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Utah's Defense Industries and Workers in World War II

Workers at Clearfield Naval Supply Depot. Courtesy of author.

Utah's Defense Industries and Workers in World War II

BY ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE

WORLD WAR II BROUGHT JOBS TO UTAH AND THE FINANCIAL SECURITY that had eluded its people during the depression. When white males were called to military service, employers looked for workers among groups that had traditionally been excluded from the labor force. Women, ethnic minorities, and the handicapped readily responded to the nation's requirements and its personnel needs. These new workers necessitated adjustments not only on the shop floor but also within the wider community. Training programs helped to integrate the workers and to mesh their productive activities with the labor of the more experienced. War contracts brought sudden economic opportunity to the larger community but at a price. Housing, transportation, and other services were heavily burdened and overworked.

When the war abruptly came to America with the bombing of Pearl Harbor leaders of economically devastated areas hurriedly sought war contracts as the country frantically strengthened its military. Unemployment rates peaked nationally during the 1930 s at 25 percent, yet in Utah 36 percent of the labor force was out of work. Utah's governor, Herbert B. Maw, and its congressmen, not surprisingly, were among the many state and national politicians who tried to obtain war contracts for their communities. They advertised local advantages to military planners with fruitful results: war contracts were awarded to the state.

Government officials believed that Utah could be a crucial center for war production for a variety of reasons. The Wasatch Front cities were situated sufficiently inland to avoid attacks from Japanese ships, and the encircling mountains added further protection. By World War II the region had two nation-spanning railroads, four transcontinental highways, and connecting air routes. The weather generally was clear, making travel easy. Utah cities were also roughly equidistant from Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles, the main West Coast ports. In addition, a large pool of labor was readily available, and local industries were willing to combine their resources for war contracts. The abundance of land provided room for expansion and promised to reduce overcrowding in places already thronged by war workers. Thus, the army and navy chose Utah to receive war contracts. A total of $311 million in federal funds was authorized for Utah, which was 38 percent of the Mountain States' total The national per capital expenditure for new industrial plants was $188, yet in Utah it was $534. Public funds financed approximately 91 percent of the state's wartime industrial expansion.

War contracts were implemented in Utah at military-owned and operated bases, with increased production of raw materials, and in private industries. A variety of functions were performed at the Utah military installations, such as training at the Kearns Army Air Base for air corps personnel and the instructing of heavy bombardment groups at the Wendover Air Base. Testing war materiel was another important undertaking at the bases. The army made use of the Utah desert for expansion and its isolation, climate, and altitude to build the Dugway Proving Grounds for large-scale testing of toxic agents, flame throwers, and chemical spray systems. The Deseret Chemical Depot, a secret installation during the war, made use of the desert's dry climate and seclusion for the storage and shipment of all types of chemical warfare materiel, especially poisonous gases, chemicals, and chemically filled ammunition.

During World War II five installations in Utah performed military service, ordnance, and supply responsibilities. Service commands, or quartermaster corps, furnished all supplies to the army that were categorized as noncombat equipment They supervised all materiel the army used except actual weapons and fighting machines. Ordnance depots were the military's factories, manufacturing guns, cartridges, bombs, and similar munitions and war machines like tanks and armored trucks. Supply arsenals stored war materiel and supplies and readied the equipment for combat use.

The Ogden Arsenal, established primarily for ammunition storage in 1921, expanded in World War II to produce bombs and small caliber artillery shells in addition to continuing its storage responsibilities. Wartime work escalated at the arsenal to include finking .30-and .50- caliber cartridges into machine-gun belts. By December 1943 it had become a shipping point assigned to distribute all items of ordnance supply and equipment to areas and stations in the far western United States, making it a master depot Vehicles, ammunition, small arms, and artillery pieces were among the items shipped. At peak production time the arsenal hired 6,000 people. The Utah General Depot, also known as the Utah Quartermaster Depot and the Utah Army Service Forces Depot, near Ogden, received, stored, maintained, and shipped quartermaster supplies. Virtually everything the army required, except weapons, was prepared then shipped overseas through the West Coast ports of embarkation from this depot During World War II it was the largest quartermaster depot in the United States and employed 4,000 civilians and 5,000 German and Italian prisoners of war.

