Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 52, Number 4, 1984 by Utah Historical Society

o r

The German-speaking Immigrants of Utah

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042- 143X) EDITORIAL STAFF MELVIN T. SMITH.Editor

STANFORD J. LAY ION, Managing Editor MIRIAM B. MURPHY,Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L. CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 INF./ S. COOPER, Cedar City, 1984 S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH, Logan, 1984

PETER L. Goss.Salt Lake City, 1985 GLEN M. LEONARD, Farmington, 198 5

LAMAR PETERSEN, Salt Lake City, 1986 RICHARD W. SADLER,Ogden, 1985

HAROLD SCHINDLER.Soft Lake City, 1984 GENE A. SESSIONS,Bountiful,

1986

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $10.00; institutions, $ 15.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $7.50; contributing, $ 15.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00. Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors. Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah. Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Contents FALL 1984/VOLUME 52/NUMBER 4

IN T H I S ISSUE

303

T H E GERMAN-SPEAKING

IMMIGRANT

EXPERIENCE IN U T A H T H E WAVES OF IMMIGRATION

ALLAN KENT POWELL

. . . .

RONALD

DIE AUSWANDERUNG T H E MEMORY BOX

DEWSNUP

347

ALDER

370

IRENE STOOF PEARMAIN

389

WALTER KOCH

393

PHILA HEIMANN

396

DOUGLAS

WE ALL WORKED LIFE MORE SWEET T H A N B I T T E R

304

BOOK REVIEWS

399

INDEX

406

T H E COVER Tabernacle organist Alexander Schreiner, immigrants on board ship in 1925, and John Baumann, a Swiss handcart pioneer who settled in Utah's Dixie; on back: society matron Sarah Cohen Kahn, band in Midway, and Emil Fischer demonstrating early concrete block making technique. USHS collections.

Books reviewed Merchants and Miners in Utah: The Walker Brothers and Their Bank RONALD G. W A T T

JONATHAN BLISS.

399

RICHARD F. PALMER a n d KARL D .

Brigham Young: The New York Years. . . .RICHARD S. V A N BUTLER.

WAGONER

400

ROBERT GLASS CLELAND a n d

A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee,

JUANITA BROOKS.

1848-1876

MELVIN T . SMITH

401

JAMES S. OLSON a n d RAYMOND WILSON .

Native Americans in the Twentieth Century.

JODYE DICKSON SCHILZ

GREGORY J . W. URWIN. The United

Cavalry: An Illustrated

States

History.

BRUCE HAWKINS a n d JERRY M C G A H A LINDA JONES GIBBS.

403

404

Masterworks.

RICHARD L. JENSEN a n d RICHARD G. OMAN.

C. C. A. Christensen, 1831-1912: Mormon

Immigrant

Artist

ARLEY G. CURTZ

405

In this issue

Ethnic studies, once criticized by some as trivial and unworthy of scholars' or students' time, have become staples on college campuses and have filtered into public school curricula as well. In the past decade alone, hundreds of books and countless articles have examined in detail particular aspects of the ethnic experience in America. In Utah the Utah State Historical Society has marched proudly in the forefront of the movement to bring the highest scholarly standards to the study of this state's ethnic heritage and to disseminate the product of such research as widely as possible. In the late 1920s Utah Historical Quarterly articles on Indians, AfroAmericans, or Spaniards were not perceived as "ethnic studies," but the commitment to explore the population's diversity was there and remained firm. When a new generation of scholars began producing excellent ethnic studies in the 1970s the Society took the lead in publishing them. T h e spring 1970 Quarterly was devoted to Greek immigrants, spring 1971 to Native Americans, and summer 1972 to ethnic minorities. In 1976 came The Peoples of Utah, the Society's Bicentennial book. T h e winter 1984 Quarterly examined ethnic folklore, and in this issue German-speaking immigrants stand in the limelight. Diversity, cultural pluralism, ethnic pride lie near the heart of the American experience, and as new waves of immigrants from Asia and Central America bring their unique heritage to the United States in the 1980s it seems more important than ever to increase our understanding of what it means to be ethnically different and yet fully American.

The German-speaking Immigrant Experience in Utah BY ALLAN KENT POWELL

1776 The Lossberg Regiment left the army garrison at Rinteln, a G e r m a n town on the Weser River fifteen miles downstream from Hameln of Pied Piper fame. Included in the ranks of this regiment of Hessian mercenaries was Anton J o h n Watermann, a twenty-year-old weaver born near the Weser River village of Fischbeck. Sailing first to Portsmouth, England, Watermann and his comrades left for the New World on May 6, 1776, and landed at Staten

I N EARLY SPRING

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Island, New York, on August 15 just in time to take part with the English against the American rebels in the Battle of Long Island. Successful in the Long Island fight, the battle of White Plains, and the capture of Fort Washington, the Lossberg Regiment was sent to Newport, Rhode Island, on December 8, 1776. Shortly after his arrival in Rhode Island, Watermann deserted the English forces, escaping north into Massachusetts where the Norton town records for February 15, 1777, reveal that he and H a n n a h Newland petitioned for permission to marry. Forbidden to do so by the town selectmen, apparently because of the German's questionable background, the young couple left Norton and were married in an German-bom Richard K. A. Kletting designed the Utah State Capitol. USHS collections.

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unknown location. After establishing residence in North Providence, Rhode Island, Watermann joined Capt. Stephen Olney's company of volunteers and fought against his former comrades in an unsuccessful attempt to drive the British and the hired Hessian soldiers from Rhode Island. Fearful that his status as a deserter might be discovered, Watermann changed his name to J o h n Christian Burgess and continued to serve as an American with the Rhode Island troops until the end of the war. About 1790 J o h n and Hannah moved to the Lake George region of New York where eleven children were born to them. A number of the children joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints in 1832 and participated in the events in Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois before their exodus to Utah in 1848. Once in Utah the Burgesses continued their pioneer ways, operating saw mills in Parleys Canyon and Pine Valley in Utah's Dixie, farming and herding livestock in Wayne County, keeping bees in Huntington, and raising a large posterity for the one-time Hessian mercenary. Thousands of Utahns and millions of Americans are descended from German-speaking people like J o h n Watermann. Though motives and reasons varied for coming to America, the Germanspeaking immigrants who came from present-day West Germany, East Germany, Austria, Switzerland, parts of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Rumania, H u n g a r y , Yugoslavia, and Russia have had a significant impact in shaping the patterns and texture of our national and state history. Utah's German-speaking population came primarily from Germany and Switzerland. Beginning with a population of 60 in 1850, the number grew steadily to 4,000 in 1900 and then nearly doubled to 7,500 by 1910. World War I saw the influx of Germans d r o p dramatically during the second decade of the twentieth century and by 1920 the population was 6,000 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a figure that remained constant until World War II when another significant d r o p of nearly 25 percent occurred. T h e upheaval and destruction of World War II coupled with close ties between Utah and Germany saw a dramatic increase in the number of German-born emigrating to Utah in the 1950s. Coming at the rate of between 300 and 500 a year during the decade after the war, the present German-born population in Utah is estimated at about 20,000.' 'Information on the number of German immigrants is taken from Douglas Dexter Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah, 1850-1950" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959); and

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T h e vast majority of German immigrants to Utah came because of the Mormon church. However, an i m p o r t a n t g r o u p of n o n Mormons came because of business opportunities, including a substantial n u m b e r of Germanb o r n Jewish m e r c h a n t s in the 1860s and 1870s. Others came because of the transcontinental railroad completed in 1869 or because of m i n i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s made possible by the railroads. We may never know the first G e r m a n - b o r n w a n d e r e r to set foot in Utah. However, one of the first to write about Utah was the Alexander von Humboldt. USHS famous German geographer, collections. Baron Alexander von Humboldt. He studied the journal of the 1776 Dominguez-Escalante expedition to Utah and, based on that information, prepared a map of the Lake Timpanogos, or Utah Lake, area that was included in his Political Essay on the Kindgom of New Spain published in 1811. 2 A case can be made for J o h n H. Weber as the first German in Utah. T h e fur trapper for whom Weber Canyon, Weber River, and Weber County are named was born in Altona near H a m b u r g in the state of Holstein in 1779. Holstein, though its population was overwhelmingly German, was then u n d e r the control of Denmark. 3

Gabriele Barbara Kindt, "Statistical Study: Emigration of German Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," Research Paper, History 490, University of Utah, August 17, 1977, on file at the LDS Church Library-Archives, Salt Lake City. 2 T h e volume was published in Paris as Essai Politique sur le Royaume de Nouvelle-Espagne. See also Ted J. Warner "The Spanish Epoch," in Richard D. Poll, ed., Utah's History (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p. 48. i n f o r m a t i o n about J o h n H. Weber is very sparse and the question of his nationality confusing because of the political situation of Altona â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a German city u n d e r Danish control. Dale Morgan describes Weber as Danish and J. C. Hughey, who first met Weber in 1852, wrote of him: "By birth he was a Dane. For six years he sailed a Danish vessel as skipper, before coming to America. . . . when I knew him he had forgotten his native language and spoke the English language freer from provincialism than most natives do." J o h n D. Weber's son, William, is less definite about his father's nationality, stating only that the man "was born in the town of Altona, then part of the kingdom of Denmark in 1779." See Dale Morgan, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1953), p. 42, and the biographical sketch of J o h n H. Weber by LeRoy Hafen in LeRoy Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West, vol. 9 (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1972), pp. 379-84.

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Weber's son recalled that his father "received a fairly good education, and grew to a vigorous and well developed manhood. While quite young he ran away to sea and . . . was captain and commander of a passenger ship before he was 21 years old." By 1807 Weber had given up the life of a seaman, immigrated to America, and settled in Ste. Genevieve, Missouri. T h e r e he became acquainted with William H. Ashley and Andrew Henry whom he joined in their first fur trading venture in 1822. Two years later Weber led a party of trappers, one of whom was Jim Bridger, to Bear Lake which was known among American fur trappers for a time as Weaver's (Weber's) Lake in honor of his discovery in 1824. From Bear Lake Weber's party moved into Cache Valley, then called Willow Valley, where they spent the winter of 1824-25. Pushing south out of Cache Valley in the spring of 1825, Weber was one of the first white men to see the Great Salt Lake. He trapped the mountains of central and northern Utah until he left the fur trade in 1827. Frederick A. Wislizenus, an adventuresome German traveler cut from the same mold as his countrymen Frederick Paul Wilhelm â&#x20AC;&#x201D; duke of Wurttemberg, Prince Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied, Karl Bodmer, and Heinrich Baldwin Mollhausen, journeyed to the Rocky Mountains from St. Louis in 1839 with a fur trading party u n d e r the leadership of Black Harris. A native of SchwarzburgRudolstadt, Wislizenus had studied at the universities of Jena, Goettingen, and Tuebingen before joining with a number of student revolutionaries on April 3, 1833, to seize two important military buildings in Frankfurt am Main, the Constables Watch and the Main Watch. T h e abortive revolution was quickly quelled, though most of the young students managed to escape, including Wislizenus who made his way to Switzerland where he took his degree as doctor of medicine at the University of Zurich. In 1835 he arrived in New York; a year later he continued west' to St. Louis; and three years later he found himself on the Green River in Wyoming as a witness to the last great fur trade rendezvous. At the conclusion of the rendezvous, Wislizenus traveled to Fort Hall, Idaho, where he spent eight days. Abandoning his plan to continue on to the Columbia River and then California and Santa Fe, he and two others enlisted a Mr. Richardson as guide and began the return trip to St. Louis. Opting to travel south toward the Santa Fe Trail they made their way to Soda Springs, then to the Bear River

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which they followed for four days, then southeastward to Henry's Fork which they followed to its junction with the Green River at a point just inside the present Utah-Wyoming border and now covered by the waters of Flaming Gorge Reservoir. They continued for two days down the Green River to Fort Davy Crockett, a trading post operated by three Americans named Thompson, Gray, and Sinclair. T h e fort, Wislizenus reported, was "a low one-story building, constructed of wood and clay, with three connecting wings, and no enclosure . . . the whole establishment appeared somewhat poverty stricken, for which reason it is also known to the trappers by the name of Fort Misery." 4 Their meat supply exhausted, the fort proprietors purchased "a lean dog from the Indians for five dollars and considered its meat a delicacy. Wislizenus disclosed, "I too tried some of it, and found its taste not so bad." 5 From Fort Davy Crockett the party continued southeastward to the South Fork of the Platte River and Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River before returning to Missouri where Wislizenus helped found the St. Louis Academy of Sciences and the Missouri Historical Society and served as president of the St. Louis Medical Society. He died in St. Louis in 1889 at the age of seventy-nine. While Wislizenus was the first known German to write of his travels in present-day Utah, he also hinted that other Germans may have preceded him. He wrote of a few other Germans being in the Black Harris party, a German at Fort Hall, and a former student friend from Jena who had been in the mountains as a trapper for six years and whom he hoped to meet at Fort Davy Crockett: "To note the metamorphosis from a jovial student at Jena into a trapper would be interesting enough in itself. T h e presence of S. would have afforded me pleasure far beyond this, as we had not seen each other for ten years. Unfortunately, I learned that he had gone beaver trapping and would not return before fall."" In 1843 Charles Preuss, born in Hohscheid, Waldeck, Germany, on April 30, 1803, and the official cartographer and artist for the J o h n C. Fremont first, second, and fourth expeditions, entered Utah about September 1. Preuss, the well-known frontiersman Kit Carson, and Fremont visited the Great Salt Lake where they "ferried with our miserable rubber boat to the next island which Fremont 4 F. A. Wislizenus, A Journey to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1839 (Glorieta, N.M.: Rio Grande Press, 1969), p. 129. 5 Ibid., p. 130. 6 Ibid., pp. 28, 106, and 130.

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christened Disappointment Island [now called Fremont Island] because he expected game there but did not find it."7 Preuss was not overly impressed with the Salt Lake region: "Everything here looks level and white, Partly water, partly dry land. Is this the Salt Lake or not? . . . for exploring regions like this, few people and many beasts of burden to carry provisions are needed." 8 T h e concern with provisions was inspired by that night's meal when, Preuss recorded, ". . . we devoured seagulls, the only thing we could shoot. How hunger makes people quiet, no cursing or laughing to be heard."" Eight months later, in May 1844, Preuss, Fremont, and Carson reentered Utah following the Old Spanish Trail into present-day Washington County and traveled north to Utah Lake where Preuss recorded a much more favorable impression of Utah Valley than that of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake. 10 T u r n i n g east from Utah Valley, the Fremont expedition worked its way into the Uinta Basin and then into Brown's Hole where they intersected the Wislizenus route of five years earlier and followed it to the South Fork of the Platte, Bent's Fort, and back to Missouri. T h e maps produced by Preuss for the Fremont expedition reports were the first maps of the West based on modern principles of geodesy and cartography. They were studied and used by many western pioneers, including the 1847 Mormons en route to Utah and forty-niners traveling to the California gold fields. T h e next Germans to enter Utah were not adventurers witnessing the waning of the western fur trade or explorers documenting and marking the great western expanse; instead they were pioneers en route to California and the promise of a far western paradise. In 1846 Heinrich Lienhardt from the Canton of Glaurus, Switzerland, with two countrymen named T h o m e n and Ripstein and a man named Diel from Darmstadt and another named Zins from Lorraine, made their way to California and elected to follow the newly opened Hastings Cutoff which pushed west from Fort Bridger instead of following the traditional circuitous trail northwest to Fort Hall, then back southwest to the Humboldt River. Traveling across the Wasatch Mountains, Lienhardt and his company made their way 7 Charles Preuss, Exploring with Fremont, trans, and ed. Erwin G. and Elizabeth K. Gadde (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), p. 88. 8 Ibid., pp. 87 and 89. "Ibid., p. 89. 10 Ibid., pp. 133-34.

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down the boulder-strewn Weber River and into present-day Davis County where Lienhardt lamented, "If there had only been a single family of white people here, I probably would have remained. What a shame that this magnificent region was uninhabited." Stopping for a bath in the J o r d a n River and a swim in the Great Salt Lake, his favorable impression of Utah was evident as he wrote: "The clear, sky-blue water, the warm sunny air, the nearby high mountains . . . made an unusually friendly impression. I could have whistled and sung the entire day." 11 This joy was not shared by a group of Germans a few weeks b e h i n d t h e m on the Hastings Cutoff. T h e y i n c l u d e d Lewis Keseberg, his wife, and two small children from Westphalia, the Wolfingers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a man and his wife â&#x20AC;&#x201D; August Spitzer, J o s e p h Reinhardt, and Karl Burger. All members of the Donner Party, these German-born pioneers passed down Echo Canyon, up Big Mountain, across Little Mountain, and down Emigration Canyon a year before the Mormon pioneers would follow the same route into the Salt Lake Valley. After continuing across the Great Salt Lake Desert and into the snow-covered Sierra Nevadas, only three of the Germans survived the winter of 1846-47 to reach California. 12 T h e influx of German-born Mormons to Utah began with Konrad Kleinmann. Born April 19, 1815, in Bergwasser, Landau, Germany, Kleinmann was one of the original 143 Mormon pioneers to enter the Great Salt Lake Valley with Brigham Young in July 1847. After living in Salt Lake City and Lehi, Kleinmann was called to St. George to help open the Dixie Cotton Mission in 1861. He lived there until his death in 1907 at the age of 92. 13 Another of the early German-born converts to Mormonism was Alexander Neibaur. Born January 8, 1808, in Ehrenbreitstein, a village with an impressive fortress overlooking the junction of the Rhein and Mosel rivers at Koblenz, he was encouraged by his parents to prepare for a career as a rabbi. Instead, Neibaur attended the University of Berlin to study surgery and dentistry. Graduating before he was twenty, he moved to England where he joined the Mormon church. He left England and arrived in Nauvoo, Illinois, in 1841 where he set up a dental office in Brigham Young's front room 1 '"Journal of Heinrich Lienhardt" in Dale Morgan, ed., Westfrom Fort Bridger, published as vol. 19 of Utah Historical Quarterly in 1951, p. 134. 12 For an account of the Donner-Reed Party see George R. Stewart, Ordeal By Hunger (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960). 13 Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 2 (Salt Lake City, 1914), p. 661.

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and also taught German to Joseph Smith. After crossing the plains to Utah in 1848, he farmed, practised denistry, m a n u f a c t u r e d matches, and taught German classes.14 After 1853 Mormon missionaries began to preach in Germany. Their efforts resulted in a continual number of converts who left the homeland for Utah. One of the first German converts to join the Mormon church was Karl G. Maeser. He was baptized in the Elbe River on October 14, 1855. An educator by training and vicedirector of the Budich Institute in Neustadt, Dresden, Maeser had talents that were quickly utilized upon his arrival in Utah on September 1, 1860. After a number of assignments to teach in Salt Lake City schools and a three-year mission back to Germany, he was called by Brigham Young in 1876 to move to Provo to establish the Brigham Young Academy. Beginning with two classes — a primary and intermediate grade — the institution founded by Maeser is known today as Brigham Young University. He was the first in a long line of Germans — both Mormon and non-Mormon — to serve Utah's institutions of higher learning. 15 While Karl G. Maeser was pioneering the development of education in Utah, other Germanspeaking immigrants were struggling with the urgent issues of developing farms, building homes, and establishing frontier enterprises. Mormon missionaries met with some success in Switzerland during the late 1850s and 1860s, and most of their Germanspeaking converts were touched by the desire to gather to Zion. Once in Utah three communities outside Salt Lake City — Providence, Midway, and Santa Clara — drew most of the Swiss immigrants. Swiss-born J o h n T h e u r e r was one of the original 1859 settlers of Providence in Cache Valley. Enthusiastic over the prospects of Providence and anxious to persuade his countrymen to settle in Cache Valley, he made several trips to Salt Lake City to meet incoming groups at the mouth of Emigration Canyon. He induced a number of the Swiss immigrants to continue north to Providence where they formed a dominant element in the community. A German-speaking Sunday School was established, a German church constructed, a German choir organized, and sauerkraut making l4 Utah Genealogical and'Historical Magazine 5(April 1914): 53-63. See also the Alexander Neibaur Journal from 1841 to 1862 in the LDS Church Library-Archives. 15 For biographies of Karl G. Maeser see Reinhard Maeser, Karl G. Maeser, a Biography by His Son (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University, 1928), and Alma P. Burton, Karl G. Maeser, Mormon Educator (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1953).

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practiced â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a Providence tradition that has continued to the present.111 Another favorite gathering place for Swiss immigrants was Midway. Founded in 1859 and located in the beautiful Alpine-like Heber Valley, Midway quickly attracted Swiss immigrants of the 1860s and continues to foster its Swiss heritage through its annual Swiss Day celebration and its 1941 City Hall built in a Swiss Chalet Style. Most Swiss immigrants who had not settled in Providence or Midway by the fall of 1861 were called by Mormon leaders in October 1861 to move to Utah's Dixie in an effort to bolster the Cotton Mission. Within a few weeks, approximately forty families comprised of about eighty-five individuals found themselves on the banks of the Santa Clara River where, according to historian A. Karl Larson, "They could neither speak nor understand English, and the country they were entering was about as different from their native Switzerland as could be imagined." 17 These Swiss pioneers had to contend not only with a landscape accented by red instead of green, but they were newcomers and problems soon arose with the older American and Anglo settlers. T h e Swiss group was principally without means, lacking plows, teams, and even some of the most elemental necessities for subduing a new land, and they had to depend upon working for those who had these things to pay for their use at brief intervals. Because of the shortage of teams and wagons, the Swiss brethren were unable to procure the p r o p e r fencing materials for their small patches of ground, and their crops, when finally growing, were subject to the depredations of the livestock belonging to the older settlers. Indeed, stock-raising was almost the major activity of the first pioneers of Santa Clara, while farming was secondary. T h e resultant damage to the crops of the newcomers was a great annoyance to them and could easily have led to serious trouble. For the stock were necessary to the well being of the one, and the only place where they could graze them was on the public domain; crops, on the other hand, were absolutely essential to the other, for they lacked other means of sustenance. T h e situation spelled trouble. 1

In the early 1860s food shortages plagued the Dixie settlers and especially the Swiss converts. J o h n S. Stucki recorded that often his family's only source of food was pig weeds "cooked in water without '"Providence History Committee, Providence and Her People, 2d ed. (Providence, Ut., 1974), pp. 11-13, 51-52, and 227-31. ' ' A n d r e w Karl Larson, "7 Was Called to Dixie"; The Virgin River Basin: Unique Experiences in Mormon Pioneering (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1961), p. 46. 18 Ibid., p. 48.

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anything more nourishing to go with them, as we had no cow, no flour, no seasoning of any kind, not even a bit of bread for the children." 10 T h e situation improved slightly when Stucki found work and lodging in the town of Washington with a Danish couple named Iverson. I have never forgotten when on a Sunday morning I would go home the eleven or twelve miles to see how my folks were, and the good old lady would give me quite a big lunch of pancakes to take along for my dinner. How I used to rejoice to think that I could bring those pancakes to my little brother and sister so they could have a little better dinner on Sunday, and I could eat the pig-weeds instead of them. 2 0

But the hard times and conflicts did not last forever. A measure of prosperity was attained and spirits lifted when a Swiss band was organized in Santa Clara by George Staheli. A native of Amersville in the Canton of T h u r g a u , Staheli had served as a bugler in the Swiss army and played in a Swiss band which traveled all over Switzerland and across the border into Germany. After joining the Mormon church, he left Switzerland with his precious cornet and served as the camp bugler as the band of Swiss converts marched west to Salt Lake City in 1861. Tradition holds that Brigham Young wanted George Staheli to remain in Salt Lake to teach music, but because he could not speak English and wanted to be with his friends and relatives, he elected to join the group headed south for Santa Clara. 21 As the group made its way south from Cedar City toward St. George along the nearly impassable road, the cornet, which had been tied to a wagon, "was loosed from its moorings and went tumbling into the wheel track to be rescued only after it was smashed 'flat as a pancake' by the heavy wheels which ran over it."22 Staheli endured without his beloved musical instrument until about 1864 when J o h n R. Itten, another Swiss, received ten band instruments as an inheritance. When the instruments arrived from Switzerland, Itten gave them to the community. George Staheli taught a number of men how to play the cornet, tuba, tenor horn, alto, bass, and valve trombone. Since no written music was available, he wrote music for each instrument, and in time Dixie celebrations rang with the sound of Swiss band music. 23 1!,

Ibid., p. 49. Ibid. 2 'Hazel Bradshaw, ed. Under Dixie Sun (Panguitch, Ut., 1950), p. 159 22 Ibid., p. 157. 23 "7 Was Called to Dixie" pp. 493-94. 20

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>.*-,. \Y^Mfc Naegle winery in Toquerville was built by Bavarian John Naegle at Brigham Young's request. USHS collections.

Music was not the only means to help Swiss and other settlers cope with the rigors of pioneer Dixie. Wine-making became an important industry, and one of the best known Dixie wine makers was J o h n Naegle. Born September 14, 1825, in Albersweiler, Bavaria, Naegle immigrated to the United States with his parents in 1832. At the age of nineteen he joined the Mormon church, marched with the Mormon Battalion to California, took part in the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill, and operated a successful farm and ranching enterprise in California until 1853 when he came to Utah. In 1865 he was called by Brigham Young to move to Utah's Dixie, plant vineyards, and help develop a wine industry. He established himself in Toquerville and constructed a large sandstone building as a winery and residence. By the late 1850s a number of non-Mormon merchants began to arrive in Utah and establish businesses in Salt Lake City. Many were Jewish, most of whom were German born. They included the Auerbach brothers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; David, Frederick, Samuel, and Theodore; the

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Frederick, left, and Samuel H. Auerbach, right, German J ews, built retail outlets in several Utah towns, including this one in Ogden, ca. 1860s. USHS collections.

Ransohoff brothers — Elias and Nicholas Siegfried; the Siegel brothers — Solomon, Henry, and Joseph; the Kahn brothers — Emanuel and Samuel; and the Watters brothers, Abraham and Ichel. In Odgen early German-born merchants included Frederick

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J. Kiesel, Gumpert Goldberg, and the Kuhn brothers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Adam and Abraham. When the Salt Lake Jewish community constructed the temple of congregation B'Nai Israel, Philip Meyer, a German architect, drew plans for the structure based on the Great Synagogue in Berlin. T h e temple was c o m p l e t e d in 1891. Utah's G e r m a n / J e w i s h community would play an important role in the economic, reTemple B 'nai Israel on Fourth East in Salt ligious, educational, and politiLake City, designed by Philip Meyer, is a cal life of the state. One of its replica of temple in Berlin. USHS collections. members, Simon Bamberger, born February 27, 1845, in the village of Eberstadt in HesseDarmstadt, served as Utah's fourth governor from 1917 until 1921. 24 German immigrants also played an important role in the development of mining in Utah. T h e mining region of Mercur was named by Arie Pinedo, a Bavarian, who discovered the Mercur lode on April 30, 1879. According to tradition, he discovered a vein of cinnabar, the principal ore in which mercury if found. Pinedo named the discovery Mercur after the German word for mercury, merkur.2" Unfortunately for Pinedo, he was unable to successfully extract the mercury, though he sold his claim for a reported price of $10,000 and left the area. Even more successful was John Beck. Born in the town of Aichelberg in Wurttemberg, Germany, on March 19, 1843, J o h n Beck became one of Utah's most successful mine owners with his celebrated Bullion-Beck mine near Eureka in the Tintic Mining District. J o h n Beck ranks with Jesse Knight, David Eccles, and Alfred McCune as an eminently successful late nineteenth-century Mormon businessman. He had joined the Mormon church in Switzerland in 1862 and served as a missionary in Germany and Swit24

Frank Thomas Morn, "Simon Bamberger: A Jew in a Mormon Commonwealth" (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966). "Douglas D. Alder, "The Ghost of Mercur," Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (1961): 35.

