Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 64, Number 2, 1996

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

MAXJ EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

MIRIAM B MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER, Salt Lake City, 1997

JANICE P. DAWSON, Layton, 1996

AUDREY M GODFREY, Logan, 1997

JOEL C. JANETSKI, Provo, 1997

ROBERT S MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1998

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora, WY, 1996

GENE A SESSIONS, Ogden, 1998

GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City, 1996

RICHARD S. VAN WAGONER, Lehi, 1998

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah's history. The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, and the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20.00; institution, $20.00; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or over), $15.00; contributing, $25.00; sustaining, $35.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00.

Materials for publication should be submitted in duplicate, typed double-space, with footnotes at the end Authors are encouraged to submit material in a computer-readable form, on 5!4 or 3M> inch MS-DOS or PC-DOS diskettes, standard ASCII text file For additional information on requirements contact the managing editor Articles represent the views of the author and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

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Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101

BRADLEY W. RICHARDS TheSavage View: Charles Savage,PioneerMormon Photographer . . WILLIAM C SEIFRIT 187

C MARK HAMILTON Nineteenth-century Mormon Architecture and City Planning

PETER L. GOSS 188

JACK GOODMAN AS YOU PassBy:Architectural Musings onSaltTake City,a Collection ofColumns and Sketchesfrom the Salt Lake Tribune JULIE OSBORNE 189

MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER, ed. ThePersonalWritings ofElizaRoxcy Snow POLLY STEWART 190

REBECCA BARTHOLOMEW. Audacious Women: EarlyBritish Mormon Immigrants

LYNNE WATKINS JORGENSEN 192

WILLIAM JOHN GILBERT GOULD My Tife onMountain Railroads

ROBERT S. MIKKELSEN 193

COYF. CROSS II. GoWestYoung Man! HoraceGreeley's Visionfor America

SCOTT C ZEMAN 194

FRANCIS HAINES. TheBuffalo: TheStory of American Bison and Their Hunters from Prehistoric Timesto the Present

KAREN D LUPO 196

In this issue

As the decade of the 1890s dawned and Utahns busied themselves with their final push for statehood, an important social trend was sweeping across the nation—the creation of women's organizations. Utah responded in mainstream fashion, organizing numerous clubs and associations to serve wideranging needs. One such group, Salt Lake City's Reapers' Club, is described in our first article and analyzed not only for format but also for its contribution to the larger movement.

The next three articles also reflect a centennial connection At the time Salt Lake City hosted the state constitutional convention in May 1895, it was in the process of shedding a frontier image and striving for a cosmopolitan one. A three-day summation of newsworthy events of that time and place offers a lively and revealing approach to community history Then comes a look at Leo Munson, born in the year of statehood and possessed from an early age with a natural aptitude for business. His story is much more than a biography. It is a history of the values, axioms, and entrepreneurial spirit that have defined business success through the ages. Thousands of Leo Munsons have created an interesting economic pattern and cultural diversity in Utah that are given meaning in the wonderful thought-piece, penned by one of our state's premier historians, that follows.

The issue concludes with two articles that probe myth and mystery in the prehistorical and historical record. Whether tracking bison or place names, scholars of our craft continue to delight and amaze with their endless curiosity, critical thinking, breadth of interest, and love of research

Second South, looking westfrom Main Street, ca. 1896. USHS collections.

Salt Lake City's Reapers' Club

BY SHARON SNOW CARVER

O N MONDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1892, EMMELINE B. WELLS, prominent Salt Lake City editor, writer, and Mormon women's leader, recorded in her diary that she had "sent for some of the sisters to come and talk over the matter of a literary club. . . ."1 Eight prominent Salt Lake City women, all Mormons, answered her summons and decided to call an organizing meeting in two weeks.2

This study focuses on the membership of the Reapers' Club, the Salt Lake City literary club established by Wells, and demonstrates how the organization fits into the state and national literary club movement Recent studies by Karen Blair and Anne Firor Scott give a composite picture of American women's literary clubs at the turn of the century.3 Although they use an impressive array of personal collections and club records from the East and West coasts, touching down quickly in Ohio, Texas, and California, their view does not take into consideration the uniqueness of the West and raises the question of how the western woman fits into the literary club picture. Additionally, the study of Utah women's club movements has been very general or limited to the Mormon church's Relief Society or the specific women involved. For this demographic study of a specific Salt Lake women's club, the membership was identified for three years—1892, 1900, and 1907—and collective biography was used. It was possible to identify and categorize fifty of the fifty-seven women members (88 percent) for these three years The categories were determined by and compared to Blair's general description of women's clubs to ascertain if the Reapers' Club conformed to the national movement.

During the 1890s women in America participated in a frenzy of organizing despite early cries that such activities would result in

Ms Carver is a doctoral candidate in U.S history at Brigham Young University

1 Emmeline B Wells,Journals, vol 15 (Monday, October 3, 1892): 90, typescript, Archives, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

2 These women were identified by Wells as "Drs. Shipp Ellis & Maggie [medical doctors Ellis Reynolds Shipp and her sister wife Maggie C Shipp later Maggie Roberts] Mary & Lillie Freeze [sister wives Mary Ann Burnham Freeze and Lelia Tuckett Freeze] Ruth [May] Fox, Sister Phebe [Clark] Young, Margaret [Ann Mitchell] Caine and Sister [May Booth] Talmage "

3 Karen Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1868-1914 (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1980); Anne Firor Scott, Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1991).

ruined homes and neglected children.4 According to William O'Neill's history of feminism, by 1900 "half of the important American women's organizations had been established, most of them in the 1890's."5 This organizational activity can be attributed to a number of changes—including access to education and the increasing "respectability" of the suffrage movement—in the status of women that occurred in the decades immediately preceding it.6 However, the increased leisure (helped by the declining birthrate) of middle-class wives and mothers, according to Carl N. Degler, was the prevailing circumstance that contributed to the club phenomenon. 7

Urbanization and industrialization brought change to the middle-class home and reduced household chores. In addition, the concept of separate spheres for men and women, in which the leisure of the wife was a symbol of success, created a large group of middle-class women searching for an acceptable opportunity in society for companionship and excess energies.

When they were formed, a majority of the new middle-class organizations were originally designed for self-improvement Studies of these literary clubs suggest that they played a vital role in the movement of women from the private sphere of the home into the more public sphere of civic and political reform Clubs helped and encouraged women to broaden their influence and autonomy by capitalizing on their so-called inherent domestic and moral superiority. In The Clubwoman asFeminist Karen Blair investigates the role of these clubs in

4 Scott, Natural Allies, p 117

5 William O'Neill, Every One Was Brave: A History of Feminism in America (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969), p 149

6 For the tripling of female college enrollment between 1890 and 1910 see Steven Mintz and Susan Kellogg, Domestic Revolutions: A Social History ofAmerican Family Life (New York: The Free Press, 1988), p 111

7 Carl N Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in Americafrom Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p 324

Emmeline B. Wells. USHS collections.

nineteenth-century feminism and concludes that they offered women a viable feminist alternative to the more radical suffragists. She further credits them with laying the foundation for the surge of support that the suffrage movement experienced around 1910.8 In Natural Allies Anne Firor Scott argues that the "culture club" was central to "American social and political development."9 The involvement of an enormous number of respectable "ladies" in the literary club movement indicates that rather than being an anomaly, clubs were a viable part of the Progressive Era.

During the middle and late nineteenth-century, Utah was an area of vigorous feminist activity. While most powerful American men resisted woman suffrage, many of Utah's Mormon leaders openly supported strong women who would sustain church doctrine while taking part in feminist activities.10 Because church leaders encouraged participation in the national suffrage movement, the role of Utah women's literary clubs in the extensive state suffrage activity could prove vital to understanding the feminist movement in the West

Unique in the Intermountain West, Utah was settled by Mormon pioneers, a cohesive group with clearly defined leaders. Polygamy, the unorthodox marriage pattern participated in by a large group of Mormons, caused numerous problems between the faithful and later arriving non-Mormon settlers. Separate but often parallel women's reform and social clubs were organized with religion (including polygamy) being the major focus of division.11

In 1890, after intense federal prosecution of polygamists, Mormons officially discontinued the practice of plural marriage in the United States. While abandoning polygamy did not immediately reconcile the Mormons and their neighbors, it did lead to a period of cooperation.12 In her 1898 History oftheWoman'sClubMovement, Jennie

8 Suffragists demanded, as Ellen DuBois explains in "The Radicalism of the Woman Suffrage Movement: Notes Toward the Reconstruction of Nineteenth Century Feminism," in Mary Beth Norton, ed., Major Problems in American Women's History (Lexington, Mass.: D C Heath and Co., 1979), pp 209-14, admission to the social order on an individual basis not connected with woman's place in the home This radical stand, bypassing the woman's sphere, is what many women found difficult to support Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, p 3

9 Scott, Natural Allies, p. 2. Feminist and suffragist are used interchangeably in this paper. They refer to the later movement that expanded woman's sphere to include reform in the public sector

10 Anne Firor Scott, "Mormon Women, Other Women: Paradoxes and Challenges," fournal of Mormon History 13 (1987): 14 Published speeches of church leaders in the DeseretNews and the Woman's Exponent also show this support.

11 See Carol Cornwall Madsen, "Decade of Detente: The Mormon-Gentile Female Relationship in Nineteenth-century Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 63 (1995): pp 298-319; and Barbara Hayward, "Utah's Anti-Polygamy Society, 1878-1884" (master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1980) Until 1891 Utah's political parties were organized on religious lines. Clubs and organizations were divided in the same way.

12 Madsen, "Decade of Detente."

Croly, in historic understatement, referred to less favorable social conditions in Utah, suggesting the population was made up of "strongly contrasted and picturesque but not easily harmonized elements."13

The Utah Federation of Women's Clubs, organized in 1893, was one forum in which both Mormons and non-Mormons were able to cooperate.14 Croly credits the need for a unifying element as the reason for Utah women's clubs being the second in the nation to organize a state federation.15 These nascent efforts at interaction and harmony between the two dominant groups in Utah fit into the larger women's club movement. Utah women were becoming conscious of the effectiveness of joint action. As one clubwoman somewhat dramatically expounded:

The Reapers' Club .. . is as a small streamlet... as it glides into the larger stream of the State Federation, and with it sweeps into the General Federation of Woman's Clubs, helping to create a mighty force of womanly power which will raise the standard of morals in the world , 16

Utah women, Mormon and non-Mormon, were ready in 1892 to join the stream and sweep forward in the American women's club movement

From 1891 to 1893 Utah experienced a peak in club activity.17 On October 17, 1892, two weeks after her first inquiry, veteran club founder and supporter Emmeline B Wells organized the Reapers' Club at a meeting held in the Woman'sExponent offices.18 The president and the secretary were scheduled to be rotated at each meeting, after the

13 Jennie Cunningham Croly, The History of the Woman's Club Movement in America (New York: Henry C Allen & Co., 1898), pp 1112-13

11 See Madsen, "Decade of Detente," for a study of cooperation between Mormons and nonMormons in the last decade of the nineteenth century One area of cooperation was the kindergarten movement The Salt Lake Association, later the Free Kindergarten Association, was organized in 1892 by Mrs E H Parsons, a Baptist The Utah Kindergarten Association was organized by Sarah Kimball, Isabella Home, Elmina Taylor, Zina D. H. Young, Bathsheba W. Smith, and Ellis Shipp, all members of the Reapers' Club In 1896 the groups united and were successful in obtaining funding for a free kindergarten Public schooling for all Utah schoolchildren, the Utah Council of Women, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and Utah's participation in the 1893 Columbian Exposition in Chicago were all areas that saw women disregard religious difference.

16 Croly, History, pp 1112-13

16 Romania B Pratt, "Reaper's Club," Woman's Exponent 25 (June 1896): 1-2

17 See Croly, History, pp 1108-17; and Alyson Rich Jackson, "Development of the Woman's Club Movement in Utah during the Nineteenth Century" (honors paper, Brigham Young University, 1992). In 1891 the Woman's Press Club and the Nineteenth Century Club were organized in Utah; in 1892 the Woman's Club, the Cleofan, the Reapers' Club; and in 1893 the Authors' Club, the Aglaia Woman's Club of Springville, and the Utah State Federation of Women's Clubs Other clubs may have been organized that were not members of the federation. In addition, the LDS Relief Society, official church women's organization, was incorporated October 10, 1892 Jill Mulvay Derr,Janath Russell Cannon, and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, Women of Covenant: The Story of Relief Society (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1992), p 145

18 The Woman's Exponent was a bimonthly paper independently published in Salt Lake City between 1872 and 1914 It was outspoken in its support of feminism and suffrage, regularly editorializing and

minutes and roll call, but the treasurer was to serve for one year. The rotating chair was common in clubs nationally because it gave more women an opportunity to learn to conduct. Wells was chosen as president with May Talmage secretary and Carrie S. Thomas treasurer.19 The club arranged to meet every two weeks at the Exponent offices in the Templeton Building The Reapers' Club was organized at the height of the Utah club movement, and its correlation to the national literary club movement, as outlined by Blair and Scott, is the focus of this study.

According to Blair, the average literary club was usually a homogeneous group of mostly "mature" women with grown families who shared a common experience, possibly birthplace, school, or religion; however, often the occupation or economic status of the husbands was the major commonality. The women frequently showed determined loyalty to the club, remaining members year after year and introducing their women relatives to membership.20

The Reapers' Club in most ways fits Blair's description of the "average" woman's literary club Reapers' were not only members of the Mormon church, but most shared the common experience of polygamy

reporting on the movements. It also reported on the activities of LDS women's organizations, including Relief Society and Young Ladies Association It received encouragement from church leaders but was financed by subscription See Claudia L Bushman, Mormon Sisters: Women in Early Utah (Cambridge, Mass.: Emmeline Press Ltd., 1976), pp 178-80

19 Wells,Journals, vol 15 (October 17, 1892): 91

20 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, p 63

Ninety-one percent of the club members whose personal circumstances could be positively determined were involved in plural marriage as wife, mother, or daughter. This figure is even higher than a recent Salt Lake City study of polygamy suggests.21 Another common experience shared by the Reapers' was birthplace. When the birthplace of fifty of the fifty-seven representative members was identified, the British Isles topped the list with 38 percent, and Utah came second at 30 percent When parentage is taken into account for the fifteen Utah-born club members, nine (60 percent) were secondgeneration British.

Blair suggests that literary club members were mature, but her failure to give figures for her estimate makes it difficult to determine if the Reapers' were average However, the large number of women in their thirties suggests a younger club than the mature collection that Blair describes. A breakdown of the Reapers' membership for the three representative years shows a slightly aging group with an overall average age of forty-five. In 1892 the average age was forty-four, but the largest age group was in its thirties. Eight years later in 1900 the mean age was forty-eight, and in 1907 it was down to forty-five The largest group in both those years was between forty and forty-nine Sample members included both May Booth Talmage, who was twenty-four years old when she joined, and seventy-four-year-old Mary Isabella Hales Home, who had three daughters in the club.22

21 See Marie Cornwall, Camela Courtright, and Laga Van Beek, "How Common the Principle?: Women as Plural Wives in 1860," Dialogue, afournal of Mormon Thought 26 (1993) This study gives polygamous marriage involvement of Salt Lake women as 56 percent in 1860 This corresponds with LarryML Logue, A Sermon in the Desert: Belief and Behavior in Early St. George, Utah (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988)

According to

Reapers' Club member Ruth May Fox was born in Wiltshire, England. USHS collections.

22

the 1900 census, May Booth Talmage, 31, was the wife ofJames Talmage, a 37-yearold schoolteacher She had been married 12 years, and one of her six children was alive in 1900 Also living in the household were five children ages 6 months to 11 (identified as sons and daughters of her

Blair suggests that the husband's occupation, status, or income was the most common unifying factor in clubs. Because the Reapers' contained so many prominent Mormon women, the status of both the woman and her husband and/or father was considered. Of the members classified, 76 percent were the highest status, including LDS church auxiliary general board members, wives and daughters of church presidents Brigham Young, John Taylor, and Lorenzo Snow, and representatives of state associations. Wealth was not considered because of the difficulty of determining it with multiple wives.23 Traditionally, plural marriage was reserved for those men who were considered "worthy" and was a prerequisite for higher advancement in the church hierarchy. These figures suggest that the club was representative of prominent Mormon women rather than an association of polygamous wives.

