Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 63, Number 3, 1995

UTA H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAX J EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOAR D O F EDITORS

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER, Salt Lake City,1997

KENNETH L. CANNON II,Salt Lake City,1995

JANICE P DAWSON, Layton, 1996

AUDREY M. GODFREY, Logan, 1997

JOEL C JANETSKI, Provo, 1997

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1995

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora, WY, 1996

GENE A. SESSIONS, Ogden, 1995

GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City,1996

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101 Phone (801) 533-3500 for membership and publications information Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00.

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate, typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 5 l/4 or 3 y2 inch MS-DOS or PC-DOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file. For additional information on requirements contact the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

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Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

ALLAN KENT POWELL, ed. Utah History Encyclopedia WILL BAGLEY 284

CLYDE A MILNER II, CAROL A O'CONNOR, and MARTHA A. SANDWEISS, eds. The Oxford History of the American West MERLE WELLS 285

J RODERIC KORNS and DALE L MORGAN, eds.; rev. WILL BAGLEY and HAROLD SCHINDLER West from Fort Bridger: The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails across Utah, 1846-1850

TODD I. BERENS 287

H. BAXTER LIEBLER. Boil My Heart for Me WINSTON HURST 288

RON TYLER. Prints of the West ARLEY CURTZ 290

NECAH STEWART FURMAN Caroline Lockhart: Her Life and Legacy..ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE 291

PAUL T. WALTON. From Prospect to Prosperity: Wildcatting in Arabia and the Rockies ROYWEBB 292

In this issue

A hundred years ago the framers of Utah's state constitution celebrated an end to their two-month task by visiting the Great Salt Lake. They were just a few of the hundreds of thousands of people who have found something of value in that strange body of water through the years From its initial discovery to the present, the lake has exerted a fast grip on the imaginations of explorers, settlers, scientists, naturalists, politicians, historians, and tourists Not until now, however—within our first article—has its maritime history been fully analyzed It is a modest history, no doubt, but interesting, colorful, and deserving of an audience.

Fifty years ago Utahns were celebrating a different achievement—the end to World War II They, like Americans everywhere, had donated four years of sustained effort to the cause of defeating the monstrous powers of fascism. In the process they had seen their state change greatly from the comings and goings of servicemen and the establishment of service industries Utahns' attitudes and values changed as well as a result of the many sacrifices made. Our second and third articles detail these dynamics

Although the pace of change slackened for most Utahns during the decade following World War II, at least one group, the Southern Paiutes, were thrust into a political and social maelstrom under the proposal to terminate their reservation status The assumptions, politics, processes, and consequences of that controversial event are outlined in the final selection It is a sobering reminder of the excesses of ethnocentrism that our society has been given to from time to time and for which the early years of the 1950s were particularly notorious

VE Day at Hill Field, 1945. Courtesy of Roger D. Launius.

Sail and Steam: Great Salt Lake's Boats and Boatbuilders, 1847-1901

BY PETER G. VAN ALFEN

Mr van Alfen is a graduate student in the Nautical Archaeology Program at Texas A & M Uni versity

SINCE THE 1930s, WHEN UTAH HISTORIANS AND OTHERS began to write about Great Salt Lake's past, several writers have addressed the lake's nineteenth-century steamships and sailing craft. Despite the local historical interest in these vessels, no attempt has been made to fit them into the greater sphere of maritime history Some of Great Salt Lake's early vessels represent an overlooked boatbuilding tradition due to the unusual way they were constructed. The relative isolation of the region, especially in the period before the railroad, the European background of local shipwrights, and the lake itself were all factors that shaped the region's boatbuilding tradition. Admittedly, it was neither a grand nor long-lived tradition, but it deserves recognition for its role in North American maritime history.

Documentary accounts show that many of Great Salt Lake's early boats possessed nuances in design and construction that made them notably different from other North American watercraft. Such distinguishing characteristics were a necessary response to the difficulties of boatbuilding in the Salt Lake Valley and of navigation on the lake Many of these locally built vessels were neither graceful nor admirable craft; ugly and practical would better describe them However, they were well suited for the lake?

Because it is one of the larger bodies of water in North America, Great Salt Lake would seem to offer itself readily to navigation. This is simply not the case. Writer and naturalist Terry Tempest Williams

Fig. 1. Vessel abandoned on Great Salt Lake shore. Although it is not "scozv-shaped, " as George Frary described it, its size and configuration are similar to the cattle boat built by Jacob Miller in 1879. USHS collections.

recently called the lake "the liquid lie of the West"—water in a desert that no one can drink; water that nothing but brine flies and brine shrimp call home.1 For sailors the lake was, if not a lie, then a seriously underestimated hoax. Great Salt Lake is notoriously shallow, especially within a mile of its shorelines, and ringed by shifting sandbars and foul, bluish mud Early nautical explorers found these aspects of the lake perpetually frustrating. Their vessels frequently grounded far from shore, and any anchorage inevitably required a long trek to dry ground through knee-deep, reeking mud. The lake's water level is also in constant fluctuation. Portions of the lake that may have been recorded as navigable one year could be dry land in the following year; or,just as likely, the annual rains and runoff could send the lake topping over surrounding lands The captain of the steamboat Kate Connor, for example, reported a voyage in which he unexpectedly cruised over what had been farmland the previous year. Fence posts and ditches were visible in the water below the boat.2 Violent storms on the lake also make navigation treacherous As sudden as they are ferocious, the storms catch even experienced sailors off-guard. In the nineteenth century at least ten boats were wrecked or seriously damaged in storms. In this century the number has been far greater. The intense salinity of the waters, Great Salt Lake's most famous characteristic, poses still more troubles to navigation Iron fastenings on a vessel corrode more quickly in this water than in sea water, and hulls and machinery become thickly encrusted with salt. Boats used on the lake require endless maintenance, even more so than comparable coastal vessels.

The challenges of the lake had to be considered by the early local boatbuilders, for a boat's design is very much influenced by the body of water on which it will be used. To overcome the lake's shallow waters and submerged obstacles, the valley's shipwrights launched predominately flat-bottomed boats. The sea-like waves encountered on the lake and frequent hard groundings also meant that vessels had to be sturdily built Although the lake's later boats appear to have been strongly, even overly built, there are accounts of the earliest boats nearly falling to pieces a short time after they were

1 Terry Tempest Williams, Refuge: An Unnatural History ofFamily and Place (New York, 1991), p 5

2 Daily Utah Reporter, August 8, 1870 Since the 1850s, when records of the lake's level begin, the water level in the lake has fluctuated by as much as 20 feet In some places this has altered the shoreline by as many as 15 miles Needless to say, changes in the lake's level have often been catastrophic both to wildlife and to human enterprise. See, for example, Richard H. Jackson, "Great Salt Lake and Great Salt Lake City: American Curiosities," Utah Historical Quarterly 56 (1988): 128-48; and Williams, Refuge.

launched.3 To resist salt-induced corrosion local shipwrights opted for galvanized fastenings and brass fixtures when these were available. Additionally, modest sail plans seem to have been the rule, possibly to make the boats safer in heavy winds and sudden storms but perhaps also due to the paucity of sail material in the valley

Aside from the limitations of design imposed by the lake itself, more fundamental problems existed for the region's shipwrights. The greatest of these was the availability of boatbuilding materials. Before the completion of the transcontinental railroad in the spring of 1869 local shipwrights were entirely dependent upon nearby canyons for timber and planking and on local blacksmiths for fittings and fastenings. The species of trees available in the canyons, though serviceable, were not the best for boatbuilding; transportation of this timber also required tremendous expenditure.4 Obtaining iron and other metals for boatbuilding was equally difficult. Despite Brigham Young's attempts to establish an ironworks in Utah Territory, iron and other metals still had to be imported from the States at prohibitive expense Therefore, much of the iron found in the earliest vessels came from recycled sources The anchor for The Timely Gull, for example, was fashioned entirely of scrap iron.5

Without question, the arrival of the railroad had a significant impact on the valley's boatbuilding practices Once the railroad arrived, wood types more appropriate for boatbuilding could be obtained, as could various corrosion-resistant metals and prefabricated fittings. The railroads were also capable of transporting enormous steamboat boilers and engines with relative ease and economy.

3 The boat used by Stansbury's expedition, Salicornia, and the Miller brothers' scow launched in 1862 experienced serious leaks and structural problems less than a month after they were launched Local shipwright David L Davis maintained that "there was no cause for concern or alarm in navigating the lake if the boats were strong, even if they were not of special construction." See "The Great Salt Lake and Its Islands" in Kate B Carter, comp., Our Pioneer Heritage, 20 vols (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77), 11:442

4 There are no hardwoods in the local canyons that grow to sufficient size or have wood of the structural strength required in boatbuilding Of the many softwood species available, Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii) offers the most suitable wood for boatbuilding, although it can be brittle. Unfortunately, there are no specific mentions of the woods used by the prerailroad shipwrights Stansbury laments that the wood used to build Salicornia, "although the best material the country afforded, was so 'shaky' and liable to split and crack, that it was totally unfit for the purpose" (Howard Stansbury, An Expedition to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake [Philadelphia, 1852], p. 150). Securing usable trees also required journeys of at least 30 miles roundtrip up the canyons Jacob Miller went as far as Blacksmith Fork near Logan, almost 100 miles away, for the wood he used to build Lady of the Lake (David H. Miller and Anne M Eckman, eds., "Seymour Miller's Account of an Early Sheep Operation on Fremont Island," Utah HistoricalQuarterly 56 (1988): 168).

5 A piece of paper dated August 31, 1854, in LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, describes the 164-pound anchor and its construction by Jonathan Pugmire Similarly, the 500-pound anchor for the City of Corinne was fashioned from iron taken from dismantled wagons See History of Tooele County (Tooele: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1961), p.149

Moreover, entire boats, either complete or disassembled, could ride the rails to the valley. After the spring of 1869 boatbuilding in the valley was less difficult but lost much of its native ingenuity. The coming of the railroad ushered in a new period of boatbuilding in the Salt Lake Valley region. In the earlier period, from 1847 to 1869, Mormon shipwrights using locally available materials built vessels primarily for working purposes. It is this short period that provides the purest examples of Great Salt Lake's boatbuilding tradition. The later period, from 1870 to 1901, is characterized by an influx of materials, boats, and non-Mormon shipwrights. Further, the later era shows the decline of working vessels and the rise of boats built solely for pleasure. Three major boat-types carry through both periods: working sailboats, steamboats, and pleasure sailboats.

WORKING SAILBOATS

Working sailboats are vessels expressly designed and built for carrying cargo or for exploration Between 1847 and 1879, when the last working sailboat was constructed for Great Salt Lake, local shipwrights launched at least a dozen vessels of this type Of these, Dan Jones built two (possibly more), Gammon Hayward likely built three, and four (possibly five) others were constructed by the Miller family. Only Gammon Hayward, whose father had been a shipwright in Kent, England, appears to have had any formal training in boatbuilding Dan Jones served as a river boat captain on the Mississippi River for a few years after his emigration from Wales but does not seem to have had extensive boatbuilding training; he may have been self-taught. Likewise there is no mention of formal training for the Miller brothers, Henry W. and Daniel A. The latter's son,Jacob, who built two of the last working sailboats on the lake, made intensive studies of the world's watercraft while on his proselytizing mission in Australia for the Mormon church. On his return he employed line drawings and half-models when building his boats, design tools of the sophisticated boatbuilder. He also employed the services of Henry Barrot, a retired British Royal Navy ship's carpenter, to direct the actual construction of one boat.6

fi Kate B Carter, comp., Heart Throbs of the West, 12 vols (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1939-50), 4:164; Headstone Dedicatory Servicefor Captain DanJones, 4 Aug. 1810-3 Jan. 1862 (Provo, 1974), pamphlet in Utah State Historical Society collection; J. R. and Elna Miller, eds., Journal ofJacob Miller (Salt Lake City, 1967), p 176

Where these men learned to build boats, whether abroad or in the United States, would be reflected in the style of the boats they built and the manner in which they were constructed. Boatbuilders are usually trained within a regionally specific tradition. Asked to construct a 25-foot fishing boat, for example, a boatbuilder from one region or country might produce a boat differently from another builder The differences may be as subtle as the size and location of the frames or as obvious as the shape of the bow and stern

Most, if not all of the valley's Mormon shipwrights received their training abroad, primarily in England or Wales The nearly direct importation of English and Welsh boatbuilding practices by Gammon Hayward, Henry Barrot, and possibly Dan Jones and the Miller family to the Salt Lake Valley means that the basis of the local boatbuilding tradition was more British than American, as were the boatbuilders themselves.7 It is unlikely, however, that the vessels these men launched on Great Salt Lake were close copies of boats found abroad. The problems of navigating the lake and of boatbuilding in the valley were regionally specific. These problems would require the builders to modify their designs or construction techniques to fit the region's peculiarities. The adaptation of British boatbuilding practices to meet Great Salt Lake's requirements resulted in a distinctively American boatbuilding tradition.

Mud Hen, one of several so-called skiffs (a small open boat) built in the first few years of Mormon settlement, was the first locally built boat to sail on Great Salt Lake. At least two, and possibly as many as four, of these small boats were constructed between 1847 and 1850. Only the name Mud Hen has survived.

Because a boat was needed immediately to explore the Jordan River and Utah Lake, construction of Mud Hen began within days of the Mormon arrival in the valley The boat was not large, measuring only 15 feet long and 4 feet wide, and, according to tradition, was built of only "five fir planks" acquired from a single tree felled in City Creek Canyon. Although the boat was launched barely three weeks after its construction began, the exploratory mission, due to trouble navigating the river, was abandoned and the boat was brought back to the camp. Early the following spring (April 1848), Albert Carrington and five others used the boat for a five-day voyage on Great Salt Lake. For this excursion the boat was fitted with a sail

7 David L Davis, who will be discussed below, is another Welsh boatbuilder to be added to this list

to complement its oars Shortly after the trip, Mud Hen was taken to the Bear River ford, near modern Corinne, where it served for several years as a ferry boat.8

The journals and the final report of U.S. Army Capt. Howard Stansbury's exploration of Great Salt Lake (1849-50), mention the use of two, possibly three, other skiffs For his work on the Jordan River and Utah Lake in the autumn of 1849, Lt John W Gunnison employed an old skiff, not Mud Hen, and later welcomed a new boat to his flotilla.9 The following year Stansbury also had a skiff, possibly one of Gunnison's boats, to accompany his yawl on Great Salt Lake. Stansbury found his skiff to be quite useful and reliable after it was fitted-up and caulked. Gunnison's journal entry of April 16, 1850, mentions that the skiff contained ceiling planks, knees, cross-timbers, and thwarts, a substantial improvement over the five fir planks of which Mud Hen was constructed.

For his survey of the lake Stansbury arranged for a "yawl," a larger boat than the skiffs, to be built by Dan Jones. Construction of this boat began in September 1849, within a month after Stansbury's arrival in the valley, and apparently was paid for in installments.10 By the following springJones had the boat ready for use.

Stansbury, an accomplished sailor, found the Salicornia acceptable, but nothing to boast about. Flat-bottomed, excessively heavy, and slow despite its two masts, this humble craft was, as Stansbury remarked, "a miserable, lumbering affair."11 Nor was he impressed with Jones's workmanship The rudder was attached in "a most lubberly manner"; there were constant problems with the forward maststep, and the boat needed recaulking only a month after it was launched.12 When the survey ended Stansbury left both the yawl and

8 Dale L Morgan, The Great Salt Lake (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1973), pp 204, 211-12: and Carter, Heart Throbs, 4:162

9 J W Gunnison Journal, November 12, 1849, in Brigham D Madsen, ed., ExploringtheGreat Salt Lake: The Stansbury Expedition of 1849-50 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989), OctoberNovember 1849, passim.; Stansbury, An Expedition, p 161

10 Gunnison's journal entry for September 22, 1849, in Madsen, Exploring, mentions $50.00 sent to Dan Jones "as an instalment on building a yawl boat." The total cost for the boat is not recorded

11 Stansbury, An Expedition, p. 173. Stansbury's descriptions of Salicornia suggest that it was very similar in appearance to the flat-bottomed, double-ended sailing dories used by New England fishermen in the nineteenth century. See Howard I. Chapelle, American Small Sailing Craft: Their Design, Development, and Construction (New York, 1951), pp 85-94 Stansbury uses "yawl" as a general description Originally, a "yawl" was a ship's boat, but by the mid-nineteenth century the term meant any open boat, rowed or sailed, larger than a "skiff."

12 Stansbury, Journal, May 2, 1850, in Madsen, Exploring, see also Stansbury, An Expedition, p 191 After his experiences with Salicornia Stansbury regretted that he had not procured two Francis metallic lifeboats for the survey, "which would have," he laments, "saved much time and effort."

the skiff to their fates, anchored in shoal water near Antelope Island, a muddy mile-long walk from shore.

Three years after Stansbury left the valley DanJones was again requested to build a boat, this time for Brigham Young who needed a boat large enough to ferry cattle and horses the short distance between the mainland and Antelope Island. Because the lake's waters had risen, the sandbar that earlier had been used to drive stock across to the island was, by 1854, completely submerged. Jones launched The Timely Gullin the Jordan River on June 30, 1854. Days after the boat was launched the Deseret News reported that it would soon be fitted with a stern wheel turned by two horses on a treadmill.13

In the nineteenth century horse-powered ferry boats were commonly used for short-distance crossings on lakes and rivers throughout the United States Compact treadmills, as well as the other necessary machinery and fittings for horse-powered boats, were commercially available. However, it does not appear that The Timely Gull ever did use horse power. The craft was later known as a sailboat.14

Besides a mention of the boat's length of 45 feet, a few clues suggest the nature of The Timely Gull's hull Because Young intended the boat to ferry stock, the hull was likely built low and wide A "Bill of Items for Boat" mentions a "hog chaine" used in the boat's construction.15 A hog chain, or hogging-chain, is a chain or cable attached at both inside ends of a vessel, which is tightened to keep the ends from sagging or hogging. This device is a necessity in lightly built, shallow hulls like those of most ferry boats. The "Bill of Items" otherwise notes that construction of The Timely Gull required at least 69 pounds of nails, 18 pounds of spikes, 126 bolts, and 14 gallons of tar—a reasonable amount of material for a 45-foot-long vessel—all procured from communal stores.

Four years after it was launched The Timely Gull was wrecked in a storm on the southern end of Antelope Island. Reportedly, the wreckage was visible for many years. 16

Little information is available about the two boats launched by

13 Deseret News, July 6, 1854

14 The Journal History of the Church, June 25, 1856, LDS Church Archives, notes that The Timely Gull "had been fitted-up as a sailing boat." Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p 254, also reports that Young had plans to install a steam engine in The Timely Gull.

15 This undated piece of paper in LDS Church Archives lists various items supplied by the Tithing House and the Public Works Smith Shop used in the construction of the boat

lb Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p 257

the Miller brothers, one in 1859 or 1860 and the other in 1862.17 The brothers used the first boat, called either a "skow" or a "flatboat," to stock their sheep-raising operations on Fremont Island. The second boat, also a "skow," gave the Millers considerable trouble soon after it was launched. The centerboard of the vessel leaked badly, necessitating, on one voyage, that 48 head of sheep be thrown overboard to lighten the sinking boat. This vessel was wrecked in 1876.

In September 1876 Jacob Miller began construction of a replacement for the wrecked sheep boat. He employed Henry Barrot to help design and construct the new boat, and despite disagreements concerning the shape the boat was to take the two worked through the autumn of 1876 to complete the vessel.18 Seymour Miller,Jacob's son, described Lady of the Lake as: about 50 ft long and 12 ft wide She carried two main masts, the largest one being about 50 ft. high. She flew four sails, two main sails, and two jibs She was a double-decked craft with three and a half or four feet clearance between the decks This was plenty of clearance for the sheep and 300 head could be carried at a time. The cabin was at the rear of the boat She was a shallow water boat and when empty, would float in eight or ten inches of water.19

In the mid-1880s, after several years of neglect, Lady of the Lake was sold toJudge U.J Wenner, who had obtained possession of Fremont Island. Moving to the island with his wife Kate and their son and daughter, Wenner repaired the boat, carved a ram's head on its stem, and rechristened it Argo.20 During the time they lived on the island the family used the boat as their link to the mainland. Changing hands again, Argo remained in service as late as 1909 Shortly thereafter Seymour Miller claimed that the boat was wrecked at Promontory

Point

In the summer of 1879 Jacob Miller built another stock boat (Fig.l), this one for the Davis County Co-op. He designed this odd

" Brief mentions of the two boats appear in the Henry William Miller Diary, typescript, p 49, Utah State Historical Society collections; and Miller and Miller, Journal ofJacob Miller, pp 56, 61, 63, 176

In addition to the four known boats constructed by the Miller family, Seymour Miller claims that the family also constructed a "75 foot boat with three holds to use in [the] salt business" (Miller and Eckman, "Seymour Miller's Account," p 173) This may be Old Bob, a boat traditionally owned by the Millers (Margaret S Hess, My Earmington, 1847-1976 [Farmington: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1976], p. 54). There are no other records of either Old Bob or the 75-foot salt boat.

18 Miller and Miller, Journal ofJacob Miller, p 176 Barrot had crafted a half-model of the boat and intended to work by eye from the model Miller, on the other hand, had drawn lines for the boat and wanted Barrot to follow his calculations

19 Miller and Eckman, "Seymour Miller's Account," p 169

20 Ibid., p 173, and n 40

craft to be sloop-rigged, 40 feet long and 16 feet wide, and "with a cabin forward of the mast and, back of the mast, a pen in which to put stock (wild stock if necessary), with ropes to prevent the main sail from dropping below the boom where it might be injured by the stock ... it was arranged to load and unload from the stern."21 This last boat of Miller's is undoubtedly the "clumsy, scow-shaped cattleboat, slooprigged . . . and steered with an oddly placed wheel on the forecastle deck" used by long-time island dweller and boat captain George Frary.22 With this boat Frary transported a dozen buffalo to Antelope Island in 1892, the sires of the famous Antelope Island herd.

In 1868 and in the spring of 1869 former U.S Army general Patrick E Connor financed the launching of two 100-ton, flatbottomed schooners, Pioneer and Pluribustah. Both vessels were designed to transport railroad ties, ore, and other materials from Connor's private mining operations near Stockton, at the southern end of the lake, to railroad points at the northern end.23 There is no record of the shipwright who built these vessels, though Gammon Hayward is the likeliest candidate. He was actively building boats in the Salt Lake Valley as early as 1865: by 1868 he had already built at least one vessel for Connor, the steamboat Kate Connor.24

Flat-bottomed schooners, usually scow-schooners, were not an uncommon sight on North American waterways in the last century However, the two known photographs of schooners on Great Salt Lake do not illustrate scow-schooners (Fig. 2); the hulls of these vessels are more traditionally boat-shaped not scow-shaped.25 There were traditions of keelless, flat-bottomed vessels in North America and Europe that had approximately the same hull form as

21 Miller and Miller, Journal ofJacobMiller,

22 Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p. 326.

176 Construction

Also, Seymour Miller claimed this boat could carry "about 25 head of cattle and 200 head of sheep" (Miller and Eckman, "Seymour Miller's Account," p 173)

23 Ibid., p 294 Pluribustah was also known as Bustah and Eilerbuster. The Utah Tri-Weekly Reporter, May 17, 1870, mentions another schooner, Viola, carrying ore to Corinne from Stockton There is no other record of this vessel

24 Carter, Heart Throbs, 4:164. Since Dan Jones died in 1862, the Miller brothers are the only other likely candidates, but they built vessels solely for their own operations Other boatbuilders active in the valley in the late 1860s, such as Davis, seem to have limited themselves to building yachts.

Tn Fig 2, which appeared in Miller and Eckman, "Seymour Miller's Account," may not be Lady of the Lake. This unlabeled photograph was found in Seymour Miller's papers on Great Salt Lake (personal communication, David H. Miller, February 1994). The other photograph appeared in Hess, My Earmington, with the caption, "Miller boat used to haul livestock to Antelope Island." Close examination reveals that these are photographs of two different vessels, one of which may in fact be Lady of the Lake. The other is probably one of Connor's schooners

p

of this boat cost $615.72

the two schooners, but there are no certain parallels of which I am aware. 26

Neither Pioneer nor Pluribustah remained in Connor's service after 1872 when commercial navigation on the lake had dwindled During his tenure on Gunnison Island in 1896 artist and poet Alfred Lambourne noted a "schooner" in the island's bay used by the guano-diggers to transport their materials.27 This vessel could have been one of Connor's boats under a new owner. In a 1909 interview David L Davis claimed that Pioneer lay rotting in a boat graveyard at the mouth of the Jordan River Of Pluribustah he said that "the wreck of the old schooner now lies within sight of the tracks at Saltair."28

26 Some English and Welsh sailing barges were similarly shaped (F G G Carr, Sailing Barges [London, 1951], passim). In North America the closest parallel may be the Brown's Ferry Vessel, a flatbottomed, eighteenth-century boat excavated at Brown's Ferry near Georgetown, South Carolina, in 1976 by the South Carolina Institute for Archaeology and Anthropology (Frederick M Hocker, 'The Development of a Bottom-based Shipbuilding Tradition in Northwestern Europe and the New World" [Ph.D diss., Texas A & M University, 1991], pp 227-48; and A B Albright and J.R Steffy, "The Brown's Ferry Vessel, South Carolina," International Journal ofNautical Archaeology & [1979]: 121-42)

27 Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p 342

2X "Experiences of Capt David L Davis on the Great Salt Lake, compiled by Mr and Mrs Stephen L. Richards," bound, undated, and unpaginated manuscript in the Daughters of Utah Pioneers Museum, Salt Lake City

Fig. 2. The Millers' schooner transported men, supplies, and sheepfor their stock operation on Fremont Island. Courtesy David H. Miller and Ann M. Eckman. The other known schoonerphotograph is in Margaret Hess's book MyFarmington, p. 54.

