 American Civil Liberties Union, defended N M U officials, 292-93 American Institute of Architects, consulted

by W. Young, 78 American Journal of Mathematics, and O. Pratt, 66-67 American Legion, anti-immigrant campaign of, 264 American Legion of Price: backed UMWA, 268; parade of, 272 American Legion Post No. 2, defended Red Cross cigarette program, 366 American Mathematical Society, founded, 66 The American West in the Twentieth Century: A Short History of an Urban Oasis,

by Nash, reviewed, 414-15 Amish-Mennonites: doctrines of, 29-30; land use of, 33-34 Analyst, O. Pratt published in, 62, 64-65 Anderson, Richard Lloyd, Joseph Smith's New England Hertiage, reviewed, 94-96 Andrews, Thomas F., review of Hine and Lottinville, eds., Soldier in the West: Letters of Theodore Talbot during His Services in California, Mexico, and Oregon, 1845-53, 319-20 Angell, Truman O . : architecture of, 309; photograph of, 310 Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Peoples of Western North America, 1868-1880, ed.

Fowler and Fowler, reviewed, 318-19

Anti-Cigarette International League, activities of, 359 Anti-Saloon League of America, activities of, 341 Arapeen, Ute chief, helped Mormons at Elk Mountain, 230 Arbogast & Trumbo Confectionery, picture of, 130 Arensberg, Conrad M., cultural theories of, 24 Arizona, Mormon colonizing in, 7, 9 n. 9, 10-13 Arrington, Leonard J.: "The Logan Tabernacle and Temple," 301-14; and Mormon historiography, 394, 401, 407, 409; and outer cordon, 224-25 Assembly Hall, lumber for, 306 Atkinson, David E., review of Reiger, The Passing of the Great West: Selected Papers of George Bird Grinnell, 98 99 Aztlan, Utah part of, 376-77 B Badlam, Alexander, and I. Trumbo, 130-31 Bailey, Paul: City in the Sun: The Japanese Concentration Camp at Poston, Arizona, reviewed, 205-6; Polygamy was Better than Monotony, reviewed, 99-100 Bakker, EIna, The Great Southwest: The Story of a Land and Its People, reviewed, 198-99 Ballard, Henry, slid logs for tabernacle, 303 Bamberger Coal Co., and S. Bamberger, 343 Bamberger Electric Railway, and S. Bamberger, 343 Bamberger, Ernest, arrested for smoking, 368 371 Bamberger, Simon: campaign poster of, 343 ; cartoon of, 160; election of, 343; misidentified, 161; and Prohibition, 343-45, 348, 351-52 Bancroft Library, J. C. Fremont journal in, 181 Banking, effects of Panic of 1873 on, 6 Bannon, John Francis, review of Bakker and Lillard, The Great Southwest: The Story of a Land and Its People, 198-99 Barboglio, Joseph, visited N M U strikers, 283 Barlow, S. M., police chief, 349 Barrett, Gwynn, ed., The Diaries of Walter Murray Gibson: 1886, 1887, reviewed, 416-17 Baughman, Ernest W., folklorist, 53 Bayles, M. P., spoke at N M U meeting, 26264, 290 Bean, George Washington, and Indian missions, 232 Bear Lake Academy, appropriations for, 87 Bear Lake Stake LDS Tabernacle, building of, 309 Beattie, Hampton, promoted Carson Valley, 236 Becker's Brewery: advertisement of, 356; moved to Wyoming, 354 Beet sugar industry, affected by foreign policy, 126-27

Index Benavides, E. Ferol, "The Saints among the Saints: A Study of Curanderismo in Utah," 373-92 Bennett, Charles W., and U. S. senate bid, 144 Bennett,, Fred L. W., and No-Tobacco League, 360 Benson, Ezra T., and Logan LDS Tabernacle, 303 Benson, Lee, studied Jacksonian Democracy, 226 Benson, R. H., Parowan marshal, 173 Betterson, Harry, died at Scofield, 184 Bettersworth, John K., and folklore of common man, 44 Billings, Alfred Nelson, president of Elk Mountain Mission, 230-31 Billington, Ray Allen, The Genesis of the Frontier Thesis: A Study in Historical Creativity, reviewed, 195-96 Bingham, 1912 strike in, 257 Bitton, Davis, and Mormon historiography, 399, 401 Blackburn, Abner, at Mormon Station, 235 Blackburn, Thomas, Forty-niner, 236 Black, Dan, kidnapping of, 292 Blacks: history and folklore of, 44; and LDS church, 57-58 Black Panther, stories about, 57-58 Blaine, James G., and Mormon officials, 133 Blanco, Mrs., Salt Lake City curandera.

385-86 Blegen, Theodore, and folklore and history, 45 Bliss, Marion: called Black's kidnapping a hoax, 292; deputized men, 279; and National Guard, 275, 277-78; and N M U march, 286, 291-92; patrolled Mutual mines, 274; rearrested Guynn and Wetherbee, 284; threatened, 284-85 Blood, Henry H., and 1933 coal strike, 275, 277-78, 289-91, 293 Bluth, John V., and Salmon River Mission, 227-28 Bonacci, Frank: defended U M W A in 1922 strike, 2 7 1 ; deputized U M W A members, 278-79; as U M W A organizer, 264, 26768, 271-72; in Utah senate, 295-96 Bonacci, Tony, N M U official, 264, 268, 272 Bonner, Thomas D., The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth, reviewed, 97-98 Boreman, Jacob S., judge, 168 Borno, Louis: photograph of, 121; refused Sen. King entrance to Haiti, 120-22; threatened to resign, 123 Box Elder Stake Academy, apppropriation for, 87 Boyden, J. L.: picture of, 347; Prohibition bill of, 346-47, 349 Brannan, Samuel: in Carson Valley, 235; investigated by Mormons, 241 ; in San Francisco, 242 Brewster, Burt B.: death of, 39; education of, 3 6 - 3 7 ; photograph of, 35; political opinions of, 3 7 - 3 8 ; as publisher of Mining and Contracting Review, 3 5 - 3 9 ; as Salt Lake Tribune columnist, 37-38

431 Bridger, Jim, Mormons attempted to arrest, 247 Brigham Young Academy of Provo: funds for, 7 2 - 7 3 ; evolved into BYU, 87-89 Brigham Young Academy of Salt Lake City, history of, 70-75 Brigham Young College, building of, 306-7, 309 Brigham Young, the Colonizer, by Hunter, 224 Brigham Young University, beginnings of, 70, 87-89 Brimhall, George H., and BYA of Provo, 88 Bringhurst, , president of Las Vegas Mission, 232-33 Brinley, John E., Jr., review of Smith, Horace Tabor: His Life and Legend, 419-20 Brodie, Fawn M., and Mormon historiography, 402, 404 Brooks, Juanita: ed., Journal of the Southern Indian Mission: Diary of Thomas D. Brown, reviewed, 2 0 2 - 3 ; and Mormon historiography, 399 Brown, Arthur, won U. S. Senate seat, 129, 144-45 Brown, James, at Carson Valley, 235-36 Brown, James H., and Sons, monument makers, 307 Buchanan, Frederick S., "Unpacking the NEA: The Role of Utah's Teachers at the 1920 Convention," 150-61 Bullock, Isaac, and Fort Supply, 248 Burck, Jacob, exposed P. Crouch, 296 Burlingame, Merrill G., reviews of McHugh, The Time of the Buffalo, and Rorabacher, The American Buffalo in Transition: A Historical and Economic Survey of the Bison in America, 317-18 Bushman, Richard L., and Mormon historiography, 393-94, 396 Business: effect of Prohibition on, 354; influence of, on education, 151-54; in Salt Lake City in 1873, 6

Cache County Courthouse, building of, 307, 309 Cache Valley, LDS buildings in, 302-4 Caine, John T., congressional delegate, 130 Calder, David O., LDS academy trustee, 70, 72 Campbell, Eugene E., "Brigham Young's Outer Cordon—A Reappraisal," 220-53 Canadian Pacific Railroad, contracts for, 308 Cannon, Abraham H.: influence of, on G. Q. Cannon, 142-43; journal of, 84, 148 Cannon, Frank J.: bolted GOP, 148: drinking of, 148-49; 1894 election of, 135-36; and U.S. Senate race, 129, 141-45; and Utah statehood, 129 Cannon, George M., ran state G O P campaign, 144 Cannon, George Q . : and I. Trumbo, 142, 147_48 ; and U. S. Senate race, 133, 1424 5 ; and Young University, 73, 79