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Entrepreneur J ohn Beck developed, among other things, a spa on the Great Salt Lake and the Bullion Beck and Champion Mine and Mill in Eureka. USHS collections.

zerland before leaving in 1864 for Utah. After his arrival, he moved to the newly established community of Richfield to farm but was forced to leave in 1866 when the town was abandoned during the Black Hawk War. He moved to Lehi where he farmed, herded sheep, cut wood, and made charcoal. In 1870 Beck purchased an interest in the Eureka Mine, spent six thousand dollars in developing the property, but lost everything through litigation. His next effort, the Bullion Beck Mine, proved a success and catapulted him into other mining investments, development of Beck's Hot Springs resort north of Salt Lake City and Saratoga Springs west of Lehi,

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investments in Utah's sugar beet industry, and involvement in asphalt and gilsonite. A devoted Mormon, J o h n Beck married five wives and returned with part of his family to Germany as a missionary in 1887. T h e r e he organized a branch of the church in Stuttgart. Beck actively promoted emigration to the United States by over two h u n d r e d German converts, providing employment in his Utah mines for the men. His efforts in this regard are reflected in the remarkable increase in the number of German-born heads of household in the Tintic Mining District â&#x20AC;&#x201D; from two in 1880 to sixty-five in 1900. He was the first president of the German branch of the LDS church in Eureka and constructed and furnished, at his own expense, the first LDS church building in Eureka. 26 Two other sons of the German region of Wurttemberg are well-known Utah architects, Richard Karl August Kletting and Carl M. Neuhausen. Born the same year, 1858, the two men designed a host of Salt Lake City's most important public, religious, business, educational, and residential structures. Born in Unterboihingen, Neuertingen, Wurttemberg, Germany, Richard K. A. Kletting is honored as the dean of Utah architects. His father and uncle were railroad builders throughout Germany. Writing of his early years, Kletting recalled: . . . My constant close connection with construction camps and . . . engineers, listening to their talks of their travels and their engineering accomplishments made me more and more desirous of becoming an engineer. From the time I was five years old, I had mostly mechanic's tools and drafting instruments for my playthings and as soon as I was able to read, I could not leave books alone. In many of the books were fine prints and illustrations of buildings, bridges, etc. which trained my eye for form and outline and was a factor in my life in later years to become an architect. Most buildings in Wurttemberg were at that time built of stone. I was told that it would be a wise thing for me to learn how to cut soft and hard stone. Following this advice, I spent my vacation between school terms in a stone yard and gained a good knowledge of how to cut the different stones which in later years proved very useful in building the Cullen Hotel and the Deseret News Buildings. . . .

26 For biographical sources on J o h n Beck see Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City, 1892-1904), 4:496-98, and the Salt Lake City Beobachter, October 4, 1895, p. 2. 27 From an autobiographical sketch by Richard K. A. Kletting, p. 1, in the Kletting Folder, Utah Architect's File, Historic Preservation Research Office, Utah State Historical Society. For a biography of Kletting, see Craig Lewis Bybee, "Richard Karl August Kletting: Dean of Utah Architects, 18581943" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1980).

Richard K. A. Klettings numerous buildings in Utah and the West included the original Salt Palace. USHS collections.

Kletting worked for a time as a draftsman in the g o v e r n m e n t engineering offices on railroad construction work. T h e n in 1879 he journeyed to Paris and found work as a draftsman for a large French construction firm. He prepared drawings for several notable Paris buildings. His Paris work was interupted for a year's military service in the German army, and in April 1883 he left Paris for the United States. After short stays in Philadelphia and Columbus, Ohio, Kletting headed west to Denver. T h e r e , he recalled:

I was unable to get work in my line but hearing about some activity in Salt Lake City owing to the finishing of the D. & R. G. Railroad a few days before, I left immediately for Salt Lake City. T h e day after I

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arrived in Salt Lake, I was engaged by Mr. J o h n Burton, architect, where my first job was the drawing of plans for the old University on second West Street. 28

In time Kletting left the employ of J o h n Burton and opened his own office. His most famous work â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the design of the Utah State Capitol â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was selected from among twenty-one entries in a nationwide design contest. His numerous other designs are scattered throughout the state and Intermountain West. They include the original Saltair Pavilion; the original Salt Palace; Mclntyre Building; Lollin Building; Felt Building; New York Building; the State Mental Hospital; the Bryant, Lowell, Grant, Oquirrh, Jefferson, Riverside, Whittier, and Ensign schools; and residences for Enos Wall, Henry Dinwoody, J o h n A. Evans, William F. Beer, George H. Dern, and Albert Fisher. Kletting's Swiss-born wife, Mary, described him as Stern, exacting, honest but with all a good sense of h u m o r which endeared him to young and old. He spent a great deal of time helping young students with their technical training. Soon after his arrival in Salt Lake City he opened, by request of many prominent business men, [the] first night school in the city to give instruction in geometry, algebra, languages, and science. [He] also catalogued the Salt Lake Public Library. He was always interested and worked for the preservation of the state forest and water supply. . . . [His chief hobby was] walking in the hills for relaxation and inspiration."

Richard Kletting died September 25,1943, when he was struck by an automobile. T h e second German-born architect to leave a prominent mark on Salt Lake City was Carl M. Neuhausen. Born in Stuttgart, Neuhausen graduated from the Stuttgart Polytechnic School in 1878 and eight years later came to the United States. After stops in Iowa, Minnesota, and Montana, he arrived in Salt Lake City in 1892. He worked three years with Richard Kletting before opening his own office on January 1, 1895. A Catholic and member of the Knights of Columbus, Neuhausen undertook a number of major projects for Salt Lake City's Catholic community, including St. Ann's Orphanage, the Thomas Kearns Mansion, and the Cathedral of the Madeleine. He was also architect for the O r p h e u m Theater, known today as the Promised Valley Playhouse, and a number of private 28

Kletting autobiographical sketch, p. 3. This information was provided by Mrs. Kletting in November 1943 to James T. White and Company, New York publishers, for inclusion in theirNational Cyclopaedia of American Biography. Copy in the Kletting Folder, Preservation Office, Utah State Historical Society. 2l,

residences. He designed and built his own residence at 1265 East 100 South. Five of his buildings are listed in the National Register of Historic Places. His career was cut short by an untimely illness to which he succumbed in 1907.30 While the G e r m a n Catholic community in Utah is represented by men like Neuhausen, perhaps the largest non-Mormon German group in Utah is Lutheran. Efforts toward establishment of a German L u t h e r a n congregation in Utah were launched in September 1890 when the Reverend P. Doerr arrived in Salt Lake City and con-

Carl M. Neuhausen, another German-born architect, also left an enduring legacy. St. Ann's Orphanage, now a school, was built for Catholic community. USHS collections.

30 Information on Carl M. Neuhausen from Utah Architect's File, Historic Preservation Research Office.

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German-speaking Lutherans built a church on Salt Lake's westside but later met in the more centrally located Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church. USHS collections.

ducted services in both English and German. 31 By March 1892 the Reverend Otto Kuhr had been assigned to work exclusively with the Germans and was holding German services in Salt Lake City and Ogden. In the summer of 1894 a frame church with brick foundation was constructed for the Salt Lake City congregation at Seventh South and Fifth West. T h e Lutheran congregations grew steadily, but not spectacularly, until World War I, drawing from German immigrants who found their way to Utah to seek their fortunes or recover lost health or who had become dissatisfied with the Mormon church. T h o u g h efforts were generally confined to Salt Lake City and Ogden, there were exceptions, such as the work of the Reverend William J. Lankow. In 1908 he began holding German-language services in Delta for a group of Germans who had migrated to Millard County from Colorado and Nebraska to homestead land 31 Information on the German Lutherans in Utah is found in Ronnie L. Stellhorn, "A History of the Lutheran Church in Utah" (M.A. thesis, Utah State University, 1975).

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made available under provisions of the Carey Land Act. In Delta a Sunday School was organized and worship services held in the German language until 1916.32 Although occasional German language services were held in Utah after the Great War, the hysteria that flourished during World War I caused Lutheran church leaders to abandon the use of German in favor of English. T h e issue of Germans in America and World War I became especially significant in Utah on May 2, 1917, when public announcement was made that Fort Douglas was to be the site of one of three internment camps for German prisoners of war taken from naval vessels captured when the United States entered the war on April 6, 1917.33 T h e other two camps were located at Fort McPherson and Fort Oglethorpe in Georgia. Work began immediately on the fifteen-acre camp located just west of the fort on ground now occupied by the University of Utah Annex parking lot and the adjacent playing field. T h e compound included about fifty buildings with a capacity of between 1,800 and 2,000 prisoners. In J u n e 1917 some 321 German prisoners arrived at Salt Lake City's Denver & Rio Grande Railroad Depot where they were met by a contingent of sixty soldiers from the prison and a throng of spectators who had come to view the German enemy firsthand. T h e men were from the SMS Cormoran, a German auxiliary cruiser that had been interned at Guam since December 15, 1914, when the ship entered the harbor of Apra in an unsuccessful effort to secure enough coal and provisions to reach the nearest German port in East Africa. T h e German sailors remained at Guam until April 1917 when they were captured by United States forces, but not before they successfully scuttled the Cormoran, preventing it from being of any use to the Americans. Sent by troop transport under the guard of fifty marines, the prisoners arrived in San Francisco on J u n e 8 and were placed on board a special train that arrived in Salt Lake City at 1:20 A.M. on J u n e 10. After each prisoner was thoroughly searched â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a process that took the rest of the night â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the heavily guarded prisoners were loaded into seven streetcars that, with an escort of automobiles, rattled up South Temple to the unfinished compound. 32

Ibid., p. 56. Information on German prisoners of war at Fort Douglas during World War I is found in Raymond Kelly Cunningham, Jr., "Internment 1917-1920: A History of the Prison Camp at Fort Douglas, Utah, and the Treatment of Enemy Aliens in the Western United States" (M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1976), pp. 87-96. 33

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T h e next large contingent of naval prisoners arrived three months later on September 14, 1917. In included 179 men from the SMS Geier and its collier Locksun, vessels that had been in the harbor at Honolulu, Hawaii, since October 15, 1914. T h e sailors were taken prisoner at Hawaii in early spring 1917, held in temporary confinement at Schofield Barracks, then transported aboard the Sherman to San Francisco and by train to Salt Lake City. At the railroad station the German naval officers dined with American officers before they were taken to Fort Douglas. Life for the German prisoners of war was occupied with construction work to finish the compound, gardening, educational classes, regular church services, moving pictures shown twice a week, theatrical performances, dances (where the men had to dance with each other), and concerts by an orchestra composed of band members of the Cormoran and Geier. A number of officers' wives had accompanied their husbands, and visits were permitted. T h e prisoners of war were well treated and food was plentiful. As one German sailor wrote: Daily fresh meat, daily fresh bread and very often fresh fruits, quantities as well as qualities, leave nothing to be desired. Rations are issued us and prepared in accordance with our own tastes by our own cooks. After all there is nothing of which we could justly complain.'

T h e 507 naval prisoners of war remained at Fort Douglas until late March 1918 when they were transported by train to Fort McPherson, Georgia, after it was decided that the Utah compound would be used exclusively for some 870 civilian enemy aliens and 200 conscientious objectors. T h e civilian enemy aliens were r o u n d e d up by local authorities in most western states including Texas, California, Arizona, Washington, Oregon, Nebraska, and South Dakota. Most were of German or Austrian birth and were interred because of obviously pro-German sympathies, membership in the Industrial Workers of the World, Socialist leanings, or other activities held to be out of the mainstream of 100 percent Americanism. T h e first of the enemy aliens arrived at Fort Douglas in July 1917 and the last left in May 1920. T h e incarceration of most was the result of a war hysteria that branded otherwise acceptable residents as traitors. Others, as in the case of the Socialists or members of the Industrial Workers of the World, were held out of intolerance for their "radical" political views. 34

Ibid., p. 95.

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In Utah a number of arrests occurred that were perhaps representative of those in other states. Alexander L. Lucas, age seventytwo, the supervising architect at Fort Douglas who had assisted in the building of cantonments at the fort, was arrested as an enemy alien on March 6,1918. 35 Otto Heinrich Thomas was arrested in Ogden in July 1918. At the outbreak of World War I, Thomas had been a soldier and photographer in the Austrian army. Captured by Russian forces in the Carpathian Mountains, he was sent to Siberia after the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. He escaped by bribing a guard. Crossing the Gobi Desert, he made his way to the Pacific Ocean, caught a ship for San Francisco, and continued on to Ogden where he opened a photographic shop. A short time later he was arrested as an enemy alien for owning a motion picture camera. 36 Another incident involved the Reverend B. Henry Leesman, pastor of the German Evangelical St. Paul's Church in Ogden, and Augusta Minnie Deckman whose fiance, Ernest Leybold, had been arrested in Seattle and sent to Utah. Deckman followed Leybold to Salt Lake City where she enrolled at the University of Utah. In February 1918 Pastor Leesman, who traveled from Ogden to the prison camp to conduct religious services, was arrested for trying to pass a note from Deckman to Leybold. A few days later the young lady was arrested on a visit to the prison headquarters as she sorted through the prison mail in the censor's office trying to intercept a note from Leybold before it was rejected by the censor. T h e trap had been set by Maj. Emory S. West. Deckman was imprisoned and in May 1918, along with Pastor Leesman, tried for "smuggling information into a military prison." Both were acquitted, though Deckman was again arrested as an enemy alien and deported in 1919. Leesman was freed after a reprimand by the j u d g e that if "he were on trial for the misuse of his holy office, the verdict might be different." 37 T h e Leesman episode and the repercussions of anti-German sentiment led to the demise of the German Lutheran church in Ogden. 38 Anti-German sentiment was not focused solely on the prisoner of war camp. T h e State Textbook Commission and State Council of Defense passed resolutions calling for an end to teaching German in 35

Ibid., p. 121, and Salt Lake Tribune, March 7, 1918, p. 18. Cunningham, "Internment 1917-1920," pp. 72-73. See also Salt Lake Telegram, July 19, 1918, section 2, p. 4, and Salt Lake Tribune, July 19, 1918, p. 20. " C u n n i n g h a m , "Internment 1917-1920," pp. 113-114. 38 Stellhorn, "A History of the Lutheran Church in Utah," p. 50. 36

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all schools and colleges. 30 Responding to government pressure "that the teaching of the language would be an aid to German propaganda in America and the presentation of . . . every thing unfavorable to the German nation . . . would tend to weaken the morale of the German army," principals in the LDS church school syst e m voted u n a n i m o u s l y to eliminate the teaching of German for the duration of the war. This action was taken even though "a number of the school Anti-German sentiment was high during World War I. Poster in USHS heads declared that they saw collections. not the slightest relation between the teaching of the Teutonic language in the classroom and the successful waging of the big war."40 Nevertheless, by July 1918 sentiment against gatherings of Germans and the use of the German language reached a point where LDS church leaders decided that services for German groups in Logan and Salt Lake City should be discontinued. 41 Despite the obvious war hysteria in Utah, the state's Germanborn population could be thankful that anti-German sentiment did not reach the level it did in other states. This was due in no small measure to Utah's chief executive during this period, Simon Bamberger, a German by birth, who actively supported the war effort and the Liberty Bond drives, and who remained a highly respected figure in the state. A measure of tolerance was reflected in the fact that Utah's German-language newspaper, the Salt Lake City Beobachter, was not forced to cease publication during World War I. For pre-World War II Germans in Utah, the Salt Lake City Beobachter, published weekly from August 9, 1890, to October 3, 1935, was important. T h e

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SaltLake Tribune, April 14, 1918. *Â°DeseretNews, April 18, 1918. 41 7>s*r^A^5,July 20, 1918.

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newspaper included articles on local and international political affairs, translated sermons by LDS church authorities, and carried news stories about the activities of members of the Utah German community and a great variety of organizations including the German Dramatic Society, Schiller Lodge, Goethe Lodge, Swiss Colony, Swiss Club, Gymnastic Society, Athletic Club Germania, Karl G. Maeser Society, German American Citizens League, Chemnitzer Society, Steuben Society, and many others. It also offered poetry, stories, jokes, articles on American history and government, and news from Germany, Switzerland, and sometimes Austria. Like other American weeklies, the Beobachter featured serialized novels and editorials commenting on political, social, and religious issues of the day.42 Published for forty-five years, the Salt Lake City Beobachter found its way into many homes of German immigrants in the Intermountain West. It was also sent in large quantities to Europe where its distribution among Mormon converts helped, in some measure, to bridge the gulf between Utah and the far-flung German branches. Several factors contributed to the Beobachter's demise â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a decision by LDS church authorities that the newspaper was no longer needed as a bridge between Utah and the Saints in Germanspeaking countries, a declining number of local subscriptions, and concern by church authorities that the foreign-language newspaper continued to foster a cliquishness among the German immigrants that hindered them in acquiring "an American identity [rather] than a typical, restricted German identity." 43 After the church withdrew support for the newspaper, efforts were made to continue the Beobachter as an independent newspaper, financed by subscriptions and some support from the Democratic party. T h e effort was unsuccessful because of financial instability and the controversy manifest in the newspaper between supporters and opponents of Adolf Hitler and his goals for a greater Germany. At the center of the storm was Reinhold Stoof. A native of the Pflaueninsel, near Berlin, Stoof had served as editor of the Beobachter in the 1920s before leaving in 1926 to serve as the first mission president in South America. After nine years in South America, Stoof returned to the United States in 1935 and worked for a time on 42 Thomas L. Broadbent, "Salt Lake City Beobachter: Mirror of an Immigration," Utah Historical Quarterly 26 (1958): 329-50. 43 Jean Wunderlich Interview by James B. Allen, August 16, 1972, p. 15, typescript in LDS Church Library-Archives.

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the Beobachter staff until his criticism of the Nazi regime led to his dismissal. Stoof s opposition to Hitler was evident early. His mission correspondence is loaded with explanations of his hostility toward Hitler, such as the following, written to Elder Emil Schindler in 1934: You must know why I am an opponent of Hitler. I have written it often. I despise every dictator. . . . I despise every oppression of the most sacred rights of man . . . rights which the Hitler regime have brutally trampled under. I despise every persecution of an individual because of his political opinions or because he belongs to a race which is in the minority. . . . Hitler will insure that there will shortly be no more unemployment in Germany. They will all find employment. T h e demand for cannon fodder will be so large, that it cannot be filled.44

Stoof carried his crusade against Nazism forward in the pages of the Salt Lake City Beobachter and met with some encouragement. One reader, Ewald Beckert, living in Zwickau, Germany, wrote to Stoof on September 21, 1936, declaring full support for him and proclaiming that millions of Germans were also of the same opinion. Closing his letter as "a voice from Germany," Beckert vowed that should they ever meet, "it would be a great joy to shake your hand as 44 Stoof to Schindler, February 2, 1934, in Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 5, LDS Church Library-Archives.

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a courageous fighter for T r u t h and Justice. Your writing is only a few lines, but they tell more than an entire book." 4 ' Stoof had little tolerance for Germans living in America who trumpeted praise for Hitler. Attacking one Beobachter writer who proclaimed that "Hitler and the whole German people follow the banner of liberty, morality and virtue," Stoof lashed out with his own statement of loyalty to Germany and the United States. I wonder why he and others who sing loudly, not beautifully, Hitler's praise, are still in this country. Why don't they want to enjoy the blessings of the Third Reich over there? Why revive them secondhanded here? You all who cannot appreciate the blessings of this free and great country; you who adore a dictatorship, entirely opposed to the great ideals of the U.S.A. Constitution; you who think that freedom has its abode in Germany, please, go there, go to day! You are not worthy to live u n d e r the star-spangled banner, in the land of the free and the brave. I love truly my fatherland and want to see it, therefore, in her glory as a free country, a light to the world, as it had been once, but you hate your fatherland, without knowing it, for you cry "Heil" to a tyrant apparently appointed by destiny to kill the last spark of freedom in Germany. 4 6

On two occasions in the summer of 1936 letters from Stoof were published in the Deseret News declaring that the majority of Utah Germans did not support Hitler and that the German people were being denied religious freedom by the Nazi regime. 47 T h o u g h quite mild compared to Stoof s other writings, these two letters continued to fan the flames of controversy and led Richard P. Lyman, who was preparing to leave Salt Lake City to take over as president of the European Mission, to discourage Stoof from writing further letters and the Deseret News from publishing them. With concern for what effect the letters might have on relations between the church and the Nazi government, Lyman wrote to Stoof on August 28, 1936: I am sure that these articles of yours will make my work and the work of other missionaries in Germany exceedingly difficult if these sentiments in print get into the hands of those who are opposed to us and to our doctrines and our teachings over in Germany. I am sending this with the hope that in the future you will not put views of this kind in print while I am on duty to carry the Gospel to the great German people.

Beckert to Stoof, September 21, 1936, Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 12. Undated letter entitled "Strange Propaganda." Apparently the letter was intended for the editor of the Deseret News. Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 2, folder 6. 47 Deseret News, ]u\y 21, 1936, p. 5, and August 7, 1936, p. 5. 46

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I have already drawn this to the attention of the city editor of the Deseret News and am sending him a copy of this letter.

With little apparent support from LDS church authorities for his anti-Hitler crusade, Stoof turned to Rabbi Samuel H. Gordon of Salt Lake City for help in publishing an article in German "to show the German people of this city and its environments, who are mostly L.D.S. Church members, that the dictatorship in Germany with all its evil actions and consequences, especially in regard to its attitudes towards the Jews, is in strict contradiction to the teachings of Mormonism." 40 Nothing came of the proposed article as a personal tragedy — the death of his wife Ella in January 1937 — forced Reinhold Stoof to give full attention to earning a living and caring for his seven motherless children. Stoof s efforts to dramatize the plight of Germany's Jews would have found strong support from Sigmund and Emma Helwing. They were two of the thousands of Europeans who fled their homeland in the 1930s in fear of the Nazis. In 1940 the Helwings arrived in Utah. Before leaving Austria, they had enjoyed an upper-class standard of living. Emma Kofler was born in 1893 on a huge country estate in the Polish part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and had spent her summers traveling to resorts like Ems on the Rhine River and Bad Reichenhall in Bavaria where she became friends with members of the high German aristocracy, including the family of Kaiser Wilhelm. In 1920 she married Sigmund Helwing, a recent graduate of the University of Vienna who held an important position in a Viennese bank. For eighteen years they enjoyed frequent vacations in almost every European country and collected valuable art and other treasures. T h e n in March 1938 Austria was annexed by Germany. For the Helwings the next nine months were filled with indescribable fear and terror as the Nazi persecution of the Jews steadily increased in scope and intensity. On one occasion, while visiting their aunt's family, Emma recalled: . . . the pest knocked at our door and took the whole family away because they were Polish subjects. They left the two of us u n h a r m e d in the apartment, since we were Austrian citizens. If there ever was a nightmarish night — for us this was it. We did not sleep a wink but were sitting and waiting in anguish and grief. At dawn uncle came back; he 48

Quoted by Stoof in a letter to Rabbi Samuel H. Gordon, November 23, 1936, Reinhold Stoof Papers, box 1, folder 6. 4i, Ibid.

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Passport of Emma Helwing stamped by Nazi chief of police in Vienna in 1938. Helwing, second from right behind Hattie Feldman, helped prepare traditional Passover Seder for Jewish soldiers visiting Utah. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Utah Library.

was limping after a leg fracture which never healed perfectly. . . . Aunt Eva, Genia, Henry and William stayed in the city jail for another two days. We were broken in spirit, knowing what our dear friends had to go through. They were dismissed after having signed a pledge to leave Vienna very soon. I shall never forget the hour when they finally came home. We all cried and felt lost not knowing what the next hour will bring.' 0

T h e Helwings were more fortunate than their family and other Jewish acquaintances: " T h e s u p e r i n t e n d e n t in o u r house on 50 Emma Helwing Autobiography, p. 102, in the Sigmund and Emma Helwing Papers, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City.

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Sigmund Helwing, second from right, with soldier companions â&#x20AC;&#x201D;probably during World War I. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Utah.

Elizabethstrasse, was my housekeeper and deeply devoted to us â&#x20AC;&#x201D; so that she never let any harm happen to us. She was the living proof that one cannot condemn an entire nation." 51 They were also fortunate in being able to secure permission to leave the country, obtain an entrance visa to the only port open to them, Shanghai, and book passage on the luxury Italian steamer Conte Rosso. Two tickets had been returned to the travel office just as Sigmund began his quest for the means to escape their beloved Vienna. Leaving Vienna by train for the Adriatic coast on December 4, 1938, the Helwings sailed from Trieste on December 6 and after a twenty-five-day voyage reached Shanghai. In Shanghai they were employed making buttons. With the meager income from the buttons and by selling possessions they had brought from Austria, they existed until September 1940 when they obtained American visas. Tickets for passage to San Francisco on board the Japanese liner Assama Maru were purchased with "a beautiful sterling set of flatware for 12, complete with all imaginable extras." 52 'Ibid. ! Ibid., p.

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In San Francisco they were met by representatives of the Council of Jewish Women who arranged for them to continue on to Salt Lake City where they were assisted by the Jewish community in beginning their new life in America. Sigmund secured a position as an accountant and accepted a job for Emma as janitress for the office. Recalling her first job in America, Emma wrote: We both could not sleep that night for happiness. Next morning Kotek [her pet name for Sigmund] started at nine a.m. and I at five p.m. How big was my surprise when I learned, that two stories were assigned to me with fifty-two rooms and two huge halls to clean. I was determined not to turn it down. I was instructed by the Superintendent about my duties and worked until about eleven p.m. with the understanding that I have to come back to dust at six a.m. until nine a.m. That night before I could not sleep for happiness, this night I was aching all over, so that I did not sleep a wink. At six sharp I was at my job again. Kotek used to help me, after his work was over, to empty heavy waste-baskets. . . . My hands were swollen and also the feet. T h e eyes were deep in the sockets . . . it never entered my European mind that I ever could do such a job! For our Viennese ten-room office, we had three women and still thought that they were working very hard. ' 3

Despite the difficult beginnings, adjustments were made. Emma was soon able to give up her job as a janitress and devote her time to many community service and charitable undertakings, including the Red Cross, Community Chest, polio, heart, and cancer drives. During World War II, she recalled: I was also very active in the U.S.O. I became a perfect short order cook, malted drinks mixer, and a skilled waitress. When a separate U.S.O. for colored personnel of the armed forces was formed, I preferred to work for them. I felt highly rewarded by the appreciation the boys and girls showed me for being attentive and polite to them. This was. . . the only place they could get meals. They often told me their woe about not being admitted to any restaurant in town. I felt ashamed and bewildered that such things happen in a democracy, which in my estimation should be a beacon of light and justice to the entire world.'14

Even with its shortcomings, Utah, for the Helwings, proved a return to the security and happiness, if not financial status, of their pre-Nazi Austria. We loved Salt Lake City from the first minute we saw it. . . . T h e canyons are very lovely and one, the Memory Grove, is within walking distance. On Sundays we hiked to the Rotary Park about 7 xh miles one ">3Ibid., p. 113-14. 54 Ibid.