Great Salt Lake's dozen or so working sailboats are the most homogenous of the three types of vessels used on the lake All of the boats were flat-bottomed, constructed of locally available materials, and built by a handful of men, all Mormon converts, most, if not all, of whom had come from England or Wales. Nearly all of the boats were built before the arrival of the railroad, and even the two (or three) working sailboats built after 1869 do not seem to have been greatly affected by it Jacob Miller, the only shipwright to build this type of boat after 1869, continued to use locally available materials. The working sailboats were the purest examples of Great Salt Lake's boatbuilding tradition. More than the steamboats and pleasure craft, these vessels were designed and built specifically within the limitations of the lake and the region's resources. Therefore, the relationship between the lake and the working sailboats was much more integrated, much more natural than that between the lake and other vessel types.

STEAMBOATS

At the end of the 1860s, as the locomotives of the Union Pacific and Central Pacific transcontinental railroads were drawing closer to their meeting point near Great Salt Lake, steam power was introduced to the lake itself Steamboats were certainly not new to North America; decades of refinement on North American waterways, most notably the Mississippi River, had nearly perfected the high pressure marine steam engine and steamboat hull design. By the 1860s the combined efforts of iron workshops and shipwrights throughout the country, including those in California, were producing scores of steamboats a year. Steamboats and their land-based counterpart, the locomotive, were a source of American technological pride and world-renowned symbols of the nation's rapid progress as a civilized, industrialized country.

It is not surprising that the man who introduced the steamboat to Great Salt Lake, Patrick Connor, was a man who most wanted to see "progress" brought to the territory of Utah. Sent to Utah during the Civil War, he detested Brigham Young, not only because of the religion the prophet espoused, but also because he saw Young's stranglehold on the territory's political and economic realms as an impediment to the development of the West. In everything he did in Utah, Connor sought to break Young's tight grip and to bring Utah into the nineteenth century, so to speak In essence, his steamboat,

Kate Connor, was a symbol of his struggle for western development and progress This steamboat, in addition to his fleet of sailboats would help to expand non-Mormon commercial enterprises and mining in the territory.29 But the boat was neither an economic nor technical success, and ironically, Gammon Hayward, the man who built the steamboat's hull, was a Mormon.

The same themes of progress and Mormon-bashing are found in the origins of Great Salt Lake's most ambitious steamboat, City of Corinne, financed by the non-Mormon, if not anti-Mormon, Corinne Steam Navigation Company. The "Un-godly City," as Corinne was called by the Saints, was a railroad boom town located at the northern end of the lake on the Bear River.30 Founded in 1869, Corinne quickly became the capital city for the territory's "gentiles" (nonMormons) and the focal point for the lake's commercial navigation, primarily in the shipment of ores from the southern mines to the railroad. The townspeople lauded their City of Corinne as the most modern vessel to sail "the briney deep" and presented her triumphantly as the vanquisher of "Heathendom," Mormon Salt Lake City. Due to competition from the local railroads and the lack of materials needing shipment across the lake, this vessel too was an economic failure

At a cost to Connor of $18,000, Kate Connorwas launched in the Jordan River on December 11, 1868. The Salt Lake Daily Reporter described the boat as,

fifty-five feet long, with eighteen feet main breadth and guards of four feet The build consists of one "flush deck" in the center of which is left a space 10X6 feet, neatly covered and rising four feet, above deck, for the engine room, through which passes the main shaft to the side wheels, leaving considerable space in front and rear for freight. She is of sixty ton measurement. ..the boiler isfrom the Union Foundry, San Francisco, the machinery from Chicago.31

29 Brigham D Madsen, Glory Hunter: A Biography ofPatrick E. Connor (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990), describes Connor's activities in Utah, including the political and economic situations surrounding the launching of Kate Connor.

30 Brigham D Madsen, Corinne: The Gentile Capital of Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1980), is the most complete history of Corinne's development and its relations with the Mormon capital, Salt Lake City. The chapter entitled "By Land and by Sea" is the best account available of Great Salt Lake's short-lived, non-Mormon commercial navigation enterprises

31 Salt LakeDaily Reporter, December 11, 1868 The note in the article that the machinery (i.e., engine) for this boat came from Chicago has caused some confusion Bernice Anderson (in Carter, Heart Throbs, 4:165) claimed that the engines for City of Corinnewere built in Chicago, shipped around the Horn to California, and then to Utah Although her story is often cited, Anderson confuses Kate Connorwith City of Corinne. In fact, the engines for City of Corinne were built in St Louis and shipped by rail to Utah Furthermore, it is not likely that Connor would have paid to ship Kate Connors engine around the Horn if it could be forwarded west from Chicago by rail Also, it should be noted that all of the wood used in the construction of Kate Connor came from local sources (Mining and Scientific Press, November 28, 1868)

Figs. 3 and 4. Two views of Kate Connor in the Bear River near Corinne, May 1869. Andrew J. Russell Collection, the Oakland Museum of California.

The only existing photographs of the boat (Figs. 3 and 4), taken in May 1869, show that Kate Connor was not a flashy steamboat and in fact appears to have been a little unusual. Gammon Hayward had never before built a steamboat hull, so it is likely that for his first (and only) steamboat, he simply modified the hull design he used for the schooners. Kate Connors sheer (the longitudinal sweep of the vessel's sides), as seen in the photographs, is certainly closer to that found on a sailboat than that found on most steamboats of the

period.32 Also, the photographs show the boat's lack of an exhaust funnel, a necessary piece of steamboat equipment to ensure sufficient draft in the boiler to heat the required steam.

From a technological point of view Kate Connor was somewhat obsolete. Sternwheelers, which by the 1860s had become the steamboat of choice on the western rivers, offered several advantages over sidewheelers Sidewheel boats, especially those with a single engine like Kate Connor, presented difficulties in maneuverability. Also, the boiler, engine, and drive shaft occupied the entire center section of the vessel, eliminating valuable cargo space. 33 Sternwheel vessels, with their engines and boilers spaced more efficiently, did not have this fault. Sidewheel steamboats did have one major advantage: their hulls were far less complex and easier to build. They did not require the bracing and support to compensate for the enormous weight of a wheel hung off of the stern. For Gammon Hayward, the comparative simplicity of a sidewheel hull was likely the determining factor for his first attempt at a steamboat.

Within a year after launching the lake's first steamboat Connor discovered several problems with the vessel itself and with operating a steam engine on the lake. Although the boat performed well on its trial run, it soon became apparent that Kate Connor was quite underpowered. During the spring of 1870 the vessel was entirely refitted with a new engine, a new boiler, and, to accommodate the increased power, its sidewheels were almost doubled in size.34 At this time Connor may also have fitted the boat with a steam condenser of his own design.

32 Although some post-1850 American steamboats, especially a few eastern examples, had hull forms similar to Kate Connor, most tended to have much flatter sheers than that of sailing craft This was due to the fact that the average steamboat hull was built more boxlike than boatlike In at least two other ways Kate Connor departs from what was common practice on late nineteenth-century western steamboats The paddlewheels appear to be placed either directly amidships or farther forward—an unusual trait in later sidewheelers Also, Kate Connors length-to-beam ratio (without the guards) was 3:1; the average for steamboats of its class in 1870 was nearly 5:1 (Louis C Hunter, Steamboats on the Western Rivers: An Economic and Technical History [New York, 1949], pp 80-86)

33 Single-engine, sidewheel boats were difficult to maneuver because both wheels were connected to the same drive shaft A pilot could not tighten his turning radius by stopping or slowing one wheel and leaving the other rotating, as an automotive differential works when the vehicle is turned. Some later sidewheelers did employ clutches at the wheels to overcome this problem Sidewheel boats were more vulnerable to collision damage than sternwheelers, and they could not provide as much paddle area as sternwheelers potentially could and hence might be slower (Hunter, Steamboats, pp 145-46; and personal communication, Kevin Crisman, May 1994)

34 Utah Tri-Weekly Reporter, May 21, 1870; Daily Utah Reporter, June 17, 1870 During this refitting Connor also remodeled the boat's passenger accommodations. In doing so he hoped to make more money on excursions than he had made using the boat to haul freight This refitting, as some have claimed, was not a conversion of Kate Connor from a sailing schooner to a steamboat; she was never rigged with sails

Steamboats operating on fresh water simply pumped whatever water was necessary for steam direcdy from the lake or river to the boiler and then exhausted the steam from the engine into the atmosphere. This was not the case on Great Salt Lake. Because of the water's high salinity, which could do considerable damage to the boiler and engine, steamboats on the lake had to carry the fresh water they required on board. To eliminate the portage of an excessively large tank of water, Connor hoped to save space and weight on Kate Connor With his condenser.35 With the condenser, the steam exhausted from the engine into copper coils strategically placed to be splashed upon with water from the sidewheels. Once the steam had cooled and condensed, the water was returned to the boiler. Despite this device, Kate Connor still had to si:op at Antelope Island for fresh water on the long north-south voyages across the lake.

In March 1872 Kate Connor was sold to Mormon bishop Christopher Layton of Kaysville to be used by the Co-op for ferrying stock to Antelope Island.36 How long Layton owned the boat is uncertain. Tradition claims that the boat was used again to haul ore after the Garfield smelter opened in the 1880s and that it sank loaded with ore near the smelter. More plausibly, David L. Davis stated that "the machinery of the Kate Connor was taken out after a few years [of service] and the boat went to pieces, with some others, in the 'graveyard' at the mouth of the Jordan River."37

Of all the vessels used on Great Salt Lake, none compares to City of Corinne (Fig. 5) for the amount of attention it has received. City of Corinne was, by the lake's standards, a glamorous vessel, huge, expensive, and thoroughly modern. No other vessel's launching drew such crowds and fanfare; no other vessel has seemed so out of place on Great Salt Lake.

The Corinne Steam Navigation Company, an investment consortium comprised of Corinne's leading businessmen, proudly launched their behemoth in the Bear River, May 24, 1871, with the intent of using the boat to transport goods and people between Lake Point and Corinne The Corinne Daily Reporter described the vessel:

Her length overall is 130 feet, beam 28 feet, depth of hold 7 feet, tonnage 300 tons, and has passenger accommodations for 150 persons

33 Mining and Scientific Press, February 20, 1869 This condenser did not eliminate completely the portage of fresh water, nor did it allow the lake's water to be used as Madsen, Corinne, p 180, implies

36 Corinne Daily Reporter, March 30, 1872

37 Richards, "Experiences of Capt. David L. Davis,' from a ca. 1909 interview with Davis.

She is provided with fifteen-inch cylinder engines of four and a half feet stroke, manufactured by Girard B. Allen & Co., St. Louis. She also contains a water tank capacity of 14,000 gallons, to supply water for her boilers, which consist of two flue boilers, forty inches in diameter and twenty four feet long.38

Mechanically, City of Corinne displayed the latest in steamboat technology. The size and number of its boilers and engines were equal to those in comparable steamboats launched that same year on the Mississippi River.39 Even the choice of a well-known engine builder, Girard B. Allen & Co., reveals Corinne's concern for obtaining the best and latest technology Nor did they cut corners in the construction of the hull. Descriptions of the vessel under construction, as well as photographs of the hull's remains found in the 1930s (Fig. 6), show that City of Corinne was very heavily built, much more so than most Mississippi steamboats.40

38 June 15, 1871 The City ofCorinnes length has been variously reported as being 128, 130, and 150 feet The discrepancies may be explained as follows: 128 feet, as the length from the inside of the stem to the inside of the sternpost (the official manner in which steamboat hull lengths were recorded); 130 feet, as the overall length of the hull itself; and 150 feet, as the overall length of the vessel including the sternwheel

39 Hunter, Steamboats, p 156

40 The Daily Utah Repmier, March 13, 1871, described the floor timbers (of Oregon fir, not redwood as some have claimed) as being eight inches moulded and only ten inches apart These floors in turn were secured to the keel by innumerable galvanized bolts. This is well shown in the photographs from the 1930s The vessel's planking was three inches thick As a comparison, Mississippi riverboats

Fig. 5. City of Corinne at Lake Point, ca. 1871. Courtesy ofDaughters of Utah Pioneers Museum, Salt Lake City.

It comes as no shock then to learn that the final cost, nearly $40,000, overran the original estimate by close to 40 percent.41 City of Corinne stands as the turning point in Great Salt Lake boatbuilding practices, not so much because of the vessel's technical marvels, but because it was entirely imported. Designed and prefabricated near Sacramento, California, City of Corinne came to Utah in pieces Every bolt and every presawn timber used in the hull was shipped by rail to Corinne, along with the shipwrights to put the parts back together.42 In all, three do2,en shipwrights, cabinet makers, and machinists came from California to reassemble the vessel, a task that took seven weeks to complete. Nothing about this vessel, not even the money that financed it, was indigenous to Utah Territory.

were, on average, built with floor timbers measuring or ly three to six inches moulded and with planking of one to two inches thickness (Hunter, Steamboats, p 80) Although the comparison has often been made, City of Corinne was in no way a Mississippi-style steamboat Unlike Mississippi steamboats, City of Corinne's hull was far more boatlike than bargelike, the ugh it did not have quite the same qualities as Kate Connors hull Heavier and more boatlike steamboat hulls similar to City of Corinnes were found on the Columbia and other far-western rivers

41 Corinne DailyJournal, May 23, 1871

42 Prefabricated steamboats were not unusual in the late nineteenth century In the 1870s one Pennsylvania steamboat builder, James Rees & Sons Co., shipped prefabricated vessels to such places as India and the Belgian Congo Nor was City of Corinne Great Salt Lake's only large, imported steamboat

See n 47

Fig. 6. Remains ofCity of Corinne, ca. 1938. Courtesy of Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

^•riytff*

After one season of service City of Corinne was quietly declared a financial failure by its owners, who sold it to H. S.Jacobs & Co., a mining firm. Brigham Young's son, John, owned the steamboat for a short time around 1875 before it finally came into Thomas Douris's possession. The founder of the Garfield Beach resort, Douris used City of Corinne as an excursion boat and renamed it General Garfield after one of his more notable passengers. In the late 1870s or early 1880s Douris at last moored the boat to one of Garfield Beach's piers, stripped its machinery, and left it to be used, successively, as a floating hotel, a changing room for bathers, and a boathouse for the Salt Lake Rowing Club (Fig 7) In 1904 City of Corinne, by then a dilapidated curiosity, burned to the waterline with the rest of the Garfield Beach resort. Before the end of the decade the Western Pacific Railroad ignominiously buried the charred bow of the steamboat beneath their roadbed.

City of Corinne has the distinction of being the only one of the "early boats" rediscovered in this century. In the late 1930s Salt Lake Yacht Club Commodore Thomas C. Adams and Daughter of Utah Pioneers historian Bernice Anderson took an interest in the reexposed remains of the vessel. Both took many photographs of the halfburied, half-burned hull. Anderson's article on the history of the vessel and of Garfield Beach soon thereafter appeared in the Salt Lake

Fig. 7.General Garfield (City of Corinne) at the Garfield Beach pier, ca. 1890. USHS collections.

Tribune (September 9, 1938). What remained of City of Corinne now lies beneath two roadbeds, those of the railroad and Interstate 80.

Less than three months after the grand City of Corinne made its debut in the Bear River, John Young's tiny steamer, Lady of the Lake, was launched eighty miles south in the Jordan River. Lady of the Lake was the first of many small steamers used on Great Salt Lake solely for pleasure outings. The earliest of these boats were little more than playthings for the valley's wealthier sailors. After the turn of the century resorts on the south side of the lake employed small, bus-like steamers for their daily or hourly excursions.

Lady of the Lake, only 30 feet long with a 10 foot beam, was first launched and tested by its Williamsburg builders on the Hudson River in June 1871.43 Having successfully passed its trials, the boat was shipped to Utah on a railcar; three months later John Young relaunched it near the Jordan bridge. For over a decade Lady of the Lake guarded her enviable position as the lake's only diminutive steamer until two other steamers, Whirlwind and Susie Riter, joined her in the 1880s. The sidewheel Susie Riter was employed at Garfield Beach for almost two years before it sank at anchor in a storm. The fates of Lady of the Lake and Whirlwind are not known.

Lady of the Lake and Whirlwind were probably Great Salt Lake's first propeller-driven vessels. Two photographs (Fig. 8 and 9) taken in the 1880s show small, propeller-driven steamers that may be illustrations of the two boats.44 The use of a fixed propeller is significant because it demonstrates the changing nature of vessels used on the lake Because of the lake's shallowness, a vessel with a fixed propeller is more likely to run onto submerged obstacles than either a paddlewheeler or sailboat. Clearly these propeller-driven steamers were neither designed nor built with Great Salt Lake in mind. Like the City of Corinne, Lady of the Lake and Whirlwind may have been imported boats of a generic design, basically ill-suited for use on the lake.45

43 Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p 361

44 There is no specific mention, as there is in the case of Susie Riter, of these boats having paddlewheels Furthermore, these photographs are of two different steamboats, and no other small steamers are known to have been used on the lake until after the turn of the century

45 No clear records exist for the origins of Whirlwind and Susie Riter. One cryptic reference (History of Tooele County, p 143) claims that either William G Davis or Alonzo Hyde built a steamer for use at the Black Rock resort in the early 1880s This boat could be either Susie Riter or Whirlwind, although Morgan (The Great Salt Lake, p 356) makes it clear that both boats were owned by Thomas Douris of Garfield Beach Douris may very well have brought borh boats to Utah David L Davis, after an excursion with Douris on SusieRiter, was not too impressed with the little sidewheeler's performance, suggesting that even this boat was ill-suited for use on the lake ('Journal of David L Davis," November 7 1886, in Chronicles of Courage (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1990-), vol 4

Although not really within the focus of this article, the Southern Pacific Railroad's fleet, used during the construction of the Lucin Cutoff (1902-3), deserves mention. Photographs taken during the construction of the cutoff show that the railroad's fleet consisted of one large sternwheeler, Promontory (Fig. 10), and at least four smaller launches. All of the vessels appear to have been steam powered. In his recent research on the launches, California boatbuilder David Peterson determined that they were built in San Francisco then shipped by rail to the lake.46 This may also have been the case with Promontory.47 According to Peterson, at least one of the launches, Lucin, was shipped back to California after work on the cutoff was completed There it saw use as a fishing boat for nearly a century until it sank in 1992. Two of the other launches remained on the lake, serving a variety of purposes until at least the late 1930s. There is no record of Promontory's disposition.

46 Personal communication, January 1994

47 Promontory has often been mislabeled as one of the lake's excursion steamers. Clearly this rough boat was built for work not pleasure Photographs show that it was much less heavily constructed than either City of Corinne or Kate Connor. In the fashion of turn-of-the-century and earlier Mississippistyle steamboats, Promontory used a great deal of external support for the hull; for example, note the large sampson post in the center of the vessel and the trusses along its sides. Lightly built steamboats of this type were far easier to transport over land—because they were built with less wood—and far easier to reassemble. See, for example, Charles H. Spencer, a paddlewheeler similar to Promontory launched on the Colorado River in 1912 Toni Carrel, ed., Submerged Cultural Resources Site Report: Charles H. Spencer Mining Operations and Paddlewheel Steamboat, Southwest Cultural Resources Center Professional Papers, No 13 (New Mexico, 1987)

Fig. 8. Small, propeller-driven steamer, possibly Whirlwind, near the Garfield Beach resort, ca. 1885. USHS collections.

The development of Great Salt Lake's steamboats was closely linked to the railroad. All mechanical components for the steamboats had to be imported by rail, and, with the exception of Kate Connor, it may be argued that the hulls were imported as well. The steamboats, again with the exception of Kate Connor, therefore cannot be counted as part of the Great Salt Lake boatbuilding tradition. They were a short-lived phase, replaced after the turn of the century by more economical gasoline-powered boats

PLEASURE SAILBOATS

Sailboats built for the sole purpose of racing or pleasure sailing outnumbered every other type of boat on the lake in the nineteenth century. At least fifteen of these "yachts" or "sloops" were built between 1865 and 1901 Nearly twenty years had passed since the launching of Great Salt Lake's first boat, Mud Hen, before the appearance of the

Hg 9 Another small steamer, possibly Lady of the Lake, moored at the Black Rock pier, ca. 1885. USHS collections.

first "yacht."48 Primarily the lapse of time is a reflection of regional economics. In the first decade of Mormon settlement there was little spare cash or spare time to be spent on luxuries such as pleasure boats By the 1860s, as the region's wealth increased and the Old Fort near City Creek became a thriving Salt Lake City, there was more money and time to spend on non-necessities The many sailboats built for sport or pleasure on the lake were indicative of the region's economic success. More wealth generally means more leisure time, or at least more expensive entertainment.

Interest in the sporting aspects of sailing inspired the formation of the Salt Lake Yacht Club in 1867 and may have motivated the construction of boats designed to compete in the club's regattas. Although there were many of these yachts, their details remain far more obscure than those of other of Great Salt Lake's vessels. Gammon Hayward is known to have built the first yacht, possibly Petrel, in 1865 for Salt Lake City's well-known merchants, the Walker

Fig. 10. The sternwheeler Promontory was involved in the construction of the Lucin Cutoff. USHS collections.

48 Although technically many of these sailboats cannot be considered true "yachts," I will use the term here to distinguish these boats from the working sailboats. This is the term used by David L. Davis when he referred to all the lake's pleasure or sport sailboats

brothers.49 Hayward also had a hand in the construction of several other yachts, the names of which are uncertain At least three other sailboats, Eureka, Star of the West, and Pride, were launched before the completion of the railroad in 1869. Of these, Pride and Star of the West may have been Hayward's projects. Eureka was built by a Brother Tuckiield with David L. Davis lending his assistance.50

As for the design of these boats, the nature of the lake excluded many European or American yacht types with which local shipwrights may have been familiar. The lake necessitated shallow-draft designs, preventing the use of deep- or ballast-keeled yachts.51 For larger boats, such as the 28-foot-long; Waterwitch (Fig. 11), the necessity of a light draft must have had a serious effect on its sailing performance. Without a deep- or ballasted-keel to offset the weight of the rigging and the force of the wind on its large sails, Waterwitch could not have been too stable in h eavy winds or too successful in

49 Carter, Heart Throbs, 4:164. Petrel is said to be the first yacht on the lake (Utah Daily Reporter, September 7, 1869) The Walker brothers' yacht may therefore be Petrel which was owned in the 1870s bv Milton Barret, vice commodore of the Yacht Club. Petrel was seriously damaged in a storm, November 1882, that wrecked and damaged several other Yacht Club members' boats (Richards, "Experiences of Capt. David L. Davis").

50 Ibid Nothing else is known about the boatbuilder "Brother Tuckfield."

51 Since the completion of the dredged Salt Lake County Boat Harbor, deep- and ballast-keeled sailboats have been able to use the lake, so long as they keep to deeper water

Fig. 11. Yacht anchored near Black Rock, late 1870s. The size of this boat corresponds to that givenforWaterwitch. USHS collections.

the Yacht Club's regattas.52 The need to find a shallow drafted, yet stable, design explains why David L. Davis chose a catamaran hull type for his two best known yachts, Cambria land Cambria II. Born in Wales, where he converted to Mormonism, Davis did not enter the valley until 1864 He was a successful grocer and spent what free time he had either sailing or building boats. His interest in Great Salt Lake and in sailboats instigated the formation of the

52 Davis reported that Waterwitch, 28 feet long with an 8-foot beam, carried 50 square yards of canvas, an appreciable amount That it had a shallow draft is shown by the fact that Davis and his crew were able to row the boat over the bars at the mouth of the Jordan River in August 1875 His accounts of sailing this boat frequently note dropping or reefing the mainsail at the slightest wind change, an indication that the boat could not handle heavier winds Amazingly, there is no mention of the boat being fitted with a centerboard that would have alleviated much of the instability Waterwitch was wrecked at Lake Shore in the storm of November 1882

Fig. 12. The catamaran Cambria I (behind boat inforeground) at Garfield Beach, ca. 1885. Charles R. Savage photograph in USHS collections.