"Keep 'Em Flying and Fighting" was the base motto at the Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Field, a major supply and maintenance depot for the air corps. The area's adequate water, good drainage, and proximity to Ogden made it an effective air base. The depot had two divisions, supply and engineering, with its main responsibilities focusing on repair and aircraft maintenance. This huge base employed 15,000 civilians, 6,000 military personnel, and several thousand POWs during the war, making it the largest employer in the Ogden area as well as in the state.

The U.S. Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield was a logistics base for the Pacific Fleet During the war it served as one of three inland naval supply depots in the United States. This gigantic logistics depot handled the procurement, maintenance, and movement of equipment, supplies, and personnel By June 1945 more than 500,000 different items stored at Clearfield were valued at over $580 million, nearly three times the total assessed property valuation in Utah in 1944.

The Tooele Army Depot was built during the war because the Ogden Arsenal, with increasing responsibilities, could not physically expand. Tooele's assignments were numerous and diverse, as were those of the other installations. Initially it stored vehicles, small arms, and fire control equipment Later its workers constructed war materiel and readied it for shipment Tooele also specialized in overhauling and modifying tanks and track vehicles and their armaments. Work expanded further with reclamation and salvage, the examination of returned war materiel and the determination as to whether it could be used again or should be melted down for manufacturing of new supplies. By wars end Tooele workers were also repairing optical instruments.

Utah war work, in addition, involved the production of raw materials. U.S. Steel's Geneva Works in Orem, built during the war, employed thousands of men by the end of hostilities. The Utah Oil Refinery in Salt Lake City produced gasoline, and the Lehi Refractories turned out silica bricks for Utah's steel industry. Utah mining was crucial during the war. Coal, iron, dolomite, limestone, copper, and gas were among the important raw materials extracted and refined by Utah's American Smelting and Refining Company, International Smelting and Refining Company, Kennecott Copper Corporation, and Utah Copper Corporation. Finally, agricultural production was also an essential industry, and Utah farmers and ranchers contributed substantially to satisfying the country's need for food.

Private industry, through military contracts, also contributed to the Utah war effort Remington Arms Company of Bridgeport, Connecticut, built a plant in Salt Lake City after Governor Maw personally requested it from President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The factory, known as the Utah Ordnance Plant, manufactured .50-caliber armor-piercing, tracer, and incendiary ammunition and .30-caliber ball, armor-piercing, and tracer bullets for the Pacific theater The plant was closed in 1944 due to overproduction and converted into a subdepot of the Ogden Arsenal with responsibilities shifting from manufacturing to the reclaiming of used war materiel. The Eitel- McCullough Radio Tube Plant, located in Salt Lake City, manufactured high-frequency radio tubes to meet the communication needs of the army and navy. This plant also closed before hostilities ceased due to overproduction Col C.E. Faunderoy brought the Standard Parachute Company to Manti, Utah, from San Bruno, California Located first in the National Guard Armory, it was moved to its own building in 1942. After a few months production was cut because of a dispute caused by differences in parachute material quality and worker unionization. Despite the efforts of Governor Maw, Sen. Elbert D. Thomas, and Rep. Abe Murdock, and after vacillating between full and partial production with intermittent stoppages, the plant was closed in July 1944. The Reliance Manufacturing Company of Chicago, Illinois, bought the Utah Standard Plant and continued filling war contracts by manufacturing military clothing until hostilities ceased.

The prestigious Army-Navy E-Awards, bestowed to industries for excellence in construction or war production, were awarded to several Utah industries. The Clearfield Naval Depot received the award for construction. Remington Arms and Eitel-McCullough garnered the honor for excellence in war production. Utah Copper and American Smelting and Refining were recognized for their war contributions, and the Christensen Machine Company was also an award recipient for its production of hundreds of precision tools. The Utah war industries roared twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, including holidays, with no breaks except for an occasional ceremonial meal or patriotic speech.