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335

V*^g-

German prisoners of war at Camp Ogden during World War II. USHS collections.

way and always enjoyed it. When people heard about it they did not believe their ears. Almost everybody rich or poor, owns a car and so they almost forgot the use of their legs. . . . People in humble walks of life, drove up to the park in their own cars packed with the best food, cooked in the fire-places, provided by the city, and enjoyed themselves like only rich people in Europe could afford to. We often wondered whether they appreciated the bounty this wonderful country offered them â&#x20AC;&#x201D; we had the definite impression they took it for granted! 00

Another group who seemed to appreciate America were the German prisoners of war, most of whom were captured during the North Africa campaigns. In Utah they were interred in base camps at Clearfield, Fort Douglas, Hill Field, Tooele, the Utah Army Service Forces Depot in Ogden, and the Deseret Chemical Warfare Depot, and in branch camps at Logan, Orem, Salina, Tremonton, Dugway Proving Ground, and the Bushnell General Hospital in Brigham City. In accordance with international law the prisoners were required to work but not in military activities or in the production of war materials. Many German prisoners were employed by local farmers under a contract arrangement with the government. Farmers agreed to pay the minimum wage for the prisoner's labor, about $2.20 a day. Of this amount the prisoners received 80 cents a day to spend as they wished, and the balance was retained by the government to help cover housing and food expenses. This pro55

Ibid., pp. 111-112.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

gram stimulated many friendships between German prisoners of war and the farmers for whom they worked. 56 Several prisoners elected to return to the United States to live after emigration from Germany was permitted in the late 1940s and 1950s. In retrospect, the German prisoners of war in Utah were very fortunate. They were spared the continual threat of death and injury that had accompanied them as combat soldiers before their capture. They escaped the chaos, bombings, and food shortages in Europe, and they eluded capture by the Russians and their infamous prisoner of war camps. In Utah, the German prisoners were well fed and well housed, given opportunities for educational and recreational persuits, received without hostility by most Utahns, and, given their status as POWs, enjoyed a relatively significant level of freedom. However, one event, the killing and wounding of twentynine prisoners of war at Salina on July 8, 1945, clouded what was otherwise a generally positive assessment of the sojourn of German POWs in Utah. Just after midnight on July 8, 1945, Pfc. Clarence V. Bertucci opened fire on the sleeping prisoners with a 30-caliber machine gun from his guard tower on the west end of the Salina prison camp. Thirty of the forty-three tents were struck by bullets before Bertucci was subdued while reloading his weapon. Five prisoners were killed outright, two died in the Salina hospital, and one five days later in the Kearns hospital. Twenty-one prisoners were wounded by the flying bullets. Bertucci offered no explanation for his actions beyond the fact that he did not like Germans and on previous occasions had felt a compulsion to turn his machine gun on them. T h e residents of Salina reacted first in bewilderment, then with compassion for the dead and wounded prisoners, and finally with resentment against the guard whose cold-blooded action had come two months after the collapse and surrender of Germany. 57

56 For accounts of German prisoners of war in Utah during World War II see Ralph A. Busco and Douglas D. Alder, "German and Italian Prisoners of War in Utah and Idaho," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 55-72, and J o h n LeRoy Caldwell, "German Prisoners of War in Utah during World War II," Research Paper for History 301-1, University of Utah, December 11, 1969, on file in Special Collections, Marriott Library. "German POWs Maintain Some Orem Ties," Salt Lake Tribune, January 22, 1984, p. 10W, reports that Roy Gappmayer had corresponded for over thirty years with Kurt Trieter, one of the prisoners who worked for him, and that Gappmayer's daughter, Mrs. Max Pyne, had been warmly received by Trieter when she visited him in Germany. Jeff Simmonds, curator of Special Collections at Utah State University, reported in a conversation with the author on January 11, 1984, that his father had corresponded for many years with one of the German prisoners of war who worked on their farm in Cache Valley. "Caldwell, "German Prisoners of War," treats this incident in detail.

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337

As the United States entered World War II Germans living in Utah were subject to some restrictions and lived cautiously, though the intensity of the World War I anti-German hysteria was not repeated. However, the German LDS Organization was considered a political liability by Mormon church leaders during World War II and disbanded. J. Peter Loscher, who was president of the organization at the time, wrote of the experience: All foreign church organizations . . . were discontinued at the request of the presiding brethren when the U.S. entered the war. T h e F.B.I, questioned many of our foreign born people and several ardent defenders of the Third Reich, such as Willy Renkel and a few others were put in concentration camps. . . . war brings hate and suspicion to otherwise very decent people.' 8

This wartime hatred was manifest in the schools as Americanborn children of German parents were taunted because of their ancestry. 50 Sometimes potential conflict was handled with great diplomacy. Viennese-born Professor Phila Heimann described an incident when her daughter was outside playing with the neighborhood children, one of whom was Richard Cracroft, now d e a n of humanities at Brigham Young University. Professor Heimann recalled: . . . He was two or three years older than my daughter and he was a very patriotic young American. His brother was fighting in the war, and every morning he marched up and down the street with an American flag singing from the Halls of Montezuma. My daughter was outside playing, and I came out and she came and talked German to me. T h e boy came and asked, "What is she talking?" I could think it quicker than I can say it now, but I thought, "Oh boy, if I tell that boy German, he doesn't know any better. Everything that is German is wicked. Hitler is German and he is wicked." I was afraid the boy would be mean to my girl. For a moment I thought French, then I thought no, perhaps one of the mothers had some high school French, and I would be a liar. So I said, "Oh, she speaks Austrian." He was impressed as he said, "Oh, Betty Heimann is smart. She can speak Austrian and English." 60

But living cautiously in a country at war with the homeland was only half of the story. Concern about relatives and friends in Europe caused great anxiety among Utah's German community. Between 1939 and 1946 there was no contact or correspondence between America and Germany. At war's end, after months of newspaper 58 J. Peter Loscher, Autobiography, (n.p., n.d.), p. 72. â&#x20AC;˘'"Interview with Irene Stoof Pearmain, September 27, 1983. 60 Interview with Phila Heimann, May 3, 1983.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

reports of staggering military casualities, incomprehensible civilian losses through the Allied bombing of German cities, and accounts of severe food shortages, Utah's German community waited anxiously for news from abroad. Few were spared the sorrow of belated mourning for a brother who fell in combat, a mother killed during one of the night bombing raids, or a father who survived the war only to contact typhus or another disease and die. But for the survivors, Utahns reacted with great compassion and humanity by sending thousands of packages to Europe. T h e LDS church sent thousands of tons of food and clothing through its welfare program. T h e German LDS Organization, which was reestablished after the war, sent large amounts of food. Individuals, using their own resources, sent hundreds of packages to friends and relatives. One 1927 immigrant from Germany mailed twenty packages every three weeks and by the end of 1949 had sent a total of 468 food and clothing packages to his friends. 61 Assistance with food and clothing was soon followed by help to secure emigration for friends and relatives from war-torn Germany to Utah. These post-World War II immigrants arrived in Utah in a whirl of emotions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; excitement, bewilderment, anxiety about the future and not being a burden to family or friends, and fatigue from the long trip. They realized that entry into the Salt Lake Valley was, in no uncertain terms, a new birth into a new world. It was the beginning of a new life. Most immigrants were met at the points of debarkation by family or friends. T h e n , as now, travelers had to contend with unexpected problems. Typical is the account of Jonny Schlact, who at the age of fifty arrived in Salt Lake City on May 22, 1952, with his wife and children. Traveling by Greyhound bus from New York City, they arrived in Salt Lake City twelve hours before anyone expected them because of a mix-up in the bus schedule. His son, who had immigrated earlier, had an apartment on Eleventh East and Second South which he had vacated for his parents, moving himself into another apartment on Indiana Avenue. Making their way to the latter, Jonny left his family there and took the city bus to Rose Park where his son was building houses. Following directions, Jonny got off the bus in Rose Park and started u p a street. He was observed nearing the construction site by a man who said to the younger

"Gilbert W. Scharffs, Mormonism in Germany (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1970), p. 138.

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339

The German LDS Organization met at the Assembly Hall on Temple Squarefor many years. USHS collections.

Schlact, "If I am not mistaken, that man looks like he must be your father." So the premature reunion took place on a Rose Park building site, and Jonny Schlact's son honored the occasion by taking the rest of the day off from work. 62 For German immigrants to Utah, perhaps the most important group outside the family was the German LDS Organization. Prior to its disbandment in 1963 this organization held monthly meetings in the Assembly Hall on Temple Square where new immigrants were introduced into the Utah German community; friends from Europe became reacquainted; recruits for the German chorus, German theater, and German soccer teams were found; and young men and women met. T h e German LDS Organization paid great attention to the welfare of German immigrants. Its leaders approached Salt Lake City employers with the message that they were anxious to provide qualified workers for any positions that were open. When German B2

Interview with Jonny Schlact, March 22, 1983.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

workers were mistreated by employers, organization leaders intervened in behalf of their countrymen. Representative of this activity is the example recorded by organization secretary Gerald Wanke: Herr Hellwing has developed an occupational disease while working in the soap factory. We will try to find other work for him. In the three months he has worked there he has not received any pay, except for some groceries. That should be investigated. Brother Tschaggeny will undertake it."

On another occasion the Western Savings and Loan Company contacted the German LDS Organization presidency when a German immigrant stood to lose his house if he did not pay at least the interest owed. Again, the organization interceded in behalf of the German, contacting him, his ward bishop, and the loan company to deal with the problem. Such assistance was not confined to German members of the Mormon church alone. When the organization presidency learned that Elisabeth Carlson, a member of the Lutheran church, had a serious eye disease, they helped send her to San Francisco for special treatment, arranged for payment of the apartment rent when she returned for convalescence in Salt Lake City, took up a collection to help pay for her return to Germany where she could receive the treatment she needed and would be more comfortable, and contacted her mother and sister in Germany about her condition. Finally, the organization worked closely with the German consul's office in San Francisco in looking after the welfare of German citizens in Utah, providing information needed by the consulate, and, at the request of the consul, placing a wreath in the Fort Douglas cemetery on Memorial Day for the German prisoners of war buried there. Nevertheless, the German LDS Organization was a subject of concern for certain LDS church authorities. Some felt that it fostered Old World ties, traditions, and acquaintances that hindered Germans from integrating fully into Utah society. Concern was also expressed that the monthly meetings held on Temple Square, the showplace for Mormonism, created a poor impression of the church for American visitors. Immigrants, often clad in threadbare suits or out-of-fashion European and second-hand American clothing, chattering away in German, and obviously different in mannerisms K3 Minutes of the German LDS Organization Presidency, March 21, 1961, LDS Church Library-Archives.

The German-speaking Immigrant

341

and customs from the Utah brethren, were not considered by many to convey the proper image of the church. When leaders of the German LDS Organization were asked to look for another meeting place away from Temple Square, they were unable to find any LDS buildings large enough to accommodate the two to three thousand who regularly attended monthly meetings. T h e n the minister of the Baptist church on Thirteenth East and Eighth South invited the organization to use his church free of charge. Faced with the prospect of Mormons meeting in a Baptist church, LDS authorities allowed the monthly Assembly Hall meetings to continue. A second point of contention between the German LDS Organization and church authorities came over the construction of an old folks home for elderly German immigrants. T h r o u g h the sponsorship of semi-monthly German films and other fund-raising activities, the organization accumulated sufficient funds to purchase materials for the facility. With promises of donated labor, a parcel of land, and a set of donated architectural drawings for the structure, there was strong support for the proposal within the German LDS community. 65 However, the project was scuttled by church authorities concerned about the precedent a home restricted to only German-speaking members would set by operating outside the established church organization, competing with private nursing homes, and possibly prolonging the assimilation of Germanspeaking members into the mainstream of Utah Mormonism. Counseled to abandon the project and donate the money for the project to the church missionary program, leaders of the German LDS Organization reluctantly, but dutifully, followed the advice of their superiors. In 1963 the German LDS Organization was dissolved and a German LDS ward reestablished for the older immigrants who had not learned English and for recently arrived immigrants who wished to attend church services conducted in their native language. T h e German ward and German-language temple sessions have been a vital part of the New World experience for many German-born converts to the LDS church. Most immigrants came to Utah as trained workers or professionals. Some were able to resume their professions here in Utah. 64

Interviews with Eric Heimann, June 24, 1983, and July 1, 1983. Ibid.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

Bundesfeie Mittwocb, den 1. August 1934 Granite Stake Tabernakl 1

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Tfo Beobachter announced Swiss musical program in 1934. Swiss-born John Held, who traced his ancestry to Heidelberg, was Utah's best-known bandleader for many years. USHS collections.

For e x a m p l e , H a n s H e u t t l i n g e r , t r a i n e d as a s t o n e sculptor in Baden Wurttemberg, arrived in Salt Lake City in 1958 and was immediately e m p l o y e d by t h e W a l k e r Monument Company. Others, trained as painters, carpenters, and builders, were able to find work in which they could use their skills. But for most, immigration to Utah required accepting menial jobs far below their qualifications and abilities. T h e experience of Reinhold Stoof is representative, if n o t typical. T r a i n e d as a teacher in Germany, he came to Utah in 1923. His firstjob, as an elevator o p e r a t o r , lasted only one hour. He then found work as a baker's helper and later as a worker in the Oregon Short Line freight depot. He returned to the bakery as an office helper and worked there until he was employed as editor

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The German-speaking Immigrant

343

of the Salt Lake City Beobachter. After serving as the first LDS mission president to South America from 1926 to 1935, he returned to Utah in the midst of the Great Depression, when work was very difficult to find, and was forced to accept donations and help from friends. In a letter to his sister Liese Schultze, living in Potsdam in 1946, Stoof recounted his employment history with interesting insights into labor practices during the 1940s: Since May 15, 1944 I have worked in a shipping business. . . . In English I am called a shipping clerk. T h e word is hard to translate. I have to take care of everything that has to do with the receiving and shipping of goods. Every minute of the eight and a half hours is filled. It seems that they are not satisfied with me. A half a day each week we have free, or better said, we should have free. Often it is not. For example when there is a lot of work that cannot be put off or when I don't have a helper, which happens quite often because Americans don't like to stay very long in one place. T h e last years have been a time of change for me with my work. In 1943 I gave up my night work [he was employed as a night watchman] because the employment situation became better, a consequence of the war. For a half a year I worked as a salesman in a large warehouse with paint and handtools until a new director came "who knew not Joseph," as the Bible says. T h e cost of employing men was too expensive for him, so he tried it with girls, but they left him one after another. No wonder, they did not like to carry the large gallons of paint. My section leader, earlier a German missionary, was so upset that he resigned at the first opportunity. I tried to work with freight by the railroad. In 1923 I had done this kind of work, and then it was not very hard. I took the job because they needed good help. But the body was unable to do what it once could. After two weeks I quit. I tried to be a handy man "Mann fuer alles" in a large meeting house of the church, known as a ward chapel. T h e bishop of the ward honored me with the high sounding name "Superintendent of the Meeting House." With that job there were a great many responsibilities

"~'**%

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Utah Historical Quarterly

* fjrSitfk m

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Scene from a play produced by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler who began their Germanlanguage theater in Utah in 1952. Courtesy of the Guertlers. and difficulties that were impossible to cover. After a month I quit. On the first morning of looking for work, I followed an ad to a shipping business where the director immediately introduced himself as a former neighbor. He lived in a neighboring house in 1924. I started work that same afternoon and have been there until the present. 66

For many German-speaking immigrants, ties with the homeland have been maintained by involvement with German and Swiss organizations such as the Chemenitzer Verein, the German Chorus Harmonie, the Swiss Chorus Edelweiss, the sports clubs Alemenia, Germania, and Berlin, a German-language hour radio program, German movies shown in the Richy Theater, German delicatessens, and visits to the homeland. One of the most interesting Salt Lake City ties to Germany is through the German theater operated by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler. Trained as actors in Germany, the Guertlers immigrated to Utah from H a m b u r g in 1952 with twenty-seven of their twentynine suitcases loaded with scripts and books. T h o u g h the emigration from Germany was done with the know ledge that there would be no 66

Stoof to Schultze, May 23, 1946, in possession of Mrs. Irene Stoof Pearmain.

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343

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Utah Historical Quarterly

KIWI atk

Scene from a play produced by Siegfried and Lotte Guertler who began their Germanlanguage theater in Utah in 1952. Courtesy of the Guertlers. and difficulties that were impossible to cover. After a month I quit. On the first morning of looking for work, I followed an ad to a snipping business where the director immediately introduced himself as a former neighbor. He lived in a neighboring house in 1924. I started work that same afternoon and have been there until the present. 66

The German-speaking Immigrant

345

Delicatessens in Salt Lake off er familiar German dishes. Left: woman at Siegfried's slices meat. Photograph by A llan Kent Powell. Right: trays ofkuchen prepared for Tricentennial Volksfest. Photograph by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographies.

hope of finding employment as actors, they came with the intent of recruiting a cadre of German actors to rehearse and produce plays as an avocation. Two months after their arrival in Salt Lake City the first performance was given — three one-act plays by Berthold Brecht and Wolfgang Borchert — in the home of the Guertlers' friend from Hamburg, Gustav Lassig. Later performances were staged in the University Ward and the Twenty-seventh Ward in Salt Lake City until the Guertlers purchased their present home in 1962. They renovated the house to include a small fifty-person-capacity theater and have staged plays there for the last twenty-two years. Much more of the German immigrant experience in Utah remains to be documented and told. Of necessity this overview has highlighted only a few aspects of the experience while ignoring many others. Many aspects of the experience were common to most German-speaking immigrants — problems with the language, little money, the lack of employment commensurate with their Old World training, the impact of World War II, and the involvement with

Utah Historical Quarterly

346

German organizations. However, there was and is much about the Utah experience that is unique to each individual immigrant. T h e availability of more personal histories, oral history interviews, diaries, journals, letters, and other documents will help to fill in the total picture while allowing the historian to see the individual as a unique part of the aggregate immigration experience.

Herman Neumann was honored in 1974 for his many years of promoting soccer. Deseret News photograph by Tim Kelly. Below: one of the young soccer teams he managed. Photographs courtesy of Mrs. Herman Neumann.

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A native of Switzerland, Gottlieb Ence converted to Mormonism, emigrated, and eventually settled in Richfield with his wives, Elizabeth and Caroline, and their children. USHS collections.

The Waves of Immigration BY R O N A L D K. D E W S N U P

1 HE TIDE OF EMIGRANTS FROM German-speaking areas settling in Utah, though tremendously influenced by the Mormon church's "call to gather," has ebbed and flowed with the governmental policies and economic conditions prevalent in both the United States Mr. Dewsnup, a compensation analyst for First Security Corporation, is pursuing a master's degree in economics at the University of Utah. This article is adapted from chapter 2 of his M.A. thesis, "German-speaking Immigrants and the State of Utah: A Brief History" (University of Utah, 1983). T h e thesis was printed in a limited edition with a grant from the Federal Republic of Germany.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

TABLE 1: TOTAL NUMBER OF IMMIGRANTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND SWITZERLAND RESIDING IN UTAH AND COLORADO, 1850-1970 Year

Colorado Total

Utah Total

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 601 1,662 8,107 19,318 22,439 30,256 19,224 13,658 11,085 9,127 11,049 11,499

60 236 871 1,947 3,574 4,106 7,524 6,142 5,933 4,889 4,806 6,896 5,718

Source: U.S. Census Statistics, 1850-1970.

and the German-speaking countries. As the possibilities for material comfort and economic security in the mother country increased, the idea of emigration became much less attractive than during times of depression or economic instability. As a result, changing conditions in Germany and the surrounding regions caused a wave effect in the flow of immigrants to Utah. Two historical events, the First and Second World Wars, give boundaries to the study of these waves and create three definite phases of increasing and decreasing immigrant numbers. Table 1 with its accompanying graph (table 2) shows the total number of Utah residents born in the German-speaking countries (Germany, Austria, and Switzerland) for the years 1850 through 1970. T h e corresponding figures for Colorado have been included for comparison to show the statistics for another western state. T h e information, drawn from the U.S. Census, allows one to see the general rise in the number of first-generation immigrants to the state until the years immediately preceding and following the First World War. 1 T h e next phase, the interim between the wars and immediately following World War II, records a slump in the figures for foreign-born German-speaking immigrants within Utah's borders. This in turn gives way to a sharp rise in the totals during the latter 1950s, peaking in 1960 and declining slightly into 1970. Statis1 Tables detailing the foreign-born population in all of the census reports from 1850 to 1970 were used in this study.

The Waves of Immigration

349

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Utah Historical Quarterly TABLE 3: NUMBER OF UTAH RESIDENTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA,

AND SWITZERLAND, 1850-1970 Year

Germany

Austria

Switzerland

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

56 107 358 885 2,121 2,365 3,963 3,589 4,104 3,353 3,334 5,585 4,890

3 51 4 22 117 272 1,870 987 410 465 500 441 268

8 78 509 1,040 1,336 1,469 1,691 1,566 1,419 1,071 972 870 566

Source: U.S. Census Statistics, 1850-1970.

tics for the 1970s were unavailable due to a change in format in the U.S. Census for 1980, but, as will be shown, it may be assumed that these years also saw a decrease in the number of immigrants coming to Utah because of the more stable conditions existing in the present-day Federal Republic of Germany and the concrete borders erected between the Germanies in 1961. By separating the statistics presented in table 1 and its accompanying graph for the three countries considered here, one sees in table 3 and its corresponding chart (table 4) the early Swiss domination of the immigration totals, but the 1880s put Germany into the lead â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a lead that was increased in the following decades to the point where immigrants from Germany, East and West, accounted for more than 72 percent of the total German-speaking foreign-born population of Utah in 1970. (The 1910 figure for Austrian-born immigrants may be misleading. It is most probable that the great majority of these "Austrians" were actually of Slavic descent, born in countries that were at the time under Austrian rule. 2 Tables 5 and 6 are perhaps the most significant to the present study. In plotting the net change in the number of foreign-born immigrants by their countries of origin (either Germany, Austria, or Switzerland) the actual increase or decrease in the number of firstgeneration immigrants can be presented. This chart answers the 2 Helen Z. Papanikolas, "The New Immigrants," Utah's History, ed. Richard D. Poll (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University, 1978), p. 449.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

TABLE 5: PER DECADE INCREASE OR DECREASE IN THE NUMBER OF UTAH RESIDENTS BORN IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, AND SWITZERLAND, 1850-1970 Year

1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

Germany

NA 107 251 527 1,236 244 1,598 (334) 515 (751) (19) 2,251 (695)

Austria

NA 48 (47) 18 95 155 1,598 (883) (577) 55 35 (59) (173)

Switzerland

NA 70 431 531 1,296 133 222 (125) (145) (348) (99) (102) (304)

( ) = Negative Value NA = Not Applicable

questions of how many German-speaking immigrants came to Utah and stayed, when they came and, to a certain extent, who came (country of origin). With the number of immigrants established, this study can move on to consider reasons for the various changes in immigration figures in the context of the three phases mentioned earlier. T h e first of these time periods, 1852 to 1918, encompasses the main thrust of the LDS practice of "the gathering to Zion" and also the change in Utah's economy from the agricultural vision of the refugee Mormon pioneers to a mostly urban society supported by railroad and mining enterprises. In Germany during this period several baronies and principalities were united under the Second German Reich in 1871. This era ended, as did the Reich, with the end of World War I. T h o u g h the immigration figures rose and fell twice during this period (see tables 5 and 6), the experiences of these German immigrants in what might be termed "pioneer Utah" binds them together. Until the driving of the golden spike at Promontory on May 10, 1869, to complete the transcontinental railroad, the number of non-Mormon residents of the territory was negligible at best. In fact, aside from the merchants who followed the military, the military itself, and the forty-niners who had opted to stay in Utah, there were few non-Mormons in the area and even fewer non-Mormon Europeans, well into more modern times:

The Waves of Immigration

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Utah Historical Quarterly T h e non-Mormon Europeans differed from their Mormon brethren in that they did not come to America with the idea of settling in Utah. Many came west only after living for years in other parts of the country, attracted by opportunities in Utah as the region became increasingly integrated into the national economy.

Only after the railroad had come and the mining industry had shown some promise did the non-Mormon population begin its climb, and climb it did so that by 1890 Utah's non-Mormon population equaled 43.9 percent of the total. 4 However, most of these people were not in the state to stay. They had come looking for speculative work, and many soon moved on. It was, therefore, the proselytizing efforts of Mormon missionaries that resulted in the first groups of direct immigrants to Utah from German-speaking areas. German-speaking immigrants from Austria have always lagged statistically behind their fellow German-speakers; due to the early successes of LDS missionaries, the Swiss took the lead in immigration totals. As was seen in table 4, the number of foreign-born Utahns from Switzerland followed a normal curve, rising gently to the 1910 figure and falling slowly through 1970. T h e net immigration figures recorded in table 6 show that the only major increase occurred in 1890. This is easily attributed to increased Mormon missionary activity in Switzerland at that time. 5 For Germany immigration, however, this early period shows two peaks with their corresponding valleys on table 6. T h r o u g h 1880 the rise is gentle, but the next decade shows a sharper increase in the n u m b e r of foreign-born, German-speaking residents of Utah. These changes can definitely be linked to economic factors in Utah and Germany. T h e year 1848 saw the beginnings of real social unrest in Germany with the March Revolution in Prussia. Reacting to the February Revolution in France, the German Confederation announced its eagerness to begin reorganization and modernization and adopted red, gold, and black as its colors with a golden eagle on a black background. However, the king of Prussia, Frederick William IV, declared that he would rule "in accordance with the laws of God 3 Davis Bitton and Gordon Irving, "The Continental Inheritance," The Peoples of Utah, ed. Helen Z. Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), p. 223. 4 See table H, "Membership of Religious Denominations in Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 1870-1975," in Poll, Utah's History, pp. 692-93. 5 Gilbert W. Scharffs, "History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Germany between 1840 and 1968" (Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1969), p. 36.

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German-born Simon Bamberger, one of thefirstf ews elected governor in the U.S., served during 1917-21. His wife Ida Maas, also of German extraction, supported charitable causes. The Bamberger Interurban Railroad was one of Simon's many enterprises. USHS collections.

and State" and not according to the wishes of "so-called representatives of the people." In anger the Liberals began a revolution of sorts on March 18 in Berlin and the king was forced to save himself and the crown by parading down the streets "surrounded by waving banners of black, red, and gold." Other uprisings were recorded in Vienna, Baden, and Frankfurt. 6 It was shortly after this time that 6 Kurt F. Reinhardt,Germany: 2000 Years, rev. ed., vol. 2 (New York: Frederick Unger Publishing Co., 1980), pp. 527-29, 429-30.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

Simon Bamberger, who eventually became governor of Utah and whose father was involved in the uprisings of 1848, left Germany in search of freedom and social mobility. 7 Gerhart Hauptmann, in his play Die Weber {The Weavers), describes the deplorable conditions forced upon the working classes, among whom was his own grandfather, and explores the causes and end products of small-scale uprisings. 8 His descriptions could cause one to ask why more people did not leave Germany during this period. T h e first decline in net immigration totals came in the decade between 1890 and 1900. This was surely due in part to the enactment of some progressive legislation in Germany. In 1883 health insurance laws were passed, followed by the enactment of accident insurance legislation from 1884 to 1887 and old age and disability insurance provisions in 1889." Certainly these measures provided incentives to remain at home in Germany. Furthermore, the Constitution, given to all of Germany with the formation of the Second German Empire in 1871, granted certain freedoms outright so that they were no longer subject to the whims of rulers of the various German states. Utah's history was particularly stormy during the 1880s and the 1890s because of the fight over the practice of polygamy and the political influence of the Mormons. When the church's assets were seized by the Utah Commission on behalf of the federal government, the financial aid given by the LDS church to some immigrants through the Perpetual Emigrating Fund was cut off. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the LDS church began discouraging immigration to Utah. Plans for a worldwide church required the strengthening of individual congregations in Germany and the rest of the world. In addition, laws passed by Congress began to limit the number of immigrants from individual countries. 10 Using this legislation to help them discourage immigration, Mormon leaders began printing articles in their official publications emphasizing the negative aspects of coming to a new land. T h e decade ending in 1910 showed a substantial rise in net immigration to Utah from German-speaking areas. T h o u g h no 7 Frank Thomas Morn, "Simon Bamberger: A Jew in a Mormon Commonwealth" (Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1966), p. 1. 8 See p. 5 of the edition of this play published by Verlag Ullstein in Frankfurt, Germany, in 1963. "Reinhardt, Germany, p. 602. 10 Douglas D. Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah, 1850-1950" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959), pp. 68-71, 23-34.