Yacht Club; he served as its commodore for several decades. An intense observer of the lake and of the way various types of vessels performed on it, he came to realize that this odd body of water demanded innovative watercraft: boats designed both to perform superbly on the lake and to survive its perils In September 1877 he launched Cambria I, the embodiment of his observations of the lake and its vessels.

The first Cambria (Fig. 12) was not a large boat, measuring 19 feet long with a 10-foot beam, but it was the first catamaran (a craft having two hulls side by side) in the West, and one of the first catamaran yachts in the United States.53 Strung between its two lapstrake-constructed hulls, Cambria I had a large open deck and a single mast carrying a sloop rig. As the results of the Yacht Club's regattas show, Cambria I was a very successful design Davis used the boat for over twenty years until he lost interest in favor of his greater project, Cambria II. Left on the beach near a pavilion at Black Rock, the first Cambria burned to ashes at the hands of errant Utah and Nevada railroad employees in 1904.54

Launched by Davis on July 31, 1901, Cambria II (Fig. 13) was the most elegant yacht ever to sail Great Salt Lake. Over 40 feet long and possessing a 14-foot beam, she had six berths, a galley, and a lavatory in its cabin.55 In the construction of the boat's two hulls, Davis took every precaution to ensure strength and resistance to corrosion; the boat's framing was of oak and the fasteners all galvanized To propel the boat Davis yawl-rigged over 1,500 square feet of canvas and, more notably, Cambria //carried on deck, just forward of the wheel, Great Salt Lake's first naphtha engine This four-cylinder, six-horsepower motor, now on display in the Daughters of Utah Pioneers Museum in Salt Lake City, was connected by a retractable brass shaft to the boat's brass propeller.56

s3 As early as the 1810s catamaran steamboats had been used as ferries on several eastern rivers On the Mississippi and related rivers catamaran steamboats were used as "snag boats" (vessels designed to clear the rivers of submerged obstacles) and as ironclads (Hunter, Steamboats, p 82) But the catamaran yacht did not see widespread use in the United States until the 1950s In the late 1880s New England boatbuilder Nathaniel Herreshoff presented a catamaran yacht to the New York Yacht Club It was declared a "freak." because of its superior performance and was subsequently barred from participation in the club's regattas Robert Harris, The Modern Sailing Ca'amaran (New York, 1960), p 14)

54 Davis records that Cambria /won most if not all of the Yacht Club's regattas throughout the 1880s Those who torched her may have been the same people who burned the dilapidated City of Corinne less than a mile away Richards, "Experiences oi'Capt David L Davis."

55 Ibid

"

6 In 1886 Davis came to the conclusion, after his excursion with Douris on Susie Riter, that the best way to propel boats on the lake was with the combination of sail and steam In the internal combustion engine, Davis found a power plant more compact and more economical than any steam engine available

Cambria II did not have the illustrious racing career of its predecessor Davis and his son, Dewey, used the yacht primarily as an excursion boat, sometimes for fare-paying tourists. After Davis died in 1926 Cambria //fell into disrepair

Great Salt Lake's short-lived boatbuilding tradition quietly ended the day David L. Davis launched Cambria II. Any locally built boats to follow Davis's last yacht were far too contaminated by commercial boatbuilding techniques to be counted as indigenous. Without question, the purest period of Great Salt Lake's wooden boatbuilding tradition occurred in the two decades before the completion of the transcontinental railroad. Quickly thereafter, the introduction of outside materials and of boats not expressly designed for Great Salt Lake eroded the region's distinctive boatbuilding practices. Although a later craft that benefitted from the commercial boatbuilding industry, Cambria II was thoroughly attuned to the

Fig. 13. David L. Davis at the helm of Cambria II. Courtesy of Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

Great Salt Lake's Boats and Boatbuilders

nature of Great Salt Lake. This boat was a final tribute to the lake Davis loved.

By the turn of the century most of Great Salt Lake's early boats were rotting hulks. The dream of a Great Salt Lake commercial shipping fleet had been overcome by the reality of the lake itself and the competition from the railroads; the abandoned schooners and steamboats stood as monuments of thwarted ambition. Through the 1890s a few boats still shuffled cattle and sheep between the islands,

but little use remained for them when the herds on the islands dwindled. These boats too were abandoned and left to the elements. Only yachts and excursion boats continued to find use on the lake in the twentieth century. As these older yachts grew irreparable and were themselves abandoned, they we:re replaced, not by locally built boats but by brand-name boats. In the early 1930s, three decades after Davis launched the lake's finest sailboat, Thomas C. Adams, the new commodore of the Yacht Club, photographed the stripped Cambria II (Fig. 14) as it lay on shore near the newly created Great Salt Lake Boat Harbor On that day nearly one hundred newer sailboats and motorboats were moored in the harbor, all of them safely insulated, physically and spiritually, from the lake.

Fig. 14. Cambria II, ca. 1930. Courtesy of Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah.

A Transforming Force:

Military Aviation and Utah in World War II

BY ROGER D. LAUNIUS ANDJESSIE L. EMBRY

The first B-l 7, Suzy-Q, to arrive at the Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Field, July 19, 1943. Ogden Air Logistics Center History Office photograph.

Dr Launius is chief historian for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration; Ms Embry is assistant director of the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Brigham Young University

MOS T AVIATION BEFORE WORLD WAR II was a mixture of daredevil adventure and tension The image of the lone pilot battling harsh weather, rudimentary technology, and primitive flight operations is all too vivid Dean Smith, an airmail pilot forced down on the Chicago-to-Omaha route in the 1920s, reported a common problem that distressed planes. He cabled the superintendent of air mail: "On trip 4 westbound. Flying low. Engine quit. Only place to land on cow. Killed cow. Wrecked plane. Scared me. Smith."1

World War II wrenched aviation into a much more technologically advanced sphere It forced a quantum leap in technology And, more important, it moved flight from a curiosity to an everyday, practical occurrence. America in the early 1940s was a nation on the move as never before. The exigencies of war reoriented virtually every aspect of the culture, economy, demographics, and politics of aviation in the United States. While this transformation would have happened anyway, it was hastened by several years because of the crisis of World War II.

Due to the interplay of dominant personalities, party politics, a favorable business environment, economic depression, and geographic serendipity, Utah figured more largely in this transformation than much of the rest of the nation Population shifts, societal alterations, transforming cultural patterns, and a host of other subtle moves recast Utah from an isolated state into an area much more directly tied to the national mainstream.2

When the United States began to increase its military preparedness in the late 1930s, the Roosevelt administration specifically earmarked greater portions of the funding each year for the U.S. Army Air Corps (USAAC). Something needed to be done to rectify what Maj. Gen. Frank M. Andrews, commander of General Headquarters Air Force, described as a "fifth rate air force."3 The president was only a little more polite, calling the Air Corps' aircraft "antiquated weapons."

4 By April 1939 Congress had appropriated funds for the

1 This story is delightfully told in Dean Smith, By the Seat of My Pants (Boston: Little, Brown, 1961), pp 134-35 His book is an excellent memoir of early flight in America by a seasoned aviator

2 Gerald D Nash has argued persuasively that World War II, especially the economic shot in the arm given by federal expenditures, fundamentally altered the economy of the American West from one that was colonial to one that was more balanced, with all the attendant benefits and liabilities See his books, TheAmerican West Transformed: The Impact of theSecond World War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985) and World WarII and the West: Reshaping theEconomy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990)

3 New YorkTimes, January 17, 1939

4 Report of the Secretary of War, FY 1938, pp 26-27, copy located at United States Air Force Historical Research Center, Air University, Maxwell Air Force Base, Ala.; Congressional Record, 76th Cong., lstsess (1939), p 219

USAAC to procure additional aircraft, develop new facilities, and expand operations. This was, of course, only the beginning of a massive wartime expenditure for military aviation.5

Utah benefited directly from the building of air bases in the state. In 1939 the USAAC possessed a total of twenty-five primary airfields and depots in the United States Initially there was none in Utah, but during the war years this changed as flying fields were built and operated at seemingly every crossroads to meet the wartime emergency. 6 Utah became a hub for military aviation activities in the western United States. During the war the state became the home of six military flying fields and other types of installations as well as logistical support facilities for air route maintenance and materiel production (See Table 1.) These bases also facilitated the easy movement of units throughout the nation and served as logistics and training sites. They created nearly 40,000 jobs in the state during World War II, more than half of them at Hill Field, and the multiplying effect of federal paychecks spent in the local economy provided a great boost to the state

1:104, 6:171-73

TABLE 1

MAJOR AIR FORCE INSTALLATIONS IN UTAH

Source: Robert Mueller, Air Force Bases (Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History, 1989); Memorandum No W95-17-43, Adjutant General, War Department, "Assignment of Air Fields," July 7, 1945, Office of Air Force History, Washington, D.C.

' Wesley Frank Craven and James L. Cate, eds., The Army Air Forces in World War II (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948-55),

6 Maurer Maurer, Aviation in the U.S. Army, 1919-1939 (Washington, D.C: Office of Air Force History, 1987), pp 314, 437-38

Military flyers explicitly recognized several unique attributes Utah offered when siting these military air installations. First, there was the strategic issue of safety from attack, a not unrealistic concern in 1941 and 1942. After Pearl Harbor military leaders realized that the Japanese Navy's ability to strike American forces on the West Coast could not be dismissed lightly, since it had already crippled the American fleet in Hawaii.7

Because of this fear, on December 9, 1941, Hap Arnold, commander of the Army's Air Forces, directed that military resources be dispersed inland so that a single attack could not destroy significant military capability In such an environment, decisions to locate training and other support facilities for the Army Air Forces to inland areas was a natural extension. The greater security for bases in the Utah interior ensured that military efforts would not be impeded by possible enemy attack.8

Second, the open spaces available in Utah and throughout the West made air operations there more attractive. The wide stretch of land, with a small population, made the region especially good for the training of aircrews, logistics support activities, and the development of new weapons. The military could obtain expansive ranges for bombing and gunnery training and for weapons testing without difficulty. Moreover, the weather in the state, especially in the southern and western parts, provided excellent flying conditions most of the year, enabling the efficient completion of training and testing schedules. The region's central location also facilitated the easy movement of units throughout the nation and provided good logistics and depot sites.9

Third, the Wasatch Front area was excellent for logistics support operations It was equidistant from the three major West Coast military and shipping centers at Seattle-Portland, San Francisco, and Los Angeles-San Diego There was also a superb transportation

7 Of course Japan did attack the West Coast but not until the end of the war Between November 4, 1944, and July 20, 1945, it carried out at least 285 balloon bombing attacks on the United States. These were not particularly destructive, but they did kill six people at Klamath Falls, Oregon, on May 5, 1945 They principally targeted the West Coast, but some of the bomb-carrying balloons came down as far east as Iowa See Robert C Mikesh, Japan's World War IIBalloon Bomb Attacks on North America (Washington, D.C: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1973), pp. 67-78.

8 Minutes of Army Air Forces Staff Meeting, December 9, 1941; memo of Col E.P. Sorenson, assistant chief of Air Forces, to chief of Air Forces, December 13, 1944, both in USAF Historical Research Center

9 Dan Craig, Guide to MilitaryInstallations (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1991); Irving B. Holley,Jr., Buying Aircraft: Materiel Procurementfor the Army Air Forces (Washington, D.C: Office of the Chief of Military History, 1964)

infrastructure to support logistics activities. Transcontinental railroads and highways were in place, and Salt Lake City had been an integral part of the transcontinental airway system since the early 1920s Shipping and receiving of war materiel, therefore, posed little difficulty. Finally, the state of Utah had a large number of intelligent, deferential people who were out of work and willing to be retrained for defense jobs. That, coupled with the aggressive actions of the state's business and political leaders, prompted the placement of several air installations in Utah. The military expansion, then, built upon Utah's recognized strengths and did not represent a great departure in direction, only an acceleration of what had been underway for some time.10

The first air base established in Utah was Hill Field in 1940. It started as a result of a combination of influences that began in 1934 when the Army Air Corps flew the mail and based its western zone out of Salt Lake City.11 While there the commander, then Lt. Col. Hap Arnold, became enthusiastic about the area's ability to support West Coast aeronautical logistics requirements. Arnold told his superiors in the Air Corps "that any [supply and repair] Depot west of the mountains might be rendered untenable by a determined adversary."12 His assessment of relative safety from attack in the Rocky Mountains was a strategic consideration that appeared especially wise in the crisis environment following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Even before that, Air Corps leaders had begun to appreciate Arnold's recognition that the location was excellent in terms of ease of movement on existing highways and railroads

After years of planning involving military and other federal government officials, civic leaders, and the local business community, Hill Field became operational on November 7, 1940.13 The installa-

10 James L. Clayton, "An Unhallowed Gathering: The Impact of Defense Spending on Utah's Population Growth, 1940-1964," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (Summer 1966): 227-42; Thomas G. Alexander, "Utah War Industry during World War II: A Human Impact Analysis," Utah Historical Quarterly 51 (Winter 1983): 72-92

11 On the Air Corps handling of the mail see John F Shiner, "General Benjamin Foulois and the 1934 Air Mail Disaster," Aerospace Historian 25 (Winter 1978): 221-30; Paul Tillett, The Army Flies the Mails (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1955); and Maurer, Aviation in the U.S. Army, 1919-1939, pp 299-317

12 Lt Col Jacob E Fickel, chief, Buildings and Grounds Division, Air Corps, to chief, Air Corps, "Location of a Permanent Depot in the Salt Lake City-Ogden Area," September 12, 1934, Army Air Forces Central Decimal Files, 1917-1938, Project Files, Airfields, Box 2273, Record Group 18, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C

13 On the creation of Hill Field see Roger D Launius, "A Case Study in Civil-Military Relations: Hill Air Force Base and the Ogden Business Community, 1934-1945," Aerospace Historian 35 (Fall/September 1988): 154-63 Incidently Hill Field was named for Maj Ployer P Hill, a B-17 test pilot who died in the crash of the B-17 prototype during flight tests at Wright Field, Ohio, on October 30, 1935

tion expanded slowly at first, but after Pearl Harbor it became a major supply facility servicing the West Coast. For some fifteen months after the beginning of World War II, personnel at Hill were mostly involved in supplying units in the Pacific and organizing for repair responsibilities. George H. Van Leeuwen, a stock clerk at the field in 1942 who later became Hill's head of Materiel Management, recalled that by late December 1941 the airfield suddenly had "train loads of material that started pouring in and the warehouses weren't even close to being finished." The Army Air Forces built storage facilities as quickly as possible, and the workers at Hill Field began to organize their logistical efforts Van Leeuwen suggested that chaos was the standard order of the base until well into 1942, but gradually structure was imposed and the resupply mission began to be effectively fulfilled. He commented, "Thank God for all the women we had working there. I sat there in my supplyjob asjust about the lone male in my particular unit. I had one other man and all the rest of them were women, and out in the warehouses there were about eight or nine men and forty women. They really did a difficult job in a crisis situation." These women worked in warehouse jobs that would have been filled by men before the war; but, in the crisis when "man" power was at a premium, they moved into ever more nontraditional areas of employment. Some also went to work as aircraft mechanics and in other aeronautical service capacities that had been theretofore essentially a province of men. 14

Hill Field also served throughout the war as a crucial repair depot for the Army Air Forces. In early February 1943 the depot began an overhaul production line for B-24 Liberator bombers, delivering one per day to the Army Air Forces beginning in July 1943. Not long thereafter, the base began refurbishing B-17 Flying Fortresses and P-47 fighters. Each of these workload responsibilities necessitated an increase in facilities and personnel. For instance, from only about 300 civilian workers in 1941 the base work force rose to 7,000 by mid1942 and to nearly 16,000 early the next year. At its peak in March 1943, Hill Field employed 15,000 civilians, 6,000 military, and several thousand POWs, making it the largest employer in the state. Most of them worked on bomber overhaul or other production lines.15

14 Roger D Launius, Ogden Air LogisticsCenter Oral History Program, Interview #2, George H. Van Leeuwen, 6-13 February 1986 (Hill AFB, Ut.: Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History, 1986), pp 5-6

15 History of Hill Air Force Base (Hill Air Force Base, Ut.: Ogden Air Logistics Center Histoiy Office, 1981), pp 16-34; Portrait in Partnership (Hill Air Force Base, Ut.: Ogden Air Logistics Center History Office, 1981), pp 21-24

The training imperative for fighting a world war was the single most important factor in establishing new air bases in the U.S. Of the six bases in Utah in 1945, four were primarily dedicated to some form of Army Air Forces training. Kearns Field, for example, was an induction center and basic training site. Established eleven miles southwest of Salt Lake City in mid-1942, the installation served throughout the war as a center of training for the Army Air Forces Technical Training Command, the agency charged with U.S.-based training of air support personnel In the spring of 1943 a population of about 40,000 troops and more than 1,000 civilian employees made Kearns Utah's third largest city One of the troops sent to Kearns was the husband of Irene Carrigan Winn of Ogden. He had been a chef before the war, and when the officer contingent at Kearns learned about this they kept him there to work in their mess. Winn's skill helped make the cuisine offered at the Kearns officers' mess some of

Night shot ofrepair hangars at Hill Field, 1944, where crews worked around the clock. Inset shows B-29s being repaired at Hill. Ogden Air Logistics Center History Office photographs.

the best in the Army Air Forces During its World War II operation Kearns trained more than 150,000 Army Air Forces personnel.16

The Flying Training Command, the Army Air Forces' central authority for primary aircrew training in the war, also operated fields in the state to prepare aircrews for service in combat theaters. By the end of the war its West Coast Training Center had established fortyfour fields from California to southwest Texas, three of which were located in Utah. At these locations pilots underwent orientation instruction with light trainers, usually Stearman biplanes, and were then transferred to an intermediate training program before being placed in operational units.17

16 Army Air Forces, "Station List," May 1, 1943, Sec Ill, p 18, Office of History, Air Training Command, Randolph Air Force Base, Tex.; Thomas G Alexander, "Brief Histories of Three Federal Military Installations in Utah: Kearns Army Air Base, Hurricane Mesa, Green River Test Complex," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (Spring 1966): 121-37; Irene Carrigan Winn Oral History, October 12, 1991, conducted by Michael Van Wagenen, Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Brigham Young University, Provo, Ut The government began disposing of Kearns field as surplus property in 1947

17 Memorandum No W95-17-43, Adjutant General, War Department, "Assignment of Air Fields," July 7, 1945; "AAF Educational Program," Army and NavyJournal 83 (March 2, 1946): 813, 830; Warren R Carter, "USAF Pilot Training," Air University Quarterly Review 5 (Winter 1952-53): 3-21

Gov. Herbert B. Maw and Col. WalterF. Siegmund, commanding officer at Kearns Army Air Base, standing with then Sen. Harry S. Truman who was visiting military bases across the country in 1943. Photograph in Colonel Siegmund's scrapbook in USHS collections.

As a second step in aircrew training, in January 1942 the Air Staff in Washington, D.C, gave Second Air Force the mission of training 273 heavy bomber crews in the American West. The Second initially had only four installations for this purpose. When Maj. Gen. Robert Olds took over command of the unit in May 1942 he asked for expanded training sites To help fulfill this request, three bases were constructed in Utah as well as several in other Rocky Mountain states.18

Olds's expanded training program eventually involved specializing certain segments of the course in a three-phased program, each of four weeks duration. The first phase was conducted at bases in Arizona, Idaho, Washington, and Oregon and involved basic flight training in bombers. The second phase involved developing proficiency in bombing and gunnery, using Wendover and Salt Lake City Army Air Bases among other places The Low Flight Strip near Knolls, west of the Great Salt Lake, served as an auxiliary flying field. The Salt Lake City location was later dropped because its proximity to a major population center created difficulties ranging from airspace congestion to safety violations. Low never became more than an auxiliary runway But Wendover became an integral part of the bomber training process. The third phase consisted of training crews to work as part of larger formations and emphasized longrange navigation between home bases and targets hundreds of miles distant.19

One of the largest ranges employed in the second phase of the training was developed at Wendover. The total range encompassed an area 86 by 36 miles and stretched into three counties: Box Elder to the north, Tooele in the middle, and Juab to the south. Located on the Utah-Nevada border approximately 110 miles west of Salt Lake City with almost nothing surrounding it for miles, this area included vast amounts of open flat land already controlled by the Department of the Interior Wendover had a population of only 103 people at the time. Despite its size, it was serviced by rail lines run-

18 These bases were at Salt Lake City, Low, and Wendover, Utah Other sites included: Engel, Las Vegas, Owyhee, and Caliente, Nevada; Mountain Home and Pocatello, Idaho; Casper, Wyoming; Alamogordo and Clovis, New Mexico; Great Falls, Cut Bank, Lewistown, Dell, and Glasgow, Montana; Pueblo, Colorado; and Sahuarita, Arizona Memorandum No W95-17-43, Adjutant General, War Department, "Assignment of Air Fields," July 7, 1945

19 Craven and Cate, eds., Army Air Forces in World War II, 6:154-56, 601; "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," USAF Historical Division, July 1956, p 6, unpublished typescript located in Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History, Hill Air Force Base, Ut.; Army Air Forces, "Station List," May 1, 1943, Sec Ill, p 18

Military Aviation and Utah in World War II

ning between Salt Lake City and the West Coast. The weather conditions in the area were also ideally suited for flight training. Adding to the attractiveness of the desert area was the location of a supply and repair depot at Hill Field. In June 1940 the army designated the range area as a facility for aerial gunnery and actual bombing practice for aircraft from throughout the region.20

Wendover Field was activated on July 29, 1941, and over the course of the war a total of twenty B-17 and B-24 groups received a central portion of their training there. (See Table 2.) In all, well over 3,000 aircrews were trained at the isolated western Utah range. Brig. Gen. Robert F. Travis of the Second Air Force commented in May 1943 that Wendover was "the outstanding base in the northwest for training heavy bomber pilots and crews." He added, "Wendover was not such a pleasant place to live, but it provided almost perfect terrain and conditions for the intensive training of heavy bomber crews." The crews trained at Wendover participated in the strategic bombing of Germany, flew in support of D-Day, and assisted combat operations around the world from the Mediterranean to China In addition, two groups of P-47 fighters were trained at the base.21

20 Leonard J Arrington and Thomas G Alexander, "World's Largest Military Reserve: Wendover Air Force Base, 1941-1963," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (Fall 1963): 324-35; Roger D. Launius, The United States Air Force in Utah: The Caseof Wendover Field (Fort Douglas, Ut.: Fort Douglas Military Museum Monograph Series, 1985); Roger D Launius, "One Man's Air Force: The Experience of Byron Dussler at Wendover Field, Utah, 1941-46," UtahHistorical Quarterly 54 (Spring 1986): 137-56; Roger D Launius, "Home on the Range: The U.S. Air Force Range in Utah, a Unique Military Resource," Utah Historical Quarterly 59 (Fall 1991): 332-60

21 Chronology of Wendover, 1941-1981, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History; Maurer Maurer, ed., Air Force Combat Units of World WarII (Washington, D.C: Office of Air Force History, 1983); Salt Lake Tribune, May 21, 1943

231 Barracks area at WendoverField, 1942. USHS collections, courtesy of Byron Dussler, gift ofRogerD. Launius.

Sources: Chronology, Wendover: 1941-1981, maintained in Ogden Air Logistics Center, Office of History, Hill Air Force Base, Utah; Maurer Maurer, ed., Air Force Combat Units of WorldWar II (Washington, D.C: Office of Air Force History, 1983); History of Wendover Field, April 1944, p 1, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History

In May 1943 the two-phased training program

Olds had instituted was changed to three phases of four weeks each with the Utah bases and ranges being the second stop for the groups in training. The result was constant movement to and from military bases throughout the West This training approach not only required many instructional locations, but it also saturated support facilities with aircraft flying about the region This frantic activity held important ramifications for the state as people moved into and out of Utah on a regular basis, effectively ending its traditional isolation.22

In addition to the actual air bases established, industrial activities in Utah in support of military aviation enjoyed remarkable growth as a result of the war. Some of this took the form of direct in-

TABLE 2

REGULAR BOMB GROUPS TRAINED AT WENDOVER FIELD

22 Craven and Cate, eds., Army Air Forces in World War II, 6:154-56, 6:601; "Brief History of Wendover Air Force Base, 1940-1956," p 6; Chronology of Wendover, 1941-1981, Ogden Air Logistics Center Office of History

vestment in military support facilities by the federal government, while some was the result of military contracts to private companies. Other enterprises were less readily quantifiable, but virtually every important town in Utah during World War II performed some type of contract work on behalf of aeronautics. By any measure applied, the economy of Utah boomed as a result of war contracts. The value added by the manufacturer between 1939 and 1947—a measure of profits after all costs have been subtracted—was $85 million, a 196 percent increase. The state's business and political leaders were aggressive in obtaining federal spending for the state, and 91 percent of Utah's wartime expansion was financed by public funds.23

As in virtually all other instances during World War II, industrial expansion in Utah took a course that emphasized historic strengths of the region. The state, rich in natural resources and with a long tradition of extractive industry, contributed many such products to the war effort. Iron, copper, tungsten, and other Utah minerals were incorporated into aviation hardware.