Providing the labor for the Utah war industries became a monumental task. A call for workers went out immediately when the state received its war contracts. The local response was good but never adequate. A perpetual demand for more workers persisted through the war At times as many as 10,000 workers were needed at just one Utah installation. In 1940, 181,000 people were in the Utah labor force, 147,000 of which were men. This installation, then, was requesting nearly 6 percent of the total Utah working population. Appeals to patriotism were frequendy used to pull the workers into the war industries. For example, a Salt Lake Tribune article on the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield read:

The tremendous immensity of America's war effort is told not only by the powerful land, sea and air forces driving ahead on all fronts, but also by the seemingly impossible tasks daily being fulfilled on the home front About 100 men and women now are employed in box making and packing at the base, officials say, but 500 more are required to keep the necessary output up to par. Applications for position of box makers will be accepted at the U.S. civil service commission . . . .

Another call read: "3500 Patriots wanted to man the Tooele Ordnance Depot It is your patriotic duty to work if you are not bedfast at'the present time—patriotism should be the only guiding motive." Occasionally the patriotic call used scare tactics, guilt, and fear to implore people to take war jobs.

Personnel directors at the military installations and industries with war contracts wanted white males to fill labor positions. Uncle Sam, however, needed the same men for combat which, of course, took priority. The Utah war industries, like those around the country, turned to other groups when the pool of white males diminished. While women would experience the greatest employment opportunities, nonwhites, the handicapped, and even interned German and Italian prisoners of war were assigned work in the military installations.

Nonwhites may have had unparalleled employment opportunities during the war, but their work experiences were quite inferior relative to white males and even white females. The following excerpt from a local magazine is a lucid statement of the state's hiring practices during the war

There is a definite understanding that the manpower to be used will be white people as far as possible, and the people in charge would like to use Utahans exclusively! So it's entirely up to you. The idea of living close to home and working with ones own kind of people appeals to everyone. And there is no reason why that shouldn't be.

The local white male population diminished early in the war, resulting in the recruitment of nonwhite workers from out of state. For example, at least 2,400 blacks were brought from the South to work at the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield. Despite the patriotic fervor of the time they met with prejudice and discrimination. In its reports for Utah the War Manpower Commission assumed that blacks would experience problems:

Several firms contacted have expressed a reluctance to hire nonwhites because of the difficulty in amalgamation with the white workers. Where Negroes can be utilized as a group and do not have to mix with the whites little difficulty is experienced in placing them. The principal openings which the Employment Service received for Negro workers [are] porters, waiters, and other railroad and smelter employees.

The undesirable and less meaningful work in the military installations, such as the janitorial slots, usually went to blacks.

Utah farmers brought Mexican nationals to the state to work on farms and ranches suffering from a worker shortage due to Selective Service needs and the lure of the higher-paying war production jobs. Mexican workers fed livestock, assisted in cultivating and harvesting important crops, and drained and cleaned irrigation canals. As soon as their seasonal work was completed the Mexicans were returned to their native county.

Native Americans were also recruited for the Utah labor force. Unlike the Mexicans, Indians were offered positions in military installations. Personnel directors at the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield recruited whole tribes to work The San Felipe and Pueblo Indians received government-paid transportation from New Mexico to Clearfield. They brought with them their ceremonial drums to observe their feast days and regular tribal ceremonies. Navajos were brought to Clearfield from Arizona Unlike the other Native Americans the Navajos were not seen as successful workers in the military installation due to their alleged uncooperative attitudes and failure to complete work. Puerto Ricans, too, found work opportunities in Utah during the war with 200 of them employed in the copper mines. The Utah war industries called upon Japanese Americans interned during the war as well Begun on a trial basis, the employment of Japanese Americans proved quite successful, and large numbers were working in Utah military installations by the war's end.

Work opportunities were also available to the physically handicapped. Most Utah war industries placed blind people on their payrolls. Their sensitive fingers were particularly good for delicate work. Deaf mutes, too, were offered jobs. Dwarfs were especially adept for internal repair work on airplanes. A newspaper feature about the dwarfs at Hill Field declared, "Their presence here symbolizes the teamwork within the [heterogeneity] of creeds, shapes, and racial extractions that is the Air Service Command and on a large scale, America."