432 Cannon, John Q., reported Frank J. for drinking, 148 Carbon County: map of, 259; union activity in, 254-300 Carbon County Commission, and 1933 coal strike, 259, 289 Carbon County High School Band, in Fourth of July parade, 272-73 Carbon County Miner, N M U newspaper, 264, 269, 275 Carbon Hotel, N M U officials arrested in, 283 Card, Charles O., supervised Logan LDS Temple construction, 305, 308 Carr, Stephen L., The Historical Guide to Utah Ghost Toivns, reviewed, 201-2 Carson Valley: Mormon colony at, 222, 235-41, 2 5 1 ; photographs of, 238-39, 253 Carter, Thomas H., Montana senator, 136 Cassidy, Butch, photograph of, 52. See Parker, Robert Leroy Castle Gate: mine explosion at, 183, 192; and Scofield relief fund, 190 Catholics: and BYA of Provo, 8 8 ; and folk medicine, 3 8 8 - 8 9 ; urged to leave N M U , 290 Centre College, in Kentucky, 61 Chicanos: folk medical practices of, 373-92; history of, in Utah, 376-79 Chittenden, Hiram M., and Fort Bridger, 246 Christensen, D. H., protested NEA tactics, 161 Christensen, George, judge at N M U trial, 293 Christensen, William J., thesis of, on O. Pratt, 63-64 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: anticigarette campaign of, 359-68, 371-72; and beet sugar industry, 126; and Blacks, 5 7 - 5 8 ; buildings of, 301-14; colonies of, 7, 2 2 0 - 5 3 ; criticized UEA, 151; doctrines of, affecting land use, 2 5 - 2 6 ; educational institutions of, 6 9 - 8 9 ; funded University of Utah, 8 4 - 8 5 ; and GOP, 133; and Indian missionary activity, 2 2 7 - 3 5 ; influence of, on education, 152-53, 1 6 0 - 6 1 ; and I. Trumbo, 134, 146-48; and 1933 strike, 274; and Salt Lake and Los Angeles Railroad, 132; Word of Wisdom of, 359.

See also Mormons and names of various church leaders Church General Board of Education, funded BYA of Provo, 87 Church University. See Young University Cigarette prohibition, in Utah, in 1921-23, 358-72 Citizen, and anticigarette campaign, 365, 367 City in the Sun: The Japanese Concentration Camp at Poston, Arizona, by Bailey, reviewed, 205-6 Civilian Conservation Corps, reforestation program of, 262 Civil War, and Mormon Reformation, 234— 35 Clarkston, James S., G O P official, 132-33, 136, 143 Clawson, Hiram B.: and I. Trumbo, 12930, 146-47: and statehood, 134

Utah Historical Quarterly Clayton, James L., review of Olson, The Depletion Myth: A History of Railroad Use of Timber, 316-17 Clean Life Army, anticigarette activities of, 359 Cluff, Benjamin, Jr., president of BYA in Provo, 80, 88-89 Coal industry, union activity in, 254-300 Cole, George, directed Logan LDS Tabernacle construction, 304 College of Eastern Utah, funded, 296 Colorado Fuel and Iron Co., and unions, 257, 2 7 1 , 2 9 4 Colorado River, ferry crossing of, 11 Communism: among labor organizers in Carbon County, 254-300; and Latin American policy, 122 Conjoint Correlation and Social Advisory Committee, and anticigarette campaign, 361 Consumers: photograph of, 276; strike in, 277 Cooke, Jay, and Co., collapse of, 6 Cooley, Everett L., and outer cordon concept, 224 Cooper, Adelaide, daughter of Ann, 8 Cooper, Ann, handcart pioneer, 8 Cooper, Mary Ann, daughter of Ann, 8 Corak, T o m : arrested, 288; trial of, 292-93 Corbett, Pearson H., and Mormon historiography, 400 Courage, articles on Mormonism in, 404 Cracroft, Richard H., review of Paul, ed., A Victorian Gentlewoman in the Far West: The Reminiscences of Mary Hallock Foote, 418-19 Crampton, C. Gregory, Land of Living Rock: The Grand Canyon and the High Plateaus: Arizona, Utah, Nevada, reviewed, 411-12 Crane, Charles: campaigned with I. Trumbo, 136-42; defeat of, 1 4 0 - 4 1 ; as G O P official, 135 Crouch, Paul: arrest and trial of, 284, 289, 292-93; arrived in Carbon County, 260, 266; and communism, 269, 277, 296; eluded deputies, 287-88; as a speaker, 262, 265, 271 Crouch, Sylvia: arrest of, 280, 288; N M U activities of, 269-70 Cuba, and sugar industry, 126 "Curanderas and Other Day Forces," poem

by El Gallo, 374 Curanderismo: interviews with practitioners of, 3 8 4 - 9 1 ; roots of, 374-75, 3 7 9 - 8 1 : study of, in Utah, 373-92 Cutter, Donald C , review of Todd, ed., A Doctor on the California Trail: The Diary of Dr. John Hudson Wayman . . .

1852, 96-97

Daily Worker, P. Crouch in, 296 Dalley, Joseph E., described Ed Dalton, 172 Dalton, Brigham, and shooting of brother Ed, 161 Dalton, Edward Meeks: cemetery monument of, 163, 165-66, 176-77; escaped arrest.

Index 173; folklore concerning, 163, 165-66, 172; funeral of, 167, 169; LDS church activities of, 172-73; marriages of, 171, 174-75; photograph of, 162; shooting of, 162-77 Dalton, Edward: father of E. M., 168; helped rescue Fremont, 180; mayor of Parowan, 174 Dalton, Elizabeth Meeks, mother of E. M., 174 Dalton, Emily Stevens: diary of, 166, 174, 176; home of, 172; marriage of, 171, 174-75; photograph of, 174 Dalton, Helen Delila Lown Clark: death of, 176; home of, 172; marriage of, 171, 174; photograph of, 175 Dame, William H., photograph of home of, 172 Darrah, William C , review of Fowler, ed., "Photographed All the Best Scenery": Jack Hillers's Diary of the Powell Expeditions, 1871-1875, 91 Davis, Inez Smith, author, 399 Davis, Roderick, survived mine explosion, 186 Davis, Vernon, sheriff, 286, 293 Delaney, Robert W., The Southern Utes: A Tribal History, reviewed, 203-4 Democratic party, dry platform of, 342 DePillis, Mario S., review of Anderson, Joseph Smith's New England Heritage, 94-96 The Depletion Myth: A History of Railroad Use of Timber, by Olson, reviewed, 316-17 Deseret Museum: leased to state, 8 5 ; photograph of, 69; and Young University, 69 Deseret News: and anticigarette campaign, 364, 367, 370; cancelled articles on Carbon County strike, 293; praised I. Trumbo, 147; and Prohibition, 345-51, 3 5 4 - 5 5 ; reported Ed Dalton shooting, 169-70; reported Scofield disaster, 192: sued for libel, 170-71 Deseret Professorship of Geology, endowed

by LDS church, 84-85 Deseret Sunday School Union, and anticigarette campaign, 365 Dewey, John, theories of, 407 Dialogue, historiographical articles in, 393, 402-3, 407 The Diaries of Walter Murray Gibson, 1886, 1887, ed. Adler and Barrett, reviewed, 416-17 "Differential Calculus," by O. Pratt, 61-62 Dilley, John W., published history of Scofield disaster, 185, 190 Dilthey, Wilhelm, epistemology of, 407 Dixie: industriousness of, 14; settlement of, 45 A Doctor on the California Trail: The Diary of Dr. John Hudson Wayman . . .

1852, ed. Todd, reviewed, 96-97 Dodson, Ruth, folklore studies by, 381, 383 Dolliver, Jonathan P., congressman, 134 Dominguez, Atanasio, 1776 expedition of, 377 Dougall, William B., and LDS academy, 74

433 Douglas, Paul H., speech writer for Sen. King, 122 Dragos, Mike S.: opinion of, on N M U , 266-67 ; photographs of, 285 Dragos, Mrs. Mike: escorted sheriff to safety, 2 8 4 - 8 5 ; photograph of, 285 Dreiser, Theodore, protested conditions in Carbon County, 289 Driggs, Howard R., NEA vice-president, 156, 161 Driggs, Nevada W., "When Captain Fremont Slept in Grandma McGregor's Bed," 178-81 Dubois, Fred T . : at G O P meeting, 136; and Utah politics, 142-43 Dunne, Finley Peter, author, 44 Dupress, Louis, folklore research of, 43 Durham, Thomas, in Martin Handcart Company, 179-80 Dusenbury, Wilson, and BYU, 89 Dwyer, Robert Joseph, The Gentile Comes to Utah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict (1862-1890), reviewed, 200 Dyer, Frank H., U. S. marshal, 167, 170

