Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 54, Number 4, 1986

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Against (^m^ Odds

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN0042-143X) EDITORIAL STAFF STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managmg Editor MIRIAM B. MVRPHW Associate

Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L . CANNON u.Salt Lake City, 1986 ARLENEH. EAKLE. Woods Cross, 1987

PETERL. Gos.s,Sa/< Lake City, 1988 G L E N M . LEONARD,Farmmgion, 1988

LAMARPETER.SEN.SA/^ Lake City, 1986 RIC:HARDW. SADLER, Ogrfen, 1988

HAROLD ScHiNDi.ER.Sa/^ Lake City, 1987 GENE A. SESSIONS. Bountiful,

1986

GREGORY C. THOMP.SON.SA/^ Lake City, 1987

Utah Historical Quarterly was establistied in 1928 to publish articles, docunients, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. T h e Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership and publications information.

Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter lipon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00.

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate accompanied by return postage and should be typed double-space, with footnotes at the end. Additional information on requirements is available from the managing editor. T h e Society assumes no responsibility for statements of fact or opinion by contributors.

Second class postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah.

Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

Vj^XnAiiJES Contents FALL 1986/VOLUME 54/NUMBER 4

IN T H I S ISSUE

307

S T R U G G L E AGAINST GREAT ODDS: CHALLENGES IN UTAH'S MARGINAL A G R I C U L T U R A L AREAS, 1925-39 JAPANESE AMERICANS AND KEETLEY FARMS: UTAH'S RELOCATION COLONY

BRIAN

Q. CANNON 308

SANDRA C. TAYLOR

A U T A H N ABROAD: PARLEY P. CHRISTENSEN'S WORLD T O U R , 1921-23

JOHN

328

R. SILLITO 345

T H E DEATH OF BRIGHAM YOUNG: OCCASION FOR SATIRE

GARY L. BUNKER and DAVLSBH TON

358

BOOK REVIEWS

371

BOOK NOTICES

381

INDEX

384

THE COVER The Brighton Hotel, 1916, in Big Cottonwood Canyon, east of Salt Lake City. USHS collections, gift of James D. Moyle.

© Copyright 1986 Utah State Historical Society

Books reviewed ed. Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History CHARLES S. PETERSON 371

J O H N PHILLIP WALKER,

Goodbye to Poplar haven: Recollections of a Utah Boyhood J O H N S. TANNER 372

EDWARD GEARY.

BRIGHAM D . MADSEN. The

Shoshoni

Frontier and the Bear River Massacre

HOWARD CHRISTY

375

T. J. FERGUSON and E. RICHARD HART.

A Zuni Atlas

. .

ROBERT

BURR CARTWRIGHT BRUNDAGE.

S.

MCPHERSON

377

The Jade

Steps: A Ritual Life of the Aztecs

CHARLES E . DIBBLE

379

introduction and notes.

A Basket of Chips: An Autobiography of James Taylor Harwood WILLIAM C . SEIERIT 380

ROBERT S. OLPIN,

HORACE M . ALBRIGHT. The Birth of the

National Park Service: The Founding Years, 1913-33 F . ROSS

PETERSON

380

Japanese American evacuees at the assembly center in Santa Anita.

Courtesy of the National Archives.

In this issue T h e phrase "Against Great Odds" could serve as the state motto as appropriately as "Industry," for the challenges facing Utahns have been numerous: T h e first article documents a critical period in the ongoing struggle of farmers and ranchers to wrest a living from the state's marginal agricultural lands.

T h e second piece relates how a group of relocated Japanese Americans overcame the great odds of racism and suspicion during World War II to live in harmony with their neighbors in rural Utah.

Parley P. Christensen, the subject of the third article, represents a different dilemmaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that of the radical politician swimming against the current of majority opinion.

T h e final article examines an intriguing episode in the Mormons' struggle to achieve acceptance within the larger American society. T h a t Brigham Young's death was greeted by so much comic ridicule in the press is but one indication of the great odds that remained to be overcome.

Struggle against Great Odds: Challenges in Utah's Marginal Agricultural Areas, 1925-39

BY BRIAN Q. CANNON

JjlSASTER STALKED MUCH OF UTAH'S AGRICULTURE i n t h e 1920s a n d

'30s. Indeed, the years 1925-39 can be viewed as a lotmd of rural distress. Environmental, sociocultural, and economic factors handicapped farmers and ranchers throughout the state but most acutely in marginal agricultural areas: southern, eastern, and western Utah.

Haphazardly extended beyond its environmental and economic limits, agriculture there began to flounder on its wobbly framework.

Mr. Cannon is a graduate student in history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

Above: Drilling grass mixtures on denuded federal rangeland.

l^SHS

collections.

Struggle against Great Odds

^^^

This paper identifies specific flaws within that framework. Taken together, these flaws explain why social planners advocated major agricultural reforms for the state, including rural resettlement.

A host of environmental problems beset farmers and ranchers in marginal areas in the 1920s and '30s. Among them was soil deficiency. Although soils in Utah included rich alluvial loam, soil studies conducted during the '20s and '30s in Uintah, Duchesne, Carbon, Emery, and Millard counties revealed that in many cases farming there had been undertaken on inferior soils. In Uintah County, only 15 percent of all privately owned land offered good soil.

Further west in Duchesne County alkaline soils strewn with gravel mocked farming efforts. South of the Uinta Basin, Carbon and Emery county soils were generally "not of farming quality." Impregnated with alkali, much of the soil consisted of mancos shaleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an uninviting substance that became sticky when wet and rock-hard when dry.^ Yet it was in the western part of the state that soils least adapted to farming had been cultivated. Eighty-five percent of the soil in Millard County's Delta area was difficult to cultivate or maintain a favorable tilth on because of its heavy clay texture. Furthermore, alkali had rendered large tracts entirely unproductive. As land had been brought under irrigation following the completion of Sevier Bridge Reservoir in 1914, seepage from canals and excess irrigation water had caused the water table to rise, saturating the soil. Hot sun and dry air quickly evaporated the moisture, leaving behind a saline residue. Depending upon their concentration, these salts had either reduced the quality of crops produced or sterilized the soil.^ Faced with declining productivity, many farmers in Millard County abandoned their lands. In the Delta area 21 percent of the area's homes had been deserted by 1931. Nearly all farms in some towns such as Abraham and Woodrow lay vacant.^ Once farms had been abandoned plant regression ensued, with inferior plants rather than climax vegetation taking over. Overgrazing and drought 1 R H Walker Pioneering in Western Agriculture, Utah Agricuhural Experiment Station ( U A E S ) bulletin no. 282 (Logan, 1938), pp. 28-299; Russell R. Keetch, "Annual Report of Extensioti Work in Uintah County, 1936," p. 7, Utah State University Archives (USUA), Logan; and J. Howard Maughan "Continuation of Study of the Extent of Desirable Major Land-Use Adjustments and Areas Suitable for Settlement" (n.p., 1936), p. 56, Box 01, Independent Commissions: Planning BoardAgriculture, 1934-41, Utah State Archives (SA), Salt Lake C:ity.

2 D s Jennings and J. Darrel Peterson, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 2, Soil Conditions, tlAES bulletin no. 2.56 (Logan, 1935), pp. 8, 34.

3 Walker, Pioneering, p. 120.

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combined in other areas to produce similar results. Irrigation water, too, spread weeds throughout the state.

Regardless of its causes, plant regression reduced the land's value for agriculture. Most of the new plants were less nutritious for stock than their predecessors. Some, such as the whorled milkweed, proved lethal to livestock, while others with thorns and spines injured cattle and sheep. Furthermore, the new plants were often annuals with root systems shallow and less drought-resistant than those of perennial plants. As such they offered little protection to the soil.4 In addition to battling new varieties of troublesome weeds, farmers combated an increasingly diverse host of insect pests and plant diseases. These incliided the beet leafhopper which induced curly top disease in sugar beets, beans, and tomatoes; the lygus bug which decimated alfalfa seed, an important cash crop for Millard County and the Uinta Basin; pale western cutworms; strawberry root rot; grasshoppers; Mormon crickets; and says bugs. Mere percentages and dollar amounts cannot convey the consequences of these pests.

Those consequences can be glimpsed, however, through the experience of Cedar Valley dry farmers. For three years, over 25 percent of their planted wheat fell prey to the pale western cutworm.

Destitute and unable to combat the worms, many of the growers abandoned their farms.^ Not only did agriculture suffer from poor soil, plant regression, and insects, it also experienced recurrent drought. During the thirties, drought hit throughout the state, albeit unevenly. However, the entire state suffered from low precipitation in 1931 and 1934, to that date "the driest (year) of record in the history of Utah on all watershed(s) in the state." Writing to Harry L. Hopkins, in June 1934, Utah emergency relief director Robert H. Hinckley reported, "Large areas of planted wheat have been abandoned, garden crops have been plowed and then left to die so water could be diverted elsewhere. Much of the grain is shrunken. Pests, lacking their natural food, are eating the remaining crops in destitute regions."^ ^ A. F. Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use Study for U t a h " (n.p., 1935), pp. 71-72, 76, copy in files of Charles S. Peterson, Utah State University (USU), Logan. ^ Blanche C. Pittman, comp., How Science Aids Utah Agriculture, UAES bulletin no. 276 (Logan, 1936), pp. 20-26. ^ George D. Clyde, "Preliminary Report on Snow Cover of the Principal Watersheds of Utah, Februrary 1, 1935," a n d Robert H. Hinckley to Harry L. H o p k i n s , J u n e 29, 1934, FERA Correspondence, both in Henry H. Blood Papers, SA.

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This flood damage in Davis County occurred because of imprudent grazing practices that disturbed the original topsoil. USHS collections.

Such regions could be found throughout southern, eastern, and western Utah. Beaver County lost 75 percent of its alfalfa to drought.

In Millard County, many farmers lost their entire wheat crop.

Ranchers near Delta dug water holes and troughs to catch and store water lest their livestock die of thirst. In the state as a whole, farmers planted only 30 percent of the normal acreage in 1934 and harvested only 40 percent of that in some areas. As much as 65 percent of the range withered away.^ Plant cover, withered by drought or consumed by livestock, invited erosion, thereby threatening to rob the land of necessary topsoil. State land use planning consultant A. F. Bracken wrote, " T h e problem of range erosion covers a wider area and affects more people than any other maladjustment from which the poulation of the state is suffering." In 1934 the Forest Service classified 60 percent of Utah's rangeland and the entire land area of Carbon, Emery, Grand, and Kane counties as "severely eroded." Following heavy rainfall on September 3, 1936, agricultural experiment station personnel discovered how serious erosion could be. Measuring silt and organic matter within the Duchesne River, they found that

' Lew Mar Price, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Beaver County," (n.p., 1934), p. 16, USUA; George Whornham, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Millard County," (n.p., 1934), p. 5, USUA; N. Lester Mangum to Robert H. Hinckley, May 5, 1934, FERA Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA; and Leonard J. Arrington, Utah the New Deal and the Depression, Weber State College Monograph Series (Ogden, 1983), pp. 12-13.

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17,500 tons of solid materialâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;enough to bury an acre of land ten feet deepâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;passed by a single point within one hour. Rapid erosion produced gaping chasms. Three or more gullies per acre cut across nearly 70 percent of Uinta Basin Indian land. Bisecting roads, these chasms made road travel in some areas impossible.^ Barren soil invited wind as well as water erosion. On heavily grazed sections of the west desert, between two and six inches of soil had blown away by 1935. Blowing sand blasted plants, cutting them down to mere stumps. Perhaps Utah's severest blow area was near Grantsville where several dust storms in 1934 and 1935 enveloped 40,000 acres in a pall of dust. Billowing soil penetrated homes and barns in the area and halted highway traffic. Clouds of dust limited vision so much that the postman could not deliver mail. T o filter out the dust some residents wrapped wet towels around their faces.

Lacking such filters, sheep and cattle in the area died from breathing the dust or eating dirt-clogged feed. One man abandoned his ranch, and others seriously contemplated moving away as a result of the storms' destruction.^ All of these environmental problems curtailed agricultural production in the 1920s and '30s. In summary, these problems included soil deficiency, plant regression, insect pests, drought, and erosion. They stemmed only partially from h u m a n land use: in a dialectical relationship society and nature had forged them. But regardless of their origins, the problems mandated sociocultural adjustments, including changes in agricultural practices and characteristics.

Among those practices requiring adjustment was dry farming.

By 1929 Utah dry farms comprised 200,000 acres. At the height of the dry-farm boom earlier in the century, much more land had been involved: over 5,000 homesteaders had patented dry farms as a result of the Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909. Under proper conditions, dry farming could yield impressive harvests. However, it was a tricky business whose success varied with precipitation, temperature, slope of the land, wind, and cultural practices. Untrained farmers simplistically sunk savings in unproductive tracts. Near Fillmore, for example, where precipitation averaged 15 inches annually, farmers 8 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 51; and L. A. Stoddart et al., Range Conditions in the Uinta Basin, Utah, UAES bulletin no. 283 (Logan, 1938), pp. 22-23.

9 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 50; and Harley J. Helm and Graham S. Quate, "Report on the Wind Erosion and Dust Menace, Grantsville, Tooele County, Utah," in Grantsville and Shambys Soils Conservation Districts, Conservation History of Tooele County (n.p. 197[?]), in USUA.

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Dry farm in Cache County. USHS

collections.

planted dry wheat. Harvests were minimal, whereas a few miles north in Levan, farmers harvested a good crop. Precipitation in the two areas was comparable but other conditions were not. In some areas rainfall came too late in the summer to be of much benefit to dryland wheat. Most who had settled such tracts had abandoned them by 1930. However, in 1935 Utah's land planning consultant, J. Howard Maughan, observed that "a surprising number still hold on to their land, . . . beaten and broken victims of a false hope that could not be realized." Some form of land use adjustment seemed necessary for these people.^^ A characteristic typical of but not limited to dry farming was unprofitable small farms. This too required adjustment. In 1925, 47 percent of Utah's farms had fewer than fifty acres, and 22 percent contained 20 acres or less. Soil and climate ruled out intensive cultivation of some of these small farms. Moreover, many of them in marginal areas lacked sufficient irrigation water.^^ '0 Marion Clawson et al.. Types of Farming in Utah, UAES bulletin no. 275 (Logan, 1936), pp.

32, 62, 66. " Byron Alder, " T h e Poultry Industry in Utah," p. 5, Agricultural College file, 1930, George H. Dern Papers, SA.

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Not only were Utah's farms small, but they were often composed of scattered, oddly shaped parcels of land. Tracts such as these proved difficult to cultivate and irrigate. Furthermore, they facilitated division of farms. This occurred frequently between 1920 and 1930; although the number of acres under cultivation remained virtually the same over the decade, the number of farms under 20 acres in size rose from 4,610 to 6,617. Already too small to sustain a family comfortably, many farms were divided into still smaller units.^^ In some areas better suited for ranching than farming, residents lacked range rights. Along the Nevada-Utah border in Millard, Juab, and Tooele counties early homestead laws had sharply limited land claims, facilitating absentee ownership of the range. By the 1930s outside livestock interests controlled much of the range. Nonresident ownership impoverished once-prosperous local residents.^^ Areas of more recent settlement also lacked range rights. Settlers in the Uinta Basin as well as dry-farm owners in Johns Valley, Garfield County; western Box Elder County; and the La Sal area had arrived too late to acquire title to the range. Conditions in these areas proved to be ill-suited to farming, but nonresidents already held key alpine grazing rights there. In the Uinta Basin, 23 percent of all animal-unit months of grazing allotted on federal lands in 1937 went to outside stockmen. Furthermore, the average outside owner of sheep received permits to graze twice as many sheep on the public domain as the average resident.^"^ Taken together, nonresident and resident livestock grazing used 85 percent of Utah's land. The range industry's incorrect seasonal use of that land, improper distribution of livestock on it, and overall surplus of livestock decimated the range in southern, eastern, and western Utah. Although grazing had been restricted within national forest reserves beginning in the first decade of the century, Utah's sheep industry reached an all-time high in 1930. Grazing restrictions had upgraded some lands, but overgrazing remained a serious problem. Sixty percent of Utah's range and nearly all of Kane and Garfield counties was severely eroded and "badly overgrazed" by 1934. For communities almost entirely reliant upon livestock these statistics spelled disaster. T w o such Garfield County towns, Can'2 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 29.

'3 Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 72-73. 'â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘Ibid., pp. 59, 65, 69-70; and George T. Blanch,/4 Study of Farm Organization by Types of Farms in Uinta Basin, Utah, UAES bulletin no. 285 (Logan, 1939), pp. 17-18, 65-66.

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nonville and Henryville, had an aggregate population of six hundred. With approximately four hundred acres of irrigated land between them and a badly depleted range, these communities faced defeat. Much of the population was on relief. T o the east of these towns, Escalante, primarily a stock-raising area that had once boasted a per capita income of $ 1,000, had to import $20,000 worth of feed for livestock from 1933 to 1935. In 1935, 70 percent of the town's 1,000 residents were on relief due to depleted range and crop failure. ^^ Improper management of water paralleled poor range management. Three problems contributed to this: improper drainage, ineffective irrigation networks, and overextended and improperly allocated water resources. One consequence of improper drainage has already been discussed: alkali accumulation in the soil. Another consequence, irrigation-induced erosion and flooding, occurred most frequently in Carbon and Emery counties where soil was highly susceptible to erosion. Gullies formed rapidly on farms where excess irrigation water repeatedly followed the same drainage course. They grew quickly as water undercut their banks, causing adjacent land to cave in. Gorges 100-200 feet deep and 10-70 feet wide became common.^^ Ineffective irrigation systems, the second water management problem mentioned above, resulted in the loss of vital water. These systems often lacked sound engineering. Some, such as a canal designed to bring water from Lake Fork River to North My ton Bench in Duchesne County, never did work. After residents had invested "thousands of dollars worth of work," the canal's banks "washed out like salt," one resident recalled. Similarly, a dam built by land promoters in southern Utah's Grass Valley "would not hold water" because it was surrounded by a lava flow. Many other systems suffered heavy conveyance losses. T h e Central Utah Canal near Delta which carried water thirty-seven miles lost 70 percent of its water through evaporation and seepage. Other systems had fallen into disrepair. Long canals serving a handful of people often became dilapidated, for those using the canals could not muster the manpower to maintain them.^^ '5 Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 25; and Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 69.

'6 I. D. Zobell, Soil Management and Crop-Production Studies: Carbon County Area, UAES bulletin no. 270 (Logan, 1936), p. 7.

1' LeAnn Wabel, "History of Anna R. Lemon Johnson," (n.p., 1983), Peterson files, USU; Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 35, 49; and Loreen P. Wahlquist, "Memories of a Uintah Basin Farm," Utah Historical Quarterly 42 (1974): 169.

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The third problem involved overextended and improperly allocated water resources. In the state's twenty principal irrigated counties, 41 percent of all irrigated acreage had a first class water right in 1930. Twenty-five percent had a secondary right, 22 percent a third class right, and 12 percent a fourth class right. Thus, by midsummer many farms had little if any water. In 1934 the state's land planning consultant reported that 160 farms comprising 12,000 acres in the state-developed Piute Project had not been irrigated for years, possessing only a second or third class water right. Not surprisingly, only four of 160 families remained. One resident who abandoned his farm on the project was Rasmus Michelsen.

Michelsen had purchased eighty acres of project land to which the state had promised to deliver three-acre feet of water per acre of land.

Yet the project had generally delivered only four to six inches of water per acre.^^ A similar problem with overextension of water emerged along the lower Beaver River on a strip of land known as Beaver Bottoms.

Twenty-two farms in the region dried up when developers built Minersville Dam several miles north of the region. Because the dam rarely filled, only a trickle of water ever reached these farms. Unable to pay the cost of lawsuits against the reservoir company, these residents sold their water rights to the company and completely abandoned their homes, farms, and school.^^ Besides being inadequate, water resources were poorly distributed. Millard County extension agent George Whornham indicated, "In many cases irrigation water is applied to land which never did nor never can economically produce crops in sufficient quantity to produce a living. On the other hand, many good farms are being ruined and made unproductive because not enough water is being applied." T h e state agricultural experiment station observed similar problems besetting "most irrigation enterprises" in the state.20 In summary, agricultural characteristics and practices that bore bitter consequences in southern, eastern, and western Utah included ill-advised dry farming, small farm size, and lack of range rights. â&#x20AC;˘8 Clawson et al., Types of Farming, p. 30; Bracken, "Utah Report," 15; and Rasmus Michelsen to Henry H. Blood, November 30, 1940, Land Board Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA. Class I water rights were those with no water shortage during ordinary years. Class II rights experienced some shortages but had enough water to mature crops. Class III rights furnished water during flood season only. Class IV rights were those which during a normal year provided water for no more than thirty days.

'5 Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 99,109; and Maughan, "Continuation of Report," pp. 36, 44-45.

20 Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 36; and Clawson et al.. Types of Farming, pp^. 28-29.

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Others were poor range management, improper drainage, ineffective irrigation networks, and overextended water resources. All of these practices pointed to the need for land use adjustment.

In addition to environmental and agricultural problems, social challenges plagued the state's marginal agricultural areas in the 1920s and '30s. Foremost among those challenges was population pressure on the land. Utah's rural population increased 16 percent from 1900 to 1910, 16 percent from 1910 to 1920, and 3.3 percent from 1920 to 1930. Already hemmed in by insufficient water and submarginal soil, the state's agriculture could ill accommodate this surge in population Several phenomena manifest this inability to adjust to the rise in population. Among them was the large number of unestablished young people. In 1939 Sanpete County's extension agent counted 364 unestablished, young married couples; 383 single, unestablished men ages 18-30; and 276 single, unestablished women ages 18-30 in the county. Millard County's agent predicted that his region's 2,000 men and women ages 16-30 had little chance of starting a home or farm on their own. Another sign of the population-land imbalance surfaced in an overabundance of farm labor. In the reservation area of the Uinta Basin, the average farmer had almost 200 surplus man days of labor each year. A third sign of overpopulation involved division of farms, a trend previously discussed.^i In addition to population pressure, rural sociologists noted a second imbalance in rural life: the paucity of social institutions and public services in some areas. At the same time New Deal planners in Washington were extolling the community conveniences and spirit of Utah's Mormon villages, sociologists within the state were detecting deficiencies in rural Utah. Not all rural residents lived in villages, they observed; farms in areas of more recent settlement were often dispersed. Moreover, villages often lacked a variety of high quality community services because of tax delinquency, poverty, and isolation.22 A detailed study of the Delta area revealed many such deficiencies. Only 20 percent of state and local taxes levied there in 1931 2' Walker, Pioneering, p. 24; Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, p. 85; Elmer H. Gibson, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Sanpete County, 1939," p. 69, USUA; and Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 5-6.

22 A. F. Bracken, "Utah Report on the Extent and Character of Desirable Adjustment in Rural Land-Use and Settlement Areas," (n.p., 1934), passim; Agriculture Planning Board Reports, SA; and Paul K. Conkin, Tomorrow aNew World: The New Deal Communinty Program {lihaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1959), pp. 13-14, 81. Responsible for much of the idealization of Mormon villages was M. L. Wilson, director of the Subsistence Homesteads Division.

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were collected. This limited revenue could support few community services. Only one town in the area had a public library, only five of the eight communities had mail service, and none had a municipal water system. Several had no playground, baseball diamond, rodeo grounds, or park, and hospital facilities were distant. Oasis, perhaps the most dismal of the eight communities, "was a village in ruins in 1936," according to one rural sociologist. Its small church lacked indoor plumbing, its roads had received "little attention," and its cemetery "was poorly maintained." No village recreational facilities existed. T h e depression had closed many businesses including a drugstore, dry goods store, meat market, bank, two lumber yards, grocery store, barber shop, service station, and alfalfa seed plant. Not all communities offered as few services as Oasis, but many towns throughout the state in the 1930s were not inviting places to live, according to studies of the state's rural communities.23 Poor living conditions also plagued marginal agricultural areas. In some conveniences, rural Utah compared favorably with rural areas in the nation at large. For example, Utah ranked third in the percentage of farmhomes with electricity (58 percent), and thirteenth in the percentage of farms having r u n n i n g water (39 percent). Nevertheless, these statistics belied pockets of primitive living conditions. In the Delta area only 28 percent of all homes had r u n n i n g water. Duchesne and Uintah counties (respectively 4 and 21 percent) did not come close to approximating the state's 58 percent of homes with electricity. Similarly, while 27 percent of the state's homes had phone service, only 3 percent in Duchesne County and 14 percent in Uintah County had phones.2^ Generally, as the isolation of an area increased, so did primitive living conditions. In the isolated Uinta Basin, many homes were shabby. Small and cheaply built, they had unplaned, mud-chinked walls and dirt floors. Because r u n n i n g water was rare (4 percent in Duchesne and 9 percent in Uintah) many households hauled culinary water from irrigation ditches or rivers. Others dipped irrigation water from cisterns near their homes for household use. Typical was the lifestyle of Anna R. Lemon Johnson. During the winter of 193637 she and her family lived in a tarpaper shack made of one-inch 23 Joseph A. Geddes, Carmen D. Fredrickson, and Eldred C. Bergeson, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 4, Social Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 288 (Logan, 1939), passim.