Italian and German prisoners of war interned in the state during the conflict also worked in vital industries. In July 1945 POWs working in Utah's war establishments peaked at 10,300. After Italy surrendered in September 1943 the Italian POWs could join Italian service units and work for the Allies' cause. Several of the Italian POWs interned in Utah joined the service units and continued faithfully working for the duration of the war. The Italians were generally remembered by the Utahns for their friendly, cooperative, and flirtatious personalities. The Germans, on the other hand, as prisoners of war, were generally not good workers because of their "unwillingness ... to do many kinds of work, and the reluctance of many of them to put forth satisfactory effort." With a few exceptions, the Germans were resentful, unfriendly, and very hard to cope with because they still felt Germany could not lose the war. They broke tools, put sugar from the cafeteria table in the gasoline tanks of jeeps, and attempted other sabotage to hamper the U. S. war effort.

Businessmen not engaged in war industries were asked to take part-time war jobs. Students and their teachers, too, were implored to seek defense work In some instances special school hours were arranged so a war job could be fitted into their schedules. Students from distant high schools, such as Bear River, were sometimes bused to military installations on weekends for two ten-hour shifts. Elderly people also worked. One newspaper article reported low attendance at an annual outing for elderly people, attributing it to the high number returning to the work force. One ninety-nine year old worked at Clearfield. During their off seasons farmers were encouraged to work in the war industries. The response was good, but unfortunately when they needed to return to their farms an even worse labor shortage in the installations was created.

In spite of the large number of recruits, the new additions never fulfilled the demand for workers, and a shortage persisted throughout the W2U- in Utah as elsewhere in the country. In part, inadequate community facilities hampered labor recruiting. Shortages in housing, overcrowded transportation systems, and insufficient services significantly contributed to unsuccessful labor mobilization. Local leaders and planners struggled to beat the unprecedented demands placed on their communities. The importance of their work was obvious; the success of the war industries in many ways depended upon local support and facilities to assure an efficient labor force. Lack of adequate housing was probably the most serious problem hampering successful worker recruitment Out-of-state labor could usually be found, but as early as July 1941 places for them to stay were not available even at motels and hotels. Some people opted to come anyway and resorted to sleeping in parks and barns. When sufficient housing did not become available, the homeless prospective industrial employees had to leave. Personnel officers resorted to hiring people only with local permanent addresses to assure that employees could keep their jobs.

Communities worked to alleviate the housing shortages. Newspapers and radio pleaded for local cooperation by asking homeowners to find places for boarders. Landlords, opportunistic in the face of abundant demand, were scolded for their unpatriotic attitudes when they refused to accept tenants with children or raised rents. The federal government established home registration bureaus, sometimes called hospitality centers, to help workers find places in private homes, hotels, motels, apartment houses, and other public accommodations that registered with the bureau, costing nothing to either side. Existing facilities, despite being used to their maximum, hardly alleviated the problem. Thus, major renovations to older buildings had to be made or new buildings constructed. The government cooperated with private financial institutions and builders when they released tightly rationed materials for construction and granted permits to build housing tracts and apartment units. The government also assisted home owners in remodeling and even leased private property for conversion to war housing. One downtown Salt Lake City office building was remodeled for single rooms. The larger military installations resorted to building their own housing facilities. Ogden and Tooele housed thousands of workers in their on-base facilities. These extensive efforts by the public, military bases, and state and local governments helped alleviate the problem but perpetually fell short of solving the housing shortage.

Transporting workers was a major concern because few installations had adequate housing facilities nearby. Thus, many workers needed to commute. Wartime gasoline and tire rationing exacerbated the transportation difficulties. Personnel offices arranged for buses to bring desperately needed workers from surrounding areas. They ranked buses high on priority lists to obtain the needed fuel and tires. Personnel departments also helped arrange car pools for those workers with their own automobiles. The riders usually shared expenses and ration coupons.