Earll, A. H., Scofield mayor, 189 East Indies, LDS mission to, 8 Eccles, J. H., made headboards for mine victims, 186 Edmunds Act of 1882, authorized arrest of polygamists, 169-70 Edmunds-Tucker Act, effects of, 73, 130, 132, 312 Education: politics of, 150-61; sectarian, 75; at Young University, 69-89 Edwards, Elbert B., review of Elliott, History of Nevada, 323-24 Edwards, Paul M . : "The Irony of Mormon History," 393-409; photograph of, 393 Eighteenth Amendment: ratified by Utah, 357; and Volstead Act, 354 Eighteenth Ward, and B. Young estate, 72 Eldredge, Hannah, and L. M. Savage, 8 Eldridge, John, went to San Bernardino, 243 Elkins, Stephen B.,at G O P meeting, 136 Elk Mountain: Mormon mission at, 222, 227, 230-31, 2 5 1 ; photograph of mission at, 231 Elliott, Russell R., History of Nevada, reviewed, 323-24 Ellis, Richard N., reviews of Jefferson, Delaney, and Thompson, The Southern Utes: A Tribal History, and Thompson, Southern Ute Lands, 1848-1899: The Creation of a Reservation, 203-4 Ellsworth, S. George: and Mormon historiography, 399; Utah's Heritage, reviewed, 90-91 Emergency Tariff Act of 1921, and Utah sugar interests, 126 Enquirer (Provo), backed C. Crane, 138 Escalante: geography of, 28; map of, 27; photographs of, 23, 29 Escalante, Silvestre Velez de, 1776 expedition of, 377

434 Estee, Morris M.: aided I. Trumbo, 132; and Mormon officials, 131, 133 Explosions in Utah Coal Mines, reported Scofield disaster, 192

Fahey, Sarah, CTA president, 159 Farnham, Roger, banker, 118 Farnsworth, Philo T., gubernatorial hopeful, 140 Field, Kate, praised I. Trumbo, 134 Fife, Austin E., collected Nephite stories, 47 Fifth Ward School House (Logan), building of, 307, 309 Finns: complaints of, 185; funeral services for, 187; prejudice against, at Scofield, 183, 191-92 First Congregational Church: minister of, against cigarette prohibition, 365; protest meeting at, 289-91 Flanders, Robert Bruce, and Mormon historiography, 398, 401 Florez, Incarnacion: as a curandera in Salt Lake City, 387-88; photograph of, 387 Folklore: and children, 5 1 - 5 2 ; of Ed Dalton's death, 163, 165-66, 172; and history, 4 0 - 5 8 ; and minorities, 44, 46, 4 9 - 5 1 ; of Scofield disaster, 182 Folklore Society of Utah, and Historical Society, 42 Folkman, David I., Jr., The Nicaragua Route, reviewed, 320-21 Fontecchio, Nick, U M W A organizer, 267, 270, 272, 278-79 Forbes, Cameron, investigated Haiti, 123 Fordney-McCumber Act of 1922, and Utah sugar interests, 126 Forsythe, Thomas, of Toquerville, 10 Fort Bridger: Mormon colony at, 222, 235, 2 4 6 - 5 1 ; photograph of, 247 Fort Hall, Mormons at, 227-28 Fort Laramie, importance of, 246 Fort Lemhi: Mormon colony at, 222, 22631, 2 5 1 ; photograph of, 228 Fort Supply: drawing of, 249; Mormon colony at, 222, 235, 246-51 Fowler, Catherine S., ed., Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic People of Western North America, 1868-1880, reviewed, 318-19 Fowler, Don D . : Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic Peoples of Western North America, 1868-1880, reviewed, 318-19; "Photographed All the Best Scenery": Jack Hillers's Diary of the Powell Expeditions, 1871-1875, reviewed, 91 Fremont, Jessie Benton, reported mental telepathy with huband, 181 Fremont, John C.: drawing of, 180; rescued in Parowan, 178-81 From the Missouri to the Great Salt Lake: An Account of Overland Freighting, by Lass, reviewed, 415-16 Frost, Kent, My Canyonlands, reviewed, 199-200 Fur trade, in Utah, 377

Utah Historical Quarterly Gardo House, renovated by I. Trumbo, 135 Gazet[t]eer of Utah and Salt Lake City Directory, by E. L. Sloan, 7 Gease, W a l t e r ' c . , and 1933 strike, 279, 292 General Church Board of Education, and Young University, 75, 79-93 The Genesis of the Frontier Thesis: A Study in Historical Creativity, by Billington, reviewed, 195-96 The Gentile Comes to Utah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict (18621890), by Dwyer, reviewed, 200 Gianotti, E. F., mayor of Helper, 295 Gibbs, Josiah F., attacked I. Trumbo, 138 Gillespie, R. H.. grand juror, sent to Parowan, 168 Godfrey, , went to Kamas with L. M. Savage, 15 Gomme, George Lawrence, and folklore, 42 Goodwin, Charles C , and U. S. Senate seat, 137, 142-43, 145 Goodman, Irvin, ACLU attorney, 292-93 The Goosestep: A Study of American Education, accused LDS church of interference at University of Utah, 152 Goshen, Elmer I., and cigarette prohibition, 365 The Goslings: A Study of the American Schools, criticized NEA, 151-54, 159 Glassman, William, Ogden editor, 141 Graber, Kay, ed., The Ponca Chiefs: An Account of the Trial of Standing Bear, reviewed, 204-5 Granholm, A., Finnish Lutheran minister, conducted Scofield services, 187 Grant, Heber J.: conducted Scofield funeral services, 187; at Ed Dalton's funeral, 167: opposed tobacco, 362, 368; and Prohibition, 3 4 1 ; and R. W. Young, Jr., 344 Great Basin, colonizing of, 220-53 Great Depression, effects of, 258-60, 268, 296-97 Great Northern Railroad, contracts for, 308 The Great Southwest: The Story of a Land and Its People, by Bakker and Lillard, reviewed, 198—99 Great Western Iron Mining and Manufacturing Co., affected by Panic of 1873, 6 Grebel, Conrad, Mennonite founder, 29 Greek American Progressive Assn., in Fourth of July parade, 273 Green River Mission, sent to Fort Bridger, 247 Gressley, Gene M., West by East: The American West in the Gilded Age, reviewed, 196-98 Groves, Elisha H., gave LDS blessing, 10 Gruening, Ernest, journalist, 118 Grundy, Brother, smelter, 233 Guynn, Charles: arrest and trial of, 283-84, 289, 292-94; arrived in Carbon County, 260, 266; N M U activities of, 264, 269-71, 274, 277; as UMWA organizer, 277 Guynn, R a e : arrested, 284; worked for N M U , 269-70

435

Index H Hafen, LeRoy R.: The Joyous Journey of LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen: An Autobiography, reviewed, 4 1 3 - 1 4 ; The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, reviewed, 9 3 - 9 4 ; review of Thode, ed., The 1971 Denver Westerners Brand Book, 100-101 Haight, Isaac, and Indian missions, 232 Haiti: photographs of, 119, 124; and U. S. foreign policy, 116-27 Haley, Margaret A.: opposed NEA reorganization, 154, 156-59, 161; photograph of.

157 Hammond, Bray, and Jacksonian Democracy, 226 Hanks, Ebenezer, paid San Bernardino debt, 242 Hanson, Klaus, and Mormon historiography, 401 Harding, Warren G., appointment by, questioned, 119 Hardy, L. W., stage station of, 14, 15 n. 16 Harries, Benjamin R., enforced anticigarette statute, 368, 370 Harris, John, deputy sheriff, 370 Harrison, Benjamin, nomination of, 131 Hastings Cutoff, importance of Fort Bridger to, 246-47 Hauptman, Laurence M.: review of Tibbies and Graber, eds., The Ponca Chiefs: An Account of the Trial of Standing Bear, 204-5; "Utah Anti-imperialist: Senator William H. King and Haiti, 1921-34," 116-27 Hayes, Benjamin, described San Bernardino, 243 The Healer of Los Olmos, by Dodson, 383 Helper: photograph of, 267; rivalry of, with Price, 266, 272-73 Helper City Council, banned group meetings, 284, 289 Helper Journal, reported union activity in 1933, 264, 267, 273, 278, 281-83 Helper Junior High Band, in Fourth of July parade, 273 Hendricks, Joel E., editor of Analyst, 64 Hill, Marvin, and Mormon historiography, 398-99, 402 Hillmore, Charles, cook at Kamas sawmill, 17 Hill, William J., chopper at Kamas sawmill, 17-21 Hinckley, Robert H., threatened N M U , 274-75 Hine, Robert V., ed., Soldier in the West: Letters of Theodore Talbot during His Services in California, Mexico, and Oregon, 1845-53, reviewed; 319-20 Hippocrates, diagnostics of, 380 Hirshson, Samuel P., author, 399 Hispaniola, independence of, sought by Sen. King, 127 The Historical Guide to Utah Ghost Towns,

by Carr, reviewed, 201-2 Historiography, of Mormons, 393-409

History of Nevada, by Elliott, reviewed, 323-24 History of the Scofield Aline Disaster, earned relief funds, 190-91 Haag, Richard T., Young University instructor, 82 Hogan, Edward R., "Orson Pratt as a Mathematician," 59-68 Hoover, Herbert: established RFC, 259-60: and Haiti, 122-23 Horace Tabor: His Life and Legend, by Smith, reviewed, 419-20 House Un-American Activities Committee.