Blair indicates that the majority of club women nationally had already raised their families. The declining birthrate (down to 3.56 per woman nationally in 1900) is seen as one reason for the increased activity in literary clubs.24 In the Reapers' Club the representative women averaged 7.4 children; ten of the women had nine children each and two reported twelve According to the 1900 census, however, the mean number of children under eighteen in the homes of clubwomen was 2.1, and 38 percent of the sample women did not have children eighteen or under in their homes at all. Another 24 percent had only one or two minor children. Although three women had six, seven, and eight children in the home in 1900, these figures show that the majority of women did have fewer children at home (despite the high birthrate) in the years when they were active in the Reapers' Club, conforming to the national pattern.

Club women, according to Blair, showed loyalty to their club and often introduced their women friends and relatives to membership Where this difficult variable could be determined, 40 percent of the women in the Reapers' Club were identified as having relatives in the husband) and a Norwegian servant In 1900 Mary Isabella Hales Home was an 81-year-old widow living with her son-in-law and daughter, Henry C and Clara James Also in the household were Clara's three sons and two daughters ages 4 to 14 Clara was also a club member The James family, including Home, and the Talmage family lived in the same LDS ward, Farmers Ward

23 If a woman or her husband or father had national, state, or churchwide renown she was considered of highest status City, business, or local church prominence was considered of secondary status which included 24 percent of the members

24 Nancy Woloch, Women and the American Experience (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), p. 271; and Degler, At Odds, p 325

club.25 When ecclesiastical ward membership and close associates working in auxiliary organizations on local and churchwide levels were added to the relationships considered, all identified women were associated with each other in some way

The names of women's literary clubs usually reflected either the meeting time or purpose, according to Blair. Utah clubs followed this pattern with the Ladies' Literary Club, the Reviews' Club, the Authors' Club (comprised of students of authors not authors themselves), the Historical Club, and others.26 The Reapers' Club was no exception to this pattern. The name was chosen to represent gleaners that "grasp the sickle of industry and enter the fields of science and knowledge to reap and bind into sheaves, golden truths. . . ."27

Generally the clubs required only a small budget because expenses were minimal. According to Blair, the dues usually ranged from fifty cents to ten dollars a year with an initiation fee from two to five dollars.28 The Reapers' paid a fifty cent initiation fee and their annual dues of one dollar were paid semiannually in October and April. In addition, donations were made to help fund special events such as a reception honoring club founder Emmeline B Wells and hosting a reception for the Utah Federation of Women's Clubs. During the years 1898 and 1900 the club records also show donations of ten cents by most members for a traveling library, a state project mentioned in Croly's History oftheWoman's ClubMovement in America. Occasionally, the treasurer recorded fines, usually twenty-five cents, but listed no reasons for the levy.29

25 Relative was determined as a mother, daughter, sister, or sister wife (married to same husband). Other relationships were too involved to take into consideration for this study Unfortunately only obvious relations were identified, and the actual percentage could be much higher

26 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, p 62; Croly, History, pp 1108-17

27 Woman's Exponent, 25 (June 1896): 2

28 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, pp 64-65

29 Reapers' Club Papers, 1892-1912, MSS, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City

Mary Ann Burnham Freeze, above, and her sister wife Lelia Tuckett Freeze, were both club members. USHS collections.

Nationally, Blair concludes that in most clubs of the time dues were usually expended on ballots, reports, programs, flowers, postage, and rental of a meeting place.30 The Reapers' were no exception. Club papers include receipts for flowers, postage, supplies, and dues to both the State and General Federation of Women's Clubs. The club rented meeting space at the Woman'sExponent offices from Wells Blair mentions that club badges (paid for by members) and colors, carefully selected by organizers, were standard in clubs of, the era. 31 The Reapers' color was red and the badge was a wheat head. Club members paid twenty-five cents each for their badges and usually wore them to special meetings and functions.32

Newspapers faithfully reported club meetings and special events, giving accounts of topics discussed but also detailing the refreshments, table settings, and flowers, and including the color scheme and the ladies attending. This elitist reporting has been the target of criticism that labels the clubs as cliques and devices for class consolidation as well as vehicles for upward mobility.33 This criticism is valid to some extent but does not negate the value of the clubs to the feminist movement. In fact, women may havejoined for the very reasons that critics decry and, in joining, participated in the move toward civic activity.

The Woman's Exponent was the main news medium for the Reapers' Club. Although some events were reported in Salt Lake City newspapers, the Woman'sExponent printed detailed summaries of club reports as well as the names of members who participated on the programs. Reapers' socials, often held in conjunction with the Utah Women's Press Club, were reported in great detail, including invited guests and eminent women and men who attended.34 Special musical numbers and poetry readings were noted and admired. Mention of the beautiful yard or home of the hostess was usually included along with a description of the flower arrangements and table settings

Blair asserts that although club programs were often described by participants as "universities for middle-aged women" who had lacked the opportunities for education that had later become available to

30 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, pp 64-65

31 Ibid, and Croly, History. Newspaper accounts indicate that colors, badges, and a symbol were important to women club members

32 Woman's Exponent 25 (June 1896): 1; Reapers' Club Papers

33 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, pp. 66, 71.

34 The Utah Women's Press Club was organized in 1892 by Emmeline B Wells Women who had published in ajournal or newspaper were eligible for membership Utah Women's Press Club Papers, LDS Church Archives. See also Linda Thatcher and John R. Sillito, "'Sisterhood and Sociability': The Utah Women's Press Club, 1891-1928," Utah Historical Quarterly 53(1985): 144-56

women, there was no real wish for intense study. The clubs often moved rapidly from one subject to the next, allowing little time for more than superficial knowledge of their potpourri of topics.35

The Reapers' Club fits this description When its formation was announced in the Woman'sExponent it was heralded as a literary club of women who are past school or university life, but who wish to keep pace with the progress being made nowadays, and whose interest in the intellectual and moral development of the world is such as stimulates them to make every effort possible for general enlightenment, moral, spiritual and physical growth.36

In a report to the third annual convention of the Utah Federation of Women's Clubs held in May 1896, Dr Romania B Pratt reported that the Reapers' Club was in its fourth year of "useful instruction." She noted that

the object of this club is social and intellectual development Its design is to cultivate the heart as well as the brain which will form a good mental equilibrium and fit woman not only to shine as a greater light around her own hearthstone, but to be a more efficient custodian of home interests in the wider domain of the world.37

While the Reapers' advertised its intellectual benefits, in reality, along with other literary clubs of the era, it offered a diverse but undemanding program that did not diverge far from the middle-class womanly concern with home, family, and morality. Despite this traditional focus, Reapers' Club members appear to have had better than average training. Often their biographies and obituaries emphasize education, mentioning college and university attendance Four medical doctors, graduates of eastern medical schools, were active members of the club: Ellis R. Shipp, Maggie Shipp, Romania B. Pratt, and Mattie H. Cannon.38

Most clubs, according to Blair, had a fairly rigid structure that included following parliamentary procedure, keeping minutes, and selecting an annual topic for study. Generally the programs consisted of one or two papers, about ten or twenty minutes each, with a short group discussion In addition, current events were discussed, but con-

35 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, pp. 57-59.

36 Woman's Exponent 21 (December 1892): 92.

37 Ibid., 25 (June 1896): 1-2 Romania B Pratt and Parley P Pratt, Jr., were divorced in 1881, and on March 11, 1886, she became the plural wife of Charles W Penrose Christine Croft Waters, "Romania P Penrose," in Vicky Burgess-Olsen, Sister Saints (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), pp 351, 353 The records of the Reapers' Club and the Exponent article give her name as Piatt

38 Mattie H Cannon was more formally known as Martha Hughes Cannon

troversial subjects such as politics, Freud, or Darwin were avoided. Shakespeare's plays, Dante's Inferno, and Browning's poetry were favorite subjects for papers that, while not literary masterpieces, were painstakingly researched, written, and read by club women who conscientiously tried to improve their minds. Every meeting usually contained musical or dramatic performances for variety, and refreshments were considered an important part of the meeting because women who might be too shy to give their views in a formal discussion might be persuaded to express themselves in the more relaxed atmosphere that refreshments produced.39

In the same diary entry that records the organization of the Reapers' Club, Wells outlines club programs Each topic, she notes, will be presented for twenty minutes, followed by a forty-minute discussion of the topic and thirty minutes to discuss current events. Conscious of the celebration of Columbus's arrival in America, Wells assigned the first topic, Queen Isabella, to Phebe Young, and Columbus and Ferdinand were targeted as the next two topics.40 In 1900 the Exponent reported that the Reapers' were studying American history, and earlier subjects had included a study of the American mound builders and noted American writers In addition, the lives of eminent women, Martha Washington, Eliza R. Snow, and Clara Barton, were related. The educational methods of Pestalozzi and Froebel regarding kindergarten work were studied as were "scientific subjects"—electricity and Thomas A. Edison. An "instructive lecture on the construction of the eye" was given by Dr. Romania B. Pratt.41 Reapers' Club papers were carefully prepared by members with the goal eloquently stated by Pratt:

The women of the Reapers' Club do not intend to be gleaners only from the good works of others, but hope through industry to leave to posterity

39

40 Wells,Journal, vol 15 (October 17, 1892): 91

41 Woman's Exponent 21 (December 15, 1892): 92

Dr. Ellis R. Shipp. USHS collections.

Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, pp. 58, 66-67.

a legacy of their own noble thoughts and improved methods of life, that it may truly be said of them that "the world is better for their having lived in it."42

Besides learning skills such as speaking, researching, and writing, American club women gained new confidence and developed a strong sense of sisterhood between members. This feeling of sisterhood was valued by nineteenth-century women and provided them a support network against the isolation of their homes.43 In addition a new awareness of their own worth allowed some of them to branch out into the civic domain. Besides learning to sustain each other, club women learned to support all women They found that women did not have to be silent in public, that they had something worthwhile to say This newly learned articulation and acceptance of women was a boost to the female status. In 1892 when Emmeline B. Wells recorded the following statement in her journal she might have been expressing the feelings of a large number of women in Utah and America.

How strange it seems in view of the past when I was just buried as it were in oblivion that I should ever speak in a public assembly, many changes have taken place in the condition of women in this place in public and private.44

Scott points out that some club women moved from self-improvement to community involvement to national or state political action, while others never left the comfort zone of literary club activity.45 This inconsistency was typical of early women's activities and allowed women to reach a level of comfort consistent with their beliefs. When women were involved beyond the home, they were mostly concerned with civic housekeeping—women and children, education, health, libraries, beautification, and moral issues. These were projects that the women's sphere could be stretched to encompass.

While the study of American history, Martha Washington, and the eye do not seem like steps to feminism, the clubs were indeed taking their first steps in that direction. These club women were determined to improve their condition, and according to Blair, this was a bold concept They had the "audacity to strive for self-improvement in an era that defined ladies as selfless agents devoted to the well-being of

42 Ibid., 25 (June 1896): 2

43 For more on female relationships see Nancy F Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), and Caroll Smith-Rosenberg, 'The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth-century America,'' Signs 1 (1975): 1-29

44 Wells,Journal, vol 15 (January 19, 1892): 7

45 Scott, Natural Allies, p 140

others."46 Even social climbing was useful in helping women evolve from captives of the "cult of true womanhood" to the public sphere.

Literary clubs taught and educated women, not only in the ways intended but in other important ways They offered a support network of like-minded women to encourage new skills and helped the less courageous of nineteenth-century women to reach out without letting go of the familiar. Literary clubs allowed women to safely stand with one foot in the home while testing the waters of activity outside their domestic world.47

The Reapers' Club of Salt Lake City was a typical nineteenth-century woman's literary club As this study demonstrates, despite polygamy, Mormonism, and a high birthrate, it was very much a part of the American women's club movement and offered Salt Lake City Mormon women an alternative and an addition to suffrage work and home and child care.

46 Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist, p.58

47 Some Reapers' Club members were very involved with civic and church programs See notes 14 and 17 and Madsen, "Detente." The Relief Society and the Young Ladies Mutual Improvement Association were both headed by members of the Reapers' Club See individual biographies in Andrew Jenson, Latter-Day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols (Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1971), and Derr et al., Women of Covenant. Papers of the Salt Lake County Woman Suffrage Association of Utah show that 34 members of the association were also members of the Reapers' Club between 1890 and 1896 On November 15, 1892,just two days before the organization of the Reapers' Club, the Suffrage Association was reorganized with seven new officers Four of these officers—Nellie C Taylor, Adelia W Eardly, Lelia Freeze, and Phebe C. Young—were members of the Reapers' Club.

Three Days in May: Life and Manners in Salt Lake City, 1895

BY DEAN L.MAY

WEDNESDAY, MAY 8,1895, WAS A WARM AND SUNNY DAY The temperature was in the 70s, despite earlier predictions of showers. It was also the day 99 of 107 delegates to the Utah Constitutional Convention gathered to sign the handwritten document in the recently completed City and County Building. This was a triumphant moment, the culmination of forty-six years of strife and tension and sixty-six days of discussions, committee meetings, debates, and political

wrangling

Indeed the delegates were so weary by Monday, May 6, that they had become impatient with the slow pace ofJoseph Smith, the scribe.

One of Salt Lake City's early electric streetcars, ca. 1895. Uniformed men are]. E. Peacock and Rudolph Evans. USHS collections.

Dr May is professor of history at the University of Utah

Though typewriters were available, the official ceremonial copy had to be penned laboriously in long hand ("engrossed") in preparation for the signing Smith had fallen far enough behind that an assistant had been hired so the climactic ending ceremonies would not be delayed.

There was evidence of frayed nerves when delegate John Chidester of Panguitch demanded enough copyists to finish the job "as he wanted to go home." Cache County delegate Charles Henry Hart replied that "Mr. Smith was doing a very creditable piece of work. The man called in to assist him was doing botch work and so far as he . . .was personally concerned he would hesitate to attach his signature to such scribbling." The convention members called the scribe from his work to have him tell them how soon he could be finished if he worked alone. The pressures on him were showing too. He replied, "If let alone I can complete the copying of the constitution . . . Wednesday morning by 10 o'clock."

"In your own handwriting?" asked Salt Lake delegate George Squires.

"In my own handwriting, yes sir," the clerk replied. Satisfied, the delegation approved the firing of the erstwhile assistant and moved on to other matters.1

Salt Lakers—indeed, Utahns everywhere—had followed the proceedings avidly in newspapers, which provided much more than the twenty-second sound bites most Americans are fed on now. But there was much more going on that three days in May than just the Constitutional Convention. The Salt Take Tribune, for example, informed its readers of the distinguished guests staying at the city's major hotels, including the mining magnate Enos A. Wall of Ophir, who was a guest at the Cullen, and other named persons at the Templeton and the Knutsford. Imagine the outcry, in our present age of zealous protection of privacy and personal rights, if the Marriott Hotel even hinted at printing the names of its guests. Clearly Utahns of 1895 lived in a world where all were more open to public scrutiny,

1 This paper was originally prepared for a symposium on the Utah State Constitution sponsored by the Utah State Archives with funding from the Utah Humanities Council, and held May 8, 1995, in the Salt Lake City and County Building I am grateful to Jean Bickmore White for information on the delegates to the Constitutional Convention. The paper is drawn principally from the Salt Lake Tribune and the Deseret News of the week of May 6 through May 13, 1895, the week the delegates to the Constitutional Convention finished their labors All references and quotes will be from these sources unless otherwise indicated The account of the debate over the "engrossing" of the document was reported in Deseret Evening News, May 6, 1895.

and privacy was less sacrosanct. Yet some aspects of life for Salt Lakers in '95 seem at first glance almost eerily like ours.

International tensions were in the news on Monday the 6th— more so than the local tensions then being resolved in the City and County Building. "Clouds in the East" was the Deseret News headline, referring to stormy efforts to ratify a treaty ending the Sino-Japanese war. Though we are at times prone to imagine Salt Lakers of any period prior to our own as hopelessly provincial and uninformed about the broader world, the newspapers of the day highlighted international news on the first page and quoted newspapers from Paris, Toulon, Yokohama, and Washington, D.C.

As in 1995, a sensational California murder case was being tried— this one in San Francisco rather than Los Angeles. Theodore Durrant, a medical student, was charged with murdering two people in the Emmanuel Baptist Church, of which he had been a member. Jockeying between prosecution and defense attorneys had begun with "The lawyers for the defense meeting to stem the tide of public opinion by telling us on what lines they will conduct the case."

Political corruption was evident then as now with the governor of Kansas charged with obtaining money under false pretenses And local voters were no doubt reassured by the report from Salt Lake County government promising no new taxes. "No Increase in Taxes" the headline blared "You may put it down," said Selectman Geddes on May 7, "that there will be no increase under this administration of the tax levy."