Employees needed a variety of services in addition to housing and transportation. Shops, banks, doctors, post offices, schools, and churches were quickly overburdened with the coming of large numbers of workers. Initially, the local communities were expected to pick up the service responsibilities. Some labor turnover was attributed to the lack of facilities in the Utah communities. The War Manpower Commission suggested to local vendors that they stay open late on some evenings for the workers and save scarce items for the late shoppers. In response, Ogden's Twentieth Street Center had "War Workers Night" on Mondays, featuring special entertainment for the benefit of the workers." The installations built during the war, aware of the importance of worker services, provided them on base. For instance, the Tooele Ordnance Depot Park, an apartment complex, included a tenroom school, a large assembly hall and theater, game rooms, social rooms, a post office, the Service Center Market, a drug store, and a laundry agency."

While much was done to satisfy workers' housing, transportation, and service needs, the employers' primary thrust was to facilitate work and production. Prior to the war Utah was largely cm agricultural society, with experienced and available industrial workers few in number. Furthermore, many of the workers were new to the work force and therefore brought no acquired skills to the work place. Early in the war training was offered free of charge. The response, however, was minimal as most workers opted for immediate employment and the paycheck with a job requiring no skill rather that to wait to complete training. By 1943, because of shortages, workers were paid to train. This decision met with great success, and many employees learned typing, stenography, general mechanics, aircraft electronics, welding, and sheet metal, among many other skills, then moved into war jobs using their newly acquired vocations.

Governor Maw pledged state aid to train men for defense work on Utah projects before Pearl Harbor. Boards of Education coordinated many of the efforts, particularly in arranging places for classes. The institutions of higher education. University of Utah, Weber College, Utah State Agricultural College, and Brigham Young University, offered joint courses and space for war job training. Vocational schools also offered courses, as did the Central Utah Vocational Training School, Salt Lake Adult School, and West, Jordan, Ogden, and Cedar City high schools. Some workers, such as those employed at Remington and Eitel-McCullough, required minimal training, and employees were able to acquire adequate skills on the job. Still others, few in number, were sent out of state to receive specialized training not available locally. State and federal governments provided funds for the training, and at least $40,000 of Lanham funds, given to communities strained by war industries for social services, went to enlarge shops at Ogden High.

A further concern of employers was maintaining high worker morale to induce efficiency and high productivity. War work was often hard, noisy, and tedious, contributing to worker fatigue. The Manti Standard Parachute Plant played music for twenty-four minutes every hour to soothe workers' nerves. Hill Field provided a counseling unit on base that offered a variety of personal counseling services during the stressful war years. Utah industries also continually fought tardiness, absenteeism, and job turnover, as did war installations in other states. Solutions varied from peer pressure generated in worker meetings and continuous patriotic appeals using propaganda tactics, to lock-outs for tardy workers. In cases of absenteeism, nurses were sent to ill workers' homes to confirm their conditions. If one was not sick, but home for some other reason, the worker was punished by losing his/her job and the right to obtain another one for an extended period of time. Restrictions were placed on worker mobility in hope of alleviating labor inefficiency. The War Manpower Commission listed essential industrial jobs, and people in this work could not transfer to other work.

Employee contributions to the functioning of the work place were highly encouraged. Injuries cost thousands of work hours and workers were implored to help with safety programs. Employee participation was sought at regularly held safety meetings. Some installations offered monetary awards for top safety slogans. For example, the Ogden Depot gave five-, three-, and two-dollar awards to their top three slogan writing workers. Money awards were also given for suggestions resulting in more efficient production. Hill Field paid, in one instance, twenty-five-, ten-, and five-dollar awards in war stamps for the three best suggestions for an improved work place. Many Hill Field employees saw their suggestions printed in a War Department booklet on efficiency tips.

Workers were also rewarded for perfect attendance, usually with a patriotic certificate. Employees received much off-the-job support They were frequently praised publicly, again in hope of keeping morale high. The Ogden Arsenal took worker-produced material to the cattle barns at the Utah State Fair Grounds for public display. The governor and state and military officials visited the war installations, often offering praise of worker efforts. Their encouraging speeches were occasionally printed in the local newspapers. Special features on individuals or groups in the plants also were frequently published in local papers. The Manti Messenger printed a letter from two cadets whose lives were saved by Standard parachutes. Notes found in tanks sent for repair to Tooele expressed the gratitude of fighting men for the fine job done and were printed in the Tooele Transcript Bulletin. Radio programs also featured the war workers. All of these signs of community support, laced with patriotism, surely raised employee morale.