Utah's most significant war-related industry was the Geneva Steel Works in Orem It required nearly two-thirds of the $310 million made available to Utah for new facility construction by the Defense Plant Corporation in 1941 and when operating at maximum capacity employed 4,200 workers. Henry J. Kaiser, the West Coast magnate who had been popularly dubbed "Sir Launchalot" because of his extensive ship-building enterprises, was a driving force behind the plant. During operation it took iron from Utah's mines, as well as from elsewhere, and produced 634,010 tons of plate steel and another 144,280 tons of shaped steel. Geneva became the largest steel plant west of the Mississippi, Kaiser calling it a victory not only for the war effort but also for "the independent industrialization of the West."24 Geneva was such a significant war industry in Utah that Ted C. Hindmarsh recalled a day during the war when people in the local community observed a "weird colored airplane" flying toward the plant and were convinced that it was a Japanese bomber intent

23 This is discussed in Nash, TheAmerican West Transformed and WorldWar II and the West, Leonard J Arrington, The Changing Economic Structure of the Mountain West, 1850-1950 (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1963); Antonette Chambers Noble, "Utah Defense Industries and Workers in World War II," UtahHistorical Quarterly 59 (Fall 1991): 365-79

24 Leonard J. Arrington and Anthony T. Cluff, Federally-Financed Industrial Plants Constructed in Utah during World War II (Logan: Utah State University Monograph Series, 1969), pp 33-46; Mark S Foster, "Giant of the West: Henry J. Kaiser and Regional Industrialization," Business History Review 59 (Spring 1985): 1-23; Mark S Foster, "Prosperity's Prophet: Henry J Kaiser and Regional Industrialization, 1930-1950," Western Historical Quarterly 167 (April 1986): 165-84.

on Geneva's destruction. "It appeared almost like it didn't know where it was going," Hindmarsh recalled "It wandered around over near the mountains, came around, and made a couple of circles Everybody ran out to see that airplane." The plane did turn out to be a Japanese bomber, but it had been captured in the Pacific and flown back to the U.S. for study. The Air Forces had painted florescent orange on the nose, tail, and wings as a signal to the ground that it was friendly, so there were no air raid sirens, no fighters chasing it, and no real danger.25

Also important were such industrial enterprises as weapons production. The Browning Gun Works, manufacturers of fine small arms since the mid-nineteenth century, for example, expanded greatly during the war, and some of its weapons and ammunition found their way into combat aircraft. The Remington Arms Company also established a $30 million small arms plant in Salt Lake City. It manufactured .30- and .50-caliber machine-gun ammunition that was used in aircraft. A massive manufacturing consortium composed of Remington, Browning, and the Ogden Arsenal engaged in similar activities. It created 10,000 new jobs in the state and accounted for nearly a third, some $22 million, of Utah's 1943 manufacturing payroll.26

Donna J Fifield of Salt Lake City took ajob at Remington just a few months after Pearl Harbor. Working in the final inspection section for first .30-caliber and then .50-caliber ammunition, she recalled that a machine would check the cartridges for quality and those that failed she would put through different gauges and measure within a thousandth of an inch. If they passed her second inspection then they could be used for target practice but not in combat. While some young men were working in the plant when she arrived in 1942, virtually all of them were gone by April 1943. Ruth Wright was a seventeenyear-old girl when she went to work at Remington. She recalled that many of her girlfriends went into the military—especially the Army Air Forces, which was especially popular—and all of the young men she had dated left. When she told her father that she wanted to join up too, he forbade it One man who worked at Remington much of

25 Ted C Hindmarsh Oral History, October 3, 1991, conducted by Michael Van Wagenen, available at Charles Redd Center for Western Studies.

26 Arrington and Cluff, Federally-Financed Industrial Plants, pp 13-16; Thomas G Alexander, "Ogden's 'Arsenal of Democracy,' 1920-1955," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (1965): 237-47; Thomas G Alexander and Leonard J Arrington, "Utah's Small Arms Ammunition Plant during World War II," Pacific HistoricalReview34 (1965): 185-96

the war was Victor Hindmarsh of Provo He recalled that he made 90 cents an hour at the ammunition plant, not particularly good wages, since Geneva Steel was paying twice that, but that the work was less rigorous than at Geneva. He stayed at Remington for a time, long enough to help the plant move from a concentration on ,30-caliber ammunition to .50-caliber cartridges. He said this decision was made because most Japanese airplanes mounted .50-caliber machine guns and U.S. warplanes could not compete.27

There were also ancillary aviation industries supporting the war effort in Utah that almost certainly would not have developed nearly so rapidly (if at all) without World War II. For example, the support structure for aircraft transiting the state received a tremendous boost because of the traffic caused by the war. The latter 1930s witnessed a rapid expansion of aeronautical routes and support systems ranging from navigational systems and repair facilities to in-flight meals service. These were extended and made even more efficient as a result of the war

One primary example was the building of new airport facilities Virtually all communities of any size built new airports or greatly expanded existing ones. Some of them housed temporary military organizations. This activity infused new capital into the region and employed significant numbers of workers in both the construction and operation of airports. Salt Lake City teamed with the Civil Aeronautics Authority (CAA) during the war to add runways, hangars, and support facilities to its airport. This experience was repeated throughout the state from Cedar City to Logan, prompting incorporation of the region into the national aviation network.28 Other relatively small, almost cottage industries, also were involved with military aviation. Standard Parachute Company, for example, moved to Manti from San Bruno, California, in 1942 and manufactured parachutes for use in military aircraft until finally closed near the end of the war. 29

27 Donna J Fifield Oral History, September 20, ] 991; Ruth Wright Christensen Blake Oral History, November 12, 1991; and Victor Hindmarsh Oral History, September 27, 1991, all conducted by Michael Van Wagenen, available in the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies

28 Robert H Hinckley, a Utahn who headed the Civil Aeronautics Authority, spoke openly of infecting Americans with what he liked to call "air conditioning," the romance of flying He actively promoted the technology as a means of linking his state more fully to the nation See Robert H Hinckley, Air-Conditioning American Youth (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1942); Robert H Hinckley Papers, Manuscripts Division, Special Collections, Marriott Library, University of Utah, Salt Lake City

29 Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries and Workers in World War II," p 370

Of almost equal importance in this effort was the development of aeronautical navigation during the war. Anyone who has flown an aircraft, simulator, or computer flight game can attest to the difficulties of arriving at the landing site. Early pilots used a variety of means to find their locations and chart courses for landing fields. Dead reckoning methods of navigation, signals from the ground including bonfires and beacons, airway signs painted on the roofs of prominent buildings, radio directional finders, and a host of other methods all were employed both within and without Utah. At first these were simple systems, but during the war navigational methods became increasingly sophisticated. For example, the Mormon Tabernacle had a directional sign to the Salt Lake City airport painted on its roof

throughout the war. However, the growth of electronic methods of navigation grew significantly in the early 1940s and made such signs obsolete. Regional centers were established to direct aircraft throughout the nation. The CAA established an air route traffic control center in Salt Lake City on April 1, 1939, in anticipation of the traffic transiting the central Rockies.

The CAA also took over most airport control towers in the nation as a wartime expedient. By November 1942 it supervised all aerial routes in the United States and was controlling virtually all flights, precipitating a turf battle with the military over control of the airways. Beginning in 1940 the CAA also required the installation of radios in all aircraft for navigation and communication. These activities were, of course, not unique to Utah, but the state enjoyed the increased safety and efficiency they brought. The regional airways system was fully incorporated into the national network during the war, something that would have almost assuredly come less quickly without the crisis.30

The spiral upward of Utah business was perhaps the most dramatic aspect of the state's wartime role, but it may have not been the most significant. The social and political changes that were forced on the state as a result of wartime activity in aviation had a fundamental impact. First, thousands of Utahns found themselves in the Army Air Corps around the world. The movement of large numbers of people from the state to other places, disrupting lives and comfortable patterns of behavior, had a significant impact on those who went through the trauma of war. Upon return, they were never quite the same again, and old perspectives had to be altered to take into account the new realities. Equally important, the state experienced a rapid and sustained influx of immigrants from outside—most of whom did not subscribe to the dominant religious position and eschewed its conservatism—who went to work for the Army Air Forces either as civilian or uniformed personnel During the war more than 50,000 people moved into the Wasatch Front, and many ended up supporting aeronautics in some form or another This growth

30 FAA HistoricalFact Book:A Chronology, 1926-1971 (Washington, D.C: Department of Transportation, 1974), p 275; John R.M Wilson, Turbulence A loft:The Civilian Aeronautics Administration Amid Wars and Rumors of Wars, 1938-1953 (Washington, D.C: Department of Transportation, 1979), pp. 107-29; Monte D Wright, Most Probable Position: A History ofAerial Navigation to 1941 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1972), pp. 103-29; Roger D. Launijs, "Crossroads of the West: Aviation Comes to Utah, 1910-40," Utah Historical Quarterly 58 (Spring 1990): 108-30; Thomas S Snyder, ed., The AirForce Communications Command, 1938-1986: An Illustrated History (Scott Air Force Base, 111.: AFCC Office of History, 1986), pp 5-7

brought a far greater degree of pluralism than ever had been present in Utah before.31

The population shifts associated with aviation also changed the region in other vital ways. Servicemen and transient war workers, for instance, were everywhere. They were passing through the region en route to debarkation points overseas or home on furlough. A new age of air mobility dawned with the coming of the war, and it has yet to abate. Approximately three million military personnel passed through Salt Lake City during the course of the war. 32 Ted C Hindmarsh, a child during the war, remembered "a lot of coming and going of military aircraft." Hill Field was an especially busy stopping point, and Hindmarsh would see the big airplanes in traffic patterns overhead, or landing or taking off "right over our home." The most common planes were the transports, especially the DC-3s fresh from the factories and without the camouflage paint routinely used in the combat theaters.33 The military travelers pumped dollars into every community where they stopped. They also brought Iowa farmboy, New York streetwise, and southern homespun manners to a region that had been uniquely isolated by distance and mores from most of the rest of the nation. Those stationed in the region formed attachments to it that affected them the rest of their lives. These population shifts also created housing and other urban problems that had to be dealt with throughout the 1940s and beyond.

Social dislocation no doubt affected the traditional family. The sense of impermanence, the absence of normal attachments, the competition for scarce commodities, the stress of the crisis, and numerous other factors of a less tangible nature all affected Utah society. Historian John Costello documented one aspect of the changing sexual mores in the United States brought about by the war by suggesting that not only did women enter the work force in a big way but that other traditional gender boundaries were also eroded by the war He commented that total war unleashed a "hedonistic impulse" in society at large. The thought of perhaps dying tomorrow created a psyche directed toward living life to the fullest at the present both

31 John E Christiansen, "The Impact of World War II," in Richard D Poll et at, Utah's History (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1989), pp 498-500; Clayton, "An Unhallowed Gathering," pp 227-42

32 This is estimated from the records of the Armed Forces Military Personnel Records Center, St Louis, Mo.

33 Ted C. Hindmarsh Oral History.

among those who might go into combat and those with whom they associated It loosened morals and opened doors as never before.34 While residents of Salt Lake City and Ogden lived far from the direct influences of combat, they were constantly reminded by the comings and goings of military personnel of the wartime potential for death. There were many war brides in Utah, and they lived with the same fears as those closer to the front lines The "flyboys" training at Utah airfields met, fell in love with, and in some cases married local women Virtually every community witnessed this social interaction. City fathers were forever trying to protect the local women from the perceived "love them and leave them" attitude of the servicemen.

Some even condoned prostitution as a means of easing pressures in the local community. Ogden s "two-bit street," the notorious 25th Street red light district, had been around for many years prior to the war, but it expanded greatly as "victory girls" catered to the wishes of the Hill Field airmen. As long as the activity was out of sight from most of the public, city officials turned a blind eye to it, in part because it eased some of the pressure on their daughters.35 In the end, however, local Utah leaders could stave off neither the influx nor the influence of the aviators and others involved in defense activities in the state

World War II brought many changes to the West, and Utah participated in them. The aviation activities in the region were especially significant. The economic impact of the new military aviation activities in the state, the growth of industry related to the aerospace sector, the relocation of people, and the overthrow of older perspectives for new ones were everywhere apparent. Because of the aviation activities in the region, both those taking place there as well as those in transit, Utah became more closely tied to the regional and national economy and culture than ever before. With airplanes, someone in Utah could leave home in the morning and be in the nation's capital before evening It also worked the opposite way People moved in and out and through the area in numbers that had only been dreamed of by such futurists as H. G. Wells. In this process the

34 John Costello, Virtue Under Fire: How World War II Changed Our Social and Sexual Attitudes (Boston: Little, Brown, 1985), pp. 7-17.

35 Lyle J Barnes, "Ogden's Notorious 'Two-Bit Street,' 1870-1954" (MA thesis, Utah State University, 1969) On the problems of changing sexual mores see Richard Polenberg, War and Society: The United States, 1941-1945 (New York: J.P Lippincott, 1972), pp 151-53

homogeneity of the state broke down and a more national perspective began to develop.36

Equally important—indeed it may ultimately have been fundamentally more significant—the aviation spawned by the war created a much greater airmindedness in the people of the United States than ever before During the war flight became a common means of transportation. The acculturation process brought to a whole generation of Americans the expectation of rapid transit Utah gave to and received much from aviation during World War II. The state's aeronautical activities were a transforming force that not only contributed significantly to the victory of the United States in World War II but also altered the perceptions and attitudes of Americans toward the emerging technology

36 This is a very difficult contention to prove, but such sociological studies as Louis Wirth, 'The Limits of Regionalism," in Merrill Jensen, ed., Regionalism in America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1951), pp 381-93; William F Ogburn, The Social Effects of Aviation (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1946); J Parker Van Zandt, America. Faces the Air Age, 2 vols (Washington, D.C: Bookings Institutions, 1944); Hall Barlett, Social Studiesfor the Air Age (New York: Macmillan 1942); and George T Renner, Human Geography in theAir Age (New York: Macmillan, 1943) support these contentions and in some cases go much farther

As Utahns became more airminded, United Air Lines opened a ticket office in the Hotel Utah lobbyfor the convenience of air travelers. May 11, 1943, photograph by Shipler in USHS collections.

Fighting the Good Fight: The Utah Home Front during World War II

BYJESSIE L EMBRY

Standard Oil of California employees at a Standard station in Salt Lake City, June 10, 1942. They promoted war bond sales. Shiplerphotograph in USHS collections.

Ms Embry is assistant director of the Charles Redd Center for Western History, Brigham Young University

WHE N I WAS GROWING UP IN THE 1950S AND 1960S my mother saved everything. When my father had his steers slaughtered in the fall, my mother had him bring home the fat which she made into soap. She reused boxes, paper, paper towels, and scraps of cloth. She saved old nylons with runs in them. Very little trash went out of our home because everything was used two or three times. My mother was typical of those who grew up during the Great Depression of the 1930s and participated in the salvage efforts of World War II. As time passed in our throwaway world, she became very unusual. But the 1990s' emphasis on recycling has put her right back in style.

1 also remember that my mother's favorite cookbook was a World War II Victory edition containing a section for cooking lowgrade cuts of meat and making desserts without sugar. When the Redd Center sponsored a symposium on World War II's home front in 1991,1 used some of the recipes to prepare "treats" for the conference. The cakes and cookies made with honey and molasses had a heavy texture and a strong flavor, but people seemed to enjoy the experiment.

My mother's experiences show the legacy of World War II But what did the war mean to Utahns at the time? Economically, World War II was a boon to Utah State residents had suffered more than other areas during the depression of the 1930s and had received more public assistance from the federal government. Only with the arrival of the defense industries during World War II was the state's economy completely revitalized. During the war the federal government built ten military installations and an army hospital. The government also constructed the Remington Small Arms Plant and the United States Geneva Works. The refinery companies in the state expanded; other businesses also provided war materials. The war "transformed unemployment into worker shortages."1

Emotionally, Utahns, like Americans in general, saw World War II as "a war that had to be fought."2 Sacrificing sugar, nylons, steak, gasoline, and butter became noble acts to resist tyranny and preserve democracy. The rhetoric of noble sacrifice, however, masks the fact that many of these "sacrifices" were not completely voluntary. Congress passed legislation that enforced rationing. Guilt-producing

'Joh n E Christensen, "The Impact of World War II," in Richard D Poll et at, Utah's History (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1989), p 497

2 Ethel W Graham interviewed by Gordon Irving, James Moyle Oral History Project, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, p 44

propaganda reinforced these laws. A reporting system made sure that noncompliers were shamed and sometimes punished. The grief and sorrow for the dead was real. The fear was real. The turmoil and worry were real, although for many the turmoil brought a sense of excitement. Oral histories with Utahns recalling their memories of the war on the home front disclose recollections of inconvenience, not sacrifice, and shortages, not real privation.

The rhetoric of sacrifice served several purposes. A careful examination of personal papers, newspaper articles, and oral history interviews reveals that the sacrifice was largely government-imposed and remained on the level of inconvenience. It cast an emotionally intense and honorable glow around the economic and manufacturing priorities that had to be rearranged Organizations throughout the state and nation talked about the need to sacrifice to win the war M L Wilson, national director of the extension service, told Utah 4-H leaders, "All of us cannot take part in the military defense of the nation, but we are a part of the mili tary defense just the same. Before there can be victory there must be work and toil and sacrifice. Every man, woman and child must be ready to take his or her part." The reporter for the Shakespearean Club, a women's organization in Heber City, wrote to the local newspaper, "The keynote today is a challenge to hold fast to the democratic way of life. Each one of us must be willing to take responsibility to make sacrifices for our democracy." Clarence Cutland, the superintendent of the Wasatch County School District, explained, "In these fateful days ... we stand ready to make every sacrifice for the defense of our country against Axis aggression."3

These quotes used the term sacrifice. Others implied the same message and suggested that every aspect of life needed to be controlled to help win the war Norma Smith, Farm Security administrator for Utah and Wasatch counties, explained, "A farm woman who makes over an old dress or turns out the living room lamp when it isn't needed is making a contribution to America's victory program."

The Wasatch County School District sponsored a "ladies gym class" on Wednesday afternoons. According; to a newspaper article, "At this time it is every patriotic citizen's duty to build and maintain the highest degree in physical fitness." Since housewives took care of their families, they needed to exercise and the gym class would help.4

3 Wasatch Wave, March 27, February 20, 1942; December 19, 1941

4 Wasatch Wave, January 16, November 27, 1942

In January 1942 the Heber Lions Club "pledg[ed] our full cooperation . . . that every effort will be made and complete victory will be ours in this war against the forces of oppression and enslavement." A Wasatch County miner summarized these efforts in a letter to a sailor "Though we are too old to shoulder a musket, we can still drill a round of holes and gouge out the lead you need; we can get along without things we did not think possible, we can write you a letter; we can give to the Red Cross 'til it hurts; we can produce even in that back lot if need be, the foodstuff necessary."5

Although citizens throughout the state and the nation referred to the sacrifices they had to make for the war, not all of the efforts were voluntary. President Roosevelt created the Office of War Information (OWI) in June 1942 which used the printed and radio media to articulate American values and goals for those at home and abroad. The Office of Civilian Defense (OCD) boosted citizens' morale and instructed them in civil defense programs. To deal with shortages and price controls, the government created the War Production Board (WPB) and the Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply, later the Office of Price Administration (OPA)

These agencies enforced the "sacrifices." The government warned Americans that rubber, sugar, gasoline, and other commodities were in short supply and asked people to conserve. But simply asking for voluntary control was not enough. To get the citizens to actually cut back on their use of these items, the government had to establish a complex rationing system. The OPA administered the government rationing programs, supervising 5,500 rationing boards nationwide. Most of the boards used volunteers, but the bureaucratic demands became so complex that the OPA also grew to more than 60,000 full-time employees It became, as one history explains, "everyone's favorite wartime scapegoat," and tales of OPA inefficiencies made instant folklore For example, the OPA office in Philadelphia had to close down because it did not allocate enough fuel oil for itself.6

Although Utahns, like other Americans, subscribed vociferously to the "principles of sacrifice," many of them cut corners whenever they could, justifying their actions by asserting that their efforts

5 Wasatch Wirae, January 8, January 16, 1942

6 For information on the federal agencies, see Allan M Winkler, Home Front U.S.A.: America during World War II (Arlington Heights, 111.: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1986), pp 28-39 The story about the rationing board comes from Ronald H Bailey, The Home Front: U.S.A. (Alexandria, Va.: Time-Life Books, 1977), p. 110.

would not really help, by cataloguing those who were getting more privileges, and by delighting in any bureaucratic blunders that proved the system was flawed. Studying the ways Utahns viewed rationing, salvage efforts, and war bond sales illustrates how the principles of sacrifice, guilt, and encouragement all played roles in the war effort

The federal government rationed tires first. The war blocked access to the usual sources of rubber, and the military developed an insatiable appetite for any that was available. While the search for synthetic rubber continued Americans needed to conserve the national supply. In March 1942 OPA director Leon Henderson reported that defense workers would have to use "reclaimed tires" while "ordinary citizens" simply must do without That month a ration office opened in Ogden where twice a week a board reviewed applications for tires, tubes, and automobiles Despite these restrictions, the United States government still feared a shortage and suggested various ways to confiscate rubber. A Salt Lake Tribune editorial protested one plan to confiscate the cars of those caught speeding. The editorial recognized a shortage of automobiles and tires but said if the government really needed the items all cars should be "seized." Otherwise, it was "playing games" rather than "fighting; a war."7

The Wasatch Wave praised and condemned the efforts of Wasatch County residents in July 1942: "Citizens in Heber and Wasatch County we feel sure are making every effort to do their part in this drive since we believe they realize that a shortage of rubber is considered the main reason for the threatened rationing of gasoline." The article concluded, "Remember a busted hot water bottle can help win the war!"8

The decreased supply of tires and cars combined with gasoline shortages to severely limit travel. In May 1942 a driver in the eastern part of the United States was restricted to only two gallons a week. The West argued against a limitation with at least temporary success. However, by September it was apparent the government needed to initiate nationwide controls. The OPA established procedures for registration, catalogued drivers, and instituted rationing by November. Those driving for "pleasure" had an A sticker that entitled them to three to five gallons a week. The highest priority sticker, an E for emergency, was assigned to policemen, clergymen, and sometimes

7 Salt Lake Tribune, March 6, March 8, May 8, 1942.

8 Wasatch Wow, July 3, 1942

politicians Those claiming special needs such as farmers, defense workers, health workers, or unavoidable commuting responsibilities received B or C coupons. 9

At first gasoline rationing did not seem too much of a problem. My grandfather, Albert Leo Embry, probably like many other Utahns, filled his car's gasoline tank up the night before the rationing started. In early December my grandmother, Iola Harriet Bird Embry, reported, "The gas rationing has started here and so far you can't tell the difference So many people get the B cards because they are working in defense that it looks about the same."10

These restrictions affected Utahns in various ways Anna Hatch Cramer worked as a public health nurse in San Juan County during the war. She and the local doctor had C ration books, but "we were watched with an eagle eye so as not to abuse the use of our cars for pleasure." She also remembered that the board allowed only two tires a year. When she had two flats and a blowout in one week, Leland Redd, who was in charge of rationing in the county, questioned her about what had really happened to the tires. Orville Carl Gunther of American Fork had a B card because his sheet metal business was classified as "essential" to the war effort. This classification gave him enough gasoline to operate his business.11

Dean Eugene Van Wagenen ran a family farm in Utah County during the war He recalled, "I always had plenty of coupons for buying all of the gas and oil to run the farm, trucks, caterpillars, and the equipment that we had there and for me to get to and from, and whatever I needed to do I didn't really suffer very much as a result of not having gasoline."12

George Rowland Blake, a dairy farmer in Provo in the 1940s, recalled, "Because we had a tractor, we were allowed about as much gasoline as we needed. We had our own dispenser, a fifty-gallon drum that we pumped it out of." The family car, however, was limited to four gallons a week with an A priority. "There was no reason that

9 Wasatch Wave, May 9, May 31, September 26, October 14, November 17, 1942; Bailey, The Home Front, p 110

10 Iola Harriet Embry to Ralph Embry, December 8, 1942, letter in author's possession

" Anna Hatch Cramer to the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah Original letter at the Redd Center Orville Carl Gunther interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, January 11, 1992, World War II Home Front Oral History Project, Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Manuscript Division, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 7 (Hereinafter referred to as Home Front.)