P. Crouch testified before, 296 Huff, Harold, N M U official, 281, 284 Huff, Jefferson, logger at Kamas sawmill.

17. 19, 21 Hunter, Milton R., and outer cordon concept, 224, 246 Huntington, O. B., Elk Mountain missionary, 230 Hyde, Mary Ann, wife of Orson, 237 Hyde, Orson: ambitions of, 2 5 1 ; in Carson Valley, 237-40; and founding of Fort Supply, 247-48 Hyrum Rock School, building of, 309 Hyrum Smith: Patriarch, by Corbett, 400

Ickes, Harold L., and B. B. Brewster, 35 Immigrants: joined Communist party 277; joined UMWA, 294-95; misunderstood U. S. politics, 271 Immortal Wife: The Biographical Novel of Jessie Benton Fremont, relates mental telepathy incident, 181 Improvement Era, and anticigarette campaign, 362 Independent Coal and Coke Co., employed guards, 272 Indians: conflicts of, with settlers, 5, 8, 11 n. 12, 12; and LDS missions, 227-35 Intercourse, Pa.: compared to Escalante, 3 3 ; geography of, 3 1 - 3 3 ; map of, 32 Intermountain Catholic, and Scofield disaster, 194 International Labor Defense, protested conditions in Carbon County, 289-91 Iron Mountain and Utah Valley Railroad, affected by Panic of 1873, 6

J Jackson, Andrew, and Jacksonian Democracy, 225-26 James, Jesse, as a folklore figure, 53 Ta r amillo, Don Pedro, Texas curandero, 381, 383-84 Jefferson, James, The Southern Utes: A Tribal History, reviewed, 203-4 Jennings, Warren, and Mormon historiography, 401 Jenson, Andrew, mission historian, 241 Jewkes and Van Buren, photograph of sawmill of, 21 Jim Beckworth: Black Mountain Man and War Chief of the Crows, by Wilson, reviewed, 206-7

Utah Historical Quarterly

436 Johnson, Hugh S., NRA administrator, 270, 275-76 Johnson, James Weldon, NAACP official, 118 Johnston's army, goaded Mormons, 5 Jones, Andrieus, New Mexico senator, 118 Jones, Mother, labor leader, 300 Jones, Nathaniel V., mining mission of, 233 Jones, Varro, U M W A organizer, 268 Joseph Smith's New England Heritage, by Anderson, reviewed, 94-96 Journalism: and Mining and Contracting Review, 3 5 - 3 9 ; in Utah in 1873, 6-7 Journal of Education, described NEA convention, 158 Journal of the Southern Indian Mission: Diary of Thomas D. Brown, ed. Brooks, reviewed, 202-3 The Joyous Journey of LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen: An Autobiography, by Hafen, reviewed, 413-14

Kamas: described, 15-16, 2 1 ; sawmill near, 5 Kane, Thomas L., and B. Young, 313 Kearney, James Edward, urged immigrants to leave N M U , 290 Kellog, Frank B., secretary of state, 120-21 Kemble, John Haskell, review of Folkman, The Nicaragua Route, 320-21 Kiev, Ari, and curanderismo, 379-80, 383 Kimball, Heber C , and Indian missions, 233 Kimball, J. Golden, folklore about, 53-55 Kimball, Stanley, and Mormon historiography, 400 King, , Parowan doctor, 167 King, Murray E., fed strikers, 289 King, William H . : and beet sugar interests, 126; discussed aid to Scofield victims, 190; fiscal conservatism of, 125; photograph of, 116, political views of, 124-27; Senate activities of, concerning Haiti, 116-27 Kingsbury, Joseph T., and closing of Young University, 83 Kirkpatrick, R. R., mine superintendent at Standard, 271 Kirtland LDS Temple, school at, 312 Kirtland, O , Mormon village pattern in, 26 Kirton, John, misidentified as mine victim, 184 Knerr, William M., strike mediator, 275-78 Knights of Labor in the West, membership of, 258 Knights of Pythias Hall, refused strikers entrance, 300 Knox, Philander, Pennsylvania senator, 118 Ku Klux Klan, in Carbon County in 1924, 265, 297 L Labor, and union activity in Carbon County, 254-300 Lagoon, and S. Bamberger, 343 Laguna, Frederica de, and Alaskan traditions, 43

Lake Shore Ward, and Blacks, 57 Lambert, George C , interviewed witnesses to Dalton shooting, 170 Land of Living Rock: The Grand Canyon and the High Plateaus: Arizona, Utah, Nevada, by Crampton, reviewed, 411-12 Laner, Dan, arrest and trial of, 288, 292-93 Lannan, Pat, managed Goodwin's campaign, 142 Larkin, Melvin A., "The Logan Tabernacle and Temple," 301-14 Larson, Gustive O., and outer cordon concept, 224 Lass, William E., From the Missouri to the Great Salt Lake: An Account of Overland Freighting, reviewed, 415-16 Las Vegas, Nev.: Mormon colony at, 222, 227, 232-35, 2 5 1 ; photographs of 223, 234 Latimer-Taylor and Co., lumber merchants, 9, 68 LDS Business College: evolved from LDS academy, 8 6 - 8 7 ; and Young University, 70, 86 LDS College, appropriations for, 87-88. See also LDS Business College LDS University. See LDS Business College League of Republican Clubs, and free silver, 136 Lee, Hector, collected Nephite stories, 47 Lee, J Bracken, filmed N M U march, 287-88 Leishman, James A, 1873 letter of, 58 Lewis, John L : comments of, about Mining and Contracting Review, 3 5 - 3 6 ; hired Guynn, 296; problems of, 265 Lewis, T. B., as LDS principal, 72 Liberal party, dissolved, 84 The Liberators: Filibustering Expeditions into Mexico, 1848-1867, and the Last Thrust of Manifest Destiny, by Stout, reviewed, 420-21 The Life and Adventures of James Beckwourth, by Bonner, reviewed, 97-98 Lillard, Richard G., The Great Southwest: The Story of a Land and Its People, reviewed, 198-99 Lindley, William R., "Hard-rock Journalism: Burt Brewster and the Review," 35-39 Lion House, as a school, 73 The Lion of the Lord, by Hirshson, 399 Little, John, slave, 44 Loewenberg, Robert J., review of Peterson, Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing along the Little Colorado River, 18701900, 410-11 Logan Amateur Brass Band, led by T. O. Angell, 309 Logan City Fire Dept., designed by T. O. Angell, 309 Logan Firemen's Brass Band, entertained visitors, 310 Logan, LDS building in, 302-14 Logan LDS Tabernacle: building of, 3 0 3 - 4 ; photograph of, 304 Logan LDS Temple: building of, 305-10; dedication of, 312; descriptions of, 310— 12; ground plan of, 307; industries founded for building of, 306; photograph of, 301

Index

437

Logan LDS Temple Barn, photograph of, 313 Logan Social Hall, building of, 306 Logan Temple Assn., founded, 312 Logan Temple School of Science, founded.

312-13 Logan Water Reservoir, construction of, 307 Long, Haniel, writings of, 380-81 Lottinville, Savoie, ed., Soldier in the West: Letters of Theodore Talbot during His Services in California, Mexico, and Oregon, 1845-53, reviewed, 319-20 London Telegraph, sympathized with Scofield victims, 193 Louma, Abe, family of, in Scofield disaster, 188 Louma, Matako, survived mine explosion, 188 Loveland, Chester, led Carson Valley Mission, 240 Loveless, R. L., N M U jury foreman, 293 Lowe, George A., gubernatorial hopeful, 140 Ludlow Massacre, in Colorado, 257, 271 Lugo brothers, sold Rancho Del San Bernardino, 242 Lumbering: in 1873, 15-22; in northern Utah, 306 Lund, Anton H., and BYU, 88 Lyman, Amasa, founded San Bernardino colony, 241-45 Lyman, Edward Leo, "Isaac Trumbo and the Politics of Utah Statehood," 128-49 Lyman, Richard R.: and anticigarette campaign, 362 n. 16, 3 7 1 ; protested silencing of M. Haley, 158, 161 Lynch, John C., arrested for smoking, 368 Lyon, T. Edgar, writings of, on O. Pratt, 61, 67-68

M Maeser, Karl G., and LDS education, 74, 76, 80 Mabey, Charles R.: called out Guard in 1922, 257; photograph of, 367: signed anticigarette bill, 367 McArthur, Neil, recommended Salmon River to Mormons, 228 McCarthy, Joseph R., hearings held by, 289 McCormick, Medill, Illinois senator. 118 McCune School of Music, operated by LDS church, 87 Mace, J. H., delivered Prohibition bill to S. Bamberger, 351 Mace, Thomas, sawmill engineer, 15, 17, 19 McGowan, Terry, rehired strikers, 294 McGregor, Donald, doctor, 179 McGregor, John, sawmill chopper, 17-21 McGregor, Sarah Fish Smith: helped J. C. Fremont, 178-81; photograph of, 179 McGregor, William C , husband of Sarah Fish Smith, 179 McHugh, Tom, The Time of the Buffalo, reviewed, 317-18 McKay, A. N., arrested for smoking, 368 McKay, David O.: and Prohibition, 3 4 1 ; protested silencing of M. Haley, 158, 161 McKay, Donald D., and Prohibition, 349

McKiernan, F. Mark, and Mormon historiography, 400 McKinley, William: ordered troops against strikers, 257; sent condolences to Scofield, 188 McKnight, J. H., attorney for strikers, 280, 292 McShane, O. F., wanted tobacco licensing, 360 * Manifesto, lessened church-state conflict, 84 Martineau, LaVan, The Rocks Begin to Speak, reviewed, 421-22 Mathematics, and O. Pratt, 59-68 Mathematics Monthly, and O. Pratt, 61 Mathers, Janes, mothers of L. M. Savage, 8 Maughan, Peter, death of, 303 Mauss, Michael, deputy sheriff a, 370 Medicine, folk practices of, 45, 47, 373-92 Meighan, Clement W., archaeologist, 42-43 Merrill, Jerald H., interviewed about curanderismo,388-89 Mesley, Gordon, writings of, 404 Metos, Harry G., attorney, defended N M U , 292-93; photograph of, 292 Mexican-Americans. See Chicanos Mexican Revolution, of 1910, 377 The Mighty Sierra: Portrait of a Mountain World, by Webster, reviewed, 101-2 Miller, David E.: and outer cordon concept, 224; review of Ellsworth, Utah's Heritage, 90-91 Millerich Hall, used for N M U meetings, 260.

