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The "White Pine War" of 1875: A Case of White Hysteria
The "White Pine War" of 1875: A Case of White Hysteria
BY STEVEN J. CRUM
ON SEPTEMBER 7, 1875, MORE THAN one western newspaper reported that a large- scale Indian campaign was either developing or had already begun against the white settlers living along the Utah- Nevada border. In bold print the San Francisco Chronicle reported that an "Uprising of Savages in Eastern Nevada and Western Utah" had surfaced and that the Indians were out to " exterminate the whites." The Salt Lake Daily Tribune declared on its front page that the Indians of Deep Creek, Utah, near the Nevada line, were "preparing for war." And the Pioche Daily Record, published in southeastern Nevada, asserted that "All the Indians in Eastern Nevada are on the Warpath" ;and that the local ranches were "surrounded with hostile Indians and several men killed."
Yet these same newspapers changed their early stories within a matter of days. The San Francisco Chronicle humbly admitted on September 9 that the Indians were not out to secure white "scalps." On the same day the Pioche Daily Record emphasized that the Indians of eastern Nevada were "all peaceful," "not hostile," and that the local ranchers were not being threatened. The White Pine News, also published in eastern Nevada, went further on September 11 by stating that the whole incident was a farce, a "stupendous fizzle," and an "excruciatingly funny" occurrence Its editor wrote that in "our own opinion... the whole affair grew out of a too hasty action by the settlers." He was correct, for the so- called White Pine War or the Eastern Nevada War, as it was dubbed, never existed except as a case of white hysteria.
Events started on September 1 when Toby, a Gosiute Indian, murdered mining prospector James Toland near Mount Moriah in White Pine County in extreme eastern Nevada, near the Utah border. According to more than one account, Toland and his companion Albert Leathers agreed to pay Toby to locate rich mineral deposits that could be mined But when a particular lode proved to be worthless, the whites refused to pay. Thus on September I when Toby was alone with the two miners at an isolated place near Mount Moriah, he shot Toland. Toby and Leathers then exchanged shots, but neither was injured Toby quickly retreated, and Leathers immediately left the site to seek help from a nearby ranch.
It was Albert Leathers who ignited the hysteria after leaving the scene. On his way to seek help for his dead companion, he heard "noises" and saw" more Indians." He falsely concluded that the Indians were gathering to conduct a massive campaign against the whites and that the killing of his friend Toland was the beginning. Upon his arrival at the Cleveland Ranch in Spring Valley, about twenty-five miles west of Mount Moriah, he reported that the Indians were on the warpath. Without hesitation, Abner C. Cleveland, rancher and Nevada state politician, believed Leathers since the prospector was a well-known public figure of the region. In fact, it was he who had ignited the mining rush to eastern Nevada in 1869.
The whites of the area quickly became suspicious of the Gosiute tribe, native to the valleys of eastern Nevada and western Utah. Cleveland and his ranch hands organized a scouting party to search for Toland's body. On this trip they met an Indian and, considering him to be hostile, killed him when he resisted arrest The next day another Indian, out hunting in the immediate vicinity, was killed when the whites tried to disarm him. Later, a third Indian, named Solomon, was killed about eighty miles south of Cleveland's ranch when the whites assumed that he was traveling north to join the campaign.
By September 3 the white residents, led by Abner Cleveland, Albert Leathers, and others, had created an atmosphere of war. In this state of mind they telegrammed Nevada governor L. D. Bradley and requested military support, stressing that Cleveland's ranch in Spring Valley was surrounded by 500 bloodthirsty Indians. The Indians supposedly were encouraged to initiate this action by white Mormon Utahns who had been converting the natives along the Nevada-Utah border in recent times and who reportedly disliked the white gentiles of the region. As a matter of fact, the Mormons were not stirring up trouble. Rather, this facet of the incident was a case of intolerance toward and dislike of the Mormons whose lifestyle in the nineteenth century did not fully conform to that of mainstream America.
On September 4 and 5, in response to his white constituents, Governor Bradley telegrammed John M. Schofield of San Francisco, commander of far western military forces, and asked for immediate military support Bradley added to the emotion by stressing that more than one white settlement, including Cherry Creek, had been surrounded by the Indians. He beefed up his story two days later by maintaining that "all Indians in Eastern Nevada appear to be on the warpath." Based on these communications coming out of Nevada, the newspapers of the Far West concluded that an Indian war existed along the Nevada- Utah border.