2^ Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, pp. 12-23; and Geddes, Social Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 51-52.

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boards. Eventually most of the tarpaper blew off, allowing snow to whip through the cracks in the wall. Temperatures outside often plunged to 44 below. Anna's husband Frank would arise at 4 A.M., stoke a fire in the kitchen stove to warm the place a bit, and huddle on the oven door for the balance of the night. Anna was pregnant that winter "which made it harder for me," she recalled. She hauled snow for water, which she stored in a fifty-gallon barrel. T h e following summer she and her family moved to an eighty-by-twenty-four-foot camp cabin. It was a "really strange set u p , " she recalled, for it had truck doors built into the side with roll-up-and-down windows.

Bedbugs, mites, and flies shared the place with the family. New Deal social planners found such conditions to be widespread and deplorable.25 By the 1930s many people favored and even demanded government-engineered assistance and improvements. " T h e people here . . . are crying for help," wrote Uintah County's extension agent. From Millard County came a similar report of people "waiting for the Rehabilitation Division to do something." Personal pleas fill Governor Henry H. Blood's files. Typical is this one: "My farm is being sold at sheriff's sale for interest. I have not the money to pay. I would like help. Wire if you can help me."26 Relief came too late or amounted to too little to succor some.

Many deserted their farms. Only 2.2 in 1,000 families migrated from the state, according to a WPA study of interstate migration. Of those families, only 7 percent listed farm failure as the principal cause of their move. T h o u g h few farmers actually left the state, many did abandon their farms. Twenty-one percent of the Delta area's homes lay vacant in 1930. In the state at large the 1930 farm population was only 81 percent of what it had been in 1920. By 1934 Aaron F.Bracken, Utah's land planning consultant, noted almost total abandonment of sections across the state. In 1940 only 94,352 people were living on farms, down from 106,667 in 1930.2^ T h a t more did not move from their farms is surprisng, given the depth and pervasiveness of disaster. T h e fact that many of the earlier 25 Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, p. 13; and Wabel, "Anna R. Lemon Johnson."

26 Keetch, "Annual Report, 1937," p. 7; George Wornham, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Millard County 1935," p. 15, in USUA; and Glen Gates ib Honorable Governor Blood, November 21, 1934, FERA Correspondence, Blood Papers, SA. 2' John N. Webb and Malcolm Brown, Migrant Families, W.P.A. Research Monograph XVIII (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1938), pp. 137, 151; Geddes, Social Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 58, 120; Joseph A. Geddes, Migration: A Problem of Youth in Utah, UAES bulletin no. 323 (Logan, 1946), p. 6; and Bracken, "Utah Report," passim.

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settlements traced their roots to colonization calls from Mormon church leaders may have contributed to this resilience. This heritage firmly bound farmers to their homes in Utah's Dixie. Even in areas of more recent, economically motivated settlement, religious zeal could reinforce ties to the community. For example, decades following his removal from the town of Widtsoe, one farmer recalled a promise made by Mormon apostle Melvin J. Ballard to the community's residents. T h e valley would be a Garden of Eden if its inhabitants kept God's commandments and stayed out of debt, Ballard had prophesied. If they did not do so, it would be taken from them.

Ballard's words had infused the land with sacred meaning, rendering the valley a symbolic link between the area's residents and God. Remembering that promise, the people clung to their land as long as they physically could. T o move away was to admit spiritual as well as temporal failure. Although all but two families eventually moved away, some former residents of the area still remember that promise, speak of their valley reverently, make annual pilgrimages to it, and speculate that it may one day blossom.2^ In summary, social problems of southern, eastern, and western Utah during the '20s and '30s included a population-land imbalance, insufficient or inadequate social institutions, poor housing conditions, and migration. In their efforts to eradicate these problems.

New Deal reformers faced two common attitudes: expectation of government aid and religiously motivated tenacity to even submarginal land.

It has been shown that environmental, agricultural, and social deficiencies and imbalances handicapped farmers in southern, eastern, and western Utah in the 1920s and '30s. Much had also gone awry economically. When the bottom fell out of the stock market in 1929, Utah agriculture had been contributing little to national commerce. Nevertheless, some agricultural sectors marketed most of their products. Commercial surges in Utah in the first three decades of the century had involved sheep, cattle, poultry, fruit, dryland wheat, alfalfa seed, and sugar beets. Producers of these goods had a stake in the national economy by 1929.2^ 2* J. Howard Maughan, "A Resume of Community Settlement in Washington County, Utah," (Logan, 1935), p. 6, Land Use folder, Agriculture Planning Board Reports, Independent Commissions, SA; Mabel W. Nielsen and Audrie C. Ford, Johns Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;The Way We Saw It (Springville: Art City Publishing Co., 1971), p. 70; and interview by author with Reed Reynolds and Ileen Reynolds, January 12, 1985.

2' Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," pp. 21-23, 28. Utah's total yearly cash income from agriculture averaged $54,604,000 for 1926-30.

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A good example of southern Utah's blend of subsistence and commercial farming was Washington County agriculture. In 1914 a new, good road connecting the county with Salt Lake City and Los Angeles made fruit shipments to major urban markets possible.

County agricultural agents encouraged increased production and marketing. Wholesale houses in Salt Lake and Los Angeles also sent agents to the county to purchase fruit and vegetables. Yet commercialization remained limited: by 1928 farm size, production, and profits continued to be small, with only 1,900 of the county's 16,000 cultivated acres producing truck crops, fruits, or nuts.^° Those farmers who did market their products in the '20s and '30s suffered blistering defeat. Already low farm prices plummeted even more during the first five years of the depression, contributing to that defeat. National agricultural prices fell 40 percent between 1929 and 1934 as supply far outstripped demand. Meanwhile, industrial prices fell only 15 percent. Illustrative of this fact, a bushel of wheat which had sold for $1.03 in 1929 sold for 38 cents in 1932. At that price, ten bushels of wheat would buy only a pair of cheap shoes. Prices paid Utah farmers for agricultural commodities hit rock bottom in February 1933. Prices in 1933 were only 73 percent of parity (average farm prices for 1910-14). Prices then began to rise, until by 1937 they were 123 percentof the prewar level. T h e Roosevelt recession in 1938 again pushed prices down to 104 percent. At no time during the decade did prices approach the 139 percent level of the '20s, let alone the 170 percent level of World War I.^^ Falling livestock and land values accompanied declining prices.

Having invested when high prices prevailed, farmers could not recover their investments. Utah stockmen were particularly hard hit.

While Utah's sheep population declined only 15 percent from 1929 to 1933, the population's value plummeted 78 percent. Utah cattlemen owned 20,000 more cattle in 1933 than they had in 1929, yet the aggregate value of the stock was $ 17 million lower than it had been in 1927. Farmers also felt the crunch. In Washington County, land values that had escalated 189 percent between 1920 and 1929 fell 31 3" Clark Knowlton, "Washington County and the Depression," pp. 7-13, copy in the files of Charles S. Peterson, USU. " Richard N. Current, T. Harry Williams, and Frank Vriedel, American History: A Survey, 2d ed.

(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1967), p. 762; W. Preston Thomas and George T. Blanch, Drainage and Irrigation, Social, Economic, and Soil Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 3, Economic Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 273 (Logan, 1936), pp. 7-8; and W. Preston Thomas, George T. Blanch, and Edith Hayball, A Study of Farm Organization by Type of Farm in Sanpete and Sevier Counties, UAES bulletin no. 300 (Logan, 1941), p. 26.

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Cattle at a waterhole. Falling livestock prices in the early 1930s hurt Utah ranchers. USHS collections.

percent from 1930 to 1935. Farmers could neither pay taxes on their property nor repay their loans. Typical was the struggle of one young couple in the Uinta Basin, Fred and Loreen Wahlquist. In 1928 they "bought a bunch of cows for a high price." By 1931 prices were dropping, and the Wahlquists were offered $70.00 a head for their five best cows. Unwisely, they chose not to sell. Three years later, lacking feed for the cows, the Wahlquists sold them to the government for $16.00ahead.32

Low and decreasing farm production further complicated southern and eastern Utah's agricultural economy. Utah harvested its largest acreage of crops ever in 1922 and its greatest yield per acre in 1925. Following these peak years, production oscillated but diminished overall. The seven-year period from 1931 to 1937 drew yields lower than any period of like length since Brigham Young's time. Particularly hard hit was the state's alfalfa seed production. In 1925, Utah had produced 22 million pounds of alfalfa. Acre yields in the Delta area had averaged 6.4 bushels. Four years later, Utah 32 Merrill Stucki, "An Economic Study of Farmers' Cooperative Business Associations in Utah " (M.A. thesis. University of Utah, 1935), p p . 90, 101; Knowlton, "Washington County," p. 22; and Wahlquist, "Memories," p. 169.

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produced only 3 million pounds with annual acre yields in Delta reaching only 1.5 bushels for 1929-31. Drought more than any other factor constricted Utah's production during the thirties. Other contributing factors included soil problems, lack of crop rotation, and insect pests. Simultaneously, range problems caused livestock production to plummet 30-50 percent.^^ As farm production and prices fell, farm operation costs became exorbitant. Operating expenses, including hired labor, feed, seed, interest payments, taxes, land and water rent, vehicle costs, repairs, and livestock purchases, drained farm income. Farm prices plunged far more than costs for these items. A bushel of dry land wheat, for example, cost 76 cents to produce in 1926-27 and 68 cents to produce in 1933-34. Meanwhile, the national price per bushel of wheat fell from $1.03 in 1929 to 38 cents in 1932.^4 Costs of transporting goods to distant markets were among the most onerous operating expenses. In March 1933, 850-950 carloads of peas, cabbage, onions, and potatoes harvested the previous year still had not been shipped due to high transportation costs and low prices.

Utah's 1938 apricot and cherry crops largely rotted because of prohibitive shipping costs. Utah peach growers anticipated a harvest of 600-800 carloads of peaches that year. T o be competitive, those peaches had to be priced under $ 1.50 per bushel. T h e average costs of freighting and refrigeration alone amounted to 70 cents per bushel, far too high to make any profit on the crop. Producers in isolated areas where few highways or railroads existedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;most notably Daggett, Rich, San Juan, Duchesne, and Uintah countiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;suffered most acutely. They could ill support costs of transporting wheat, oats, barley, or corn to the nearest shipping facilities.^^ Farmers in some areas still made enough money to offset operating costs. In Summit County, a livestock producing region, the average farm in 1930 grossed $2,520 in cash. Farm expenditures at $1,391 left $1,129 for family expenditures, a sufficient amount for necessities. Farmers in other areas, though, had less luck. Annual " Walter U. Fuhriman, Some Trends in Utah's Agriculture, UAES bulletin no. 286 (Logan, 1939) pp. 9, 18, 20; and Thomas and Blanch, Economic Conditions, Delta Area, p. 6.

34 Current, Williams, and Friedel, American History, p. 784; Walker, Pioneering, p. 20; and Stucki, "Economic Study," pp. 87-88.

35 Stucki, "Economic Study," p. 74; Governor Henry H. Blood to A. J. Seitz, August 26, 1938; and Ward C Holbrook, Otto A. Wiesley, and Walter K. Granger to A. J. Seitz and O. J. Grimes, August 22, 1938 both in Department of Agriculture Correspondence, 1938-1940, Blood Papers, SA; and James H. Eager and A. F. Bracken, San Juan County Experimental Farm: Progress Report 1925-30, Inclusive, UAES bulletin no. 230 (Logan, 1931), pp. 5, 9.

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cash farm receipts in the Delta area for 1929-31 averaged $1,461, while average cash expenditures for a farm operation averaged $1,470.

F^armers in the Uinta Basin and Carbon and Emery counties faced similar difficulties.^^ A major component of operating expenses in these areas was drainage and irrigation taxation. It soared to exorbitant heights in the Delta area, largely as a result of drainage bond indebtedness.

During the teens and early twenties three of the area's drainage districts had floated two bonds, and the remaining district had floated three bonds to construct drainage systems. Costs eventually totalled far more than originally estimated: farmers in the area thus faced an unpayable yearly assessment of $11 per cultivated acre for forty years. From 1929 to 1931 the drainage districts succeeded in collecting less than 10 percent of these net annual assessments, forcing them to default on bond payments. Drainage and irrigation taxation in the other areas was less than in the Delta area, but still excessive. By 1932 all three of the major water projects with State Land Board loansâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Piute, central Utah, and Carbonâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;were battling "serious financial difficulties" because farmers could not meet their irrigation assessments.^^ Partly because drainage and irrigation districts were overcapitalized, tax delinquency ran 40 percent in rural Utah by 1932.

Delinquency in Kane, Duchesne, Garfield, and Wayne counties all topped 50 percent in that year. By 1933, 70 percent of Duchesne County's taxes were delinquent. The Thatcher-Magleby bill passed on March 1, 1933, extended the payment deadline for taxes accrued between 1928 and 1931 to January 1, 1935. A similar law passed in 1934 extended the deadline to May 1936. Notwithstanding this grace period, the county had taken control of nearly 65 percent of farms in the Delta area by 1936. Similarly, in another hard-hit area, Uintah County, 430 tax sales occurred in May 1936.^8 Mortgage as well as tax indebtedness plagued farmers in many regions. High interest rates on loans assumed in more prosperous times mocked efforts at payment. Daggett County's state land 36 Walker, Pioneering, p. 19; and Thomas and Blanch, Economic Conditions, Delta Area, p. 26.

3' O. W. Israelsen, Drainage and Irrigation, Soil, Economic, and Social Conditions, Delta Area, Utah: Division 1, Drainage and Irrigation Conditions, UAES bulletin no. 255 (Logan, 1935), pp. 9-11, 19,46-47; and JFM, Executive Secretary to Governor George H. Dern, to Hon. Reed Smoot, February 11, 1932, Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA. 38 Knowlton, "Washington County," pp. 29, 31; Maughan, "Continuation of Report," p. 36; Russell R. Keetch, "Annual Report of Extension Work, Uintah County, 1936," p. 7 USUA; and Bracken, "Utah Report," p. 16.

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appraiser, writing to the State Land Board, recounted the situation of a Mr. Twitchell who owed the state money on a small flock of sheep, a home, and a seventy-acre farm. Twitchell, who had lost his crops to drought in 1931 and could not sell his lambs, was not able to make payments on his loan. Many residents of Daggett County and of the state at large were in similar circumstances, the appraiser believed.^^ State Land Board and F'ederal Land Bank records corroborated the appraiser's belief. The Federal Land Bank reported in 1932 that 43 percent of its Utah loans were delinquent. Of 945 mortgages held by the State Land Board in February 1, 1935, 78 percent had fallen delinquent. Although the State Land Board insisted that "in no case have foreclosures been instituted for the reason of interest or principal delinquencies alone," it had foreclosed on 508 farms by February 1935. By that year, the Federal Land Bank in Utah had also foreclosed on $2,140,615 out of a total of $4,690,504 in loans. Other banks had likewise foreclosed on farms. Banks and real estate firms owned nearly one-third of all property in Millard County in 1934, largely as a result of foreclosures.^"^ Mortgage payments, taxes, irrigation and drainage assessments, and operating expenses bled farm income dry. Average farm labor income—the cash income from farming after farm expenses, taxes, and mortgage payments were deducted—amounted to minus $709 for the Delta area, $172 for Sanpete County, and $303 for Sevier County.

Farm labor income totaled $36 on Ashley Valley general farms, and minus $108 on Uintah Reservation general farms. Thirty-three percent of all Utah farms in 1929 had a gross income of under $ 1,000.

Two extension service studies estimated that in 1929-31 the average farm family needed at least $1,000 to cover family expenses. T o survive, farm families turned to off-farm labor where possible. Some made enough money to support themselves. Others did not.^^ Unable to earn enough money, much of the population applied for relief. Nationwide, over one-fourth of all rural families sought relief between 1930 and 1936. The figure in Utah was probably much 39 John S. Bennett to Mr. Mendenhall, State Land Office, February 9, 1932, Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA. '"' Knowlton, "Washington County," pp. 19, 24; "Data Pertaining to the Activities of the State Land Board, State of Utah," February 5, 1935, Land Board Correspondence, 1935, Blood Papers, SA; untitled State Land Board document. Land Board Correspondence, January-February 1932, Dern Papers, SA; and Bracken, "Report on Land-Use," p. 102.

•" Thomas and Blanch. Economic Conditions, Delta Area, pp. 25, 31 -32, 35; Thomas, Blanch and Hayball, Farm Organization in Sanpete and Sevier, p. 37; Blanch, Farm Organization in Uinta Basin, Utah, pp. 37, 47; Clawson et al., Types of Farming, p. 37; and Edith Hayball and W. Preston Thomas, Family Living Expenditures: Summit County, Utah, 1930, UAES bulletin no. 232 (Logan, 1931), p. 29.

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Range control experiment near Price in the late 1930s shows rice grass flourishing inside the fence (left). U.S. Soil Conservation Service photograph in USHS collections.

higher, for at the highest single point, in May 1934, 21 percent of the entire population was receiving relief. Figures escalated beyond this for some rural areas: 30 percent in Uintah County in July 1935, 71 percent in Duchesne County in June 1934, 53 percent in Millard County at one time, and 70 percent in Escalante in 1935.^2 T o summarize, serious economic problems hampered agriculture in southern, eastern, and western Utah during the 1920s and '30s. Among those problems were low farm prices, falling livestock and land values, and low production levels. Relatively high farm operating costs, mortgage payments, taxes, and irrigation and drainage expenses combined to further reduce farmers' and ranchers' earnings, forcing many onto relief. ''2 Carle C. Zimmerman and Nathan L. Wetten, 7?ura/ Families on Relief, W.P.A. Research Monograph no. XVII (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1938), p. xi; Richard D. Poll et al., eds., Utah's History (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), p p . 483, 487-88; S.R. DeBoer, "Uinta Basin," (n.p., 1936), in State Engineer 1935, Blood Papers, SA; Whornham, "Annual Report, 1935," p. 15; and Bracken "Report on Land-Use," p p . 118-19.

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For the nation at large, the 1920s exuded prosperity compared to the stark thirties. Real annual earnings in the twenties rose 11 percent, consumers enjoyed an increased selection of conveniences including appliances and automobiles at reduced prices, and the American dream of success attracted new disciples. Signs of prosperity even veiled the nation's agricultural sector, albeit thinly: farm expansion, including the plow-up of 5,260,000 virgin acres on the southern plains between 1925 and 1930, obfuscated the plight of the small farmer, caught in a vortex of high interest rates, dwindling markets, and declining farm prices. No such veil of expansion camouflaged rural distress in Utah: the number of acres under cultivation changed little between 1920 and 1930, and the rural farm population plummeted 19 percent. As the preceding discussion demonstrates, Utah's marginal agricultural regions were buckling long before the calamitous thirties. T h e twenties provided neither a vivid contrast nor a subtle prelude to the tragedy of the Great Depression. Rather, the stock market crash in October 1929, the subsequent depression, and the drought of 1934 only accentuated an agrarian tragedy well under way before then.^^ The difference between the twenties and the thirties lay not so much in agricultural conditions as in governmental responsiveness to those conditions, and particularly to the plight of small farmers.

Recognizing the plight of farmers in Utah's marginal agricultural regions and in the nation at large, the Resettlement Administration and other New Deal agencies sought to ameliorate rural problems.

For those living on arable land but lacking necessary machinery or water they proposed rural rehabilitation loans and small reclamation projects. For those living on submarginal land, they proposed governmental purchase and revegetation of their land, and government-engineered resettlement in economically viable, rural, suburban, and urban environments. Thereby they hoped to promote small family farms and simultaneously to stem land abuse. T h o u g h such massive reforms proved untenable, in southern, eastern, and western Utah at least, conditions seemed to warrant them."^"^ ÂŤ Bracken, "State Report on Land-Use," p. 29; Donald Worster, Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 94; William E. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-1932 (Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 178-203; and Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years: Workers in an Unbalanced Society (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), pp. 81-82. " Donald Holley, Uncle Sam's Farmers: The New Deal Communities in the Lower Mississippi Valley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), pp. 196-97, 272-73; and Resettlement Administration, First Annual Report (Washington, D.C.: G P O , 1936).

Japanese Americans and Keetley Farms: Utah's Relocation Colony

BY SANDRA C. TAYLOR

i6

I T WAS DURING THE LATTER DAYS OF March of last year that we suddenly set the date for our departure for Keetley, Wasatch County, Utah. We left Oakland . . . on Saturday afternoon . . . March 28th . . . taking the route via Sacramento. There were twenty one people in Dr. Taylor is professor of history at the University of Utah.

Above: Fred Wada, center, was the founder of the Japanese American colony at Keetley, Utah. Photograph from Survey Graphics, courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.

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our group and we traveled in two sedans and three trucks. T h e latter were loaded with our personal belongings and furnitures. I drove one of the sedans. T h a t night we stopped over at a motel in Truckee, California. It was a very nice and comfortable place, (and incidentally very expensive), and we all slept well. We spent Sunday night at a motor court in Winnemucca, Nevada. I still remember that we had dinner at a Chop Suey place in that town and they charged us fifteen cents for a small dish (not bowl, mind you) of rice . . . and each of us ate two to three (and even four) dishes of them too."^ Masao Edward Tsujimoto, the author of this statement, was a young man when he and a group of Japanese Americans set out from the Bay Area to farm a valley in the high Wasatch Mountains east of Salt Lake City in early March 1942. They were part of a migration of nearly five thousand people who, prompted by the army's "encouragement" of Japanese resettlement in areas east of the Pacific Coast, sought new homes. Voluntary resettlement was a fleeting attempt at solving the apparent problem posed by the presence of some 110,000 Japanese, citizens and aliens, on the West Coast. From many sectors came demands that Japanese Americans be removed from the coast because of their suspect loyalties and undoubtedly visible ethnicityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; an inescapable reminder of the countenances of the enemy that had struck without warning and destroyed the heart of America's Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor.

Few were successful in their attempts to move. Flostility along their travel routes forced many to sleep in their cars and made them desperate for gasoline. Others succeeded in leaving California and crossing Nevada but were unsuccessful in finding new residences and livelihoods in the states of the Intermountain West. Most eventually returned to the West Coast to await relocation to internment camps.

One small group that did succeed, in most unusual circumstances, was a little colony at Keetley, Utah. Its story is to be found in references in local newspapers and in the oral history of its founder, Fred Isamu Wada.2 Most interesting, however, is the chronicle of Masao Edward Tsujimoto, who wrote a lengthy document about the group's experiences the first year at Keetley as a letter to a fictitious ' Masao Edward Tsujimoto, "A Letter to Ophelia about Keetley Farms," manuscript dated 1943 in the Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement Study, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter cited as Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia").

2 Los Angeles County Public Library/Claremont Graduate School Joint Oral History Program, Fred Isamu Wada: Businessman, Community Leader, and Philanthropist (Oral History Program, Claremont Graduate School, Claremont, California, 1984).

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friend, Ophelia, a resident of the internment camp at Heart Mountain, Wyoming. T h e letter, in reality a forty-page narrative, is a detailed account of Tsujimoto's experiences; it became part of the documentation in the Japanese American Evacuation and Resettlement Study, a research project conducted at the University of California during the war.