The pledge was made in spite of the terrible condition of the city's streets The day that Selectman Geddes made his no-new-taxes pledge, Pauline Mahlstrom demanded that the city pay her $20 damages "for injuries sustained by her horse being driven into a hole at the corner of Fourth South and East Temple Streets." Far more ambitious, C W. Bouton demanded $2,550 "in damages for injuries he sustained slipping on a sheet of ice on Second South." Apparently, then as now, pressing problems in providing public services did not deter ambitious politicians from cutting the tax base to support them.

There was concern about the direction of public education, even at a time when almost all school classes, and government meetings as well, including every session of the convention, were opened and closed with prayer. A literary group, the Polysophical Society, had met the previous Saturday at Brigham Young Academy in Provo. There, Mormon leaderJoseph F Smith delivered an extemporaneous lecture

on "Moral Education" in which he maintained that "the whole aim of our public schools is to educate the mind and develop the body to the exclusion of the proper moral training." He argued strongly that the situation be remedied.

And on Monday Orson F. Whitney and Calvin Reasoner announced publication of a slick new periodical with the titillating title Men and Women. The content did not quite live up to the title, though it is fair to say its tone was definitely avant-garde. The journal promised to:

interpret humanity in all its relations as superior to its institutions, manners, and customs It will be faithful to women, and will endeavor wisely and effectively to give full expression to that world-wide movement in behalf of women which in the providence of God is destined to achieve results of untold importance in the drama of human progress It will advocate equal suffrage in Utah, and whatever else seems to be a normal outgrowth of civilization, and this in full faith that such movement come as legitimate expression of human development and .. . a higher and truer happiness for both sexes

John and Seymour Neff appeared before County Commissioner Pratt on May 7 to answer a charge of "befouling the waters of Mill Creek by allowing drainage to run therein. They pled guilty and as there was not much to the case, were let off on paying the costs. Daniel Hussey entered the same plea to a similar charge and paid the costs B A M Froiseth, a real estate man, and Caroline Kahlstrom answered to a complaint charging a like offense They pled not guilty and their hearing was set for the next Thursday at 10 o'clock A.M." Also on May 7 news was received that the Kearney Bicycle Company of Nebraska was going to open a factory in Salt Lake City or Pueblo, Colorado. The new factory promised to boost the economy, still ailing from the Panic of 1893. "In case Salt Lake will give them a bonus they agree to put in a factory that will give employment to 250 hands and will pay good wages."

Obviously, there was much then that resonates with us today. But while many concerns of the 1890s were similar to ours, much was different as well. The population boom of the 1880s saw Salt Lake City grow 116 percent in a decade. The hard times of the '90s slowed the pace dramatically—to 19 percent. The depression precipitated by the panic was clearly lingering into 1895. Several arrests for vagrancy were made each day during the last week of the convention, and Salt Lake City was proposing "to feed its tramps two meals of bread and water a day."

There were about 50,000 Salt Lakers when the constitution was drafted, making it a major metropolis for its time. Ogden, by contrast, was not yet 16,000, and Provo was a comfortable rural town of 5,700. Most Utahns still lived in small towns. Fillmore, former territorial capital, had just 971 inhabitants Brigham City had reached only 2,500, just half the size of Logan, while in Parowan but 988 persons lived.2

Salt Lake City was thus quite a wonder to the many rural folk of the region. OleJensen had not visited this, the capital of his world, for twenty years when he made the laborious journey from Star Valley, Wyoming, to attend LDS General Conference in 1898 He was astonished by what he saw: "I noticed a great change The first sight being the beautiful temple, with its spires on top, and on one of them a statue of the angel Moroni, with a book of Mormon in his hand."3

The temple loomed tall at the time, above all other city buildings, dwarfing the Deseret Store and Tithing Yard, where the Joseph Smith Building now stands, the old City Hall, the Council House, and even the Salt Lake Theatre. It had been dedicated just two years before. It was probably the exotic, multi-spired temple, more than any other structure, that made Salt Lake City different from all other cities in the West, and Ole Jensen, good Mormon that he was, was appropriately impressed. Though the sacred first caught his eye, he was quick to notice the profane at his feet. The new technologies facilitating city life left him amazed.

The street cars were running on schedule-time with electricity; sidewalks paved with brick, rock, etc and water works in every house I next visited the plant where electricity was generated to light up the city. This is also a remarkable feat. . . . My observations showed that almost everything moved by either steam or electricity. I saw no horses used to work, and only some for touring or pleasure trips.4

Yes, indeed, there were paved sidewalks, if almost no paved streets, and the streetcars were running. All of them had moved from mule to electric power by 1895, the competing lines of the Salt Lake

2 These figures are from U.S Census returns for the years indicated, the 1895 numbers calculated as a straight-line estimate using the 1890 and 1900 returns as the bases The growth rate would surge again to 73 percent between 1900 and 1910

3 Ole A.Jensen Diary, 1898, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City Jensen usually made annual entries in his diary Subsequent quotes from his diary are from the same year and are indicated as such in the text.

4 Salt Lake's first electric plant began operations in 1881 Though the first lines carried direct current and were thus limited in the distances served, in 1890 Lucien Nunn and Paul Nunn demonstrated the feasibility of alternating current hydroelectric plants, which quickly became widely employed in Utah and other parts of the West It is not clear from Jensen's account if he visited the Big Cottonwood Canyon plant, completed in 1895 (and still generating electricity in 1996), or another See Obed C Haycock, "Electric Power Comes to Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 45 (1977): 174-87

Railroad Company and the Salt Lake Rapid Transit Company extending south to Sugar House and east to Fort Douglas, giving urban life new dimensions and patterns that were rapidly transforming the city.5

The term "rapid transit" carried an eloquence for our grandparents that we, with our Hondas, Toyotas, and Fords, have long since forgotten. Cities had traditionally been limited in scale by the sheer logistical problems of moving people and goods around in them. As cities grew their denizens were, in fact, at a disadvantage compared to country dwellers in that only a few city folk had the pasture and hay needed to keep horses and the wealth needed to buy a carriage. And even if they did, a trip out required a thirty-minute hitching of team to carriage before it began Urban life was thus more centered in the local neighborhood than now, and ward stores or neighborhood mercantiles still held the local clientele.

The streetcar, introduced with mule-drawn cars in the 1870s, changed all that. It offered relatively inexpensive, safe, and reliable transportation. By 1895 it had become a necessity of urban living. When Allen Hilton confronted his court-appointed guardian on May 7, his complaint was that the guardian had refused "him money for the most ordinary expenses, going so far as to deny him street car fare." The same day four boys were arraigned when caught in the apparently common act of stealing a ride on a streetcar. They pleaded guilty and were allowed to go.

The streetcars created suburbs by making daily travel to the city center easy and practical Cities could now grow to dimensions previously impracticable and unworkable People could conveniently venture out of their intimate neighborhoods and temporarilyjoin a more anonymous stream of humanity. To a society long confined by the mutual watchfulness of neighbors, the prospect of "going out" was exhilarating. Frequent shopping trips to the downtown Auerbach's or ZCMI department stores became pleasant occasions. One went not only to shop but to see the crowds and to be seen by them, a downtown excursion often necessitating dressing in Sunday best

The streetcars made possible a variety of amusements hitherto less accessible. There were three driving parks (horse racing tracks) in Salt Lake City—Utah, Jordan River, and Calder's. Visiting one of them, you might be lucky enough to bet on one of H. W. Brown's

5 Thomas G Alexander and James B Allen provide valuable information on the growing infrastructure of Salt Lake City in the 1890s in Mormons and Gentiles: A History of Salt Lake City (Boulder, Colo.: Pruett Publishing Company, 1984), pp 125-62

horses—Dan Velox, Jassey, or Miss Foxie—so well known they even raced in Denver Top sprinters at Calder's Park included Mischief, La Belle, and a brown four-year-old, Aubertine.

A Sunday afternoon amidst the crowds of Saltair, Garfield Beach, or Lagoon became a favorite pastime. And these were not just places where kids hung out. Lovely photographs were taken in 1895, for example, of a cakewalk at Lagoon for couples over seventy, all carefully protecting themselves from the sun with hats and parasols of the type Auerbach's had on sale for 70 cents, and obviously having the time of their lives. The photographs show young and old alike dressed in somber-toned woolens, the women constrained by tight corsets and their white blouses showing lace-trimmed leg-o-mutton sleeves. Tribune editors by 1895 were poking fun at the concept of the "New Woman," but the daring fashions had not yet reached deeply enough into Salt Lake City for women to begin bobbing their hair, shedding their corsets and petticoats, or raising their hemlines.

The men wore ill-fitting ready-made wooljackets over unmatched crumpled trousers and ample, dark shoes or boots. Men and women wore hats, and many, in addition, held a parasol. They understood better than we that in this rarefied air the sun can be an enemy.

This photograph in USHS collections is captioned "Watching the result of the Cake Walk, Old Folks day, Lagoon, f uly 6th, 1898."

The delegates to the Constitutional Convention were no doubt similarly clad when they visited Saltair on Monday afternoon, May 6 The planned outing had caused a bit of stir at the convention that morning. Delegate David Evans of Weber County did not want to go, arguing that the Convention could not spare the time. "There is no doubt about it," chimed in another delegate. He was countered by delegate Squires, however, who said there "was very much doubt." David Stover of Tooele County agreed, insisting that "he wanted a salt water bath." The argument seemed persuasive, for the vote was forty-five in favor and twenty-two against, hopefully not a reflection on delegate Stover's personal hygiene The delegates and their wives boarded the train in Salt Lake at 2:15 P.M The ride included a ten-minute halt "at the salt fields during which the pyramids of glistening saline were admiringly looked upon and praised, as they always are by those who see them for the first time." A special dispatch to the DeseretNews reported at 3:15 that "the excursionists are now scattered from the first floor of the pavilion to the tower. So far none of them have dared to brave entering the water, and no formal program is being observed. The party is expected to reach Salt Lake on the return trip about 5 P.M." Returning on schedule, they refreshed themselves in preparation for the Constitutional Ball at Christensen's Hall that evening The dance card offered "a 'Woman Suffrage' schottische, a 'Prohibition' two-step, a 'San Juan'jig quadrille, and 'Where are we At' Virginia Reel. The grand march was 'Hurrah for Statehood.'"

A plethora of other amusements were available as well. On Monday the 6th the Politic Debating Club held a mock trial, a farce where a young man was suing another for stealing his date, a Miss Hettie Watson, while on an outing at Saltair. The jury found in his favor, and the judge concluded that "the plaintiff recover the amount of cold cash claimed [presumably the cost of admission], the defendant to have and retain the affection already in his possession, while to the court should be turned over by . . . Hettie Watson all the love and affection over which she had any control not actually in the possession of the defendant."

On Tuesday the 7th the Philopathian Debating Club announced a contest with the Washington Debating Club for the next Thursday evening at the rooms of the Philopathian Club at 375 West Second South on the question "Resolved, That women should have the right of suffrage," a pressing national question that the Constitutional Convention had already decided for the soon-to-be state of Utah.

Monday evening the Chinese pupils of the Congregational mission entertained at the Congregational church with "psalms, songs, recitations and school exercises. The boys taking part did remarkably well, considering the difficulty in mastering the English language."

Newspapers announced each day a long schedule of fraternal and sororal meetings. At least one of six different Masonic groups had a meeting every day of the week. Fraternal brothers could attend one of ten different Odd Fellows gatherings every week night. Six Knights of Pythias chapters met at 7:30 in Castle Hall on Richards Street, one meeting every week night A group called the Red Men also met regularly There were, in addition, ladies' auxiliaries for all these groups, and other women's clubs as well, such as the one called the "Rathbone Sisters."

The Most Reverend Archbishop Gross of Oregon and the Right Reverend Bishop Glorieux of Idaho had visited Salt Lake City on Sunday the 5th, celebrating High Mass in St. Mary's Cathedral. Mormon Tabernacle services that day included speeches by church historian AndrewJenson and George Q Cannon Jenson spoke on the importance of keeping personal records Cannon "emphasized the importance to the Saints of keeping careful records of their private lives as well as their work in the ministry of the gospel." Kate Hodge, a niece of convention delegate David Evans, sang a solo at the Methodist Episcopal Church that night and was planning to sing the waltz song from Gounod's opera Romeo andJuliet at the Marchesi Club concert on Monday. Prominent women's rights advocate Susan B. Anthony and the Reverend Anna Shaw were expected to arrive in Salt Lake City on Sunday the 12th to speak at meetings during the next three days

And of course there was the theater, with performances of a comic opera, Priscilla, about the courtship of Miles Standish, at the Salt Lake Theatre. "The BiMetallic Blacks Operatic Minstrels" were appearing at the Opera House, and the Wonderland Theatre advertised "two big shows" each evening and offered special performances for children and ladies

Critics of the time were, to put it mildly, blunt. A Mrs. Knowlton, who played the part of Priscilla "sang in a voice [that] is very light and sweet," wrote the DeseretNews critic rather gently, but then he inserted the dagger. Her voice "seemed to need a supporting instrument in the orchestra to hold it on the key." Mr. Jennings's part as governor of Plymouth "was well made up and well acted, but execrably sung Why

the director should have Mr.Jennings sing at all, is past understanding. The music should be cut out bodily."

There were less wholesome amusements On Sunday evening police descended on a Third South lodging house "operated upon a plan European, and from one of its apartments dragged an erring twain, who were registered at headquarters asJohn Thompson and Ada Smith." Thompson was arrested for frequenting, Smith for staffing, and the proprietor for running a house of ill repute.

On Tuesday night alone, thirty-eight defendants were brought into the police court. Joseph Ward pleaded guilty to charges of keeping a gambling house and was fined $25 The police also arrested J Doe Seeley for disturbing the peace Seeley was said to have thrown a rock at a neighbor's house, but he maintained it was his wife who threw at a dog. AndJennie Smith and Clara Cox were arrested, apparently regulars in this particular night court, "and left the usual amount for their appearance."

A number of others were run in for drunkenness. Also arrested were youths Ben Davis,John Thompson, Charles Dennis, and Frank Porter "for bicycle riding on the sidewalk in the restricted district."

Salt Lake Theatre. USHS collections.

J. C Nixon was arraigned on a charge of disturbing the peace and riding a bicycle without a license. Four others were fined $2.00 each for violating the bicycle ordinance, all of which seems a distant anticipation of present laws directed at skateboarders.

Our Star Valley friend, OleJensen, was ready for the cyclists, who were pioneering avidly their own non-polluting form of personal transportation "I also saw many people, both men and women, riding the bicycles with great speed," he said, "but this did not surprise me as I was posted previously about the invention."

Cycle shops were flowering like board and blade shops in Salt Lake City today, the cyclists obviously seen by the staid citizenry as a threat to public safety The Salt Lake Cycle Company was offering $500 in prizes to winners in a fifteen-mile Handicap Road Race to be held on Decoration Day, May 30, with the first prize being a much-coveted "Cleveland Swell Special Bicycle." The Tribune reported that "the bicycle clubs of the city are working hard for a wheel path in Liberty Park, with a fair prospect of success." A special committee visited the park and decided it would be easy to make an eight-foot bicycle path like one already in use at the Hot Springs: "It is said in support of the plan, that it would make a very attractive resort for the wheeling fraternity, would clear the drive-ways of bicycles and add to the public pleasure very materially." Apparently, as often happens when a novelty appears, the old-time citizenry distrusted the new device.Just as skateand snow-boards seem to non-boarders a threat, even when injuries and or damage do not exceed those of other conveyances, so the bicycle seemed dangerous and frightening to those who moved about on horses or trolleys.

All this and much more was going on in Salt Lake City during those final days when the Constitution was being approved and signed. The delegates, many from quiet villages, no doubt were delighted to get back to things at home, leaving the capital city aboard one of the twenty or so railway trains that ran each day.

Salt Lake City was in 1895 a bustling place, possessed of a boldness and openness that in many ways surpassed our city of today. Electric trains and personal transportation were changing in fundamental ways the way people thought about themselves and their relationship to rest of the world. Quiet neighborhoods no longer could contain them; and in the broader city they came out to see, they found a casual conviviality and easy-going pleasures they had never known

Still, as Paul Simon and Art Garfunkle so eloquently put it, "A

man he hears what he wants to hear and disregards the rest." What Ole Jensen saw of the city was there too:

I attended all meetings of the Conference and gladly received all of the instructions; everything moved orderly, people dressed neat but plain I never saw anyone intoxicated, nor heard any profanity while in the city, although it may of existed.