General Schofield, because of his experience as a military leader, could sense that an Indian war was not taking place, nor was one likely to erupt anytime soon Even at this early date, he suspected that a case of hysteria existed in the Great Basin. By telegram Schofield spoke to Bradley: "Are you not misinformed about Cherry Creek being surrounded ... Thus far, I can learn only of difficulty between one or two Indians and some white men." Schofield noted to one of his subordinates that the situation was "little more than a big scare" and "the reports so far indicate that the whites are perhaps more in the wrong than the Indians." But to prevent a possible conflict, Schofield authorized the sending of federal troops to White Pine County with instructions "not to make war nor to punish anybody, but to preserve the peace."
Thus on September 6 LL Georgejaeger ofthe 12th Infantry, based at Fort Halleck in Elko County, Nevada, about 150 miles northwest of the scene, was sent southward to maintain the peace. Before his arrival an important development had occurred. Levi Gheen, hired as subagent in 1869 and later as "Farmer-in-Charge for the Western Shoshones," with headquarters in Hamilton, White Pine County, decided it was his responsibility to look into the matter since he was employed by the Indian Bureau. Gheen knew the Indians quite well and spoke both Gosiute and Shoshone since the two languages are nearly identical except for some differences in vocabulary and dialect He had taught the Gosiutes of Snake Valley, near Mount Moriah to the southwest, how to farm. He was also fully aware that some whites in eastern Nevada had mistreated the Indians after the settlement of the region in the late 1860 s; three years earlier, in April 1872, he had written that" the Indians in this locality, as well as many others, have been wronged by the white people." It was his duty to mediate the difficulty between the two groups.
On September 7 Gheen organized his own small investigative team, including some Indian friends, to look into the so-called war. He selected the Lehman Ranch of Snake Valley, owned by Absolem Lehman, as his temporary headquarters. He chose this site for two reasons. First, it was the settlement closest to the place of Toland's murder. Second, Gheen was familiar with Snake Valley since he had worked closely with the Gosiutes living there. Using his influence, he persuaded a large number of Gosiutes from Snake and Spring valleys and other nearby places to congregate at the ranch. His objective was to clear up the misunderstandings between the whites and Indians.
Gheen and the Gosiutes were not the only ones to congregate at Lehman's ranch. By September 13 Lieutenant Jaeger had arrived there to find over a hundred Gosiutes and about forty to fifty white ranchers from the surrounding valleys. Still convinced that a war was imminent, the angry whites were in no mood to have a healthy exchange. They asked some challenging questions: "Why did all the Indians flee to the mountains at about the same time." The Gosiutes responded that they had left to harvest the bumper crop of pine nuts in the nearby mountains. This abundance of nuts had been preceded by four bad years, and the Indians left enmasse to gather their important winter food supply. The whites also asked, "Why did the Indians... refuse to work anymore . . . ?" (The ranchers were referring to the fact that a number of Indians had worked as ranch hands since the 1860s). The Gosiutes responded that the ranchers had been unfair to them. They received only meager wages and their pay was not immediately forthcoming. Therefore, with the bumper crop of pine nuts awaiting harvest, they had left the ranches in late August and early September.
Besides these direa questions, the white ranchers also threatened Gosiute leader Gunista and his followers. Assuming that the Indians were going to use their firearms against the whites, the ranchers demanded that those at the Lehman Ranch be disarmed. Levi Gheen, who tried his best to play the role of peace mediator, saw to it that this request was met The whites also wanted the Gosiutes removed to a reservation, supposedly away from their settlements in eastern Nevada most of all, they wanted them to bring in Toby and turn him over for punishment.
The Gosiutes at Lehmain's ranch had to make a difficult decision: whether or not to find Toby and give him to the proper authorities for punishment In the end, leaders such as Antelope Jake decided that Toby must be surrendered since he had a history of unruly behavior.
Additionally, they recalled the year 1863 when Col. Patrick E. Connor conducted warfare against them, resulting in many deaths. The Gosiute leaders of 1875 did not want a repeat of this earlier event Fearful that more troops might be sent to eastern Nevada, they made the decision to capture Toby. The Indians found him at Deep Creek, Utah, and brought him to Lehman's ranch on September 14.
Once there, Toby was turned over to Levi Gheen since he was serving as mediator. Gheen, however, realized that mob violence might develop in which case the restless and angry whites would surely hang Toby. Jaeger's small force of only nine men was vastly outnumbered by forty-five to fifty well-armed ranchers seeking revenge. Gheen therefore made the decision to hurry to the nearby Cleveland Ranch to secure more troops to guard Toby until an appropriate trial could take place. Of course, Gheen was aware that Maj. John H. Dennis had been stationed there for several days. Earlier, Dennis had organized a volunteer militia in Eureka, Nevada, moved eastward to Cleveland Ranch, and then waited for further orders.