In order to analyze the success of the Keetley settlement in the light of the overall failure of voluntary relocation, one must set its story in the context of World War II. T h e shock waves of the disaster at Pearl Harbor quickly reached the many communities of Nikkei, people of Japanese ancestry, who had settled on the West Coast of the United States since the turn of the century. Set apart by their ethnicity, perennial victims of discrimination and prejudice, the Japanese Americans had accepted their inferior status and had worked hard to establish a foothold in the country. They excelled at agriculture, especially small truck gardens, which they made productive even in the most barren of soils. Their very success prompted the jealousy of their neighbors, but despite legislation that had sought to prohibit aliens from owning land in California, the Issei and their American-born offspring, the Nisei, had succeeded in carving a place for themselves.

T h e war disrupted all that. Although initial fears of the Nikkei that they would be blamed and persecuted for Pearl Harbor were not realized in December 1941, pressure for action against them began to build in the early months of 1942. The findings presented in the secret Munson Report, which related the results of an investigation commissioned by the State Department to determine the loyalty of Japanese residents of the West Coast and Hawaii, had concluded that "there is no Japanese problem"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the people were loyal.^ Despite this, what Roger Daniels has termed "the myth of military necessity" soon prevailed over objections of the Department of Justice, and the wheels were set in motion for the largest peacetime movement of peoples by the federal government in American history."^ Although American racism and economic greed provided the backdrop, the military forced the decision to evacuate the Japanese, and the politicians complied. Lt. Gen. J. L. De Witt, in command of 3 Michi Weglyn, Years of Infamy: The Untold Story of America's Concentration Camps (New York: Morrow Quill, 1976), pp. 33-34. â&#x20AC;˘* Roger Daniels, Concentration Camps USA: Japanese Americans and World War II {New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971), p. 71.

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the Western Defense Command, Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy, provost marshal Maj. Gen. Allen W. Gullion, and Maj. Karl R. Bendetsen were the major villains of the piece, but it was President Franklin Delano Roosevelt who issued the infamous Executive Order 9066 which authorized relocation. The order was made public on February 20, 1942.^ Congress facilitated implementation, complementing the executive order with Public Law 503. DeWitt carried out his task by excluding all people of Japanese origin, aliens and citizens, from the West Coast. At first they were ordered out of an extensive coastal strip deemed "prohibited." Many took refuge in interior communities, only to be ousted again. De Witt then proclaimed the existence of two extensive areas along the coast. Military Areas 1 and 2, which encompassed the western halves of Washington, Oregon, and California, and the southern half of Arizona. Although no orders for mass evacuation were given at that time, the Western Defense Command encouraged Japanese to move from Military Area No. 1 and the California portion of Military Area No. 2. De Witt ordered Bendetsen to "employ all appropriate means to encourage voluntary migration."6 Thus, by the first week of March 1942 the stimulus had been provided for resettlementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;with virtually no governmental machinery set in place to expedite it.

The number of those who voluntarily sought to move has been determined by the change of address cards that were required of those leaving the two military areas after March 2. According to the findings of the Commission on Wartime Internment and Relocation of Civilians, 2,005 moved between March 2 and 27; and between March 27 and 29, when the voluntary phase ended, about 2,500 more cards were filed. De Witt said that although over 10,000 announced their intentions of moving, only 4,889 actually did. T h e commission found that of those, 1,963 went to Colorado (whose governor, William Carr, was unique in his hospitality to the unwelcome migrants.), 519 to Utah, 305 to Idaho, 208 to eastern Washington, and the rest elsewhere.'' However, for most such action was an imposs Jacobus tenBroek, Edward N. Barnhart, and Floyd W. Matson, Prejudice, War, and the Constitution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1954), pp. 103-13. See also the Report of the Commission on Wartime and Internment of Civilians, Personal Justice Denied (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1982), pp. 93-94, 101-4.

6 tl.S. Army, Western Defense Command and Fourth Army, Final Report: Japanese Evacuation from the West Coast, 1942 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1943), p. 41, as cited in tenBroek, Prejudice, p. 118. ' Personal Justice Denied, p. 104.

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^^ ^5 I ^ ^ ^ ^ ^k 1 ^ ****«' ""»^ a » l l J

sibility; they could not arrange their p e r s o n a l affairs fast enough, they lacked the funds to move on their own, and they did not know where to go, especially when they were overwhelmed by the rumors of local Above and below: Two in a series hostility or even mob violence.^ of Burma Shave signs of the 1940s Amid growing uncertainty and with the message "Slap the Jap with scrap iron." Courtesy of the fear, most elected to wait for the National Archives. government's next steps: a curfew, the prohibition after March 29 of travel, and then the "round u p " of 110,000 people into assembly centers and from there to the ten concentration camps in the interior.

T h e situation in Utah was similar to the other Intermountain states. A small Japanese population in the state dated from the census of 1890. T h e first residents had come to work in the sugar beet industry, on the railroad, and in the coal and copper mines. Some came as converts to the Mormon faith. By 1910 most of the two thousand Japanese worked in the sugar beet industry, although many still worked in the coal mines of Carbon County. After the agricultural depression of the 1920s devastated the sugar beet industry, most Nikkei switched to truck farming and fruit raising, and gradually some people moved to the cities. The census of 1940 revealed a decline of nearly a thousand Japanese from the previous decade's high of 3,269; economic instability had forced many to return to the West Coast.^ The Japanese community in Utah had many of the characteristics of minority settlements elsewhere: it was self-contained ^^i and self-sufficient, with its own • .* ^ 1 places of worship, shops, and ^"^^^ restaurants. If it did not melt into the predominantly Mormon culture around it, neither *U.S., Department of the Interior, War Relocation Authority, WRA: A Story of Human Conservation (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946), p. 26. ' Mamoru Iga, "Acculturation of Japanese Population in Davis County, U t a h " (Ph.D. dissertation. University of Utah, 1955); Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception: The Relocated Japanese Americans," in Roger Daniels, Sandra C. Taylor, and Harry H. L. Kitano, Japanese Americans: From Relocation to Redress Salt Lake City: Universtiy of Utah Press, 1986).

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did it cause friction. In fact, Japanese converts had their own ward.

The war and voluntary relocation brought Utah's attention to the so-called Japanese problem. Executive Order 9066 was popular around the country, and Utah was no exception. As historian Leonard Arrington has noted, Utah was not free from discrimination, but it did seem to have avoided the outright hostility that prevailed in California.^^ T o Utahns Japanese Americans were "Japs," and while the local community was tolerated, newcomers from the coast were not particularly welcome.

Individual Japanese, however, had been accepted and liked in the communities where they resided, and white residents regretted the impact of the war's dislocations on them. For example, the Park City Record noted on March 5, 1942, the suicide of one Ike Kow, who succumbed to carbon monoxide poisoning when he was dismissed from his job as a section foreman on the railroad, a position he, an Issei, had held for thirty-five years. T h e paper reported that he had left his automobile to his loyal housekeeper, and it commented that he was "held in high esteem by the railroad fraternity in Park City."^^ Nevertheless, several thousand Japanese from the West Coast did come to Utah, either passing through on their way farther east or seeking homes here. Even though they met signs saying " N o Japs Wanted Here," they persisted. Some got help from the Salt Lake Japanese community; other did not.^^ of those who settled in Utah, the largest number joined the "Nihonmachi," or Japan town, of Salt Lake City, but it was the tiny settlement of Keetley, midway between Heber City and Park City in the Wasatch Mountains, that became a wartime home to the largest single group to resettle anywhere outside of the West Coast.

Keetley itself was typical of the small towns that dotted the mining districts of Utah. It had begun as a mining shaft, the portage of a drainage tunnel from the Park City Mining District. When rancher George A. Fisher built a town at the site of the Park Utah mine in 1923, he named it after John B. (Jack) Keetley, the supervisor of the drain tunnel project and a former pony express rider. Fisher, appropriately enough, became Keetley's mayor. Life in the small settlement revolved around the mines, for the area was rich in silver. '" Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception." " Park City Record, March 5, 1942.

'2 Helen Z. Papanikolas and Alice Kasai, "Japanese Life in Utah," Peoples of Utah, ed. Helen Z. Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), p. 353.

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lead, and zinc. Fisher's fields were fertile, and water from the drain tunnel was available for irrigation. T h e Union Pacific railroad built a line to the town, and with this stimulus population grew, reaching a high of between five and six hundred in the late 1920s. Fisher himself built five homes and an apartment house for the miners.

However, the depression of the 1930s hit the mining industry hard and the town began to decline. Soon it settled into a modest existence, its hundred or so residents profiting from their location on Highway 40, a major interstate route.^^ When the United States entered World War II the people of Utah quickly felt its impact. While Utah Mormons were not as Japanophobic as their compatriots on the West Coast, they were as outraged by Pearl Harbor as other Americans, and they shared the nation's suspicions about the loyalties of Japanese Americans. In addition, the Mormons had always been chary of in-migrations of non-Mormon groups that might upset the homogeneity of their culture, and they also feared adding to unemployment in the state.^"^ However, the war brought a labor shortage, particularly in agriculture, which led to a growing interest in using voluntary migrants from the West Coast as agricultural laborers. In early March the Utah State Farm Bureau Federation met to consider the problem of wartime antipathy. The executive secretary of the federation, Selvoy J. Boyer, suggested that Japanese nationals from the West Coast and local unemployed Japanese could be accepted as farm labor if the state and the army supplied adequate "special policing."^^ Most Eltahns adopted a wait-and-see attitude.

When voluntary evacuees arrived early in March 1942, the Japanese American Citizens' League, a Nisei organization founded in 1930, attempted to provide some assistance to those who could not immediately find work. T h e organization voluntarily registered the refugees and worked with the Utah Welfare Commission to provide assistance.^^ But even this group was wary, lest hostility toward the newcomers jeopardize its own precarious position in the communities of Salt Lake and Ogden. When in the succeeding weeks more Japanese entered Zion the JACL became even more active. Its '3 Leslie S. Raty, Under Wasatch Skies: A History of Wasatch County, 1858-1900 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1954), pp. 30-32; Wasatch Couny Daughters of Utah Pioneers, How Beautiful upon the Mountains (Salt Lake City: Deseret New Press, 1963), pp. 1109-16. '^ Arrington, "Utah's Ambiguous Reception."

15 Deseret News, March 3, 1942.

'6 Deseret News, March 6, 1942.

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Some Jaf)anese Americans avoided interment by relocating away from the West Coast voluntarily early in 1942. USHS collections, courtesy of Dr. Edward 1. Hashimoto.

spokesman, Mike Masaoka, visited with Gov. Herbert B. Maw to work out plans for assistance, and the league began to search for areas of the state where the primarily agricultural refugees might find farm work. Despite the JACL's efforts to ease the situation, tensions mounted, and a sociologist at the University of Utah, Elmer R. Smith, made an attempt to achieve harmony by speaking at a public forum to promote ideals of justice and fair play in the community.^^ At this point only a few venturesome Nikkei were moving east, for most could not afford the gamble. It was in this context that the Keetley settlement project originated. Fred Isamu Wada, a prosperous produce dealer from Oakland, traveled to Utah seeking a place to settle his family to avoid internment. Wada, whose wife Masako was from the Ogden area, first visited Roosevelt, in Duchesne County, whose residents had expressed interest in obtaining Japanese farmers to work the land. On his way through the mountains Wada met George Fisher, mayor of Keetley. Wada traveled on to Duchesne, but concluded that although the reception he received there was very hospitable, the town's location was too remote from the railroad to provide access to markets for produce. He returned to Keetley and struck a deal with Fisher, who wanted laborers for his land. Wada gave Fisher a down payment of $500 to lease some 3,500 acres, and the mayor agreed to visit the Bay Area to see how Wada was regarded in Oakland. If Fisher remained " Deseret News, March 17 and 18, 1942.

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enthusiastic, Wada would then lease the land and move a group of Japanese Americans to Keetley. ^^ When the news of Fisher's offer reached the residents of Wasatch and Summit counties they were outraged.^^ Even before the announcement of the project county officials had expressed their oppostion to the arrival of any West Coast Japanese, and Park City residents reacted with unanimous opposition. The city council passed a resolution condemning Fisher's offer: "If twenty-five or thirty Japanese families were brought into this district, in a short period living standards will be lowered. . . . Since we are at war with Japan this would cause much dissension among the citizens of the community. . . ." T h e good citizens of Park City went on record urging the governor to do "everything in his power" to stop Fisher's plan.2o Residents of Heber City were equally dismayed.They met with Governor Maw to voice their opposition to the movement of any Japanese, alien or citizen, to the state. Maw had earlier met Fred Wada and had told him that he would allow Japanese to settle only in counties that approved itâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and only Duchesne County had.^^ Although Fisher had indicated that he would only accept "citizen Japanese" and that he could provide them with adequate culinary water as well as housing,^^ most local residents were apparently not appeased.

Despite this local opposition, Nikkei refugees from the coast were not totally unwelcome in Utah, as Duchesne's attempts to attract them suggest. Wada had been very convincing; Duchesne residents still hoped to bring in agricultural workers, and the county commissioner announced on March 27 that the people of his county considered it a "matter of patriotic duty" to accept refugees.

However, their isolation did not attract the displaced California Japanese.2^ Fisher's trip to California convinced him of Fred Wada's integrity, and at that point Wada began to recruit colonists. He decided to make the colony a nonprofit cooperative enterprise. The '* Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."

'9 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 353; Salt Lake Tribune, Wasatch Wave (Heber City), March 20, 1942.

20 Park City Record, March 19, 1942 2' Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 46 22 Wasatch Wave, March 20, 1942.

23 Wasatch Wave, March 27, 1942.

March 19 and 22, 1942;

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people he recruited had various personal reasons for joining. One feared being returned to Japan to the navy he had deserted; others had retarded or handicapped children and did not want to take them to a camp. None were well off; the rich could not abandon their possessions so quickly. The colonists pooled their machinery and wares and contributed some cash to the enterprise. Wada paid Fisher $7,500 of his own money to lease the land and its abandoned buildings. Wada, incidentally, lost everything else that he owned in Oakland when he, his wife, and three children departed.^^ Wada's little group left California for Keetley on March 26, 1942.

By the last week of March fifteen families had reached Utah. They were followed by a few more from San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, and Santa Barbara.^^ Former Salt Lake resident Frank Endo was among the settlers; he brought not only his twelve brothers and sisters and their families but also food and goods from Oakland.^e The one hundred thirty Keetley colonists arrived just in time: on March 30 the army's freeze order went into effect. There would be no more voluntary resettlement.

Tsujimoto's account of the Wada party's trek to Keetley reflects the excitement of his youth. According to him, the residents had no trouble crossing the desert to reach Utah. He described the patriotic motives of Wada, who was his brother's brother-in-law. Wada's two brothers had enlisted in miliary service, but since family obligations kept him at home, Fred had decided to find some unused land, and, as Tsujimoto put it, "try to break all records at raising crops, without costing Uncle Sam a red cent." Wanting to avoid becoming a ward of the government, Wada intended to raise food for freedom.^^ He considered settling in Keetley preferable to going to camp, but he related much later how shocked the settlers were when the snow melted and they saw the inhospitable soil they had contracted to farm.28 "When I first saw it the snow had leveled everything. When the snow melted it was all hilly with rocks and sagebrush. Hell, we had to move fifty tons of rocks to clear 150 acres to farm."29 24 Galen Fisher, "Japanese Colony: Success Story," Survey Graphic (Februrary 1943): 41 -43; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 50-54, 58.

25 Wasatch Wave, April 3, 1942.

26 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 354.

2' Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."

28 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada,pp. 54-59.

29 A Tribute to Fred Isamu Wada, published privately by Omni Bank, Los Angeles, November 14, 1984.

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Although Fisher and Wada emphasized their patriotic goals, a few local residents still opposed them. No sooner had the Japanese Americans settled in Fisher's dwellings than local mine workers tossed a stick of dynamite from a car at a shed adjacent to their lodgings. No one was hurt, but the incident had wide repercussions.

It prompted Governor Maw to urge caution; he announced that he planned to attend a meeting of the governors of the ten western states the following week in Salt Lake City to discuss the resettlement of West Coast Japanese. Maw called the Keetley incident an example of what could happen if Japanese settled in areas where they were not wanted and had no federal supervision. Although he decried Fisher's irresponsibility in bringing Wada's group in without first gaining community support, Maw urged local residents to show a "humanitarian attitude" toward the newcomers, whom he called "for the most part good people."^^ Privately, he had told Wada to take the group back to California, but Wada ignored him.^^ T o young Tsujimoto even the act of violence was an aberration.

He reported to "Ophelia" that even though the local residents had not been anxious for their arrival, one family had been kind to them; the husband, a naval reserve officer, had become acquainted with Japanese Americans when he was stationed on the West Coast. T h e other residents' coolness stemmed only from their never having known Japanese Americans before, Tsujimoto told Ophelia. Although the dynamite blast and the one that followed it a few nights later were meant to intimidate them, there had been no further signs of hostility. In fact, he wrote, "as time passed by, we became more and more friendlier with our neighbors." He described how the Japanese boys had started playing baseball and basketball after work with the white youths of Keetley; they were then invited to the birthday party of one of the boys. When his mother asked her son how he liked playing with "those J a p boys," he responded, "They're not J a p boys . . . we're all Americans."^2 Instead of publicizing the violence, the Park City Record featured a story two weeks later about how happy the new settlers were in their homes. T h e paper cited Fisher's remark that "those who doubt the sincerity of the Japanese Americans in support of the war 3" Deseret News, March 31, 1942. Wada identified the bombers as local mine workers; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 46.

3' Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 66.

32 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."

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effort do not truly understand the situation. . . . They are not only willing, but eager to help." T h e article stressed that the migrants had come at their own expense, and it concluded by emphasizing Fisher's view that local residents had received them favorably.^^ It appeared that the tide had turned, and Keetley's new residents had been accepted.

Within the next few months relations continued to improve.

T h e Park City Record reported that Fisher had addressed the local Kiwanis Club in late Mayâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an indication that he had not been ostracized for his Japanese initiative. Fisher proudly told the gathering that the Salt Lake YMCA had commended him for the fine work he was doing with "these people" and hoped he would continue since "proper understanding" was most necessary. The mayor of Keetley told the Kiwanians that the Japanese were certainly better off producing food than they would be "if herded in a concentration c a m p . . . costing taxpayers a thousand dollars a day."^^ A month later the Park City paper carried a story from the Salt Lake Telegram which, it said, had run nearly a page of illustrations on the activities at Keetley, including pictures of Fred Wada with the superintendent of the New Park Mining company. The Telegram reported that the new residents had had no trouble with their neighbors, who had gradually accepted them. T h e Japanese Americans hoped to pay off their lease and to show a profit; their children, meanwhile, planned to enter the local schools in the fall. A flag flying at Keetley junction proclaimed the group's motto: "Food for Freedom. "^^ T h e Japanese first busied themselves repairing the abandoned buildings in which they resided. Once the spring snow began to melt they cleared the sagebrush from the land, dug out the rocks by hand, and then began to plant a large truck garden with lettuce and strawberries. They raised chickens (which they quickly ate) and pigs and goats. T h e two experienced farmers among them directed the work. But the season was short; snow fell again on September 9}^ Although the farmers toiled seven days a week, there were other activities too. T h e first thing they had built was a large Japanese bath for the tub Wada had hauled from California. T h e women knitted 33 Park City Record, April 16, 1942.

3" Park City Record, May 21, 1942.

35 Park City Record, June 25, 1942.

36 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia;" Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 68.

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"Food for Victory" was the patriotic slogan of the Japanese Americans raising vegetables in Keetley, Utah. Photograph from Survey Graphics, courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.

socks for the soldiers with the "wife of a very prominent Heber City physician." Some attended church services provided by the Reverend Edward White of Park City. After White left for Wyoming they were visited by Galen W. Fisher of Berkeley, a prominent Congregationalist who knew Wada and had long supported Japanese Americans; the Reverend Ernest Chapman and a Reverend Ota of Salt Lake City; and the Reverend Arnold Katsuo Nakajima, formerly of the Bay Area. Some of the children attended the Mormon church in Heber City, where they learned the tenets of Mormonism and its history.^^ As time passed, the composition of the community changed.

Some of the men who had been interned by the Justice Department at the outbreak of the war were released to join their families; among these new arrivals was Tsujimoto's father. When girls graduated from high school they left for Salt Lake City to take jobs as domestics, and a group of about thirty residents moved to Sandy, south of Salt Lake City, to begin their own farming project in the warmer valley.

Occasionally, soldiers on leave would visit their families at Keetley, including Tsujimoto's elder brother, Katsumi, now a sergeant.^s

3' Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia.

38 Ibid.

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A further sign of the community's acceptance was a visit in late May of a reporter and a photographer from Salt Lake City. The June 6 issue of the Salt Lake Telegram featured a picture story of Wada's colony, and the Park City Record printed excerpts a week later.3^ T o Tsujimoto the pictures themselves were the occasion for even more good humor. He sent them to his brother in the army in Texas, and one of his buddies, seeing pictures of attractive women, asked Tsujimoto to arrange correspondence between them. T h e youthful author giggled over the fact that the soldier had picked a married woman.^^ The men of Keetley had to be enterprising, for the Fisher farm was unable to support them all. They farmed and harvested the ranchlands, but they also contracted to work on a sugar beet ranch near Spanish Fork. They labored there during the week, leaving the women and children to tend the Keetley crops. Resident Ted Nagata recalled how hard the work was and how much effort he put into the task to uphold the honor of the Keetley group and to prove to the others that he was not a young weakling. Six or seven men also worked on a seventy-five-acre fruit orchard and produce farm in Orem, where they helped raise fruit, raspberries, and truck garden vegetables.^^ Those who remained in Keetley were intensely busy during the summer months. Tsujimoto recounted how "every day white farmers came to Keetley" to ask for help with the harvest; although they were already short-handed, they helped out when they could. Even the young children helped with berries and vegetables. T h e first year the crop was good, and the Keetley farmers not only supplied local needs and those of Salt Lake City but also shipped goods as far as the Topaz relocation camp. T h e hills around were leased out for the raising of cattle (a sheep-raising project was vetoed by Fisher), and they kept milk cows whose output was sold to the Hi-Land Dairy in Murray.

They kept the irrigation ditches free of weeds to conserve the precious water, and the boys complained mightily about the deer flies and ticks. As fall set in they were busy harvesting and canning their crops, instructed in the latter task by the Mormon cooperative in Heber City.42 39 Salt Lake Telegram, June 6, 1942; Park City Record, June 25, 1942. 'â&#x20AC;˘" Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." '" Information from Ted Nagata; Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." ^2 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."

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The northeast corner of Topaz, Utah, with the hospital and military police barracks in the background. Photograph courtesy of Leonard J. Arrington.

In September the first residents of the Tanforan Assembly Center, south of San Francisco, were moved to the Topaz relocation center at Delta. T h e Keetley community was happy to have friends and relatives so near; the internees included one of Tsujimoto's brothers. Keetley residents visited the camp many times. Tsujimoto commented only that he now knew what life must be like at Heart Mountain where his friend was interned. Gradually some of the residents of the camps at Topaz, Grenada, Minidoka, and Manzanar who were furloughed for agricultural work came through the Keetley colony on their way to other farms.''^ Wada's impressions of internment were harsh; he thought most internees lazy for not wishing to join him, and he recollected that they all sat around being entertained and fed.'*'* The games and frolics of summer soon passed. Although many members of the Keetley group had been strangers when they came to Utah, they were now becoming close friends. But they were not without their own divisions. Tsujimoto told his friend how they had sent a "poor Kibei sucker" out into the woods with a sack to "hunt for snipe," and he stayed out half the night before catching onto the practical joke.'*^ Kibei, educated in Japan, often got along poorly with the very American Nisei. But aside from such jokes, the community was harmonious. ^3 Ibid.; additional information from Ted Nagata. " Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, p. 70. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘5 Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia."