Nonetheless, he could dimly see the new century crashing in:

I noticed there was a similitude of dress with our country people, only golden cased spectacles were worn by old and young, I supposed for pride The city seemed full of merchandising of every kind On every corner were solicitors selling candy, bananas, and etc A good meal could be had for 15^; and a bad for 25^.

Much seems the same, but in fact all has changed, in the century since Utah's Constitution was completed in Salt Lake's City and County Building, on May 8, 1895.

Lewis Leo Munson, an Entrepreneur in Escalante, Utah, 1896-1963

BYVOYLE L. MUNSON

I F MY FATHER, LEWIS LEO MUNSON, KNOWN AS LEO, had been born in 1826 instead of June 29, 1896, he would have been happy owning a trading post at a critical junction of two pioneer trails. After starting small, within twenty years he would have offered every conceivable service travelers needed, with each of his children big enough to work involved in the delivery of those services. In addition, he would have known of the opportunities at other posts along the trail, thinking that

Dr Munson, a retired educator, lives in Bountiful, Utah

This U.S. Forest Service photograph of Escalante's Main Street shows Leo Munson's store. USHS collections.

some day his children might want to buy one of these locations and provide needed services there

Leo, the eldest living child of Lewis T. and Emma A. Morrill Munson, was born in the year of Utah's statehood in a one-room log cabin in the mouth of Circleville Canyon approximately two miles south of Circleville, Piute County. During the eleven years the Munsons lived in this location, their family Bible records the births of two brothers and two sisters.

In 1907 the family moved into "a nearly new, nine room frame house in Tropic."1 Tropic, Garfield County, was not the luxuriant land the name implies. I remember hearing my parents laugh at a story about a relative who was working near the rim of Bryce Canyon A tourist looking east saw Tropic and its bare surroundings a few miles distant. "What can you ever grow in a place like that?" he asked. The Tropic resident replied, "Wormy apples and kids."

But the Munsons' orchard produced bushels of good apples and other fruit The four cultivated fields produced feed for the horses and milk cows, plus some corn and other grain for the family Range cattle furnished meat and some cash, augmented by wages from jobs Lewis found. By careful management of their resources they lived well.

Dad's sister Ila wrote that when Leo finished the eighth grade, the school principal came to their home and told the parents that "Leo could outdo the teachers, and the principal, in mathematics, spelling, and English." As a result, he was offered a scholarship to attend high school in a larger town. However, his parents thought he was too young to leave home, so he attended the eighth grade again because he was so anxious to learn.2 Ila added, "from that time on Leo showed his potential of being a leader. When our Father would go away to work to provide for his family, Leo would lead out, and with the help of our mother, and his younger brothers, Forest and Levar, was able to keep the work on the farm rolling quite smoothly." Moreover, "While other men sat by the store and whittled wood and visited, Leo would be doing any kind of work he could find to make money."3

One of thosejobs was selling Wearever Aluminum Dad once told me of the first home where he gave a full sales presentation He took each item from his carrying case, pointing out the quality of the construction, how easy each pot was to use and clean, and how suited it

3 Ibid

1 Ila Munson Pollock, "Life's Story," p 1, copy of MS in author's possession

2 Ila Munson Pollock, "Leo and Hortense Munson," The Cope Courier, August, 1976, p 7

was to the preparation of delicious foods. Soon he had pots and pans all over the floor. When it came time to leave, he was unable to get everything back in his case. But he persisted and did well selling aluminum cookware.

On April 4, 1917, Dad married Hortense Cope in the Manti LDS Temple. Although they differed in many ways, for forty-six years they supported each other in rearing and providing for their nine children: Voyle (1919), LoRee (1922), Evelyn (1924), Lasca (1926), LoRell (1928), Orpha (1930), Lloyd (1931), Howard (1934), and Vaunda (1936), plus Dad's youngest brother, Pratt (1920), who lived with them part-time for several years and full-time from 1935 to 1943.

In the spring of 1918 my parents began farming some undeveloped land in Losee Valley, east of Tropic. Six days a week they lived in their one-room log house, building corrals, grubbing brush, plowing, planting, cultivating, irrigating, and reaping a meager harvest from the blue clay soil. Saturday afternoons they went to town for barrels of drinking water and other supplies and stayed for church. Winters they lived in the Lewis Munson family parlor.

In 1921 they moved into a two-room frame home on a Tropic lot with a good orchard. Dad supplemented his farm income by building wood racks in his blacksmith shop, hauling wood, working on the Tropic Reservoir, selling fruit, custom cutting grain with his binder, or by any means he could find.

When I was five or six I accompanied Dad with a load of apples to Panguitch. He divided the wagon box into compartments and covered the bottom with straw. The brilliantly red, almost black, Ben Davis apples filled one compartment, the Pearmaines another, and perhaps other kinds in another. We camped the first night in a small

Leo and Hortense Munson, 1938. Unless credited otherwise, photographs are courtesy of the author.

log cabin at a sawmill in Red Canyon, rolling our bed out on a dirt floor In Panguitch the next day Dad showed the beauty and taste of the apples to prospective buyers and soon sold the load. Traveling home we stopped at the sawmill for a load of lumber. During the night rain and mud dripped through the roof onto our bed. By sunrise we were headed for home. Going down the steep "dump"4 dugway, the lumber slid forward and jammed into the rear of the horses. Frightened, they tried to run away, but Dad turned them into the inside bank so they had to stop Then he spoke softly to them and patted them until they quieted down. He adjusted the load, tied it more securely, and we arrived home without further difficulty.

When my sister Evelyn was born on August 27, 1924, Mother wrote, "As our family grew, Leo could see he had to do something besides farming. He became a traveling salesman in his spare time. He sold women's dresses, silk hose, [men's] socks, suits, and neckties He was a good salesman and made good at it going to all the adjoining towns."5 Later, he added Stark Brothers Trees to his line. He and two other men from Tropic sold products on a circuit south to Kanab, east to Escalante, and north to Beaver. But neither Leo nor Hortense liked him to spend so much time away from home.

InJuly 1926 Leo and his brother-in-law,J. Austin Cope, who had a store in Tropic, took their eldest sons and went to Escalante to sell hot dogs, hamburgers, soda pop, and other refreshments at the 24th of July celebration. Mother went along, noting, "While there, Leo decided to buy a little store . . . sort of an ice cream parlor and butcher shop."6

Although Mother wrote, "Leo decided to buy," she was certainly involved in making the decision, for the two of them committed all they had to the new enterprise. ByJuly 30 the family goods were loaded on a truck and on their way to Escalante That same night they unloaded their possessions in part of a rented house near the little store. How difficult it must have been to sever ties with both of their families and their lifetime friends in Tropic. Their moving so quickly is congruent with an axiom Dad sometimes quoted, "It is easier to take off a dog's tail in one whack than to cut it off a piece at a time."

Dad was not a complete stranger to Escalante residents because

6 Ibid

4 To residents of Garfield County, the road from the top of the Bryce Canyon Plateau down into Bryce or Tropic Valley was known as the "dump."

5 Hortense Cope Munson, "History of Lewis Leo Munson," copy of MS in author's possession.

An Entrepreneurin Escalante, Utah 137

many had purchased merchandise from him during the past two years. He knew that Escalante people had more money to spend than those in most southern Utah towns. The Sanitary Meat Market was the only source of fresh meat in Escalante, and he could also expect to sell ice cream and sandwiches to some of the town's thousand residents.

The market had no display case or automatic refrigeration The meat hung in a walk-in boxjust large enough for one beef, one pork, a keg of wienies in heavy brine, a few sides of salt pork, and some smoked bacon A tin-lined box along the north side held a piece of ice for refrigeration. Copper tubing drained water from the melting ice onto the ground between the back of the meat market and the Star Amusement Hall

During the summer ice came from the South Ward Relief Society ice house. I remember taking my express wagon to the ice house and helping a lady struggle to remove a piece of ice from the sawdust and to weigh it using a steelyard After a careful trip down the Meeting House Hill, I swept the ice and then rinsed it with a bucket of water to remove the clinging sawdust. Then it was a man's job to get it into the cooler Within a short time, though, Dad rented the ice house and "put up" his own ice. He froze ice cream in a hand-turned freezer.

Since the nearest packing plant was in Salt Lake City, Leo bought local cattle and pigs and butchered his own meat. He had no problem with government grading and no trouble selling grass fat beef or pork that had been fed a little dishwater along with its grain or corn. The carcasses were separated into primal cuts. If a customer wanted a Tbone steak, the butcher wrestled the loin onto the block, cut the desired amount with the steak knife and hand meat saw, and placed the cut onto a piece of waxed paper on the scales, which gave the weight and helped compute the price. When a customer wanted salt pork or bacon, the butcher placed the slab on the block and cut and wrapped a chunk near the desired size. The process worked when the butcher was on duty, but it was a terrible struggle for Mother when she had to mind the store. Once Edward (Teddy) Wilcock, who owned the largest store in town, came for some T-bone steak Doing her best, she brought out a piece of the neck and cut the requested number of steaks. What Wilcock thought of the steaks is not known, but the incident became a family tale repeated for many years

The little building, located east of the pool hall on the north side of Escalante's Main Street, soon underwent some changes. Leo bought an adjoining building and stocked groceries. Having limited

capital, he ordered Blue Pine groceries every night from John Scowcroft and Company to be delivered by mail. The order would arrive within three to five days It was an exciting day for the family and of great interest to the townspeople when Leo had a cement slab about 12 feet wide poured in front of his store, the first cement sidewalk on Main Street. By then merchandise was coming by freight to Garfield County, and before long Leo had bought his own truck and was making regular trips to Salt Lake His brother Levar was the store butcher and truck driver.

Onjuly 15, 1929, three months before the stock market crash that heralded the Great Depression, we moved into a new brick home, the second in town to have a bathroom and running water. By May31, 1931, the store was in a new 40-by-60-foot brick building west of the pool hall.

In 1931 Escalante was a relatively isolated community where most people lacked transportation to travel very far and the roads discouraged such travel. In 1932, of my five closest friends age thirteen and fourteen only one had been as far as Marysvale, the railroad terminus, some ninety miles away. Some had never been sixty miles to the county seat in Panguitch So, until the end of World War II the town's isolation encouraged shopping at home.

The Munsons' brick house in Escalante. Courtesy of Vaunda M. Willis, Glenwood, Utah.

But Dad had to compete with three other stores that had been operating longer and were better established and with the catalogs of Sears, Roebuck, Montgomery Ward, and the Chicago Mail Order Company. Most ranchers went to other towns to sell their livestock or wool, and with a check in their pockets they were ready to buy there Also, the truckers that freighted wool and cattle were always happy to pick up flour, sugar, and other staples for the "big city price" plus freight. Many Escalanteans bought their yearly or at least a six-months' supply of these items in the spring and fall.

Dad's business expansion came at a time when Escalante's economic conditions had begun deteriorating. Many residents ran sheep or cattle on mountain ranges supervised by the Forest Service in the summer or on public lands in the desert areas in the winter. Periodic summer floods that sometimes overran the banks of Escalante Creek and Harris Wash resulted from the overgrazing west and north of the town. But government reductions in livestock numbers incensed the owners and reduced their income

The depression heralded by the stock market crash of October 1929, the devastating 1931-34 drought, and the reduction of cattle and sheep on public lands decimated the livestock industry. Lowrey Nelson described conditions when declining livestock prices deflated the value of bank loans secured by cattle and sheep. When payments were not made, he wrote, "Thousands of cattle and sheep were driven from the community by financial institutions which foreclosed on loans."7 Of the Taylor Grazing Act, which eventually ended summer grazing on the Escalante Desert and other lands not controlled by the Forest Service and greatly reduced the number of winter permittees, Nelson wrote, "One of the most important acts of the federal government in the thirties, as far as Escalante was concerned, was to place the public domain under controlled use."8 Adverse conditions also affected small farm owners and those with only a few cattle or milk cows to furnish cash income. Lack of feed forced many to further reduce their small holdings. Many milk cows were among the Escalante cattle purchased by the U.S. Department of Agriculture in August 1934.

But government activities eventually replaced lost farm income

By November 1932 some direct relief funds were available for

7 Lowrey Nelson, The Mormon Village: A Pattern and Technique of Land Settlement (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1952), p 110

8 Ibid., p 111

community improvements. By 1934 two CCC (Civilian Conservation Corps) camps near Escalante added possible customers to businesses, and some residents joined the camps. From 1936 to 1943 the WPA (Works Progress Administration) employed the largest number of Escalante men and women Although wages were fifty dollars a month at first, many families with a garden, fruit trees, chickens, and a milk cow had more money than ever before. In addition, through the state, Old Age Assistance provided twenty to thirty dollars a month for eligible recipients. Edward Geary quoted a report stating that by 1935 two-thirds of Escalante's residents were receiving some form of government relief.9

As Dad moved into the new store, so began my observations of why he was a successful merchant. He had a clean, well-kept store, stocked with saleable, competitively priced merchandise, available at convenient times and terms because serving the customer was most important. He bought wisely, paid promptly, and carefully controlled credit accounts. Foremost, though, was his concern for others.

As one entered Escalante and drove east down Main Street the first sign of Dad's enterprise was two gas pumps that stood in front of the new store. About eight feet tall, they were plumbed to an underground storage tank and each had an enclosed ten-gallon glass bowl near its top. Marks along two sides of the bowl calibrated it into ten one-gallon segments, with the top mark being number one and the bottom mark number ten. A long hose attached near the bottom of the bowl had a nozzle and a hand-controlled valve (much like those on gasoline dispensers today) To dispense gas the nozzle was placed into the mouth of the tank or other container, opened, and the required amount of gasoline released as measured by the marks on the sides of the bowl. To begin each day's work someone pumped the attached handle back and forth, filling the bowl with the purplish Pep 88 gasoline. After each sale the bowl was again filled to capacity. At closing time, the gasoline was released from the bowl back into the storage tank

At first Dad freighted gasoline in 52-gallon drums from the Utah Oil Refining Company Bulk Plant operated by H. Spencer Gibbs in Marysvale, Utah. It was a feat of strength and judgment to roll a 300pound barrel from the back of the truck so it would land on one edge

9 Edward A Geary, The Proper Edge of The Sky (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1992), p 162 Geary quotes Peter S Briggs and Brian Q Cannon, Life and Land: The Farm Security Administration Photographers, 1936-1941 (Logan: Nora Eccles Harrison Museum of Art, Utah State University, 1988)

of its bottom. Nor was it easy to rest a full barrel across a log or large timber, place a funnel under it, remove the plugs, and empty the gas into the storage tank without spurting gas all over. About 1935 Dad obtained a large tank like the ones on gasoline tankers that could be put on or removed from our truck as needed Three or four years later, Spence Gibbs began to deliver gas to us in his tank truck.

The store faced south. A wooden culvert covered the irrigation ditch between the gas pumps and the slab of cement along the front. The entry, centered in the front of the building, was recessed about three feet, and there were two large plate-glass display windows Later, a wooden canopy extended over the entrance.

Inside, the store was designed so clerks could "wait on" customers. Shelves on the west and east walls extended almost to the back of the store. About four feet in front of the shelves were counters and glass showcases to display merchandise. Drugs and groceries filled shelves on the west. Drugs included Mercurochrome antiseptic, Paregoric, Hall's Canker Medicine, Vermifuge (for internal worms), Epsom Salts, St.Joseph's aspirin, adhesive tape, Black Oil (for animal cuts), Lydia E Pinkham's compound, and other necessities for the house and corral. Most people in Escalante bottled the common garden vegetables

Leo Munson's store after the last expansion. Note gas pumps in front. Courtesy ofNelda T Munson, Escalante.

but still purchased spices, Pierce's pork and beans, tomato ketchup, mustard, canned milk, Log Cabin syrup, etc., and the sheepmen needed all kinds of canned goods as well as buckets of Hewlett's preserves. During prohibition cans of malt syrup and packages of Owl brand yeast cakes sold well because some people made home brew. Every household needed yeast to make bread, and on holidays many mixed yeast, sugar, and Hires root beer extract to make soda pop

At first Dad's meat department was much like that in the Sanitary Meat Market, but later it had a small display case and an electrically operated refrigeration system. Pails of lard and cans of corned beef, Vienna sausage, deviled meat, and salmon were shelved nearby Butter was kept in the meat case; and eggs close bywere counted into a sack when someone wanted a dozen.