While Gheen was gone, Toby was guarded by Jaeger and his eight troops. The ranchers decided to take advantage of the situation and demanded that Jaeger surrender Toby. Not knowing how quickly Gheen would return with Dennis's force, Jaeger was now the one to make a decision. He concluded in haste that if his men kept Toby, a battle might ensue between his troops and the ranchers and lives would be lost over a worthless " savage.' 'Jaeger reasoned that the ranchers were "not a mob but the citizens of this country."' Therefore, these respectable men were fully capable of determining the fate of Toby.
Having rationalized the situation, Jaeger asked that the ranchers draft and sign a statement requesting that Toby be turned over to them for punishment In response, twenty-eight individuals, including Absolem Lehman and Albert Leathers, signed the petition. Once this was done, Jaeger relinquished custody of Toby, and the ranchers seized him and hanged him near Lehman Ranch. Thus, on September 14, the White Pine War came to an end for the whites of eastern Nevada.
A close look reveals that the "war" had been caused by several factors. One related to Albert Leathers's initial observation. Leathers was correct when he heard noises and saw large numbers of Indians in the hills and mountains while traveling toward Cleveland's ranch on September I. But these Gosiutes were not preparing for war, rather, they were holding round dances and singing songs in conjunction with the harvesting of pine nuts. As already indicated, they were highly excited because of the bumper crop following four bad years. The Gosiutes had also started campfires to shell and roast the nuts to make them fully edible. Leathers, who was emotionally distressed over the death of his partner, falsely interpreted these fires as war signals. In short, he assumed that a major Indian uprising was about to surface.
Another favor had to do with the ranchers' belief that the white Mormons, who had been converting the Gosiutes in recent years, disliked the non-Mormon ranchers because of their economic dominance over the area along the Nevada-Utah border. Rumors surfaced that the Mormons were troubled by Dan Murphy, a Spring Valley rancher, because he grazed thousands of cattle near Deep Creek, Utah, a Mormon stronghold and also a place where many Gosiutes had traditionally lived Therefore, the ranchers falsely assumed that the Mormons were urging the Gosiutes to push them out so that they could step in and take over.
Without doubt the ranchers of eastern Nevada were fully aware of the northern Utah Indian "scare" that occurred a few weeks earlier, in August 1875. This incident happened at Corinne, Utah, after a local Mormon bishop had baptized a good number of Northwestern Shoshones living nearby. Immediately, the non-Mormons assumed that the Indians and Mormons had united against them. The local newspaper, the Corinne Mail, featured a story on August 9 entitled "Mormons Meddling with the Indians! Mountain Meadows to be Repeated!!" This referred to the incident that took place in 1857 in southern Utah where a group of Mormons and Indians massacred a large party of emigrants passing through the territory. The non- Mormons of northern Utah charged that another massacre was imminent in 1875 and that they were the intended victims. They succeeded in creating a "scare" to the extent that federal troops were called in. In the end, the Northwestern Shoshone population, native to the area, dispersed and the emotional edge subsided.
A third factor was the decade of the 1870s itself, a period filled with continuous Indian-white wars in the West These included the Red River War of Indian Territory in 1874-75 and numerous skirmishes between the Lakota and the military in the northern Great Plains. The whites of eastern Nevada were fully aware of these conflicts and felt uneasy. They concluded by 1875 that the Gosiutes in their backyards were now planning war against them and that it was time to act Because of their insecurity, many whites living in rural areas held a low opinion of the Indians. Those in eastern Nevada regarded the nearby Gosiutes as naturally "hostile," "degraded," "red devils," and persons who were a " nuisance" to the whites. The editor of the Pioche Daily Record wrote that the Indians should be exterminated. The settlers wanted the Indians removed from eastern Nevada and sent elsewhere.
Perhaps there were also economic motives behind the White Pine War. The ranchers may well have wanted the Indian population eliminated so that all available land could be used for cattle grazing. The whites were fully aware that the Gosiutes, some of whom possessed small gardens in Spring Valley, were in the way of their economic objectives. At least one newspaper hinted that the cattle business might have been an issue in another way. On September 10, the editor of the Reese River Reveille, published in Austin, Nevada, speculated that the "Indian scare " was created by Abner Cleveland so that the consequent publicity would make it easier for him to market his cattle.