12 Dean Eugene Van Wagenen interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 15, 1991, Home Front, 4

we couldn't have pumped gas out of that tank and put it in the car," he acknowledged. "There was nobody to supervise that and we were given about as much as we asked for But we felt it a matter of honor not to use tractor gas in our cars. Even though we had the gasoline, we didn't travel." Reinforcing his sense of honor were other characteristics: "sensitivity to national defense needs" and "we didn't have tires or time."13

The Embrys shared the same reasons for reduced driving As Iola wrote to her son Ralph, who was serving an LDS mission in the Pacific Northwest, they sold their car because "you can't get tires in Cache Valley unless you are a doctor or using them for defense work." She added candidly, "Well, the first thing we have to think about is the war, and giving up a car that we do not use anyway is not much of a sacrifice."14

Despite rationing, my grandparents still traveled. Grandmother went to the South for genealogy research and to visit her children when grandchildren were born. Grandfather went to Tennessee to visit his ailing father and to New England to visit his son, Alvin My parents went back and forth across the country, sometimes because of my father's military assignments and sometimes to visit family members. My aunts, Elsie and Leora, went to Boston to visit their older brothers. In response to some of my grandfather's travels in 1943, my father told him, "It is a little unpatriotic to travel now."15

Sugar was the first food item to be rationed. In March 1942 "the Office of Price Administration served notice on Mr. and Mrs. America . . . that they would be unable to get sugar without ration coupons." Frank Bane, director of OPA, called the effort the "biggest registration job ever attempted in this country." The rationale for the restriction was that the military used sugar to make alcohol and used alcohol to make gunpowder. The war in the Pacific cut off sugar from the Philippines and reduced the amount of Hawaiian sugar being produced.16

Rationing required massive organization People had to register and then be issued stamps which would allow them to buy sugar. Gus P. Backman, a leader in the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce

13 George Rowland Blake interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 18, 1991, Home Front, 8-9

14 Iola Harriet Bird Embry to Ralph Embry, November 24, 1942, letter in possession of author.

15 Bertis L Embry to Folks, Fort Schuyler, N.Y, October 24, 1943, letter in possession of author

16 Salt Lake Tribune, March 22, 1942

and the state rationing administrator, invited local boards to send representatives to discuss how to organize the upcoming registration. Delegates attended from 63 of the 87 local boards and from 24 of the 29 counties. Since the rationing had not yet started, they reported that very few Utahns were complaining about the quota proposal.17

The Salt Lake Tribune carried many articles about when, how, and why to register. Those who had sugar should ration themselves until their sugar ran out, but they should register anyway because a complex set of rules governed sugar distribution, based on supplies people might have on hand. An editorial reassured Utahns that their supplies would not be confiscated but that those with amounts athome would not receive as many coupons. 18

The lengthy and complicated registration took place at schools, with teachers staffing the tables. Government officials praised every effort the citizens made. Backman especially praised the teachers for their part. "Such aregistration so vital toward the safeguarding of our resources could never have been accomplished had it not been for the unselfishness of our teaching profession. . . . The nation, the state and the citizenry owe the teachers much for their public spiritedness." He added that the teachers understood that "imparting knowledge to children was not the hardest task in this wartorn universe." He also praised "the patriotic attitude" of those who stood in line to sign up and collect their stamps. When the process was complete, Backman announced that 550,000 Utahns had registered, leaving about 50,000 unregistered "Those who found it impossible

Front and back covers of ration book issued to Linda D. O'Neil of Ogden. USHS collections.

to register will be accommodated," he pointed out. "But for those who just couldn't be bothered, the situation will be different," not explaining what the penalty would be or how the rationing boards would recognize the difference.19

The government encouraged both home gardens and home canning. A January 1943 poll showed that 75 percent of Americans still processed food at home.20 That was especially true in Utah where people maintained large gardens, bottled fruits and vegetables, stored potatoes and apples, and butchered animals. Backman recognized that many women would be concerned about having enough sugar for bottling but begged them not to ask when they were registering because the registrars could do nothing.21

In fact, less than a month later the federal government increased the supply of sugar for home canners. Lawrence A.Johnson, a state OPA official, had proposed that canners receive twenty-five extra pounds a year Instead, the regulation generously allowed a pound for every four quarts of fruit preserved and an additional pound a month for jellies,jams, and other preserves Johnson, pointing out that this would encourage gardens and fruit growers, declared, "This move places the responsibility for the conservation of sugar and fruit where it belongs—with the housewife."22

The next year home bottlers could have even more sugar, and the government applauded their efforts as one way of supporting the war Although most Utahns would have canned without the war, the Salt Lake Tribune pointed out, "E/very can of commercial packed foods saved by these folks through home canning is a direct and important contribution to our war efforts. . . .We can run the total into hundreds of millions of cans. Let's do it." And to make it easier, only those requiring more than ten pounds had to apply for the extra sugar; those wanting only a limited amount could get it with their regular stamps. But sugar continued to be in short supply even after other restrictions were lifted. As the war wound down, the Salt Lake Tribune reported that 1945 would be the most difficult year for sugar. It continued to be rationed until the end of the war. 23

Because sugar was so closely regulated, Utahns who participated

19 Salt Lake Tribune, May 8, May 4, May 5, May 9, 1942.

20 Doris Weatherford, American Women and World War II (New York: Facts on File, 1990), p 206

21 Salt Lake Tribune, May 3, 1942

22 Salt Lake Tribune, May 21, 1942.

23 Salt Lake Tribune, May 11, May 22, 1943; April 5, 1945

in a recent oral history project commented often about its shortage. Beth Smith Edvalson, for example, was in nurse's training in Salt Lake City during most of the war Since all of her food was provided, rationing did not affect her But when she decided to get married, her wedding cake presented a problem. "I don't remember how I happened to get a ration book with some stamps in it," she mused. "I had some, my mother-in-law had some, and my sister-in-law had some. We put them together so that I could have a wedding cake. We took those to the bakers to reimburse them for the sugar that they would be using in the cake." Although Edvalson was not canning, she recalled that people had to be "very skimpy" with the sugar they put in fruit. "To make jelly or jam was almost an impossibility," she declared.24 Those processing food also recalled cutting back. Nita T. Hinckley could remember that she had to "cut the amount of sugar way down. We always bottled our pears with no sugar at all. They were stilljust as good as if we had put sugar in them."25 Zelda Bartlett Packer, a housewife in Cache Valley, substituted honey whenever possible in her cooking She was so successful that her husband James recalled, "I can remember that rationing, but I can't remember any hardships or suffering from it.26

Like the Packers and the Hinckleys, other Utahns learned to get by on less. Because Farrin Mangelson's family did not use sugar in tea or coffee, he felt they may have had some to spare. Even then, he recalled, they were "conservative on . . . desserts." As a result, the family had extra sugar stamps that they would trade with others for shoe stamps "because the kids would wear through shoes."27 And Zelda Packer recalled, "Some of the women here in the community would get together and compare the amount of sugar we had on hand. If one had more than the other one had, she would share. That was a great asset to the sisters in our community." According to rationing regulations, trading or even sharing coupons was as illegal as purchasing goods on the black market Each family was to use its own allotment Mangelson and Packer did not recognize fifty years later that their actions were prohibited. Instead, they felt they were manifesting patriotic compliance and neighborly goodwill that worked to everyone's advantage.

24 Beth Smith Edvalson interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, October 3, 1991, Home Front, 4

25 Nita J Hinckley interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 20, 1992, Home Front, 3

2b Zelda Bartlett Packer and James Elmo Packer, each interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, October 19, 1991, Home Front, 2, 6.

27 Farrin Leon Mangelson interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, October 9, 1991, Home Front, 11

Since there was no room for a large garden near the University Ward, members bought 1,000 pounds of string beans and canned them at Welfare Square for their own consumption in August 1943. Such canned foods were not rationed and could be producedfor the small cost of buying the vegetables and running the steam cookers. Salt Lake Tribune photographs in USHS collections.

Eventually more than sugar had to be rationed. As with gasoline and sugar, residents were apprised in advance.Just as my grandfather filled his gasoline tank before rationing started and some people had to be warned not to store sugar, others went out and stocked their shelves. In February 1943 James W. Carlile of Heber City explained,

"Ma [his wife] was up town shopping getting a little canned stuff on hand before the ration starts."28

Once rationing started, the government controlled the sale of such food items as meat and canned goods by issuing two ration books for each person, regardless of age, per month. One had fortyeight blue coupons for canned goods and the other contained sixtyfour red coupons for meat, fish, and dairy products per month The LDS church's Relief Society Magazine reprinted an article by Justin C. Stewart, the Utah state information officer for the OPA, carefully detailing how the rationing stamps would be color coded and identified by letters of the alphabet. Published schedules in 1945 give some indication of the complex system: for canned foods "stamps C2 through G2 good through April 28. Stamps H2 through M2 good through June 2, and stamps N2 through S2 good through June 30 Stamps T2 through X2 good through July 31."29

Different meats, fruits, and vegetables carried different point values depending on their abundance. For example, in March 1943 a can of applesauce took ten points; a year later it required twentyfive points. During the same year, grapefruit juice dropped from twenty-three points to four.30 In May 1943, round steak was so scarce it required more points than porterhouse or sirloin. Spareribs, brains, and tongues were plentiful and used fewer points. The next year consumers could purchase hamburger and pork where they were available without any ration stamps, but the government still controlled the purchase of steaks, roasts, butter, margarine, cheese, and evaporated milk. As quantities of meat increased during the spring of 1943 the OPA issued fewer meat "red" points, but shortages a year later produced renewed restrictions. Some canned goods became plentiful, but the rules were still complex. A newspaper article explained, "The reduction in the blue point value of tomato juice and vegetable juice combinations applies only to the 24 ounce can. The value of this can is reduced from 20 to 10 points."31

Utahns cooperated dutifully but not necessarily with enthusiasm. Farrin Mangelson "survived this whole program." Cleo Yvonne Williams Alvord recalled that one of her neighbors overcame the

28 James W. Carlile Journal, February 16, 1943, Utah State Historical Society.

29 Justin C Stewart, "Point Rationing," Relief Society Magazine, January 30, 1943, pp 46-47; Salt Lake Tribune, April 8, 1945

30 Bailey, The HomeFront p. 112.

31 Salt Lake Tribune, May 1, 1943; May 4, 1944; April 27, 1945

meat shortage by buying horse meat, but Alvord could not eat it. Fern Hindmarsh of Provo learned "how to cook . . . us[ing] substitutes. That was a challenge. We were very fortunate here because we always had our gardens and our fruits. We always lived close enough to our family. There were a lot of farmers in my family."32 Many Utahns had easy access to farms or to farming relatives.

Rose Tibbetts of Providence, Cache County, had productive chickens. Her husband hunted deer. They grew peas, Blue Lake beans, onions, potatoes, raspberries, and three varieties of apples. In nearby Box Elder County they bought corn, peaches, and squash She wrote in 1991, "As you can see we had a lot to eat and I had to do a lot of experimenting to use all the food."33

The government's encouragement to plant a "victory garden" in any space available did not affect the lifestyle of Utahns like Nita Hinckley who explained, "We raised most of what we ate, and we ate most of what we raised. Of course, everyone was encouraged to raise a victory garden, [but] that wasjust a normal situation for us."34 The Salt Lake Tribune "Women's Page" on Sundays frequently carried articles on gardening. On May 2, 1943, Bliss H. Crandall of the agronomy department of the Utah Agricultural Experiment Station explained how to control weeds. Two weeks later D. W. Thorne from the same department wrote an article on irrigating a victory garden. Still others explained how to raise and can tomatoes and plant rhubarb. Standard Oil of California offered a free "Victory Garden Guide," and Montgomery Ward sold "garden for victory" tools

Phyllis Barker Van Wagenen summarized the feelings of most Utahns: "As long as the children were getting enough to eat, I probably felt that it would be all right. We would hear so much of starving people in other countries. We were hoping we would be able to help them a little more. Of course, we knew feeding the armies and the navies was our first priority. I'm sure that we felt that it was all right to have to sacrifice."35

Rationing gave Utahns the feeling of contributing to the war effort by increasing supplies for those on the battle front But unlike

32 Mangelson interview, 11 Cleo Yvonne Williams Alvord interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 18, 1991, Home Front, 3 Fern Hindmarsh interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, September 27, 1991, Home Front, 9.

33 Rose Tibbetts letter, Redd Center

34 Nita Hinckley interview, 3

35 Phyllis Barker Van Wagenen interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, September 14, 1991, Home Front, 3

Utahns throughout the state, including these Salt Lakers, embraced the idea ofvictory gardens. Top: Men and women of the Waterloo Ward, 1603 South 500 East, picked string beans in August 1943. Left: Mrs. J. W. Fowles, 2674 Highland Drive, one of several great grandmothersfeatured in the newspaper on May 6, 1945, for their victory gardens, was described as "vigorous and strong. "Right: Jack Mole, 365 North 1100 West, was a winner in a victory garden contest inJuly 1944. Although he had lost both legs and most ofone arm, the Dutch native worked his gardenfrom a wagon. Salt Lake Tribune photographs in USHS collections.

the starving civilians in Germany and the Soviet Union, their sacrifice was not a dramatic burden since they had enough to eat

Not only food items were rationed. Some clothing items were scarce as well. The War Production Board (WPB) regulated "frills" on women's nightgowns, slips, and pajamas; set a length for petticoats and shirt tails; and required that men's suits be single-breasted with narrow lapels and without two pants, vest, and cuffs. As the war continued, regulations relaxed. By April 1945 a Salt Lake department store advertisement showed that lace was back on women's nightclothes.36

The one rationed item that all women remembered fifty years later was hosiery. Fashionable silk stockings were not available as the imported silk was used for parachutes. Fern Hindmarsh recalled, "Everyone was very patriotic We all had to go bare legged." She recalled buying white stockings occasionally and dying them so they looked flesh color. Many of the women remembered painting a "seam" up the backs of their legs so it looked as if they were wearing hose. Marjorie Watts Thompson commented that sometimes the color "would rub off on our clothes." Some women resolved the dilemma by wearing slacks and ankle socks. But pants were not accepted as professional dress for women in the 1940s Donna Fifield, for example, worked as a teletype operator at Fort Douglas and was required to wear dresses to work. According to a September 1943 poll, Americans listed silk stockings right behind tires and inner tubes as the most difficult nonfood item to cut back on. 37

Silk stockings are a revealing example of the contemporary mindset. Their utility is virtually nil by any measure, especially compared to food and tires. But having to forego a desirable item was a sacrifice, and being willing to sacrifice was equivalent to being patriotic.

By controlling consumption the U.S. government hoped to distribute essential commodities fairly, stop hoarding, and decrease consumption An article in the New Republic in February 1942 explained, "Prices are being driven up by shortages, and only a system that combines price control with rationing of available supplies can be effective." Americans accepted this argument; two-thirds supported the concept of rationing, according to a Gallup poll.38

36 Winkler, HomeFront U.S.A., p 37; Salt Lake Tribune, May 10, 1942; April 29, 1945

37 Fern Hindmarsh interview, 6; Marjorie Watts Thompson interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 17, 1991, Home Front, 10; Salt Lake Tribune, May 31, 1942; Donna J. Fifield interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, September 28, 1991, Home Front, 5; Donna Fifield Letter, Redd Center Weatherford, American Women, p. 203.

18 "Rationing: Democracy Test," New Republic, February 9, 1942, quoted in Weatherford, American Women, p 201

In addition to rationing, the government also regulated the price of goods The Salt Lake Tribune carried wire service articles listing costs and then announcing when the government "slashed" them to "roll back the cost of living." Utah bakers experienced the effects of this control. In order to increase the cost of a loaf of bread by one cent they had to request approval from the OPA. They argued that without the raise they would have to declare bankruptcy. After a review, the OPA agreed to the price increase. The Tribune pointed out that even with the increase Utah bread prices were still 1.3 cents per pound less than the rest of the nation. But bakers did not immediately raise the prices after receiving approval. At least one storekeeper wanted to wait to see if other bakers raised their prices first.39

The rhetoric of sacrifice and patriotism was only partially successful in ensuring voluntary compliance. Although they did not specifically deal with Utah, wire service stories in the Tribune frequently revealed the misuse of rationing coupons. For example, on May 6, 1943, a front-page story declared "OPA launches drive against pleasure rides" and reflected on the problem of misusing B and C coupons. Local boards could revoke B and C gas cards if they felt people were violating their use. A year later, when some gasoline ration stamps were lost, headlines blared "OPA outlaws old B-2, C-2 gas coupons" to ensure that no one would attempt to use the missing stamps Another Associated Press story explained, "OPA moves to increase meat supply" in order to "kill black market."40

Was there a black market in Utah? Orville Carl Gunther of American Fork did not think it operated on any scale. But he remembered, "It was possible to go to a familiar store and obtain something under the table as we called it Stores often kept little reserves for that purpose It wasn't widespread in our observation, but it did exist." He recalled installing equipment at a sugar warehouse in Lehi and having to climb over hundred-pound bags of sugar "There was a temptation [to take some], but I refrained from it. I remember some of the workmen taking sugar home in their lunch pails, but I never did." He explained why. "We considered it a real no-no in the family to attempt to acquire sugar, soap, or other scarce items on the black market. We were very careful to teach the children the importance of ethics and honesty and supporting the war effort."41

39 Salt Lake Tribune, May 7, May 8, May 10, 1943

40 Salt Lake Tribune, May 21, May 26, 1944; April 23, 1945

41 Orville Gunther interview, 9-10

Some people felt that stores keeping goods under the counter was illegal. Phyllis Van Wagenen of Provo did not see that as a black market activity: "We had a little grocery store in the neighborhood. He [the grocer] seemed to be accommodating. For his best customers, our closest neighbors, he would see that we could get some of the supplies that maybe new people in the neighborhood might not have access to. He would save them under the counter and say, 'Such-and-such has come in If you want to buy some with your coupon book, you'll be one of the first on the list.'"42

Technically all goods purchased required rationing stamps Nephi Probst, who chaired a wartime agricultural committee in Wasatch County, said that farmers selling butter also had to collect rationing stamps. Anna Coulson Embry, on the other hand, talked about buying milk from her parents' neighbors in Nephi without using the stamps She recalled that her parents bought some canned milk just before their red stamps ran out in October 1943, then purchased milk from some neighbors who had cows. She figured that they had enough milk to last until the middle of December but complained that the neighbor's milk was very skim, "almost as blue as that we got in California."43

The government caught some local businesses violating rationing and price controls. Inspections disclosed that twelve of thirtytwo cafes were overcharging on at least one item in the spring of 1944. The OPA directed owners to lower their prices; otherwise the agency wemld set them.44

In addition to rationing, the government also sponsored salvage efforts as part of the home front war. Metal especially was in short supply. The appeals for metals began in January 1942, just a month after the war started In Wasatch County there was a special drive, and citizens there, as elsewhere, were asked to "scrap the Japs with scraps." Anderson Implement Store in Heber offered to collect iron until there was enough to take to a smelter. City officials and the LDS church staged a clean-up effort in April and urged residents to give any old metal they found to the war effort They asked all businesses to close one morning so employees could participate in the clean-up. A month later the War Production Association mailed a form letter to

42 Phyllis Van Wagenen interview, 3.

43 Wasatch Wave, June 11, 1943; Anna Embry to Folks, October 3, 1943 Copy in author's possession

44 Salt Lake Tribune, May 3, May 13, May 17, 1944

all Wasatch County residents, seeking additional help. The Wave asked all citizens to return the attached card telling of the scrap metal they had The article concluded, "Because the scrap metal and rubber on your premises is badly needed for the production of war materials, will you kindly attend to this matter at once." In September the government again asked Wasatch County farmers to double check their equipment for possible salvage. People were also asked to look along the side of the roads for metal.45 Special appeals encouraged women to participate in the drive. The local Salvage for Victory committee told women they could help in building "bombs for Berlin." The local newspaper urged them to support the men going to war ("we on the home front must see to it that industry does not lack the materials needed for adequately arming and equipping them") and appealed to gender pride ("true to feminine tradition in this war Wasatch women will play a leading role in the campaign" for scrap metal) The Wave also played on guilt ("your neglect may cost some brave boy's life") and asked housewives to go through their homes looking for pots, knives, bed springs, chairs, and wire clothes hangers to add to the scrap drive.46

To encourage donations the government set quotas for states and communities. These quotas provided opportunities for friendly competition and guilt trips. In June 1942 the Wave reported that Heber City and the surrounding area needed to collect more metals to keep up with the rest of the state When in October, county residents still had not met their quota the paper cried, "Our Nation is facing a crisis in its war production program. Unless we immediately salvage at least 6 million tons of scrap iron and steel and great additional quantities of rubber and other materials, we are not going to meet our production quotas, and our boys and our Allies are not going to get the materials they need in time. . . . The situation is serious. . . . Your help is needed now." As the drive came to an end that month, Wasatch County had collected 232 tons of scrap That was good enough for seventh place among Utah's twenty-nine counties in per capita collection.47

Other Utahns faced the same push. A Salt Lake Tribune article reminded Utahns that, "Uncle Sam needs all kinds of waste paper, old rags, scrap metal and used rubber." An exception was tin cans The

nearest "detinning" plant was in San Francisco, and there was no way to ship scrap that far. To eliminate confusion about what to give, John Bigelow ran a weekly column in the Tribune on salvageable items. Utahns not only felt good about helping the war cause, but some, like Donna Fifield of Salt Lake City, enjoyed direct benefits; she remembered saving aluminum containers and turning them in "to get more" supplies such as toothpaste.48

My maternal grandmother, Lydia Rowbury Coulson, saved everything and had accumulated piles of rags. The quantity even surpassed the comfort threshold of my thrifty mother who, while living with her parents in 1943, confided in a letter to her mother-in-law, Iola Embry, that she wanted to sell the accumulation to clean things out. The letter concluded: "Mom doesn't see it my way, thinks she will still use it sometime."49 Although my mother did not use the rhetoric of "sacrifice," rags aided the war effort since there was a shortage of material But her motivation was also the hope of a small profit

There was a special push to salvage kitchen fat. The government told Americans that one pound of fat had "enough glycerin to manufacture a pound of black powder that could be used for shells or bullets." In order to encourage everyone to save, the federal government set collection quotasjust as it had for metal The quota led to a friendly competition to see who could save the most During a national "kitchen fat" salvage campaign in May and June 1943, the Salt Lake Tribune explained, "Utah could go over the top with its grease quota—if each home in the state saved one single tablespoon of strained fat per day!" Utah, which had collected only 50 percent of its monthly 80,500-pound quota, was between fifth and eight on the national list. The Tribune then urged Utahns "to forego pan gravy and smile."50

A week later an article stressed that a tablespoon of fat saved daily by a single family in a month would provide glycerin for ten rounds of .50 caliber machine gun ammunition. The paper pointed out that although Utah had tied with Wyoming for the most fat collected in the region, it had achieved only 62 percent of its quota. "Imagine what would happen if our fighting men did only 62 percent of theirjob," the writer suggested in a guilt-producing comparison.51

A year later Utahns were still being encouraged to "keep a kitchen fat arsenal." An advertisement urged citizens to take their fat in pound-sized tins to a local butcher for "cash, extra meat points— and victory."52 Once again, those turning in fat were given extra incentives beyond just a good patriotic feeling. Those who donated fat could also get more ration stamps.

The state chair of the Utah Minute Women toured Colorado lecturing on "women's salvage activities in Utah" in 1945. Upon her return she attempted a combination of inspiration and shame to spur Utahns on to greater action, asserting that "Americans have never been known to leave a double-header during the first inning." When the Rocky Mountain Minute Women held a meeting in Salt Lake City in 1944 the organization praised Utah's efforts But a newspaper article accused "seven out of 10 [housewives of] not cooperating" with the fat salvage effort. "Come girls," urged the writer with blatant racism, "You can cook your own goose but let the grease fall where it can fry the mostJaps."53

Rationing and salvage were essentially conservation efforts Winning the war required large sums of money for the government to build ships and airplanes, underwrite its allies, and arm, train, and maintain its troops The federal government imposed a 5 percent surcharge on all income taxes, but taxes paid for less than half of the cost of the war. One way to raise money was to ask citizens to "invest" in America by buying bonds. Corporations purchased Series C tax notes or two types of treasury bonds that paid 2 or 2.5 percent depending on when they matured. Individuals bought saving bonds Series E, F, or G. In all, Americans bought $135 billion in bonds during the war in units ranging from $25 to $10,000.54

Just as with rationing and salvage efforts, people bought bonds for a number of reasons. First, there was the sacrifice element— saving the world for democracy. On April 10, 1942, the Wasatch Wave declared, "We are in an all out total war for the preservation of our national existence and our right to live as free men Let's rise to the challenge and support our great President and all our officials on high places." By doing so, the paper concluded, the country could

52 Salt Lake Tribune, May 7, 1944

53 SaltLake Tribune, April 3, 1945; May 6, 1944; May 14, 1943

54 Bailey, TheHomeFront,

HomeFront U.S.A.,

p 108 Winkler says that taxes covered 50 percent of the war costs (see

p. 19), but Samuel Eliot Morison in his The Oxford History of the American People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p 1010, sets the figure at 40 percent Morison also listed bond sales at $97 billion

maintain "maximum efficiency in this gravest hour in the history of civilization." In 1943 LDS Apostle Charles A Callis praised Utah and the nation for oversubscribing to that year's bond sale: "This shows that patriotism is not dead and that the love of pleasure does not predominate the spirit of sacrifice. Every American should do all he can to frustrate the wicked ambition of those who would rather rule in hell than serve in heaven." In April 1945, as the war was ending, Gov. Herbert Maw issued a proclamation "calling attention to an increasing desire to expedite the war being waged in defense of liberty of the individual, of security for this government, [and] of civilized ideals throughout the world."55

But high ideals were not enough to get people to turn over their money. The government appealed to economics. The business community pointed out that Utahns had $270 million in liquid assets in 1945—double the 1943 assets. D. D. Moffat of Utah Copper explained, "This large reserve has put a tremendous pressure on prices . . . and unless it is corralled in nonnegotiable securities like the E bond, it will continue to push up the cost of living."56

As with other war efforts, the government also sponsored bond drives and set quotas. For example, in May 1942 the U.S. Treasury's goal was $1 billion a month byJuly. The May quota was $600 million and Utah's share was $1,201,000, based on citizens spending 10 percent of combined income. During the war the federal government sponsored seven war bond drives.