Hardware belonged in the back of the store. Kegs of nails in each size stood on the floor. Above them the different sizes of horse and mule shoes hung along a wooden rail Horseshoe nails, caulks, copper rivets, hinges, bolts, screws, combs and cutters for sheep shearing outfits, pieces of shoe sole leather, knives, guards, and pins for mowing machines, and many other items were neatly stored in containers on the shelves. Horse collar pads and saddle pads were stacked on the highest shelf. A rolled up "side" of stiff harness leather and a piece of finer tanned leather could be custom cut to any width. Somewhere on a platform a 52-gallon barrel of vinegar, tapped by a spigot, lay on its side. A new clerk had plenty to learn.

Clothing filled most of the east side of the store. Here one found men's union suits of various sizes and different weights (because men riding horses in cold weather or gathering sheep in the snow needed heavy underclothes), bib overalls for men and boys, Levi Strauss jackets, waist overalls, stockings in both work and dress weights, several styles of shirts, Stetson hats, straw hats, Newton Bros, boots, belts, etc Nor were the ladies forgotten Dad tried to have a good assortment of colors and sizes in rayon hosiery, the affordable top style at the time. Stock included petticoats, a few house dresses, bloomers, and blouses. Everyone had to learn to measure yard goods, including prints, flannels, white cottons, and cheesecloth. Various colors of thread, embroidery floss, and quilting yarn, pillow cases and other items to be embroidered, and needles for hand and machine sewing were also available.

A display of the Wild West Weekly,WesternStories, True Romances, True Confessions, and other popular magazines filled the east window.

Dad tolerated the hours I spent reading "the pulps." From the western magazines came my later craving for the tales of Louis L'Amour. Periodically, shipments of the latest issues arrived to replace the old magazines. We removed the covers of the unsold magazines to return for credit. The magazines themselves were either discarded or their pages used to wrap the eggs boxed for transport by truck, wagon, or pack mule to some sheep camp.

Along the west side, about four feet from the shelves, the candy showcase caught the customers' gaze as they stepped into the store. Six or eight bins, separated by glass dividers, sloped toward the glass front of the case Varicolored candies waited to be scooped up, weighed on a candy scale on top of the case, and sacked for a purchaser. Popular one-cent, five-cent, or ten-cent candy bars such as Opera, Nobbinut, Creme Cake, Baby Ruth, and others were displayed on the center shelf. One-pound boxes of cheaper cherry chocolates, only twenty-nine to thirty-nine cents, as well as one-pound boxes of better Sweets Renown chocolates filled the bottom of the case. During the days when the more expensive chocolates were used as prizes, a punchboard, costing five to ten cents a chance, also sat on top of the case. Each day someone washed the candy case to remove the hand and face marks of wishful children.

The center of store activity was a linoleum-topped counter where customers placed orders for merchandise on the shelves or brought items from elsewhere in the store Using a hand-operated adding machine, the clerk totaled the cost of items to be purchased by cash or barter and rang up the sale in the cash register. For a charge sale each item was entered in the day book lying nearby If the customer brought eggs or butter to trade, the eggs were counted into a box under the observant eye of the person who brought them. The butter was checked to be certain that the weight and name of the maker were written thereon. Any additional credit or charge on the sale was computed and payment made or the credit or charge entered into the day book A certain amount of cheerful visiting or sharing of news accompanied most sales and always a "thank you."

Bins containing rice, beans, macaroni, or sugar filled the space under the north end of the counter. In the center of the store stood a display of assorted bulk cookies and two white paper covered tables stacked with sacks of sugar, flour, cracked wheat, and cereal. After Dad visited the markets of his cousins in Bountiful he began packing nuts, cookies, beans, macaroni, dried fruit, candy, and other bulk items into

Metal scrip issued by Leo Munson to be spent in his store had trade value on one side and store/location on the other. Square coin was worth $1.00.

cellophane bags and arranging them attractively on accessible island displays

The prospective buyer knew that six days a week Dad would be in the store by 5:30 A.M., sometimes earlier, and that he would stop whatever he was doing to serve them Although he left for breakfast about seven, the doors would be open for the day before eight and would not close until dark. In an emergency, regardless of the day or the time, he would respond to a special need.

Usually by eight o'clock the front cement and store floor had been swept Dad's appearance—clean shaven, hair combed, clean clothes with a necktie every day—set the standard The clerks also dressed neatly. They donned large aprons when doing dirty work. Clean aprons were always available. The shelves and store surfaces were dusted and washed as needed. Grocery shelves were kept full, or the cans on the shelves faced so the front was filled. Each can was right side up, the label to the front. Showcases were kept neat, items of clothing folded, boxes of merchandise kept straight on the shelf. Accumulations of boxes and trash out in back were burned or hauled away

Dad's stock of merchandise was limited only by his space and his resources. Several times he increased his space to keep pace with people's wants until his slogan was "We Sell Everything"—not needing to add "that is honorable to sell." He special-ordered items for his customers, and on every trip to Salt Lake City the truck brought back such orders.

He used many angles to keep his prices competitive Most days he worked at least fourteen hours, often more. He knew where he could buy most advantageously. As soon as practical he purchased his own

truck to cut freighting costs. He kept all his bills current so that wholesalers who offered good prices wanted to sell to him Since discounts on dry goods and hardware were often available if payment was made by the tenth of the following month, he always paid up to get the discount. He once told me, "two percent per month is 24 percent a year."

Dad always knew what he owed and what was owed to him. He kept current invoices for his purchases, sorted by company, on a clip with a running total of the amount owed For accounts receivable, each day one of his children, or a clerk who wrote well, entered each person's purchases from the day book into the account ledger and totaled them. Many early morning hours Dad would check those accounts and plan where the money was coming from to pay his bills. In the early thirties, most of these accounts were tied to yearly sales of cattle or to wool sales in the spring and lambs in the fall. Later, his accounts became more manageable when those with Old Age Assistance or WPA checks paid their accounts each month Both Dad and the customer were happy when the account was paid After the money was rung up and in the cash register, Dad or a clerk would mix up a sack of candy for the customer to take to his family. There was always some treat when a bill was paid. That was positive reinforcement!

Looking back, I wonder how he managed the large number of credit accounts during difficult financial times and still paid his own bills. Everyone, except a few whose financial records and reputations were poor, could have a charge account with Leo Munson. Generally, there was a mutual understanding as to when the account would be paid If all went well and the person received money as anticipated, most paid. If not, Dad really put the pressure on them. For instance, he knew when sheepmen received their wool payment checks. Once or twice he sent me with a statement of the account to someone who had delayed coming in for two or three days.

However, if the person or his family became ill or had some other emergency Dad usually offered additional help All of the children remember Christmases when, after closing the store, we took packages to a home or homes where Dad or Mother knew the Christmas would be sparse. And in the days before everyone had a car, I pulled my express wagon to deliver flour and sugar to the homes of the older people, the sick, or perhaps to a wife with a houseful of kids whose husband was with the sheep herd. No pay was expected or received,

but the people certainly appreciated the service. Later, such deliveries were made in our car.

One unforgettable circumstance arose during the depression. As more and more people were unable to find work, Garfield County issued Direct Relief Vouchers The voucher, a sheet with the name of the recipient, countersigned by the issuing authority, authorized a merchant to deliver X number of dollars in merchandise to the named person. The merchant listed on the voucher the items delivered, and the recipient signed that he had received them. The merchant then signed the voucher and sent it to the county for payment. The procedure publicly proclaimed to anyone in the store that the recipient was a relief client. Many Escalanteans, too proud to undergo what was for them public humiliation, came to our home at night after the vouchers were issued My parents welcomed them Dad took the vouchers, credited their accounts with the amount, and let their purchases be written in his day book like charge purchases. Or, if they preferred, they received a book of coupons of various denominations that could be torn from the book to pay for purchases. Later, the items purchased were listed on the voucher. Perhaps these procedures were not completely legal, since people signed before they received the merchandise, but they helped many self-reliant people maintain their self-esteem.

To Dad and Mother the most important factor in their success was their support of church and community affairs. Dad's habit of smoking kept him from attending church, but he supported mother in seeing that the children were always there All their married life they tithed. They contributed time, money, equipment, and unfailing support to church construction projects or any other church need.

A clean, well-stocked store that catered to a customer's needs, a willingness to render an extra service, astute management of credit, a genuine concern for people—all made it possible for Dad to utilize another great asset—his ability to sell Walter Mulford of Torrey, Utah, once told me, "Your Dad could sell a headgate to a dry-land farmer."

My brother LoRell recalled one Fourth of July when Dad sold eight Warm Morning coal and wood-burning heaters from his truck in Boulder, Utah.

To some, the completion of a new, well-stocked store would be a good time to begin coasting along, watching the dimes and seeing what happened. But Dad could not stand still or drift along. Through depression and war he made changes in his business that kept it a

source of income and support for his family and of service to his customers As my sister Evelyn wrote, "As long as his health permitted, Dad had a project of some kind going."

Owning a freight truck that made regular trips to Salt Lake but was not busy all the time led Dad to contract the hauling of wool, sheep, and cattle to market. Often, after the truck unloaded wool or livestock in Marysvale, it took on flour, sugar, rock salt, livestock salt, cement, jumbo plaster, or similar items for the return trip

Taking cow hides from the cattle butchered for sale in the meat market soon led him into the business of buying and trading for cow hides, sheep pelts, and coyote, fox, or lynx furs trapped by Escalante residents. That business is a story in itself. Also, since he had a large corral and a boy to care for the cattle, he purchased or traded for an assortment of wild range cattle, aged bologna bulls, "kicky" milk cows, and choice heifers and steers to haul to Salt Lake when the truck made its monthly trip for freight.

In 1932 the garage occupying his old store building ceased operations. Dad arranged for his father, Lewis, to move his pool hall into that vacated space and to let the store expand into the adjoining pool hall space. Two openings between the buildings, shelves, and additional showcases soon made the extra space usable. Dad then added some sporting goods and a greater variety of hardware and clothing, and he was able to display his merchandise more attractively. An enclosed room provided office space with a desk, a chair, a filing cabinet, and a bed where Dad's brother Pratt, thirteen, and I, fourteen, slept at night to discourage the rash of night-time store burglaries. That was a fearful job for us, but it proved effective.

Sometime prior to 1932 Dad was elected mayor of Escalante. He

Hortense and Leo Munson, 1942, after twenty five years of marriage. Courtesy of Evelyn M. Lay, Mesa, Arizona.

served until the end of 1933. In Tropic the family had enjoyed a piped culinary water system, but Escalante depended upon water drawn from wells or irrigation water stored in cement-lined cisterns. Livestock had to be driven to the nearest irrigation ditch or to the canal above town during the summer. In winter they went to the creek north of town When federal funds, loaned on a long-term basis, became available for community water systems, Dad and Wallace Roundy, using a surveyor's chain, measured the distance (approximately twenty miles) from Escalante to a spring below Posey Lake in the mountains north of town. Dad made at least two trips to Salt Lake City to consult with lending agencies. He also contacted many people in town to get their written support for construction of the water system. Although Alvey Wright replaced him as mayor in 1934, Dad was a member of the town council when the water system was completed on May 23, 1936

All through the thirties Dad was also busy with his own projects. Many people in Escalante milked a few cows, separated the cream from their extra milk, and shipped it by mail to Salt Lake. Dad reasoned that they could get more money by selling the milk and that if he could make it into cheese he would have the freight to Salt Lake and some profit between the cost of producing the cheese and its wholesale price So he purchased a piece of land, including a spring, east of Escalante from Wallace Roundy, enclosed it with a cement headhouse, and built a cheese factory on the site. It opened in 1933 with Rex (Fat) Thompson of Circleville as the cheese maker. Everyone in town was intrigued with the process. Many, including me, were there when enough whey had been drained away so that the curd could be eaten. But the amount of milk available did not justify the operation. In 1934 Dad instigated a cheese operation in the isolated town of Boulder, east and north of Escalante, that his brother Levar and Levar's wife Thora took charge of; it was sold on April 1, 1935

Dad's 1935 construction project was a grocery store and meat market in Kanab, named Grand Canyon Market, which opened that summer. Levar and Thora made a quick move to Kanab to manage it. Although Levar understood merchandising, and he and Thora were sociable and fit into the community well, the depression affected both the livestock business and the tourist traffic By mid-1937 the store was closed, and later Dad sold the building.

Onjuly 31, 1936, Dad bought the Wilcock Building on Center Street, one of Escalante's first store buildings, and the business from

the heirs of Edward (Teddy) Wilcock. Some of the merchandise was old but still saleable Since the Escalante water system had just been completed, Dad was now stocking plumbing supplies. A large shed at the west end of the Wilcock property, and several yards from the back of Dad's Main Street store, provided convenient storage for pipe, range boilers, other plumbing items, and some farm machinery.

Soon the old red brick Wilcock Building housed a cafe, a barber shop, and an upstairs apartment and storage area. Later, the Soil Conservation Service rented the barber shop space.

When I returned home from college in the spring of 1937 Dad had another big project. Pratt and I immediately began to hand load and unload many truckloads of gravel and some of rocks. Only a small space separated the back of the pool hall building and Dad's original building from the old Star Hall, a tinder-dry firetrap. Dad had decided to build a thick concrete fire wall around the outside of his building and Grandpa's building and to pour a cement roof on the brick store. The cement for 110 feet of walls and for the roof was mixed two wheelbarrows to the batch and then wheeled and hoisted by pulley and derrick to the roof of the store.

The whole project may have seemed foolish when the old Star Hall was torn down a few years after the work was finished. But later the Cowles store to the east burned down. The fire leaped across the space With help from a bucket brigade and water from the nearby

Leo Munson bought the Wilcock Building, immediately to the right of the old Star Hall in 1936. Munson's store is on the extreme left. Group of men on left are standing in front of the pool hall. USHS collections.

irrigation ditch, damage to Dad's store was limited to a small oneroom appendage outside the main wall. He believed his buildings would have burned without the wall

In August 1932 an enormous flood had destroyed the Shurtz light plant that furnished electric power to Escalante Thereafter, the Shurtzes relied on a gas-driven generator to supply their customers. Despite their best efforts, the supply was neither adequate nor dependable In May 1936 federal legislation had created the Rural Electrification Administration. Onjuly 8, 1938, a local historian wrote, "at Panguitch, Utah, the Garkane Power Company was organized with ten men and three women from Kane and Garfield County as directors. Two of these, Leo and Hortense Munson, were from Escalante."10 That same year, the association qualified for a loan of $1.5 million and construction began on a generating plant at Hatch, Utah, and 108 miles of transmission line to Hatch, Tropic, Cannonville, Henrieville, and Escalante in Garfield County and Orderville, Glendale, Mount Carmel, and Alton in Kane County.11 Power delivery began on December 20, 1939. Mother served on the board until 1940. Dad was elected president on August 20, 1942, and served until 1948 when he resigned because of ill health.12

Until 1938 home hotels furnished the only accommodations for Escalante visitors. That year Dad and his brother Forest built five motel cabins, the first in Escalante.13 A family account noted, "The walls were adobes about 15" long by 4" thick by 6" wide, mixed in a horse-powered adobe mud mill located above the big ditch west of Escalante. Eldon Twitchell prepared the mud and filled the adobe molds Each mold held three adobes, all Pratt and I could stagger with. The adobes were dumped on the ground to dry. Later, they were hand-loaded onto the truck, taken to the building site, unloaded by hand, and laid up with blue clay mud After the roof was completed, Lester Blackburn of Orderville plastered the inside walls and stuccoed the outside."14 Most of the time the warm, comfortable cabins were rented as apartments until Claron Griffin purchased them in 1946 When Garkane Power Company began delivering power in

10 Nethella Griffin Woolsey, The Escalante Story (Springville, Ut.: Art City Publishing Co., 1964), p 207

11 Garfield County News (Panguitch), December 14, 1939.

12 Brochure of the Garkane Power Company prepared for the company's 40th anniversary, December 1979

13 Woolsey, The Escalante Story, p 162

14 Leo Munson Family Organization, Munson Memories: History ofLewis Leo and Hortense Cope Munson Family (Bountiful, 1993), pp 33-34

December 1939 Dad was ready for the increased demand for electrical supplies and appliances. By that time the pool hall had closed. He expanded into it, his original building, with a stock of large and small electric appliances as well as electrical wiring supplies and fixtures. He also increased his stock of furniture. Selling refrigerators, electric ranges, water heaters, and washing machines was his game Some of his friends from Tropic, Henrieville, and Cannonville came to buy because he had a good stock and delivered. Probably each delivery, if he went along, offered him a chance to sell to their neighbors Of course, he had competition in Escalante but still made his share of the sales.