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specific governmental or economic factors can be shown in the countries of origin, Utah was experiencing economic growth in the mining industry and railroad construction. Jobs were easy to find. T h e entry of many German-speakers into Utah during this period probably reflects a migration of workers and speculators to the state from other parts of America. 11 T h e end of the initial period of German immigration came with World War I. Immigration figures fell by over a thousand, and the decade ending in 1920 actually recorded a net out-migration of German-speaking foreign-born inhabitants. T h e interim between World War I and World War II, along with the decade of the 1940s, brought immense change within the German-speaking countries and especially in Germany itself. T h e representative Weimar Republic took over the government of Germany in 1919. Reparations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles, coupled with the loss of much of Germany's manpower and the cost of reconstruction, greatly crippled efforts by the new government to stabilize the country. Radical parties arose, among which was the National Socialist German Workers' party with Adolf Hitler at its head. Depression ravaged the country and the new Nazi party incited the masses against their leaders. T h e n , u n d e r Hitler's rule, Germany began to stabilize with the help of an economy based on preparations for war. During the period of greatest depression in Germany another rise in immigration from German-speaking countries was recorded. T h e n the depression hit the United States as well. As the economy in Germany began to stabilize and even recover, the American economy was rapidly deteriorating. T h e two coincident conditions, along with the new war effort in Germany, combined to lower the number of German-born residents of Utah recorded in 1940. T h r o u g h o u t the next decade, there appears to have been a gentle rise in the net immigration figures for German-speaking residents in Utah, but actually, until after 1945, there were practically no immigrants. Even after that time, United States immigration legislation kept the figures low through 1950.12 Because of the war Utah rose to one of the highest levels of prosperity it had reached since its beginnings with the rapid development of military installations and defense-related industries "Papanikolas, "The New Immigrants," p. 449. 12 Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 32-33.

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during the early 1940s. One of the new facilities was a prisoner of war camp for Germans located in Ogden. Some of the present German residents of the state were interned there until after the war and later returned because they liked the area. An extremely skilled artisan, Frederick Weber, is just such an example. He is most widely known in Utah as the craftsman who repaired the Christus statue on Temple Square in Salt Lake City.13 Reconstruction and governmental changes in occupied Germany were major reasons for the tremendous postwar influx of Germans after immigration restrictions were eased. T h e present German republics â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; came into being as separate entities in 1949. An enduring symbol of the breakup of the former German Empire is the Berlin Wall built in August 1961. Since the division of 13

Golden A. Buchmiller, "Artist Makes Statue of Christ Whole Again," Deseret News, January 16, 1983, p. 5 of Church News Section.

Many Swiss immigrants were Mormon handcart pioneers, memorialized in the Torlief Knaphus sculpture on Temple Square. USHS collections.

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Germany each German republic has pursued its own interests and achieved stability and economic development in its own way. As the incentives to come to America and hence to Utah were decreased by detente and economic stability in the two countries, more and more Germans have opted to remain in their homeland. T h e non-Mormon German-speakers who eventually came to Utah followed much the same path as their Mormon counterparts. T h e journey to Utah was similar in many respects for both groups, though the non-Mormons (once they reached the American shores) usually came to Utah in a much more roundabout way. T h e mode of travel has varied greatly since 1847. T h e transcontinental railroad replaced the long and difficult trek overland. T h e use of steamships and, later, the jet airliner shortened the trip from Germany to Utah to a few days and then hours. For those whose fate it was to come to Utah in the 1850s and 1860s the voyage began as they traveled to a port city on the North Sea. After crossing to England they would embark from Liverpool as steerage passengers on a two-month voyage across the Atlantic, arriving in port at New York, Philadelphia, New Orleans, or another harbor. From the East Coast a train took them to the current end of the railroad line. From there a wagon train (or handcart company for some of the Mormon immigrants) carried the newcomers into the Salt Lake Valley. But Salt Lake was not the final destination for some. Mary Ann Hafen began her trek from Switzerland as a young girl. She traveled with her family up the Rhine River to Rotterdam where they boarded a small vessel to cross the North Sea to Liverpool. From there they were on the Atlantic Ocean for weeks and sometimes feared for their lives: . . . T h e r e arose a great storm next day. T h e waves came up like mountains and broke over the deck. We were all ordered u n d e r deck and the water splashed on us as we went down the steps. All night the storm raged. Our ship tossed about like a barrel on a wild sea. Two large beams or masts broke off and we were driven many miles back.

Even the captain cried out, "We are lost!" but the storm cleared and repairs were made. After they arrived in New York Hafen enjoyed her first meal on shore: "We were served with good light bread and sweet milk. After long weeks of 'zwieback,' or hard tack, and dried pea soup, this was a happy change." 14 l4 Mary Ann Hafen, Recollections of a Handcart Pioneer of 1860 (Denver: LeRoy Hafen, 1938), pp. 18-33, 20.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

T h e U.S. Immigration Commission investigated the conditions steerage passengers had to endure in the trans-Atlantic crossing: T h e berth, 6 feet long and 2 feet wide and with 2-/4 feet of space above it, is all the space to which the steerage passenger can assert a definite right. . . . No sick cans are furnished, and not even large receptacles for waste. . . . T h e passengers . . . [carry] the crude eating utensils given them to use throughout the journey [to the food line]. . . . Naturally there is a rush to secure a place in line and afterwards a scramble for the single warm water faucet, which has to serve the needs of hundreds.

T h e report also cited the filth, the stench, the improper ventilation, etc., aboard ship and ended with a description of the total lack of discipline among the passengers. T h e German-speaking Mormon immigrants were able to avoid many of the poor conditions suffered by other immigrant groups because of experiences of earlier Mormon groups coming from England and Scandinavia who paved the way for them. 16 T h e church, too, gave specific instructions about what to take: Passengers furnish their own beds and bedding. A straw mattress will answer very well for sleeping upon when they do not bring feather or other beds with them, Each single passenger also requires a box or barrel to hold provisions; and the following articles for cooking, &c. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a broiler, saucepan, fryingpan, tin porriger, tin plate, tin dish, knife, fork, spoon, and a tin vessel to hold 3 quarts of water. 17

In the case of families, the items mentioned were to be of a "suitable size" for all; and though the water bottles could be of any size or number, "they must hold the number of quarts due the whole family per day." Further instructions were given about luggage with the stipulation that only the absolutely essential could be retained with the individual passenger. All else would be stowed in the hold. T h e LDS church had an agent in Liverpool who arranged the chartering of a vessel and assisted the immigrants with any questions or concerns, a n d he a r r a n g e d the i m m i g r a n t g r o u p s into a "cooperative-authoritarian, self-imposed government" 1 8 that allowed for greatly improved discipline. Group leaders assigned cleaning and cooking details, and religious services were held at least '"'Quoted in Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 52-53. '"Mormon immigration to Utah began in 1848 from Britain and expanded with the missions in Scandinavia. German-speaking immigrants to Utah came first in 1853. 17 Franklin D. Richards, General Instructions (n.p., 1856), p. 2. Copy in LDS Church LibraryArchives, Salt Lake City. 18 Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," p. 53.

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once daily. Still, despite all of the efforts made to ease the j o u r n e y ' s difficulties, o n e immigrant r e p o r t e d in Der Jyastfdjcs (Organ bet Kirdje Stern, the official G e r m a n f£| 3cfu Cfjrifti ber fjeUtgcn language publication of the 6cr Icljtcn Hage. Mormon church, on an ocean \. 3u!i 1900. f 32fe 3abrgang. eN§ 1 3 . crossing made in 1860 that the voyage was truly one of e n d u r a n c e . T h e r e were 1,000 immigrants on the ship with a very small kitchen, so that anyone eating more than once a day was very lucky. Had they not brought dried fruits and some sausage, they would have "suffered from real hunger." 1 " Louise Graehl told of seven and a half weeks at sea aboard the John M. Wood in a "If grvtr t><r (Engel iTToroni — Salt talc dcmpcl. (fte^e naij''tt Seitt.) company of Swiss and Germ a n i m m i g r a n t s a n d how Der Stern kept Mormons in Germany inh a p p y they w e r e to dock formed about church affairs. finally in New Orleans. However, these early immigrant journeys allowed no time for any leisure or sightseeing: Without even getting a look at the beautiful city, we were ushered on a steamboat that was to transport us to St. Louis. We were twelve days on that boat. After eight days in St. Louis we took another steamboat for Kansas where we were to begin our camping life. This was indeed something new for us. T h e fixing of tents u n d e r the trees in the wood, the building of a campfire, the baking of our bread in baking kettles, the washing of our clothes and the tending of our baby boy just learning to walk were sometimes trying. . . .

Two long months at sea and the trip up the Mississippi did not end the immigrants' ordeal. Graehl wrote further of her experiences on the plains after her oldest daughter died and was buried in the wilderness: 1!,

Ibid., p. 55.

362

Utah Historical Quarterly It was the beginning of July that our tiresome journey across the plains begun. We found out when we were ready to start that we lacked many things that would be needed on the road and that it would be difficult to procure them.

Her husband became discouraged and even left the group for a while, but he rejoined them and the journey dragged on: We had been traveling a few days. I was in the wagon with my three little ones, when all at once we had a stampede. Our team composed of two yokes of oxen and another one, started running in the grass that at that place was about five feet high. Sometimes the wagons came near wrecking each other, then again the animals ran in different directions not seeming to feel any trouble at pulling their heavy loads.

After that episode Louise had to hold her baby in one arm and help her husband steer with the other. 20 Mary Ann Hafen, the Swiss immigrant referred to earlier, related her experiences as one of the handcart pioneers of 1860. A group of 126 persons traveled under Oscar B. Stoddard from Florence, Nebraska, on July 6 with twenty-two handcarts and three provisioned wagons drawn by oxen: Even when it rained the company did not stop traveling. A cover on the handcart shielded the two younger children. T h e rest of us found it more comfortable moving than standing still in the drizzle. In fording streams the men often carried the children and weaker women across on their backs. . . . At night, when the handcarts were drawn up in a circle and the fires were lighted, the camp looked quite happy. Singing, music and speeches by the leaders cheered everyone.

Later on in the journey she wrote: Our provisions began to get low. . . . My brother John, who pushed at the back of our cart, used to tell how hungry he was all the time and how tired he got from pushing. He said he felt that if he could just sit down for a few minutes he would feel so much better. But instead, father would ask if he couldn't push a little harder. Mother was nursing the baby and could not help much, especially when the food ran short and she grew weak. When the rations were reduced father gave mother a part of his share of the food, so he was not so strong either. 21

Even when the rations were meager, food and trinkets were often given to approaching Indians to keep them friendly. T h e years 1869 and 1870 marked a great change in the conditions endured by the immigrants. With the laying of the last tie in 20

Kate B. Carter, comp., Treasures of Pioneer History, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1952-57), 6:56-59. 21 Hafen, Recollections, pp. 24, 25.

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Henry Wagener was one of several Germans who brought beer-making skills to Utah. His California Brewery was located at the mouth of Emigration Canyon. USHS collections.

completion of the transcontinental railroad the arduous trek across the plains was reduced to a few days in a railroad car, and in 1870 the LDS church began to charter steamships for the Atlantic crossing which decreased the time factor and eased the travail of immigrants en route to Utah. Non-Mormons also had the option of sailing with

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Utah Historical Quarterly

these ships, but many continued to come to America as steerage passengers in older vessels well into the first two decades of the 1900s.22 Leaving Nurnberg in early November 1912, one German immigrant to Utah, Alexander Schreiner, recorded these impressions of his journey: "We had a very severe crossing. It was stormy at that time of year. . . . My mother was very ill, seasick, for some five days. I think it took eight or nine days to cross the Atlantic. . . ." Earlier that year the Titanic had gone down, and this group of immigrants was traveling on the Canada, a ship about one-fifth the size of the Titanic. Schreiner continued: "We arrived in Salt Lake City on Friday and were welcomed by Latter-day Saints who had formerly lived in Nurnberg who had emigrated before, and whom we loved and were happy to see." 23 Many such welcomes were recorded by incoming German-speakers, because it was the practice of the German organizations of the time to meet new arrivals and make them comfortable. Between the two World Wars when another wave of Germanspeaking immigrants came to Utah, travel was less arduous, but they were not free of difficulties. After paying for their passage, they had precious little money left over; and in the new land, with a language barrier and prejudices retained from the war, they found that jobs were scarce. Eric Heimann preceded his wife to America by a number of years. T h o u g h they had met in Berlin before he left for the United States, he had received his visa and had to use it before its expiration. He went to Milwaukee to his sponsor, and she remained at her home in Vienna, Austria. Quotas imposed by the U.S. Immigration Commission at the time made her immigration impossible. Soon, however, because of LDS mission assignments, they were reunited in Germany. After completing their missions they were married and returned to Milwaukee in the 1930s when the depression was at its peak. Phila Heimann, who had nearly completed her doctorate in nuclear physics in Vienna, obtained a job teaching German to the children of some of the wealthiest brewers in the city, including the Pabst children. However, new mission duties sent them to Illinois and from there to Salt Lake City, at her insistence. They were so poor that they were unable to rent a room. T h r o u g h some of their 22

Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration," pp. 56, 52. Alexander Schreiner Interview by Nancy Furner Fenn, J u n e 1973-May 1975, pp. 7, transcript, James Moyle Oral History Program, LDS Church Library-Archives. 23

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Fredrick H. Barth, born in Transylvania, served in the German army during World War II, converted to Mormonism, and finally emigrated. Courtesy of Fredrick H. Barth.

German contacts they were able to find jobs, and not long thereafter Phila began teaching German at the University of Utah. A number of today's leading professors at Brigham Young University, Utah State University, and the University of Utah were her students. Eric became a leader in many of the German organizations, and together the Heimanns sponsored five other German and Austrian families in their immigration to Utah after World War II. 24 T h e most recent wave of immigration began soon after World War II ended, but it did not really gain steam until the United States

"Interview with Phila Heimann, March 24, 1983.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

relaxed the immigration restrictions enacted to prevent the mass migration of thousands of homeless Europeans. T h e stories these immigrants to Utah tell are many and varied, and as with the other waves of direct immigration to the state, this one was composed almost exclusively of Mormons, among whom were tremendous numbers of East German refugees. Several factors must be kept in mind when considering immigration during this period. (1) T h e history of the LDS mission effort in what is now East Germany shows that the greatest number of converts was made in this region. 25 (2) Beginning in the late 1920s a large-scale propaganda campaign was carried out by the German government against the terror of the Bolsheviks. (3) At the end of World War II Russian soldiers literally expelled German residents who had not fled before their occupational forces in East Prussia and areas of Poland and Czechoslovakia, in part substantiating the fear created by the propaganda. These factors, combined with the severe economic upheaval brought on in part by the heavy bombing of Germany, turned many a German's eyes toward America, the land of promise, and the eyes of the Mormon Germans to Utah, their "Zion." Notwithstanding the church's stated wish that members stay in Europe and strengthen their congregations, as soon as sponsors could be found in America and as soon as money for emigration could be collected, h u n d r e d s began their journey to Utah. One immigrant told of being forced from her home in Tilsit, East Prussia, in 1944 and walking or riding in a cattle car with her mother and baby sister through Poland to Dresden where her sister died. She spent much of her childhood in East Germany but fled with her family through Berlin to West Germany in August 1961, just two weeks before the wall was erected. After a year in southern Germany she and her mother, with the sponsorship of a family in Salt Lake City, were able to emigrate. 26 T h e journal of Herbert W. Klopfer, born February 3, 1936, related a similar story of occupation and escape. His father, a leader in the Mormon church organization in eastern Germany before the war, had been killed in Russia, leaving his wife with two children. Following an elaborate plan devised by his mother and President William Stover of the East German LDS Mission, Herbert and his 25 Gabrielle Barbara Kindt, "Statistical Study: Emigration of German Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints," research paper for History 490, University of Utah, 1977, pp. 24-26, copy in LDS Church Library-Archives. 26 Interview with Eva Maria Bates, April 4, 1983.

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younger brother, Rudy, on the pretense of joining an aunt in Rostock near the Baltic Sea, met their mother in the Russian sector of Berlin on December 26, 1950: . . . Since there was no legal border in existence at that time, our illegal entry was tantamount to crossing a tentative line separating East Berlin from West Berlin. President Stover had driven his big American car across the line into East Berlin to meet us at the train station. He parked it in a nearby dark side street. It was legal for him to do so as an American citizen. It was a little difficult for him, though, to chauffeur East German citizens to West Berlin. He also risked his life. I brought aunt Maria's bicycle along with me. Upon disembarking from the train, mother put me on the bicycle, pointed west on the main east-west artery of Berlin . . . and told me to start pedaling. Alone and without any belongings other than the clothes I wore I started bicycling into the dark night, heading west, while mother and Rudy disappeared quickly with President Stover in the direction of his car. I reached the Brandenburger Gate, the single most critical moment of my illegal flight. Border guards searched everyone thoroughly. They found nothing on me â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a mere fourteen-year-old boy on a bicycle. I continued biking through the Gate to freedom. Two hours later, tired and weary, I arrived at the Mission Home in BerlinDahlheim, our prearranged rendezvous point.

From there, the Klopfers were able to make it to America and then to Salt Lake City. Alfred Schulz had come to America in 1926 to join his parents and brothers already living in Salt Lake City and was followed by his wife. But in 1931, after having two children, they returned to visit his in-laws. Germany was in the midst of dark times, and it would be many years before the Schulz family would return to Utah. Alfred obtained a job as an insurance salesman and eventually became a member of a civilian police force during the war. Returning to Utah was one of his dreams, but he would have to endure much in order to get there. On an April night in 1944 Schulz and a group of other refugees were caught trying to outrun Russian soldiers pushing into Berlin. Shots were fired and all of the party were killed except Schulz who was shot through the neck and lay for six days in a field on the outskirts of a forest "with two smashed vertebrae and suffering paralysis of his lower body." Upon discovery, he was nursed back to partial health and then thrown into a Russian concentration camp where he suffered horrible mistreatment. After obtaining the proper papers from the Allied Occupational Forces, he was notified 27

In LDS Church Library-Archives; see pp. 19-20.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

Old-country music and dance are kept alive in Utah as these scenes from the 1983 Volksfest demonstrate. Photographs by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographics.

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he would be able to leave from H a m b u r g on October 7, 1949, for the United States on a Norwegian freighter. His first crossing to America had been in relative luxury on a large steamship. Even though he had traveled second class, he spoke of dances and parties and sumptuous meals. Of his second he wrote: In the evening the anchor was raised, and we went through the harbor, where many ships were anchored, towards the future. . . . T h e trip across the ocean was not too pleasant. We had storm almost constantly. . . . T h e food was good, entertainment bad, boredom unending. T h e r e was little to read and it was uncomfortable on deck. . . . Thus we were on the water for almost two weeks. . . . One night the boat only made 4 knots an hour. T h e n we saw land. America! In the evening we were in the harbor. T h e anchor was lowered, and we remained on board one more night. T h e immigration officials came in the morning. Everything was fine. At noon the boat was tied down on the pier. Now we got off the boat and stood on the American continent. A strange feeling. It was on a Saturday. T h e express company was closed so that I had to stay in New York for three days. . . . With the "Greyhound Lines" I left New York on Monday evening. It was a glorious experience to take a bus through America. . . . Thursday noon we arrived in Salt Lake City . . . and then I met my parents, my boys my brothers and sisters. O what a joy to see them all again.

He got a job at ZCMI working for 85 cents an hour doing the "dirtiest" work, and his rooms were small, but his words expressed his happiness at returning to Utah and being reunited with his family: "It was good to see all the bright lights in the city. My heart was filled with joy and gratitude." 28 Those who have come to Utah in the past few years have found the trip quite pleasant. T h e ease and comfort of airline travel with snacks, drinks, hot meals, stewards and stewardesses, and in-flight movies have made the journey commonplace. T h e first direct German immigrants to Utah would be astonished to hear people today complain about the uneasiness of flight, the few hours of layovers, and the cramped quarters of a j u m b o jet.

28 The original of Schulz's journal is in LDS Church Library-Archives. Translation by Justus Ernst with excerpts from ZCMIrror (Salt Lake City), May 1945.

For many German-speaking immigrants Liverpool was the point of departure for the U.S. and, ultimately, Utah. USHS collections.

Die Auswanderung BY D O U G L A S D. A L D E R

I HE SETTLEMENT OF THE AMERICAN W E S T was mainly the result of individual enterprise, but there were also group experiments. This individual versus group dichotomy can be seen by contrasting the fortune seekers who rushed to the California gold fields with the Icarians who went to the Napa and Sonoma valleys to set up a Utopian community. 1 One could similarly contrast the thousands in Dr. Alder is professor of history and geography at Utah State University. 'Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1953), chapter 4. Interestingly, these Icarians came to California from Nauvoo, Illinois, a town they occupied in 1849 after the Mormons departed.

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Texas and Oregon who came as individual homesteaders with the groups led by Stephen A. Austin to Texas or those whom Jason Lee brought to the Willamette Valley of Oregon. T h e most numerous and long-lived group settlements in the West were clearly those of the Mormons in the Great Basin where thousands of Latter-day Saints gathered from Europe and North America. Those emigrants who came from German-speaking lands in Europe to the Great Basin are examples of both the individual and the group undertaking. For example, the Mormon-sponsored emigrants from Germany, Switzerland, and Austria who came prior to World War I were generally transported in groups. Most often they traveled directly from Central Europe to Utah with the guidance of church emigration agents all the way to the Great Basin. German-speaking people of other religious persuasions came to Utah also, but generally they came individually and indirectly, often living several years in other parts of the United States prior to their move to Utah. Following World War I the group system of the Mormons ended. Thereafter, those who chose to come on their own initiative had to arrange their own finances and their own travel. Whether they came individually or in groups their story must impinge on many more Utahns than those six thousand plus now living in the state who themselves were born in Europe, because today 190,000 Utahns claim to have German ancestry â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one eighth of the state's population. 2 T h o u g h Utah is a rather remote spot and not as well known for preserving German culture as the American Midwest, there is nonetheless a Utah-German connection. It is not unusual for anyone in Utah to listen to the German hour Saturday mornings on radio or buy European specialities at Siegfried's Delicatessen. Businesses like Buehner Block, the old Schneitter's Hot Pots near Midway, the Homespun Restaurant in Leeds, the now defunct Auerbach's department store or the memorable Bamberger Interurban Railroad, and the continuing Deutsches Theater in Salt Lake City testify to the presence of German enterprise. 2 T h e 1980 census data have not yet been completely published but are available through the Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce. Unfortunately, the Swiss nativity figures are not being compiled separately. People of German nativity in Utah numbered 5,950 and Austrian natives, 292. T h e 1970 census showed 566 Swiss. T h e 1980 data show 9,755 people over the age of eighteen who speak German in the home and 1,633 between the ages of five and seventeen. One supplementary report has been helpful: "Ancestry of the Population by State: 1980," p. 56.

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T h e Swiss Choir establishes a subtler point: that much of what is commonly called "German" may in fact be from a neighboring land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Switzerland or Austria â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that is German-speaking. Some German-speaking Utahns were even born in German portions of present-day Poland or Czechoslovakia. So for the purposes of discussion here the German-speaking emigration to Utah includes all these groups. ORGANIZING THE MORMON EMIGRATION

T h e German-speaking Mormon emigration began in 1853, a decade after British and Scandinavian emigrants had begun the trek. 3 T h e organization, financing, routing, and destinations had become much more definite by 1853, and the Germans benefited by it. As soon as the missions gained a solid footing in Germany, the Liverpool shipping office was ready to handle their emigration business. 3

For a history of Mormonism in Germany see Gilbert ScharfFs Mormonism in Germany (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1970).

Schneitter's Hot Pots in Midway, where many Swiss settled, is now the Homestead resort. USHS collections.

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Once the Mormon agent in Liverpool knew when a departure would be possible, he notified the mission president in Switzerland where the work was strongest. In later years he informed the German leaders of departures too. Prior to that notification, the two carried on a correspondence concerning the amount of church financial aid available and the number of emigrants registering. On the Continental side, the mission president acted as subagent. He encouraged the members to gather to Zion, publicized detailed instructions, and received deposits of money. He was responsible for registering all the passengers with the Liverpool office and accompanying the travelers to that city. Upon arrival in Liverpool the emigrants made such purchases as were recommended and attended a meeting of all the Mormon passengers traveling on the ship. T h e European mission president presented a regular ecclesiastical organization for their sustaining vote. T h e n he bade them farewell and they were on their way. They were met at the port in America by a Mormon agent who had arranged their further transportation, either to the outfitting point before the completion of the railroad or directly to Salt Lake City after 1869. When they reached Salt Lake City, Ogden, or any other Utah destination, they were met either by relatives and friends or the German LDS Organization, which was charged with the task of receiving and helping new arrivals. 4 On at least four occasions the German mission president did an end run, chartering ships that left from Hamburg, avoiding the Liverpool office. T o the Mormons in Europe the trusted Mormon missionaries were the strongest advertisement for the so-called gathering to Zion. Mormon elders in German-speaking Europe served not only as preachers but also as agents for the individual converts whom they baptized. They often provided a link between the new members and some specific town or employment in the Utah-Idaho area. Undoubtedly some missionaries were overly enthusiastic, perhaps even painting an unduly optimistic picture of the Zion in the mountains. Whenever this was the case the church inherited some embittered Europeans in Utah whose letters back to the old country bore words of disillusionment. Some of these emigrants even returned to the "Heimat" to criticize Mormonism."' This does not suggest that such salesmanship was intentionally misleading. 'Der Stem, 15:204. 5 Die Reform, 1:45, and Millennial Star, 67:536.

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Certificate issued in 1863 allowed emigrant to draw $1.00 worth of rations from the Mormon warehouse in Florence, Nebraska. USHS collections.

T h e missionaries returned to that same Zion and knew they would have to live with the people they encouraged to emigrate. They received no bounty as did some land scheme promoters. T h o u g h some criticized the voyage and the new Jerusalem in the Rocky Mountains, many more remained totally devoted to the "gathering." In an 1861 letter describing his journey to Salt Lake City, Ulrich Loosli wrote of the improved economic condition he and those with him experienced. They had become property owners and successful farmers, but he hastened to add, one should not come to Zion for improving living standards. T h e n he changed ground and mourned for his oppressed brethren in Europe: "Wie arm dass die Schwizer sind and sie gut wie es haben konnten" (How poor the Swiss are and how good it could be for them). 6 FINANCING THE EMIGRATION

Mormon leaders explored many avenues to finance the emigration. 7 They encouraged travelers to deposit their personal funds with the church in Europe instead of risking theft along the way. On arrival in Utah immigrants were able to receive their deposits in cash or kind. This allowed the church to amass funds in Europe without sending them from Utah. Sometimes church leaders permitted their European agents to divert tithing money into the emigration fund. 6

Der Darsteller, 4:117. Richard Jensen, "The Financing of Mormon Immigration in the Nineteenth Century," unpublished paper from the Joseph Fielding Smith Institute of Church History, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 7

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Drives were undertaken in Utah to raise donations for emigration, and members in the Rocky Mountains were urged to sponsor and even finance the voyage of Europeans. Sometimes the agents helped immigrants find employment along the way to finance the trip. They also set up a savings program to help emigrants accumulate funds for their fare. T h e church provided some loans and in rare cases offered welfare help to transport needy people without charge. Some early immigrants who came on a contract labor system arrived privately, such as young Fritz Zaugg who came to work for a farmer named Christian Hirschi in Park Valley. 8 Zaugg later brought the rest of his family to Utah through his earnings there. T h e Perpetual Emigrating Fund sponsored by the church was a system of lending the fare for the trip to worthy members with the agreement that they would repay their expenses to the fund to enable the next Latter-day Saint to make the journey. T h e fund was notoriously in arrears, suggesting that the obligation to repay was strained by the meager incomes of those who arrived. People traveling on church funds were often those whose friends or relatives had made advance deposits to the fund in Utah in the name of the prospective emigrant. T H E VOYAGE

U p to 1869 the voyage was long and tedious. T h e travelers were told repeatedly that they must travel light; only 100 pounds per adult were allowed on the wagons of the church teams. For the ship each emigrant had to furnish a wool blanket for his bunk as well as his eating utensils and dishes. Although the food on the ship was furnished, it was suggested that a few supplements be taken along. Pickled cucumbers and onions were especially recommended, as well as dried meat. Guns and power were forbidden on the voyage. They were not needed until the outfitting point was reached and were provided there. One article in the German LDS publication Iter Stern gave such practical suggestions as to bring some toys for the children and a bottle of bicarbonate of soda, which it claimed freshened the stale water on the ships." If printed instructions had been the Saints' only preparation they would have been well informed, but they also had personal contact with Utahns daily, which made them a very well instructed group. 8

Douglas D. Alder, "Fritz Zaugg, Teenage Emigrant," Beehive History 8, 1982, pp. 10-12. '"Der Stern, 2:70.