II
If the White Pine War or Eastern Nevada War ended for the whites on September 14 with the hanging of Toby, it did not end for the Gosiutes. On September 16, at the request of the whites who did not want the Indians around, Levi Gheen escorted most of the Nevada Gosiutes to Deep Creek, Utah, adjacent to the Nevada border and about fifty to sixty miles northwest of Spring and Snake valleys. Deep Creek was already a traditional home of the Gosiutes.
Once at Deep Creek, there was talk that the Gosiutes should also be removed from there, perhaps to be taken outside the Great Basin completely. This talk of further removal was started by Lt Edwin V. Sumner who came to the Cleveland Ranch shortly after Toby had been hanged. Having listened to Jaeger and the ranchers, Sumner concluded that Mormon influence was the greatest detriment to Indian-white relations in eastern Nevada He therefore suggested to his superiors that the government needed" to collect all these Indians and remove them to a reservation . . . away from Mormon or other influence."
Sumner's recommendation had a marked impact on the highest of authorities in Washington, D.C. On November 9 William W. Belknap, secretary of war, wrote to Zachariah Chandler, secretary of the interior, requesting that Sumner's proposal be initiated. At the same time the secretary of war distorted the situation by stating that the Gosiutes needed to be removed because they "make trouble between the Mormons and Gentiles." Whether Belknap was aware of it or not, he had now placed the blame entirely on the Indians. Chandler channeled Belknap's letter and Sumner's recommendation to Edward P. Smith, commissioner of the Indian Bureau, for definite action. Without hesitation. Smith supported the measure and wrote on November 10 that "the recommendation of Captain Sumner is approved by the Department and I am directed to take the necessary steps to carry the same into effect with a view to the removal of the Indians referred to beyond Mormon influence."
Before Gosiute removal could take place, however, the Indian Bureau needed to find a new location for them. Commissioner Smith called upon John Wesley Powell to collect information about the tribe. Powell was selected because he was one of two persons who had visited the Gosiutes and other Basin tribes in 1873-74 with the objective of placing them on existing reservations. His new instructions in late November 1875 were to count the number of Gosiutes living in the Basin, identify an existing reservation where they could be sent "free from the Mormon influence and where they would find other Indians with whom they could readily affiliate," and then identify the shortest possible travel route from Deep Creek to the reservation selected.
Since Powell had recently visited the Great Basin and had coauthored a lengthy report about the Basin tribes, he felt no need to make another field trip. Based on his prior research he reported that there were approximately 460 Gosiutes. He suggested two possible reservations. One was the Uintah-Ouray Reservation in eastern Utah, about 320 miles from Deep Creek and the home of the Northern Ute. The second was the Fort Hall Reservation in southern Idaho, about 425 miles to the north and the home of the Shoshone and Bannock tribes.
Powell pointed out the positive and negative aspects of both places. The Uintah had good farmland and was slightly closer to Deep Creek However, the Gosiutes and Utes were culturally different. In addition, the Uintah Reservation was located in eastern Utah and Mormon influence would soon prevail there, Powell surmised Fort Hall also had good farmland, and the Gosiute language was nearly identical to Shoshone. But Fort Hall was overcrowded with roughly 9,000 Indians even though it was "further removed from Mormon influence." In the end Powell could not make a firm recommendation. But he did say that if the bureau favored immediate removal, then the Fort Hall Reservation was the better choice since it would be easier to relocate the Gosiutes there before the harsh Intermountain winter set in.
The matter of removing the Gosiutes was further complicated by Richard Komas, a Ute from the Uintah Reservation who had been educated at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. He visited the Gosiutes at Deep Creek in early December and reported that they preferred the Uintah over Fort Hall. Whether this was actually the case, or whether Komas simply favored the Uintah since it was his home, will probably never be known. What is known is that Powell favored Fort Hall whereas Komas favored the Uintah. Faced with conflicting recommendations, the Indian Bureau could not make a decision. It finally dropped the subject of removal, and the Gosiutes remained at Deep Creek.
III
The white settlers never did admit guilt over the vigilante execution of Toby or the killing of the three innocent Indians. They kept quiet or treated the whole affair as a joke. The White Pine News referred to Abner Cleveland as "the great Indian warrior of Eastern Nevada." When Cleveland went to Carson City in January 1876 for business, one observer reported that he had a" merry twinkle of his eye when he spoke to us concerning the Indian war," an event" too comical to think of or to refer to." No whites were ever punished and the publicity surrounding the affair disappeared after 1876.