266 Miller, Virgil, beaten by N M U men, 284 Miller, Wick R., review of Fowler and Fowler, eds., Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic Peoples of Western North America, 1868-1880, 318-19 Mill, John Stuart, On Liberty, 397 Mining; company unions in, 2 7 1 ; disaster in, at Scofield, 182-94; early Mormon activity in, 233; and journalism, 3 5 - 3 9 ; Mexicans as strikebreakers in, 377-78; safety in, 183, 192; union activity in, 254-300; in Utah in 1873, 5 Mining and Contracting Review: and Brewster, 3 5 - 3 9 ; masthead of, 39; policies of, during uranium boom, 3 8 - 3 9 : politics in, 37-38 Mining Review, editorial policies of, 294 Minorities: folk medical practices of, 3 7 3 92; in Carbon County, 192, 257, 261.

264-66, 269, 289-90, 294-97: Sen. King's support of, 117 Mitchell, John, U M W A president, 265 Moler, Murray M.. review of Carr, The Historical Guide to Utah Ghost Towns, 201-2 Montell, W. Lynwood. book by, 46 Moore, Mr., sold out to Reese brothers, 236 Moorman, Donald R., review of Lass, From the Missouri to the Great Salt Lake: An Account of Overland Freighting, 4 1 5 16 Morgan, Dale L., described Logan LDS Temple, 311 Morgan's Commercial College, in Salt Lake City in 1873, 6, 9

Utah Historical Quarterly

438 Mormon Arts, Volume I, ed. Wheelwright and Woodbury, reviewed, 315-16 Mormon Battalion, sick detachment pay of, 235 Mormon Reformation, millennial fervor of, 234-35, 252 Mormons: in Canada, 308; cooperative building by, 302; folklore of, 49, 5 4 - 5 7 ; and historiography, 3 9 3 - 4 0 9 ; land use of, 3 3 - 3 4 ; myths and legends of, 4 7 - 4 8 ; settlement pattern of, 26-29, 302-3 Mormon Station, in Carson Valley, 236 Morris, Nephi L., gubernatorial nominee, 342 Mortensen, Sam, described Ed Dalton, 173 Mountain Men, conflict of, with Mormons, 246-48 The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, ed. Hafen, reviewed, 83-94 Mower, Lawrence: led N M U march, 2 8 6 8 7 ; trial of, 292-93 Moyle, Richard W., review of Webster, The Mighty Sierra: Portrait of a Mountain World, 101-2 Mullins, Frederick, itinerant peddler, 10 Mutual, strike at, 274 Mutual Improvement Assn., anticigarette activities of, 3 6 0 - 6 1 , 363, 365-66, 371 My Canyonlands, by Frost, reviewed, 199— 200

N Nagata, Shuichi, review of Q u a m , trans., The Zunis: Self-Portrayals, 321-22 Nagata, Ted, review of Bailey, City in the Sun: The Japanese Concentration Camp at Poston, Arizona, 205-6 Naile, Sister J. O , of Toquerville, 11 Nasatir, A. P., review of Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, 93-94 Nash, Gerald D., The American West in the Twentieth Century: A Short History of an Urban Oasis, reviewed, 414-15 Nash, John D., researched Fort Lemhi, 226-27 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, interest of, in Haiti, 122-23 National City Bank of New York, interest of, in Haiti, 118 National Committees for the Defense of Political Prisoners, protested conditions in Carbon County, 289 National Education Assn.: criticized by Sinclair, 151-54; 1920 convention of, in U t a h , 1 5 0 - 6 1 ; political tactics of, 156-59, 161; reorganization plan of, 151, 154-57; supported U E A strike threat, 151 National Industrial Recovery Act, union sanctions of, 267-68 National Mine, strike at, 277 National Miners Union: blockaded road, 279; and communism, 266, 270; crushed, 294; founding of, 2 6 5 ; headquarters of, raided, 277; held Fourth of July parade in Helper, 2 7 3 - 7 4 ; ideology of, 2 6 1 ; as an industrial union, 2 6 1 ; meetings of,

261-65, 269, 273-75, 2 8 4 - 8 5 ; organizers of, 256, 260, 261, 283, 288; photographs of march of, 2 8 6 - 8 7 ; success of, 267-68 National Prohibition party, activities of, 341 National Recovery Act: administrator of, criticized, 270; aided union movement, 268, 2 7 1 ; code of, 275, 277; criticized by N M U , 275 Nauvoo, 111., Mormon village pattern in, 26, 28 Naylor, James, survived mine explosion, 185 Nebeker, John, captain of Green River Mission, 247 Neff, Andrew Love, and outer cordon, 2 2 2 25, 231 Neibour, Hyrum, built house at Kamas, 21 Nelson, Alfred B., mathematics professor, 61 Nelson, Larry E., " U t a h Goes Dry," 340-57 Nemanich, Margaret, and 1933 strike, 272, 295 Nephi, citizens of, described, 12-13 Nevada, mining in, in 1873, 5. See Carson Valley Nevins, Allan, oral historian, 48 New and Easy Method of Solution of Cubic and Biquadratic Equations . . . by O. Pratt, 61, 63 Newhouse, Edgar L., arrested for smoking, 368 Nicaragua, Sen. King sought independence of, 125 The Nicaragua Route, by Folkman, reviewed, 320-21 The 1970 Denver Westerners Brand Book. ed. Thode, reviewed, 100-101 Nix, C. L. identified mine victims, 186 Norris-LaGuardia Bill, protected union activities, 268 No-Tobacco League, activities of, 359-60 No-Tobacco News, published in Utah, 360

Oddie, Tasker, Nevada senator, 118 Old Spanish Trail, used by Mormon missionaries, 230-31 Olson, Sherry H., The Depletion Myth: A History of Railroad Use of Timber, reviewed, 316-17 Oneida Academy, appropriations for, 87 Oral history, and folklore, 46, 48 Orton, William O , and Ed Dalton, 166-68, 173 Oswald, Delmont R., review of Wilson, Jim Beckworth: Black Mountain Man and War Chief of the Crows, 206-7 Oviatt, Alton B., review of Bonner, The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth.

97-98

Pace Ranch, photograph of, 40-41 Pack, Frederick J.: held Deseret Professorship of Geology, 8 5 ; wrote against tobacco, 362 Padfield, Thomas, body of, missing, 188

Index Page, Daniel: cooperated with U.S. marshals, 164, 166-67; photograph of home of, 164 Paiute Indians, oral traditions of, 43 Panic of 1893, effects of, on LDS church, 81-82 Panic of 1873: noted by John Taylor, 20; in Utah, 6-7 Papanikolas, Helen Z.: and Greek folklore, 46; "Unionism, Communism, and the Great Depression: The Carbon County Coal Strike of 1933," 254-300 Parker, Robert Leroy (Butch Cassidy) : photograph of, 52; stories about, 53-54 Parkin, Max, and Mormon historiography, 401 Parley's Park, described by L. M. Savage, 15 Parmley, David, disliked by Slavs at Consumers, 279-80 Parmley, T. J.: and Finns, 192; headed relief party, 183 Parowan: J. C. Fremont rescued at, 178-81 : shooting of Ed Dalton in, 162-77 Parowan United Mercantile Institution, made Ed Dalton's coffin, 169 The Passing of the Great West: Selected Papers of George Bird Grinnell, by Reiger,, reviewed, 98-99 Paul, Rodman W.: and Mormon historiography, 404—5; A Victorian Gentlewoman in the Far West: The Reminiscences of Mary Hallock Foote, reviewed, 418-19 Pendergast, David M., archaeologist, 42-43 Penn, William, and Amish-Mennonites, 30 Perkins, Frances, secretary of labor, 270-71 Perpetual Emigration Fund, funds for, 241, 307 Pessen, Edward, and Jacksonian Democracy, 226 Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-29, ed. Williams,, reviewed, 92-93 Peterson, Charles S.: "'Book A—Levi Mathers Savage': The Look of Utah in 1873," 4 - 2 2 ; and Mormon historiography, 399; review of Billington, The Genesis of the Frontier Thesis: A Study in Historical Creativity, 195-96 Peterson, LaMar, review of Bailey, Polygamy Was Better Than Monotony, 99-100 Peterson, Preston G., and 1933 strike, 2 7 8 79 Philippines, independence of, sought by Sen. King, 125-27 "Photographed All the Best Scenery": Jack Hillers's Diary of the Powell Expeditions, 1871-1875, ed. Fowler, reviewed, 91 Pioneer Day, in Nephi described, 12-13 Piatt, Orville H., Connectitcut senator, 132— 34 Pleasant Valley Coal Co.: contributions of, to Scofield victims, 190; strike against, 193 Politics: beet sugar a factor in, 126; influence of Utahns in international, 117-27; of silver, 136-37; of Utah statehood, 128-49 Poll, Richard D . : and Mormon historiography, 403-4, 406: review of Dwyer, The