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T h e length of the voyages in the steerage vessels averaged four to five weeks, with some as long as seven weeks. Health problems were very common and many deaths were recorded. 10 Voyages that succeeded in arriving at their destination without experiencing at least one death were considered outstanding. Heinrich Reiser described a difficult voyage of the William Tapscott in May and June of 1860 with 83 German-speaking Saints among the 730 European Mormons aboard: We received our foodstuffs raw and had to cook them ourselves. T h e kitchen was too small for 100 persons so we considered ourselves lucky if we got something to eat once a day. We saw no bread, only sailor's zwiebach that was so hard we could break things with it, and had we not brought some fruit (dried) and wurst with us, we could have suffered greatly, as we neared New York many were near death; some did die in that city and others died on the journey to Florence, Nebraska.

T h e menu on board, though sufficient, must have been somewhat repetitious. A record for 1859 reports the following allotment per week for each person over eight years old (the same sufficing for two persons u n d e r that age): 3!/2 pounds of zwiebach, which was used mostly for soups, 1 pound flour, 1J4 pounds oatmeal, \xh pounds rice, P/2 pounds dried peas, 2 pounds potatoes, 1!4 pounds beef, 1 pound pork, 1 pound sugar, a little tea, salt, mustard, pepper, and vinegar. 12 After 1868 the number of days on the water was reduced considerably because the church began chartering steamships, which cut the voyage time to about twelve days. By 1869 immigrants could also travel by rail to Utah. T h e cost of the whole trip was cut to $75 and to three weeks in time. This reduction brought many changes, the most significant being that the health of the companies was not put u n d e r such peril. Although the tide of the British emigration began to decline as the German rose, the church-sponsored emigration continued, including the shipboard organization into wards. T h e presence of missionaries and conference presidents in the companies and agents at the ports kept the emigration flowing smoothly. Under the close supervision of experienced travelers, the emigrants could avoid being fleeced at inspection stations and railroad terminals. Costs H)

Der Darsteller, 1:108. "Der Stern, 32:202. vl Der Darsteller, 4:2.

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were kept at a minimum until the church-sponsored emigration was stopped by 1914. Arrival at the Castle Garden inspection point was memorable for most newcomers. Babette Kunzler in 1859 left this warm remembrance: When we arrived in New York Brother Lark, representing Brother Canon [sic] who could not come, was already there. We were taken to a hotel. T h e presidency of the mission decided that it would be wise for us to remain in New York for the winter. Since it was too expensive to remain in the hotel another housing arrangement was sought as fast as possible. . . . Already all of our brothers and sisters have work. Those with trades are in demand, especialy the shoemakers. I have also been promised work. Maria Stahl is also employed by the family where I am to help and she is satisfied and does not wish to return. . . . On the first Sunday we were taken to a hall where more than 300 Mormons were gathered. Oh, how my soul was stirred by the sight. . . . Brother Maser [sic] gave an address to us Swiss which did us good and at the same time evidenced his keen mind. He also troubled himself to speak to each of us individually. For years I have wished to know this man and now I have experienced it. . . . On Tuesday evening we had a German meeting in our house. Brother Canon spoke in English and Brother Maser translated into German but I could understand Brother Canon fairly well. We must all learn English this winter because it is so essential. 1,

Babette's experience was not typical in that she stayed in New York. Most companies were put immediately on the train and sent off to the outfitting posts if they arrived before 1869 or directly to the valley thereafter. Ulrich Loosli left a glowing record of his crossing in 1860 and concluded with this optimistic advertisement: In Switzerland there are some who consider this trek a tremendous difficulty but I say in truth that in twenty years I have never worked less than I did on this trip and I had more to do than the others!

Heinrich Reiser's report of the trek in the same year was quite the opposite: . . . We had to wait in Florence a whole month until our wagons arrived and not until July were we able to begin the difficult journey over the plains of North America. Some of our Swiss brothers and sisters had to go by handcart. Usually two adults, mother and father, pulled the cart with two children as well as foodstuffs and clothes in it. It made me weep to see such a group depart. T h e trip lasted three months and many lost their lives during this time. Almost every evening we had to dig a grave and toward the end l3

Der Darsteller, 4:4. Der Darsteller, 4:117.

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Utah Historical Quarterly the deaths occurred often during the night by lantern light so that we had to dig the graves in the morning also because no one could be left behind to do that. 1 '

A difference in attitude may explain the contrast between Loosli's a n d Reiser's reports, but another factor is that the Loosli group lost only one traveler to death while those under Reiser's direction lost many, at sea as well as on the overland journey. In 1870 Karl G. Maeser led the first German-speaking group to Utah by the quickened methods of steamship and railroad. T h e party departed

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from Liverpool July 14, 1870, on the steamer Manhattan and after landing in New York on July 26 continued by rail and arrived in Salt Lake City on August 5, 1870. T h e journey, which the first emigrants experienced as a nine-month ordeal, had been reduced to a twenty-three-day trip. Some hardships remained, but a way had been found to eliminate the deaths. One of the best aspects of Mormon planning was the added thoughtfulness that made the arrival in Utah a thrilling experience for the immigrants. On at least one occasion the First Presidency met the train at Farmington and rode into Salt Lake City with the new arrivals, speaking to each one individually during the ride. 16 Another record mentions that as the train entered Ogden at 4 A.M. the German Organization in that city was at the depot with sandwiches and refreshments for their compatriots. 17 Occasionally an immigrant failed to meet his hosts at the depot. When fourteen-year-old Friedrich Zaugg came as a contract laborer, his company arrived four days earlier than planned and his intended master was not at the depot. He was petrified, partly because he could not speak English. So he got back on the train thinking that he had heard his destination, Park Valley, called out a few stops back. He was wrong, of course. T h e conductor had to put him off the train at the next stop, Morgan, Utah, because he had no ticket. T h e stationmaster there took the boy to a neighbor who spoke French. After a few tense days farmer Hirschi and the lad found each other and traveled by wagon three days to remote Park Valley where Fritz looked at the vast desert and queried, "Is this Zion?" MORMON EMIGRATION POLICY CYCLE

For the first century of the LDS church's existence the doctrine 18 of gathering the Saints to Zion remained significant. T h e motives of the German-speaking people in accepting this message and undertaking the trek to the new Zion in the Rocky Mountains could be analyzed as idealistic and materialistic. Perhaps the more important of the two was the idealistic â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the desire to live among the Saints, to experience the temple covenants, to build up a literal kingdom of God on the earth. This was especially true in the early period when no temple was available in Europe. If people had been looking for a 16

Der Stern, 3:45-47. "Der Stern, 15:204. l8 Doctrine and Covenants, 29:7-8.

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way to escape poverty or to obtain land in America, they could have found a more appealing landscape than Utah. What a stark contrast the Great Basin presented to the beauty of Switzerland or the productivity of Germany. T h e topic of emigration was continually held before the eyes of church members in the mission periodicals. Every volume of the German magazines for Mormons from 1853 to 1900 contained editorials, detailed instructions, sailing dates, emigrant lists, farewell letters, letters from the voyagers, and letters from German-speaking Saints living in Zion. This excerpt from an editorial in 1862 is typical: It is an undeniable fact that there are many in this land and others and who claim to be Latter-day Saints, who, if they were so inclined to make the effort, could have already gathered with the Saints in Zion. How can this be? It comes simply from the fact that despite their assertions they don't actually believe the message which God has declared to them. These people have been repeatedly warned during the last thirty years concerning the suffering and devastation which would come over the peoples of the earth and which would also include the Latter-day Saints if they were not obedient to the voice from the heavens to flee out of Babylon. . . . We feel to urge the Saints to exert every effort to flee to the gathering places of the Saints before the thunderstorm breaks. T h e Lord knows his own.. He can and will protect them as long as they are at their duty, but those who could not keep His commandment to gather and do it not have no right and can make no claim to His protection. 1 "

T h e gathering policy of the LDS church began to change in the latter part of the nineteenth century, perhaps because of conditions in Utah or because of the developing crisis between the Mormons and the federal government in the 1880s. As Utah began to fill up with immigrants it became increasingly difficult to find employment or desirable land for new arrivals, but missionaries and church leaders continued to support immigration even though some immigrants were finding Utah a hard place for a new start. T h e U.S. immigration restriction laws of 1885 and 1887 raised some difficulties for Mormons because the legislation restricted entry of "paupers," and Mormon plans encouraged members to deposit their money in Liverpool at the church emigration office instead of carrying money on their persons. In 1891 the next restriction law specifically added polygamists to the exclusion list.20 ''â&#x20AC;˘'Die Reform 1 (November 1892): 37-41. '2()Acts of Congress, March 3, 1981, c. 551 (Stat), 26. See also Senate Report 7 5 / 5 , "Immigration and Naturalization of the United States," 81st Cong., 2d sess., 1891, passim.

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Although Mormons did not practice polygamy in Europe, they did belong to an organization that advocated its practice and many would adopt it later upon arrival in America. A strong nativist movement in America resisted immigration of Greeks, Italians, and Slavs. This nativist attitude was easily linked to anti-polygamist efforts against the Mormons. In Germany Mormon missionaries faced laws that specifically prohibited recruiting emigrants. This led to occasional arrests of missionaries. By the turn of the century church periodicals began warning prospective emigrants of economic difficulties in Utah; they also attempted to soothe government officials in Germany and Switzerland who were alarmed about the Mormon emigration which they saw as a system to lure young girls into polygamy. In 1907 the Millennial Star, the official voice of the church in England and Europe, editorialized: While the Church to which we belong is not using any influence to persuade its members or others to emigrate but desires that many of them shall stay and build up the work abroad, this office is engaged in a legitimate emigration agency both for sea voyages and land transportation in America. Latter-day Saints intending to gather in Zion, and friends in Utah sending money to assist their relatives in doing so, will do well to book for their passage through this office.

Following World War I church policy began to move rapidly toward discouraging emigration. Debates in the U.S. Senate over quota laws and attempts to win permission to proselytize in Germany were among the factors that led Orson F. Whitney, European mission president, to announce: As concerning the emigration question in general, we can again declare that we do not encourage our members to emigrate. On the contrary we discourage them from emigrating and have actually had to endure some criticism from our members for doing so. But it is our considered intention to make our Swiss and German branches a bulwark for good and to found new branches and build new Church buildings.

Although this was official policy, the emigration continued. Many missionaries, even mission presidents, befriended local members and could not in conscience discourage them from emigrating. Prospects for marriage within the church were slim in Europe. Educational options for the Mormons in Europe were limited be21

Millennial Star, 69:329. Der Stern, 53:216.

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cause it was not the custom for laboring classes to aspire to uniTheater-Auffuehniiitf versity attendance; land owneranlaf>lid> be* IQja&riufn >f>ilanm« ber ship in Europe was not comSal ke mon. Most of all, members in Ci hi ber E u r o p e h a d little chance to Granite-Stake-Halle 33. S i t ««b Qtlte €tr. — St»mt He 2troftr«b««n K i a a n . 12. enjoy the full church program - — &wtt»fl. &« 6. SB«i, nbmb» »ii«ftii* 8 lift •••- ••"• in Europe, especially the temple ordinances. Those who longed »»tr: t s u f l c t « h » « - fcem SoITc. — to be in Zion had learned their Sa*m|prel in 6 Hften mm SauS). - 3n Wriftbeutfd^er ©predje. tlnter WHtmirfuua Mn » . t. SiUeter, $iano u S. ff. Bnael, Stolta*. longing from missionaries or Jtt f e» : Salb&ojler, rcidjer Vautt u. Biebjianbler 3ofcn Slaufer. relatives and friends who had QScrtrub, beffen » e t b 3Hari« thUitet. $ima, beten Xtxbttr Com fyuttti. preceded them to the mouni'uaftoljler. ein %tuer 3uliuS ViUtitr 3r. t e r ©rtepfarrrr 3ful. SiOetet Sen. tains of western America. Set CiSeriehtSprafibent ijermann ©enn. "SKHtte. »ocnl einer Serfla>rmtg».$efcafd)Qft g^;, Shjbegger. T h e flow of German emiVifc, alte 3.1unberbaftorin u. flnrtenWanerin TOart&a SSiiOer. iioiii ) beren abotf (**amm. Wurtin ) ®6Sme $ernum,i ©utet. grants was really just getting a ,t*in 0Vertttit4tt>ci&cr, jroei 2anbjaget,. e'auiicrfnaben. Solf. ©finger unb Sanaetinnen. — ©oufieur: 3oljn $iittcl. healthy start when the church Ort ber fymbtung: e t n 2orf in ber ©dwoeij. ©cenerie: began to shift its policy, whereas >t. aft: ftiraitwib. etaei SKarttflrfenis in ber © * » e i | . i. »ft: SBofmftube bei Salbbfifler. the British and Scandinavian 3. «ft: {Pin Seru&Ujimmer im Karftfleifen. t. » « : Vie ©tube ber atten Sife e m i g r a t i o n h a d a l r e a d y des art: »ie a« a. Tic Teiien itoet Sftc [oielen 3 3a&re fpuler. clined. Missionary work was tit htrifaVnpanfen tterben bur* <?rtra.9himmern aulaeffiHt. JSraajtx>oUt ©e&wefjertttid&ttn itnb RoftOme. much later in establishing a firm (fi«rri« 30 «M. ftaftemlffit . g 7:30 lt|rT SoA,cr I . base in Germany, and legal re(fin teil beS SetngetoinnS iff fiir Me Heburftigen ber ©4roet|erifd)en unt> $ « t f d > n 9RtfHon beftitmnt. ^ strictions against proselytizing Swiss colony announced its Germanlanguage production ofThe Arsonist w e r e m u c h m o r e severe in in 1921 in the Beobachter. Germany and Switzerland than in Scandinavia a n d Britain. Some people now living in Utah undoubtedly experienced the ambivalent counsel that existed for decades in German-speaking Europe — official discouragement of emigration coexisting with individual advice to emigrate. When Max Zimmer pressed the point in 1922 he must have caused guilt feelings for many who would emigrate anyway or sponsor emigration:

Schweizer Kolonie

Der Brandstifter M

No missionary, and certainly no officer in the Church, isjustified in spreading any emigration propaganda. We admonish our brothers and sisters and friends specifically to remain here and build up the Church.

T h e irony of that statement is that Zimmer himself later immigrated 3

Der Stern, 54:80.

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to Salt Lake City on invitation from church headquarters to become chief German translator for the church. (It must be added, however, that he did so only after serving for many years prior to his departure as a leader in the Swiss mission and as president of that mission during World War II.) As the worldwide depression struck in the 1930s, church leaders reaffirmed their advice to German-speaking Saints to remain in Europe, evidently unaware that the thunderstorm spoken of in 1862 was about to explode in Europe. T h u s thousands of Mormons experienced the tragedy of Nazism and the consequent fears that their membership in the church could become a cause of political oppression. Unlike the Jehovah's Witnesses, Latter-day Saints did not experience persecution as a whole, although some Mormons were imprisoned, even executed. 24 Nonetheless, the Nazi experience and the succeeding Communist takeovers in Eastern Europe stimulated thousands of German-speaking Mormons to flee, immigrating to the United States and particularly to Utah and Idaho immediately following the war. Thus the post-World War II immigration to Utah far exceeded any previous period. Beginning in 1947 when 62 members emigrated from the German-speaking missions, the number rose by 1958 to 710 who left in one year. 25 Alarmed mission presidents in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland issued a lengthy letter pleading for members to support church policy and remain in Europe where temples were now built.26 Although they experienced frustrations in attempting to cap the gathering spirit that so many had worked so hard to promote, their efforts gradually succeeded. T h e church established stakes and seminary programs in Europe; in essence the full program came to Europe, undercutting the argument for emigration. Economic conditions changed and eventually reversed, with the European economy actually surpassing the American. Increasing numbers of German-speaking Mormons have seen it as their mission to remain in Europe. T h e German-speaking emigration has dwindled, but it is not over yet.

" O n e such case has now become famous, that of Helmuth Heubner. See Alan F. Keele and Douglas F. Tobler, " T h e Fuhrer's New Clothes: Helmuth Huebner and the Mormons in the Third Reich," Sunstone, November/December 1980, pp. 20-29. Thomas Rogers has recently privately published a play entitled "Heubner" in a collection, God's Fools (1983). 2;> Douglas D. Alder, "The German-speaking Immigration to Utah" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1959), p. 123. â&#x201E;˘Der Stern, 4:343-46.

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German LDS meetinghouse, built to serve German and Siuiss immigrants - largely in Logan's Tenth Ward - zuas used in 1930s as a fraternity house by Sigma Phi Epsilon and later as a private theaterfor the Cache Valley Players. Courtesy of Special Collections, Utah State University. INDIVIDUAL EXAMPLES

Most of the German-speaking immigrants to Utah did not participate in the pioneer experience of church-planned travel because the majority of German-speaking immigration to Utah has come since World War I. They made individual decisions to immigrate and found a legal sponsor in America â&#x20AC;&#x201D; necessary for passage through the Immigration Service gates â&#x20AC;&#x201D; who often offered financial support or employment. These immigrants seldom came in groups. Their story is often one of hardship, too, not so much in the actual travel as in the adjustment to the new land and new language. 27 Walter and Marie Koch of Logan represent the post-World War II generation. 28 Walter was a miner in Essen at age fourteen. Later he became a farm worker and then a metal worker in a factory. He experienced both World War I (beginning at age eight), in which his father died, and World War II when he was drafted at age thirtyeight. He remembers the inflation and social discord that brought 27 The most recent examination of the German immigrant story in Utah is Ronald K. Dewsnup, "German-speaking Immigrants and the State of Utah: A Brief History" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1983). 28 Walter Koch, "Reminiscences," Special Collections, Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan.

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Hitler to office as well as the horrors of war, especially several years of Russian prison camps. Already after World War I the Koch family dreamed of immigrating to America, but Walter's widowed mother and her three sons could never afford the trip. She had joined the LDS church in 1916. Walter was influenced by its teachings and met his wife, Marie, from Cologne through the church. Their experiences in World War II were so severe that they determined to escape the Europe of Nazism and Communism at their first opportunity. When the Kochs and their two sons, Alfred and Helmut, finally arrived in America in 1946 Walter had difficulty finding work, learning the language, and fulfilling the requirements for citizenship. Now, however, the Kochs are proud property owners, respected citizens, and unabashedly happy. Their sons have had opportunities for higher education. Walter also was able to bring his aged mother to America for the last four years of her life. Rolf Neugebauer did not experience the privations of a soldier or prisoner. He enjoyed a good education and developed an expert trade. Following his service as an LDS missionary in Germany, he looked toward a solid future in Germany's booming economy. His church leaders hoped that he would remain in Germany to become part of the leadership in the homeland. But Rolfs correspondence with a young woman missionary led to a decision to be married. He immigrated to Utah where he and Dixie Miskin were married in 1973. His move to the United States has actually been an economic detriment, but he is nonetheless delighted with the decision for he likes the openness of the American landscape and people. He brought his parents to Utah and then a brother. 20 In 1983 his last brother immigrated, even though he was well established in Germany. Many other German-speaking people came to live in Utah besides Mormons. Simon Bamberger is the most prominent because he became governor of the state and a successful businessman. 30 Others include Richard Karl August Kletting, the architect of the Utah Capitol, and the William Behle family in medicine. Eugene Santschi came to New York as a seventeen-year-old lad in 1876. He learned to work in manufacturing firms in Alton, 2,

'Ruth Harris Swaner, "It's Their Destiny: From the Grip of Russian Rule to America," Cache Citizen (Logan), August 10, 1983. 30 Kate B. Carter, comp. "The Contribution of Germany, Holland, Italy, Austria, France, and Switzerland to Utah," Daughters of the Utah Pioneers Historical Pamphlet, 1942, p. 266.

Utah Historical Quarterly

386 Illinois, and eventually moved to Carbon County in 1888. T h e r e he worked in manufacturing associated with mining. He served as a county commissioner and later m o v e d to W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , w h e r e he served as an officer in the general staff of the U.S. Army. 31 A well-known immigrant in Cache Valley is Ed Gossner, who arrived in Wisconsin from Switzerland about 1930 and engaged in cheese making. He wanted to establish his own factory and undertook a tour to find a suitable place. W h e n he visited U t a h ' s C a c h e Valley he immediately recognized opportunity. He found dairy farmers willing to form a cooperative u n d e r his l e a d e r s h i p . L a t e r known as the Cache Valley Dairy Association, this organization became one of the nation's best known manufacturers of Swiss and c h e d d a r cheese. Gossner later left the cooperative and est a b l i s h e d t h e c h e e s e factory which is thriving u n d e r the direction of Ed Gossner, Jr., with father looking on.32 3 'Noble Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, 4 vols. (Chicago and Salt Lake: S. J. Clark Co., 1919), 4:35. 32 Tape-recorded speech at Sky View High School, February 9, 1970, Smithfield, Utah, in author's possession.

German-born entrepreneur John Dern, above, and his son George H., below, helped to develop the mines at Mercur. George was governor of Utah during 1925-33 and secretary of war under Franklin D. Roosevelt. USHS collections.

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Among the successful Germans is Henry Kissel who came to the United States at age eighteen from Bavaria. 33 After living in New York, Ohio, Nebraska, Kansas, and Washington, he settled in Ogden where he carried on his trade as a tailor. Paul Heitz came to the United States at age fourteen. 34 After farming elsewhere he settled in Tremonton in the 1880s, helped found the telephone company there, and eventually opened a very successful auto distributorship. One of the most illustrious German businessmen was J o h n Dern, born in Haussen by Giessen in 1850, who came to America in 1865 and farmed in Illinois.3"' His enterprises expanded into grain, lumber, coal, livestock, and eventually banking. He served as a state senator in Illinois before his mining investments interested him in Utah. He moved his family to Utah where his son, George, became the state's sixth governor. Francis Fritsch, another non-Mormon German, came to Ohio in 1850 at age fifteen. First as a druggist and later as a banker he became affluent. In 1888 he moved with considerable wealth to Salt Lake City for his health and founded several businesses. The common thread a m o n g these p r o m i n e n t G e r m a n - b o r n U t a h n s who were not Mormons is that they left Germany or Switzerland as teenagers. They came to A m e r i c a , usually alone, and started at the bottom of the ladder in pursuit of fortune. They lived in several places before coming to Utah and in many cases came to the Rocky Mountains with their career or fortune already u n d e r way. They were often attracted here by mining or the railroad. T h e i r story provides a strong contrast to the Mor33Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, 2:667. 34 3

Ibid., 2:633. Tbid., 2:266.

Swiss-born artist John Hafen, USHS collections.

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Franz Pilz of Marianne's Delicatessen cooks bratwurst at 1983 Volksfest. Photograph by Gary B. Peterson, Photogeographics.

mon immigrants who came directly to Utah and arrived in poverty. Nonetheless, the Mormons have also produced people of high accomplishment from among the German-speaking. Karl Maeser was the first to achieve acclaim and is still known as one of the state's most famous educators. J o h n Hafen achieved renown as an artist. Alexander Schreiner is an internationally known organist. J o h n and Emil Fletcher became accomplished architects. Peter Prier is a successful violinmaker. In business there are names like Carl and Otto Buehner, Walter Stover, William Perschon, and Kasper Fetzer. So the Germans have come to Utah and have remained here. Most of them were Mormons but a substantial group were not. How the cycle has changed! Now more and more Germanspeaking Mormons are choosing to remain in Europe. Those who come are not doing so for opportunity, and their level of sacrifice is not comparable to earlier generations. Their travel has been reduced from weeks to hours. No one dies on the way. GermanAmerican ties remain very strong, not only genetically but personally. Nowadays, it is common for German-speaking Utahns to enjoy the good fortune of trips back to Europe, often more than once. Interestingly, the story is happening in reverse. Many Germans, Austrians, and Swiss people come to Utah for a visit and then return to Europe. So Utah and German-speaking Europe are in some ways even more entwined. T h e Utah-German connection has been a vital part of the state's history and voyaging back and forth is still very much alive.

The Memory Box BY IRENE STOOF PEARMAIN

A MEMORY BOX HANGS ON THE WALL of my family room as a symbol and reminder to my family, friends, and to all who enter my home of the pride and gratitude I feel for my German heritage. In one square, alongside the picture of my father in his World War I uniform, is a sampling of his favorite music, " T h e Pilgrims' Chorus" from Tannhauser by Richard Wagner, whose music I now love and appreciate. In another section is a candle holder and candle from our Christmas tree, a picture of Mamma and Daddy in front of our beautiful tannenbaum, and the first line of "Susser Die Glocken Nie Klingen," Mamma's favorite Christmas carol. Last Christmas Eve I mustered up enough courage to put real candles on my Christmas tree so that we could recapture for all of the Stoof grandchildren the feelings of those wonderful German Christmases of our childhood. Down in a corner of the memory box is a stem of embroidered forget-me-nots, the flower my mother loved from her childhood days in Koenigsberg. Whenever I see a forget-me-not I instantly think of her and my German heritage. I see a forget-me-not and it's as if I can hear her saying, "Never forget who you are. Never forget you are a Stoof V I would like to share some of the forget-me-nots in the memory box of my heart, of being the second generation of the German immigrant. In the early 1940s our home on Blaine Avenue smelled of German food, adhered to the strict rules of German discipline, followed German traditions, and communicated in the German language. It was a home with an abundance of love and warmth as the family struggled to survive on a meager income with the needs of eight high-spirited children to be met. It was not easy to be a German in those days. World War II had taken its toll. When the teachers at school would discuss the United States as the "melting pot" for all nationalities, we would have to tell what blood flowed in our veins and I would have to say, "I'm 100 Mrs. Pearmain is a resident of Salt Lake City.