The military installations sponsored entertainment for employees off the job that was popular, well attended, and further contributed to a more positive worker disposition. The Employee Welfare Association was established at Hill Field to lift the morale of civilian personnel by sponsoring several activities. "Family Days" were featured at some Utah installations in which adult family members of workers were invited to visit the work place, a way of encouraging the families' support. Dances, picnics, and parties became frequent forms of entertainment for the war workers. Dance themes varied from celebrating holidays, to "Friday the Thirteenth," "Get Acquainted" with servicemen, anniversaries, and farewells with war contract cancellations. Most dances were free with a worker's identification badge required for admission. Proceeds from dances with an admission charge went to recreational programs or war loan drives. The dances were usually held in community halls with orchestras and refreshments, and the sponsoring installation often provided transportation.

Picnics and field days sponsored for the workers' families some times featured a stage show, dance, beauty contest, and awards for a Softball tournament Eitel-McCullough sponsored two consecutive field days at different times so workers on all shifts could attend. Part of the money for employee entertainment came from Lanham Act funds. Ogden City spent several thousand dollars in addition to $31,000 of Lanham money in that community for worker entertainment.

The military installations also arranged organized sports for the employees. Men and women formed leagues for bowling, softball, tennis, basketball, and swimming. Other entertainment included musical attractions, plays, and operettas, often featuring the workers themselves. One installation provided a library for the employees. Sunday schools were organized. Further activities varied from the formation of a civilian band to furnish music for civilian parties and entertainment at Hill Field to hunting and fishing contests at Clearfield and boxing and art at Tooele.

World War II had a significant impact on Utah. The federal government's war contracts offered economic escape from depression conditions. The traditional labor supply, young white males, was inducted into the service, leaving those on the homefront—women, ethnic minorities, and the handicapped— to take up the industrial work The new workers called forth innovative ideas and solutions from their employers. Not only did employers have to address worker needs on the job, but community services had to be expanded to aid worker adjustment to the war industries. The joint effort of government, private industry, and the workers themselves assured that Utah's war plants ran efficiently with morale kept high and daily discomfort low.

NOTES

Mrs. Noble is a member of the Wyoming Humanities Council.

1 John F Bluth and Wayne K Hinton, "The Great Depression" in Utah's History, ed. Richard D Poll, Thomas G. Alexander, Eugene E. Campbell, and David E. Miller (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978).

2 Ibid.; Leonard J Arrington and Anthony Cluff, Federally-Financed Industrial Plants Constructed in Utah during World War 11 (Logan: Utah State University-Press, 1969); Leonard J Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West; Defense Depot Ogden, 1941-1964," Utah Historical Quarterly 32 (1964).

3 Thomas G Alexander, "Brief Histories of Three Federal Military Installations in Utah: Kearns Army Base, Hurricane Mesa, and Green River Test Complex," Utah Historical (Quarterly 34 (1966); Leonard J Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "World's Largest Military Reserve: Wendover Air Base, 1941-1963," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963).

4 Leonard J Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "Sentinels on the Desert: The Dugway Proving Grounds (1942-1963) and Deseret Chemical Depot (1942-1955)," Utah Historical Quarterly 32 (1964).

5 Manti Messenger, August 13, 1943.

6 John E. Christensen, "The Impact of World War II" in Poll et al, Utah's History; Thomas G. Alexander, " Ogden's 'Arsenal of Democracy,' 1920-1955," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (1965).

7 Christensen, "The Impact of World War II"; Arrington and Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West."'

8 Christensen, "The Impact of World War 11"; Leonard J Arrington, Thomas G Alexander, and Eugene A Erb, Jr., "Utah's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base, 19381965," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (1965).

9 Christensen, "The Impact of World War II"; Leonard J Arrington and Archer L Durham, "Anchors Aweigh in Utah: The United Slates Naval .Supply Depot at Clearfield, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963).