During World War II the rationing of canned foods, meats, sugar, shoes, tires, and gasoline reduced the amount of those items Dad could sell and created a time-consuming headache of collecting, counting, accounting for, and paying stamps as well as money for what he purchased. My brother Lloyd, age eleven to fourteen during the war, counted and prepared the stamps for deposit, but Dad had to be responsible for the various regulations related to rationing and for observing the price ceilings of the Office of Price Administration. Merchandise shortages were most perplexing. It was doubly troublesome when merchandise was not available for the truck to bring back from its monthly trip to Salt Lake. Not only was there less to sell, but a truck without a full load increased the cost of what it did bring. Dad found out that furniture manufacturers were stymied by a shortage of lumber. Thereafter, on each trip to Salt Lake he took a load of lumber bought from local sawmills. Stover Bedding and Manufacturing Company then gave him preference in obtaining mattresses, box springs (without springs), and upholstered furniture. Dad's clerks improvised, too, making root beer with honey instead of sugar and then bottling and selling it instead of the usual soda pop

After the war's end in 1945 Dad encouraged his four oldest children, as well as his younger brother Pratt, to own a business. He felt that they, like himself, could best provide for their families with a business The unfilled demands for consumer goods during the war years, plus the increased population of returning servicemen, forecast successful businesses in most towns. By fall 1946 Pratt, Kim (husband of Evelyn), and Hal (husband of Lasca) were selling appliances and furniture in buildings that were cooperatively constructed under Dad's direction, with assistance from LoRell, Lloyd, and Howard, and which they rented from Dad. The following year, with his help, I had a business.

In 1948 he helped Doyle (husband of LoRee) establish a locker plant in Escalante

Affected by shrinking markets, competition, and lack of business experience, needs of growing families, or changing individual priorities, none of these enterprises became lifetime family businesses Before each closed, Dad and the operators, in a loving environment, reached a satisfactory settlement for ownership of each rented building.

By 1948 Dad's periodic uncomfortable back problems and occasional headaches became excruciating daily events that often took him away from the store and brought expenses for medical treatment. That same year knee surgery required Uncle Levar to leave his employment at the store. Lloyd, still in high school, kept the store operating, with the help of Nelda Twitchell, while LoRell oversaw the trucking and outside work By 1950 LoRell and Nelda had almost complete responsibility.

By the spring of 1952 Dad's absences from home and work and his medical expenses required that he dispose of his business holdings. On March 13 he sold the Wilcock store building to Blake Robinson. On March 20 he sold the store on an installment contract to William L. and Minnie Davis. Dad had undoubtedly suffered a nervous breakdown. Until May 1955 he and Mother spent most of their time in Salt Lake or Magna while he visited various doctors She read to him a lot Sometimes they visited family members in the vicinity Mother and Dad were both happy when his health improved and they could return home.

While returning from a trip to St. George about May 1, 1957, they stopped at the Swan Motel in Hurricane, Utah, to see Ruth Baugh Adams, one of Mother's childhood friends. They learned that the motel was for sale. Within a few days, my wife Lillian and I were with them in Hurricane. They wanted our judgment about the feasibility of making the motel pay and what it would cost to make it more comfortable and attractive Dad was thinking ahead of possible expenses after the purchase and was excited about the challenge of making the motel a paying proposition. Outside, the motel showed neglect. Inside, it needed new bedding, linens, carpet, drapes, paint, and repairs to the showers and heaters. We made some cost estimates, and soon they made a deal with the Adamses, using the home in Escalante for a down payment and an installment contract for the balance. On May 29, 1957, Mother and Dad made the move to Hurricane.

Mother wrote, "We moved there when the cherries were ripe, and

Below: The Swan Motel in Hurricane was the Munsons' last business venture.

Inset: Leo Munson hanging up the motel laundry (his wife was then in a wheelchair). Courtesy of Orpha M. Spencer, Mesa, Arizona.

we were really thrilled with the place. We acted like two happy kids. This was ajob where we could both work together and be together. We did enjoy the first three or four years there until Leo began to fail in health again. We did so much work and improved it until it didn't look like the same place. We had a nice peach orchard, cherry orchard and planted grapes. Everything was so dear to us."15

With their family's help every room was refurbished and the equipment repaired The shrubbery and trees outside were carefully pruned, and the large front lawn kept mowed and trimmed. A new neon sign lighted the front and roadside signs informed travelers that

l!i Hortense Munson, personal history, copy of MS in author's possession

the Swan Motel waited a few miles ahead A carport was enclosed to enlarge their own living quarters, and some new units were constructed and new concrete walks poured.

Dad would have called his last enterprise a great success, not only for the days of family happiness while they lived there but because his greatest desire was realized. He wanted to leave Mother with sufficient income to enjoy life. When he died on December 21, 1963, he had achieved that. As the almost prototypal small town American entrepreneur, Dad had lived his dream and succeeded Equally important, he also had succeeded as a family man and a community leader

Salt Lake City, ca. 1959, when the state's economy was largely managed in Washington, D.C. USHS collections.

Some Meanings of Utah History

BY THOMAS G ALEXANDER

A T THE STATEHOOD DAY BANQUET IN JANUARY 1995 I sat between Richard Roberts, a history professor at Weber State University, and Kim Burningham, executive director of the Utah Statehood Centennial Commission. As we conversed, Kim asked me what contribution I expected to make in writing a new history of the state.1 This is a fair question and it is one that I tried to answer as I talked with him.

Dr. Alexander is Lemuel Hardison Redd, Jr., Professor of Western American History at Brigham Young University and a former member of the Utah Board of State History He presented this paper as the first annual Utah History Address at the 43rd Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society held July 13, 1995, in Salt Lake City

1 This work has since been completed and published under the title Utah: The Right Place (Layton, Ut.: Gibbs Smith, Publisher, 1995).

First, I told him, I believe it is time that we look at the lives of Utahns as a single piece As any of you older than forty understand, we used to conceive of history as the story of past politics Later historians started adding chapters on the economy and on social history More recently they have begun to add separate chapters discussing culture. If you look at the recent comprehensive treatments of Utah's past: Utah'sHistory that Richard Poll, David Miller, Eugene Campbell, and I edited in 1978 and that Dick updated for republication in 1989, Dean May's Utah: A People'sHistory (1987), and Charles Peterson's Utah:A Bicentennial History (1977), each of them contains a discussion of minority groups, religion, and culture, but each also tends to provide only a minimal integration of cultural features with political and economic patterns That is, the authors have tended to view such topics in relative isolation rather than seeing the lives of people as an integrated whole.

This is not meant to be an indictment of anyone. After all, I was one of the authors of one of those histories. It is the way we used to view things.

Now, I believe, however, that in order to help us understand the world in which we live we need to do something different. We need to see our lives and the lives of other Utahns as a whole—as an integrated unit

We are notjust political beings as Aristotle suggested, or even economic and social animals. We also engage ourselves in the arts, sports, recreation, literature, in music, and religion. Historians need to develop methodologies to interpret the ways in which people's various cultural attributes interact with their political and economic lives. Moreover, we cannot simply see the lives of women and men as separate from one another. We cannot just have separate chapters on women in our history books. Women and men have worked together to achieve common goals and to make their communities better places for themselves, their neighbors, and their families

Beyond this, we need to offer a more complete treatment of the twentieth century. The history of Utah's people begins with the Native Americans—Paleo-Indians, Archaic, Anasazi, Fremont, Numic, and Dine—and with Latino explorers and missionaries who lived here and visited Utah before the nineteenth century. Still, the best-documented portion of our story really begins in the 1820s with the arrival of the mountain men. The documents then expand in number after 1847 when the first parties of Mormon pioneers arrived and when Utah's

population began to grow rapidly. As peoples with other religious beliefs—Protestants, Catholics, Greek Orthodox, Jews, and Buddhists—and ethnic groups other than northern Europeans— Chinese,Japanese, Greeks, Italians, African Americans, and Latinos— arrived, the volume of data on our history expanded exponentially.

If we date the well-documented portion of Utah's history from the 1820s, more than half the state's readily recoverable past lies in the twentieth century. Previous histories have generally emphasized the nineteenth century. I have tried to remedy that deficiency by devoting more than half the pages of my new work to the period since statehood

I have also taken cognizance of an unfortunately neglected dimension of Utah's past. Utahns are an overwhelmingly urban people More than half of all Utahns have lived in cities since the 1920s, and the 1990 census revealed Utah as the eighth most urbanized state in the nation. More than 83 percent of our people live in cities, and three-fourths of all the state's citizens reside along the Wasatch Front. I have, therefore, paid considerable attention to the role of cities in Utah's experience

Because of the importance of land, water, minerals, and other natural resources in Utah's past, I have also paid more than usual attention to the interaction of Utahns with their physical environment How have Utahns used the land, watercourses, plants, and animals around them? Why have so many controversies in our past centered on the ownership and use of natural resources? We need to understand these things.

Now, let us turn to another matter Some commentators have criticized historians of Utah's past for paying too much attention to the Mormons. In this connection I would note that when I took Utah history from George Ellsworth at Utah State, one comment among many he made stuck in my mind. He said that students often complained to him about how much time he spent lecturing on the Mormons. Then he pointed out—quite properly I believe—that studying Utah history without talking about the Mormons would be like discussing the European discovery of America without mentioning Columbus

I agree with his point of view. I should hasten to add, however— and I am sure that George would agree—that this does not mean that other peoples do not deserve our attention Each group of peoples who came to Utah has made numerous contributions. It does mean,

however, that we ought to understand the contribution of the majority as well as of the minority

Nevertheless, everyone has certain biases. I do not believe that anyone can be completely objective. In writing history I have tried to be fair and balanced I would emphasize, however, that I consider fairness and balance as attributes of honesty rather than of objectivity. I recognize that I carry particular cultural baggage. I am a CelticAmerican Latter-day Saint man. I do not apologize for that condition; it is a fact of biology and of culture. However, such a fact is no reason to slight other peoples or genders or to treat them with disrespect Regard for others is also part of my cultural baggage.

Now, with this rather extended background, I wish to reflect on the meanings of Utah history and on some of the features that strike me as particularly significant.

We may not do too much violence to Utah's past if we look at the movements of various peoples into Utah as waves of invaders. The earliest invaders were the Archaic peoples. They invaded a land previously occupied by plants and animals Then came the Anasazi and Fremont. There is some tendency for Euro-Americans to look back on these peoples—the Anasazi and Fremont for instance—with barely dis-

%I ; ML

Hovenweep National Monument in the Four Corners area, one of the state's most impressive Anasazi sites. USHS collections.

guised smugness. I suspect that we do that because we compare our lives today with theirs 2,000 to 700 years ago. If, however, we compare their lives with the lives of Europeans during the same period—the Roman Empire to the late Middle Ages—we gain a different perspective Life expectancy of both peoples was about the same That is, whether you lived in America during Anasazi and Fremont times or Europe from the time of Christ to the period following the Norman invasion of Great Britain, you could expect to live about thirty-five years. 2 Moreover, in both places you could expect to live in a condition in which disease, warfare, and parasites ravaged your body. Neither America nor Europe was a paradise—writers like Kirkpatrick Sale and the legends of Arthur's Camelot notwithstanding. 3 Nevertheless, both peoples farmed, herded, hunted, and gathered locally. They also carried on a small trade with distant communities. Drought, warfare, and violence visited these ancient Utahns in the same way that the black plague and recurrent wars visited Europeans.

At the same time, we have every reason to believe that all of these peoples fashioned relatively satisfactory lives for themselves until extraordinary events intervened. In Europe the invasion of Germanic peoples marginalized the Celts—my ancestors—and wars and plagues ravaged the population. In Utah, something—we believe probably drought—eventually drove out the Anasazi and Fremont people, and an invasion of Numic peoples—the Utes, Paiutes, Shoshonis, and Gosiutes replaced them.

Later, the invasion of Euro-Americans—explorers, traders, trappers, overland migrants, and Mormon, Catholic, and Protestant settlers and miners marginalized the Numics and the Dine—the Navajo We ought to understand, however, that these Native American peoples were wonderfully adaptive. We do them little service by treating them as victims or objects of pity.

Let me give you an example

Instead of thinking of Walkara, the famous Ute chief, as a romantic figure in Utah's distant past—the "Hawk of the Mountains" as one biographer called him—think of him for a moment as a businessman. He established the base of his enterprises in Sanpete County. From there he ranged into the Latino settlements in Mexico and New Mexico, into the Mormon settlements in

2 On the question of survival see Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987)

3 Kirkpatrick Sale, The Conquest ofParadise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1990)

central Utah, and into the Latino and American settlements in California. He carried on an extensive business in such things as horses, weapons, and indentured servants. Like some other businessmen, he appropriated—stole—some of things he traded, and he gained some by barter or purchase. Walkara invited the Mormons to settle in Sanpete County. I suspect that he thought of this invitation as a prudent decision. After all he expected to trade with them and perhaps steal from them just as he did with the peoples of New Mexico and California In practice it proved bad business judgment. The Mormons wanted to make settlements; for them trade was a sideline to their primary activity of farming They reacted quite violently to theft. Eventually they overwhelmed and displaced Walkara's people.

But in making the decision to invite the Mormons to Sanpete, Walkara's mistake was not much different from those of other businessmen like Henry Kaiser or John Delorean in the automobile business. How many of you see a HenryJ on the road today, or how many of you have seen a Delorean sports car anywhere except in the Backto theFuture movies? Looking at Walkara's invitation with some perspective, it was certainly made on better information than the Koyle Dream Mine or the various get-rich-quick scams that so many Utahns have invested in over the past fifteen years Instead of ending up in bankruptcy court or in jail, Walkara and his people went to war. After his death they ended up on reservations.

If we review the internal workings of the Mormon kingdom in the nineteenth century, we see that both nineteenth-century and contemporary observers who have despised the Mormons most certainly have attributed more power and central control to the LDS hierarchy—particularly Brigham Young and his associates—than they ever

Walkara, left, and his brother Arapeenfrom the 1855 book From Liverpool to the Great Salt Lake Valley

possessed. Nineteenth-century Utah was undoubtedly an authoritarian theocracy, but it was not a totalitarian dictatorship. The Saints were generally disposed to follow their leaders in most religious, economic, cultural, and political matters, but the church leadership never exercised anything near absolute control.

If we examine several well-documented events in which Mormon leaders tried to order the members to do what they asked, we can gain some perspective on the limits of their power to organize and coordinate events Let me give an example. As Howard Christy has shown, after 1851 Brigham Young admonished the people to build forts and to follow a policy of defense and conciliation during conflicts with the Utes.4 In spite of these admonitions, many local communities, militias, and ecclesiastical and political leaders disregarded this counsel.

Think of conditions during the settlement of Utah County and the Walker and Black Hawk wars. Many towns refused to build forts, small parties ventured abroad to farm and trade, many people refused to pool their livestock, local militia rode out to kill Indians, and in several instances in Nephi and Sanpete counties, people massacred parties of Native Americans.

Here is another example In the 1870s Brigham Young and church leaders called on the people in settlements throughout Utah to join the United Orders. Many did join, but most dropped out quickly and a majority of the United Orders failed within a year. 51 would suggest that the demise of the United Orders perhaps as much as anything in nineteenth-century Utah represents the victory of EuroAmerican individualism over Mormon authoritarian communitarianism. But it also reveals that contrary to the conventional wisdom of critics, the Mormon people would often do what they thought was in

Brigham Young. USHS collections.

4 Howard A Christy, "Open Hand and Mailed Fist: Mormon-Indian Relations in Utah, 1847-1852," Utah Historical Quarterly 46 (1978): 216-35; and "The Walker War: Defense and Conciliation as Strategy," UHQ41 (1979): 395-420

5 LeonardJ Arrington, Feramorz Y Fox, and Dean L May, Building the City of God: Community and Cooperation among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), pp 7-9

their best interest—including committing violent acts and engaging in market economic activities—in spite of the counsel of church leaders. We should take into consideration this tendency to regard individual and local judgment as superior to church directives when we interpret such events as the Mountain Meadows Massacre.

I said earlier that I thought historians ought to integrate various aspects of our past—economic, political, cultural, social Let us take a closer look at that challenge, beginning with economics.

Since 1847 Utah's economy seems to have passed through four phases. The first phase was the Mormon Kingdom which lasted until the 1880s. The Mormons tried to promote a relatively high degree of economic self-sufficiency, and they were reasonably successful for about twenty years. Some vestiges of that kingdom remain in the settlements scattered throughout the Mountain West.