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percent German!" Most of the time there would be someone who'd yell out, "Ooooo a German!" or "Are you a Nazi, too?" T h e n I would have given anything for a little English or Scandinavian blood. But I was a German, 100 percent, a distinction only I and no one else in the class had. But we weren't Nazis. We had been taught that Hitler and his regime were evil. That anti-Nazi sentiment was reflected in my oldest brother's comment at my birth. He was so disappointed to have another sister instead of a brother that when he saw the lock of black hair that h u n g down on my forehead he said, "She's a German! She looks like Hitler!" We were German, we were foreign, we were different; and those days it wasn't good to be different. We were the only Stoofs in Utah, and Stoof was a hard name for people to spell or pronounce. T h e Germans called us Shtofe; the Americans called us Stoof or Stofe or Stuff. My first name was different, too. T h e r e never was another Irene in any of my classes. When a German family moved into our area with a daughter my age I thought I had an ally until I told her my name. She said, "Irene? . . . Irene! (German pronunciation: Ee-rain-na.) Only the old ladies in Germany are called Irene!" My sister Maria tells of going with my brother Roni to the opposite side of the playground to eat their lunch because they didn't want anyone else to see their dark pumpernickel bread. My sister Elsa commented that friends were seldom invited to our home because she didn't want her friends to hear the German that was spoken in our home. We felt a little cheated when aunts, uncles, and cousins flocked to our friends' homes. Our relatives, the few that we had, were still in Germany. Their pictures h u n g on the walls of our home, and we always remembered them in our prayers. Members of the close-knit German community served as substitutes. T h e r e were those we called Tante Trudy, Tante Hilde, Tante Heta, Onkel Irving. T h e German community rallied around during difficult financial times and adversities. Every Christmas Eve there would be a knock at the door, and the Alma Schindler family would be standing there with presents and goodies for all. And there were piano lessons from Rudolph and Edelgard Hainke. T h e r e were outings with the German Choir and the Koenigsbergers. Being a German meant developing our talents, being industrious, and being frugal. At least once a week my parents would sit at

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the dining room table to record all receipts and expenses and balance their money. In one letter Daddy wrote, "You know how well we manage our finances, thanks to Mom's wonderful and amazing housekeeping." The frugality even extended to the bathroom. I tell my friends we were a "two-square toilet paper family" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; only two

M. tJBi mtmmmmEiL'r Irene Stoof with her mother, Maria U. Stoof, and traditional candlelit tree. Courtesy of the author.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

squares per visit! I must admit that even now it gives me a twinge when I see my little ones pull off eight to ten squares. In our German home Daddy was the head of the house, and Mamma made sure we knew it. We never heard them quarrel or speak a cross word to each other. We knew that being a Stoof meant to be your very best in school, at church, or wherever. My parents were strictly honest and God-fearing and expected us to be the same. But the most wonderful time of all to be a German was at Christmas. Santa visited our housefirstl He came on Christmas Eve — because we were Germanl I loved the streuselkuchen, the marzipan, the bunde tellen, and the candles on the tree. From Christmas through January our house would be filled with German friends, American friends, and neighbors to watch the lighted candles, listen to the familiar German Christmas carols, play Mensch Aergere Dich Nicht, crack nuts, eat streuselkuchen, and drink Daddy's famous "German" cocoa. I loved the candles even when my American playmate said they were dangerous and would burn the house down. Daddy reassured me that they were just as safe as electric lights when one is careful. Some of my brothers and sisters were not as thrilled with the candles on the tree, and in the early 1950s a compromise was made. Daddy consented to having blue lights on the tree — along with the candles. Growing up in Salt Lake City and not being able to claim at least one pioneer ancestor was difficult for me. But when Mamma died and we sorted through all of her treasures, I found her little German Bible and on the front page in her handwriting was the scripture from Matthew 19:29: "And everyone that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life." That scripture must have been her anchor to weather the heartache of leaving her family, her friends, her Koenigsberg. As I thought about her and the scripture, a feeling came over me that I had never experienced before: what faith, what courage, what sacrifice, what endurance it must have taken to come to America. It was then I realized that I, too, was a descendant of pioneers — German pioneers! Pioneers who left their homeland, their loved ones, to immigrate to a new land, a new culture. I am humbly grateful and proud of my German heritage, grateful for all of the forget-me-not memories of being a second generation of the German immigrant, and grateful for being a German — 100 percent!

We All Worked BY WALTER KOCH

A THIRTEEN-DAY JOURNEY by ship to New York and a threeday and three-night bus trip to Utah, we landed on a cold, wintery March 19, 1954, on the corner by the First Security Bank in Logan. T h e r e we got our first look at our new hometown. It was a nice sight, but, oh, how I felt forsaken and my wife the same. Everything was strange. Nothing belonged to us. We couldn't speak the language and had no jobs. It was the first and only time doubts came up in my mind. After a short time we got the impression we were in a land of plenty. T h e people were friendly. I had no more problems with mir and mich, sie and du; here it was only 31010 Some people brought us canned food, some a chicken, and old Mr. Meurer from Nibley said to me, "Come to my place. You can pick up some sacks of potatoes." For many weeks the Horlacher butcher shop gave us pigs' feet and pigs' heads for nothing until we didn't like them any more. It was a time of adjustment to a new life-style.

AFTER

Marie and Walter Koch and their sons, Helmut and Alfred. Courtesy of the author.

Mr. Koch is a resident of Logan, Utah.

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Our son Alfred, who had already worked for two years in Germany in a factory and got some training in the plumbing trade, had an opportunity here to go to high school again. Our way to church was only around the corner, not a trip to the next town. We tried to save money for buying a home, so we bought needed furniture from the welfare store and our first used automobile after we were three years in this land. In our second year here we started to build a new home. T o my great surprise, a bank let us, strangers, borrow $9,500 at 41/2 percent interest on our $11,000 home. I couldn't find work, and it was depressing for me that my dear wife brought the first money home. She had cleaned floors and walls in an empty apartment house. Once a lady tried to pay her 50 cents an hour, but she didn't take the check until it was changed to 75 cents. T h e rest of my wife's story is — for the next nine years she worked as a pastry cook in the university cafeteria, many times ten to twelve hours a day, then for seven years as a matron in the custodial department. After her work hours she cooked and washed for her three men. In the summer she canned fruit and vegetables until one o'clock in the night. With a wife like this no man can fail. T h e first three months here I did all kinds of work in gardens and fields and also built fences around homes until Mr. Schoonmaker offered me a job on his chicken farm for 85 cents an hour. It was long days — every month between 250 and 270 hours — but I was happy to have a steady job. We also could eat as many cracked eggs as we wanted. After four years I got work as a custodian in the newly built dormitories at the university. T h e r e I worked for thirteen years until my retirement. This job was a heaven in comparison to what I had done in Germany. Our oldest son, Alfred, was sixteen when we came over here. After school he washed dishes in Chambers Cafe. He bought the first new piece of furniture for our home, a stereo set. When school was out he worked for Settler Construction making cement draining pipes and splitting stones with a sledge hammer. These stones can now be seen on the front of the Logan post office. Our son Helmut found work on farms in Weston or Malad or in the cheese factory. Yes, we all worked and it was not easy. You may think we had it better in Germany. Oh, no, we enjoyed working because we could see that we were getting ahead. I worked in Germany for thirty-four years, but we were all the time even. We never had money for

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something extra. We didn't even know the meaning of the word vacation. Flere we built us in the second year a new home. Some years later we bought two small homes on Morningside Square and rented them out. Every time a bank loaned us the money. In these years we bought also our first new automobile. After our sons graduated from high school, Helmut worked full time, and Alfred attended the university. Both boys went on LDS missions. These were the opportunities and economic conditions when we came to America in 1954, and yes, we all worked. Much more could be said in connection with our emigration and immigration, but let me dwell a little bit on one experience I have had here many times over the years. American people tell me how they have enjoyed their trips to Germany â&#x20AC;&#x201D; how nice it was there, the beautiful parks, the castles, the boat trip on the Rhine River, the Black Forest, the cities of Heidelberg, Wiesbaden, Munchen, O b e r a m m e r g a u , and many more. I can only say, yes, I believe it is nice there, but I have never seen all those nice places. From 1906 to 1954 I lived in Germany. T h e r e were two lost wars and all the poverty. We were too poor and had no time to travel. It would take too much space to explain. Being in this blessed land of America for thirty years now, my family and I, we have never regretted that we came. We are still thankful that they let us in.

Life More Sweet Than Bitter BY PHILA HEIMANN

when I landed in New York and saw the conditions there by the harbor, I said to my husband, "Come on, let's go home." But we went on and lived in Milwaukee for a while, then for six months in Illinois, and after that I wanted to come to Salt Lake. Being from Austria, a beautiful green country, when I walked up Main Street and saw those barren hills I again said, "Let's go home." I know now that it was a blessing that I didn't have the $200 to return home, because the war came and I was very happy to be here. My very first job in Salt Lake City was as a knitting instructor at ZCMI, showing the American ladies how to knit and crochet. T h e n I began my family. During the war I was investigated by the FBI, but I didn't realize it at the time. Dr. McKay had sent two girls, two secretaries at the FBI office, to me; they wanted to learn German but couldn't attend night classes. At the time I had a child about three years old and was expecting my second one. T h e girls came twice a week. One day they said, "One of our agents would like to learn German." I said, "Well that's fine." So he called me on the phone, and I told him all the books he should buy and he bought them. T h e n he came two hours earlier than had been arranged and took his lesson. T h e next time he came an hour later than was arranged; he never came at the time that was arranged. But after three or four weeks he decided that he was not going to learn German anymore, that he was now interested in Japanese. Later on I found out that during the war some German spies living in this country posed as language teachers. So wdien that agent found out that those two girls were learning German from a private teacher he thought, "Aha, here I am going to find a spy." He came at unexpected hours and always found that I was very harmless and that there were a lot of people there. I was not a spy, so then he decided he would learn Japanese. I taught my first class at the University of Utah in 1946. Most of the students were returned GIs, but none of them was as r u d e to me as they were to some others, probably because I was an Austrian â&#x20AC;&#x201D; I don't know. Hitler was an Austrian. But anyway, 46 students and for C I O M I N G T O AMERICA, MY FIRST IMPRESSION

Mrs. Heimann is a resident of Salt Lake City.

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397

Phila and Eric Heimann. Courtesy of the author.

two weeks no books. Every morning I went into Dr. McKay's office and said, "Are the books here?" "No." I said, "Well what am I going to do?" "Oh just go on in, you can manage." I did. When the books came the students could sing a few songs; they knew the months, the years, the days; and they knew all the parts of the body and everything in the classroom. And so if you want to do it, you can. How was I treated during the war? Well there were some people who kind of looked at me from the side, "Is she a spy?" "Is she one of those mean Germans?" But I must say that most of my neighbors bent over backwards to be friendly and kind to me for fear that they would hurt my feelings. For that I'm very grateful. I must, however, say that in those days, before the war and before we had a Kissinger and other people with accents in the government, people were not as sophisticated and as kind if somebody spoke with an accent. I was quite often treated as second class because I spoke English with an accent, which, of course, now does not happen. But it does happen sometimes, and I must tell you just one story. Not too long ago somebody called and asked me if I would give a short speech on a certain occasion, and I said I would be happy to. T h e n she said, "Oh, I detect an accent when you speak English." I said, "Yes, I'm not a native American. I was born and educated in Vienna, Austria. En-

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glish was about my third or fourth language." She said, "How long have you been here?" I said, "Oh, probably longer than you are old." I knew that she was the wife of one of the students at the university. "You mean to tell me that you have been in this country for forty years and still have an accent?" But now I'm a little smarter, and now I don't crawl back in my shell anymore and feel inferior. I said, "Thank you very much. I consider that a compliment. T h e fact that I have an accent when I speak English proves that I speak at least one other language besides English." And then I went on and said, "Do you? Do you know a second language?" Since I retired from the University I'm a volunteer at the Ensign Elementary School helping kids with problems with their math and their spelling and their English. I also teach the whole class German for 25 minutes once a week. T h e other day the classroom teacher paid me what I consider a great compliment. She said to the children, "You know, Mrs. Heimann has an accent when she speaks English, but I have never heard her make a grammatical error." What I liked about America was the fact that I could do one thing today and another thing tomorrow. I remember when Eric and I bought our first home for $2,000 in 1939. We needed new linoleum in the kitchen; but I knew with the small salary he was making at the time we could never buy new linoleum. I had a baby. I wouldn't leave my child with anyone. T h e n I heard that the Arrow Pickle factory was employing women in the high season, between 5 and 9 in the evening, to fill bottles with pickles, pickled onions, etc. That was the time when my husband was home; so I waited for him at the bus stop and handed the baby to him. I took the next bus to the Arrow Pickle factory and filled the jars and never thought anything of it. I enjoyed doing it, and when I had earned the $70, or whatever that the linoleum cost, I quit so I could stay home. This is what America has done to me, but I have to admit that I share the fate of most immigrants. My heart, my emotions are in both countries. If I am here, I am homesick for Austria; if I'm in Austria, I'm homesick for Utah. I believe that many share the same feelings. Yet, with all the problems that everybody has in life, life has been more sweet than bitter for me in America.

Book Reviews Merchants and Miners in Utah: The Walker Brothers and Their Bank. By Buss. (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1983. 429 pp. $19.95.) Jonathan Bliss details in his book the rise of the Walker brothers from their early beginnings in England to the head of a financial e m p i r e in America's M o u n t a i n West. T h e i r father, Matthew Walker, made and lost a considerable fortune in England. Following his financial misfortunes, he joined the Mormon church and decided to move to Salt Lake City. His family, whom he sent on ahead, successfully reached St. Louis, but Matthew, immigrating at a later date, became ill and succumbed to tuberculosis in St. Louis. Bliss then describes the trek and the arrival of the Walker family in Salt Lake City where the brothers soon found work with m e r c a n t i l e e s t a b l i s h m e n t s even though they were still in their teens. T h e brothers had an inclination for business. They established their own mercantile store in 1859 in Fairfield to provide Johnston's army with goods. Their refusal to pay their tithing led to their e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n from t h e Mormon church in 1861. From this date on they continued their store and also invested heavily in the Emma silver mine in Little Cottonwood Canyon. Their wealth continued to build as they followed silver discoveries into Montana. However, they also lost out on a fortune in copper mining because they were too conservative. Each brother had his place in the p a r t n e r s h i p . In 1884 the brothers broke up. Fred followed the controversial G o d b e i t e M o v e m e n t ; a n d

JONATHAN

Sharp, an alcoholic, died three years later, leaving only Matt and Rob. T h e Walker Bank started only incidentally, beginning as a vault in the store where customers could keep their gold dust. T h e bank had its real beginnings with Matthew Walker and carried through under E. O. Howard, J o h n Wallace, and others until finally the present First Interstate Bank was built and functioning. In the last portion of the book Bliss writes about the growth of the bank. It is not exciting reading, but it is well researched and shows the progress of the bank from its beginnings to one of the great banks in Salt Lake City and the West. Bliss describes it as a gentlemen's bank and a banker's bank. T h e book is at its best when d e s c r i b i n g the Walker brothers' mining activities and the business of the bank. T h e book has certain problems. It is not a scholarly book. It has a bibliography of nine pages but no footnotes. It is very difficult to ascertain whether Bliss is using his sources correctly. T h e r e is no preface, only acknowledgements at the back of the book. T h e author has a tendency to portray individuals as good guys or bad guys. T h e Walker brothers and J o h n Wallace were the good guys. Brigham Young was the bad guy. T h e brothers seemed to have done everything in order to spite Brigham. They helped b r e a k the economic g r a s p of the Mormon cooperative movement by their work with the other Gentile mer-

400 chants. Bliss overlooked or did not find t h a t t h e c h u r c h ' s P e r p e t u a l Emigrating Fund Company hauled freight for them in 1868. During the height of the United O r d e r Movement in 1871 the brothers made considerable donations to the PEF, which indicates that this hate-fear circle did not exist. T h e brothers and Young had periods when they cooperated and helped each other. Several factual errors detract from the overall authoritative impression of the book. For instance, in his discussion of England, Bliss asserts that Sir Robert Peel established the Reform Bill of 1832. Peel had nothing to do with England's Reform Bill. Bliss also states that the Mormon missionaries came to England in 1840, when the

Utah Historical Quarterly actual year was 1837. He continues to make mistakes by claiming that the Council House in early Salt Lake City stood on the Temple Block. In actuality it was just across the street from that block. T h e s e e r r o r s are not major, but they certainly are distractingStill, in spite of its deficiencies it remains a good book and explains a vital part of Utah's history. T h e reader can learn a great deal about the Walker brothers, Utah's mercantile business and mining industry, and the history of one of the state's prominent contemporary banking institutions.

RONALD G. W A T T

Salt Lake City

Brigham Young: The Neiv York Years. By RICHARD F. PALMER and K A R L D . BUTLER. Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, no. 14. (Provo, Ut.: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1982. x 4- 106 pp. $9.95.) Mormons have traditionally been spoon-fed their church history. Such an approach has created a sanitized, deodorized, larger-than-life image of the organization's cultural heritage. Like most important institutions in the world, the church carefully cultivates a positive public image of itself and its personalities. In the area of Mormon biography this has resulted in an overabundance of shoddy, albeit "faith promoting" publications. Richard F. Palmer and Karl D. Butler in Brigham Young: The Neiv York Years, skillfully examine their subject in a ground-breaking look at his early life. Joseph Smith's youth is so familiar to Mormons that even the smallest child can recite the stories of the Angel Moroni, the Hill Cumorah, and young Smith's painful leg operations. But even well-read M o r m o n s are likely unaware of Brigham Young's background. His parents were typical "eighteenth-century New Englanders of Puritan extraction." Brigham re-

membered his father as strict, devout, a n d r a t h e r d o u r . R e s p e c t i n g his lather's disciplinary habits, Brigham recalled, "it used to be a word and a blow, with him, and the blow came first." As a boy, young Brigham experienced strict upbringing. "I was kept within very strict bounds," the future church president later remembered, "and was not allowed to walk more than half-an-hour on Sunday for exercise. . . . I had not a chance to dance when I was young, and never heard the enchanting tones of the violin until I was eleven years of age; and then I thought I was on the highway to hell, if I suffered myself to linger and listen to it." Perhaps the foremost contribution of Palmer and Butler's work is the insight it provides into understanding Young's later motivations and actions. As president of the church for more than thirty years, his colorful sermons were usually practical â&#x20AC;&#x201D; filled with hints on stock raising, fence building,

Book Reviews raising children, and even the fine art of breadmaking. Palmer and Butler tell us that this was what the man knew best. Though a mechanically inclined carpenter, painter, and glassworker, Young remembered that as a boy "I learned how to make bread, wash the dishes, milk the cows, and make butter. . . . These are about all the advantages I gained in my youth. I know how to economize, for my father had to do it." Wealthy, powerful men can often be traced to humble backgrounds. T h e pervading impression one gets from Brigham Young's New York years is that work, when it could be found, was hard and low paying. "I have been a poor boy," Brigham said, "and a poor man, and my parents were poor. I was poor during childhood, and grew up to manhood poor and destitute." This background helps to understand the church presid e n t ' s later p r e o c c u p a t i o n with

401 wealth. At the time of his death in 1877 he was the wealthiest man in Utah with assets of nearly $2.5 million. Readers of this work will find a rich collection of previously unpublished sources. T h e book is well written, carefully documented and easily read in two hours. But one wonders why Young's New York Masonry experiences are not even mentioned in the book. T h e authors' claim that their research employed "every available resource" seems less than credible when one considers this glaring omission. T h o u g h the topic may be controversial to some, Brigham Young's Masonic collection in the Daughters of Utah Pioneers Museum suggests that it was an important part of his life that should have been dealt with in this work. RICHARD S. VAN WAGONER

Lehi, Utah

A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876. Edited and annotated by ROBERT GLASS CLELAND and JUANITA BROOKS, 2 vols, and index. (Reprinted.; Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. 824 pp. $39.95.) This i m p o r t a n t work, first published in 1955 by the Huntington Library, has long been out of print. T h e University of Utah Press reprint edition will be welcomed by a wide range of readers, since the details of Lee's diaries are still grit for scholars on all subjects of early Mormon and Utah histories. It should be noted that this reprint has not corrected typographical or factual f o o t n o t e e r r o r s , a number of which can be found. However, the expanded index will be welcomed by all who use these diaries. Readers will also find that Everett Cooley's introduction to the reprint provides an excellent summary of the diaries' contents. These diaries cover most of the period from 1848 to 1876 except for brief gaps. In these writings Lee

chronicled his and fellow Mormon pioneers' activities from his trek west with B r i g h a m Y o u n g ' s c o m p a n y d u r i n g the s u m m e r of 1848 from Winter Quarters to Great Salt Lake Valley. Lee settled in the Cottonwood area briefly before b e g i n n i n g his series of settlements in southern Utah at Parowan, Harmony, Washington, C e d a r City, K a n a r r a h , New H a r mony, and Skutumpah, and in northern Arizona as well â&#x20AC;&#x201D; at Lee's Ferry on the Colorado River, at Jacob's Pools to the west, and at Moencopi and Moenavi south of the river. This pioneer was a keen observer of his world and wrote in detail about farming or outfitting wagons; about the s e r m o n s p r e a c h e d by c h u r c h leaders, especially Brigham Young; about travelers, about his numerous

402 families, wives, and children; about the Indians, his neighbors, and the land through which they all traveled. Lee was a remarkably capable man. His teams and wagons helped move his and other families to the valley, helped him salvage a lot of forty-niner loot left along the trail east through Wyoming, helped him move his several families south and bring emigrants across the plains through the Perpetual Emigrating Fund, and helped establish nearly a dozen settlements. Lee also built mills a n d homes, forts, and ferries. At one time in Harmony alone he had sixty-nine people who d e p e n d e d on him for sustenance (vol. l , p . 187). At the same time he served his church as missionary, as territorial legislator, as j u d g e a n d e l d e r , as I n d i a n f a r m e r , as member of the Council of Fifty, and ever as a s y c o p h a n t to B r i g h a m Young. Although Lee may not have had the Midas touch, he early gained economic ascendency over most of his n e i g h b o r s , for which at times he reaped a whirlwind. Yet in general the 1850s and 1860s were p r o s p e r o u s years for him and his many families. T h e r e is something quite heroic about J o h n D. Lee. He could give up a young wife who had fallen in love with his own son. He was frequently called on to arbitrate disputes, to heal the sick, a n d to u n d e r t a k e t h e most difficult of pioneering tasks: directing the Indians, building roads, or eking out a living in the hostile environs of the Colorado River desert a m o n g hostile Indians. Also Lee refused to "squeal" on those who had particip a t e d with h i m in the M o u n t a i n Meadow Massacre. But more than heroic, Lee was a tragic figure. In reading his diaries, readers watch this man's life disintegrate from status with church leaders and his family to excommunication by his church and ostracism by many of his neighbors (Jacob Hamblin, for

Utah Historical Quarterly example, eventually testified against him in his second trial) and abandonment by his own kin. Some of his wives and their children left him. Others, Emma and Rachel particularly, remained true through all of it, with both of them going with him to the outposts of northern Arizona. Rachel even came back to Salt Lake City to nurse Lee while he was being held in the territorial prison, and Emma tried to hold the ferry for him at Lonely Dell. These wives were heroic women indeed. T h e tragedy for J o h n D. Lee lay in his zealotry. He was a true believer who saw in M o r m o n i s m a n d his church leaders the power and voice of God. S o m e h o w he was able to rationalize as true or right whatever he perceived they wanted him to believe. Lee, the zealot, played a major role in killing the members of the Fancher wagon train at Mountain Meadow in 1857. And while this was without doubt the most public and discreditable act of his life, it was, compared with his sixty-five years, only one weekend in his u n u s u a l pioneering life. Lee was excommunicated in 1870 and finally executed for "his" crimes in 1877. He knew he had become his people's scapegoat, yet through it all he rationalized that what he had done, that what he was doing, and what was being done to him, was in some way a part of God's plan, both for him and for his church. Consequently, he chose to remain true. Blind belief was his tragic flaw. Lee's diaries offer today's historians dealing with psycho-history and social histories, a challenging wealth of materials. But more than that, they are an intimate record of a most interesting human being who happened to be a Mormon and an American in nineteenth-century Utah. MELVIN T. SMITH

Utah State Historical Society

Book Reviews

403

Native Americans in the Twentieth Century. By JAMES S. OLSON and RAYMOND WILSON. (Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1984. x 4- 236 pp. Paper, $14.95.) In Native Americans in the Twentieth Century James Olson and Raymond Wilson have attempted a broad overview of Indian-white relations from the closing of the frontier in 1890 until t h e p r e s e n t day. D e s i g n e d primarily for use as a college text c o m p l e t e with lists of s u g g e s t e d readings at the close of each of its chapters, their book also serves as a useful introduction for the general reader who wants to understand better the position of Native Americans in today's society. Olson and Wilson spend the first eighty pages of their work reviewing the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n Native Americans and whites from the time of initial European contact through the violent suppression of the Ghost Dance religion movement and the attempt to legislate assimilation through forced individual land ownership embodied in the Dawes Act of 1887. Building from this nadir of United States government policy, the authors concentrate their efforts on showing how Native Americans managed to recover their cultural identity and dignity in o r d e r to emerge in the closing decades of the twentieth century as a clearly visable and politically vocal ethnic group. For a book purporting to center on conditions among twentieth-century Indians and the government policies affecting them, the authors spend far too much time setting the stage prior to 1890 in proportion to the time they s p e n d on t h e p e r i o d a f t e r w a r d . T h r o u g h o u t their discussion of pre1890 conditions, Olson and Wilson s u p p o r t t h e i r thesis t h a t Native Americans have been as much the victims of well-meaning but ignorant reformers in Washington, D . C , as they have been of land-greedy and aggressive whites on the frontier. It was these

r e f o r m e r s who often unwittingly aided the cause of their less-altruistic white brethren by their attacks on Indian culture, tribal sovereignty, and collective land ownership. As a result, the reformers almost destroyed the last protective layers of culture that insulated Native Americans from white society. Although this is a good point and well-stated, Olson and Wilson are not the first scholars to make it. Furthermore, they could have easily demonstrated its validity in far fewer pages without weakening its impact. As it stands, the authors' use of detail is as strong in these introductory chapters as it is in later ones, and it is sometimes difficult to remember that the book's emphasis is supposed to lie in the present century. In dealing with the twentieth century, Olson and Wilson cover such topics as the growth of an intellectual elite among Native Americans prior to the First World War and the panIndian movement of the 1960s with much less analysis than expected. They do, however, give a good deal of attention to J o h n Collier's Indian New Deal reforms and termination. T h e authors' skillful use of statistics to reinforce the major points they make in these two areas as well as others throughout their work is most commendable. On the whole, Native Americans in the Twentieth Century has merit as a supplemental text for u n d e r g r a d u a t e courses in Native American studies and as a guide to those who desire a thumbnail sketch of events either for itself or for a point from which to begin an in-depth study of Indian history.