Perhaps the whites were embarrassed to bring up the matter because of their earlier unfounded fear of an Indian war. In fact, those living in Baker, Nevada, near the Utah border, actually constructed a moat for protection in the early days of September. Others believed that the Western Shoshones in Nevada were planning or had already instigated war against the white Nevadans. Rumors surfaced that Shoshones around Battle Mountain had attacked a nearby mining camp and killed two miners. There was also talk that Shoshones living in the Reese River Valley had quit their ranch jobs and headed eastward to join forces with the Gosiutes. These stories, however, were completely false and quickly discounted by mid-September.
The military, on the other hand, lightly criticized one of its own and also the ranchers. One official concluded that Lieutenant Jaeger "committed a grave error" by giving in to the demand of the ranchers. He also maintained that "trooper firmness would have secured the prisoner without much danger of collision." Lieutenant Sumner later called the ranchers who hanged Toby am "unauthorized band of citizens." Apparently no other comments were made or official action taken.
One result of the affair became readily apparent The whites quickly missed the Gosiutes since they had become the major source of manual labor by 1875. The editor of the White Pine News reflected as follows on January 8, 1876:
The editor was mistaken, of course, for he was actually referring to the Gosiutes, most of whom were now located at Deep Creek, Utah. Regardless, within three months. White Pine County experienced a labor shortage, especially in the central and southern area is where a large number of Gosiutes once lived.
In the end, the so-called White Pine War had a lasting impact on the Gosiutes. If most of the tribe had lived in eastern Nevada up to September 1875, only a handful could be found in the years thereafter.
Levi Gheen determined that there were 200 Gosiutes in Snake Valley and another 150 in Spring Valley in 1873. In 1875 the state of Nevada conducted its own census and found 340 Gosiutes in Spring and Snake valleys. But in 1880 the U.S. Census Bureau could find only 30 Gosiutes in Snake Valley and another 42 in Spring Valley. Twenty years later, in 1900, the census talkers could identify only 55 Gosiutes in all of White Pine County, and 21 of them lived in Snake Valley. Thus the White Pine War of 1875 caused most Nevada Gosiutes to leave their native valleys in eastern Nevada permanently and move to Deep Creek, Utah, where their descendants remain today. They live on a reservation encompassing Deep Creek, established by the government in 1914. It was enlarged in 1928, and about half of the reservation now extends into Nevada.
NOTES
Dr. Crum is assistant professor of Native American studies University of California, Davis.
1 "Indians in Arms," San Francisco Chronicle; "Deep Creek, Utah," Salt Lake Daily Tribune; "Indians" and "Cherry Creek," Pioche Daily Record.
2 "The Indian Scare," San Francisco Chronicle; "Dispatch to W E Griffin" and "Spring Valley Indians," Pioche Daily Record; "The Bloodless Campaign" and "The Latest News," White Pine News.
3 For the names of this "war," see "The Bloodless Campaign," White Pine News, September 11, 1875, and Myron Angel, ed.. History of Nevada (Ne-w York: Arno Press, 1973), p. 183. The incident also receives limited attention in Jack D. Forbes, Nevada Indians Speak {Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1967), pp. 123-24; Newe: A Western Shoshone History {Reno: Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada, 1976), pp. 65, 67; and Harlan D. Unrau, Basin and Range: A History of Great Basin National Park (Denver U.S. Department ofthe Interior, National Park Service, 1990), pp 226-28.
4 Although minor details of the accounts vary, all the sources tell essentially the same story. Levi Gheen toE.P Smith, September22, 1875, pp 1-2, Letters Received(LR), (M 234, R541, F793-809), Office of Indian Affairs (OIA), Record Group (RG) 75, National Archives (NA); Jaeger to Stacey, September 24, 1875, p. 7, Letters Received by the Office ofthe Adjutant General (M 666, R 228, F 1080-1091]; Uoyd Hauger, "Eastern Nevada War Pcmic," March 1930, unpublished manuscript, Nevada Historical Society; "Indian Troubles," Salt Lake Daily Tribune, September 10, 1875.
5 Gheen to Smith, September 22, 1875, p. 2, LR, RG 75, NA "A Large Scare and Nothing More," Pioche Daily Record, September 10, 1875.
6 "A Large Scare and Nothing More," Pioche Daily Record, September 10, 1875.
7 J.C. Kelton to John Schofield, September 4, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F 358-359), RG 94, NA "Indians in Arms," San Francisco Chronicle, September 7, 1975.