10 Christensen, "The Impact of World War II": Leonard J Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "They Kept 'Em Rolling The Tooele Army Depot, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (1963); U.S., Department of Defense, "Tooele Army Depot, Utah" (Tooele Army Depot: Information and Education Office of Tooele Anny Depot, March 1967).

11 Christensen, "The Impact of World War II."

12 Interview with Herbert B Maw, Salt Lake City, December 10, 1984; Herbert B Maw, Adventures with Life (Salt Lake City: Author, 1978), pp 159-68.

13 Thomas G Alexander and Leonard J Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant during World War II, Pacific Historical Review (May 1965).

14 Christensen, "The Impact of World War 11"; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Salt Lake City, Utah" August 22, 1942, p 6.

15 Albert C T Antrei and Ruth D Scow, eds., A Topical History of Sanpete County, Utah, 1849-1983 (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1983); Luzon Sondrup Longaker, "Memories of the Parachute Company of Utah and Reliance Manufacturing Company, World War II," 1985, typescript.

16 Salt Lake Tribune, \ax\udsy2Q, 1943; U.S., Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Vol. 1, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Population (Washington, D.C: Government Printing office, 1943), p. 32.

17 Salt Lake Tribune, August 13, 1944.

18 Tooele Transcript Bulletin, February 5, 1943; Ogden Standard Examiner, September 11, 1942.

19 Helen Thomas, "Wanted-Manpower!" Utah Magazine, April 1942.

20 J.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S. Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Ogden, Utah," p. 6. Interview with Esther Wood Hankins, Salt Lake City, October 11, 1984.

21 U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S. Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Salt Lake City," August 22, 1942, p. 6.

22 Davis County Clipper, September 9, 1944; May 26, 1944; April 21, 1944; November 2, 1945; Ogden standard Examiner, December 10, 1943; Deseret News, December 11, 1944.

23 Salt Lake Tribune, January 9, 1944; Ogden Standard Examiner, February 16, 1944; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service; interview with Esther Wood Hankins.

24 Salt Lake Tribune, June 9, 1944.

25 Tooele Transcript Bulletin, February 2, 1945; U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service.

26 Deseret News, May 5, 1943; January'20, 1943; October 21, 1943; Salt Lake Tribune, February 13, 1944; Ogden Standard Examiner, January 5, 1943; June 19, 1943.

27 Ogden Standard Examiner, October 10, 1943; June 17, 1943.

28 Salt Lake Tribune, March 26, 1944.

29 U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, U.S Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Utah, General."

30 J.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Conmission, U.S Employment Service, "Labor Market Survey Reports, Tooele."

31 Interviews with several war workers.

32 Deseret News, September 10, 1942; Ogden Standard Examiner, December 19, 1942.

33 Ogden Standard Examiner, June 24, 1943.

34 Arrington and Durham, "Anchors Aweigh in Utah."

35 U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission Reports; local Utah newspapers.

36 James B Allen, "Crisis on the Home Front: The Federal Government and Utah's Defense Housing in World War II," Pacific Historical Review (November 1969).

37 Ibid.

38 Ogden Standard Examiner, August 5, 1942.

39 Personal interviews; local Utah newspapers.

40 U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission.

41 Ogden Standard Examiner, July 5, 1943.

42 Tooele Transcript Bulletin, February 8, 1944.

43 Salt Lake Tribune, August 7, 1941.

44 Deseret News, September 24, 1943.

45 Wasatch Stitches," Manti, Utah (November 1944), p 6.

46 Manti's Standard Parachute Company locked workers out for tardiness.

47 U.S., Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission

48 Ogden Standard Examiner, May 11, 1943.

49 Ogden Standard Examiner, December 4, 1943.

50 Deseret News, January 31, 1945.

51 Manti Messenger, January 13, 1943.

52 Tooele Transcript Bulletin, February 6, 1945.

53 Manti Messenger, January 14, 1944.

54 U.S., Department of Labor, Ogden Air Depot Control Area Command; Ogden Air Service Command Hill Air Force Base: History Office, January 19, 1944), p 6.

55 Ogden Standard Examiner, October 1, 1944.

56 Salt Lake Tribune, June 28, 1943.

57 Ogden Standard Examiner, August 24, 1945.

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