439 Gentile Comes to Utah: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict (1862-1890), 200 Polygamy: cartoon of, 56; discussion of, 17; folklore of, 5 5 - 5 7 ; legal effects of, 171; legislation against, 5 Polygamy Was Better Than Monotony, by Bailey, reviewed, 99-100 Pomerene, Atlee, Ohio senator, 118 The Ponca Chiefs: An Account of the Trial of Standing Bear, ed. Tibbies and Graber, reviewed, 204-5 Porter, Frank R., Helper mayor, 273 Potosi Silver Mines, discovery of, 233 Powell, Allan Kent, "Tragedy at Scofield," 182-94 Pratt, Orson: as a mathematician, 5 9 - 6 8 ; and Mormon beliefs about Indians, 235, 252; photograph of, 6 2 ; photograph of observatory of, 66; photograph of telescope of, 59 Preston, Josephine, NEA president, 158 Preston, William B.: Logan LDS bishop, 303; sent Gardo House bill to I. Trumbo, 146 Price, rivalry of, with Helper, 266, 272-73 Price, Bruce, architect, 78-79 Price City Council, banned meetings, 289 Price City Fire Dept, used hoses on N M U marchers, 287 Price Savoy Hotel, deputies met in, 283 Priesthood Correlation Program, of LDS church, 47-48 Printers Union, opposed anticigarette bill, 365 Proctor, Richard Anthony, astronomer, 63 Profits of Religion, by Sinclair, 160 Progressive Independent, reported 1933 strike, 291 Progressive party: criticized J. T. Raleigh, 351 ; motives of, 358 Prohibition: cartoons of, 350; enactment of, in Utah, 3 4 0 - 5 7 ; legal provisions of, 353-54; repeal of, 294, 351 Provo River, near Kamas, 16 Puerto Rico, independence of, sought by Sen. King, 125-57 Pugh, Thomas, survived mine explosion, 185

Q Quam, Alvina, trans., The Zunis: SelfPortrayals, reviewed, 321—22 Quay, Matthew S., G O P leader, 133 Quinn, D. Michael, "The Brief Career of Young University at Salt Lake City," 69-89

Raitz, Karl B., "Theology on the Landscape : A Comparison of Mormon and Amish-Mennonite Land Use," 23-34 Raleigh, Tacob T., voted against Prohibition, 348, 351 Randall, Harry A., led National Guard riot squad, 279 Rat Race, Helper meeting place, 266, 294 Rawlings, John L., and Utah statehood, 129, 132

Utah Historical Quarterly

440 Reck, Alfred P., reporter, 293 Reconstruction Finance Corp.: criticized by N M U , 271, 2 7 4 - 7 5 ; inadequacy of, 2 5 9 60; defied by mine management, 261 Red Cross, criticized for distributing cigarettes, 366 Reed, Thomas B., House Speaker, praised I. Trumbo, 134 Reese, Enoch, Carson Valley merchant, 236 Reese, John, Carson Valley merchant, 129.

236-39 Reese, Mary, mother of I. Trumbo, 129 Reese's Station, in Carson Valley, 129 Reid, , commissioner, and 1933 strike; 277-80, 287 Reiger, John F., The Passing of the Great West: Seected Papers of George Bird Grinnell, reviewed, 98-99 Reilly, P. T., review of Crampton, Land of Living Rock: The Grand Canyon and the High Plateaus: Arizona, Utah, Nevada, 411-12 Relief Society Magazine, and anticigarette campaign, 363 Religion, in folk medicine, 380-81, 383, 385-86. See also various denominations Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, and historiography, 3 9 3 409 Reminiscences of Oscar Sonnenkalb, Idaho Surveyor and Pioneer, ed. Harstad, reviewed, 322-23 Republican party: and anticigarette statute, 368; and free silver, 136-37; nominated H. M. Wells, 140; and Prohibition, 342; and Utah statehood, 132-33 Reynolds, George, LDS academy trustee, 70, 72 Rhoades Valley. See Kamas Rich, Charles C , founded San Bernardino colony, 241-45 Rich, H. Arnold, and 1933 strike, 288 Richards, Morgan, Parowan LDS bishop, 168 Richards, Stephen L., anticigarette activities of, 360-61 Rigdon, Sidney, writings about, 400 Rivera, Juan Maria de, 1865 expedition of, 377 Roberts, Brigham H . : called N M U march peaceful, 2 9 1 ; historical writings of, 222; nominated S. Bamberger, 343 Robinson, Lewis, bought Fort Bridger for Mormons, 249 Robinson, Phil, described LDS temples, 310-11 Rockefeller, John D., Jr., company unions of, 271 The Rocks Begin to Speak, by Martineau, reviewed, 421-22 Romney, Joseph B., review of Stout, The Liberators: Filibustering Expeditions into Mexico, 1848-1867, and the Last Thrust of Manifest Destiny, 420-21 Roosevelt, Franklin D . : created NRA, 268; criticized by N M U , 262, 275, 299: 1932 platform of, 260: praised by U M W A , 276; and W. H. King, 123

Rorabacher, J. Albert, The American Buffalo in Transition: A Historical and Economic Survey of the Bison in America, reviewed, 317-18 Roske, Ralph J., review of Brooks, ed..

Journal of the Southern Indian Mission: Diary of Thomas D. Brown, 202-3 Russell, John, high commissioner to Haiti, 119-21

St. George, photograph of, 14 Salazar, Antonio, treated by curandera, 3 8 5 86 Salazar, Jose, husband of Leonela, 385 Salazar, Leonela, interviewed about curanderismo, 384-86 Salmon River Mission, history of, 226-31 Salt Lake and Los Angeles Railroad, promoted, 130, 132 Salt Lake City, in 1873, 5-6 Salt Lake Herald: and I. Trumbo, 137-38; and NEA convention, 157 Salt Lake LDS Temple, cornerstone of, laid, 234, 252 Salt Lake Literary and Scientific Assn., and LDS church, 79-80, 84 Salt Lake Ministerial Assn., approved anticigarette bill, 363 Salt Lake Stake Academy: favored by John Taylor, 7 4 - 7 5 ; funded, 87 Salt Lake Telegram: and anticigarette campaign, 364, 368, 3 7 1 ; and NEA convention, 157 Salt Lake Tribune: attacked C. Crane, 139; B. Brewster as columnist for, 3 7 - 3 8 ; defended Marshal Thompson, 160, 167; disliked I. Trumbo, 137; and Prohibition, 345, 348-49, 351, 354-56; opposed cigarette prohibition, 362, 364, 368, 3 7 0 - 7 1 ; reported Carbon County strikes, 277: reported Scofield disaster, 185-86, 188, 191 Salt Lake Valley Loan and Trust Co., and S. Bamberger, 343 San Bernardino: drawing of, 244; Mormon colony at, 222, 232, 235, 241-46, 250 Sanpete Stake Academy, funded, 87 Santo Domingo, independence of, sought by Sen. King, 118-20, 125 Saunders, Lyle, and folk medicine, 382 Savage, David, Millard sheepman, 8 Savage, Joseph, son of Levi M., 7 Savage, Levi, Jr., father of Levi M., 8, 22 Savage, Levi Mathers: biographical sketch of, 8 - 9 ; 1873 diary of, 4 - 2 2 ; photograph

of, 4 Save the Union Committee, expelled Communists, 265 Scanlan, Lawrence, and Scofield disaster, 189, 194 Scheiber, Harry N , review of Gressley, West

by East: The American West in the Gilded Age, 196-98 School Review, and NEA reorganization, 154-55, 158-59 Schneider, Hyrum, geologist, 85