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When winter came, those who had been farming elsewhere returned to Keetley for the winter. But idleness meant no income, so some took odd jobs and some went to work in the mines. Wada persuaded the army to permit the employment of Keetley Japanese in defense jobs in Salt Lake City. They also got fingerling trout from Sen. Abe Murdock, which they raised.'*^ The children, meanwhile, enjoyed playing in the snow, ice skating, and skiingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;new sports for the former Californians. Others played basketball, joining the Salt Lake JACL. All the children attended school, some in Heber City, some in Park City. Tsujimoto noted that "here in Wasatch County the Nisei kids get along and associate a lot with their white classmates." However, he noted that the group in Sandy had not been so well received. A Nisei high school basketball player there was asked to leave the team "due to public sentiment." Tsujimoto commented, "I'm sure that no such incidents will ever happen at Wasatch High School here." As winter passed, Tsujimoto looked forward to spring and another season of raising "Food for Freedom.'"*^ Keetley's agricultural enterprises met with mixed success. They could raise lettuce and other truck vegetables, but the cost of transporting them to Salt Lake was high. T h e second year they raised rutabagas, potatoes, and onions, but the cost of bags was more than the price paid by the army for these crops. An attempt to raise hogs failed when the animals all died of disease. T h e residents were able to provide for their own needs, except for meat and staples, but the community had its greatest success as a way-station, a stopping point for people in transit from their West Coast homes or the camps to other destinations.^^ Keetley provided a sharp contrast to the camp at Topaz, 135 miles to the southwest, where several thousand less fortunate people of Japanese ancestry spent the war years.'^^ Although Wada disparaged the lack of initiative of the Topaz internees, internment was hard on incentive. Many did leave for work elsewhere, but others feared the hostility of the white community. T h e residents of Keetley were entrepreneurs who were able to profit from their adversity. They rose above local racism, established themselves in rural Utah, and at " Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 64-66; Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." " Tsujimoto, "Letter to Ophelia." "â&#x20AC;˘8 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 73-75. ^9 On Topaz, see Leonard J. Arrington, The Price of Prejudice (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1962).

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least broke even. They did not want to be a burden and were not.^° When the war ended, the members of the Keetley colony remained to harvest the crop. About two-thirds of them then returned to their former homes in California, while one-third remained in Utah, joining the resident community, which was also augmented by some former Topaz residents. The 1950 census listed an increase of 1,183 Japanese American residents in the state.

The Keetley colony's residents scattered. Skip Tabata had come to Salt Lake City in the winter of 1944 to look for work; he remained to do gardening and eventually got into automobile mechanics at Strong Motors. He courted Mary Yamada, whom he had met at Keetley, and brought her back from California to be his wife.^^ Fred Wada was offered a position working for the American government in Japan, but he decided to return to California; his family settled in the mild climate of Los Angeles. He entered the wholesale produce market again and soon owned his own market, beginning again what would become a very successful career in the produce business. Wada became a member of the Harbor Commission, supported the Olympics and was active in the production of the 1984 Olympic Games, and after his retirement from the produce business became chairman of Japanese Health Enterprises, owning and operating four nursing homes for Issei.^2 Masao Edward Tsujimoto returned to San Francisco where he became a pharmacist. His sister Ruth married Harry T. Hasegawa and remained in Salt Lake City. The white residents of Keetley continued their prewar pattern of life, that of a sleepy little rural town. George Fisher remained mayor until his death in 1952; that same year the post office was discontinued when the postmaster of twenty-eight years died.^^ jj^ t^^ 1980s Keetley is little more than a road sign.

The legacy of Keetley remains, however, testimony to the fact that some Japanese Americans could overcome the iniquities of relocation. They survived in alien surroundings and lived among their white neighbors in harmony. Park City residents overcame their racism and suspicions and accepted them. A small victory, perhaps, yet an important component in Utah's multiracial heritage.

50 Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 74-76, 82.

5' Interview with Skip Tabata, Salt Lake City, November 1984.

52 Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life," p. 359; Oral History, Fred Isamu Wada, pp. 83-87; letter to author from Fred I. Wada, February 19, 1985.

53 Daughters of Utah Pioneers, How Beautiful upon the Mountains, p. 1116.

A Utahn Abroad: Parley P. Christensen's World Tour, 1921-23

BY J O H N R. SILLITO

one of the most conservative states in the nation, as its high vote totals for Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984 attest. Notwithstanding contemporary reality, a radical left-wing minority has always been a little-known yet real part of P O L I T I C A L L Y SPEAKING, U T A H TODAY IS

Mr. Sillito is the archivist at Weber State College, Ogden.

Above: Parley P. Christensen.

Courtesy of author.

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Utah's body politic. Still, most Utahns today are probably unfamiliar with that heritage and unaware that in 1920 a Salt Lake City attorney and political activist. Parley P. Christensen, was the presidential nominee of the leftist Farmer-Labor party and a selfproclaimed radical and champion of the Bolshevik regime in Soviet Russia or that he undertook a world tour that gave him a rare opportunity to engage in a series of conversations with the architect of the Bolshevik revolution, V. I. Lenin.^ T h e series of events that led to these meetings and this little-known chapter of Utah history began in the summer of 1920.

T h e weather in Chicago in July 1920 was hot and muggy, matched only by the heat in the convention hall. Inside, delegates from the National Labor party and the Committee of Forty-Eight met separately but hoped to merge into a new third party. A call to organize politically brought to Chicago an assortment of populists, reformers, labor leaders, and others seeking to "unite workers of hand and brain, from factory and farm" at a time when the American left seemed confused and leaderless. The Socialist party, which had dominated the American left for twenty years, was weakened by disagreements over American involvement in World War I and by governmental censorship and repression. Now the Socialist party was split over the question of the possibility of revolution in the United States. Although virtually all party members supported recognition of the new Soviet regime, the left-wing Socialists bolted the party, claiming to be the spokesman for American communism.

In turn, the left-wing itself fractured, and two groups emergedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Communist party and the Communist Labor party. Eventually these two communist groups merged to form the Communist Party USA, which still exists.

The diversity of those attending the Chicago meetings guaranteed heated debate if not discord. For three days the wilted and perspiring delegates worked at amalgamating and drafting a platform. Once this was accomplishedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;despite large defections among the Committee of Forty-Eight who disagreed with several platform demandsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the delegates formed the Farmer-Labor party and turned to the business of nominating a presidential candidate. Most assumed the nominee would be Sen. Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin.

When La F^ollette turned down the presidential nomination because ' Information about Christensen can be found in the author's "Parley P. Christensen: A Political Biography, 1869-1954" (M.A. thesis. University of Utah, 1977).

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he believed the platform was too radical, the field of possible nominees was wide open. Such well known names as Henry Ford, Jane Addams, and Socialist leader Eugene V. Debs were mentioned along with New York lawyer Dudley Field Malone.

One of those delegates favoring both amalgamation and the nomination of La Follette was Utah lawyer and political activist Parley P. Christensen, who was known initially by only a handful of his fellow delegates. But at one particularly tumultuous point in the proceedings, Christensen was selected to serve as chairman of the convention. His fair, firm handling of the chaotic, and at times acrimonious, discussions attracted the attention of his colleagues.

Christensen, who stood well over six feet tall, was handsome, articulate, and genial, and he conveyed the impression of being in charge without seeming dictatorial. Moreover, he appeared at the convention each day in a freshly pressed white suit. When the time came to select a presidential nominee, in the words of one observer, "all eyes turned to the man clad in pristine white."2 T h o u g h Parley P. Christensen was unknown nationally, the presidential nomination of the Farmer-Labor party was the zenith, not the beginning, of his political career. From 1900 to 1912 Christensen was an active Republican, serving as a party officer. Salt Lake County attorney, and unsuccessful aspirant for Congress on four occasions. In 1912, chafing because of the control of the Utah GOP by Reed Smoot and his "Federal Bunch," Christensen joined other insurgent Republicans in bolting the party and allying with the Bull Moose Progressive crusade of former President Theodore Roosevelt. T w o years later, running on the Progressive ticket, Christensen was elected to the Utah House of Representatives where he championed the rights of labor and advocated reform of Utah's electoral laws, stressing the need for an open primary law.

By 1919, however, the Progressive party was defunct, and only a small band of adherentsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;primarily the Committee of Forty-eightâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; remained to carry on T R ' s crusade. Like them, only more leftist in his views, Christensen sought a new political alternative to the Republicans and the Democrats. It was this desire that led him to affiliate with the Committee of Forty-eight and later to help form the Utah Labor party in May 1919. These affiliations brought him to the Chicago convention, which culminated in his nomination.

2 Bruce Bliven, Fix>e Million Words Later (New York: John Day, 1970), p. 178.

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As a presidential candidate Christensen waged a vigorous effort, crisscrossing the country and logging some 30,000 miles advocating suffrage for women, equality and civil rights for blacks, open ballot and media access to minor parties, demilitarization of our foreign policy, and breaking up monopoly capitalism, which he believed dominated American economic, social, and political life. Moreover, Christensen was a strong advocate of American recognition of the new Soviet regime in Russia. On election day the Utahn polled over a quarter-million votes, though he was on the ballot in less than half the states. What's more, Christensen opposed not only Republican Warren G. Harding and Democrat James M. Cox but also the best known American radical of his day, Eugene V. Debs, the leader of the American Socialist party. Debs made this, the last of his five campaigns for the presidency, from a jail cell in Atlanta where he was incarcerated for violating the Espionage Act. T h o u g h Christensen's bid for the presidency failed, he believed that the Farmer-Labor party represented an idea whose time had come. And on election eve he pledged to do all that he could to make it a factor in American politics. His plans were changed in 1921, however, when he embarked on a world tour that deprived him of his opportunity to do organizational work for the FLP but provided him a unique opportunity to visit the world during the reconstruction period after the end of the "war to end all wars." As a result of that trip Christensen was one of a small number of Americans who visited Soviet Russia, saw the effect of the Bolshevik revolution firsthand, and met with its chief architectâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;V. I. Lenin. The trip proved to be an important turning point in the political career of Parley Christensen.

The series of events that led to his tour began in December 1920 when the former presidential nominee visited party headquarters in Chicago to attend meetings of the FLP national committee. Christensen served on a subcommittee with party chairman John H. Walker, national secretary Frank Esper, and Robert Buck, editor of the party newspaper, the New Majority, that was charged with the responsibility of formulating a program to make the party a permanent factor in national politics. T h e group recommended that the party establish yearly dues of six dollars and "hire men and women of good report and ability" to organize the party throughout the country. Christensen shared in the optimism that characterized these meetings and predicted a bright future for the party. T h o u g h his prophecy proved untrue, his participation demonstrated a

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tendency not always shown by political leaders to deal with the "nuts and bolts" affairs of a party as well as be its ideological spokesman.^ In January, prior to returning to Salt Lake City, Christensen told party leaders that he intended to return to Chicago in the near future, take up residence, and open a law office. T h e former nominee believed that such a move would assist him in taking the active party role he envisioned.

In June, however, FLP officials announced that Christensen would head a delegation scheduled to visit Europe and the Soviet Union. Party leaders indicated that the trip would have a twofold purpose: to acquire firsthand information on conditions in these countries and to determine the steps necessary to reestablish trade relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. While it was not publicly stated at the time, apparently FLP leaders also viewed the trip as a way of building interest in their movement among Soviet leaders, particularly Lenin.'^ Christensen downplayed the significance of the Soviet visit itself, saying that the possibility of making such a trip had been in his mind for some time. Furthermore, he emphasized that the primary purpose of the trip was to study firsthand the general economic situation in Europe and particularly the Danish system of cooperative distribution of agricultural commodities. Arriving in Chicago in July, Christensen spent several days conferring with party leaders before leaving for Europe on July 9. Due to difficulty with the government in obtaining passports for the other delegates, he made the trip alone.

Christensen spent considerable time in Denmark studying, as he had indicated he would, the Danish cooperative system, and came away enthusiastic about what he saw. Comparing the efforts of Danish farmers with their American counterparts, Christensen noted: The Danes are years ahead of us in the intelligent marketing of agricultural products. Whereas the American farmer gets less than half of what the consumer pays, the Dane gets nearly three fourths. This is due largely to the splendid government aid and advice available to both in the production and the distribution of the goods.^ 3 New Majority, January 1, 1921. ^ Details were gathered by Theodore Draper in a conversation ^^^^ American Communist eade^ Earl Browder. See Theodore Dx?^p^r, American Communism and the Soviet Union (New York. Viking, 1968), p. 448.

5 Deseret News, July 19, 1923.

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Parley P. Christensen, right, with a Russian escort. Christensen part of November 1921 in the U.S.S.R. Courtesy of author.

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While traveling in Denmark he took advantage of an opportunity to visit the areas where his family had its roots. Journeying to the northern tip of the country, from which his family had emigrated some sixty years before, Christensen visited the family home in Hjorring where his father was born and reported that the house "was still standing, having been altered little in construction during the seventy-eight years since his father's birth."^ While in Denmark Christensen became attracted to something which would hold a fascination for him for the rest of his lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Esperanto. Invented by the Polish linguist L. L. Zamenhof, Esperanto is a synthetic language, designed to facilitate communication and trade, and predicated on a belief that world peace and cooperation would come more rapidly without language barriers.

Christensen was impressed with both the versatility and practicality of the language when he heard it used at a party "given by some of the working class people" in his honor. As he would frequently relate, there were nine nationalities represented, yet those in attendance â&#x20AC;˘* Reedly Exponent (California), September 23, 1921.

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were able to mingle and converse "fluently and easily all evening in Esperanto."

During the remainder of his life Christensen was an active practitioner and teacher of the language, maintaining contacts with numerous Esperanto organizations both in the United States and abroad."^ He lectured on Esperanto and proclaimed it "one of the most significant forces in the world in promoting international understanding."^ His commitment to Esperanto was an important aspect of his growing internationalist sentiment. T h r o u g h o u t the 1920 presidential campaign he had argued that citizens of the world were members of one family and that all barriers to international cooperation should be eliminated. This commitment would remain a fundamental aspect of his thinking throughout his later political career.

Christensen continued his travels through Europe, spending several weeks in Germany studying economic conditions before he arrived in the Soviet Union in November 1921. Always a strong advocate of the Soviet experiment, Christensen had written President Woodrow Wilson in December 1920: During the campaign I addressed thousands of my countrymen of all classes and practically without exception they were friends of Russia.

At every meeting I spoke of Russia, and the mere mention of the word was electrifying. And when I urged, as I always did, the recognition of Russia, the affirmative response was tremendous.^

The experiences Christensen had in Russia confirmed his previously held view. Emerging as a forceful advocate of recognition, understanding, and assistance for the Soviets, Christensen was particularly vocal in calling for strong American-Russian commercial alliances. He was convinced that the Soviets were "anxious" to exchange furs and other goods for "food stuffs and other badly needed materials for the rehabilitation of the country."^^ Like his commitment to Esperanto, Christensen retained his admiration for Russia throughout his life.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of Christensen's Russian visit was the interview he had with Lenin. While staying at a palatial ' Bruce Bliven, "A T o u r of the World in 800 Days," New York Commercial-Advertiser,

May 26,

1923.

8 Ibid. ^ Christensen to Woodrow Wilson, December 28, 1920, General Records of the Department of State, decimal file 661.1115/235, RG 59, National Archives, Washington, D.C. '" New Majority, December 10, 1921.

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A highlight of Parley P. Christensen's world tour was his meeting V. 1. Lenin. The Utahn was impressed by the Russian leader's knowledge of U.S. politics. Courtesy of author.

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guest home reserved for foreign visitors, Christensen received a telephone call advising him that he should stay indoors because a very important message was forthcoming. At eight o'clock that evening, word arrived that Lenin wished to see the American at his office the next morning. Accompanied by an interpreter, Christensen left for the meeting in the Kremlin. He later described the scene: We went to the Kremlin through the Trotski gate . . . . T h e password was given and we walked up an incline over a one-time moat to the thick walls of the Kremlin where a soldier took our pass using a bayonet as a letter file.

We passed over the cobbled roads where .. . Czars . . . once trod, and passed the prized collection of ornamented cannon, prizes recalling Napoleon, to enter the white building with the squat dome over which now flies the red flag of the Soviet republic.

Without formality we passed along the corridors until we came to the elevator. I do not know how many floors we went up but we passed through an empty room [then] through a corridor to a door before which stood a soldier. We entered a big room, plainly but efficiently decorated.

At the end of the room a door opened . . . and Lenin himself came out and greeted me in perfect English.

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We sat down before a real working desk. I sat at Lenin's left. I recollect the desk was a broad, flat-topped one, orderly with piles of magazines from various countries on both sides and a clear space in the middle."

The interview lasted over two hours, during which time the conversation ranged from American politics to the suitability of American northwest seed wheat for use in Russia. Christensen, his legal training surfacing, noted that Lenin asked such probing questions that he felt like "a man in a witness box." T h e interview was conducted in English with the interpreter being used only once or twice when Christensen used "some Americanism or colloquialism." Christensen was amazed at the Russian leader's knowledge and understanding of conditions and events in the United States. He was particularly surprised to discover that Lenin knew in great detail the activities of Eugene Debs and James M. Cox, in addition to Christensen's own presidential campaign. Indeed, as Christensen went to introduce himself, the Russian had remarked, "Oh, I know you, you and Cox were the also rans!"^2 At the end of the interview Lenin indicated that there were several other matters that he would like to discuss and invited Christensen to return for another session. At the second meeting the two men covered a whole range of topics, including trade relations, the famine in Russia, the situation in the Far East, and the failure of the revolutions in eastern Europe. Lenin believed that the Soviet Union could work harmoniously and in a mutually beneficial way with the industrialized nations to bring about a rise in the standard of living of the Russian people. Russia, he told Christensen, would supply the raw materials and the western nations would supply the tools, skills, and technical assistance. This made a vivid impression on Christensen, and he repeated these views at great length after his return to the United States.^^ During the series of meetings with the Russian leader Christensen displayed the sort of ease and good humor that might characterize a campaign stop in an American election. At one p o m t some of the Soviet propaganda aides indicated that they would like to have Lenin pose for moving pictures but were afraid of overburdening him. Christensen expansively put his arm around the Russian " Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1923.

'2 New York Times, January 22, 1922.

'3 San Francisco Call, August 25, 1923.

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revolutionary and exclaimed, "Now we are going down to have some pictures taken!" As they were posing, aware of the large crowd that had gathered, Christensen commented to Lenin, "You don't seem to be afraid of assassins," to which the Russian replied, "Not a bit." One of the Soviet functionaries present noted that Lenin had two bullets lodged in his body and quipped, "Trotsky says that old man has plenty of metal in his backbone!"i'' T h r o u g h o u t the meetings Christensen was impressed with the good humor and energy Lenin displayed despite the cares of state.

Calling the Soviet leader "100% h u m a n , " Christensen offered an interesting commentary on his host: I swear his eyes are liquid blue. Around them are wrinkles. He is slightly stooped, like a student, but is otherwise virile and alert. His countenance is like the play of the sun mingled with the clouds. In serious moods he has the benigness [sic] of a philosopher.

But these moods were so frequently interrupted by humorous interpretations of the conversation that I had an almost constant view of a h u m a n , smiling character whose whole face, from the eyes, the wrinkles, and the mouth radiated mirth.'^

Although Christensen was obviously captivated and disarmed by the Russian leader, Lenin was not as taken by his American guest.

In a speech to the Ninth Congress of Soviets a few weeks after the visit, Lenin commented that although Christensen was the candidate of the "Farmers-and-Workers Party," the Soviets should not be misled because it did not "in the least resemble the workers and peasants party in Russia."^^ Continuing in that vein, Lenin commented that Christensen and the Farmer-Labor party were "openly and resolutely hostile to any kind of socialism, and recognized as being perfectly respectable by all bourgeois parties."^^ After leaving the Soviet Union, Christensen continued his travels, visiting the Middle East, India, China, Japan, Australia, and the Philippines. His world tour kept him away from the United States for nearly two years, during which time he traveled over 60,000 miles. Returning to this country in May 1923, Christensen called for an increasing share of the fruits of production for workers; organization, cooperation, and elimination of the middleman for farmers; and, opening u p the world money supply for all people, freeing them '< Ibid.; New York Times, January 22, 1922. '* Chicago Tribune, November 27, 1923. '^ v. I. Lenin, Lenin on the United States (New York: International Publishers, 1970), p. 505. " Ibid.

Parley P. Christensen

^^^

from the "stranglehold" held by a few "money jugglers-''^^ As he left ship he told reporters in New York: For two years I have been visiting with our brothers in foreign lands . . . . In the main it has been enjoyable and immensely prohtable. There lingers in my mind, however, a sad picture of gloom and despair Hunger and want are on every hand, caused in the main by enforced idleness . . . .

Not only the people but their governments seemed paralyzed There is less democracy in the world today than in 1914. Our war for democracy wrecked the world and while it more than doubled the millionaires, it quadrupled the breadlines.

T h e present system of waste, extravagance, and proht has wholly failed. It can not survive the supreme test put upon it by the war. We must . . . . produce for use and not for profit.^^

In reflecting upon his travels, Christensen clearly saw the danger facing the world unless the economic conditions in Europe were dramatically changed. Christensen strongly urged the calling of an international economic conference as the only possible way to avoid worldwide financial and economic collapse. At the same time, he perceptively noted the possibilities for confrontation that existed in the Middle East. Sensing a "restlessness" in the area, Christensen viewed the Zionist movement as an increasingly decisive factor in political affairs. In addition, his travels in Japan convinced him that although the government was liberal and democratic and essential to guarantee Asian stability, it faced great obstacles in maintaining its power.20 Christensen returned from his world tour a more confirmed internationalist than when he set sail. In political terms, he believed that political parties based on an alliance between farmers and workers were not only the wave of the future but absolutely necessary.

His views were strengthened by firsthand observation of such alliances in Great Britain and Australia where they seemed successful in implementing governmental reform and significant social and industrial changes. These experiences convinced Christensen of the need to expand the Farmer-Labor movement in the United States and to seek to ally it with similar worldwide movements. This view dominated his political thinking for another decade as he sought to broaden the basis for cooperation between laborers both urban and 18 New Majority, June 2, 1923.

'9 Ibid.

20 Ibid., July 1, 1922.

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rural and to create a strong alternative political vehicle to the two major parties.

Christensen also renewed his calls for American recognition of the Soviet government, saying that the Russian people had a longstanding friendliness toward this country. Moreover, he saw recognition as desirable because it was in the best economic interest of both countries. Viewing the Soviet Union as an excellent market for American finished goods, he warned that unless the Soviets were granted recognition, they would be forced to manufacture the commodities they would otherwise purchase from the United States.

This strong support for Russia is important in assessing Christensen's actions when he returned to the United States. For the rest of his career he was a strong supporter of the Soviet government and an advocate of better relations between the two nations. In the 1930s, he openly lobbied the Roosevelt administration to be named ambassador to Russia, enlisting political friends like Rep. Thomas Amlie and Sen. Elmer A. Benson. In some respects his attitudes were not unlike those articulated by Henry A. Wallace a quarter of a century later. In both cases, their feelings toward the Soviet Union were colored by the idealized picture they had brought home with them after visiting the country.

After spending some time in New York and Chicago, Christensen returned to Salt Lake City because, as he put it, "I promised Mamma I would be with her on my birthday." The aged Mrs. Christensen, still spry and alert despite her blindness, welcomed her son home, and for the next few days the house was frequented by local reporters. Christensen reiterated many of the statements he made after his arrival in New York. Again proclaiming the need for American recognition of the Soviet Union because "justice . . . and our own interests require it," the Utahn noted: And, too, the Russian people are friends of ours. They were so under the Czar and these friendships are now intensified. One frequently sees Lincoln's pictures in Russian homes. They feel that their republic had a birth similar to ours and America should take advantage of this favorable condition.^^

Even though Parley P. Christensen was the first Utahn to be nominated for president, his ties to the Beehive State diminished considerably in the 1920s. His worldwide travels had exposed him to 2' Deseret News, July 19, 1923.

Parley P. Christensen

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new vistas, and he would no longer be content in practicing law in his small office in the Continental Bank Building. Increasingly, he looked for legal cases outside the state. In the mid-1920s he settled in Chicago where he was the Progressive party nominee for U.S. senator in 1926. During the next few years he used Chicago as his base of operations, returning frequently to Europe. Often he financed these trips by teaching Esperanto to his fellow passengers aboard ship who hoped to use the language to simplify communications with Europeans. In the mid-1930s Christensen settled in California where he served as a Los Angeles city councilman from 1935 to 1949 while actively involved in various left-wing movements in the state.

Although the last thirty years of his life were lived outside of Utah, Parley P. Christensen remains a native son who devoted his political life to attempting to improve the conditions of working people, promoting better relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, and advocating a more democratic political process with the creation of a new party reflecting the needs of the American working class. He was not successful in most of his quests for political office, but Parley P. Christensen was nevertheless an important witness to an interesting and challenging time in American politics spanning the period from the Armistice to the Korean War.