JODYE DICKSON SCHILZ

Texas Christian University

404

Utah Historical Quarterly

The United States Cavalry: An Illustrated History. By GREGORY J. W. URWIN. (Poole, Dorset, U.K.: Blandford Press, 1983. 192 pp. $17.95.) At first glance, The United States Cavalry: An Illustrated History is an inviting volume. It contains a good collection of prints, sketches, photographs, and color plates that are accurate and well captioned. T h e color plates are particularly enjoyable. T h e a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s indicate t h a t materials from a large number of excellent repositories were consulted. Happily omitted are the bright yellow neck scarves, so abhorred by serious students of the period but so loved by movie makers. T h e author states that the book is a balanced effort to portray the spirit of the U.S. Cavalry by concerning itself with organization, campaigns, battles, and the character of its officers and men. Organization, although dull, is well represented — perhaps too much so. Only selected campaigns and battles are dealt with. T h e character of some of the better known and more colorful officers is discussed, but the character of the enlisted man and noncommissioned officer is rarely considered. Even more rarely is the boredom, drudgery, and strict and often harsh discipline of garrison life, where a soldier spent much of his time, mentioned. T h e book appears to be written in a format directed toward general audiences. Too many unnecessary (noncavalry) details, however, are included for a book of this size, while not enough are included for a more comprehensive, definitive work. Personal opinions interjected throughout the book are poorly supported and detract from an already r a t h e r dull chronological narrative. In an attempt to make the narrative more readable, Urwin uses n u m e r o u s catch words that detract from the value of the work. Too much general background material detracts from the experience

of the mounted soldier, almost giving one the opinion that the book was written to appeal to a non-American audience (British). A better approach might have been to employ a brief introduction for each chapter, simply setting the place, time, and characters and their mission, s u p p o r t e d with examples of specific exploits or events taken from eyewitness accounts. Certain chapters have merit and add information to the subject not usually encountered in such histories. Notably, c h a p t e r 5, "Skirting the Whirlwind, 1848-61," successfully introduces the general reader to that historically vague period in the army between the Mexican and Civil wars, yet devotes only a page to the Utah Expedition of 1857-58, the significant dragoon activity of the period. T h e last two c h a p t e r s , entitled "Fighting for Empire, 1890-1918" and "Requiem for the Horse Cavalry, 1918-44," accurately present the decline of the mounted army, marked by the emergence of the staccato report of the machine gun and the sonorous churnings of tank tracks that sounded the d e a t h chimes for t h e h o r s e mounted soldier. If the book has a major weakness, it is the dull presentation of those years when the cavalry was the most exciting — the Civil War and I n d i a n War periods — when most people consider the cavalry to have been at its zenith. T h e spirit is simply lacking. Urwin would have done better had he kept his book profusely illustrated using his well captioned illustrations and supplemented by a very brief text or introduction. BRUCE HAWKINS JERRY MCGAHA

Fort Carson Museum of the Army in the West

Book Reviews

405

Masterworks. By LINDA JONES GIBBS. (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1984. 79 pp. $9.00.) CCA. Christensen, 1831-1912: Mormon Immigrant Artist. By RICHARD L. JENSEN and RICHARD G. OMAN. (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1984. 116 pp. $10.00.) These two impressive catalogues, highlighting exhibits of the same names at the new Museum of Church History and Art in Salt Lake City, represent a thoughtful and professional approach in a field suffering at times from either a paucity or glut of information, " e n h a n c e d " p h o t o g r a p h s , and coated paper. Thought, care, and a high degree of planned execution went into the p r o d u c t i o n of both catalogues. Masterworks, the companion-piece for the permanent exhibition in the museum, is easily read, understandable. To fill in the verbal blanks complementing works of art is not always an easy task, never one quickly done, and it can be one strewn with pitfalls. . . too much verbiage. . . too tightly stretched attempts at art historical comparison. T h e author instead set a b o u t h e r task in a straightforward manner, giving the reader enough, in most instances, to satisfy the need to know about the artist and his works in the exhibition. T h e essay section adequately chronicles the particular parade of Utah artists for a century of activity, 18401940. It isjust full enough of historical and art-historical data. This is after all a glimpse, an introduction to works in the LDS church collection. Happily the catalogue is all the more successful because of clean photos, easy-to-read type face, crisp layout, and an unashamed use of open white space. It is an unpretentious and refreshingly alert presentation. T h e C C A . Christensen work is a fascinating a d m i x t u r e of i n t e n s e scholarly investigation, handbook of facts pertaining to Mormonism's first

eighty years, and a primer on one of the church's most prolific and revered artists. Reading the historical essay, you will enjoy the honest approach to CCA, his early years, conversion to Mormonism, and the remaining sixty-two years that fairly consumed his life in service to the LDS church. T h e catalogue portion itself, divided into seven major sections beginning with "Paintings of Scandanavia," is sensible; there's no better word. Each section begins with an introduction, j u m p s the page into historical narratives relative to the paintings, and usually ends with a clear-headed sentence or two describing Christensen's virtues or near-virtues as an artist. It is a format easy to digest and be comfortable with. T h e color plates are clear, true, and, as one would expect, occupy center stage. A small point, o n e t h a t t h e r e v i e w e r liked: t h e acknowledgments to those helping with the exhibition and catalogue are many and diverse — an indication of t e a m - p l a n n i n g a n d willingness to share. A final thought. One is filled with hope that these two catalogues represent a statement, a policy, a commitment to future exhibitions and publications by the church museum. If this is so, if exhibits continue to be timely, professionally curated and installed with care and design, and if the lasting reminders of them — the catalogues — reach the standards of Masterworks and CCA. Christensen we will all be much in debt.

ARLEY G. CURTZ

Utah Arts Council

INDEX Italic numbers refer to illustrations.

Abercrombie, David, and Deseret Alphabet, 283 Addy, Bob, baseball player, 154-55 Ah-pon, son of Quah-not, 257, 262 Alerts, SLC baseball club, 110, 116 Aleson, Harry Leroy, 165, 168, 170, 172, 175, 177; birth and early years of, 167; commercial guide business of, 169-78; daredevil exploits of, 168-69; employment of, as tour guide, 167-68; and Glen Canyon, 170-78; rightwing politics of, 173; scientific research of, 176 Aleson, Thursa Arnold (wife), 167 Alferetta Tennis Club of California, 184 Alkali Blinders, baseball team, 127 Allen, R. Eugene, tennis court of, 185 Alston, , Deserets catcher, 144 Anderson, Bengt, Norwegian carpenter, 66 Appleton, John, Buchanan Cabinet secretary, 227 Architecture, Mormon folk practices in, 50-71 Arick, , baseball player, 121, 123 Arsenal Hill, 246, 250; explosion on, in 1876, 246-55 Articles of Faith, treatment of spiritualism in, 266 Ashley, William H., 308 Assembly Hall, 339; as G e r m a n LDS Org. meeting place, 339, 341 Auerbach, David, Jewish immigrant, 315 Auerbach, Frederick, Jewish immigrant, 315, 316 Auerbach, Samuel H., Jewish immigrant, 315, 316 Auerbach's stores, 303, 316 Auerbach, Theodore, Jewish immigrant, 315 Aulbach, Adam, baseball player, 125-26, 129, 132, 135 Austrian immigrants, number of, 350-54. See also German-speaking immigrants

B Bakker, Gerhard, herpetologist, 168 Bamberger, Ida Maas (wife), 355 Bamberger, Simon: Jewish immigrant, businessman, and gov. of Utah, 317, 327, 355, 355-56, 385; railroad of, 355, 371 Banaoukas, Soterios, funeral of, 32 Bancroft, Hubert Howe, and Deseret Alphabet, 282 Bandel, Eugene, infantryman, letters of, 230 Bank of Corinne, 124 Baptist church, German LDS offered meeting place by, 341 Barker, Allie, baseball player, 147, 151, 154 Barlow, Joseph, baseball player, 142,147, 151

Barnard, Lyman, baseball player, 121, 122, 123, 129 Barth, Fredrick H., WWII photo of, 365 Baseball: and community pride, 117, 119, 122, 124, 134, 137-38, 140, 144, 147, 149, 157; in Corinne, 110-35; first games of, played in Utah, 109-10; and gambling, 115, 119, 138-39, 143, 149, 153, 157; and MormonGentile relations, 116-17, 123, 136, 141-42, 145, 149; number attending games of, 119, 127, 133-34, 136, 138, 139-40, 142-43, 146, 147, 148, 149, 152, 153; in SLC in 1870s, 136-57; s e m i - p r o f e s s i o n a l i s m of, 149, 152-57 Bates, Eva Maria, post-WWII immigration of, 366, 366 n. 26 Beadle, J o h n Hanson, editor in Corinne, 111 Beck, J o h n , G e r m a n - b o r n e n t r e p r e n e u r , 317-19 Beckert, Ewald, anti-Nazism of, 329-30 Beck's Hot Springs, 318, 318-19 Bee, B a r n a r d E., infantry volunteers commanded by, 229 Behle, William, physician, 385 Bell, , tennis referee, 184 Bennett, S., umpire, 121 Benson, Ezra T., and spelling reform, 279, 280 Bertucci, Clarence V., guard at Salina POW camp, killed prisoners, 336 Bess, , Red Stockings player, 151 Best, Oliver, Red Stockings player, 147 Black Hawk War, 66, 318 Bodmer, Karl, German artist, 308 Box Elder Base Ball Club, games of, with Corinne, 115-16, 122 Box Elder County, baseball in, 110-35 Bradley, Anne Maddison, 241, 244; affair of, with Arthur Brown and his fatal shooting, 231-45; youth and early career of, 233 Bradley, Arthur Brown (son), 234, 237, 243, 245 Bradley, Clarence A. (husband), 233, 234 Bradley, Martha Clare (daughter), 233 Bradley, Martin Montgomery Brown (son), 237, 243, 245 Bradley, Matthew (son), 233, 245 Bradshaw, Bob, photographer, 79 Braithwaite, Wilbur, Manti tennis coach, 190 Brewer, Alf, baseball player, 114 Bridger, Jim, 308 Brigham Young University (Academy), 378; founding of, 312; tennis team and invitational tournament of, 134-35,735, 187, 188 Brinley, Eldon, BYU tennis player, 185 Brown, Alice (daughter), 232, 242-43 Brown, Arthur: U.S. senator from Utah, love affair and fatal shooting of, 231-45, 231, 241; youth and early career of, 232-33

Index Brown, Isabel Cameron (second wife), 232, 234-237 Brown, Max (son), 232, 234, 237, 242-43 Brown, Mrs. L. C. (first wife), 232 Brunger, Ernest, Wasatch Academy coach, 189 Buchanan, James, and Utah Expedition, 213, 215-19, 222-23, 225-29,225 Buedingen Art Co., post card publisher, 86 Buehner, Carl, businessman, 388 Buehner Block, 371 Buehner, Otto, businessman, 388 Bullion Beck and Champion Mine and Mill,318 Burg, Amos, Colorado R. explorer, 167, 173 Burger, Karl, Donner Party member, 311 Burgess, J o h n Christian, German immigrant, 306 Burnham, Lt., and tennis, 181 Burns, , Echoes baseball player, 129 Burt, Andrew, SLC marshal, 254 Burton, John, architect, 321 Butler, Nicholas Murray, and spelling reform, 277 Buttle, Lee, tennis player, 185, 195

Cache Valley Dairy Assn., 386 Cactus Mine, 190 Calhoon, , baseball player, 129 California Brewery, 363 Cameron, Alexander, Michigan state senator, 232 Camp Apache, tennis at, 192 Camp Floyd, 225, Johnston's troops at, 216, 229, surplus goods from, 181 Cannon, Frank J., election of, to U.S. Senate, 232 Cannon, Hyrum P. "Dutch," tennis player, 188 Canyon Surveys, Glen Canyon research group, 176 Carlson, Elisabeth, eye problem of, 340 Carnegie, Andrew, and spelling reform, 277 Carrington, Albert, and spelling reform, 279 Carson-Harper Co., postcard publisher,86, 86 Carson, Kit, 309-10 Cartwright, Alexander Joy, "father of baseball," western travels of, 111, / / / Castle Gate explosion of 1924, 44 Catholics a n d Catholicism: G e r m a n - b o r n among, 322; Mexican-Spanish traditions of, in Monticello, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 21-24, 25-26 Central, Utah: Scandinavian architecture in, 62-67, 64, 65, 66; settlement of, 66 Chadwick, Henry, baseball manual of, 120 Chaffin, Arthur, 172; and Glen Canyon, 166 Cheyenne Red Stockings, series of, with Deserets, 139-40 Chicago White Stockings, 130, 150,155; series of, with Deserets, 156 Christensen, Soren X., lawyer, 236-37 Christus, statue on Temple Square, repair of, 358

407 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: changing immigration policy of, 347, 352, 356, 366, 371, 379-83; Cotton Mission of, 313; German and German-speaking converts to, 319, 327, 337-41, 373-79,374; immigration process and facilities of, 360-64, 372-79; a n d Nazism, 3 2 8 - 3 1 ; a n d SLC Beobachter, 328-31; Scandinavian converts to, 52; school system of, 327; sports and recreation in, 191, 196; Swiss converts to, 312-14; winemaking of, 315. See also Mormons and names of church leaders Cincinnati Red Stockings, 112; Corinne sent challenge to, 115; 1869 transcontinental trip of, 111-13, 137 Civil War, Union strength during, affected by Utah Expedition, 222-24 Cobb, Howell, Buchanan's secretary of treasury, 222, 227 Colburn, Clara, Rowland Hall principal, 188-89 Colorado River, boating on, 165-78 Colorow, Ute leader, 86, 86 Conover, W. B., and tennis, 181 Corinne Base Ball Club: demise of, 131-33; 1870 season of, 115-24; 1871 season of, 124-30; first game of, 113-14; formal organizing of, 113; function of, for town, 133-34; history of, 110-35; Mormon players for, 123; profile of players for, 134-35; as territorial champs, 121, 123, 135 CBBC Juniors, first youth club in Utah, 126-27 Corinne Daily Mail, and baseball, 131 Corinne Record, and baseball, 131 Corinne, Utah, 108-9; baseball in, 110-35; as a boom town, 110-11; demise of, 133; fraternal orgs, in 132; Pioneer Day in, 113-14; rivalry of, with SLC, 116-17 Cotton Mission, and Swiss immigrants, 313 Cowley, Joe, USAC tennis star, 187, 188, 195 Cracroft, Richard, BYU dean, 337 Crampton, C. Gregory, Glen Canyon survey of, 176 Culmer, Fred, glass merchant, 252 Culmer, G. G., & Co., ad for, 252 Cummings, W. A., "Candy," Brooklyn pitcher, invented curve, 144, 144 n. 28 Curteich Co., post card publisher, 75, 88 Curtis, Edward, photographer, altered photos of Indians, 74

Danes: assimilation of, in Utah, 52; log architecture of, 57; settlement of, in SanpeteSevier, 57, 67 Davis, , baseball player, 129 Dawson, Jas., scorekeeper, 121 Deckman, Augusta Minnie, arrest and deportation of, 326 Defiance House, discovery of, 176 Delta, Utah, German-language Lutheran services in, 323-24 Denver Browns, baseball club, played in SLC, 147-48, 154-56

408 Dern, George H., Utah gov. and businessman, 386, 387 Dern, J o h n , mining entrepreneur, 386, 387 Deseret Alphabet,281, 286; origins and history of, 275-86 Deseret Baseball Grounds, 246-47 Deseret Club, tennis at, 182, 183, 184 Deseret Gymnasium, 191 Deseret Mortuary, Greek funerals at, 35 Deseret National Bank, explosion damaged, 252 Deseret News: and Arsenal Hill explosion, 255; and U.S. Senate elections, 232-33; and Nazism, 330-31; and spiritualism, 265, 271; and tennis, 196; and Utah Expedition, 219 Deserets (SLC baseball club): a n d bribing charge, 140-41; first road trip of, 156; history of, 136-57; M o r m o n players for, 141-42; org. of, 137; reorg. of, as Gentile team, 142; series of, with Chicago, 156, with D e n v e r B r o w n s , 147-48, 154-56, with Laramie, 152, with Omaha, 154, with Red Stockings, 141-42, 145-52, with Rochester, 155, with SF, 152-53 Deseret Typographical Assn., and Deseret Alphabet, 285 Detroit Photostint Co., post card publisher, 86 Deutsches Theater, 371 Dewey, Melville, and spelling reform, 276 Diamond Q Billiards, Corinne business, 124 Diel, , Calif, immigrant, 310 Dinosaur National Monument, 177 Dixon, Don "Sanky," BYU tennis star, 184-85, 185, 195 Dixon, Fred "Buck," BYU tennis star a n d coach, 185, 185, 188, 195 Doerr, P., Lutheran pastor, 322 Donner Party, Germans in, 311 Dowse, Samuel, private detective, 234 Doyle, Arthur Conan, 264, 270; description of, 268; a n d t h e M o r m o n s , 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 2 6 9 , 271-74; as a spiritualist, 264-71, 274; visit of, to Utah, 264-75 Dunbar, David C , Red Stockings player, 147, 151 Du Pont, E. I., Co.: ad for, 255; explosion of powder magazine of, 249; new powder storage facility of, 254

Eagle Emporium, explosion damaged, 252 Easton, Doc, cabin of, at Fish Lake, 159 Eccles, David, businessman, 317 Echo Park Dam, 177 Echoes, Ogden baseball team, 128-30 Eckles, C. B., and tennis, 181 Eckles, Maj. W. H., and tennis, 181 Eichnor, Dennis C , SLC district attorney, 234 Ellerbeck, T. W., Brigham Young's secretary, 282 Ellis, William, CBBC supporter, 117 Elmer, , baseball player, 129 Elwell, A. D., baseball player, 114, 115, 132

Utah Historical Quarterly Emms, Welby, tennis player, 195 Empire Mill, destruction of, by explosion, 250-51 Ence, Caroline (wife), 347 Ence, Elizabeth (wife), 347 Ence, Gottlieb, Swiss-born immigrant, 347 Ennea Base Ball Club, 116-23, 125 Ephraim, Utah: Scandinavian log buildings in, 67-69, 68, 69; settlement of, 67 Eureka Base Ball Club (Eurekas), SLC team, 110, 116 Eureka Mine, 318 Evans, David W., LDS church secretary, 283 Evans, Frank, baseball player, 127

Fairview, Utah: fort cabins in, 62-63, 63; Scandinavian log architecture in, 51, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63 Fetzer, Kasper, businessman, 388 Fields, William T . , C B B C d i r e c t o r a n d scorekeeper, 121, 124 Finlay, William Porter, army volunteer, letters of, 230 Finns, log architecture of, 53-54, 55 Fish Lake, career of fishing guide Joe Nielson at, 158-64 Fitzgerald's Saloon, Corinne bar, 133 Fletcher, Emil, architect, 388 Fletcher, J o h n , architect, 388 Floyd, J o h n B., secretary of war, 224; motives of and role of, in Utah Expedition, 216-17, 222-24, 227; resignation and indicting of, 220-21 Folklore: and cultural pluralism, 5, 7; of Greek funeral customs, 5, 29-49; of Hispanic lifecycle rituals, 4, 9-28; and Indians, 7, 72-91; of Scandinavian building techniques, 5-6, 50-71; and stereotyping, 6-7; of various ethnic groups, 3-91 Forest Dale, tennis at, 779, 195 Forsberg, Ray, U of U tennis player, 194 Fort Bridger, 217, burning of, 214; Johnston's troops at, 215 Fort Davy Crockett, 309 Fort Douglas (also C a m p D o u g l a s ) , 118; baseball teams at, 110, 116, 117-18; German POWs at, 324-26; museum at, 192; tennis at, 180, 192-93 Fort Kearny, Nebraska, 215 Fort Laramie, Nebraska Terr., 216 Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 212, 214 Fort Supply, burning of, 214 Franklin, Benjamin, and spelling and phonetic reform, 276 Frasher's Photo, post card publisher, 78 F r e d e r i c k s e n , C h a r l e s , log h o u s e of, in Ephraim, 68, 68 Freed, David L., U of U tennis star, 187, 194, 194-96 Fremont, J o h n C , expeditions of, 309-10 Fritsch, Francis, businessman, 387 Funk, Isaac, and spelling reform, 277

Index Funkhouser, , baseball player, 152-53 Furniss, Norman F., history of Utah Expedition by, 213, 218, 228

Gallacher, Mel, tennis player, 195 Gallegos family, Monticello residents, 12 Garcia family, Monticello residents, 12 Garnett, E. M., tennis champion, 183 Garnett, Louise Maddison, sister of A n n e Bradley, 234, 238-39 George, , baseball player, 129 George, William, 747; baseball player, 141, 142, 151 G e r m a n Evangelical St. Paul's C h u r c h in Ogden, 326 German-speaking immigrants, 304-98; effect of German economic and political conditions on, 354-59, 3 8 3 ; e m p l o y m e n t of, 334, 339-44; Jews among, 315-17; log architecture of, 53-55; in mining, 317-19; modes of travel of, described, 359-64; n u m b e r and country of origin of, 306, 348-54, 356-59, 365-66, 371, 372; social and cultural orgs. of, 328, 344, 372; Swiss-born among, 306, 312-15 Giant Powder Company, 355 Gilchrist, Bruce, BYU tennis player, 185 Gilder, Richard Watson, and spelling reform, 277 Glascott, A., baseball player, 114 Glascott, Willaim H., CBBC d i r e c t o r a n d scorekeeper, 124, 129 Glen Canyon of the Colorado River: damming of, 177-78; H. Aleson guided river trips in, 765, 770, 170-76,775, 777; mining in, 166; scenic appeal and remoteness of, 165-67, 175-76; scientific study of, 176 Godbe, William S., and Godbeites, 266, 269, 270 Goldberg, G u m p e r t , Jewish immigrant and baseball player, 127, 317 Goldwater, Barry: conservatism of, 173; and Glen Canyon Dam, 177-78; river trips of, 166, 169 Gonzalez, Guadalupe (wife), 10 Gonzalez, Prudencio (son), 10,20 Gonzalez, Ramon, Monticello homesteader, 10, 12 Gonzalez, Romana (daughter), 10 Good Indian Spring, 258; rediscovery and use of, by J. H. Simpson, 256-63; map location of, 260, 261 Gordon, Samuel H., SLC rabbi, 331 Gorlincks, Joseph, coroner's juror, 249 Gosiute Indians; J. H. Simpson's description of, 263; on post cards, 85 Gossner, Ed, cheese mfgr., 386 Graehl, Louise, immigrant experiences of, 361-62 G r a n d C a n y o n - B o u l d e r Dam T o u r s , Lake Mead concessionaires, 167-68, 173

409 Grant, Heber J., baseball player, 146, 747, 151 Grant, Jedediah M: and spelling reform, 279, 281; and spiritualism, 265 Grant, Rachel R., and Arsenal explosion, 253 Gray, , trading post operator, 309 Greek funeral customs, 5,27, 29-49, 32, 41, 46; ancient roots of, 30, 3 1 , 34-35, 40, 45; curses, witches, and vampires associated with, 47-48; cutting one's hair and dishevelment in, 40, 42; dreams and other portents in, 33-34; in early years in Utah, 29-31; fish dinner in, 43; keening in, 38, 39-42; links of, with baptism and marriage, 30-31, 35-38, 36, 49; memorial wheat in, 44-45, 45; mourning period in, 43-44; Orthodox church service in, 41-42; preparation of the body for burial in, 35-36; and purification r i t u a l s , 3 5 , 43-44; role of women in, 31, 33, 39-42, 45, 49, vendettas associated with, 46-47 Green River, guided boat trips on, 166, 174 Griffin, Tommie, tennis pioneer, 182-83 Grizzly Feathers, post card distributor, 79 Guertler, Lotte, theater of, 344, 344-45 Guertler, Siegfried, theater of, 344, 344-45

H Hafen, J o h n , artist, 362, 387, 388 Hafen, Mary Ann, Swiss immigrant, journey of, 359, 362 Hainke, Edelgard, piano teacher, 390 Hainke, Rudolph, piano teacher, 390 Hall, Dr. , and tennis, 181 Halles, Gregory, confectioner, 45 H a m m o n d , Cyril, USAC tennis player, 187, 195 Harnish.John Q., capt. of CBBC, 113,114,129 Harris, Black, trapper, 309 Harris-Brennan river guide firm, 167 Harrison, E. L. T., and spiritualism, 266 Harrison, Mrs. E. L. T., injury of, in explosion, 251 Harvey, Fred, Co., Southwest tours and post cards of, 88-89 Hastings Cutoff, 310-11 Hatch river guide firm, 167 Hatch, Sisson, guide at Fish Lake, 159, 162 Hauptmann, Gerhart, playwright, 356 Heimann, Eric, immigration of, 364-65, 397 Heimann, Phila, Austrian immigrant, recollections of, 337, 364-65, 396-98, 397 Heitz, Paul, Tremonton businessman, 386 Held, J o h n , band of, 341-42 Hellwing, problem of, with employer, 340 Helwing, Emma Kofler, Austrian Jew, fled from Nazis, 331-35,532 Helwing, Sigmund, Jewish refugee from Nazis, 331-35,333 Henderson, Randall, editor, Desert magazine, 171-72, 174 Henry, Andrew, fur trader, 308

Utah Historical Quarterly

410 Henry, James Buchanan, nephew and secretary of Buchanan, 227 Heuttlinger, Hans, stone sculptor, 341 Higgins, G. Hodgson, 273 Hill, Frank, explosion victim, 248 Hillers, J o h n K., Powell expedition photographer, posed photos of, 76-78, 77 Hirschi, Christian, farmer, 375, 379 Hispanics: baptismal traditions of, 13-14; courtship and marriage customs of, 14-19; folklore of, in Monticello, 4, 9-28; funeral rites of, 19-21; liturgical observances of, 21-24; migration of, to Utah, 9-12; New Year's Eve celebration of, 24-25; as sheep raisers, 9; during WWII, 11-12 Hite, Cass, and Glen Canyon, 166 Hobart, , scorekeeper, 129 Hodgman, William A., baseball player, 115, 121, 122, 124, 128, 129 Holmstrom, Haldane, Colorado R. explorer, 167, 173 Holt, Paul, BYU tennis player, 755, 185 Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church (first), 30,32, 41 Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church (present), 46 Homespun Restaurant, Leeds, Utah, 371 Hooper, William H., home of, damaged in explosion, 251 Hoover, George P., Anne Bradley's attorney, 243 Horlacher, , butcher, 393 Howells, Wesley, USAC tennis champion, 187, 195 Huey, Charles P., baseball player, 121, 125, 129, 132, 142 Hull, T., and tennis, 181 Hull, William W., pres., CBBC, 113 Humboldt, Alexander von, geographer, 307, 307 Hunt, Joe, tennis star, 195 Hunt, R. G., tennis player, 193 H u r l b u t , Frank B., C o r i n n e d r u g g i s t a n d baseball player, 113, 114, 115, 124, 129 Husler Flour Mills, tennis courts at, 184 Huyck, Owen D., publisher, 119 Hyde, Orson, and spelling reform, 279

I Idaho, Scandinavian folk architecture in, 55, 57 Illustrated Post Card Co., 86 Improvement Era, and spiritualism, 266 Independence Block, 235 Indians: post card images of, 15-79, 81, 83, 84, 86; stereotyping of, on picture post cards, 7, 72-91 Industrial Workers of the World, incarceration of, during WWI, 325 Intermountain Collegiate Athletic Conference, 189 Inter-Mountain Lawn Tennis Assn., 192-93 Irvine, Jack, U of U tennis player, 755 Itten, J o h n R., Swiss immigrant, 314

Jacobs, Helen, tennis star, 195 James, Henry, and spelling reform, 277 Jaramillo family, Monticello residents, 12 Jenkins, Clayton, tennis player, 185 j e n n e n s , B. W. E., Du Pont's agent in SLC, 249, 254-55 Jensen, Peter, Danish carpenter, house and granary of, 63-67, 63, 64, 65, 66 Johnson, Anders, Norwegian carpenter, 66 Johnson, C. R., USAC tennis coach, 188 Johnson, H. L. E., Washington, D . C , physician, 243 Johnson, Lund, tennis player, 188 J o h n s t o n , Albert Sidney, Utah Expedition commander, 213-17 Junction No. 9, O g d e n baseball club, 110, 115-16, 126, 128

K Kahn, Emmanuel, Jewish immigrant, 316 Kahn, Samuel, Jewish immigrant, 316 Keephaver, S., baseball player, 114 Keg (or McDowell) Mountain, 256, 257, 255, 263 Kelaidis, Mary Georgelas, funeral of, 29 Keller, , baseball player, 129 Keseberg, Lewis, Donner Party member, 311 Kiesel, Frederick J., Jewish immigrant, 316-17 Kimball, D. B., tennis player, 182 Kimball, Heber C : British mission of, 277; and spelling reform, 280, 282 Kimball, Heber P., home of, damaged by explosion, 251 Kirkpatrick, Bessie, tennis player, 182 Kiskadden, Annie Adams, relationship of, with Arthur Brown, 2 4 0 , 2 4 7 , 242-43 Kissel, Henry, Ogden tailor, 387 Kleinmann, Konrad, 1847 pioneer, 311 Kletting, Mary (wife), Swiss immigrant, 321 Kletting, Richard Karl August, German-born architect, 319-21, 320, 385 Klopfer, Herbert W., post-WWI I escape of, from Germany, 366-67 Klopfer, Rudy, post-WWII escape of, from Germany, 367 Knaphus, Torlief, handcart sculpture of, 358 Knight family, land of, donated for tennis club, 185 Knight, Jesse, businessman, 317 Knight, J. Will, tennis court and cup competition of, 185, 188 Knight Woolen Mills, burning of, 185 Koch, Alfred (son), 385, 393, 394, 395 Koch, Helmut (son), 385, 393, 394, 395 Koch, Marie (wife), post-WWII immigration of, 383-84,393, 394 Koch, Walter, post-WWII immigration of, 384-85,393, 393-95 Kropp, E. C , post card publisher, 86 Kuhn, Abraham, Jewish immigrant, 317 Kuhn, Adam, Jewish immigrant, 317