Index Scofield: mine disaster at, 182-94; photographs of, 182, 184, 187, 189, 193 Seeley, , San Bernardino LDS president, 245 Septek, "Big Mary," 1897 coal strike leader, 272 Serb National Federation of Utah, ethnic organization, 297 Settlement, Mormon pattern of, 26-29, 302-3 Shane, O. F., strike mediator, 275 Sharp, John, university regent, 80 Shields, Dan B.: attorney general, and Prohibition, 352-54; photograph of, 352 Shiffman, Dr. R., Asthmador Cigarettes of banned, 367 Silver, as a political issue, 136-37 Simmonds, A. J., review of Harstad, ed., Reminiscences of Oscar Sonnenkalb, Idaho Surveyor and Pioneer, 322-23 Simons, Meno, Mennonite founder, 29 Sinclair, Upton, criticized educational policies of NEA and LDS church, 151-54, 159-60 Sloan, Edward L., gazetteer of, 7 Sloan, Robert W., described Logan LDS Temple, 311-12 Smilanich, Milka, secretary of Serb National Federation of Utah, 297 Smith, Duane A., Horace Tabor: His Life and Legend, reviewed, 419-20 Smith, Elbert, and Mormon historiography, 398 Smith, George Albert, and Prohibition, 341 Smith, Gibbs, M., review of Wheelwright and Woodbury, eds., Mormon Arts: Volume I, 315-16 Smith, Henry Nash, and the Homestead Act, 54 Smith, Jesse N., helped rescue J. C. Fremont, 180 Smith, John C. L.: helped rescue J. C. Fremont, 180-81 ; married Sarah Fish, 178; presided in Parowan, 179 Smith, John Henry: and I. Trumbo, 146; noted effects of Panic of 1893, 81 ; spoke at Ed Dalton's funeral, 167; spoke at Ogden G O P rally, 148 Smith, John S. H., "Cigarette Prohibition in Utah, 1921-23," 358-72 Smith, Joseph F . : discussed Young Academy, 7 3 ; and I. Trumbo, 131; praised Republicans, 133; and Prohibition, 341 Smith, Joseph Fielding, and Mormon historiography, 394, 400 Smith, Joseph, Jr.: city plan of, 26, 28, 3 3 : historical investigation of, 398; zionism of, 25-26 Smith, Melvin T., review of Hafen, The Joyous Journey of LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen: An Autobiography, 413-14 Smith, Sarah Fish: helped J. C. Fremont, 178-81; marriages of, 178, 179; photograph of, 179 Smoot, Abraham O , Provo academy trustee, 70 Smoot, Reed: antismoking bill of, 364: and beet sugar interests, 126: and BYU, 89:

441 conducted Scofield funeral services, 187; political dominance of, 117; and Prohibition, 342 Snow, Erastus, and Indian missions, 232 Snow, Lorenzo, and University of Utah, 85 Social Advisory Committee, of LDS church and cigarette prohibition, 360-61, 364 Social Welfare League, prohibitionist activities of, 368 Soldier in the West: Letters of Theodore Talbot during His Services in California, Mexico, and Oregon, 1845-53, ed. Hine and Lottinville, reviewed, 319-20 Sorenson, Alfred, and 1933 strike, 291 Southwick, Edward: anticigarette bill of, 364-67; photograph of, 358 Spring Canyon Mine, N M U strike at, 275 Springville, photograph of cabin in, 13 Spry, William, vetoed Prohibition bill. 342 Stake Social Committees, of LDS church and tobacco, 361-62 Standard ( O g d e n ) , backed C. Crane, 139 Standardville Mine, defied RFC, 261 Standish, Henry N., tried to amend anticigarette statue, 368, 370 Stanford, Leland, and Mormon officials, 131, 133 Stanger, , Arizona missionary returned to Ogden, 12 State of Deseret, extent of, 222, 235, 250 Steele, John, helped rescue J. C. Fremont, 180 Steffens, Lincoln, protested conditions in Carbon County, 289 Stevens, Hyrum, of Paragonah, 12 Stewart, D. P., of Kanab, 11 Stewart, William M., urged closing of Young University, 83 Stoffel, Jerome, noted effects of N M U strike, 295 The Story of the Church, by Davis, 399 Stout, Hosea. described Fort Supply, 248 Stout, Joseph Allen, Jr., The Liberators: Filibustering Expeditions in Mexico, 18481862, and the Last Thrust of Manifest Destiny, reviewed, 420-21 Students for a Democratic Society, stories about, 57-58 Sugar, and LDS church, 152-53 Sun Advocate (Price), and 1933 union activity, 267, 271, 282, 287-88 Sundance, Clarence Patrick, herbalist, 390 Sunday, Billy: and Prohibition, 340, 357; and tobacco, 359 Sutch, Oliver: criticized N M U tactics, 274; mine superintendent at Mutual, 271 Sweet Coal Co., requested National Guard troops, 277 Sweet Mine, strike at, 277

Take Up Your Mission: Mormon Colonizing along the Little Colorado River, 18701900, by Peterson, reviewed, 410-11 Talmage, James E.: and founding of Young University, 7 9 - 8 2 ; photograph of, 83 ; at University of Utah, 83-85

442

Utah Historical Quarterly

Tariff of 1930, and Utah sugar interests, 126 Taub, Belle, denied Communist charge, 290 Taylor, J o h n : approved Salt Lake Stake Academy, 7 4 - 7 5 ; dedicated Logan LDS Temple, 312; home of, 9; lumbering activities of, 15, 17, 19-20, 22; relations of, with B. Young, 73-75 Taylor, John [W. ?], at Kamas sawmill, 17 Taylor, Hyrum, at Kamas sawmill, 17, 21 Taylor, Samuel W.: and Mormon historiography, 393, 404; review of Adler and Barrett, eds., The Diaries of Walter Murray Gibson: 1886, 1887, 416-17 Taylor, William, at Kamas sawmill, 17, 19-22 Taylor, William N., son of John, 9-10, 14 Teasdale, George, conducted Scofield funeral services, 187 Telich, Leo, Mr. and Mrs., photograph of, 285 Teller, Henry M., Colorado senator, praised I. Trumbo, 134 Thode, Jackson C , The 1970 Denver Westerners Brand Book, reviewed, 100-101 Thomas, Arthur L., gubernatorial hopeful, 137, 140 Thomas, Gomer, state mine inspector, 192 Thompson, Edward, son of William, Jr., 168 Thompson, Gregory Coyne, Southern Ute Lands, 1848-1899: The Creation of a Reservation and The Southern Utes: A Tribal History, reviewed, 203-4 Thompson, Oscar, son of William, Jr., 168 Thompson, William, Jr., and shooting of Ed Dalton, 166-68, 170 Three Nephites, folklore of, 47-48, 54-55 Tibbies, Thomas, ed., The Ponca Chiefs: An Account of the Trial of Standing Bear, reviewed, 204-5 Time, reported UEA strike threat, 151 The Time of the Buffalo, by McHugh, reviewed, 317-18 Todd, Edgeley Woodman, A Doctor on the California Trail: The Diary of Dr. John Hudson Wayman . . . 1852, reviewed, 96-97 Toson, Raymond, N M U defense witness, 293 Towne, Ephraim, led N M U march, 286-87 Treaty of 1915, made Haiti a protectorate, 120, 122 Trujillo, Leonela. See Salazar, Leonela Trumbo, Isaac: accused of corruption, 138, 141; death of, 149; early history of, 12930; and free silver. 136-37; as G O P delegate, 136; and Mormon officials, 131, 146-49; photographs of, 128, 136; renovated Gardo House. 135; and Salt Lake and Los Angeles Railroad, 132: and U. S. Senate seat, 133, 142-46; and Utah statehood, 128-49 Trumbo, John K., father of Isaac, 129

u Un-American Activities Committee, hearings of, 289 Unemployed Council of Salt Lake City, protested conditions in Carbon County, 289

United Mine Workers of America: accused of strikebreaking, 271; met with mine owners, 283; minorities in, 265; organizing activities of, in Carbon County, 193, 256-57, 260-61, 265, 267-71, 273-79, 293-94: and N M U , 266, 268-71, 273-79, 284, 295-96, 299; patriotic image of, 274, 276; photograph of convention of, 2626 3 ; and Spring Canyon strike, 275 United States, foreign policy of, in Haiti, 117-23, 125-27 University of Deseret, in 1873, 6 University of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. See Young University University of U t a h : affected by Young University, 70, 8 2 - 8 5 ; Folklore Archive Index at, 376; LDS church accused of interference at, 152; photograph of building

of, 69 Uranium, trading in stocks of, 38—39 U t a h : politics of statehood for, 128-49: settlements of, in 1873 described, 13-14 Utah Associated Industries, campaigned for open shop, 258 Utah Central Railroad: in 1873, 5; stock of, exchanged for W. Young property, 74 Utah Copper Co., used Mexican strikebreakers, 377 Utah Education Assn.: role of teachers in, at 1920 NEA convention, 150-61; threatened strike, 151 Utah Educational Review, disapproved NEA convention tactics, 159 Utah Expedition, effect of, on Mormon colonizing, 220, 225, 229, 234-35, 250-51, 253 Utah Farmers and Workers Congress, collected food for strikers, 289 Utah Federation of Labor, gave information on N M U , 265 Utah Federation of Prohibition and Betterment Leagues, activities of, 342, 352, 357 Utah Fuel Co., photograph of coal mine of, 254-55 Utah's Heritage, by Ellsworth, reviewed, 90-91 Utah Historical Quarterly, ownership statement of, 392 Utah Industrial Baseball League, in 1930s, 260-61 Utah Journal, reported on Logan LDS Temple, 308 Utah Journal Publishing Co., books published by, 313 Utah National Guard: arrived in Carbon County, 279; need for, denied, 276-78; requests for, made 275-78; spies of 261 ; used against strikers 257, 2 7 1 ; used tear gas, 286-88, 299 Utah Northern Railroad: building of, 3048; in 1873, 5 Utah Prohibition League, opposed Boyden bill, 346 Utah State Agricultural College, buildings of, 309 Utah State Farm Bureau, and Prohibition, 349 Utah Southern Railroad, in 1873, 5