The Death of Brigham Young: Occasion for Satire

BY G A R Y L. B U N K E R A N D DAVIS B I T T O N

k TEMPORIKI i O l R7J.41. D i r O f H D TO THE I S T l f i l S H OF THE I S T I E D O E M E OF WOODE"? SHOES. FORTT-FIPTH lE.^K OF THE CHUKCH. 5TH MONTH, 30ta 1 U ¥ .

CHAPTER L

!}>art <» 8H hia wooden »b<»<»8 aad 1'!! havi* '«»? r.1» and ain't I a s»asin of Jfep ori|;iriaJ propbct set- ••rW)'!! Slave V-iw?

Iw wili ttse tip the shiw*! lor railrwsil ties, tmA Y!

! g«t I!red tJ; tli«t 1 feav..

" •• tt r » &« man to ran this Kiugdea*. ;<( «oiae«t, tb« score* of propbectei I h»T« : _ _:jf<«'8 1 tsavf" s!50«»r«l «mm (,h« i»«ad» ot

N O T LONG BEFORE BRIGHAM Y O U N G S DEATH ON August

29, 1877, he gave Mr. and Mrs. Frank Leslie and their entourage from the staff of Frank Leslie's niustrated fF^^A/y a valued interview. "And if you put Dr. Bunker is professor of psychology at Brigham Young University; Dr. Bitton is professor of history at the University of Utah. This article is part of a larger project by the authors dealing with pictorial images of Mormonism between 1834 and 1914. See footnote 29 for the main publication to date.

Above: Cartoon in Enoch's Advocate, May 30, 1874. Courtesy of Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

The Death of Brigham Young

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me in a book," said Brigham Young to the Leslies, "promise at least that you will print me as you have found me, and not as others have described me." Before the Leslies could record their impressions in print, the Mormon leader died. Mrs. Leslie's positive, even generous, account of their experience concluded by expressing regret that Brigham Young would never learn "how kindly and respectfully we remember h i m . " She hoped the world would "deal as tenderly with his memory as we do, above his tomb let us inscribe: 'Judgment is Mine saith the Lord.' "^ On the whole, however, the press was unwilling either to deal tenderly with Brigham Young's memory or to leave judgment to Deity. His death was seized upon by newspapers and illustrated weeklies as an occasion not for grief, not for the listing of accomplishments common in obituaries, not for measured evaluation, but for written and artistic satire. Humor and ridicule were the dominant tones in the public media's coverage of Young's death, which for a surprisingly long period of time remained a popular subject of journalists and their illustrator allies.2 T h e themes and variations played on this event tell something about public taste in the nineteenth century, the use of a celebrated individual in the process of stereotyping, and the power of the press. " T h e demise of Brigham Young has long been looked for," noted the Tuscarora, Nevada, Times.^ Wishful t h i n k i n g had appeared in the Utah anti-Mormon press as early as 1874, three years before the event, when a cartoon in Enoch's Advocate, a short-lived underground newspaper, foresaw the death of Brigham Young as "A Solution of Many Problems.'"* "Enoch" in the title of the newspaper and in the cartoon referred to the cooperative economic program then advocated by Brigham Young.^ T h e wooden shoes served as a mocking symbol of Mormon aspirations toward self-sufficiency.

"Little Briggy" (Brigham Young, Jr.), "G. A. S." (George A. Smith), "Daniel" (D. H. Wells), "G. Q. Smoothbore" (George Q. Cannon), ' Mrs. Frank Leslie, California: A Pleasure Trip from Gotham to the Golden Gate (New York, 1877). p. 103.

2 For an exception see George Francis Train's ' T h e Death of Brigham Young" in Davis Bitton, "George Francis Train and Brigham Young," BYU Studies 18 (Spring 1978): 421-26.

5 Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4, reprinted from Tuscarora Times. â&#x20AC;˘â&#x20AC;˘ Enoch's Advocate appeared, irregularly, in six issues between May 7 and July 4, 1874. See Davis Bitton and Gary L. Bunker, "Enoch's Advocate (1874): A Forgotten Satirical Periodical," Centennial Symposium: Mormon Role in the Settlement of the West, Brigham Young University, November 14, 1975. ^ Enoch's Advocate, May 30, 1874, p. 1.

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and "Horse and H i d e " (Orson Hyde), prominent leaders of the Mormons, were pictured vying for the vacated leadership role.

When death actually came to the embattled leader, the media reaction included the following, not always consistent, comments: " T h e announcement of the death of the prophetâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;creates but little excitement" (San Francisco Report); "an event that will prove a sensation in almost every quarter of the globe" (Chicago Interocean); "a terribly earnest and sincere m a n " {Omaha Herald); "the prophet has no achievement worthy of note to perpetuate his pseudogreatness" {Eureka Republican); "say what we may, his success was wonderful" but "Utah was as corrupt as Sodom" {Indianapolis Sentinel).^ Since juxtaposing a lenghty list of accomplishments with various evil deeds might have seemed incongruous, the California Argonaut ascribed the accomplishments to innocent disciples and the iniquity to Brigham Young.^ But whether he was perceived as "a man of mark" or a "spiritual Boss Tweed," many were anxious to speculate about the effect of his death. " B r i g h a m Young was the backbone of M o r m o n i s m , " according to the San Francisco Stock Exchange, "and the backbone being gone, necessarily there must be dissolution."^ By 1879, however, Leslie's Weekly observed: "Those who think Mormonism weakening are mistaken. In Brigham Young's palmiest days he could have done no more than has been done on this occasion."^ Even the cause of death gave rise to several tongue-in-cheek postmortem diagnoses.^^ "It is thought that Brigham Young ought to have recovered from his cholera morbus," said iht Argonaut, "but when it came to fighting with 27 women, each one with a different kind of mustard plaster for her dear husband and a new kind of herb tea, it was too much for him. Every woman laid her plaster where there was room, and the prophet went down to his grave like a sandwich."!! T h e San Francisco Wasp proclaimed the cause to be eating "green corn and early peaches."^^ On the back of a separately ^ The previous five quotations from different newspapers were all reprinted in the Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4. ' Argonaut, September 15, 1877, p. 1. * Salt Lake Tribune, September 4, 1877, p. 4, reprinted from the San Francisco Stock Exchange.

9 Leslie's Weekly, May 31, 1879, p. 216. '" A recent medical analysis of the records suggests appendicitis as the probable cause of death.

Lester E. Bush, Jr., "Brigham Young in Life and Death: A Medical Overview," Journal of Mormon History b{\91%):19-\Q?,. " Argonaut, September 22, 1877, p. 7. â&#x20AC;˘2 San FYancisco Wasp, November 10, 1877, p. 151.

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Copyrighted print published by J. F. Ryder included on the back Julia A. Moore's doggerel on "The Death of Brigham Young." Courtesy of the Prints Division, New York Public Library.

published print picturing Brigham Young's mourning wives exclaiming "Oh Brigham! How could you leave us?" Julia A. Moore's eight verses of doggerel on "The Death of Brigham Young" included: Tis said that Brigham Young is dead, The man with nineteen wives; The greatest Mormon of the West Is dead, no more to rise.

He left behind his nineteen wives Forsaken and forlorn; The papers state his death was caused By eating too much green corn.'^

As Other verses unfolded, the tone became more didactic, a distinguishing feature of the popular poetry of the period.!^ Responding to rumors of suicide, the San Francisco Wasp chided an unknown source for speculating that death was selfinduced. Using a play on words to embellish its rebuttal, the Wasp declared, "Certain Mormon dissenters are now claiming that Brigham Young committed suicide. It may have been dissentery [sic], 13 The print "Oh Brigham! How Could You Leave Us?" copyrighted and published by J. F. Ryder, and the poem " T h e Death of Brigham Young" by Mrs. Julia A. Moore may be found in the Brigham Young portrait file in the print division of the New York Public Library. ''' See Russel Nye, The Unembarrassed Muse (New York: Dial Press, 1974), p. 90.

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y

•*!'<ji TMK fiMc-i;, wmr%i k.\t~x mu O M f • i . t j j *>•«.» ini*

Illustration

from Puck, September 5, 1877. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

after all, but it would be far dissenter [sic] to let the old fellow rest in his grave. No matter what the manner of his taking off was, such take-offs as these are odious. "^^ One of the favorite themes was the plight of Young's widows.

Joseph Keppler's famous illustration of mourning wives in a huge multiple marriage bed so captured the fancy of the public that Puck sold separate copies of the illustration about as fast as they could be printed. 16 While some considered the drawing "irreverent and in execrable taste," others justified it on grounds that "nothing is or should be sacred to the humorists. He had his duty to his craft.''^^ A less known illustration from England, patterned after the Keppler version,i8 showed numbered baby cribs at the base of the widow's bed and in general projected a ludicrous image of Mormonism.

15 San Francisco Wasp, November 10, 1877, p. 229. Still unwilling to let Young rest in his grave, an author has recently concluded that he was poisoned. Samuel W. Taylor, The Kingdom or Nothing: The Life of John Taylor, Militant Mormon (New York: Macmillan, 1976), p. 3. The theory is rejected by Bush, "Brigham Young in Life and Death." i« Puck, September 5, 1877, p. 2.

1' William Murrell, A History of American Graphic Humor: 1865-1938, 2 vols. (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1967), 2:69.

'8 "This Shop T o Let," Yale University. Three other separately published prints were produced on the occasion of Brigham Young's death. All are located in the Yale collection.

The Death of Brigham

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Young

AUGUST ^ T I I , DEATH o r

1877.

BEIGIIAM YOUNG.

Chip Bellew cartoon, 1892. Courtesy of Library of Congress.

Brief satirical fillers appeared on the same theme, as, for example: "no surviving wife of the late head of the Mormon church can claim sympathy on the ground of being a lone widow."^^ Although such publicity offended some Mormons, evident from a Provoan's letter to the San Francisco Wasp,^' editors continued to squeeze every ounce of sensation out of the event. Fourteen years later, writers were still getting mileage out of the poor widows theme: The wives of Brigham still assert As they have always sung, That though he died an aged man, He always was quite young.^i

As late as 1892 Chip Bellew recalled the event for Life in a cartoon with a scene of weeping widows, children, and animals literally flooding the gravesite with tears.22 â&#x20AC;˘9 San Francisco Wasp, October 6, 1877, p. 154.

2ÂŤ Ibid., October 13, 1877, p. 167.

2'/udge, April 25, 1891, p. 36.

22 Lj/e, August 25, 1892, p. 108.

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The mockery continued on other fronts. "Brigham Young was an aesthetic," noted Texas Siftings, "and, in death, his friends have not failed to minister to the passion of his life. Some broken dishes, an old broom, a dead cat, and other articles of bric-a-brac now adorn his grave."23 With a slightly different tactic. Puck contrived another situation. "Well, if he wants a tomb-stone," says Mrs. Young number 10, "let that proud, stuck-up Belinda Jane Young get him oneâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;It's as much her business as it is mine."24 Some writers and illustrators speculated on Brigham Young's postmortal disposition. Even before his death the anti-Mormon Enoch's Advocate, conceding for purposes of humor that some of his Mormon predecessors may have earned an eternal reward, pictured them trying in vain to lift Brigham Young to heaven.2^ A cartoon in Puck showed Theresa Tietjens, the renowned German soprano, who also died in 1877, being admitted through the gates of heaven while Brigham Young, suffering the agony of fire and brimstone, laments, "Well this is hard. There's St. Peter letting that actress, Titiens [sic], in up there, and here am I, a full-blooded apostle, roasting away at a terrible rate!"26 Conversely, a popular verse in the San Francisco Wasp, which showed a willingness to allow Brigham Young by Saint Peter, really intended to poke fun at women: Saint Peter sat by the pearly gates Twirling his golden keys; For most of the crowd went the other way, And the old man took his ease.

But a wary spirit was soon described Of an aspect mild and worn, And as he rapped out a timid knock, Old Gabriel blew his horn.

"Who's there?" asked Pete "Only Brigham Young" Said the man with a humble grin.

"Nineteen wives," mused Pete, "Well, you've had your hell.

I guess we may let you in!"27 23 Texas Siftings, December 29, 1883, p. 4.

24 Puck, October 22, 1879, p. 530.

25 Enoch's Advocate, June 6, 1874, p. 1.

26 Puck, October 10, 1877, p. 16. Theresa Tietjens was an accomplished German operatic soprano. She received international acclaim for her vocal interpretation in the oratoriogenre as well.

Her death on October 3, 1877, was sufficiently close to Brigham Young's to move the cartoonist to represent them together.

2' San Francisco Wasp, September 22, 1877, p. 123.

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Young

365

Cartoon from the October 10, 1877, issue of Puck.

Courtesy of Library of Congress.

One of the more fruitful topics raised by Brigham Young's death was the issue of succession. T w o questions attracted mock-serious journalistic attention: Who should succeed Brigham Young as the head of his numerous family? And who should succeed to the leadership of the Mormons? A cartoon by Bisbee addressed the first matter by showing a vacant chair at a dinner table surrounded by a vast array of children and widows. T h e caption declared: "A Family Conundrum (Brigham's) Who Will Take His Place."28 Puck nominated as Young's successor to both roles none other than the Protestant divine Henry Ward Beecher, then notorious for the scandal raised when one of his parishioners accused him of adultery.

Juxtaposing these two public figures had the effect of ridiculing 28 Harper's Bazaar, October 27, 1877, p. 688.

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J>.'/e

From Harper's Bazaar, October 27, 1877. Courtesy of Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

S « ^ * S ^ &^

Quarterly

*5^- ^ ^ ^>«?- *•"

t.\M!LV COXlJNjmCM UiKir.HAM'S).

W)«a win. T*»« HIS l'i..M:n't

what the illustrator, Joseph Keppler, regarded as two religious humbugs, Beecherism and Mormonism. Other newspapers and illustrated weeklies exploited the same theme from every conceivable angle.29

In England, illustrators irreverently placed "Brigham Young's Successors" either on their way to or already in the ubiquitous, multiple marriage bed.^o Separately published prints, one of which drew its caption from the comic song, " H e Can't Forget the Days When He Was Young," could be purchased in color or black and white at the nominal charge of one or two pence each.

For Mormons, Brigham Young's death in the press was more protracted and painful than the real thing. Long after his death he continued to appear, visually and verbally. For example, nearly two years after the funeral Frederick Keller, artist for the San Francisco Wasp, portrayed a horned Brigham Young, shrouded in white linen 29 See Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914 (Salt Lake CityUniversity of Utah Press, 1983), p p . 95-106. '" "Last into Bed Put Out the Light," and "He Can't Forget the Days When He Was Young," Yale University. See footnote 18 above.

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Young

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"Unearthing the Mormon Fraud" from the San Francisco Wasp, February 12, 1887.

Courtesy of the California State Public Library.

and alive as ever, appearing more prominent than his successor, John Taylor.3^ In 1887 a new wrinkle developed in the pages of the San Francisco Wasp: "It is now sought to beguile the credulous, ignorant mind of the Mormon crowd in Utah and to invite their lagging zeal to a new heat by the announcement that the great prophet simply departed the territory but did not take sail for the Stygian shore, and has now returned to the scene of his earthly triumphs. "^2 N O such claims were put forth by Mormons, but the story was too good for the Wasp illustrator to pass up. Senator Edmunds of Vermont (sponsor of anti-Mormon legislation) is shown "Unearthing the Mormon s' San Francisco Wasp, February 1, 1879, pp. 424-425.

52 Ibid., February 12, 1887, p. 3.

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Fraud,' '^^ the skeletal remains of Brigham Young, which exposed the rumor and by extension the pretensions of Mormonism.

A variant of this resurrection rumor can be traced conclusively to an anonymous non-Mormon author. On March 26, 1887, the Argonaut published "Resurrection of Brigham Young."^^ Corroborated by no primary source—including the anti-Mormons in Utah who would have been delighted to report such an event had there been any evidence for it—the story was nothing more than a piece of imaginative writing, though some readers may have taken it seriously. According to the article, a New York businessman on his way through Salt Lake City to California visited a former employee who had joined the Mormons. The zealous Mormon persuaded the New Yorker to attend a "secret" meeting of "from fifteen to twenty thousand" Mormons on Mount Nebo, near Nephi, Utah, where the personage of Brigham Young was to appear. During the meeting.

Mormon church president John Taylor announced that those assembled were about to witness "the most marvelous miracle since the resurrection of the Savior"—the return of the resurrected Brigham Young. When Brigham Young not only appeared in person but spoke, the crowd was electrified.

Meanwhile, the clever New Yorker saw through the hoax. The wily Mormon leaders had duped their gullible followers with the aid of an optical device known as "Peppers Ghost," an invention that projected to an unsuspecting audience the image of a person concealed below a platform. T h e reflection of the person was cast off a sheet of transparent glass. T h e New Yorker just happened to have brought an air pistol. Pointing the muzzle through one of the buttonholes in his clothing to elude discovery, he fired the weapon, shattered the glass, and thus revealed the designs of the crafty Mormons. The tall tale was alive and well in America.

More than a quarter of a century after his death, Brigham Young's posthumous longevity received another boost. The occasion was the discussion of a monument at Brigham Young's birthplace.

John Kendrick Bangs, editor of Life, wrote the following " T h e Father of His Country": 33 Ibid., p. 1. " " T h e Resurrection of Brigham Young," Argonaut, March 26, 1887, pp. 4-5. This was not the first time a rumor circulated claiming Mormon leaders were perpetrating a fraud. One malicious story suggested Joseph Smith had placed wooden planks four inches under the surface of the water in a pond to deceive gullible believers that he could walk on water. According to the apocryphal account, some Indians discovered the trickery, sawed the plank at the deepest point of the pond, and exposed the deception with the dunking. See the Messenger and Advocate, December 1835, p. 231.

The Death of Brigham Young

369

Let his praises loud be sung!

Raise a shaft to Brigham Young.

Let it pierce the spreading blue.

Rising high and pointing true.

Heralding the virtues of Him who was so full of love He'd enough and some to spare For the old maid everywhere.

Mortal who could faithful be Not to one but sixty-three.

One who reckoned up his sons Not by numbers but by tons.

Foe whatever might betide T o all racial suicide.

Rescue from oblivion's dust Founder of the Nuptial Trust!

Ready ever to caress, And relieve the loneliness Of the empty-hearted maid, Of the sore neglected jade.

Master hand of husbandry, At the altar ever be.

Father of a wondrous bandâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; Babies spread on every hand.

Sure preserver of the race, Fountain head of p o p u l a c e Let the lofty monolith T o this King of Kin and Kith On a firm foundation rise Till it penetrate the skies; Then this fair inscription place Large upon its granite base!

Juventus Manimus, Semper Matrimonius!

Pater Et Imperator!

Frequentissimus Uxor!

Monumentum Respice Hoc Ad Artem Brigamy.^^

No American personality's death, before or since, has attracted media coverage quite like Brigham Young's. True, others have attracted as much or more immediate notice, especially if, as with Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy, the death was sudden and unexpected. But what other American provoked by his death a reaction mainly of comic ridicule? And whose death was clung to so tenaciously by the press for several years after the event? How is the dubious "popularity" of Young's demise to be explained? We have two suggestions. First, the public antipathy toward the Mormons did 35 John Kendrick Bangs, " T o the Father of His Country," Life, January 4, 1906, p. 21. Roughly translated, the crabbed Latin of the concluding lines reads: "Youthful of hands/Always a bridegroom!/ Father and ruler!/Most oft-married husbandl/Behold this monument to Brigham's skill."

^7^

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not subside in 1877. Quite the contrary. It reached a fever pitch during the years extending from 1878 to the 1890s, especially during the so-called Raid. Mormons continued to be an object of interest and usually of scorn. Yet no personality symbolized Mormonism and polygamy in the public view quite like Brigham Young. Just as the anti-Catholic media aimed their aspersions at the pope, just as kings and presidents become the personification of their countries, so Brigham Young was the natural target of journalists and illustrators treating the Mormons. Three decades of media exposure had given Young firm title as the most easily recognizable symbol of Mormonism. He would not be easy to replace.

Second, the death of the Mormon leader, unlike most deaths, ironically made available a fresh bit of humor. The bringing together of death (usually thought of with sorrow) and Brigham Young (already a comic, stock figure by virtue of prior media conditioning) created a sense of incongruity. T h e possibility of portraying multiple wivesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in bed, mourning, etc.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;assured instant interest in the audience. Since the universe of humor had a distinctly limited range of laugh-producing situations it was too much to expect that journalists and illustrators would pass by one that seemed both ludicrous and refreshingly different. In the nineteenth century more than now the protective womb of the culture sanctioned, even encouraged, making fun of unpopular ethnic, religious, and racial groups.

T h e press was reluctant to part with Brigham Young as a subject. "In some respects," noted Puck in 1884, "it would be awkward if Mormonism were wiped out. When times were dull many newspaper editors would be minus a subject. "^^ Not wishing to be so deprived, they played on the theme in general and specifically on Young's death for many years. In the process they contributed to the stereotyping of Mormonism as a religion and of Brigham Young as a person, which has hampered understanding even to the present.^^ But producing genuine understanding has never been the forte or indeed even the intention of graphic or verbal satire.

36 Puck, February 13, 1884, p. 370.

3' For information on the role of rumor on the historical image of Brigham Young see Ronald K. Esplin, "From the Rumors to the Records: Historians and the Sources for Brigham Young," BYU Studies, 18 (Spring 1978): 453-65. For an intimate view of Brigham Young see Dean C. Jessee, ed., Letters of Brigham Young to His Sons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1974). The standard biography is now Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young, American Moses (New York: Knopf, 1985).

Book Reviews

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Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History. Edited by JOHN PHILLIP WALKER. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986. viii + 415 p p . $20.95.)

On March 30, 1971, Utah historian Dale Morgan died at the age of fiftysix. Although his productivity had been prodigious, his untimely death left much unfinished, including a much-talked-about and long-awaited history of the Mormons. Interest in Morgan's Mormon history has continued. Now Dale Morgan on Early Mormonism: Correspondence and a New History seeks to take advantage of Morgan's unfinished Mormon history and to show some of his working relationships as he did his research and writing. On Early Mormonism consists of five parts: first, a gracious personal preface by Morgan's friend and fellow writer, William Mulder; second, a restrained "biographical introduction" by editor John Phillip Walker; third, and in some ways most important, fifty letters (most of them lengthy) carefully selected from Morgan's vast correspondence to focus the reader's attention on the seven chapters dealing with Joseph Smith and the founding of the Mormon church and which compose the fourth and intellectually most stimulating section of the book; and fifth, appendices containing documents relevant to Morgan's argument.

T h e letters provide a rare view of the inner workings of Utah and Mormon historiography. A letter writer with few peers, Morgan maintained a voluminous correspondence with people interested in the history of the fur

trade, western trails, and the westering process as well as with those involved in Mormon and Utah topics. He had come to his interest in history via the Utah Writers' Project of the New Deal in the years after 1935. There he revealed a rare combination of talent for stylistic writing and courageous interpretation as well as an almost unrivaled capacity for finding documents essential to Utah history and an even greater gift for recognizing what could be done with them. The letters offered in On Early Mormonism show him at work in this process.

Their emphasis is on Joseph Smith's early history, but they range far beyond to the lives of Fawn Brodie, Juanita Brooks, Bernard DeVoto, and others and to their writing. Morgan advises, encourages, critiques, challenges, and offers information on sources. He also tells of exciting research breakthroughs, of his own writing, of experiences with publishers, and of the difficulties he encountered in making a living as he left Utah for wartime Washington, D . C , returned, and finding no economic resources finally left again for the Bancroft Library and the distinguished career in fur trade history that diverted him from Utah/Mormon studies. Perhaps most of all, his letters define and draw people to topics of intense importance to Utah history. They unfold from the heart and mind of the man and show him at his best.

312 The seven chapters of his fragmentary history of the Mormons are more intriguing but less satisfying. Here he deals with Joseph Smith's early experience as a farm boy, treasure seeker, peepstone necromancer, and, as the possibilities of religion became increasingly apparent, a seer, revelator, and founder of a new religion. Morgan's approach is naturalistic. He finds his evidence in human impulses, in social and cultural milieus, in economic conditions, and in the process of events and the influence of followers. He wrote with a flair for both color and drama and struck bold and provocative conclusions. Typical were " H a d Joseph Smith not taken up with peepstones, there would be no Mormon church today" (231) and " T h e i r [his followers'] hunger for miracle, their thirst for the marvelous, their lust for assurance that they were God's chosen people, to be preserved on the great and terrible day, made them, hardly less than Joseph, the authors of his history" (260).