Meeting a quota was seen as a patriotic duty. All Americans rallied to show their support. For example, Governor Maw declared the second week in February 1942 Defense Saving Week. Schools, communities, and churches encouraged people to purchase bonds and stamps. The Wallsburg school gave each student a stamp book. In Wasatch County the communities of Center Creek, Daniel, Charleston, Midway, and Heber each sponsored bond meetings. LDS sacrament meetings that week stressed the need to purchase bonds. The Wave carried cartoons that asked employers to "pay me with defense stamps and if you'd like to give me a raise, you can make it bonds" and articles asking children to buy stamps instead of valentines. Clarence Ostlund, who headed the bond drive in the county stressed, "Wasatch county has 92 boys in the armed forces . . . and it

55 Charles A Callis, Conference Reports (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1943), p 55; Salt Lake Tribune, April 8, 1945

56 Salt Lake Tribune, April 6, 1945

is our duty, as true Americans to support them by the purchase of defense bonds and stamps."57

Later in April, to further promote the sale of bonds, the Wasatch County bond committee divided the county along LDS ward lines and assigned individuals and service organizations to visit each home. The newspaper explained that the county quota called for each citizen to purchase $1.07 worth of bonds in January, $.96 in February, and $1.28 in March. This division was especially successful in Midway. A week after the initial article appeared, the members of the committee had visited every home.

Since praise also encouraged people to buy bonds, the Wave reflected on sales each month. Noting that the Charleston Town Council had purchased $3,000 worth of series F bonds, the article then editorialized, "Doesn't it make you proud to be an American. . .. Let's all resolve here and now to meet our pledges and help our country and our boys carry on in the greatest fight for freedom the world has ever known. Let's each soberly and resolutely resolve to keep the flag of freedom flying over our homes and our children, over our embattled coasts, over the high seas and over all liberty loving people. Let's buy war bonds and stamps."58

In May 1943 the Tribune bragged that "93,052 Utah citizens" bought bonds, and Clarence Bamberger, chair of the Salt Lake drive, said, "Not only was the war loan oversubscribed, but more impressive was the great number of individual subscribers. This, in itself, is a high tribute to the patriotism of the people as an evidence of their wholehearted support of their nation's war effort." Whether it was true or not, the article applauded the Utahns: "It is doubtful that any state in the union can match this percentage."

Companies like Utah Power & Light and International Harvester ran newspaper advertisements with catchy slogans A UP&L ad in 1943 encouraged readers to "invest in victory by investing 10% of your income in war bonds and stamps."The IH ad pointed out, 'They give their lives . . . you lend your money . . . buy more war bonds." Another advertisement asked Utahns to keep buying bonds regardless of whether there was a drive: 'They keep fighting. You keep buying." Alta Jolley

Halvorsen recalled hearing "a lot ofjingles .. . about buying bonds."59

58 Wasatch Wave, June 12, 1942

59 Salt Lake Tribune, May 2, May 3, 1943; April 8, 1945 Alta Jolley Halvorsen interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, August 12, 1992, Home Front, 9

Nephi Probst, who chaired the agriculture committee in Wasatch County, suggested farmers buy bonds: "Since the farmer is first and hardest hit in a depression following the inflation, he knows the importance of a counter inflationary program," he announced. The Mormon church also promoted bond sales. In the Cache Stake a clerk wrote with pride about one ward: "The 7th war loan went over the top with a satisfying margin. Our allotment was high, $29,500.00."60

Students responded to the call to buy saving stamps and eventually bonds. In February 1943 Wasatch High School students announced plans to collect money in home rooms and to raise funds with concerts and plays. The state war bond committee encouraged their efforts by promising to send a soldier talent show to Heber if the students met their goal of $1,300. A week after the bond drive started, the students had raised $4,420. Principal O. L. Pearson declared that the drive had "eclipsed even the fondest dreams of the most optimistic." He declared with p>ride that the money would purchase two jeeps, a parachute, and two small training planes The

American Home Foods displayfor National Baby Week in 1945featured babyfoods and promoted "Buy a Bondfor Baby" campaign. Shiplerphotograph in USHS collections.

60 WasatchWave, April 23, 1943; Benson Ward, Cache Stake Manuscript History, June 1945, LDS Church Archives

promised program was held in the tabernacle so everyone in the county could enjoy it By the next week the students had raised $10,000.61

In 1945 schools throughout Utah set a goal of a $25 bond for each high school student and a $10 bond for each elementary student. At assemblies students were encouraged to buy bonds and stamps. Murray High School, for example, collected $7,000 of its $12,500 quota after one assembly and proudly received the "schools at war" flag. Elsewhere, mothers like Nita Hinckley gave her children twenty-five cents each week, along with their lunch money, to buy stamps. Carol Bennion Quist remembered that stamps were sold on Fridays at her school Red stamps were ten cents; green ones were a quarter Those who could afford the more expensive stamps "strutted and bragged." The state bond committee had war wounded speak in schools and churches to urge people to buy bonds. Woolas Ainley Macey of Logan, who lost a leg during the Normandy invasion, recalled, "I traveled to high schools. I traveled to churches. . . . I really enjoyed it, and the kids all enjoyed it. The people just loved to hear the experiences knowing that I was there."62

Women were actively involved in the war bond drives, and local businesses encouraged their activities. During the seventh bond drive, an Auerbach's ad featured photographs of the women who headed districts throughout Salt Lake City and explained how each woman was postponing personal goals to help with the drive. The women were honored as members of the Blue Star Brigade, "an organization dedicated to the men who have given their lives in this war." Those selling bonds could wear the Blue Star arm band. After selling ten Series E bonds to ten different people, the member could become a second lieutenant in the brigade and receive a Blue Star service ribbon The article recruited volunteers for a door-to-door canvass by stating, "The busy women give a month and a half to the mighty 7th war loan drive" and asking, "Will you give 2 days?"63

A weekly advertisement sponsored by local businesses also promoted war bonds by celebrating women who were "vice president[s] in charge of tomorrow." A woman, according to one ad, was "wife,

61 WasatchWave, February 19, February 26, March 5, 1943.

63 Salt Lake Tribune, April 22, 1945.

62 Wasatch Wave, April 8, 1945; Nita Hinckley interview, 4; Allan Kent Powell, Utah Remembers World War II (Logan, Ut.: Utah State University Press, 1991), p 129; Woolas Ainley Macey interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, September 17, 1992, Homefront, 9

mother, cook, maid of all work, [and] partner with her man." Yet she was "more than that." She was also "keeper of the household budget." She was "salting away every cent the family doesn't absolutely need for upkeep in a little project she likes to call Tomorrow." She was buying war bonds, "the soundest financial backing anyone's Tomorrow ever had."64

During the seventh bond drive Maybelle Blake, national director for women's activities on the War Finance Committee, visited Utah to encourage women leaders. She praised their work in the door-to-door canvass, adding that members of the "sturdier sex" attributed the women's success to "more time" but argued instead that women were better "organize[d]" and "manage [d] their schedules" better.65

Despite all of the efforts to prompt individuals to buy bonds, governments and corporations bought the majority of them. During the entire war average citizens purchased $36 billion worth of the small denomination Series E bonds, about a quarter of those sold. The LDS church purchased over $17 million during the war. In May 1942 the state bought $560,000 worth of bonds In April 1943 Wasatch County exceeded its monthly quota but only because the Commercial Bank of Heber City bought $125,000 worth

To persuade more individuals to buy bonds the government changed the quota system in the later bond drives. The grand total was not the only important factor; each county or state had to sell a set number of E bonds. For the fourth bond drive in January 1944 Wasatch County's quota was $199,500, but $110,000 had to be bought by individuals and not corporations. By the middle of February the county had topped the quota overall but did not have enough individual sales.66

Individuals like Ruth Wright Christensen Blake chose to take a payroll deduction to purchase bonds. In June 1942 owners of the New Park Mining Company proudly reported that their 200 employees had all signed up for payroll deductions to buy bonds. Others bought bonds to give as gifts. Phyllis Van Wagenen recalled "Christmas part[ies] at my in-laws. The big event was Grandpa passing out

64 Salt Lake Tribune, April 1, 1945

65 Salt Lake Tribune, April 23, 1945.

1, 1943; January 7, February 11, 1944

6li Bailey, The Home Front, p 108; Ronald W Waker, "Sheaves, Bucklers and the State: Mormon Leaders Respond to the Dilemmas of War," Sunstone, July/August, 1982, p 51 Wasatch Wave, May 7, October

to each one of the grandchildren a war bond. We would all talk about how this would help us win the war if we could all save our money and purchase these war bonds."67 My own parents, grandparents, and other relatives frequently explained in their letters during the war that they would give bonds rather than other gifts.

The war was almost over by the seventh drive in 1945, and people could sense that Hoping to meet the state's quota to sell $20 million worth of E bonds, the Utah War Finance Committee, the Utah Motion Picture Theaters, and the Salt Lake Tribune designed a queen contest. A community could nominate young women for the honor, providing $5,000 worth of bonds were sold in each one's name between May 7 and 21. After a young woman became a candidate her chances of winning increased if people continued to buy bonds and credit them to her account before June 20. After that date community winners competed in county contests, followed by a statewide contest. Contest rules stipulated that 75 percent of the judging would be based on bond sales and 25 percent on "queenlike qualities" of "charm, poise, personality, and natural beauty." The winner was to receive a trip to Hollywood, a date with a movie star, and a film screening.

The Salt Lake Tribune maintained a steady drumbeat of enthusiasm about the queen contest, but contributions remained low even though "Hollywood's Marjorie Reynolds" visited and encouraged the contestants. The county winners, especially those from rural areas, enjoyed the trip to Salt Lake City. The state winner, Jane Facer, a nurse at Bushnell Hospital, and the runner-up, Gayle Alice Baker of Cedar City, both won trips to Hollywood. Still, Utah's contributions were far below its E bond quota. By June 18, 1945, only Tooele County had met its quota. The next day the Tribunes editorial emphasized that Utah had always met its quotas, even during World War I when it had received no direct benefits from the war State officials pulled out the guilt stop: Utah never before has failed in a war loan drive and if the state falls short of the vital seventh war loan quota "the state's shame will be reflected in every community."68

In a last-minute attempt to meet the quota, milkmen left bond applications on city doorsteps and Mayor Earl Glade pleaded for support. Government officials made one final appeal, and the goal

67 Ruth Wright Christensen Blake interviewed by Michael Van Wagenen, November 12, 1991, Homefront, 6; Wasatch Wave, June 26, 1942; Phyllis Van Wagenen interview, 3-4.

68 Salt Lake Tribune, April 15, June 10, June 18, June 19, 1945

The Utah Home Front during World War II

267

was met. Utah residents had purchased 101.3 percent of their E bond quota after going "over the top" on ether types of bonds The Tribune bragged that Utah was the tenth state to complete its quota and that only twelve states had been successful. Clarence Bamberger rejoiced, "Two weeks ago Utah was trailing the nation; today she is one of the leaders," and he credited the media, businesses, and patriotic volunteers for their efforts Orville Carl Gunther later summarized the reasons for purchasing bonds: "I remember purchasing war bonds as part of what was considered our civic wartime responsibilities It was a popular thing to do. The interest rate was favorable. By a combination of patriotism and interest, I was motivated."69

Carol Bennion Quist recalled hearing her father say after Pearl Harbor, "We'll all have to tighten our belts now." As a six-year-old, she could not figure out what he was talking about. Her father wore suspenders and her mother wore dresses with cloth sashes. She explained, "For a long time, though, I watched people's waistlines."70 Utahns, like all Americans, "tightened their belts," but seldom to the point of actual discomfort Home-front warriors "fought" by cooperating with rationing, waste-reduction, and salvage efforts, by investing in bonds, and by enduring uncertainty and grief. United by the noble rhetoric of "sacrifice," they also creatively and quietly accommodated themselves to the inconveniences of the war's demands.

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and the Termination of Utah's Southern Paiute Indians

BY CAROLYN GRATTAN-AIELLO

Ho w IS IT THAT MEN OF UNQUESTIONED PERSONAL PROBITY Ca n b e pressin g this new onset against the Indians and the national honor? I answer that through the ages—social ruin has been pursued and achieved not only by men of evil intent but by men of personal probity."1 Writing of Indian termination in 1954, former Bureau of Indian Affairs commissioner and lifelong Indian advocateJohn Collier questioned the recent

Ms Grattan-Aiello is a doctoral student in history at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas 'John Collier, "Back to Dishonor?" Christian Century, May 12, 1954, p 580

Sen. Arthur V. Watkins, 1952. Salt Lake Tribune photograph in USHS collections.

government effort to end federal supervision of America's native population. Republican Senator Arthur V. Watkins, along with Commissioner of Indian Affairs Dillon S. Myer and Congressmen E. Y. Berry, Karl E. Mundt, and William Langer, masterminded and spearheaded the termination movement.5 The first of twelve termination bills affected four small bands of Southern Paiutes in Watkins's home state of LItah A model of the legislation to follow, the Paiutes' experiences also illuminated the larger issues of termination as well as the imposition of raw political force over a powerless group. Termination of Native Americans as a whole fulfilled white needs; termination of the Southern Paiutes particularly fulfilled Arthur Watkins's needs. No doubt genuinely concerned about the welfare of Native Americans, Watkins held a world view colored by paternalism and a driving religiosity that overshadowed more moderating options.3

Virtually all federal government policy toward the American Indians can be reduced to the two concepts of separation or assimilation. Indian groups have generally favored separation and the protection of their unique status, while assimilationist movements have had varied motivations. Through the: termination policy of the early 1950s Congress sought the ultimate solution to the Indian "problem" that had been debated throughout the country for generations. The termination policy, the most extreme of assimilation policies, would turn Indian affairs over to individual states. Reservations would be eliminated, special assistance programs would end, and Indian land would be taxed.4

2 Kenneth R Philp, "Termination: A Legacy of tire Indian New Deal," Western Historical Quarterly 14 (April 1983): 168; see also Steven C Shulte, "Removing the Yoke of Government: E Y Berry and the Origins of Indian Termination Policy," South Dakota History 14 (1983): 49-62, who argued that Berry and Watkins were the major forces behind termination, Watkins attracting more public attention

5 There are many ethnographic studies on the Southern Paiutes. For a general ethnohistory see Nuivuvi: A Southern Paiute History (Intertribal Council of Nevada, 1976); for an ethnohistory of the Utah Paiutes see Ronald Holt, Beneath These Red Cliffs: An Ethnohistory ofthe Utah Paiutes (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992); ethnographic sources on the Southern Paiutes include Catherine Fowler and Don D. Fowler, "Notes on die History of the Southern Paiute and Western Shoshone," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 95-113; Isabel Kelly "Southern Paiute Bands," American Anthropologist (1934): 548-59; and Robert Manners, Paiute Indians I (New York: Garland Publishing, 1974). For a recent study written for a general audience see Pamela Bunte and Robert Franklin, The Paiute (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1990)

4 See Donald L Fixico, Termination and Relocation: Federal Indian Policy, 1945-1960 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986); Larry W. Burt, Tribalism in Crisis: Federal Indian Policy, 1953-1961 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982); Larry J Hasse, 'Termination and Assimilation: Federal Indian Policy, 1943-61" (Ph.D. diss., Washington State University, 1974); Charles F. Wilkinson and Eric Briggs, 'The Evolution of the Termination Policy," American IMW Review, 5 (Summer 1977): 139-84; FrederickJ Stefon, "The Irony of Termination: 1943-1958," Indian Historian II (Summer 1978): 3-14; Oliver LaFarge, 'Termination of Federal Supervision: Distintegration and the American Indians," The Annals of the American Academy ofPolitical and Social Science, May 1957; Charles Wilkinson 'The Passage of the Termination Legislation" in U.S Congress, American Indian Policy Review Commission, FinalReport on Terminated andNonfederally Recognized Indians (Task Force Ten: Terminated and Non-Federally Recognized Indians, October 1976, Government Printing Office) for discussions of the overall termination movement in historical perspective

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 269

The 1953 termination policy began with congressional discontent during the 1940s over the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Indian Reorganization Act policies of the New Deal.5 A 1947 report by William Zimmerman, assistant commissioner of Indian Affairs under Presidents Franklin D Roosevelt and Harry S Truman, gave criteria upon which termination of special status could be accomplished. Several proposals for "emancipation" of the Indian were presented that culminated in the concrete actions of congressional termination bills of 1953 and 1954. Behind the proposals for repeal and emancipation was the idea to release Indian lands from federal trust Termination policy has been described as not a change in direction of Indian policy but rather an acceleration of the long process of assimilation so rapid that "it can best be characterized as radical innovation." So many policies in addition to the specific acts terminating tribes were part and parcel of termination that it made for fundamental social restructuring.6 House Concurrent Resolution

108, the statement of termination policy that was implemented by individual acts, first affected the Utah Southern Paiutes. Total numbers of affected U.S. tribes reached approximately 109, including 11,466 individuals This totals not more than 3 percent of all federally recognized Native Americans. As a result of termination legislation, Indian land was diminished by 3.2 percent.7

Advocates of termination presented it as a program to "free" Indians and to end the discriminatory relationship with the government that was blamed for the Indians' lack of "progress." The Paiute bill presented the broad outline of termination followed for other tribes Basic elements common to all termination bills included fundamental changes in land ownership patterns by allowing the sale of Indian lands. Additionally, state governments assumed broad authority over

5 Philp, 'Termination," argues that termination was a result of the collapse of New Deal Indian reform policies; see also William Zimmerman, Jr., 'The Role of the Bureau of Indian Affairs Since 1933," The Annals of theAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science, May 1957, for a discussion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs.

6 Wilkinson and Briggs list the following federal actions as part of overall termination: the transfer of civil and criminal jurisdiction over Indians from the tribes and the federal government to the states under Public Law 280; the transfer of many educational responsibilities from the tribes and the federal government to the states; other educational policies to promote assimilation; the transfer of Indian Health Service responsibilities from the BIA to the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; the authorization for sale and lease of restricted Indian lands to non-Indians; legislative and administrative inaction regarding reservation economic development; and continued relocation programs to encourage Indian migration from the reservations to urban areas. "Evolution of the Termination Policy," pp. 149-50

7 Ibid, p 151; U.S., Congress, House Concurrent Resolution 108 (Statutes at Large, Vol 67, bl32); see Francis Paul Prucha, Documents of U.S. Indian Policy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990), p 233, for a reprint of House Concurrent Resolution 108

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 271

such matters as education, adoptions, alcoholism, and land use. This imposition of state jurisdiction alienated the federal and tribal law that had previously acted as a buffer between the white and Indian worlds in criminal and civil cases. Native Americans lost all exemptions from state tax as well as special federal programs such as training, housing, and recreation. The end of special federal programs to individuals and the termination of tribal sovereignty were especially damaging, but in return terminated individual Indians received a check for the value of their land.8

Behind termination, one of the most significant of all federal Indian policies, was the general feeling of conservative American post-World War II nationalism as well as the formidable problems associated with New Deal reform. Reservations and the cultural diversity they harbored were somehow un-American. Although few congressmen considered the Indian "question" to be important, the feeling grew among them that programs under the Indian Reorganization Act had "proven unsuccessful,"9 A handful of congressmen almost singlehandedly shaped the termination policy for the nation. Congress willingly passed any Indian legislation that was favorably reported by the Indian Affairs subcommittee.10

Among those who shaped this policy was Arthur Vivian Watkins. In 1947 he accepted the important chairmanship of the Indian Affairs subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Public Lands. Through this position he dominated the hearings on Indian termination for the next twelve years. 11 Recalling that he had reluctantly accepted the post, which was considered a political liability, he remarked: "No other Republican would have it."12

A Utah lawyer and farmer, Arthur Watkins was swept into Congress with the Republican takeover of 1946, serving in the Senate from 1947 to 1959. A devout Latter-day Saint, he grew up in northeastern Utah adjacent to the LFte reservation. The senator was characterized as a "man of integrity" while serving as chairman of

8 Wilkinson and Briggs, "Evolution of the Termination Policy," p 153 A summary of the provisions of the termination bills can be found in U.S., Congress, Joint Hearing Before the Subcommittees ofthe Committees on Interiorand Insular Affairs, Termination ofFederal Supervision Over Certain Tribes of Indians, Parti: Utah, February 15, 1954, S. 2670 and H.R. 7674 (hereinafter catted Joint Hearing), 42-43.

9 Philp, "Termination," p 180

1(1 Wilkinson and Briggs, "Evolution of the Termination Policy," p 155

11 Gary Orfield, A Study of the Termination Policy (Denver: National Congress of American Indians, 1965); Prucha, Documents, refers to Watkins as the "principal Congressional promoter of the termination policy," p 238; Hasse refers to Watkins as "the recognized leader of the termination forces," p 169

12 Salt Lake Tribune, December 9, 1969; see also Hasse, "Termination and Assimilation," pp 169-70, who argues that Watkins requested the chairmanship of the Indian Affairs Committee

the Indian Claims Commission from 1959 to 1967.13 By 1960 Watkins was praised by his fellow Utah senator upon appointment to the Claims Commission as "one of the nation's leading experts in the field of Indian Affairs."14

"Even if they don't like it, I think it is better for them [Native Americans] to have more and more control of their properties," Senator Watkins believed.15 To implement this philosophy he met with Rep. William Harrison of Wyoming and Orme Lewis, assistant secretary of the Department of the Interior, on February 27, 1953, to map out termination policy and strategy. Without consulting any Native Americans, the three men decided on a termination policy with several constituent parts that would guarantee rapid termination of federal administrative responsibility for tribes. To accomplish this, services would be transferred to "proper bodies of political subdivision," tribal assets would be distributed to tribes as groups or to individual members, and land trust responsibility would be transferred to individual Indians or groups. The men wanted quick disbursement of tribal income with "a fair share of the cost of services" reimbursed. They also called for rehabilitation legislation and prompt Interior Department action on termination bills under consideration.16

When the termination philosophy came up against the realities of a Congress unwilling to pass legislation against tribes protesting termination, strong tactics were needed to get the bills passed Wealthier tribes were able to put off termination through legal maneuvering, but poorer tribes were victims.17 Criticized for acting as if he believed the endsjustified the means, Watkins was blamed for giving "witnesses misleading assurances and erroneous information concerning the intent of Congress" by asking "leading questions of accommodating BLAwitnesses to create an optimistic picture of Indian competency for termination.18

13 H. D. Rosenthal, Their Day in Court: A Historyof the Indian Claims Commission (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 179.

14 Deseret News, May 16, 1960 Additional biographical information on Watkins can be found in Beverly Smith, 'The Job No Senator Wanted," Saturday Evening Post, November 13, 1954, pp 26-27, 107-8; and U.S., Congress, Senate, Hearing before the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, 86th Cong., 1st Sess., on the nomination of Arthur V Watkins to be associate commissioner, Indian Claims Commission, 1959

15 Orfreld, Study of the TerminationPolicy, p 44

16 Hasse, Termination and Assimilation, p 176-77, and Wilkinson and Briggs, Evolution of the Termination Policy, p 156

17 See James S Olson and Raymond Wilson, Native Americansin the Twentieth Century (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1986) who argue that the Osage with "tribal unity, money, good attorneys, and legal protection of their land" were able to put off termination.