In the second phase, which I will call the Old Colonial Society, Utah became a colony of Wall Street. The shift to the Old Colonial Society began during the mining boom which started in the 1870s, and by 1900 the Old Colonial Society had replaced the Mormon Kingdom During this phase outside capitalists like Meyer Guggenheim, George Hearst, and William Rockefeller together with some Utah entrepreneurs like Thomas Kearns, Daniel Jackling, and Jesse Knight promoted mining development. Significantly, mining was perhaps only the most visible element of a much more fundamental change in the character of Utah's economy. During the Old Colonial Society most of the major businesses in the state came to be owned and managed from outside Utah, especially from Wall Street. This outside management included not only the mining companies but also public utilities and most of the major businesses—Utah Power and Light, Union Pacific, Southern Pacific, Denver and Rio Grande, even the Utah-Idaho Sugar Company which became a part of the national sugar trust.

The Old Colonial Society reigned supreme until the 1930s when the third phase, the New Colonial Society, began to develop During the Great Depression the federal government began to invest heavily in Utah. This trend continued into World War II and afterward until federal installations became the largest businesses in Utah. In the process, management of Utah's economy shifted from New York to Washington, D.C. Like the Old Colonial Society, the New Colonial Society was extremely important to the state. Then, during the 1980s, conditions began to change. More and

more, the largest businesses in the state came to be owned and/or managed in Utah rather than outside. By the late 1980s Utah had become a true commonwealth. It was no longer a colony. Both the Old and New Colonial Society economies diminished in importance. During the 1960s Utah received a great deal more money from the federal government than the average state. By 1984 it ranked slightly below the average. In 1984 the average American state received $2,962 per capita from the federal government while Utah got $2,930 per capita.6 In 1993, however, Utah ranked forty-fourth among the states in per capita income from federal payments at $4,011. The average state got $4,814.7

Significantly, both the Old Colonial Society and the New Colonial Society diminished as the Commonwealth Society came to dominate Utah. If, for instance, you compare employment in the twenty-five largest businesses in the state in 1992, the overwhelming majority of people worked for businesses that were owned and managed locally. Of the twenty-five largest businesses in Utah measured by total employees in that year, those from the Old Colonial Society employed 19,200 people. 8 Those from the New Colonial Society employed 27,300 people. The largest businesses in the Commonwealth Society employed 94,400 people, more than twice as many as employment in the vestiges of the Old and New Colonial Societies combined.

With this economic background, I want to discuss the integration of people's political, cultural, and social lives in these various societies I hasten to add that this is not meant to be an economic determinist argument. I would argue, in fact, that the Mormon Kingdom, the Old Colonial Society, the New Colonial Society, and the Commonwealth Society were integrated wholes. During the Mormon Kingdom, people controlled their political lives locally. Although the federal government appointed the governor, certain executive officers, and the judges, the Mormon-dominated People's party controlled the legislature and all the local governmental offices until the 1880s.

On the cultural scene, most artistic and literary endeavors took place locally Utah artists trained elsewhere—generally in Europe or the eastern United States—but they came to Utah to work, and the various artistic enterprises provided jobs for them. Think of George

6 U.S Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1986 (Washington, D C: Government Printing Office, 1985), p 314

7 U.S Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1994 (Washington, D C: Government Printing Office, 1994), p 340

8 Salt Lake Tribune, September 7, 1992

Ottinger, Dan Weggeland, and C C A. Christensen, all of whom made their living locally as painters. Utahns operated the Salt Lake Theatre, and they also ran theatrical and musical companies in the local communities Elmo G and Edward Geary have documented the lively dramatic enterprise in Castle Valley.9 My great-great-grandfather, Henry Hughes, who was a bishop in Mendon, advertised for people to move to his town in Cache Valley to build an excellent choir. Sports were also local and, like the various artistic endeavors, were also very popular. Some baseball games in Salt Lake City during the 1870s, for instance, attracted nearly half of the city's total population.10

As Utah moved into and passed through the Old and New Colonial Societies, cultural, political, and social conditions changed. Utah moved into the National Republican column during the Old Colonial Society In the 1930s, during the New Colonial Society, Utah became an overwhelmingly Democratic state. Then after World War II as the Republican party accepted the new role of the federal government and became in Dwight Eisenhower's phrase "modern Republicans," Utah tended to alternate between the two parties.

During the two colonial societies with their outside domination, the locus of power in the arts and humanities shifted to places outside Utah. Increasingly, artists and literary figures moved from Utah to ply their professions. Utah managed to promote some local enterprises especially in music during the New Colonial Society, such as the Utah Symphony and the Tabernacle Choir, but many of Utah's best artists and writers who did not have university appointments found it prudent to leave the state to earn a satisfactory living Thus we had a sizeable Utah community on the East Coast that included such people as Mahonri Young, Cyrus Dallin, Bernard De Voto, Virginia Sorensen, and May Swenson; and in California such people as Fawn Brodie and Wallace Stegner in literature and John Willard Clawson and Mary Teasdel in painting. Sports were also overwhelmingly colonial. Salt Lake City and Ogden had minor league teams—the Bees and the Reds—farm clubs of major league franchises. These teams played in the Pioneer League against clubs from Idaho and Montana

I said earlier that the argument about the Kingdom, Colony, and

9 Elmo G Geary and Edward A Geary, "Community Dramatics in Early Castle Valley," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 112-30

10 Kenneth L Cannon II, " The National Game: A Social History of Baseball in Salt Lake City, 1868-1888" (M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1982), p. 59.

Commonwealth was not meant to be economic. I can continue this illustration with a discussion of the arts under the Commonwealth. In many ways, the arts and humanities led the way into the Commonwealth Society, and the economy and politics followed. Because of musicians like Maurice Abravanel, dancers like Willam Christensen, and theater impresarios like Fred Adams, together with patrons like Glenn Walker Wallace, Wendell Ashton, and Obert Tanner, the Utah Symphony, Ballet West, and the Utah Shakespearean Festival became national institutions long before most of the largest businesses in Utah were locally owned or managed Moreover, by the 1980s Utah had artists colonies in Utah County, in Salt Lake City, and elsewhere with nationally renown artists like Marilee Campbell, Jeanne L. Lundberg Clarke, Lee Deffebach, Gary Smith, Dennis Smith,James Christensen, and Randall Lake.

The shift to big league sports took place at the same time. Perhaps the preeminent example is the Utah Jazz. As the Jazz moved to Utah in 1979, the management made a number of brilliant decisions. First, they enlisted the assistance of a number of community leaders like Wendell Ashton who had also helped to promote the Utah Symphony A second stroke of genius was hiring Brooklyn native Frank Layden from Atlanta, first as general manager and then as coach. Third, they managed to sign a number of high-profile and extremely talented players like Adrian Dandy, Mark Eaton, Rickey Green, Darrell Griffith, John Stockton, and Karl Malone. I suspect that Karl Malone is the best known African American in Utah. He is very good at what he does, and he has identified with the community by supporting such charitable enterprises as the Special Olympics.

Politics followed the same trend. The shift to Republican party domination in Utah began during the mid-1970s at the same time that a similar shift was taking place in other states throughout the American West. It was not something that took place in Utah alone,

Karl Malone, 1988. USHS collections.

but the Beehive State followed the same trend as Wyoming, Idaho, Arizona, New Mexico, and Nevada.

The economic development that led to the Commonwealth Society really took place during the late 1970s and 1980s. ZCMI expanded its operations by opening outlets throughout the state, and a number of important high-tech companies like WordPerfect, Novell, and IOmega established themselves in Utah while reaching out to capture markets beyond the state. A group of Utahns headed by Joseph Cannon bought Geneva Steel and transferred its management to Utah. First Security Bank became an Intermountain financial power. Moreover, it is not at all surprising that a Utahn, Larry H. Miller, should have purchased the Utah Jazz

By the late 1980s Utah had become a true commonwealth. The Beehive State was no longer a kingdom or a colony. Perhaps the success in convincing the International Olympics Committee that the 2002 Winter Olympics ought to be held in Salt Lake City is the best symbol of that commonwealth status.

What does it really mean to be a Utahn? Some people who do not know much about the state insist that in order to be a real Utahn you have to be a Mormon Frankly, I find this absolute nonsense I suspect, for instance, that two of the best known Utahns in our recent past are Maurice Abravanel, a European-born musician, and Frank Layden, a Brooklyn-born basketball executive.

But, you say, they are immigrants to Utah That is true, but what we often forget is that Brigham Young, Eliza R. Snow, Martha Hughes Cannon, and Leonard Arrington were all immigrants to Utah as well.

ZCMI with Kennecott Building to the left. USHS collections.

That they were Mormons is undoubtedly relevant to their religious life, but it does not by itself make them Utahns

What is it that makes one a Utahn? Let me take the example of Maurice Abravanel. The Utah Symphony hired him as director in 1947 In 1949 he had an offer to go to Houston at a higher salary

That same year,J. Bracken Lee vetoed a bill that would have granted state funds to the Utah Symphony. That made Abravanel angry, but instead of throwing in the towel and moving to Houston he decided to stay and fight. In doing so, he cast his lot with Utah and he made the Utah Symphony into one of the nation's great musical organizations

I would suggest that it is an act of will that brings someone to love Utah and its people enough to work and fight for it the way that both Brigham Young and Maurice Abravanel did. Becoming a Utahn is not a matter of place of birth, religious persuasion, ethnic background, economic status, or any such thing. It is a matter of the heart. We become Utahns because we love the state and because we understand that it is still the right place

The Historical Occurrence and Demise of Bison in Northern Utah

BY KAREN D. LUPO

WHE N PEOPLE ENVISION BISON (OR BUFFALO), most will picture large herds meandering across the vast plains of North America. While northern Utah probably will not come to mind, archaeological and historical evidence indicates that these massive mammals once widely roamed across much of the region, at times in great numbers. Archaeological evidence shows that bison were hunted by native peoples in Utah at least 10,000 years ago and possibly earlier.1

Archaeological sites with bison bone and dating to Fremont times (A.D. 400-1300) are clustered in the northern part of Utah, especially in the Willard Bay area on the eastern shore of the Great Salt Lake. However, petroglyphs of bison found as far south as Kane County attest to the former range of these animals.2 Late nineteenth and early

Dr Lupo is a research associate in the Department of Anthropology, University of Utah, Salt Lake City

1 Donald K Grayson, Danger Cave, Last Supper Cave and Hanging Rock Shelter: The Faunas, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1988) See also Melvin C Aikens, Fremont-Promontory-Plains Relationships, Including a Report of Excavations at the Injun Creek and Bear River Number 1 Sites, Northern Utah, University of Utah Anthropological Papers, No 82 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966)

2 Frederick S Dellenbaugh, Breaking the Wilderness (New York: G P Putnam, 1905), p 37, provides an illustration of the petroglyph but not its exact location The same petroglyph may have been reported by C C Presnall, "Evidence of Bison in Southwestern Utah," Journal of Mammalogy 19 (1938): 111-12

Buffalo on a cliff wall in southern Utah. From Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, Breaking the Wilderness, 1905.

twentieth century explorers and naturalists observed bison skeletons in Echo Canyon, Utah Valley, Gunnison on the Sevier River, Parowan Canyon in Iron County, on the shores of the Great Salt Lake and Utah Lake, in remote locations above the timber line (11,800 ft.) in the Uinta Mountains, and in valleys of the Wasatch Mountains.3 The number and distribution of these finds led early naturalists to conclude that bison were widespread and common historically, at least until just before the arrival of the Mormon pioneers in 1847.4 However, these skeletal remains were undated and may have been much older than their date of discovery implies The most compelling evidence is found in historical journals or other records of sightings of live animals. Early travelers and explorers were interested in and often made mention of game animals in theirjournals because they supplemented their meager and sometimes exhausted food provisions. For Utah this evidence is limited and shrouded in a veil of mystery involving legends, oral traditions, and fact.

Probably the earliest historical reference relevant to bison in the Utah area is related by Baron La Hontan in 1689.5 While staying with a group of Indians near the headwaters of a tributary to the Mississippi

3 James H Simpson, Report of Explorations Across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah...in 1859 (Washington D.C: GPO, 1876), p 460 Simpson refutes aJanuary 18, 1859, report by Governor Denver, commissioner of Indian Affairs, to Rep. Alexander H. Stephens, that bison were not found west of the Rocky Mountains: "The governor is here evidently wrong, for I have seen a number of skulls of buffalo in Echo Canon, and in the upper part of the Timpanogos Valley (Utah Valley), all showing that at not a very remote period the buffalo roamed west of the Rocky Mountains." For other reports of buffalo skeletal remains see Presnall, "Evidence of Bison in Southwestern Utah," pp 111-12; and Joseph Asaph Allen, History of the American Bison, 9th Annual Report of United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territory under F. V. Hayden for the Year 1875 (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1877), pp 512-15 Allen reported: "Along the railroad leading from Ogden City to Salt Lake City I examined, in September of 1871, numbers of skulls in a nearly perfect state of preservation, which had been exposed in throwing up the roadbed across the marshes a few miles north of Salt Lake City I also saw a few on the terraces north and west of Ogden City, but generally in a disintegrated condition "Julian Steward, Ancient. Caves of the Great Salt Lake, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, (Washington D.C: GPO, 1937), Bulletin 116, described caves used by ancient cultures on Promontory Point containing many bison bones Claude Teancum Barnes, "Utah Mammals," Bulletin of the University of Utah, New Series, 17 (June 1927): 174, reported that a Professor Marcus E.Jones picked up a buffalo skull on the shores of the Great Salt Lake near Saltair in 1898. Ruth Dowell Svihla, "Mammals of Uinta Mountain Region, "Journal ofMammology 12 (1931): 256-65, discovered bison bones in the Uinta Mountains Parley P Pratt, "To President Orson Pratt and the Saints in Great Britain," Millennial StarTl (September 5, 1848): 21-24, observed buffalo bones in the valleys of the Wasatch Front

4 Elliott Coues and H. C. Yarrow, "Report upon Collections of Mammals Made in Portions of Nevada, Utah, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona during the Years 1871, 1872, 1873, and 1874," in George M Wheeler's Report upon United States Geographical Surveys West of the One-Hundredth Meridian... (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1875), 5:68 They reported that bison were formerly quite common in Utah and were remembered by many older Indians. Interestingly, they were unable to acquire any live specimens from Utah See also Ernest Thompson Seton, Lives of Game Animals, 4 vols (Garden City: Doubleday, 1925-28), 2:647 Seton estimated that bison ranged throughout northern Nevada and most of Utah in 1500 By 1832 that range had contracted to northern Utah, including the area surrounding the Great Salt Lake It is not clear how these estimates were derived since few historical accounts pertinent to this time period exist

5 Baron La Hontan, New Voyages to North America Reprinted from the English Edition of 1703 with Facsimiles of Original Title-Pages, Maps and Illustrations, 2 vols., ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites (Chicago: A. C. McClury, 1905), 2: chap 16

River, La Hontan met four slaves These slaves claimed to be members of the Mozeemlek nation from a distant land with a large salt lake. They allegedly supplied the cities and towns surrounding the salt lake "with great numbers of little calves" that were used for food and clothing. The validity of this report has been questioned by scholars, and some regard it as purely fictional, but there are striking parallels between elements of this story and the geography and cultural history of the Great Salt Lake area. 6 For example, the Mozeemlek slaves had thick bushy beards similar to those worn by some Utes as later described by Escalante.7 Some of the western Ute bands were known to be purveyors of buffalo meat and robes and ranged as far south as Taos, New Mexico, by 1680 and probably much earlier.8 Finally, there are marked similarities between the inland salt lake surrounded by cities or towns in La Hontan's story and the Great Salt Lake surrounded by archaeological villages.9 The earliest eyewitness accounts of bison in northeastern Utah were recorded during the DominguezEscalante expedition.10 Journal entries from early September 1776 report buffalo tracks along the White River near the present Utah/Colorado border. Later, at least two buffalo were killed by expedition members near the Green River in Utah. They also encountered mounted Comanches in pursuit of 'Yutas" who had been hunting buffalo in their territory By September 25, 1776, the expedition had arrived in Utah Valley and reported that bison were available not far to the north and northwest of Utah Lake.11 This entry was undoubtedly based on information provided by the Utah Lake Utes (Timpanogotzis) who stated that fear of the Comanches kept them from hunting in those areas. Although the Utah Lake Utes knew of bison, there is no mention in the Dominguez-Escalante journals that they possessed buffalo skins or dried meat. In fact, the Utah Valley Utes are referred to as "fish-eaters" and provided dried fish to the Spanish expedition for provisions