Yet Morgan hesitated to go to publication with his work. Holt Rinehart, from whom he had accepted an advance on his book, tired of delay and abandoned the project. Longtime friends at Bobbs Merrill were more amenable, yet even then the book did not materialize. With other things occupying his mind, he never returned, although to his death he planned to.

Utah Historical

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In its present form, On Early Mormonism is a marked success, an essential in the historiography of Utah and Mormon studies. But for all their superb research, brilliant writing, and provocative insights, Morgan's seven chapters are unfinished and less than satisfactory. Stylistic flow is spotty and occasionally repetitious. Characterization is not complete and the development of argument sometimes labored.

As he explained in a letter, Morgan knew the limits of the work; and publishing deadlines, financial pressures, and shifting careers notwithstanding, he would not compromise (194). The fact his work appears now as a fragment is added evidence of Dale Morgan's discipline and of his commitment to sound history.

Editor Walker's work is to be congratulated. His sensitive grasp of the situation and the restraint in how and when he inserted himself make clear statements as to the book's importance. While Signature Books is also to be congratulated for the generally attractive and successful format of the book, they gave it short shrift in not providing an index. It is an oversight that detracts seriously from the editor's effort to make quality presentation complement quality content.

CHARLES S. PETERSON

Utah State

University

Goodbye to Poplarhaven: Recollections of a Utah Boyhood. By EDWARD GEARY. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. x + 163 pp. Paper. $8.95.)

Having lived to see his posterity leave the original Pilgrim settlements, William Bradford remarked: "the town's like an ancient mother grown old and forsaken of her children" (Richard L i n g e m a n , Small Town America, p. 62). Bradford's lament anticipates the common fate of countless pioneer settlements still subsisting

along the Mormon corridor but now abandoned by the children who once p r o u d l y paraded as " U t a h ' s Best Crop." Those who do remain live in small towns, but not in Mormon villages. As Edward Geary observes of the communities surrounding his native Huntington today: "life goes on in the . . . towns which nestle in the

Book Reviews and Notices shadow of the high plateau. . . . But they are different communities from the ones that I knew. Our way of life was in many respects closer to that of the 1890s than to that of the 1980s."

Geary's collection of essays. Goodbye to Poplarhaven, lovingly revisits the way of life he shared as a boy during the 1940s and 1950s with his Mormon ancestors. These are eloq u e n t and elegant elegies to the vanished rhythms, textures, and rituals of rural Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and to lost youth itselL When Geary was young, Poplarhaven (Geary's pseudonym for Huntington) was "still rich with life but s l o w l y d y i n g , like the r o w s of Lombardy p o p l a r s that remained straight and tall but with rotting heartwood and gaps where fallen trees had once stood." As a Mormon village, "Poplarhaven is no more," Geary admits. But for those who formed the Mormon village and who were in turn fashioned by it, the influence of rural Utah still courses below the surface of suburban life, like the old town ditch in Poplarhaven: " T h e stream runs underground now, in a pipe, invisible and inaudible. But it also runs deep beneath the surface of memory, where it still gurgles gently between grassy banks, watering the roots and providing sweet refreshment in the dry season." A permanent contribution to Utah letters, Geary's book insures that the old irrigation ditches will cont i n u e to flow w h i l e the river of memory runs.

Bringing together many classic essays from Dialogue and the Deseret News, Goodbye to Poplarhaven seems destined to become itself a classic of American regional literature, a major minor-masterpiece. Because most selections have appeared elsewhere, I was surprised to discover that the collection as a whole possessed such shape.

Geary gathers the twenty-three essays into three parts which, like the geography of the Mormon village itself,

373 impose general order upon untidy particulars. T h e first section establishes a sense of place, the second follows both the seasons' cyclical rhythms and a boy's journey to adolescence, and the third takes a wider view of life in Poplarhaven.

In the first section, Geary explores his connection to the land and to those who settled it. Unlike most postRomantic writers (including the midtwentieth-century Mormon writers Geary himself labeled "lost"), the author does not present himself as alienated from rural Mormon culture.

Rather, his prose breathes sympathy for Poplarhaven. Geary evidently feels about his town much as he feels about the girls with whom he shared "smiles across cherry Cokes or lemon ironports" as well as "deep conversations confiding the heartaches of adolescent love or unraveling the mystery of the eternal feminine": "Without knowing it at the time, I was a little bit in love with all of them. I still am."

Such sentiments might cloy and lapse from elegy into mere nostalgia were it not for the essays' style. For Geary remembers not only with warmth but also with unblinking detail the sights, smells, and sounds of rural Utah: sheep dung in the ditch, mulberry trees "whose bland fruit stained hands and faces and sidewalks," doodlebugs, Eastering, and the endlessly varied disarray of "a world held together by baling wire."

Geary delights equally in the texture of this "Peter Tumbledown" world and in the elegant polish of his medium, words. T h e result is an evocation of slipshod, ramshackle rural Utah in a style that is a joy to read for its meticulous detail, clarity, and unfailing grace. Of riding on a loaded hay wagon, for example, he writes: "there was none of the tooth-rattling jolting of the journey out but instead a soft rocking motion as if we were sailing on a gentle sea." Like Tolstoy, Geary

374 at once captures the ordinary and transforms it into something extraordinary through the alchemy of art.

Much of the delight of Geary's style comes from the play between his perspective as a boy and as adult. This interplay is particularly evident in the second section of the book, which traces the seasons in nature and in the life of a boy. Reading the essay "Winter Chores," no former farm boy could help feeling afresh the numbing cold of a "pitchfork handle in the January pre-daw^n" nor the mucky warmth of the cow whose tail sprays "an avalanche of filth" into a full bucket of milk. Only an adult, however, could take comfort, with Geary, in the knowledge that because Mormon houses "were clustered rather than scattered on the farms, we escaped much of the loneliness that I have since found recorded in many rural memoirs."

Typically, Geary infuses literate allusion into his prose. T h e whiff of ginger carries him back across the miles and years to his grandfather's toolshed, "like the taste of Proust's M a d e l e i n e . " A cracker-box h i g h school gym, site of epic struggles between rival basketball teams followed by magical dances, recalls Homer's famous account of the shield of Achilles, "large enough to encompass a world at peace as well as a world at war." Geary's range of reference confers a certain urbanity upon rustic subjects, enveloping the boy's Mormon village in a world then beyond his ken.

We participate in young Geary's enlarging perspective as he traces, in the middle essays, the seasons' movement from winter to fall and his own passage from boyhood to adolescence.

In the third section, Geary takes a still wider view of Poplarhaven. T h e first of these final essays tells of an outcast old maid whom all the neighborhood children harass and who, in turn.

Utah Historical Quarterly chases them away with the dark threat, "Someday I'm going to kill me a little Mormon." As a youth, Geary joined in the cruel teasing. As an adult, he tries to understand the flesh-and-blood girl who became the cardboard grotesque of childhood. Searching his memory, he reconstructs the exotic past of a wild girl who danced with Butch Cassidy and later, tragically, lived estranged from her more "respectable" neighbors, the object of children's petty persecution.

Similarly, in "The Ward Teacher," he regards with adult sensibility others living on the margins of the closely knit community that nourished him as a boy: "When Brother Rasmussen [young Geary's pompous ward teaching c o m p a n i o n ] mentioned Lula Brown as an eligible maiden lady, Ralph Meeker [an inactive "old batch," i.e., bachelor] snorted contemptuously. 'Hell, there ain't enough juice in her to drownd a pissant.'

Brother Rasmussen grew indignant at this and declared that any man who denied a woman the chance to be a mother in Israel would be held acc o u n t a b l e at the last d a y . " T h e delicious contrast between the voices here results from a sophisticated adult writer reimagining his youth.

The act of remembering, of knitting oneself to one's past, is, finally, no less the subject of Geary's collection than is Poplarhaven. Allusions to Proust interlace the essays and the collection is dedicated, fittingly, to "the memory of my father" (my italics). In one of the final essays, Geary tries to enter imaginatively the summer ("the most memorable in his life") his father spent in the mountains as a boy of thirteen.

This essay ends: "It occurred to him that he would never again be as happy as he was at that moment."

The words seem to sound Geary's own elegy for the lost otium of boyhood and, by implication, to echo the feelings shared by all his forefathers;

375

Book Reviews and Notices indeed, by every boy. (Curiously, fathers figure prominently in these essays, mothers scarcely at all). To be a boy is to feel there is "no more behind/But such a day tomorrow as t o d a y , / A n d to be boy e t e r n a l " !

(Shakespeare, A Winter's Tale). Geary readmits us into this domain, now tinged, however, by ironies visible only to eyes that have been open outside of Eden.

Geary's subtitle reads "Recollections of a Utah Boyhood." Yet like notable accounts of other boys in other

small towns (such as Tom Sawyer), Goodbye to Poplarhaven recalls the childhood we all share, whether or not we grew up in rural Utah. Geary's farewell can be many readers' introduction to life in the Mormon village and their reintroduction to their own childhoods, both real and imagined.

It's as good a book about growing up in the Mormon village as we're likely to have.

JOHN S. TANNER

Brigham Young

University

The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre. By BRIGHAM D. MADSEN. Vol. 1 in the Utah Centennial Series. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. xxii + 285 pp. $19.95.)

The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre is a critical study with the primary thesis that the negative influences of whites led to the devastation of the Northwestern Shoshonis, which devastation culminated in a mindless massacre at their winter camp on Bear River in January 1863.

Professor Madsen goes on to heavily implicate the Mormon settlers in the massacre, which followed soon after a shift in policy by Mormon leaders from assistance to hostility. Finally, Madsen concludes that the Battle of Bear River was importantâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as the bloodiest and most brutal Indian massacre in the western experienceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; but that it was ineffective as far as quelling Indian hostility along the overland trail.

Professor Madsen presents a convincing discussion on the usurpation and destruction of Indian lands that ultimately resulted in the devastation of many Shoshonean groups, notably those whose existence in the more arid spaces in the Great Basin was precarious under the best of conditions.

Of particular significance is the probability that, while Shoshonis (Northwestern Shoshonis among them) had been involved in raids along the over-

land trail for many years, by the 1850s such raids may have become vital to survival, as starving Shoshonis, by then largely displaced from their homelands, divested of their traditional sources of food, and abandoned by a bankrupt and bungling federal bureaucracy, had nowhere else to turn.

But in my opinion much of the primary thesis of the study is indefensible. In order to establish that thesis. Professor Madsen seems to have been careless with the otherwise powerful evidence at his disposal. He has introduced evidence out of context and has forced that and other evidence to carry more of the weight of his conclusions than it can reasonably bear.

Although good evidence is presented throughout, both in support of and contrary to his thesis, it is often distorted and otherwise interpreted in a very biased manner. Also disturbing, numerous errors exist both in text and in documentation, and exaggeration abounds.

For example, in discussing Mormon policy upon arrival in the Great Basin in 1847, Madsen quotes Brigham Young as "soon" having announced (regarding Indians) that it was "manifestly more economical, and less ex-

376 pensive to feed and clothe, than to fight them." As documentation, he cites an address given by Young in May 1852. He goes on to establish that the policy of feeding rather than fighting "swung" in 1862, concluding that, as the Bear River "massacre" drew nigh, the Mormons had become committed to a "suppression-by-force policy" and, "when push came to shove," had become "capable of explosions of fury and appalling bloodlettings."

Chroniclingan 1847 announcement of policy based on a statement made in 1852 is questionable. But it is worse than that. T h e 1852 citation is totally in error: Young uttered those words in December 1854â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and, of course, in another address. By 1854, perhaps even by 1852, such a pragmatic policy had more or less taken hold, but not before other, much less conciliatory, measures had been attempted, including a multiforce militia expedition with orders to exterminate the Utes in Utah Valley in the winter of 1850, an effort through legislation (in the fall of 1850) to have all Indians permanently removed from the territory, and a multiforce militia expedition ordered to locate, surround, and kill a group of Indian cattle raiders in the summer of 1851. If the policy "swung," it swung from fighting to feeding between the summer of 1851 and the summer of 1853, then remained generally constant (on the side of feeding) to and beyond 1863.

Professor Madsen seems, therefore, to have turned the feed-rather-thanfight story on its head, this in the process of leading to conclusions which, like the process, also collapse under close scrutiny. T h e preponderance of evidence indicates that, although the Mormon settlers in Cache Valley were probably exasperated and welcomed intervention by army troops, they nonetheless continued to carry out Brigham Young's 1854 dictum.

Responsible contemporary observers

Utah Historical

Quarterly

report that during the several weeks before the Battle of Bear River, those settlers, albeit grudgingly, continued to supply the local Indians with large quantities of wheat, flour, and beef.

Indeed, on the very evening before the battle, nearby settlers gave wheat to the Indians camped at Bear River. Further, there is no evidence that a " s u p pression-by-force policy" was declared

by Mormon leaders prior to the battle, nor did Mormons have anything to do with the battle other than the one Mormon who hired on with the expeditionary force as a guide.

Certainly, the Mormons must share some of the responsibility for the devastation of the Northwestern Shoshoni people, primarily in the context of their having displaced those people from their lands and traditional food resources. But the extent to which Madsen holds the Mormons responsible for, or involves the Mormons in, the massacre of the Northwestern Shoshonis is unconvincing.

Another example, involving apparent distortion, excessive bias, and exaggeration regarding a j udgment central to Madsen's thesis, is his treatment of the Battle of Bear River itself. He repeatedly asserts that that episode was essentially a "bloodthirsty," "wholesale slaughter" carried out by "gloryseeking," "freebooting" adventurers, and goes on to conclude that, regarding the objective claimed and the results, it "proved ineffective" as it "failed to bring peace to the trails west of South Pass."

Admittedly, the Bear River expedition was coldheartedly planned and ruthlessly carried out in the dead of winter, and, after the initial battle, atrocities occurred. But it is also true that it was an extremely difficult expedition carried out by U.S. Army troops led by a commander bent on ending once and for all the open warfare along the overland trail, an objective he was under clear military

Book Reviews and Notices orders to achieve. It also needs to be emphasized that the battle was engaged against a roughly equal force of Indian warriors well known to have been involved in numerous depredationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;including massacres of women and childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and who openly mocked the soldiers moments before the bullets began to fly. And, when the battle commenced, both opposing forces suffered heavy casualties in the desperate fighting, fighting in which the Indians may well have had the upper hand at least initially. The battle, therefore, does not fit the generally accepted definition of a massacre, even though atrocities occurred after the fact.

Much more important, in its proper context the Battle of Bear River achieved its intended objective, not of glory seeking and thirsting after blood in a mindless slaughter aided and abetted by the Mormons, but of quel-

377 ling the hostility along the overland trailâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;this if the full array of evidence is evenhandedly taken into account, and the overwhelming majority of contemporary observers and subsequent historians are to be believed rather than Professor Madsen. One of these historians, Charles S. Peterson, in his foreword to this volume, seems to better place the battle in its proper perspective when he states that "the Bear River bloodletting silenced Indian resistance along the Oregon Trail."

The tragic story of the Northwestern Shoshoni people deserves to be convincingly, forcefully, and compassionately told, and Madsen is the logical choice to tell it, but in my opinion this telling of it is far short of the quality of his previous scholarship.

HOWARD CHRISTY

Brigham Young

A Zuni Atlas. By T. J. FERGI'SON and E. RICHARD Oklahoma Press, 1985. xiv + 154 pp. $24.95.)

A Zuni Atlas attempts to do two things. The first and most obvious is to provide an array of maps (44), charts ("6), and photographs (41) that illustrate the extent and quality of Zuni control and use of land within much of New Mexico and Arizona. Organized in an environmental scheme that ranges from geology to precipitation, from aquifers to biotic communities, and from soils to temperature changes, the book places the Zuni in their ecological niche. It also follows an anthropological and historical time line, running the gamut from the Anasazi to the reservation of today as well as providing traditional views of land use in social, economic, and religious terms. Thus, this slim volume takes a holistic approach for the reader who wants to learn about one of the many tribal peoples who share the region of the Southwest.

Is the book unique? In terms of

HART.

University

(Norman: University of

format, no, in that it is similar to other recently published atlases. The Navajo Atlas by James Goodman, for example, having many of the same topics and covering much of the same general geographic area. Content is a different question, since it presents the Zuni view of their relationship to the land and their history. As Ferguson and Hart state: "Much of [the book] was done either at the request of or under contract for the Zuni Tribal Council. Indeed much of the new ethnographic m a t e r i a l . . . originates from the Zunis themselves and has been made available to the public after long discussion and deliberation a m o n g Zuni leaders." The book's inception came after much of its contents were presented in the U.S. Court of Claims at which time the Zuni sought payment for lands taken without compensation. T h e tribe's viewpoint echoes clearly in the maps and the text.

378 But herein also lies a major criticism of the bookâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;its lack of balance. Hart and Ferguson are obviously interested only in presenting the Zuni view, much of which is based on tribal traditions "often learned by rote and passed down with great accuracy over the space of centuries." Yet the reader quickly sees that the oral traditions and beliefs of other Indian peoples are disregarded by the claims of the Zuni.

For instance. Map 1 shows the Zuni area encompassing between one-third and one-half of the states of Arizona and New Mexico. Using the year 1846 as the fullest extent of Zuni sovereignty, one finds on Map 21 a vast area stretching from Mount Taylor on the east to the San Francisco Peaks on the west, and from a line parallel with the Hopi mesas in the north to the Mogollon Mountains in the south. By using the word "sovereignty," the authors suggest a total control that ignores the Hopis, Navajos, Apaches, and the people of Acomaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;each with their own mythological or historical claims to the land. T o look at many of the maps marked and numbered with Zuni sites, one is impressed with the far-reaching effects of control and occupation that are being claimed. But when the key in the back of the text is used, a person starts to wonder. T h e problem arises from the generic term "land use," much of which is attributed to religious beliefs associated with migration mythology. But how do the Hopi feel about having Second and T h i r d Mesa put on a list entitled "Zuni Land Use Sites"? What is the Navajo and Hopi attitude toward having the San Francisco Peaks and Mount Taylor, two sacred mountains in their mythology, claimed under Zuni sovereignty?

The book also presents an idealized image of the Zuni. For instance, the authors say that the Zuni could have used their traditional practices to live "indefinitely" in their territory if they had not been interrupted by white

Utah Historical

Quarterly

encroachment. Yet to claim this is to ignore that Native Americans have continuously been confronted with change, whether self-induced, environmentally produced, or externally inflicted by other groups. It is also suggested that the Zuni never acted as aggressors in a war. In a sense this is the chicken-or-the-egg controversy, but as the authors note, the Zuni were very much involved in fighting at different times the Apache, Navajo, Hopi, Spanish, and other groups as well as participating to some extent in the slave trade. In at least some of these conflicts, good reasons could be found on both sides for the commencement of hostilities. T h e authors mention that the Zuni view their land as a "church," and yet mineral and energy development, according to a few of the maps, is taking place near some of their sacred sites; Ferguson and Hart could have provided the tribal religious response to these economic ventures. They also state that 95 percent of the reservation is taken u p with grazing, which computes to approximately twenty-six acres per animal.

T h e real issue arises in that the livestock industry is not the main form of employment, since wage labor, crafts, and government funds provide a much larger proportion of the tribal members' income. Thus, the authors have portrayed the Zuni in a very favorable light in order to stress the need for further land acquisition.

In summary, A Zuni Atlas presents a survey of this Indian group's close association with the land in an economic, religious, and social sense. The book, though biased, serves as a handy reference for the Zuni view of their land claims and historyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;though this is done at the expense of other Native American groups.

ROBERT S. M C P H E R S O N

College of Eastern Utah

Book Reviews and Notices

379

The Jade Steps: A Ritual Life of the Aztecs. By BURR CARTWRIGHT BRUNDAGE. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985. xvi + 280 pp. $22.50.)

Shortly after the conquest of Mexico in 1525, Cortes initiated the construction of the primitive Cathedral of Mexico City. Fallen and fragmented stone idols of the native gods formed the footings for it. As early as 1525 the Franciscan missionaries realized that efforts to Christianize the native populace would prove ineffective as long as native temples remained standing.

Accordingly, the missionaries, reinforced by native youths they had trained, systematically demolished and burned the important ceremonial centers of such cities as Texcoco, Mexico City, and Tlaxcalla. As early as 1530 the Franciscan friar Toribio de Benavente (Motolinia) asserted that all the natives had been converted to Christianity and that all idolatry had been wiped out. Almost a generation passed before missionaries such as the Dominican Fray Diego Duran and the Franciscan Fray Bernardino De Sahagun realized that the overt manifestations of native ritual had been destroyed; that the natives, while embracing Christianity, had remained polytheistic, their aboriginal beliefs and practices persisting; and that a true conversion to Christianity would result only after native ritual had been recognized, recorded, understood, and eliminated.

Brundage, continuing in the spirit of Duran and Sahagun, provides us with an exhaustive, interpretive presentation of the ritual life of the Aztecs.

He approaches this study already familiar with the pertinent sources, having previously published three books on Aztec culture and history.

The present study focuses exclusively on Aztec ritual. Consideration is given to those rituals pertaining to Aztec society at large and, separately, those rituals relating to the individual life cycle. Topics considered include: the

gods, the temples, the calendar festivals, the priesthood. In fact, he has assembled and presented an exhaustive list of activities and objects relating to Aztec ritual.

As the index will attest, a copious number of Nahuatl words appear in the text. They are spelled correctly, and Brundage's English translations are reliable.

Two chapters are deserving of special mention. Chapter 6, "Sacrifice as a Substitute for Renewal," offers Brundage's thoughts on the Aztec rationale for human sacrifice. He stresses two points: first, there was a long and varied history of human sacrifice in Middle America; second, human sacrifice was not a generalized ritual.

Accordingly, the varied forms of sacrifice are described and interpreted, each one in terms of its own procedure and purpose.

It is paradoxical that the visual symbols of Aztec ritual, the pyramids, the temples, the idols, should be the first to be demolished by the Spaniards and the last to be recovered, restored, and studied. Recent excavations at the Templo Mayor in the center of Mexico City have provided new and startling information. In Chapter 3, "Nodal Points of Meeting," Brundage has incorporated data from the recent excavations to provide a current description and enhance our understanding of the ceremonial center.

While other specialists in Aztec culture may differ with some of the author's viewpoints. The Jade Steps is a genuine and commendable effort to fathom and explain the dynamics of Aztec religion.

CHARLES E . DIBBLE

North Salt Lake

380

Utah Historical

Quarterly

A Basket of Chips: An Autobiography by James Taylor Harwood. Introduction and notes by ROBER i S. OLIMN. Utah, the Mormons, and the West Series, no. 12.

(Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, University of Utah Library, 1985 xviii + pp. $24.95.)

Utah history generally, and Utah art history specifically, are enriched by the publication of James T. Harwood's autobiography. This reviewer was left wistful for not having known this remarkable man. Harwood's selective and unfortunately incomplete self-portrait tells the reader what Harwood wanted known; one could speculate endlessly as to what might have been produced had he and his second wife worked longer and harder on his memoirs.

This work is a collection of six topical essays begun seventeen years prior to his death and never worked up into finished form. They stand, however, as one of the most revealing summations of a Utah artist's life yet produced. Harwood was not a polished writer, yet his recollections contain a quiet charm, gentlemanliness, and country-boy openness that is captivating. T h e chief failure of this work is its i n c o m p l e t e n e s s ; the m a i n

strength of the work is its existence.

We now have a major autobiographical statement from a major Utah artist whose work spanned more than half a century, whose reputation was international, and whose influence is still felt forty-five years after his death.

This is a comfortable little book.

Olpin sets the scene nicely for Harwood's essays and has largely avoided deifying the artist. One senses that the editor may have wished to provide even more emendations than actually appear; fuller documentation should probably wait until a full biography can be prepared. The editorial staff of the Tanner Trust is to be commended on the presentation of this book; it is one of the most attractive of the series.