443

Index Utah Territorial Legislature, funded University of Utah, 83 Utah Territory: boundaries of, 235, 250; map of, 220

Vaca, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de, described Indian dances, 380—81 Valdez, Eddie, husband of Te, 390 Valdez, Te Maria Cisneros, Ogden curandera, 389-91 Varian, Charles S., prosecuted W. Thompson, 170 Vasquez, Louis, and Fort Bridger, 246, 249 Veterans of Foreign Wars, opposed anticigarette bill, 365 A Victorian Gentlewoman in the Far West: The Reminiscences of Mary Hallock Foote, ed. Paul, reviewed, 418-19 Vienna Cafe, raided, 368 Villard, Oswald Garrison, journalist, 118 Virgin Islands, independence of, sought by Sen. King, 125-27 Volstead Act, and Utah dry law, 354, 357

W Wagner, Robert F., advocated collective bargaining, 260 Walker War, shocked Mormons, 234 War, , Kamas Sunday school superintendent, 16 Warner, Ted J., review of Williams, ed., Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-29, 92-93' Washakee, and Mormon missionaries, 249 Waterman, Robert W., California, governor, 130 Watson, Emily Craine, collected Parowan stories, 179-80 Weber River, agriculture near, 15 Webster, Paul, The Mighty Sierra: Portrait of a Mountain World, reviewed, 101-2 Wells, Heber M.: gubernatorial candidate, 139-41; and Scofield disaster, 189-90 West by East: The American West in the Gilded Age, by Gressley, reviewed, 196-98 Western Federation of Miners, federal troops sent against, 257 West, Rolla: arrests made by, 280-81, 283, 287; deputized men, 279, 285-86; named chief deputy sheriff, 277; and National Guard, 277-78; and N M U , 265, 272; photograph of, 273 Wetherbee, Charles: arrest and trial of, 283-84, 289, 292-93; arrival of, in Carbon County, 260, 266; in Helper parade, 273; at N M U meetings, 261, 264; and picketing, 275: urged N M U and U M W A to unite, 294 Wheelwright, Lorin F., ed., Mormon Arts, Volume I, reviewed, 315-16 Whitney, Orson F.: historical writings of, 222; and shooting of Ed Dalton, 166-67, 173 Wide Awake, published Mrs. Fremont's account of mental telepathy, 181

Widtsoe, John A., cartoon of, 115 Wilcock, John J., loaned gun to U. S. marshal, 166 Wilcox, Pearl, and Mormon historiography, 404 Wilfong, Albert E., led Guard to Carbon County, 279 Wilkinson, Ernest, criticized UEA, 151 Williams, Glyndwr, Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-29, reviewed, 92-93 Williams, Isaac, California ranch of, 242 Williams, W. G., and 1933 strike, 279, 288.

290 Wilson, Bates E., review of Frost, My Canyonlands, 199-200 Wilson, Elinor, Jim Beckworth: Black Mountain Man and War Chief of the Crows, reviewed, 206-7 Wilson, John, survived mine explosion, 185 Wilson, William A., "Folklore and History: Fact amid the Legends," 40-58 Wilson, Woodrow, defended, 118 Winder, J., and BYU, 89 Winder, M. S., criticized antitobacco forces, 366-67 Winship, James, educational editor, 158-59 Winter Quarters Mine, explosion at, 183 With the Latter Day Saints on the Missouri Frontier, by Wilcox, 404 Wolf, General [James Wolfe], took Quebec, 8 Wolfe, Thomas, described Utah scenes and buildings, 311 Women's Christian Temperance Union, activities of, 341, 359, 366 Works Progress Administration, N M U members registered for, 295 World War I, anti-immigrant activities after, 264-65 World War II, effects of, in Utah, 295, 378 Woodbury, Lael J., ed., Mormon Arts, Volume I, reviewed, 315—16 Woodruff, Wilford: death of, 48; and education, 75-79, 83-84, 8 8 ; and I. Trumbo, 143-44, 146-48; and polygamy, 171; wanted G. Q. Cannon for senator, 142-43 Woodruff, Wilford Owen, accused Gov. Blood of apathy, 291 Wooley, Edwin D., described Carson Valley, 236 Wootton, John H., Prohibition bill of, 349 Wyoming Labor Journal, and Utah union movement, 268, 294

Young, Brigham: and Arizona mission, 1012; and building of Logan church structures, 303, 305; disapproved of Mormons seeking gold, 236, 242; and education, 70, 73-74; estate of, 7 0 - 7 5 ; and Indian mission, 227, 230, 233; and John Taylor, 73-75; and northern Utah, 313-14; and O. Pratt, 6 7 - 6 8 ; study of colonizing by, 220-53 Young, Brigham H., Carbon County clerk, 281

444 Young, Brigham, Jr., LDS academy trustee, 70, 72 Young, Don Carlos, and LDS academy, 72, 74 Young, Ernest I., LDS Academy trustee, 70, 72 Young, Hiram S., LDS academy trustee, 70 Young, John W.: LDS academy trustee, 70, 72; and statehood, 131 Young, Karl E., review of Martineau, The Rocks Begin to Speak, 421-22 Young, LeGrand, and LDS academy, 78 Young, Levi Edgar, historical writings of, 222 Young, R., and BYU, 89 Young, Richard W.: brigadier general, 344; and LDS academy, 78 Young, Richard W.. Jr.: photograph of, 344; Prohibition bill of, 344-49, 351, 353

Utah Historical Quarterly Young, Seymour B., conducted Scofield funeral services, 187 Young University: founding of, 75-79; and Panic of 1893, 81-82, photograph of, 69 Young, Willard: and LDS education, 70, 7 2 - 8 1 ; military career of, 71, 74, 77; photograph of, 77 Young Woman's Journal, and anticigarette campaign, 363 Young Worker, Communist party organ, 277

Zagorich, Georg, photograph of funeral of, 298-99 Zion, Mormon concept of, 25-26 The Zunis: Self-Portrayals, trans. Quam, reviewed, 321-22

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Division of Department of Development Services BOARD OF STATE HISTORY M I L T O N C. A B R A M S , Smithfield,

1977

President D E L L O G. D A Y T O N , O g d e n , 1975

Vice President M E L V I N T . S M I T H , Salt Lake City Secretary MRS.

J U A N I T A B R O O K S , St. George, 1977

M R S . A. C. J E N S E N , Sandy, 1975 T H E R O N L U K E , Provo, 1975

C L Y D E L. M I L L E R , Secretary of State

Ex officio M R S . H E L E N Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City, 1977 H O W A R D C. P R I C E , J r . , Price, 1975 MRS.

E L I Z A B E T H S K A N C H Y , M i d v a l e , 1977

R I C H A R D O . U L I B A R R I , Roy, 1977

M R S . NAOMI W O O L L E Y , Salt Lake City, 1975 ADMINISTRATION MELVIN T. SMITH,

Director

STANFORD J . L A Y T O N , Publications JAY M . H A Y M O N D ,

Coordinator

Librarian

DAVID B. M A D S E N , Antiquities

Director

T h e U t a h State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited U t a h n s to collect, preserve, a n d publish U t a h and related history. Today, u n d e r state sponsorship, t h e Society fulfills its obligations by publishing t h e Utah Historical Quarterly a n d other historical materials; locating, documenting, a n d preserving historic a n d prehistoric buildings a n d sites; a n d maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to t h e Society's programs or its library a r e encouraged, for only through such means c a n it live u p to its responsibility of preserving t h e record of U t a h ' s past.

MEMBERSHIP Membership in the U t a h State Historical Society is open to all individuals a n d institutions interested in U t a h history.

Membership applications a n d change of address notices should be sent to the membership secretary.

Annual dues a r e : Institutions, $7.00; individuals, $5.00; students, $3.00. Life memberships, $100.00.

Tax-deductible donations for special projects of the Society may be m a d e on t h e following membership basis: sustaining, $250.00; patron, $500.00; benefactor, $1,000.00. Your interest a n d support are most welcome.

ANOTHER

KIISG

DETHRONED