Index

411

Kuhr, Otto, Lutheran pastor, 323 Kunzler, Babette immigration of, 377

Lacrosse Ball Club of Corinne, 132 Lake Powell, Glen Canyon covered by, 177-78 Lane, Harriet, Buchanan's niece and hostess, 227 Langsdorf, J. J., baseball player, 114-15 Lankow, William J., Lutheran pastor, 323 Larabee & Aleson Western River Tours, 173 Larabee, Charles, partner of H. Aleson, 169, 173 Laramie, Wyoming, baseball team, 152 Larsen, Oluf, Norwegian immigrant builder, 58, 62 Larson, A. Karl, historian, 313 Lassig, Gustav, theater performances in home of, 345 Lee, J o h n D., felt explosion in penitentiary, 251 Lee William, 229, 229 Leesman, B. Henry, Lutheran pastor, 326 Lenglen, Suzanne, tennis star, 195 Leybold, Ernest, arrest of, as enemy alien, 326 Liberal Institute, 266 Liberal party, creation of, 117 Lienhardt, Heinrich, California immigrant, 310-11 Lindsay, D. Moore, classmate of A.C. Doyle, 268 Little Feramorz, SLC mayor, and 1876 explosion, 251, 254 Liverpool, England, 370 Logan, J o h n A., and Utah Expedition, 222 Logan, Utah, tennis in, 188 Loosli, Ulrich, immigration of, 374, 377, 378 Loper, Bert, and Glen Canyon, 166 Loscher, J. Peter, pres., German LDS Org., 337 Lounsbury, Thomas R., and spelling reform, 277 Loveland, Heber, baseball player, 121, 122, 123 Lowe, , umpire, 129 Lucas, Alexander L, arrest of, as enemy alien, 326 Lutherans, German-born among, 322-24, 326 Lyman, Amasa, and spiritualism, 266 Lyman, Richard P., LDS leader, 330-31

M McCarthy, Charles, 229 McCarty, , baseball player, 129 McClay, Jas., baseball player, 114 McCook, Miss , and tennis, 181 McCune, Alfred, businessman, 317 McCurdy, Solomon P., federal judge, 123 McCurdy, William N., baseball player, 121 McElvenny, Ralph, tennis player, 195 McKay, , U of U language prof., 396-97 McKelvey, C. L., baseball player, 153 McKelvey, R. E., baseball player, 151 McLain, baseball player, 151

Maddison, Mary E. Cozad, mother of Anne Bradley, 2 3 3 , 2 4 7 , 244-45 Maddison, Matthew, father of Anne Bradley, 233 Maeser, Karl G., German immigrant and educator, 312, 3 7 7 , 3 7 5 , 378-79 Majors, Alexander, 220 Manson, Hunter, tennis player, 185 Manti, Utah, tennis in, 190-91 Manzanares family, Monticello residents, 12 Marston, Dock, river runner, 174, 176 Mastoris, Chris, 38; death of, 39 Mastoris, J o h n , 35 Mastoris, Kyriakoula, keener of lamentations, 35, 39 Mathews, A. L., USAC tennis coach, 187 Maximilian, Prince, of Wied-Neuwied, 308 Menelly, A. Howard, War Dept. study by, 223, 224 Merrill, Horace, tennis player, 185 Methodist church, recreational activities of, 129 Metropolitans, SLC baseball club, 142 Meurer, , Nibley resident, 393 Mexican Hat Lodge, 166 Meyer, Philip, German architect, 317 Midway, Utah, Swiss immigrants in, 312-13 Miles, George T., storekeeper, and CBBC, 124, 125, 129 Mill Creek (SLC), baseball team of, 146 Millennial Star, and spiritualism, 265 Milliken, W., baseball player, 114 Miner, , baseball player, 121 Mische, E. F., post card distributor, 84 Miskin, Dixie, wife of R. Neugeberger, 385 Mitchell, Edward H., Co., post card publisher, 86 Mollhausen, Heinrich Baldwin, German traveler, 308 Montana Company, Ltd., Supreme Court suit involving, 239 Monticello, Utah, 9, 16; life-cycle rituals of Hispanics in, 4, 9-28 Mormoniad, 226 Mormons: and baseball, 141-42, 143; and language reform, 275-86; response of, to Utah Expedition, 214-16; and Scandinavian folk architecture in Utah, 50-71; and smoking a n d d r i n k i n g in public, 138; a n d spiritualism, 265-68. See also Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names of individual Mormons Morris, Elias, and explosives storage, 254 Morris, Richard P., baseball player, 142, 747, 151 Munk, Lewis, BYU tennis player, 755 Murdock, D. L., and tennis, 181

N Naegle, J o h n , Bavarian, winery of, 3 1 5 , 3 7 5 Nash, William, and Deseret Alphabet, 283 Navajos: contrived photo of, 78, 78; photographs and post cards representing, 75, 75,

412 78, 79, 85, 88-90; stereotyping of, 73, 79, 81-82, 90 Neel, Sam, tennis champion, 183 Neibaur, Alexander, German immigrant dentist, 311-12 Neslen, Clarence, SLC mayor, 274 Neugebauer, Rolf, immigration of, 385 Neuhausen, Carl M. German-born architect, 321-22,322 Neumann, Herman, soccer promoter, 346 Nevills, N o r m a n D., river tour guide, 166, 169-70, 172, 174 Newhouse, Samuel, mining magnate, 190 Newhouse, Utah, tennis at, 190, 790 N e w l a n d , H a n n a h , wife, of W a t e r m a n n (Burgess), 305-6 Newspaper Rock, 10 Nicholson, John, journalist, 249 Nielson, Joe, Fish Lake guide, 158-64, 755, 763 North String, Box Elder County baseball club, 110, 115, 122, 125,426, 128 Norwegians: assimilation of, in Utah, 52; building techniques of, 6; log architecture of, 5 3 , 57-63, 7 0 - 7 1 , s e t t l e m e n t of, in Sanpete-Sevier, 57, 67

Ogden Junction, and Ogden-Corinne baseball rivalry, 129 Ogden Standard-Examiner, and tennis, 196 O g d e n , U t a h : baseball in, 110, 115, 126, 128-30; tennis in, 184, 192 Olsen, Floris Spring, and Deseret Alphabet, 282 Omaha, Nebraska, baseball team, 154 Orme, Herbert, baseball player, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 129, 132, 135 Ostensen, Niels Peter, Norwegian immigrant builder, barn of, 67, 61-62; home of, 50, 59, 60, 58-61 Otero, , Denver pitcher, 148 Outerbridge, Mary Ewing, early tennis court laid out by, 192

Pace, C. C , baseball player, 114 Pace, Jeo., baseball player, 114 Palmer, Annie D., social worker, 44 Pardoe, T . Earl, BYU tennis player-coach, 185, 188 Park, Boyd, and tennis, 181 Park, Samuel, and tennis, 181 Parker, Frankie, tennis star, 195 Parker, T . B., tennis champion, 183 Parmalee, T h e r o n , U of U tennis coach, 188 Parry, Gronway, baseball player, 747 Patterson, William, baseball player, 127 Pearmain, Irene Stoof, German heritage of, recalled, 389-92, 397 Peirce, Earle, tennis player, 195 Perkins, William G., LDS bishop, 279 Perpetual Emigration Fund, 374-75 Perry, Fred, tennis star, 195

Utah Historical Quarterly Perschon, William, businessman, 388 Phantom Ranch, Grand Canyon, 169 Phelps, W. W., and Deseret Alphabet, 278-81, 284 Phonographic Club of Nauvoo, 277 Photography: misrepresentations in, 74-78, 75, 77, 78; perception of, as capturing reality, 74; stereotyping of Indians by, 72-91 Pinedo, Arie, Bavarian discoverer of Mercur lode, 317 Pioneer Base Ball Club, game of, with Corinne, 114 Pioneer Day, 139-40 Pitman, Isaac: influence of, on Deseret Alphabet, 280, 282-83; phonetic reform and shorthand system of, 276, 277 Pitt, , baseball player, 121 Plains Indians, as stereotypical image of all Indians, 73, 86-87 Porter, Eliot, photographer, and Glen Canyon, 165 Porter, Wesley, BYU tennis player, 755 Potter, S. O. L., and tennis, 181 Powell, J o h n Wesley: expedition of, posed and costumed Indians for photographs, 76-78, 77; and Glen Canyon, 166 Powers, O r l a n d o W., A n n e Bradley's chief counsel, 247, 243-44 Pratt, A., baseball player, 121 Pratt, H., baseball player, 121 Pratt, Parley P.: and spelling reform, 280, 282; and spiritualism, 265 Preuss, C h a r l e s , c a r t o g r a p h e r a n d artist, 309-10 Priday, W. J., baseball player, 114 Prier, Peter, violinmaker, 388 Providence, Utah, Swiss immigrants in, 312-13 Provo, Utah, tennis in, 184-85, 188 Provost, , baseball player, 129

Quah-not, crippled Indian who helped J. H. Simpson, 256-63

Raddon, Joseph H., explosion victim, 248 Raleigh, Alonzo H., LDS bishop, home of, damaged, 251 Raleigh, Caroline, and arsenal explosion, 253 Ransohoff, Elias, Jewish immigrant, 316 Ransohoff, Nicholas Siegfried, Jewish immigrant, 316 Raybould, W. F., bookstore of, damaged by explosion, 252 Reach, A. J., baseball player and equipment mfgr., 750 Red Sash, Ogden baseball club, 110, 128 Red Stockings: history of, SLC baseball club, 136-57; 1878 championship team of, 7 75; Mormons on, 142; out-of-territory competitors, 147-48; series of, with Deserets, 142-43, 145-52

Index Reinhardt, Joseph, Donner Party member, 311 Reiser, A. Hamer, LDS church secretary, 283 Reiser, Heinrich, immigration of, 377-78 Remy, Jules, and Deseret Alphabet, 282 Renkel, Willy, Nazi supporter, arrest of, 337 Richards, Franklin D., and spelling reform, 279 Richards, Ralph, tennis player, 182 Richards, Willard, and spelling reform, 279, 280, 283, 284 Richardson, , guide, 308 Richardson, Charles, explosion victim, 248 Richy Theater, German movies at, 344 Riggs, Bobby, tennis star, 195 Ripstein, , Calif, immigrant, 310 Roberts, Bolivar, Jr., and tennis, 181 Roberts, Carl, tennis champion, 183 Roberts, Frank T., tennis c h a m p i o n , 183, 192-93 Robey, , baseball player, 121, 132 Rochester Hop Bitters, baseball team, 155 Roosevelt, F r a n k l i n D., G r e e k O r t h o d o x memorial service for, 45, 46 Roosevelt, Theodore, and spelling reform, 276, 277 Rotograph Co., post card publisher, 76, 86 Rough and Readys, SLC baseball club, 142 Rowan, James A., guard, 244 Rowland Hall, tennis at, 184, 188 Rupp, W. W., baseball player, 114, 115 Russell, Majors & Waddell, role of, in Utah Expedition, 219-21, 227 Russell, William H.,220, 221 Rust, David, river guide and ranch operator, 166, 169 Ryan, , aunt of Anne Bradley, 244

St. Joseph's Catholic Church, Monticello, Utah, 16,23, 26; Christmas Mass at, 24; confirmation class at, 14; Easter Mass at, 22; funerals at, 21; marriages at, 15 St. Louis Mining Co., Supreme Court suit involving, 239 Salisbury, O. J., tennis player, 183, 193, 194 Salisbury, Walker, tennis player, 183, 193, 194 Salt Lake Base Ball and Cricket Assn., 145 Salt Lake City, 304-5; baseball in 1870s in, 110, 112, 116, 736, 136-57; devastating 1876 explosion in, 246-55; tennis in, 180-184, 188, 195 Salt Lake City Beobachter, 329; content and purpose of, 327-28; controversy over antiNazism in, 328-31 Salt Lake Country Club, 195 Salt Lake Herald: and Anne Bradley case, 245; and baseball, 117, 119, 122, 139, 140, 142, 143, 146-53, 155, 156; and tennis, 182, 183 Salt Lake Telegram, 270 Salt Lake Tennis Club, 7 79, 194-96 Salt Lake Tribune: and Anne Bradley case, 247,

413 242-43; and Arsenal Hill explosion, 249; and baseball, 137-39, 141-43, 148, 152, 155; and spiritualism, 270; and tennis, 181, 195-96 Salt Palace (old), 183, 320, 321 Sampinos, Litsa, Greek funeral customs described by, 34 Sanalarios, George, funeral of, 47 San Francisco Athletics, baseball team, 152-53 San Juan County, Hispanics in, 9-28 San J u a n River, guided boat trips on, 166, 174 Sanpete County: map of, 56; Scandinavian folk architecture in, 5-6, 50-71 Santa Clara, Utah, Swiss immigrants in, 312-14 Santa Fe Railway, Fred Harvey concessionaire for, 88-89 Santschi, Eugene, Carbon County commissioner, 386 Saratoga Springs, 318 Savage, Cbarles R.: gallery of, damaged by explosion, 250; photo of baseball team by, 149 Savage, Frank, photographer, 5 3 , 83 Scandinavians: assimilation of, 52, 55, 70-71; folk architecture of, in Sanpete-Sevier valleys, 50-71; as Mormon converts, 52, 55, 57-58, 67 Schindler, Alma, Christmas visit of, 390 Schindler, Emil, LDS elder, 329 Schlact, Jonny, post-WWII immigrant, 338-39 Schneitter's Hot Pots, 371, 372 Schoonmaker, , chicken farmer, 394 Schreiner, Alexander, organist, immigration of, 364, 388 Schroeder, Ted, tennis star, 195 Schultze, Liese, sister of R. Stoof, 342 Schulz, Alfred, post-WWII immigrant, 367, 369 Scott, Winfield, and Utah Expedition, 215,217, 221, 2 2 7 , 2 2 5 Selige Co., post card publisher, 88 Sevier County: Scandinavian folk architecture in, 5-6, 50-71; settlement of, 66 Sharp, J. F., tennis player, 182 Sharp, J o h n , Sr., explosives storage sites reviewed by, 254 Shaw, George Bernard, and phonetic reform, 276, 277 Shingleton's Saloon, damage to, by explosion, 250 Short, David R., baseball player, 113, 115, 131 Shrewsbury, , aunt of Anne Bradley, 244 Siegel, Henry, Jewish immigrant, 316 Siegel, Joseph, Jewish immigrant, 316 Siegel, Solomon, Jewish immigrant, 316 Siegfried's Delicatessen, 345, 371 Sierra Club, role of, in Glen Canyon controversy, 177 Silver Heels, Ophir baseball club, 127 Simpson, James H., 1858-59 exploration of Utah by, 256-63 Sinclair, , trading post operator, 309 Sklavounos, Demetrios, funeral of, 47

414 Skougaard's Resort at Fish Lake, 161 Sleight, Ken, river guide, 67 Smith, George A., and spelling reform, 279 Smith, J o h n , tennis player, 185 Smith, Joseph: death of, 278; German lessons for, 312; as a medium, 266, 270 Smith, Joseph M., mortuary worker, 35 Smith, Kirby, 229 Snow College, tennis at, 189 Snow, Erastus, and spelling reform, 279 Snow, George M., baseball player, 121, 123 Snow, G. W., baseball player, 141 Snow, Lorenzo, and spelling reform, 279 Snow, R. J., St. George resident, 189 Social Base Ball Club of Virginia City, 130 Social Hall (Salt Lake City) activities at, 191 Socialists, incarceration of, during WWI, 325 S o u t h e r n Paiutes: costumed and posed by photographer Hillers, 76-78,77; \ 869 peace treaty with, 62; on post cards, 84, 85, 88, 89 Spencer, Orson, U of Deseret chancellor, 278, 281 Spiritualism in Utah, 264-71, 274 Spitzer, August, Donner Party member, 311 Sprang, Dick, boating partner of H. Aleson, 175,775, 176 Sprang, Elizabeth, H. Aleson's eccentricities described by, 175 Stafford, W. P., Anne Bradley's trial j u d g e , 247 Staheli, George, Swiss immigrant musician, 314 Stahl, Maria, 377 Staten Island Cricket and Baseball Club, 192 Stayner, Elizabeth, and arsenal explosion, 253 Stegner, Wallace: and river trips, 166; as U of U tennis player, 755, 194 Steiner, Adolph, rabbi in SLC, 274 Stenhouse, T. B. H., and Utah Expedition conspiracy theories, 222-23 Step and Fetchits, SLC baseball club, 110 Stern, Der, LDS periodical, 361, 367, 375 Steward, Julian, Hillers's photos of Indians discussed by, 76-77 Stoddard, Oscar B., handcart leader, 362 Stone, , baseball player, 121, 122, 128, 129, 132 Stone, J o h n E., CBBC director and billiard parlor owner, 124 Stoof, Ella (wife), 331,397 Stoof, R e i n h o l d , 329; a n t i - N a z i s m of, as Beobachter editor, 328-31, 342; family of, 389-92; occupations of, 341-43 Stout, Hosea, and Deseret Alphabet, 282 Stover, Walter, businessman, 388 Stover, William, East German LDS Mission president, 366-67 Stucki, J o h n S., Swiss immigrant, 313-14 A Study in Scarlet, sensationalism of, 271-73 Swedes: assimilation of, 52; log architecture of, 53-55, 57-58, 7 0 - 7 1 ; s e t t l e m e n t of, in Sanpete-Sevier, 57-67 Swedish Evangelical Lutheran Church, 323 Swiss immigrants in Utah, 306, 312-15,341-42, 350-54

Utah Historical Quarterly _, and tennis, 181 Taggart, Lt. _ Talmage, James E., and spiritualism, 267 T a m m o n , H. H., Co., post card publisher, 76, 80-81,57, 5 3 , 83, 86, 88 Taylor & Wright, Corinne merchants, 115 Taylor, F. J., baseball player, 114 Taylor, Harry, merchant and baseball player, 115, 120 Taylor, J o h n : sons of, escaped explosion, 253; and spelling reform, 279 Taylor, Merle, tennis player, 185 Taylor, Thomas, LDS bishop, 254 Taylor, T. N., tennis court of, 185 Temple B'nai Israel, 317,377 Tennis, 707, 7 75, 752, 755, 755, 759, 790, 793, 794; apparel for, 181-82; as an elite sport, 179-81; equipment and courts for, 183-84; history of, in Utah, 179-96; women and, 707, 752, 182, 186, 790 Thirteenth Infantry, baseball team of, 117-18 Thomas, C. S., baseball player, 114 Thomas, Dudy, river explorer, 176 Thomas, Otto Heinrich, arrest of, as enemy alien, 326 Thomen, , Calif, immigrant, 310 Thompson, , trading post operator, 309 T h o m p s o n , Jacob, Buchanan's secretary of interior, 222, 227 T h o r p e , Joseph, log house of, in Fairview, 68 Tilden, Bill, tennis player, 195 Tilton, Frank, baseball player, 114 Tintic Mining District, German immigrants in, 319 Toohy, Dennis J., attorney, editor, and president of CBBC, 113, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132 Toucey, Isaac, Buchanan's naval secretary, 222, 227 Townsend House, explosion damaged, 252 Tschaggeny, , activity of, in German LDS Org., 340 Tuck and Sons, post card publisher, 88 Tuttle, D., and tennis, 181 Twain, Mark, and spelling and phonetic reform, 276, 277 Tyler, Robert, and Utah Expedition, 226, 228

u Uintah House, Corinne hostelry, 122 Union Pacific Railroad: post cards distributed by, 88; Utah Northern taken over by, 133 U. S. Army: and tennis, 192; Utah Expedition of, 212-30 United States Lawn Tennis Assn., 194, 196 University of Deseret, and language reform, 275, 278-83, 285 University of Utah, tennis at, 186-88 Utah Expedition, conspiracy theories of origins of, 212-30 Utah Folklife Center, 4 Utah Folklore Society, 4

Index

415

Utah Northern Railroad, effect of, on Corinne, 133 Utah Reporter (Corinne) {ahoDaily Utah Reporter, Daily Corinne Reporter, and Corinne Daily Reporter): and baseball 117-19, 121-25, 128, 129, 131; and Mormons and Mormonism, 116-17 Utah State Agricultural College, tennis team of, 187-88 Utah State Capitol, 305, 321 Utah State Council of Defense, and teaching of German during WWI, 326-27 Utah State Textbook Commission, and teaching of German during WWI, 326-27 Utah Territorial Militia (Nauvoo Legion), and Utah Expedition, 214-15 Ute Indians, photographs and post cards representing, 75, 75-76, 76, 77, 80-81,57, 5 3 , 83, 85-87,56, 89 Utter, David, Unitarian minister, 235

Valentine, Joseph, baseball player, 121-23, 129 Vance, J o h n , and spelling reform, 279-80 Van Natta, Mary Jane, explosion victim, 248 Vigil family, Monticello residents, 12 Vines, Ellsworth, tennis star, 195-96

w Waddell, William B.,220 Wagener, Henry, brewery of, 363 Walker Bank (now First Interstate), founding of, 181 Walker, David F., merchant, 181 Walker Dry Goods Co., 181 Walker, Joseph, merchant, 181 Walker, Matthew H., tennis tournament hosted by, 180-81 Walker Monument Co., 341 Walker, Samuel Sharp, merchant, 181 Wallace, Alex., baseball player, 114 Wallace, Glenn Walker, and tennis, 180 Walters, Dr. , baseball player, 114 Wanke, Gerald, secretary, German LDS Org., 340 Wasatch Academy, tennis at, 189, 759 Wasatch Drug Store, explosion damaged, 252 Washington Square, use of, for baseball in SLC, 736, 137, 138, 145-46, 149, 157 Waterman, Anton John, Hessian mercenary, 304-6 Watson, Alexander, baseball player, 747, 151 Watt, George D., 275; and Deseret Alphabet, 279-80, 282-84; Pitman shorthand studied by, 277-78; taught phonography in Nauvoo, 277 Watters, Abraham, Jewish immigrant, 316 Watters, Ichel, Jewish immigrant, 316 Weber, Frederick, German POW and artisan, 358 Weber, J o h n H., trapper, 307-8

Webster, Noah, and spelling reform, 276 Welch, J o h n , baseball player, 123 Wells, Daniel H.: daughters of, injured in explosion, 250; and spelling reform, 280 Wells, R. W., Anne Bradley's attorney, 247 West End Croquet Club of Corinne, 132 West, Joseph, and spiritualism, 266 West, Maj. Emory S., 326 Western Savings and Loan Co., 340 Western Shoshone Indians, representation of, on post cards, 85 Wetherill, J o h n , river tour guide, 166 White, , baseball player, 121 White, Clarence M., merchant and secretary CBBC, 124 White, Georgie, river r u n n e r and guide, 167-69 White, James, Colorado R. raft trip of, 168 Whitlock, " C h a r l i e , " t e n n i s c o u r t of, in Mayfield, Utah, 191 Whitney, Orson F., LDS European Mission president, 381 Whitworth, Joseph, baseball player, 123 Wickizer, Don, baseball player, 121, 123 Wickizer, Joseph F., special postal agent, 123 Wide Awakes, Oakland, Calif., baseball team, 125 Widtsoe, J o h n A., 274 Wilhelm, Frederick Paul, duke of Wurttemberg, 308 Willard, Utah, baseball team of, 126 Williamson-Haffner Co., post card publisher, 86, 88 Willis, J. R., photographer, 75, 75 Wills, Helen, tennis star, 195 Wilson, Edward M., secretary CBBC, 113 Wingfield, Maj. Walter C , tennis inventor, 192 Winschell, Franklin, "the beer king," 117 Wislizenus, Frederick A., G e r m a n traveler, 308-9 Wissenbeck, Frederick, tennis organizer, 193 Wolfinger, , Donner Party member, 311 Woodbury, N. A., j u d g e in Corinne, 114 Woodruff, Wilford, a n d spelling r e f o r m , 279-80 Woolley, Dilworth, Manti judge, tennis court of, 190 Woolley, Harold, and tennis, 190 World War 1,327; effect of, on immigrants and immigration, 306, 325, 348, 357, 381; effect of, on teaching German in Utah schools, 324, 326-27; German POWs in Utah during 324-26 World War II: effect of on immigrants and immigration, 306, 331-35, 337-38, 348, 357, 383; German POWs in Utah during, 335, 335-36, 358 Wright, Harry, designed baseball uniform, 753 Wright-Rigg river guide firm, 167

Young, _ ., baseball player, 129 Young, Arta, letter to, described explosion, 246

Utah Historical Quarterly

416 Y o u n g , B r i g h a m : a t t i t u d e of, t o w a r d log houses, 51; and Arsenal Hill explosion, 246, 250; a n d c h u r c h recreation halls, 191; Nauvoo home of, 311-12; and phonetic and spelling reform, 276-80, 284-85; and Utah Expedition, 214-16, 218-19 Young, James, baseball player, 121-23 YMCA, 193 Youth Tennis Foundation, 196

Zane, J. M., and tennis, 181 Zaugg, Friedrich (Fritz), immigration of, 375, 379 Zimmer, Max, LDS church German translator, 382-83 Zins, , Calif, immigrant, 310 ZCMI: explosion of powder magazine of, 249; store windows of, broken, 252; and tennis, 193

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, AND CIRCULATION

T h e Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042- 143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. T h e editor is Melvin T. Smith and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. T h e magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine. T h e following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,682 copies printed; 102 paid circulation; 3,134 mail subscriptions; 3,236 total paid circulation; 177 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,413 total distribution; 269 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,682. T h e following figures are the actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,600 copies printed; 46 paid circulation; 3,012 mail subscriptions; 3,058 total paid circulation; 181 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,239 total distribution; 181 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,600.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY MILTON C. ABRAMS. Logan. 1985

Chairman WAYNE K. H I N T O N . C e d a r City, 1985

Vice-chairman MELVIN T. SMI I H. Salt Lake City Secretary THOMAS G. ALEXANDER, Provo, 1987 PHILLIP A. BLLLEN, Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DORM AN, Price, 1987 ELIZABETH GRIFFITH, Ogden, 1985

DEAN L. MAY, Salt Lake City, 1987 DAVID S. MONSON. Lieutenant Governor/

Secretary of State, Ex officio WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt Lake City, 1987 HELEN Z. PAPANIKOLAS, Salt Lake City, 1985 ANAND A. YANG. Salt Lake City, 1985

ADMINISTRATION MELVIN I. SMITH, Director STANFORD J. LAYTON.Managing Editor JAY \ 1 . HAYMOND,Librarian DAVID B. MADSEN.State Archaeologist A. KENT POWELL,Historic Preservation

Research

W I L S O N G. MARTIN.Historic Preservation

Development

P H I L I P F. NOTARIANNI, Museum Services

The Utah State Historical Society wasorganized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish I tali and related history. Today, under statesponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record ol Utah's past. This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended. This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. T h e U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.

Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 52, Number 4, 1984

Articles inside

The German-speaking Immigrant Experience in Utah

The Waves of Immigration

Die Auswanderung

The Memory Box

We All Worked

Life More Sweet Than Bitter