A Basket of Chips is an important contribution to an understanding of Utah's art history WILLIAM C . SEIERIT

Salt Lake City

The Birth of the National Park Service: The Founding Years, 1913-33. By HORACE M. ALBRIGH ras told to Robert Cahn. (Salt Lake City: Howe Brothers, 1985. xii + 340 pp. Cloth $19.95; paper $10.95.)

Horace Albright, a native C^ialifornian and Berkeley law student, went to Washington, D . C , at age twenty-three to help establish the National Park Service. For the next twenty years, he worked relentlessly to firmly entrench it. When Albright and Stephen Mather were asked to help the Wilson administration establish the service, they did not realize new careers were beckoning.

Albright's recollections of these exciting decades provide the material for this volume. In reality, the foundation and structure of the contemporary Park Service were constructed during those twenty years.

Albright also spent a simultaneous decade as the s u p e r i n t e n d e n t of Yellowstone and as special field assistant to the director, Mather. During his years at Yellowstone, he set the high standard for park administration. Yellowstone was a showcase facility for politicians, foreign dignitaries, and business leaders. He also used his experience there to develop the concept of the professional park ranger. These complex and highly trained individuals were part naturalist, part historian, part promoter, and part conservationist. Albright succeeded Mather, and from 1929 to 1933

Book Reviews and Notices

381

he directed the National Park Service.

Among the acquisitions to the system that Albright fostered were Bryce and Zion Canyon in Utah.

A dedicated bureaucrat, Albright spent his career trying to consolidate numerous government historical and g e o g r a p h i c a l h o l d i n g s i n t o one agency, the National Park Service. It did not matter whether they were working for Frank Lane, Albert Fall, or Harold Ickes, Park Service leaders pursued that goal. With each change in the Interior Department, new battle lines were formed and an eductional program instituted. Finally, after a direct conversation with Franklin D. Roosevelt, Albright was able to gain control over the military sites. With that achievement, he retired from the Park Service after twenty years.

Albright is totally honest in recreating the controversial events surrounding the land acquisitions that

preceded the creation of the Grand Teton National Park. Utilizing his association with the Rockefellers, Albright was able to orchestrate the park's authorization. It is an intriguing story. These pioneer cultural, historical, and geographical preservationists served the nation well.

This volume is a welcome primary source addition to the historiography of the conservationist movement.

Albright's positions are well understood and his memory precise. Well illustrated with excellent photographs throughout, the book is also well written, and the firsthand insights are colorful and appreciated. As a propagandist and proselyter, Albright was exceptionally successful, a n d the American public was well served by his foresight.

F. ROSS PETERSON

Utah State

University

Book Notices The Lore of Arms: A Concise History of Weaponry. By WILLIAM REID. (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985.

256 pp. Cloth, $10.95; paper, $5.95.)

Reid, director of the National Army Museum in London and a widely known expert on military history, has chronicled the evolution of weaponry from Neolithic times through World War II. His highly readable account, the result of twenty years of research in the museums of Europe and the United States, focuses on those weapons that

significantly changed the nature of warfare: crossbows, catapults, flint and steel-trigger muskets, breechloading guns, field artillery, tanks, and automatic weapons. T h e book also covers the great battles, fortifications, and strategies that have shaped the history of warfare.

Detailed line and color drawings complement the text with an aesthetic touch. An index would have been a useful a d d i t i o n to the v o l u m e .

Lacking that, chapter titles and subtitles would have helped.

382

Utah Historical Quarterly

Utah's Newspapersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Traces of Her Past. Edited by ROBERT P . HOLLEY. (Salt Lake City: Marriott Library, University of Utah, 1984. 319 pp. $19.95.)

Funded by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, this book was published as the end product of Phase I of the Utah Newspaper Project. T h e book is divided into two sections. T h e first section contains papers presented at the Utah Newspaper Project Conference held in November 1984: "Early Utah Journalism: A Brief Summary" by Chad Flake; "Newspapers in Utah Today"

by William B. Smart; "Community Newspapers in U t a h " by Samuel J. Taylor; " T h e Use of Early Western Newspapers in Historical Research"

by Brigham D. Madsen; "Past Attempt at Bibliographic Control of Utah Newspapers" by Richard Van Orden; " T h e Utah Newspaper Project" by Robert P. Holley; and "Practical Instructions for Participants in the Utah Newspaper Project" by Yvonne Stroup. T h e second section of the book is a "Checklist of Utah Newspapers" arranged by title, county, city, and date.

Coxey's Army: An American

Odyssey.

By CARLOS A. SCHWANTES. (Lincoln:

Army hold the most interest for students of Utah history. The Kelleyites' arrival in the Ogden area on April 8, 1894, the heated response of Gov. Caleb West, and Ogden Mayor Charles Brough's irritation with West are the main ingredients in a colorful incident well told in chapter 7.

John Doyle Lee: Zealot, Pioneer Builder, Scapegoat. By JUANITA BROOKS. (Salt Lake City and Chicago: Howe Brothers, 1984. 406 pp.

Paper, $12.50.)

First published in 1961 by Arthur H. Clark, John Doyle Lee was reissued with corrections in a new edition in 1972. The Howe Brothers paperback reprints the 1972 edition.

As the only man tried and executed for his participation in the Mountain Meadow Massacre in 1857, Lee is perhaps the most haunting figure in nineteenth-century Utah history.

Using an array of primary source materials as well as her own intimate knowledge of southern Utah, Juanita Brooks created what is arguably the best biography of any Utahn to date.

Moreover, the book provides a detailed chronicle of the early growth and migration west of the Mormons and the joys and hardships of settling one of America's most isolated frontiers.

University of Nebraska Press, 1985. xiv + 321 p p . $22.95.)

T h e depression years of 1893 and 1894 gave birth to the first protest march on the nation's capital by unemployed Americans from the Midwest and West who hoped to convince Congress and President Grover Cleveland to create public works jobs and take whatever steps might be necessary to stimulate the sluggish economy.

A l t h o u g h the protesters orginally recruited in Ohio by Jacob S. Coxey remain the most well-known group, there were others. Of these, Kelley's

Illustrated Dictionary of Place Names: United States and Canada. Edited

by KELSIE B . HARDER. (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985. 632 pp.

Cloth, $19.95; paper, $12.95.)

This illustrated source book includes listings for every U.S. village and town with a population over 2,500 and every such locality in Canada with a population over 2,000. Smaller localities whose names are unique are also listed, as well as major land and coastal features such as bays, capes.

Book Reviews and

Notices

gulfs, islands, lakes, rivers, forests, mountains, and valleys. Duplicate names for different places are also included, and there are cross-references for alternative place names of significance within the North American region. It is a very useful reference tool.

Some 200 line illustrations, drawings, and photos accompany the text.

Westering Man: The Life of Joseph Walker. By BIL GILBERT. (Norman: University of O k l a h o m a Press, 1985. X + 339 pp. Paper, $9.95.)

Born in Tennessee in 1799, Joseph

383 Walker emigrated to the West in the 1820s. For the next four decades he carved his niche in the a n n a l s of frontier history through an amazing series of adventures and achievements as explorer, guide, lawman, trapper, trader, s t o c k m a n , and soldier of fortune.

Atypically modest and reticent for a mountain man, Walker has generally eluded biographers until now. Determined and resourceful, Gilbert has crafted an entertaining and competent study of this intriguing character. His reflections on the nature and image of frontier heroes add an extra interpretive dimension.

STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, AND CIRCULATION T h e Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah, 84101. T h e editor is Melvin T. Smith and the managing editor is Stanford J. Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher. The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine.

T h e following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,585 copies printed; 111 paid circulation; 2,844 mail subscriptions, 2,955 total paid circulation; 214 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,169 total distribution; 416 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,585.

The following figures are the actual number of copies of single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,500 copies printed; 52 paid circulation; 2,796 mail subscriptions, 2,848 total paid circulation; 108 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 2,956 total distribution; 544 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,500.

INDEX Italic numbers refer to illustrations.

Ackley, Richard, at Camp Floyd, 173 Addams, Jane, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA), funds and programs of in Utah, 227, 249, 272-73, 275, 282 Agriculture, 308, 3U, 313, 322, 326; depressed state of, d u r i n g 1920s a n d 30s, 308-27; environmental problems affecting, 309-13; and Japanese Americans, 328-44; marketing problems of, 321-23; problems of, on marg i n a l l a n d s , 308-27; role of, in state's economy, 248-49; shortage of workers in, during WW II, 334; sociocultural problems in, 313-15; water problems affecting, 316. See also Drought of 1934 Alexander, E. B., col. in Johnston's Army, 159, 164-65 Alexander, Mrs. E. B. (Eve), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 168 Allen, Mary Simms (wife), 54 Allen, William Robert, architect-builder in Davis County, 4, 52; birth and immigration of, 53; as a brick mason, 53, 56; buildings designed by, 54-73, 53, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74; business card of, 55; career of, 54-73; clients of, 58, 61-72, 74-87; deafness of, 54; home of, 61, 61, 78; marriage and family of, 54; musical interests of, 52, 53; personality of, 52, 54; schools designed by, 56,59 Aha Club, 23; building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10, 22, 24, 29, 30; members of, commissioned Hale to design homes, buildings, 3, 8-11 American Legion, 29 American Linen Supply, building of, designed

by Hale, 22, 27, 28, 29 Amlie, Thomas, congressman, 356 Anderson, Andrew, Moroni home of, 2 Andrews and Co., Nephi shipping firm, 97 Angell, T r u m a n O., architect-builder, 53, 87 Arbuckle, George, LDS bishop, 50 Architecture: Box style of, 20-21, 20; Commercial style of, 23, 25; in Davis County, 52-73; Georgian Revival style of, 15, 16, 16-17; Italian Renaissance style of, 22, 23, 24; Neoclassical style of, 15, 16, 16-17, 58-59; Queen Anne style of, 12; in SLC, 5-51; in Sanpete Valley, 88-112; Shingle style of, / 7 , 12,13, 14, 15, 16; Spanish Colonial style of, 21, 22; of subdivisions, 31-51; in turn-of-the century Utah, 2-73; Victorian Eclectic style of, 59,60, 62, 63-65. See also Perkins' Addition and names of individual architects The Architecture of Fred A. Hale, 1890-1907, promotional booklet, 8, 11, 15 Armitage, William, p a i n t i n g by, in Logan Temple, 185

Art, Utahns studying, in Paris, 179-202. See also names of individual artists

B Babcock, Charles, prof, of architecture, 7 Bailey, Roger, prof, of architecture, 29-30 Ballard, Melvin J., LDS apostle, 320 Bamberger Railroad, 56 Bamberger, Simon, brick and railroad cos. of, 56 Bangs, John Kendrick, editor of Life, 368-69 Barnes Banking Co., 58, 83, 84 Barnes Block, design of, 57, 58 Barnes, Emily Stewart, wife of John R., 71, 78, 79,83 Barnes, George W., 86 Barnes, Herbert J., 86 Barnes, John George Moroni, house of, designed

by Allen, 65, 65-66, 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81,83,84,85,86,87 Barnes, John R., house of, designed by Allen, 66, 67, 68, 69-70, 75, 76, 77, 78,' 79, 80, 83-84, 85, 86,87 Barnes, Richard W., 86 Barnes, Sarah, 79, 80 Barnes, William, 79 Bartholome, Robert, army surgeon, 162 Barton & Hoggan Meat & Grocery, 45 Barton, James B., businessman, 45 Bear Lake, low level of, in 1934, 248 Beardshall, William, early settler of Fairfield, 167 Beaver County, problems of agriculture in, 311, 316 Beck, Simon, Spring City woolgrower, home of, 98,99 Beecher, Henry Ward, satiric treatment of, 365-66 Beehive House, 125 Behunnin, Isaac, early Spring City settler, home of, 98, 99 Bellew, Chip, cartoonist, 363 Bendetsen, Karl R., maj. and Japanese American relocation, 331 Bennett, Charles S., Perkins' Addition buyer, 44 Bennett's Paint and Glass, windows designed by, 58 Benson, Elmer A., U.S. senator, 356 Bernine, Eldor, 150 Bidwell, , home of, designed by Hale, 12, 13, 14 Bills, Lester, 216 Black, Mrs , wife of sgt. with Johnston's Army, 174 Blacks: as domestics, 44; as WACs at Wendover Field during WW II, 153-55 Blood, Ernest C , 86 Blood, George H., 86 Blood, Henry H., gov. of Utah, 215, 216; and bank holiday, 225-26, 276; campaign and

Index inauguration of, 216-18, 272; and drought of 1934, 252, 255-56, 258, 259, 264, 277-78; first message of, to legislature, 218-21; first year of, as governor, 216-39; house of, designed by Allen, 70, 71, 75, 76, 78, 79, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87; lobbying of, in Washington, D . C , 227-30, 236-39; New Year's message of, 280; objection of, to federal program cuts, 283-84; relations of, with legislature, 222-26, 230-33; relatives of, 66; and repeal of prohibition, 230-31; and sales tax, 223, 231-34 Blood, J o h n H., 86 Blood, Minnie Barnes, wife of Henry H., 78, 79, 84 Blood, William, father of Henry H., 83, 85 Blood, William H., Kaysville city councilman, 86 Booth, , Kaysville resident, 53 Box Elder County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Boyer, Selvoy J., exec, sec'y of Farm Bureau, 334 Bracken, A. L., land use consultant, 311-12, 319 Brigham City Cooperative, 82 Brigham Young Academy, Provo, art dept. of, 202 Buck, Robert, editor of New Majority, 348 Bunnell, Helen E., experiences of, during Great Depression, 265-67 Bunnell, Omar B., experiences of, during Great Depression, 265-67 Burhaus, Morris S., Perkins' Addition contractor, 36, 40 Burns, Mab (daughter), 164 Burns, Mrs. William, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 162, 164, 165 Burton, James, 79 Burton, Margaret, 79 Burton, Richard F., comments of, on Chandless's books, 116-17; in SLC, 124, 125, 132, visit of, to Camp Floyd, 177 Burton, Robert W., early Kaysville settler, 76, 79

Cache County, dry farm in, 313 C a m p Floyd, 171, 178; archaeological excavations at, 158-59; descriptions of, 168-69; laundresses at, 174-76; prostitution at, 17374; social life at, 170-72 C a m p Floyd State Park, Stagecoach Inn in, 157 C a m p Scott, Wyoming, winter camp of Johnston's Army, 160-66, 163 Canby, E. R. S.: as col. with Johnston's Army, 157; at Fort Bridger, 165 Canby, Louisa (wife), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 159, 162, 165 Cannon, George Q., and artists studying in Paris, 184-86, 192, 194, 196, 197, 199, 200; cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Carbon County, problems of agriculture in, 309, 315, 323 Carr, William, gov. of Colorado, 331

385 Carroll, Katy (daughter), 161, 164 Carroll, Mrs. Samuel S., experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 159, 160-61, 164, 166 Carroll, Samuel S., 2d It. with Johnston's Army, 160 Carson family, early settlers of Fairfield, 167 Carson's Inn, Fairfield, Utah, 178 Central Utah Canal, 315 Chamberlin & Co., Perkins' Addition developer, 33, 35, 36, 45 Chamberlin, Gilbert L., Perkins' Addition developer, 3, 31-42, 45, 46, 48, 49 Chandless, Thomas (father), 118 Chandless, William, British explorer, 116,133; Amazon explorations of, 132-35; background of, 118-19, 133-34; book of, on SLC and Mormons, 116-18, 123, 134-36, 136; crosscountry journey and travel narrative of, 117, 119-35; residence of, in Utah, 123-32; Royal Geographical Society award to, 134 Chapin, Gurden, It. at C a m p Floyd, wife of, 177 Chapman, Ernest, clergyman, 340 Chesebro, J. L., SLC architect, 59 Chez, Joseph, Utah atty. gen'l, 224, 230-31 Christensen, C. C. A., murals by, in Manti Temple, 186 Christensen, Parley P., SLC atty. and political activist, 345, 350, 352; and Danish co-ops, 349; and Esperanto, 350-51, 357; as FarmerLabor candidate for president in 1920, 34648,351; as Los Angeles city councilman, 357; mother of, 356; as Progressive nominee for U.S. Senate, 357; as a Republican, 347; and Soviet Union, 346,348,349, 350-54, 356; visit of, with Lenin, 346, 348, 349, 350-54; world tour of, 348-57 Christiansen, Andrew, Fairview home of, 104-5, 104 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: art and artists supported by, 184-86, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199-202; British converts to, 128-30; Japanese converts to, 332,340; and real estate speculation, 48; and unity of church and state in Utah, 126 Civilian Works Administration (CWA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 234, 239, 250, 261, 278-80 Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), funds and programs of, in Utah, 227,230,249,262,274, 275, 276, 277, 280, 282 Clawson, J o h n Willard, as an art student in Paris, 180, 190, 191, 198, 200-202 Clegg, John, early settler of Fairfield, 167 Clyde, George Dewey: as gov., 178; as state water conservator during 1934 drought, 252-55 Commercial National Bank, design of, by Hale, 5, 6, 8, 9 Communist Labor party, 346 Communist party, 346 Communist Party USA, 346 Constant, Benjamin, painter and teacher, 183, 196

386 Consumers, Utah, 268 Cooke, Philip St. George, It. col. with Johnston's Army, 167, 175 Cosgriff, J. B., home of, designed by Hale, 10 Cox, James M., 1920 presidential candidate, 348, 353 Crawford, James, Manti businessman, home of, 99, 100-101 Cross, Kirkwood, Provo architect, 99, 100-101 Gumming, Alfred, gov. of U.T., 158, 166 Gumming, Elizabeth (wife), 163; experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 159, 161-62, 166 Cummings, Byron, U. of U. prof., home of, 44 Curry, J. M., home of, designed by Hale, 8 Cutler, James C , N. Y. architect, 7

Daggett, _ _, home of, 9 Daggett County, problems of agriculture in, 323, 324-25 Dallin, Cyrus E., sculptor, 185; as art student in Paris, 180, 182, 184, 187, 189, 202; in Boston, 180 Daly, J. J., Hale designed building for, 8-9 Dana, James, It. at Camp Floyd, wife of, 177 Davis and Weber Counties Canal Co., 82, 83, 84 Davis County: architecture in, 3-4, 52-73, 55, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74; courthouse in, designed by Allen, 56, 57, 58 Davis, C. S.,homeof, designed by Hale, 9,70,12, 14 Davis, George H., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20, 20-21 Debs, Eugene V., as presidential candidate, 347, 348,353 Deer Creek Dam, 236, 237, 260-61, 263 De Goyler, , Hale designed home of, 9 Demman, , Helper physician, 266 Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad, in Sanpete Valley, 110 Depue, David A., Perkins' Addition h o m e owner, 37 Dern, George H.: as gov., 251; as sec'y of war under FDR, helped H. H. Blood gain access to president, 228, 237 Deseret National Bank, 84 De Witt, J. L., It. gen., and Japanese American relocation, 330-31 Dininny, Harper J., atty. for Chamberlin & Co., 45, 46, 49 Domus Co., building of, designed by Hale, 22 Donnellan, John, Hale designed houses for, 8 Dorius, J o h n , Jr., Ephraim merchant, home of, 103, 104 Downey, , home of, designed by Hale, 9, 12, 13, 14, 30 Drought of 1934, 245-64, 277-78, 310-11, 323, 327; crop losses during, 247,248,254,263-64; effects of, nationally, 247,252; high temperatures during, 248; rainfall during, 247-48,

Utah Historical Quarterly 261; stock losses during, 247, 258-59; surveys and projects during, 253-61 Drown, William, bugler with Johnston's Army, 160, 161, 166 Duchesne County: interest of residents of, in Japanese American farm workers, 335-36; living conditions in, 318; problems of agriculture in, 309, 311-12, 315, 323, 324, 326 Dussler, Byron: NCO at Wendover Field during WWII, 136, 137-56; relatives of, 143

Eagles Club, building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10,25 Early, Clyde, mortician, 17, 19 East Mill Creek, Utah, irrigation project in, 260 Eccles, David, and LDS finances, 83 Edmunds, , U.S. senator, cartoon depicting, 367, 367-68 Elks Club, building of, designed by Hale, 10 Ellison, E. P., 83 Ellison Ranching Co., 63, 84 Emery County: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; problems of agriculture in, 309, 315 Endo, Frank, experiences of, in Keetley, 337 Enoch's Advocate, underground newspaper, 358, 359-60 Ephraim, Utah: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; homes in, 97, 103 Equitable Life and Casualty Insurance Co., building of, 10, 2<?, 29 Esper, Frank, national sec'y of Farmer-Labor party, 348 Esperanto, P. P. Christensen's advocacy of, 350-51 Ethiopian Opera Troupe, 172 Evans and Early Mortuary, 9-10, 16, 17, 19 Evans, David, atty., 44 Evans, Edwin, as art student in Paris, 180, 19091, 193-94, 197-202 Evans, Priscilla M., husband of, worked at Camp Floyd, 177 Evans, Thomas W., commissioned sculpture from Dallin, 184 Excelsior Address Book,Sl^C'^lut^odk," 9,14

Fairbanks, J. Leo (son), artistic efforts of, 191-92 Fairbanks, John B., 179; as art student in Paris, 180, 186-95, 197-202; letters of, 181, 193-95, 197-201; painting of, 207 Fairbanks, Lillie (wife), correspondence of, with John B., 193-95, 197-201 Fairfield, Utah, pioneer settlers of, and Johnston's Army, 167-68 Fairview, Utah, homes in, 104, 108 Farm Credit Administration (FCA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 250, 262

387

Index Farmer-Labor party, P. P. Christensen 1920 presidential candidate of, 346-48, 354 Farmers' First National Bank of Layton, 83, 85 Farmers' Union Building, design of, by Allen, 58 Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. (FDIC), 276 Federal Emergency Relief A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (FERA): funds and programs of, in Utah, 227, 232, 234,239,249,252,255,258,261,274, 276-80, 285; mob at office of, 279-80, 279 Federal Surplus Relief Corp., livestock purchasing program of, 258-59 Ferry, Edward S., home of, designed by Hale, 10 Fisher, Galen W., Congregational minister, 340 Fisher, George A., rancher and mayor of Keetley, 333-39,341,344 Flanagan, Barney L., highway labor inspector, 240-44 Folsom, William, architect-builder, 53 Ford, Henry, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Forest Dale Golf Course, clubhouse of, designed

by Hale, 11 Forsyth, George A., at Camp Floyd, 176 Fort Bridger, Jonnston's Army at, 157-58,160-66 Fort Douglas, 140 Foxley, William, British immigrant, 78 Foy, Ellen, killing of, 174 Fraternal Order of Eagles, Aerie No. 67. See Eagles Club Fremont, John Charles, 246

Gailey, John R., Kaysville publisher, 84 Galbraith, William L., 86 Garfield County, problems of agriculture in, 314-15, 324, 326 Gibson, Katherine, army wife, 168 Gibson, Sarah, property of, sold for Perkins' Addition, 35, 48 Golightly, Isabella, 79 Goodale, Jennie, Indian wife of army guide, 165-66 Goodale, Tim, guide for Col. Marcy, 165 Gorlinski, Marie, artist, studied in Europe, 180 Gove, Jesse, officer in Johnston's Army, 158, 160,163-64, 165 Grand County, problems of agriculture in, 311 Grantsville, Utah, dustslorms in, 312 Great Basin: Fremont's assessment of, 246; low rainfall in, 247-48. See also Drought of 1934 Great Depression, 216-85; agriculture during, 270-71, 308-27; banks during, 219, 225-26; effects of, in Utah, 217-18, 220, 248-49; federal programs and funds to combat, in Utah, 249-56, 262, 263; relief work on roads during, 240-44, 275; state workers dismissed during, 224-25. See also Blood, Henry H., and Drought of 1934 Greaves, Peter, Ephraim businessman, home of, 97, 97-98

Green, J o h n H y r u m , British i m m i g r a n t in Kaysville, 76 Griffen, T. G., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20, 21, 22 Gullion, Allen W., maj. gen., and Japanese American relocation, 331