18 Wilkinson and Briggs, Evolution of the TerminationPolicy, p 156

In Arthur Watkins's only published statement on termination he wrote that he acted from the conviction that the Indians should be "free" and recalled the rhetoric of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation.19 Historian Kenneth Philp argued that Watkins listened to Adam Castillo's advice in the magazine The Indian to formulate the policy of termination that would "free" the Indian from the bondage of the federal government.50 The convoluted logic of termination never answered the question of whether termination needed to be forced on Indians so that they could develop to the level of whites or forced on Indians who had already reached that level.21 Watkins espoused both positions

In 1951 and 1952 Congress rejected Watkins's first termination bills. Avoiding a charge of regional politics, Watkins turned to his home state for a likely group In retrospect, Indian writer Vine Deloria, Jr., asserted that "Watkins was determined to demonstrate fairness, as if once he had irrationally harmed Indians from his home state he would be free to do whatever he wanted with all those elsewhere."22 Only a year after Paiute termination a Utah legislator remarked, "We've always thought they were sort of political pawns in the game, because they did not know anything about it."23 In reality, members of the Utah tribes affected by termination suffered great individual pain and economic decimation from that action, taking years to recover. 24

The policy directed towarel several small groups of Native Americans in Utah included the Shivwits (97 members), Kanosh (27 members), Koosharem (27 members), and Indian Peaks (26 members) Southern Paiute bands. Originally the bill included the Washakie and Skull Valley Shoshone whose consistent and well-written letters of protest recorded at the termination hearing finally prompted their exclusion. The poverty, small numbers, and relative isolation of the Southern Paiute groups made them an easy target, although they never met the established federal termination criteria

19 Arthur V Watkins, "Termination of Federal Supervision: The Removal of Restrictions over Indian Property and Person," The Annals of the American Academy ofPolitical and Social Science, May 1957

20 Philp, "Termination," p 171

21 Hasse, Termination and Assimilation, p 171

22 Vine Deloria, Jr., CusterDiedfor Your Sins (New York: Avon Books, 1969), p 69

23 Orfield, Study of the TerminationPolicy, p 5

24 Kenneth Philp, Indian SelfRule: First Hand Accounts ofIndian-White Relationsfrom Roosevelt to Reagan (Salt Lake City: Institute of the American West, 1986), p 176 See also Salt Lake Tribune, September 20, 1981, and Fred C Esplin and Kevin N Anderson, "Slow Justice: Looking for Land with the Utah Paiutes," Utah Holiday, August 1982, pp 55-61

In February 1947 assistant commissioner of Indian Affairs William Zimmerman established the criteria for termination as the degree of acculturation, economic resources, and condition of the tribe, as well as the willingness of the tribe to be relieved of federal control and the willingness of the state to assume responsibility Additionally, lists of three groups of Indians prepared for termination either immediately, within two years, or within ten years were proffered with the criteria. None of the four Paiute bands or either of the two Shoshone bands appeared on any list.25

In August 1952 Commissioner Dillon S. Myer conducted a survey of Indian groups considered for termination. The Utah Paiute bands provided information designed to assist in the program of withdrawal. The result of the survey, which marks the beginning of the BIA plan to terminate the Paiutes, showed they were anything but ready. On September 20, 1954, a statement of the findings and recommendations presented to the House reported the Shivwits, Koosharem, and Kanosh as unprepared while the Indian Peaks group was "conditionally" ready.26 But long before this report was presented, House Concurrent Resolution 108 received congressional approval, as had Paiute termination, which became law on September 1, 1954.27 Termination of the Southern Paiute bands was a political decision. It was not based upon a rational comparison of the conditions of the Paiutes with established criteria.

The whirlwind speed with which the Paiutes were terminated signifies Watkins's determination for acceptance of this policy. On December 30, 1953, he met with the affected bands at Fillmore to gain their acquiescence Presenting the group with the proposed bill to release the tribes from governmental control, Watkins stated, "It was about time to see if the Government has done a good job for the Indians and to see how many of them can take care of their own affairs."28 He lauded the benefits of termination, ignored specific Indians' observations of unequal or racist treatment by whites, and at

25 S Lyman Tyler, Indian Affairs: A Work Paper on Termination with an Attempt toShow ItsAntecedents (Provo: Brigham Young University, Institute of American Indian Studies, 1964), pp 31-33

2b S Lyman Tyler, A History of Indian Policy (Washington, D.C: U.S Department of the Interior, 1973), pp 168-71 See also U.S Congress, House Report With Respect to the House Resolution Authorizing the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs to Conduct an Investigation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Pursuant to H.R 89, 83d Cong., H Rept 2680, September 20, 1954, pp 86-87

27 U.S Statutes at Large, Public Law 762, vol 68, 83d Cong., September 1, 1954, 1099; See also "Termination of Federal Supervision over Paiute Indians," U.S. Code, Title 25, Sections 741-60, 1954

28 Ronald Holt, "Beneath These Red Cliffs: The Utah Paiutes and Paternalistic Dependency" (Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1987), p. 95.

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 275

no time asked the Paiutes if they wanted this policy implemented.29 Recalling this meeting during the termination hearing, the Skull Valley Shoshone tribe's protest condemned Watkins's steamrolling tactics: "But Mr Watkins don't give a chance to each individual person to say something he didn't give us no chance to talk."30

The proposed termination bill sent to the Paiute band leaders on January 19, 1954, would be heard in Washington, D. C, on February 15. Short notice and lack of funds prohibited the Indians from appearing in Washington, although telegrams of both protest and acceptance were sent. Their forces scattered by the incredible speed of the whole process, the Paiutes lacked any true understanding at that time of what termination actually was to mean to them. In reality, termination was granted without their informed consent.31

Although it has been argued that Paiute termination was based on greed for subsurface oil and mineral rights, that conjecture cannot be fully supported.32 Popular opinion at the time forced preservation of the Paiutes' subsurface rights. On February 10, 1954, Watkins and oilman Charles Harrington met with the Kanosh Indians to encourage them to support termination so that an oil lease could be granted to Harrington, who also served as counselor of the Kanosh band.33 Harrington had previously attempted to negotiate a lease for oil without going through the Bureau of Indian Affairs' usual channels. A letter from him presented by Watkins at the termination hearings praised the "enthusiasm" the Kanosh felt for termination But public outcry at the time of the announcement of Paiute termination manifested itself in several articles in popular magazines.34 Only four days after an article in the New York Times appeared asserting the likelihood of the Paiutes being cheated of their oil reserves, 35 Watkins proposed amendments to the Paiute termination

29 Ibid., p 97

m Joint Hearing, 83

31 See Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency", pp 99-102; See also SouthernPaiute Nation v The United States Governmentof America, Docket Nos. 88 and 330, before the Indian Claims Commission, vol. 14, January 18, 1965, pp 640-45 Even in 1964 the Claims Commission hearings had to be translated into the Paiute language for all four groups to fully understand the issues

32 Fixico, in Termination and Relocation, p 76, argues that the motivation for Paiute termination was greed See also Burt, Tribalismin Crisis, pp 30-31

33 Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency", pp 97-98; Joint Hearing, 60-62

34 Dorothy Bonn, "'Liberating,' The Indian Euphemism for a Land Grab," The Nation, February 20, 1954, pp 150-51; Collier, "Back to Dishonor?"; "LaFarge Charges U.S Breaks Indian Trust," Christian Century, May 12, 1954, pp 604-5 See also John Collier, "Indian Takeaway Betrayal of a Trust," The Nation, October 2, 1954, pp 290-91 Stefon, in "Irony of Termination," maintains that public protest grew from late 1954 through 1960 and brought about changes in policy

35 New York Times, May 6, 1954

bill. Public Law 762, which enacted the termination of the Southern Paiute bands, reserved the subsurface mineral rights for the Indians for ten years, as Watkins had requested.36

Always couching the termination legislation in terms of Indian rights, the Salt Lake Tribune reported Watkins as pressing "for passage of bills to give Indians full citizenship rights as rapidly as possible."37 The underlying issues of loss of land and loss of needed governmental services were largely ignored. As a result of termination the Paiutes lost approximately 15,000 acres of land, most of which was sold for taxes or in anticipation of taxes.38

Although Watkins may have been ignorant of the amount of aid the Paiutes received from the federal government,39 he chose to ignore testimony confirming their true condition. At the termination hearing BIA Superintendent Harry Gilmore spoke of the numerous welfare programs, a children's hot lunch program, and payment of hospital bills provided by the government—small subsidies which provided limited security.

Many years after the Fillmore meeting the leader of the Indian Peaks band recalled testifying to Watkins that his people "made homes from white people's junk; they find a few boards, a good bed, might have a little chair, an old stool, that's where it comes from . . . they made a house out of it. . . what the white people throw away."40

The destitute condition of the Paiutes certainly did not fit the criteria established for termination, as even the BIA report to the House of Representatives in September 1954 attested. Watkins forced Paiute termination based on his need to set a precedent for future actions.

To persuade the Paiutes to acquiesce in termination, Watkins promised concessions that were never made. The recognition of tribal marriages was an important consideration for the Kanosh, as was the right to grow any amount of wheat they desired. Although promised by the senator, neither was included in the final law. The

36 Congressional Record, May 10, 1954, 83d Cong., 2d Sess., 6252; Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, Authorizing Sale of Lands Belonging to Indian PeakIndians, Utah: S. Rept. 2221 to Accompany S 3570, 83d Cong., August 5, 1954 See Marvin J Sonosky, "Oil, Gas, and Other Minerals on Indian Reservations," Federal BarJournal 20 (1960): 230-34, who concludes that more money could be made by the tribes through direct lease than through the BIA oil leasing procedures

37 Salt Lake Tribune, February 10, 1954

38 Philp, Indian SelfRule, p 178

39 Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency", p 93, estimated the federal government prior to termination provided a subsidy equivalent to 76 percent of the average family's income

40 Ibid, p 96

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 277

result of the termination policy for the Paiutes was less autonomy and lowered economic status.41 After termination the groups became more dependent upon welfare and their real income dropped. The policy that was supposed to assimilate actually fostered the loss of their only farming enterprise.42

To gain acceptance for termination among the members of the Senate, Watkins misrepresented the: degree of assimilation of the Utah Indians Referring to the full groups of Indians under the original bill, Paiutes and Shoshones, he told the committee, "these people, numbering some 400, have been under the jurisdiction of the Indian Bureau for over half a century and due primarily to neglect by the Government guardian they have been obliged to enter the communities surrounding them. Fortunately these people recognized their problem and have successfully attacked it and have fully integrated themselves into the communities around them." He continued to argue that "they live near white communities and are a part of the white communities in the areas of the State where their lands are situated."43 Here Watkins was clearly dissembling. He contradicted his own statements made to the LDS church First Presidency a month earlier when he had indicated the Indians "don't understand the English language and have had no training in caring for themselves."44

The Southern Paiutes had barely begun the assimilation process A 1955 survey pictured little assimilation of the Southern Paiutes, pointing out their absence of social contact with the surrounding community, including the lack of intermarriages and the dearth of high school graduates among them.45 The Paiutes followed a traditional cultural pattern of gathering during the winter months for funerals and other social events and scattering in the spring throughout Utah and Nevada in search of seasonal farm labor. In some cases the LDS church established homes on the outskirts of

41 U.S., Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Socialand Economic Survey oj'Shivwits, Kanosh, Koosharem, Indian Peaks, and Cedar City Bands of Paiutes (1968), showed the extreme poverty, poor housing, low educational levels, and lack of opportunity for the Paiutes fourteen years after termination

42 Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency," pp 98-99

43 Congressional Record, May 4, 1954, 83d Cong., 2d Sess., 5926

44 Watkins to First Presidency, April 13, 1954, Arthur V Watkins Collection, MSS 146, Brigham Young University Library Special Collections (hereinafter called Watkins Collection).

45 Harold Wesley Osborn, Jr., "Evaluation of Counseling with a Group of Southern Paiute Indians" (Ph.D diss., University of Utah, 1959) quoted a survey by Y T Witherspoon, Interim Reportfor the Educational-Vocational Survey of the Ute, Kanosh, Koosharem, Indian Peaks, and Shivwits Indians (Salt Lake City Extension Division, University of Utah) conducted in March and April 1955; see also Stephen Trimble, The People: Indians of the American Southwest (Santa Fe: SAR Press, 1993), pp 335-36

Utah towns that were used by the Paiutes during the winter months

During the summer the seasonal cycle of wage work prevailed. Ironically, the tradition of harvesting the fall pinyon pine nuts continued during the twentieth century; the nuts became a cash crop sold to whites. The 1955 study concluded this feudal laborer system mitigated against the Paiutes gaining an independent position in society and had been operating long enough in Utah to have established itself as "natural and right" among non-Indians. The Paiutes occupied a class, itinerant farm laborers, reinforced by visible racial differences.

In addition to ignoring the lack of Paiute assimilation, Watkins also ignored testimony of racist treatment of Native Americans by

Dwelling on the Shivwits Reservation west of Santa Clara, Washington County, was photographed by Dr. D. E. Beck of Brigham Young University, probably in the 1930s. USHS collections.

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 279 whites. A Goshute speaking against termination complained about not being allowed to eat in restaurants in Utah. Watkins reminded the Indian that he had "to conduct himself in a respectable manner if he expected society to accept him."46

Generally, the committee hearing the termination cases relied on the subjective reports of the tribes' BIA agents about their readiness for termination The testimony of the Paiutes' BIA superintendent, Harry Gilmore, was heard but discounted. Twice he reported to the committee on the negative response of one Indian leader when asked his disposition on termination.47 "In no case have these Indians shown themselves competent to manage their own affairs," he noted of the Shivwits, "without positive direct supervision."48 The final termination law provided for instruction in English and special vocational education, offering further evidence of the Paiutes' overall lack of integration into the white community.49

An examination of the two Shoshone groups included in the original termination bill provides further insight into the Paiutes' experiences. Although initially included, the Washakie Shoshone of northwestern Utah and the Skull Valley Shoshone were able to escape termination. That the Shoshone were not included in the final termination bill is a testament to their concerted effort against it and, additionally, points to another factor in the termination debate: the role of the LDS church.50

Although the Washakie Shoshones were subjects of an LDS mission, they looked to Watkins personally for help in dealing with the white world. The Washakie chief Thomas Pabawena implored Watkins in December 1948 to intercede on the Shoshones' behalf

4b Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency," p 96; See also Vine Deloria, Jr., and Clifford M Lytle, American Indians, AmericanJustice (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), p 225, who noted that Utah was the last state to permit Indians to exercise their voting franchise

47 Joint Hearing, 54-64

48 U.S Congress, House Report with Respect to the House Resolution Authorizing the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs to Conduct an Investigation of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Pursuant to H.R 89, 83d Cong., H Rept 2680, September 20, 1954, p 86

49 William A Brophy and Sophie D Aberly, The Indian: America's Unfinished Business (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1966), who called the Paiutes "relatively helpless," p 196

50 For information about the status of the Shoshones see U.S., Congress, Providingfor the Termination ofFederal Supervision overthe Property of Certain Tribes,Bands, and Colonies of Indians in the State of Utah and the Individual Members Thereof, 83d Cong., 2d Sess., H. Rept. 1904 to Accompany S. 2670, June 22, 1954 Also U.S., Congress, Providing for the Termination of Federal Supervision Over the Property of Certain Tribes,Bands, and Colonies of Indians in the State of Utah and the Individual MembersThereof, Conf. Rept., 83d Cong., 2d Sess., August 16, 1954, removed the Washakie and Skull Valley tribes from termination as not meeting the criteria which included "attitude of the tribe :oward termination"; both groups had written letters of protest included in the Joint Hearings; see also Steven J Crum, The Road on Which We Came: A History of the Western Shoshone (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994).

with their Washington lawyer, Ernest Wilkinson.51 Again on March 9, 1949, Chief Pabawena wrote Watkins with the information: "We are the northwestern band of the Shoshone pretty poor conditions and their childrens starving there fathers no work everything pretty hard up for us no money."52 Watkins responded with information on the Shoshones' Indian Claims Commission case and, additionally, forwarded Pabawena's letter to the Department of Agriculture, requesting the distribution of surplus potatoes to the tribe.53 In subsequent letters the Department of Agriculture reported supplying the northwestern Shoshone with surplus food for some time Chief Pabawena denied ever getting the food, telling Watkins: "We are have received no anything from the Government since the treaty was made in Box Elder treaty on July 30, 1863."54

Subsequent letters from Watkins to governmental agencies produced food for the northwestern Shoshone but also prompted some criticism of the LDS mission to the Washakie. The director of Indian education, for example, charged that the Mormons had induced the Washakie to sever their relationship with the Indian Service. Watkins's request for information on the church's Washakie project engendered a two-page letter from the church's First Presidency

Since early missionary days in the 1860s, they explained, the Washakie had received substantial support through this agricultural project by working for wages on the 1,800-acre LDS mission farm. A housing project for the Shoshone was started in 1940 by the Mormon missionaries who noted that "during the winter months when these Indians, in some cases, have been out of food, clothing, bedding, or any of the necessities of life, they have been fully supplied from the Church general welfare program."55 The LDS church paternalistically replaced the government in providing services to the Shoshone.

The case of the Cedar City Paiute band, the only Utah Southern Paiute band not included in termination, also supports the role of the LDS church as a factor in termination This group lived on church land outside of Cedar City and were "ignored and left to the

51 Pabawena to Watkins, December 28, 1948, Watkins Collection

52 Pabawena to Watkins, March 9, 1949, Watkins Collection

s3 Watkins to Pabawena, March 17, 1949, Watkins Collection

34 Pabawena to Watkins, April 30, 1949, Watkins Collection

55 First Presidency George Albert Smith, J Rueben Clark, Jr., David O McKay to Watkins, October 8, 1949, Watkins Collections The criticism was from Willard W Beatty, director of Indian Education from 1936 to 1951; see Harold L Ickes, 'The Indian Loses Again," New Republic, September 24, 1951, p 16, who praised Beatty as the most outstanding man to ever hold the position. Few of the Washakie owned land Those who did leased it to nearby white farmers rather than farming it themselves

Senator Arthur V. Watkins and Utah's Southern Paiute Indians 281

Mormons."56 From communication with William Palmer, a Cedar City amateur anthropologist, Watkins learned of the Cedar City group's lack of land and comparatively close ties to the LDS church He did not choose termination for them.57 Arguably, the Utah tribes with little land and strong ties to the Mormon church were either not earmarked for termination or were, as in the case of the Washakie, not pushed for termination after they objected to the policy.

The strength of the senator's personal motivations for termination surfaced in correspondence to the church's general authorities. On April 13, 1954, he responded to a letter from the First Presidency with some degree of detail about his convictions. He blamed the Indian Reorganization Act for making Indians "museum pieces" on reservations based on the "communal communities somewhat on the Russian pattern." The $80,000,000 a year spent on the American Indian was "wasted," and the Bureau of Indian Affairs' objective of "preparing Indians for full citizenship" remained unfulfilled. In his opinion one of the strongest forces holding the Indian back "has been the Catholic Church influence," which he blamed for having "recently stirred up the Indians on the Menominee reservation" and for attempting to "influence the Navajos against our (LDS) missionaries." Watkins opined:

The more I go into this Indian problem the more I am convinced that we have made some terrible mistakes in the past. It seems to me that the time has come for us to correct some of these mistakes and help the Indians stand on their own two feet and become a white and delightsome people as the Book of Mormon prophesied they would become Of course, I realize that the Gospel ofJesus Christ will be the motivating factor, but it is difficult to teach the Gospel when they don't understand the English language and have had no training in caring for themselves. The:Gospel should be a great stimulus and I am longing and praying for the time when the Indians will accept it in overwhelming numbers.58

Likening his program to one that would bring "about a higher civilization among the Indians," Arthur Watkins continued to dominate the termination activities of the 1950s.

16 Holt, "Paternalistic Dependency," p 94

57 Ibid. See also Intertribal Council of Nevada, Nuwuvi, pp. 128-34.

58 Watkins to First Presidency, April 13, 1954, Watkins Collection See Stephen Herzberg, 'The Menominee Indians: From Treaty to Termination," Wisconsin Magazine of History 60 (1977): 267-329

See also Rex Weyler, Bloodof the Land: The Government and Corporate War Against First Nations (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1992), pp 149-50, who noted that Mormons accepted the "white and delightsome" concept literally He quoted the church president in 1960 as believing Indian children living in Mormon homes through a religious placement program appeared whiter in color than Indian children remaining on the reservation

In 1969, ten years before Watkins's death, Vine Deloria, Jr., attacked termination in a series of New York Times articles that were reprinted in the Salt Lake Tribune. Watkins defended himself to the Tribune, vowing to write a book about his Indian experiences.59 By that time he knew that termination was a "dirty word" to the Indians, and in his later years frequently pointed to the good things he had done for the Indians, which included support of the Intermountain Indian School at Brigham City, Utah.60

Determining Watkins's motivation for Paiute termination as conspiracy or evil intent is unsatisfactory. Likewise it is difficult to argue his ignorance of the true Paiute condition Rather, his motivations lay in personal cultural bias grounded in the paternalistic conservatism of the time and in his personal religious view. Watkins wrote that it was his "feeling that these Indians have a God given right to manage their own affairs as soon as they are able to do so, but they will never develop to the stage which God intended them to do unless they can stand on their own feet and make all the advancement they can, and this includes the right to make some of their own mistakes."61

Religion shapes our understanding of ourselves. When Watkins wrote that "I am a Mormon with years of service as an official in that church and have the same deep interest in Indians and their welfare which is characteristic of most Mormons," he was expressing a view that had guided his political as well as personal life.62 His indefatigable zeal for termination was bolstered by his interpretations of religious tenets including those that called for the American Indians to become white to be "delightsome" to God.

Senator Watkins's inability to look beyond his own ethnocentric and paternalistic world view fueled his quest for termination. He devalued the force of traditional culture in the Indians' lives and refused to see the restrictions placed on the Utah Indians that precluded assimilation. Not able or allowed to assimilate, they were a

59 Salt Lake Tribune, December 9, 1969.

h0 Watkins to Henry A Grumwald, May 23, 1970, and transcript of oral interview taken by Ed Edwin, January 4, 1968, with Arthur V Watkins (original in Oral History Research Library, Columbia University), Watkins Collection Nowhere in the nearly 100-page transcription of the interview is mention made of termination

(>1 Watkins to First Presidency, April 13, 1954, Watkins Collection

62 Watkins to Jason McManus, February 28, 1977, Watkins Collection The Book of Mormon states that Native Americans are "Lamanites," descended from one of the lost tribes of Israel This gives them special importance as converts

group identified by class and race. Even in 1982 one Utah Paiute's feeling was, "in order to be equal, you have to be white."63 Watkins acted out of honor, as he saw it, and a determination to "fix the Indian problem" once and for all To him it was a problem so pressing that his questionable means justified the hoped-for end The Southern Paiutes were political pawns in a much larger game. The personal suffering of the Paiutes at the hands of a man of probity is a critical commentary on the use of political power to forward a personal agenda. As one Utah Paiute has eloquently stated, "There is nothing that is going to acculturate a Native American If you're an Indian, you're always labeled an Indian. No matter how educated or intelligent you may be, you're still going to be segregated. We've been segregated all along."64

Esplin and Anderson, "Slow Justice," p 55

Ibid., p 61

Shivwits women, who were playing a card game for small stakes like buttons, reluctantly agreed to posefor this 1933 photograph, providing a rare glimpse into social life on the reservation in southwestern Utah. USHS collections.

Utah History Encyclopedia. Edited by ALLAN KENT POWELL. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994. xii +674 pp. $50.00.)

Allan Kent Powell's comprehensive Utah History Encyclopedia has created a new parlor game among the state's historians and buffs called, "How I would've done it."While it is endlessly entertaining to dream up alternate subject headings and organizational schemes—my favorite being separate biographical, geographical, and historical volumes—participants should consider the monumental size of the task

Utah History Encyclopedia succeeds admirably in creating a single-volume reference to the colorful and complex story of Utah's past and peoples It contains avast amount of information, encompassing the sciences of paleontology, geology, meteorology, statistics, anthropology, and archaeology, and the more subtle arts of economics, biography, and history. Entries summarize the diverse peoples who compose Utah's population, the lives of prominent citizens and political figures, county and community history, the state's main industries and agricultural enterprises, civic and religious organizations, and key events. The 269 contributors represent both professional and amateur historians, including many of Utah's best

Bythe very nature of such a compilation, the writing is uneven The encyclopedia honors the worst traits of Utah writing—never use a single, accurate adjective if two are available, never utilize a simple word like use if a

good two-bit term ishandy, and always make sure the passive voice is used— with religious devotion, but the cumulative effect has a strange charm While a firmer editorial hand would have imposed a more consistent quality, such an approach would eliminate the distinctly Utah voice with which the book finally speaks, evoking surprising rhythms and idioms.

A work of this scope inevitably includes errors of fact Several confused entries make it impossible to sort out who was elected to the U.S Senate in 1896 The Mountain Meadows Massacre occurs in both August and September, and Nevada's Mormon Station was founded in 1850, not 1845 Some sins are worse than others—even the most distinguished historian should expect no mercy for killing off Utah's best chronicler, Dale L. Morgan, twoyears too soon.