8 Bradley to Schofield, September 6, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F371), RG 94, NA.
9 Schofield to Bradley, September 1875 (M 666, R228, F373), RG94, NA.
10 Schofield to Elliott, September 6, 1875 (M 666, R228, F 377-379), RG94, NA.
11 Schofield to Elliott, September 12, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F 383-384), RG 94, NA.
12 George Jaeger to M.A. Stacey, September 24, 1875(M234, R541, F 1080-1091), RG75, NA; Levi Gheen to George Dodge, April 4, 1872, p 2 (M 234, R 903), RG 75, NA.
13 Gheen to Smith, September22, 1875, pp 3,7; Gheen to Smith, Octobers, 1874, p 2 (M 234, R541, F212-214), RG75, NA.
14 Jaeger to Stacey, September 24, 1875 (M 234, R541, F 1080-1091), RG 75, NA; Gheen to Smith, September 22, 1875, pp 4-5.
15 Gheen to Smith, September 22, 1875, pp 7, 12.
16 Ibid., pp. 6, 12-13; Jaeger to Stacey, September24, 1875, pp. 6-7; Ronald R Bateman, Deep Creek Reflections (Salt Lake City: author, 1984), p 179; Camp Ruby, Nevada, September 1862-1869, Returns from U.S Military Posts (M 617, R 1047), RG 94, NA.
17 Jaeger to Stacey, September 24, 1875, pp. 4, 8-10.
18 Jaeger to M.A Stacey, September 24, 1875, p 9-10 (M 234, R541, F 1080-1091), RG 75, NA.
19 Ibid.; signed statement of ranchers (M 666, R 228, F 412-413), RG 94, NA.
20 Rosencrans to Schofield, September 12, 1875 (M 666, R228, F 387-388), RG94, NA; "The Indian Outbreak," San Francisco Chronicle, September 8, 1875; Gheen to Smith, September 22, 1875, p 6.
21 Brigham D. Madsen, The Northern Shoshoni (Caldwell, Ida: Caxton Printers, Ltd, 1980), pp. 9599.
22 Indians," Pioche Daily Record, September 7, 1875; "The Moral Indian," Pioche Daily Record, September 8, 1875; "Indians," White Pine News, January 8, 1876.
23 The Gold Hill News," Reese River Reveille.
24 Gheen to Smith, September 22, 1875, pp 15; Edwin Sumner letter, September24, 1875 (M 666, R228, F424-426), RG94, NA For information about the Utah Gosiutes, see Dennis Ray Defa, "A HistoryoftheGosiutelndiansto 1990," M.A. thesis, University of Utah, 1979; andjames B. Allen and TedJ. Warner, "The Gosiute Indians in Pioneer Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (Spring 1971): 1627 7. Unfortunately, these sources give very little information about the Gosiutes who traditionally lived in eastern Nevada.
25 Sumner letter, September 24, 1875, p. 3.
26 Belnap to Chandler, November 8, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F 428-429), RG 94, NA.
27 Smith to Chandler, November 20, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F 434-435), RG 94, NA.
28 Report of J.W Powell and G.W Ingalls," December 18, 1873, pp 409-29, Executive Documents of the House of Representatives, 43rd Cong., 1st sess, 1873-74, Serial 1601.
29 Smith to Powell, November 23, 1875 (M 21, R 128, p 77), RG 75, NA.
30 Powell to Smith, November 26, 1875 (M 234, R905,), RG75, NA.
31 Ibid.
32 Powell to CIA December 21, 1875 (M 234, R 905), RG 75, NA.
33 "Personal," White Pine News, January 29, 1876.
34 White Pine Lang Syne {Denver. Big Mountain Press, 1965), p 139.
35 "The Indian Outbreak," San Francisco Chronicle, September 8, 1875; "The Wild Red Man," San Francisco Chronicle, September 10, 1875.
36 J.C. Kelton to Camp Halleck, October 11, 1875 (M 666, R 228, F 415-416), RG 94, NA Sumner to Tutherly, September 24, 1875, p 3 (M 666, R228, F 424-426), RG 94, NA.
37 "Indians," White Pine News, January S, 1876.
38 Gheen to Morrow, April 21, 1873, LR, OIA. RG 75, NA; Appendix to Journals of Senate and Assembly, 8th Session, Nevada Legislature, Vol. 3 (Carson City, 1877), p. 822; Tenth Census of the United States, White Pine County, 1880, pp. 17-19, microfilm edition; Twelfth Census of the United States, White Pine County, Snake Valley, Osceola, and Swum Precincts, 1900, microfilm edition.