H Haag, Herman H., as art student in Paris, 180, 189, 194, 197-202 Hafen, John, 179, 185; as art student in Paris, 180, 184-97, 200, 202; drawing by, 188; letters of, 181; painting by, 795 Hafen, Thora (wife), 186-88 Haight, Hector C , founder of Kaysville, 76 Hale, Edward Lincoln (son), 8 Hale, Edyth Mae (daughter), 8 Hale, Frederic Albert, architect, 5; career of, 3, 5-30; community and social activities of, 1112; death of, 12; Denver practice of, 7-8; design competition won by, 7; education of, 7; LItah buildings designed by, 5,10,11,13, 15,16,18, 20, 21, 23, 26, 28 Hale, Frederic Albert, Jr. (son), 8 Hale, Girard Van Barkaloo (son), 8 Hale, Mary Frances (Minnie) O'Grady (wife), 8 Hamilton, Henry S., with Johnston's Army, 169 Hampton, Grant, home of, designed by Hale, 12,20,21,22 Harding, Warren G., and 1920 election, 348 Harkness, Robert, home of, designed by Hale, 10 Harney, , gen., army of, 120-21 Harper, Heber R., regional director of Social Security, 282 Harris, , pvt. at Wendover Field, 150 Harris, Elizabeth, prostitute at C a m p Floyd, 173 Hartwig, Lulu, cousin of B. Dussler, 143 Harwood, James T., as art student in Paris, 180, 181-84, 195-96, 796 Hasegawa, Harry T., SLC resident, 344 Haxton Place, elite subdivision, 21, 22 Heber City, Utah: M o r m o n co-op in, 341; objection of residents of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Hiatt, Frank T., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Hi-Land Dairy, milk from Keetley sold to, 341 Hills, L. S., and LDS finances, 83 Hinckley, Robert H., 251; as FERA administrator for Utah, 250-51; and 1934 drought, 255-56, 258, 310; welfare post of, 233; as western states FERA director, 258, 278 Historic American Buildings Survey, 19 Holmes, Samuel O., founder of Kaysville, 76 Home Fire Insurance Co., 84 Home Owners Loan Act (HOLA), 235, 262 Hoover, Herbert, and Great Depression, 269 Hopi Indians, rain dances of, during 1934 drought, 261 Hopkins, Harrv L., national FERA administrator, 232,'234, 239, 250, 258, 278, 281, 310

388

Utah Historical Quarterly

Howe, Mrs. M. S., 171 Howe, M. S., gen. at Camp Floyd, 171 Hubbard, William G., real estate developer, 41-42 Hudson, Rosa Ann, 79 Humpherys, Thomas H., state engineer, 256 Hyde, Orson, cartoon depicting, 358, 360 Hyrum Dam, funding for, 236

I Ickes, Harold, PWA director, 229, 237-39, 276 Ivers, James, home and building of, designed by Hale, 8, 10 Ivey, Josephine, cousin of B. Dussler, 143

Jackson, R. C , deputy sheriff, 279 Japanese Americans, 328, 332, 335, 307; population of, in Utah, 332-33; prejudice against, 333, 336. 338, 343, 344; relocation of, during WW II, 328-44. See also Keetley, Utah Japanese American Citizens League: basketball league of, 343; and relocation, 334-35 Jeffries, Elizabeth, 79 Jennings, William, merchant, 82, 85 Jenson, Andrew, LDS historian, 48 J o h n R. Barnes Co., 84 J o h n s t o n , Albert Sidney, women associated with troops of, in Utah, 157-78 Johnson, Anna R. Lemon, during Great Depression, 318-19 Johnson, Frank, Uinta Basin farmer, 319 Johnson, Jacob, Spring City home of, 106-7,107 Jones, R. W., Fairfield, Utah, described by, 168 Jorgensen, Enoch, Ephraim home of, 102,103 J u a b County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Judd, Eliza B., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42-44, 43 Judd, J o h n W., U.T. justice and Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42-44, 43 Juvenile Instructor, art competition sponsored by, 191

Kane County, problems of agriculture, in, 311 314,324 Kanosh, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Kay, William, founder of Kaysville, 75, 76-77 Kays Creek Irrigation Co., 83 Kaysville Brass Band, 53 Kaysville Brick Co., 56 Kaysville Brick and Tile Co., 56, 84 Kaysville Canning Co., 84 Kaysville Cooperative Mercantile Co., 58 Kaysville Irrigation Co., 85 Kaysville Milling Co., 84 Kaysville Tabernacle, 57,87; design of, by Allen 58-59, 73

Kaysville, Utah, architecture in, 52, 53-61, 65-87 Kaysville Weekly Reflex, 84 Kearns, Thomas, Hale designed building for, 8 Keetley, John B. (Jack), mine tunnel project supervisor, 333 Keetley, Utah, 328, 340; Japanese American relocation colony in, 328-44; as a mining town, 333-34 Keith, David: business interests of, 8-9, 19,22,23, 24-25, 29, 30; home of, designed by Hale, 9, 18, 19-20, 30 Keith, J. T., home of, designed by Hale, 12, 20 21, 22 Keith-O'Brien Co., building for, designed by Hale, 24 Keller, , priest at Camp Floyd, 172 Keller, Frederick, San Francisco artist, 366-67 Kelly, William, Irish gold seeker and travel writer, 123 Kelting, , actress, 170 Kennedy, H. F., real estate developer, 32-33 Kletting, Richard K. A., architect, 5-6; Mclntyre Building designed by, 27, 29 Kow, Ike, suicide of, 333

La Follette, Robert, Farmer-Labor nomination turned down by, 346 Latter-day Saints College, art dept. of, 202 Layton, Abraham, 77 Layton, Charles, 77 Layton, Christopher, Davis County pioneer, 62, 68, 76, 77-78, 79, 80-84, 85, 86 Layton, Christopher, Jr., 86 Layton, Frank L., 86 Layton, George Willard, house of, designed by Allen, 62-65, 62, 63, 66, 75, 78, 79, 82, 83, 87 Layton, J o h n Henry, house of, designed by Allen, 62-65, 62, 63, 74, lb, 78, 79, 82, 87 Layton, R. Ole, 86 Layton, Samuel, 77 Layton, Sarah Barnes, wife of Christopher, 77, 78, 79, 80 Layton, Sarah Martin, wife of Christopher, 77 Layton Sugar Co., 83, 84 Lee, Annie, camp follower, 173-74 Lee, William, at Camp Floyd, 171 Lefevre, Jules, painter, 196 Lenin, V. I., P. P. Christensen's visit with, 346, 348, 349, 350-54, 352 Leslie, Mr. and Mrs. Frank, interview of, with Brigham Young, 358-59 Lion House, 725 Livingston and Kinkead, SLC merchants, 120 Livingston, Archibald, Manti farmer, home of, 106, 706 Loader, Patience (wife of J o h n Rozsa), experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 168-69,174, 175, 178 Logan Temple, art work in, 185

Index

389

Long, Stephen H., army engineer, 246 Longee, , actress, 170-71 Luce & Berryman's Mint Saloon, 50 Luce, Henry, saloonkeeper, 50

M Mabry, William D., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37, 41 McCloy, J o h n J., asst. sec'y of war, and Japanese American relocation, 331 McDonald, Albert F., imprisonment of, 176 McDonald, Elizabeth, prison visit of, 176-77 Mclntire, Samuel, architect-builder, 53 Mclntyre Building, design of, by Kletting, 27,29 McLaws, Lafayette, Camp Floyd described by, 169 McMillan, Henry B., home of, designed by Hale, 10 MacVichie, Duncan, home of, designed by Hale, 10 Mahon, Michael, and Camp Floyd prostitute, 173 Malia, John, state banking commissioner, 226 Malone, Dudley Field, as possible presidential nominee, 347 Manti LDS Temple: art works in, 185; completion of, 110 Manti, Utah, homes in, 93, 96, 99, 105,106 Marcy, Randolph, col. with Johnston's Army, 165 Margis Investment Co., 44 Markham, Clement, South American explorer, 134 Markland, C. B., home of, designed by Hale, 10, 12, 13, 14 Marony, , laundress and cook, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 157-58, 163 Marony, Johnny, 163-64 Marony, Patrick, sgt. with Johnston's Army, 158, 163 Marriott, Elizabeth, 79 Marriott, J o h n , early Kaysville settler, 76,77, 79, 80 Marriott, J. Willard, hotel magnate, 76 Marriott, Mary Ann, 79 Martin, , woman with Johnston's Army, 164 Martineau, Lyman R., businessman, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 44 Masaoka, Mike, JACL spokesman, 335 Maughan, J. Howard, land use consultant, 313 Maw, Herbert B., gov., and Japanese American relocation, 335-36, 338 Meilnig, Jens, brickmaker. Mount Pleasant home of, 89-90, 90 Michelsen, Rasmus, farm abandoned by, 316 Military Dramatic Assn., group at Camp Floyd, 170-71 Millard County: and Great Depression, 317-18, 319;problemsofagriculturein, 309-10, 31213, 314, 315, 316, 317-18, 322, 323, 324, 325

Mitchell, Alexander, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Model Laundry, building of, designed by Hale, 22 Mogo, Charles, teamster and surveyor, 164 Mogo, Mrs. Charles, with Johnston's Army, 164 Moon Lake project, 237, 261 Mormon Battalion, 167 Mormons: attitudes of, toward federal help during Great Depression, 268-69; architecture in communities where, predominate, 52-73, 88-112; barter economy of, 127; courts of, 126-27; culture of, 91-92, 126; emigrant travel of, 120-23; observations of Chandless on, 117-18, 120, 123-32, 135-36; outsiders viewed with suspicion by, 334; public antipathy toward, 369-70; stereotyping of religion of, 370; and suburbs of SLC, 48-49; and U.S. Army at C a m p Floyd, 167, 170-71, 173, 176. See also Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and names of individual Mormons Moroni, Utah, home in, 2 Morris, William C , painting by, in Manti Temple, 185 Morrison, Pitcairn, col. at Camp Floyd, 176-77 Morrison, W. L., architect in N.Y., 7 Mount Pleasant, Utah: effect of 1934 drought in, 257; homes in, 88-90, 88, 90,101 Mountain Meadow Massacre, child survivors of, 174 Mullins, Frank, killing of ex-fiancee by, 174 Munday, Richard, architect-builder, 53 Murdock, Abe, U.S. senator, and Japanese Americans at Keetley, 343 Mure, Elizabeth, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174

N Nagata, Ted, Keetley resident, 341 Nakajima, Arnold Katsuo, clergyman, 340 Nash, Hester Elvira, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174 National Bank of Layton, 63 National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), provisions of, 227-28, 231, 233, 235, 272-76 National Labor party, 346 National Recovery Administration, (NRA), programs of, 234-35, 273-74, 274 Neff, Andrew Love, comments of, on Chandless's book, 117 Nelden, William A., home of, designed by Hale, 10,75, 16-17,30 New Deal. See Great Depression, Roosevelt, Franklin D., and names of various federal agencies New Majority, newspaper of Farmer-Labor party, 348 Nielson, N. S., Mount Pleasant merchant, home of, 707, 101-2

390

Oak Park Dam, 254 Ogden, , woman at Camp Floyd, 172 Ola, , SLC clergyman, 340

Park City Record, and Japanese Americans in Keetley, 338-39, 341 Park City, tJiah, Japanese Americans in, 333, 344 Parker & Depue Lumber Co., 37 Parker, Frank L., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37 Parrish, Frances, 79 Paul, Gabriel Rene, capt. at C a m p Floyd, wife of,, 177 Payne, William Lauder, early Kaysville settler, 76 Perkins' Addition, SLC subdivision, 31-51; architectural features and amenities of, 3940; beginnings of, 31-37; construction of, 3839; G. Chamberlin developer of, 3; homes in, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44; land purchased for, 35, 48; location of, 33; map of, 47; restrictions in, 36-37; sales promotion and advertising for, 33, 34, 37, 38, 45 P e t e r s o n , W i l l i a m , c h a i r m a n , emergency drought relief committee, 256 Phelps, John, Utah Expedition diary of, 162 Phillips, Edward, British immigrant in Kaysville, 76, 79 Phillips, Hannah, 79 Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, 1806 expedition of, 246 Pine View Dam, 236, 260, 285 Piute County, water project in, 324 Piute Project, 160-farm venture, 316 Plummer, Augustus H., It. at C a m p Floyd, wife of, 177 Polygamy, observations of Chandless on, 11718, 120, 130-32 Pratt, Lorus, as art student in Paris, 180, 186-94, 197-202 Presbyterian church, Kaysville, designed by Allen, 55, 56 Price, Utah, road construction in, 229 Progressive party: and Committee of Fortyeight, 346-47; and P. P. Christensen, 357 Prohibition, repeal of, 230-31, 233 Prostitution at Camp Floyd, 173-74; and Indian women, 164 Public Works Administration (PWA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 228, 231, 232, 233, 235-39, 2.50, 260, 274-76, 280

Real estate, speculation in, in SLC, 48-49 Reconstruction Finance Corp. (RFC), 249, 280

Utah Historical Quarterly Remy, Jules, early French visitor to Utah, 117, 123 Resettlement Administration, 327 Rice, Dave, highway worker, 244 Richards, Harriet, wife of J. T. Harwood, 181, 19.5,196 Rich County, problems of agriculture in, 323 Richfield, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Rigelot, , artist, 201 Roberton, Arthur H., sgt. at Wendover Field, 150-.52, 757 Roeschlaub, Robert, Denver architect and partner of F. A. Hale, 7 Romney, George, and LDS finances, 83 Rose, Guy, art student in Paris, 181, 182 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 275, 218, 226; bank holiday declared by, 226; and Japanese American relocation, 331; and New Deal, 226-27,249-50,251,269,272-76,278,280,283; and 1934 drought, 255; visits of Gov. Blood with, 228, 237 Roosevelt, Theodore, Bull Moose candidacy of, 347 Rozsa, John, sgt. with Johnston's Army, 168-69, 174,175, 176

St. George Temple, art work in, 185 Salisbury, O. J., home of, designed by Hale, 9-10,76, 17, 19,30 Salotti, Marti, highway worker, 244 Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce, lobbying and promotional efforts of, 50, 276, 284 Salt Lake City: architecture in, 3, 5-51; electric streetcars in, 31, 32, 46-48; Japanese section of, 333; Perkins' Addition subdivision in, 3151; population of, 6; "society" in, 6 Salt Lake City Past and Present, guidebook, 24 Salt Lake City Railroad, streetcar of, 31 Salt Lake Country Club (Forest Dale), building of, designed by Hale, 10-11, 23 Salt Lake Easel, Harwood exhibit at, 181 Salt Lake Herald, and Perkins' Addition, 33 Salt Lake Temple, decoration of, with art works, 184-86, 197, 200-202 Salt Lake Theater, 170 Salt Lake Tribune, and Perkins' Addition, 32, 33,45 San Juan County, problems of agriculture in, 323 Sanpete County, marital status of residents of, 317,325 Sanpete Valley: architecture in, 4, 88-112; economy of, 110-12; immigration to, 92-93 Sanpete Valley Railroad, 110 Schultz, , artist, 194-95, 197 Scipio, Utah, effect of 1934 drought in, 257 Scott, Angus, 276 Scott, Charles A., at Camp Floyd, 172 Scott, Winfield, winter camp of Johnston's Army named for, 161

391

Index Seely, H. B., Denver architect, partner of F. A. Hale, 7 Seely, John Henry, sheepman. Mount Pleasant home of, 88-90, 90 Sermon, John, woolgrower, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 44 Sevier Bridge Reservoir, 309 Sevier County, farm income in, 325 Sheep industry, growth of, in Sanpete Valley, 111-12 Sheffield, , home of, designed by Allen, 60 Shelton, Emily, 79 Shurtleff, Vincent, Chandless's host in SLC, 127-28, 130, 730 Sibley, Henry Hopkins, tent inventor, 161 Simpson, James H., army engineer, held church services at Camp Floyd, 172 Smith, Ann Barnes, 80 Smith, Elmer R., U. of U. sociologist, 335 Smith, George A., cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Smith, Joseph, City of Zion plan of, 47 Smith, Thomas J., house of, designed by Allen, 66, 67, 68, 68-70, 75, 76, 78, 85, 87 Smith, William B., early Kaysville settler, 77, 80 Smoot, Reed, and 'Tederal Bunch," 347 Snow, Eliza R., poetry of, 126, 165 Snow, Lorenzo, LDS president, 83 Social Hall (SLC), 126 Social Security Act, 281-82 Socialist party, 346, 348 Society of Utah Artists, founding of, 202 Spring City, Utah, homes in, 99, 107 Squire, Sally, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174 Streeper, , house of, designed by Allen, 60 Steiner Corp., building of, designed by Hale, 22, 27, 28, 29 Steiner, George A., businessman, 27 Stephens, F. B., home of, designed by Hale, 9,12, 14,75 Sterling Building, design of, by Hale, 22 Stevenson, Lucy, dancer, 170 Stewart, Charles, 79 Stewart, Charles T , 79, 85 Stewart, Elizabeth, 79 Stewart, Emily, 79 Stewart, Hyrum, house of, designed by Allen, 70, 71, l\-n, 75, 76, 78, 79, 84, 85-86, 87 Stewart, William, shoemaker, 71, 76, 77, 79, 83, 84 Summerhays, Martha, army life described by, 177 Summit County, Utah: farm income in, 323; objection of residents of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Sutherland, George, Gov. Blood's sec'y, 224 Swain, Peter Tyler, wife of, at Camp Floyd, 177 Swan, George, 86

Tabata, Skip, Keetley resident, 344

Tawney, William H., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 42 Teasdel, , home of, designed by Hale, 12 Thomas, , It. at Wendover Field, 142, 150 Thomas, William, and Camp Floyd, 173, 177 Tibbets, Paul W., col. at Wendover Field, 155, 156 Tietjens, Theresa, German soprano, death of, 364, 364 n. 26, 365 Tingey, Sophia, 79 Tooele County, problems of agriculture in, 314 Topaz, Utah, Japanese American relocation camp, 341,342, 3^2, 343, 344 Tracy, Albert, at Camp Floyd, 176 Tsujimoto, Katsumi, U.S. army sgt. 340 Tsujimoto, Masao Edward, experiences of, in Keetley, 328-30, 337-38, 340-44 Tsujimoto, Ruth, Keetley resident, 344 Tuckett, Mercy, actress, 170-71 Tuckett, Phillip, dramatic co. of, 170 Tuttle, Lawrence, Manti home of, 105, 705 Tuttle, Luther, Manti merchant, 105 Twitchell, , sheepman, 325 Tyler, Charles, 1st It. with Johnston's Army, 160 Tyler, Lizzie, experiences of, with Johnston's Army, 160, 161

u Uintah and Ouray Reservations, meat distribution at, 259 Uintah County: living conditions in, 318-19; problems of agriculture in, 309-10, 312, 314, 317,322,323,324,325,326 United First Methodist Church, designed by Hale, 11,22,25,26,27 U.S. Army Air Force, activities of, at Wendover Field during WW II, 137-56 University of Utah: art dept. of, 202; PWA project at, 238 Utah Art Assn., 181 Utah Art Institute, creation of, 202 Utah Canning Assn., 84 Utah Copper Co., closing of mills by, after WW 1,270 Utah County, water project in, 324 Utah Expedition, experiences of women with, 157-78 Utah Fruit Juice Co., 84 Utah Lake, low level of, m 1934, 248 Utah Savings and Trust Co., 29 Utah Southern Railroad, 82 Utah State Agricultural College, PWA project at, 238 Utah State Fair, funding for, cut during 1933-34, 225 Utah State Farm Bureau, and farm worker shortage during WW II, 334 Utah State Highway Commission, hiring practices of, 240-44

392

Utah Historical Quarterly

Utah State Land Board, and loan delinquencies, 324-25 Utah State Legislature, actions of, during Great Depression, 222-26, 230-33, 272, 273 Utah State Recovery Administration, 235 Utah State Welfare Dept., relief payments of, 266 Utah Welfare Commission, and Japanese American relocation, 334

Valley Tan, accounts of C a m p Floyd in, 170-71 Van Pelt, Hattie, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 40,50 Van Pelt, Henry, Perkins' Addition home buyer, 45,48 Vaughan, J o h n , Perkins' Addition architect, 36, 40,49

w Wada, Fred Isamu, founder of Japanese American colony at Keetley, 328, 329, 335-44 Wada, Jasako (wife), 335, 337 Wahlquist, Fred, Uinta Basin farm of, 322 Wahlquist, Loreen, Uinta Basin farm of, 322 Waite, , Ickes's deputy, 237 Wakara, rumor about death of, 124 Walker, J o h n H., chairman, Farmer-Labor party, 348 Wallace, , sec'y of agriculture, 237, 239 Wallace, Henry A., and Soviet Union, 356 Wallace, William R., state posts of, during Great Depression, 236, 256 Walton, Isabella, 79 Ward, Samuel, Kaysville brickmaker, 56 Warden, John, at Camp Floyd, 172 Ware, Walter E., architect, 5-6 Warren, Frances, 79 Wasatch County, Utah, objections of, to Japanese Americans during WW II, 336 Washington County, problems of agriculture in, 320-22 Waterloo Addition, SLC subdivision, 42 Wayne County, tax delinquencies in, 324 Weeks, Charles S., Perkins' Addition home buyer, 37, 50 Weggeland, Danquart: letter of Edwin Evans to, 190-91; paintings by in LDS temples, 185-86 Welling, Milton, Utah sec'y of state, 224 Wells, Daniel H.: cartoon depicting, 358,359; as leader of Mormon militia, 164-65

Wendover Field, Utah, 775, 147; aircrew training at, 142, 148, 149, 155; black WACs at, 153-55; establishment of and facilities at, 138-39; experiences of B. Dussler at, 137-56 Wendover, Nevada, 140; State Line Casino in, 750, 150, 152 Western Architect and Building News, Hale design featured in, 8 Westwood, , actress, 170 White, Edward, Park City clergyman, 340 White, Richard C , sgt. at Camp Floyd, 170 White, Von I., architect, 17, 19 Whitmore Garage (Domus Co.), building of, designed by Hale, 22 Whitlock , actress, 170 Wilson, Henrietta W., and Johnston's Army, 164 Wise, Louie F., It. at Wendover Field, 145-46 Women: with J o h n s t o n ' s Army, 157-78; as WACs, 153-55 Woodberry, , Boston artist, 193 Woodruff, Wilford, as missionary in England, 76 Woolley, Henry, early Kaysville settler, 76 Works Progress Administration (WPA), funds and programs of, in Utah, 245, 281-82, 284, 319 World War II: effects of, on Japanese Americans, 328-44; labor shortage d u r i n g , 334; and operations at Wendover Field, 137-56 Worley, Ann Eliza, and Mountain Meadow Massacre, 174

Yamada, Mary, Keetley resident, 344 Young, Brigham: Chandless described, 126; and Chief Walker, 124; economic ideas of, 269-70, 359; proposed monument at birthplace of, 368-69; response of, to Utah Expedition, 162, 164; satiric reactions to death of, 358-70; 358, 361, 362, 363, 365, 366, 367, speculation over cause of death of 360-62, 360 n.lO; 362 n. 15; successor of 365-66 Young, Brigham Jr., cartoon depicting, 358, 359 Young, John, and Johnston's Army, 167

Zamenhof, L. L. Polish linguist, 350 ZCMI, 83, 84

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY T H O M A S G . ALEXANDER. P r o v o , 1987

Chairman LEONARD J. ARRINGTON, Salt L a k e City, 1989

Vice-Chairman MAX J. EVANS. Salt Lake City Secretary DoiGLAsD. ALDER,St. George, 1989 PHILLIP A. BuLLEN,Salt Lake City, 1987 J. ELDON DoRMAN, Price, 1987 H U G H C . GARNER, Salt L a k e City, 1989 D A N E . JONES, Salt L a k e City, 1989

D E A N L . MAY. Salt L a k e City, 1987 WILLIAM D. OWENS, Salt L a k e City, 1987 AMY ALLEN PRICE, Salt L a k e City, 1989

ADMINISTRATION MAX J. EVANS,

Director

JAY M . HAYMOND,

Librarian

STANFORD J. LAYTON, M a n a g m g

Editor

DAVID B. MADSEN, Siafe

Archaeologist

A. KfiNTPowELU Historic

Preservation

PHILLIP F. NOTARIANNI. M u s e u m Services CRAIG FVLLE-K, Administrative

Services

Coordinator Coordinator Coordinator

The Utah Slate Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials: collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to tlie Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

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