Some omissions are perplexing, notably the lack of an entry on either Escalante or Dominguez or their path-breaking exploration of Utah. Separate articles commemorate Danish, Swedish, and Finnish migrants to Utah, but the single entry on Hispanics of Utah focuses narrowly on Mexican immigration. Utah history stalwarts J Cecil Alter and Charles Kelly merit space of their own, while the jury is still out on whether tycoonsJoe Cannon and Jon Huntsman or salesmen Mike Leavitt and Larry Miller will ever rank as historical figures

If Thomas Cromwell had lived in Utah, he would find his portrait painted without a single wart, probably by an adoring descendant. Many of the state's more colorful characters are unfortunately cleaned up for public inspection—a strong sign that historians rather than grandchildren should handle biographical duties Saying Bill Hickman "executed an enemy spy" during the Utah War is both bad history and imprecise English: governments execute people; fanatics murder them Even the most deserving Utah politicians escape critical comment, and the living receive better treatment than the dead Compare the handling of two of the worst bills in American history The late Reed Smoot's opening kick-off of the Great Depression is described as "the famous if often criticized Smoot-Hawley act," while Jake Garn's magnificently expensive Garn-St Germain Act slips by with only a note that it "significantly restructured the nation's banking laws." Yes, and Custer had a little trouble with Indians at the Little Big Horn

The book is handsomely designed and well made, but too many typographical errors disrupt the text In the preface, Powell encourages readers to send comments and suggestions to the press or the Historical Society, and the state's historical community would do well to respond to the invitation. The University of Utah Press will soon make history by issuing the encyclopedia in CD-ROM format for use on personal computers.

In view of the accomplishment this book represents, the foregoing criticisms are insignificant. Editor Powell has surely learned that Utah history includes something to offend everyone, but the Utah History Encyclopedia presents the panorama of the state's history as well as any single book ever written While the practice of history is always an exercise in humility, the Utah History Encyclopedia represents a vast amount of work and a great contribution to Utah's heritage.

WILL BAGLEY Salt Lake City

The Oxford History of the American West. Edited by CLYDE A. MILNER II, CAROL A. O'CONNOR, and MARTHA A SANDWEISS (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994 xiv +872 pp $39.95.)

In a commendable effort to supplant a set of popular western stereotypes—often limited to cowboys and Indians, stage robbers and bandits, gold hunters and silver kings, and similar movie themes—with sound historical interpretation, a group of specialists originally from Yale assembled this volume of contributions by 28 outstanding authors Their project concentrated upon explaining twentiethcentury events based upon earlier cul-

tural origins. They devoted special attention to prehistoric trends and subsequent Indian experience; United States governmental impact upon regional development; exploitation of economic resources; and mobility of population and ethnic settlement in twentieth-century as well as nineteenth-century times Changing eras of interpretation of western history are examined thoroughly All of this is accomplished superbly

Utah specialists will profit more than most from access to this volume because of its Utah origins Historians in Logan, engaged in editing and publishing Western Historical Quarterly at Utah State University, enlarged their operation to prepare this commendable survey of all major aspects of western United States history While refraining from overemphasizing Utah's colorful heritage, they have been especially well equipped to incorporate Utah's experience (along with that of other areas) into a broad regional context Because of long and often bitter nineteenth-century religious, economic, social, and political controversies, their ability to handle such issues impartially commands special significance Their skill, moreover, extends to production of a general modern interpretation of important features of western history

This Oxford history is delineated along national lines, but it incorporates a broader regional context that helps to interpret western experience effectively. Borders are not set too rigidly but are designed to reflect zones of western development With a Mississippi River boundary, coverage includes New Orleans, Saint Louis, and Minneapolis, and it comes within a mile or two of Memphis. Some traditional midwestern territory forms part of this interpretation of western America, but semi-arid plains of states like Kansas and Nebraska join everything farther west. Alaska and Hawaii are admitted, but Guam and Samoa are omitted from this United States presentation Confinement inside national-international boundaries produces some distortion in places, particularly for Pacific Northwest coverage. But such a restriction reduces complexity in explaining many standard western sub-

jects, and Walter Nugent's excellent comparison with a variety of other frontiers (including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Brazil, and Argentina) compensates quite effectively for that arrangement.

Reflecting a century and more of academic consideration, subsequent attention is devoted to various efforts to interpret western development as significant and to assess different approaches to that topic Most other sections have shown less compulsion to elucidate reasons why their history commands national importance Utah readers have special occasion to appreciate an expert analysis by their compatriot, Charles Peterson, of western historical interpretation. Academic leaders from long ago responded to Frederick Jackson Turner (with his theory of frontier significance that often has been misinterpreted) and Herbert E Bolton (who finally provided a unified Spanish, Portuguese, French, and British European context for North and South American frontier history) with respect An extensive literature of reinterpretation shows that a great deal more needs to be done in this field. Many other broader approaches also enhance this volume Art and literature, urban expansion and industrial development, and many other interesting cultural features join with recent academic and popular trends to help explain features that have emerged in a new West Just about anyone interested in broad aspects of western history can profit from its excellent presentation.

MERLE WELLS Idaho State Historical Society Boise, Idaho

West from Fort Bridger: The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails across Utah, 1846-1850. Edited and with introductions byJ.

RODERIC KORNS

and DALE

L. MORGAN Revised

and updated by WILL

BAGLEY and HAROLD SCHINDLER (1951; Logan: Utah State University Press, 1994.xxviii +328 pp. $29.95.)

The decision of the Utah State University Press to reissue the familiar, but scare, West from Fort Bridger on the eve of the sesquicentennial of the opening of the Hastings Cutoff can be deemed a most appropriate way to commemorate a historical event—one certain to be appreciated by trail buff and scholar alike. First published as a book-length study in Utah Historical Quarterly, vol 19 (1951), in an edition of less than a thousand copies, the scholarly "West from Fort Bridger" enjoyed local success and even won the coveted Award of Merit from the American Association for State and Local History

The original work was the product of more than a decade of library and field research conducted byJ. Roderic Korns, Charles Kelly, and Dale L Morgan who, over the years, collectively committed their individual ideas to paper and produced volumes of correspondence with each other that (fortunately) is now preserved in Utah archives. Then after years of collaboration Korns died without so much as setting down one chapter of the book that now bears his name. Morgan, on his own initiative and acting in the capacity of editor, assembled Korns's notes; along with Kelly's contributions and the fruit of his own labor (which conservatively amounts to half of the published work), he convinced the editorial board of the Utah State Historical Society to publish the results as a single annual volume of the Quarterly, giving Korns " his chance to go down in history as he so much wanted to do." Thus in a single unselfish act Morgan presented the historical community with an invaluable study and at

the same time paid homage to a dear friend by memorializing Korns's lifelong " work with such immortality as print affords."

Compiled from original source material in the form of emigrant journals, diaries, letters, reminiscences, and contemporary maps (gleaned from countless documents discovered in the most obscure places) West from Fort Bridger skillfully traces the origin of travel across the Salt Lake Basin between Jim Bridger's trading post and the headwaters of the Humboldt River during 1845-50 The new route was popularly known as Hastings Cutoff after its promoter Lansford Warren Hastings who had earlier speculated in his Emigrant's Guide to Oregon and California (Cincinnati, 1845) that a cutoff to California could be made by passing around Great Salt Lake—a hypothesis borne more of hope than of knowledge Therefore, when John C. Fremont arrived at Sutter's Fort in the late fall of 1845via a route that coincidently took his exploring party around the south end of Great Salt Lake, Hastings apparently felt that he was vindicated. Shortly after hearing the news of Fremont's arrival he appropriated the route for himself, making ambitious plans for its immediate use as the mainstream channel for the California immigration of 1846. Subsequent chapters are devoted to the exposition of eyewitness accounts of those immigrants who had the good fortune or misfortune to heed the sound of Hastings's horn

The drama unfolds in the spring of 1846 with the dailyjournal of the intrepid frontiersman James Clyman, who, in company with Hastings,

traveled eastward from California to Fort Bridger along Fremont's earlier westbound trail—Hastings's envisioned cutoff Successive chapters focus upon the personal experiences of the westbound immigrants who met up with Hastings during the course of the summer and were persuaded by him to deviate from the traditional route, e.g., Edwin Bryant, who, unburdened by wagons, was in the vanguard of the immigration; Heinrich Lienhard, who traveled in company with T. H.Jefferson, the illusive map maker; and James Frazer Reed, the expulsed member of the Donner Party The remaining chapters are devoted to the opening of the variant routes of the Hastings Cutoff, i.e., the Golden Pass Road that breached the Wasatch Mountains on a course south and east of Hastings's route, and a greatly expanded chapter detailing the opening of the Salt Lake Cutoff in the summer of 1848 by Samuel J Hensley, who, subsequent to being mired by heavy rains while crossing the salt flats on the Hastings Cutoff, backtracked and pioneered a new route north around Great Salt Lake—eventually the preferred one When compared with the former

edition of "West from Fort Bridger," the new work is much the superior; made so by the scholarly research of Will Bagley and Harold Schindler who undertook the task of revising and updating the original printing with the utmost humility and respect for its authors—changing only what needed changing and expanding for clarification rather than for mere embellishment Added has been a new index and recent photographs of salient natural features located along the historic route, as well as documentary material unavailable at the time of the original publication. Updated are changes relative to road designations and place names The new work is a credit to both Korns and Morgan and to the institutions that supported the revision. Its value now enhanced by the meticulous efforts of Bagley and Schindler, West from Fort Bridger continues the reputation earned by its predecessor and belongs in the collection of every serious student of the western trails.

TODD I BERENS

California-Nevada Chapter

Oregon-California Trails Association

Santa Ana, California

Boil My Heart for Me. By H BAXTER LIEBLER (1969; Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994 xvii +206 pp Paper, $14.95.)

H. Baxter Liebler's commitment to the Episcopalian priesthood was matched in intensity only by his lifelong fascination for American Indian culture. In 1943, after almost thirty years as a parish priest in Connecticut, the fifty-eight year old cleric combined his two passions in the ultimate mission of his life: the establishment of St Christopher's Mission to the Navajo Indians in the SanJuan desert

near Bluff, Utah. The intimate and in-

sightful account of his experiences during the first two decades of the mission's history are told in his delightful autobiography, Boil My Heart for Me (Exposition Press, 1969, republished with a new foreword by Mark Maryboy, preface by Paul Zolbrod, and afterword byJoan Liebler, by the University of Utah Press, 1994)

Boil My Heart for Me stands along-

side the prolific works of San Juan County's Mormon historian emeritus Albert R Lyman as a priceless contribution to the firsthand historical documentation of European-American colonization of southeastern Utah Indeed, it shares a number of qualities with Lyman's writings, notably its clear and unpretentious prose, itsintimate richness of detail, and a tendency to patronize the Indian people and non-believers In contrast to Lyman's writings, in which Indians and non-Mormons are reduced to subordinate background roles, the main actors in Liebler's account are the Episcopal missionaries and theIndians, while the Mormons are almost incidental. In the eyes of this New England Yankee sophisticate, the local Mormons are quaint and colorful country bumpkins, largely irrelevant to the story of the mission. There is only token recognition of Mormonism as a religion, rather than a folk culture, and only the briefest nod to the Mormon view of Bluff as the seat ofits SanJuan Mission.

Liebler's mission achieved remarkable success in itseffort to convert the Utah Navajos By the 1960s hundreds of Navajos between Aneth and Navajo Mountain had been catechized and baptized into the Episcopal faith, right under the noses of the disgruntled Mormons This success was due mainly to three factors: first, Liebler strived to accommodate traditional Navajo language, philosophy, and symbolism when possible (he even wore his hair long and tied in the traditional Navajo style, thus assuring the Navajos that he would not force students at the mission school to cut their hair, a badge of pride to traditional Navajos); second, he agreed to provide schooling for Navajo children at a time when they were not welcomed in the public schools of San

Juan County and few local educational opportunities were available to them; and third, he strived to make limited medical assistance available at a time when the nearest hospital was fiftymiles distant and not freely accessible to Navajo people. In short, he won the confidence and earned the allegiance of many Navajos by showing unusual appreciation for their language and culture and working selflessly to help them obtain educational and medical advantages not readily available to them elsewhere in the area Although he makes no such claims, his efforts may have helped catalyze a number of important sociocultural and political changes that closely followed establishment of the mission, notably full integration of SanJuan County's public schools and medical facilities and the belated resumption of active Latter-day Saint proselytizing of the Navajos almost seventy years after the establishment of the SanJuan Mission.

The new edition of the book benefits from the addition of several new supplemental contributions Mark Maryboy's foreword offers some interesting insights into Liebler's character and the operation of the mission from the point of view of a Navajo who attended the mission school. This perspective is interesting but disappointingly brief Paul Zolbrod's new preface provides a useful 1990s perspective and a brief review of Navajo history as background for the book. Unfortunately, it reads a bit like an obligatory, post-modern apology for Liebler's straightforwardly patronizing (butnowpolitically incorrect) language of the 1960s. The afterword by Joan Liebler (the priest's wife in his old age) helps bring the story to an updated closure by summarizing the recent history of the mission and the remainder of Father Liebler's life.

Boil My Heart for Me is a priceless contribution to San Juan County history, offering a rare and candidly written perspective from a non-Mormon viewpoint. It is also an insightful contribution to the literature on the Utah Navajo, an interesting study of culture contact and change, and an informa-

tive study of one approach to ongoing philosophical colonization of Indian minds by Europeans in the American Southwest.

WINSTON HURST Blanding

Prints of the West, byTexas State Historical Association director Ron Tyler, is a wonderful look at the extensive collection of prints at the Library of Congress Professor Tyler has set out to chronicle the history of printmaking throughout the nineteenth century in this country, basing his study on the magnitude and excitement of America's western expansion It is no small coincidence that these two elements—the development/growth of the printmakers art and a visual record and reporting of the new American continent—fit like hand in glove. His thesis that the creation and publication of some of our best prints—etchings, engravings, lithographs, chromolithographs, etc.—by America's printmakers had a significant impact on what we have come to think of as the American West and indeed of the country as a whole is supported with an abundance of fullcolor and black and white reproductions, exhaustive research, and just plain good writing

Tyler, who also teaches at the University of Texas at Austin, has crafted his book through in-depth themes such as the Great West, Early Artists in the West, the Nobility of Nature, the Discovery of the West: Government Patronage, the Discovery of Western Americans, and the Landscape as Spec-

tacular Each chapter is filled with an abundance of information, always fortified with illustrations, helping the reader to understand clearly the important unions among explorers, government men—agency and bureau directors, surveyors, etc.—artists, and, most significant, those who created prints after originals by the likes of Audubon, Bierstadt, Moran, Catlin, and even Russell and Remington Names like Abert, Thomas Sinclair, Louis Prang, Thaddeus M Fowler, and the Hutchings and Rosenfield Company also fill the pages, adding real meat to Tyler's work

There are many underlying themes in Prints of the West and to this reviewer they all add to the fullness of the work. For one, American lithography, even in its infancy, was a unique medium to disseminate images of the new land to a wide number of Americans hungry for a first look. Another, western expansion combined with government support through contracts to artists, map makers, and printers was absolutely crucial to the development and health of the printmaking industry. And another one, it was the artist and the printmaker in no small measure that brought into focus, indeed acceptance, the evolving characters of the West. Through the art of the day Americans came to know the outline

Prints of the West. By RON TYLER (Golden, Colo.: Fulcrum Publishing, 1994 x + 197 pp $39.95.)

of the frontiersman, river boatman, the '49ers our pioneers/settlers, and yes, even the cowboy.

Prints of the West is an important addition to the field of art history and the study of printmakers and the industry in the United States during the nineteenth century This alone makes it very useful currency. More, it aug-

ments the burgeoning library of Western Americana and adds a unique and enjoyable mix for everyone to enjoy. It is great reading and great reviewing.

ARLEY CURTZ Bountiful/Davis Art Center

It is almost surprising that not more has been written about Caroline Lockhart, as interesting a person as she was. Born a Kansas ranch girl in 1871, Lockhart was educated in the East where she also took her first writing jobs with the Boston Post and the Philadelphia Bulletin. From these first jobs she developed a crucial and successful writing technique: experience what you write about This started with an adventurous dive in the Boston Harbor and would later take her to the New Mexico Territory to experience the West Early in her writing career Lockhart developed a humorous yet always accurate writing style, no matter whom she offended

Necah Stewart Furman, a historian who has taught at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque and the University of Texas at El Paso and has also worked as a corporate historian, has written about Lockhart from her girlhood days in Kansas to her final years in Cody, Wyoming Interwoven with Lockhart's chronology is a discussion of her writing, which Furman places in the western literary genre. We learn about Lockhart the writer and the person through her writing because her writing was her experience Always the journalist, Lockhart

reveals herself in interesting newspaper reports, then short stories, and finally in a series of novels Furman enhances the story by adding revealing discussion from Lockhart's diaries which she kept throughout her long life According to Furman, Lockhart's diaries were her "therapeutic outlet for her innermost secrets."

Lockhart quickly recognized the West as a promising writing topic She first visited Cody, Wyoming, in 1904 and saw the town as a creative source In her own words she wanted to use it as a literary laboratory, making the residents subjects for research The results were her first full-length book, Me-Smith, touted as a true western in the mode of Owen Wister, which brought her immediate national recognition The identities of Cody residents were easy to recognize in this picturesque and humorous book

Cody residents would also be the subjects in her subsequent novels, The Lady Doc, The Full of the Moon, Dude Wrangler, and The Fighting Shepherdess. (The latter was made into a movie.) Lockhart's literary license won her many enemies throughout the years, something that did not seem to bother her Her books have been championed for their contribution to

Caroline Lockhart: Her Life and Legacy. By NECAH STEWART FURMAN (Seattle: University of Washington Press with the Buffalo Bill Historical Center, 1994. xxii +221 pp. Cloth, $35.00; paper $18.95.)

the western genre. She captured the "essence of a passing era, the spirit of a region, and its people." She is also recognized for her astute cultural comparison between the easterner and the westerner.

In addition to her magazine and novel writing, Lockhart continued on and off throughout her life with newspaper work which included writing for the Denver Post and being the owner-editor of the Cody Enterprise. In her older years she was the Cattle Queen of the L Slash Heart, again an experience she used for writing material. Despite the many enemies she made among Cody residents through the years, Lockhart's contribution to the community must be recognized She was the first president of the Cody Stampede Board, a position she held

for six years, and she played a prominent role in getting a William F Cody Memorial erected.

This book is about a unique individual who through her talented writing helped preserve what she considered to be the best of an older and more primitive western society. As Furman says, "For the student of western culture, (Lockhart's) novels as a series have a lasting value because of the author's ability to capture the evolutionary process taking place Moreover, the careful reader will find, under the biting characterizations and sometimes wicked humor, traditional moral and intellectual statements of the times."

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE Cora, Wyoming

From

Prospect to Prosperity: Wildcatting in Arabia and the Rockies. By PAUL T. WALTON

(Logan: Utah State University Press, 1994 xvi + 325 pp Cloth, $39.95; paper, $19.95.)

In his book on the decade of the fifties, David Halberstam notes: "In 1950 the British made some 50 million pounds, in taxes alone, on the oil, while the Iranian government managed to take only a third of that in profits. Clearly, the times were changing, though . . . and the American oil companies worked out a new relationship with the Saudis which gave the Saudis 50 percent of the profits from their own oil fields." This event, the opening of the Middle Eastern oil fields to western exploitation, could indeed be said to be one of the defining economic events of the twentieth century, since so much of our later history—America's explosive economic growth in the fifties, the Arab oil embargo, the stagnation of the American oil industrv, the Persian

Gulf War—revolves around those incredibly productive fields in those incredibly hostile lands.

One of the major agents of the change that Halberstam speaks of was Paul T Walton, who was responsible for negotiating on behalf of American oilman J Paul Getty an agreement with the Saudi government that gave the Saudis world-shaking power and "madeJ Paul Getty the richest man in the world." Clearly Paul T. Walton was at the center of a historic event, and just as clearly he recognizes and acknowledges that fact in his engaging if confusing autobiography. From Prospect to Prosperity is organized into four sections, and fully the first third of the book is devoted to a detailed account of the complex—not to say Byzantine—negotiations leading up

to the signing of the agreement with King Ibn-Saud. The details include portions of Walton'sjournal, copies of memoranda sent toJ. Paul Getty, and finally a copy of the agreement itself After wading through the journal entries—including descriptions of treatments for Walton's attacks of dysentery—interoffice memos, and the technical agreement, I felt that I knew everything I ever wanted to know about the opening of the Saudi oil fields

The next section of the bookjumps back to before World War II when Walton made his first trip to the Middle East to work as an oil geologist in 1938 After only a few months in the field, however, Walton contracted rheumatic fever and almost died before an "induced-fever" treatment consisting of injections of boiled goat's milk brought him back from the brink. Walton returned to the field but found himself tiring easily, due to heart damage from the fevers, and on the advice of colleagues returned to Utah in the summer of 1939, as he thought, to die His observations of a world on the brink of war as he traveled through Europe on his way home are highlights of the book. Reinvigorated by returning to the Rocky Mountains, Walton, instead of passing away, obtained advanced degrees from the University of Utah and MIT and went to work for J. Paul Getty in 1942, which is "where this yarn about Saudi Arabia began and now ends."

The third section of the book is entitled "Wildcatting" and covers Walton's life from when he left Getty shortly after the Saudi agreement was signed through the 1960s This section deals with Utah oil and gas development, the uranium boom in Utah in the 1950s, and Walton's adventures in Libya in the 1960s. This is the only

part of the book that touches on the development of the oil industry in Utah, which is unfortunate, given the paucity of research into this important aspect of Utah's history One could wish for more on this, but Walton obviously felt that his career in the Middle East, and his hunting, sporting, and ranching activities, covered in the final section, "Grizzlies, Chiselers, and Polo Ponies," were more important, and it is, after all, his book.

Given the fact that I grew up in the oil fields of the Intermountain West and spent a great deal of time working in the "patch," as it is called, in the Uinta Basin, there seemed little here about Utah oil and gas development that I did not already know, save for some of his business arrangements. Others without the same experience might find more in this section, but the limited amount of information about Utah's oil and gas industry is one of the book's failings The book is interesting and entertaining in places but leaves the reader curiously unsatisfied. The muddled organization has something to do with it; it starts in 1949,jumps in the next section to 1938, leaps in the third section to 1950, and in the final section darts back to Walton's early childhood Walton obviously arranged the description of the events in his autobiography in their order of importance to him Despite a few minor failings, however, and—to this reviewer—a disappointing lack of information about Utah oil and gas development, Walton is an engaging writer with a good eye for personalities, events, and details, and that makes From Prospect to Prosperity worth reading

ROY WEBB University of Utah

Book \ Notices A

The Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians. By FRANCIS PAUL PRUCHA Vols I andII combined and unabridged (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984, 1995 xxxii + 1302 pp Paper, $50.00.)

This classic study of U.S government and American Indian relations is the most comprehensive and evenhanded account found under one cover Prucha's synthesis of a vast topic is detailed enough to illustrate his thesis that federal policy is rooted in a paternalistic view, characterizing—from past to present—the role of government with Native Americans

Starting with an introductory prologue on thecolonial era,thefirstvolume traces theevolution of legislation that accompanied the settlement of America to the 1890s Thesecond volume examines the shifting policies— some beneficent, others destructive— that typify the last one hundred years During both centuries policy has reflected shifting national moods, ranging from abhorrence to admiration. The author's study says asmuch about white American values as it does NativeAmerican history

The Great Father is necessary reading for any scholar interested in government/Indian relations, the development offederal policy, oran introduction to historical controversies surrounding particular tribes. Thebibliographic essay and extensive index are convenient research tools.

Custer's Last Stand: The Anatomy of an American Myth. By BRIAN W DIPPIE

(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1976, 1994. xxvi + 214 pp. Paper, $8.95.)

Few historical figures in theAmerican West have had so much publicity as Gen George Custer With the public's help he has become more myth than man, and, as Dippie shows, the flexibility inherent in this portrayalreflects agreat deal about the culture in which it is rooted and flourishes Poets, artists, novelists, and actors have all contributed to the continuance of this growing legend, making Custer a man-for-all-reasons Well-argued, nicely written, the book is appropriate for academics and the general reading populace

"Ghost Dance Winter" and Other Tales of the Frontier. By SALLY ZANJANI

(Reno: Nevada Historical Society, 1994 xiv+ 185 pp Paper, $14.95.)

This delightful potpourri of stories ranges from Paiute revenge to photographing mirages, from mining camps to lynch mobs, and from spiritualists to prostitution. The time period for most of the events is around the turn of the twentieth-century in Nevada. The text iswell-written, illustrated with black-and-white photos, and isenjoyable armchair reading.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

PETER L GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1999 Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 1997 Vice-Chair

MAX J EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1999

BOYD A BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1997

DAVID D. HANSEN, Sandy, 1997

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 1997

RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1999

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1999

THOMAS E SAWYER, Orem, 1997

AUGUSTINE TRUJILLO, Salt Lake City, 1999

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1997

ADMINISTRATION

MAX J. EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical QjLiarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U.S Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240.