6 Dale L Morgan, The Great Salt Lake (1947; reprint ed., Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1973); chaps 2 and 3 describe fact and fiction associated with the discovery of the Great Salt Lake

See alsoJohn R Dewey, "Evidence of Acculturation among the Indians of Northern Utah and Southeast Idaho: A Historical Approach," Utah Archaeological Newsletter42 (1966): 3-10, 12-19. See alsoJ. Cecil Alter, "Some Useful Early Utah Indian References," Utah Historical Quarterly 1 (1928): 26

7 William Richard Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah (Salt Lake City: Intermountain Catholic Press, 1909), p 151

8 LeRoy R Hafen and Ann W Hafen, The Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to California (Glendale, Calif: A H.Clark & Co., 1954)

9 Dewey "Evidence of Acculturation," pp. 3-10, 12-19.

10 Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah, pp 161-67

11 Ibid

Subsequent reports by trailblazers and fur trappers dating from the early nineteenth century unmistakably place bison in areas adjacent to Utah, including the Green and Bear rivers in southwestern Wyoming and along the Bear, Snake, and Portneuf rivers in southern Idaho.12 One of the earliest is an 1811 observation made by the Astorians of Shoshoni bands from southeastern Idaho hunting bison along the headwaters of the Green River in Wyoming.13 Later, the Ashley-Smith expedition reported that bison were abundant in Wyoming along the Green River in April and the Bear River in May 1825.14 Captain Bonneville's expedition hunted bison on both the Portneuf and Green rivers in 1833-34.15 According to Osbourne Russell, bison were abundant along the Portneuf River in southern Idaho in 1836; but by 1840 only scattered skeletons remained, and the buffalo trails appeared abandoned and were overgrown with grass. 16

Despite numerous reports of bison in parts of southern Idaho and southwestern Wyoming, their presence and distribution in Utah is far less clear. If the claim of Louis Vasquez, a partner of James Bridger, is believed accurate, herds of bison were seen in the Great Salt Lake Valley in the fall of 1822.17 In an October 29, 1858, newspaper interview, Vasquez reported that he and a party of trappers were camped in the Cache Valley in 1822 when a severe snowstorm forced them to descend the Bear River and move into the Great Salt Lake Valley where they saw bison herds. Details of this report are believed to be at least partly inaccurate because Vasquez was probably not in Utah until 1825-26.18

A more reliable sighting of bison in northeastern Utah is reported in the journals of Peter Skene Ogden. In 1824-25 Ogden and William Kittison led an expedition sponsored by the Hudson's Bay Company into the Snake River country (southeastern Idaho and northeastern Utah). Journal entries dating between May 1 and May 13, 1825, report that buffalo were encountered along the Deep Creek River near modern Preston, Idaho, south to the Cache Valley of

12 Frank Gilbert Roe, The North American Buffalo (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951), pp 263-72

13 Washington Irving, Astoria (Chicago: Belford, Clark and Co., 1885), pp 385-87

14 The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific, 1822-1829, with the OriginalJournals, ed. Harrison Clifford Dale (Cleveland: A. H. Clark Co., 1918), p. 155.

15 Washington Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville (New York: P F Collier & Sons, 1900), pp 206-7, 272, 273, 275

16 Osbourne Russell, fournal of a Trapper, 1834-1843, ed Aubrey Haines (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965), p 123

17 Morgan, The Great Salt Lake, p 70

18 Ibid

Utah.19 But bison were not mentioned in areas farther south such as Ogden Valley or along the Weber River. In 1828-29 Ogden led another expedition through northern Utah, traveling northeast along the southern base of the Grouse and Raft mountains and east to the Malad River. On December 26, 1828, Ogden was camped north of the Great Salt Lake and could see the lake surrounded by fog in the distance.20 He wrote:

The country we travelled over this day is covered with cedar trees, and from the quantity of buffalo dung and tracks in the spring of the year must be most abundant, at present no signs of any. .. . As we were on the eve of encamping we were rather surprised to see our guide coming in advance with a cheerful countenance and informed us he had seen an indian who reported to him that buffalo were not far off, at the same time not numerous. 21

A few days later when the group was camped near the Hansel Mountains, Ogden mentioned that attempts by hunters from his group to find bison were unsuccessful. He believed it was because buffalo were only abundant in this area during the spring.22 By late March of 1829 Ogden's group was trapping along the Bear River In reference to the territory north of the Great Salt Lake, Ogden noted: "So far as I have seen of the north side is truly a barren country, buffalo have travelled thus far, but not in numbers nor do I believe they visit here annually of course not to be depended on by travelers who may desire to follow their tracks."23

Of all the early explorers in Utah, Jedediah Smith had the most familiarity with the Great Salt Lake area. Surprisingly, he made little mention of buffalo in his journals but did note the overall lack of game in this area. Between 1826 and 1827 Smith led an expedition to California that traversed much of Utah from north to south. At the journey's onset on August 7, 1826, he was camped along the Portneuf River in southern Idaho hunting buffalo and provisioning his party for the journey south into Utah He noted: "I was well aware that to the south as far as my acquaintance extended there was but little game and experience had learned me in many a severe lesson the necessity of providing a supply of provision for traveling in gameless

19 David E Miller, "Peter Skene Ogden's Journal of His Expedition to Utah, 1825," Utah Historical Quarterly20 (1952): 168-75

20 Peter Skene Ogden, Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals 1827-1828 & 1828-1829, ed Glyndwr Williams (London: Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1971).

21 Ibid., p 118

22 Ibid., p 119

23 Ibid., pp. 138-39.

Bison in Northern Utah 173 country."24 No mention was made of encounters with live buffalo as the party traveled south along the shores of the Great Salt Lake and into Utah Valley. The only mention of bison made by Smith was in late August, east of Utah Lake: 'Very old buffalo skulls and from their appearance I suppose that it is many years since the buffalo left this country. They are not found beyond this place."25 A penciled notation, referring to the limit of the buffalo in the area of the Uinta Basin, was made on the party's map. 26 But Smith did not travel into the Uinta Basin during the 1826-27 expedition, so it is unclear why this notation was made or on what information it was based.

The following year only three members of the original expedition made the return trip from California to Utah In late June 1827 Jedediah Smith, Robert Evans, and Silas Gobel crossed the Great Salt Desert en route to a rendezvous in the Bear Lake Valley. During this treacherous crossing the group happened upon an Indian family near Skull Valley. They possessed remnants of buffalo robes and indicated that many buffalo could be found a few days' travel to the northeast.27

When Smith and his party finally reached the Salt Lake Valley, the only game mentioned were deer and a grizzly bear. Reporting on the journey in aJuly 17, 1827, letter to Gen. William Clark, Smith commented on the lack of game in the Great Salt Lake Desert and reported that bison did not range south of Utah Lake.28

In August and September of 1830 Warren Angus Ferris was trapping in northeastern Utah and mentioned buffalo near, but not in, the Cache Valley, although the exact location of this sighting is unclear.29 Later, he made no mention of bison on a visit to Utah Lake in September and October of 1834.30 But in November 1834, as Ferris was traveling east of Utah Lake, he reported seeing Ute Indians returning from bison hunting (presumably in southwestern

24 George R Brooks, The Southwestern Expedition ofJedediah Smith, His Personal Account of theJourney to California, 1826-1827 (Glendale, Calif: A H Clark Co., 1977), p 40

25 Ibid., p 47

26 Ibid

27 Maurice S Sullivan, Jedediah Smith, Trader & Trailbreaker (New York: Press of the Pioneers, 1936), p 109

28 Charles Kelly, 'Jedediah Smith on the Salt Desert Trail," Utah Historical Quarterly 3 (1930): 25-27.

29 Warren Angus Ferris, Life in the Rocky Mountains, ed J Cecil Alter (Salt Lake City: Rocky Mountain Book Shop, 1940) Ferris reported killing large numbers of buffalo along the Bear River in Wyoming and possibly in southern Idaho In April 1830, after a particularly severe snowstorm, he described pursuing and catching young buffalo calves somewhere just north of the Cache Valley, probably in southern Idaho

30 Ibid., pp 214-15

Wyoming or possibly the Uinta Basin) with loads of dried meat on horseback.31

At about the same time, in July 1833, Capt. B. L. E. Bonneville, camped in southern Idaho, dispatched a group of men to explore the Great Salt Lake under the command ofJoseph Walker. In preparation for this undertaking, Washington Irving noted:

The country lying to the southwest of the mountains, and ranging down to California, was as yet almost unknown; being out of the buffalo range, it was untraversed by the trapper, who preferred those parts of the wilderness where the roaming herds of that species of animal gave him comparatively an abundant and luxurious life Still it was said that the deer, the elk, and the bighorn were to be found there, so that with a little diligence and economy there was no danger of lacking food. As a precaution, however, the party halted on the Bear River and hunted for a few days, until they had laid in a supply of dried buffalo meat and venison.32

The Walker expedition made its way south along the Raft River in northern Utah to the extreme northern shore of the Great Salt Lake and from there journeyed west towards the Raft River Mountains. Zenas Leonard, a free trapper who was part of Bonneville's expedition, accompanied Walker on the 1833-34 trip which eventually led to California. He reported that they killed their last buffalo somewhere on the northwest side of the Great Salt Lake in August 1833.33

There are few firsthand accounts of buffalo killed in Utah after this date In 1877 Joseph A Allen cited Henry Gannet, astronomer with Ferdinand V. Hayden's survey, who reported that the Mormon Danite Bill Hickman claimed to have killed the last buffalo in Salt Lake Valley about 1838.34 But there is no evidence that Hickman was in the Great Salt Lake Valley at that time.35 Furthermore, there is very little evidence that bison persisted in regions west of the Green River in Utah at that time Journals from the Bartleson-Bidwell overland expedition to California in 1841 report that bison were not found west of the Green River.36 In August 1841 as they descended the Bear River and made their way to the shores of the Great Salt Lake the only game they mentioned are antelope, fish, and waterfowl.

31 Ibid., p 216

32 Irving, The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, p. 275.

33 Zenas Leonard, Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard (Chicago: R R Donnelley & Sons Co., 1934), p 106

34 Allen, History of the American Bison, p 515

35 Frank Gilbert Roe, The North American Buffalo, p 278

36 The Bidwell-Bartleson Party: 1841 California Emigrant Adventure: Documents and Memoirs of the Overland Pioneers, ed. Doyce B. Nunis,Jr. (Santa Cruz, Calif: Western Tanager Press, 1991).

John C Fremont made no mention of actually encountering buffalo on hisjourneys through Utah between 1843 and 1845 However, he did note that bison herds were abundant in the Bear River Valley and along parts of the Green River from 1824 until approximately 1835 when they began to rapidly disappear.37 Fremont reported that in the spring of 1824: "the buffalo were spread in immense numbers over the Green River and Bear River Valleys, and through all the country lying between the Colorado, or Green River of the Gulf of California, and Lewis's Fork of the Columbia River; the meridian of Fort Hall then forming the western limit of their range."38 Based on firsthand information and the accounts of other trappers, Fremont believed that bison did not occupy areas west of the Rocky Mountains until relatively late and had migrated to the area to escape predation from hunters east of the mountains:

In travelling through the country west of the Rocky Mountains, observations readily led me to the impression that the buffalo had for the first time crossed that range to the waters of the Pacific only a few years prior to the period we are considering; and in this opinion I am sustained by Mr. Fitzpatrick, and the older trappers in that country. In the region west of the Rocky Mountains we never meet with any ancient vestiges which,throughout all the country lying upon their eastern waters, are found in the great highways, continuous for hundreds of miles, always several inches deep and sometimes several feet in depth, which the buffalo have made in crossing from one river to another, or traversing the mountain ranges. The Snake Indians, more particularly those low down upon Lewis's Fork have always been grateful to the American trappers for the great kindness (as they frequently expressed it) which they did to them in driving the buffalo so low down the Columbia River.39

In 1846James Clyman and Lansford W. Hastings made a journey from California eastward through Utah. Clyman'sjournal entries from late May toJune of 1846 while traveling from the Hastings Cutoff east across the Great Salt Lake Desert and eventually through Echo Canyon make no mention of bison If fact, Clyman noted only the general lack of game in the region.40

On their journey to the Salt Lake Valley in 1847. Mormon pioneers found bison herds so dense on the trail east of the Rocky

38 Ibid., p 144

39 Ibid

37 John C Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1842 and to Oregon and Northern California in the Years 1843-1844 (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1845)

40 James Clyman, James Clyman Frontiersman: The Adventures of a Trapper and Covered-Wagon Emigrant as Told in His Own Reminiscences and Diaries, ed. Charles Camp (Portland: Champoeg Press, 1960).

Mountains heading west that they had to send advance parties to clear off the road before the teams could pass. 41 But by the time the Mormons arrived, buffalo were no longer present in the valleys along the Wasatch Front. According to Frank G. Roe, "There are no buffalo among the 1229 wild species slain by the Mormon hunting companies for the extermination of wild beasts in the winter of 1848-1849 "42 However, a few scattered buffalo were encountered by Mormon pioneers in Utah until 1850.43 These were probably solitary animals and possibly remnants of the larger herds that once ranged in southern Idaho and Wyoming. William Hornaday reported that a few bison were killed in the Salt Lake Valley by Mormon pioneers prior to 1840.44 But this date is too early for Mormon settlers there. On an 1889 visit to a Salt Lake City museum, he was shown a buffalo bull skull that was supposedly killed somewhere near Salt Lake City But Hornaday himself doubted the veracity of this report and thought the skull must have been obtained elsewhere.45

The only other reports pertaining to the historic occurrence of bison in Utah are second-hand accounts based on Indian informants and trappers. Although this information is not doubted, the actual location of these bison sightings is often vague and unclear. The most frequently cited account comes from Osbourne Russell.46 He reported that in 1841 Wanship, the Ute chief who at that time lived at the southern end of the Salt Lake Valley, remembered a time when buffalo passed from the mainland to Antelope Island without swimming. In another account, H. W. Henshawe, the ornithologist on Lieutenant Wheeler's survey, related the following:

The only information I have regarding its (the buffaloes) presence in Utah was derived from Mr Madsen, a Danish fisherman, living on the borders of Utah Lake: and, I may add, I am perfectly convinced of the trustworthiness of his statement In using the seine in the waters of the lake, he has on several occasions brought up from the bottom the skulls of buffaloes in a very good state of preservation Their presence in the lake may perhaps be accounted for on the supposition that, in crossing on the ice, a herd may at some time have broken through, and thus perished. From him I also learned that he had talked with Indians of mid-

41 Roe, The North American Buffalo, p 183

42 Ibid., p 278

43 p err j S ; Life in the Rocky Mountains, p 69

44 William Hornaday, "The Extermination of the American Bison" in the Annual Report to the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, part II, 1887 (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1889), p 383

45 Ibid

46 Russell, Journal of a Trapper, 1834-1843, p 122

die age whose fathers had told them that in their time the buffaloes were numerous, and that they had hunted them near the lake.47

Presumably the fathers of the informants mentioned here would have hunted bison in Utah Valley before 1835. Finally, J. Cecil Alter mentions that the Ute Chief Walker had recollected that when he was a boy deer were abundant and "buffalo more plentiful than Mormon cattle."48

If the historical occurrence of bison in Utah is unclear, the ultimate demise of these large beasts is surrounded by even more mystery. In fact, the extinction of bison in Utah is the subject of an interesting but widespread oral tradition According to several sources, the last bison in Utah died in a severe winter storm before the Mormons arrived. One of the earliest accounts of the snowstorm is given by Sir Richard Burton who reported that the last bison in Utah Valley died in the winter of 1845.49 A short time later, Allen wrote a comprehensive history of the American bison for the United States Geological and Geographical Survey and reported:

I was also informed that there was a tradition among the Indians of this region that the buffaloes were almost entirely exterminated by deep snow many years since Mr E D Mecham of north Ogden, a reliable and intelligent hunter and trapper of nearly forty years' experience in the Rocky Mountains, and at one time a partner of the celebrated James Bridger, informed me that few had been seen west of the great Wah satch range of mountains for the last thirty years, but that he had seen their weathered skulls as far west as the Sierra Nevada Mountains In 1836, according to Mr. Mecham, there were many buffaloes in Salt Lake Valley, which were nearly all destroyed by deep snow about 1837, when, according to reports of mountaineers and Indians, the snow fell to the depth of ten feet on a level. The few buffaloes that escaped starvation during this severe winter are said to have soon after disappeared.50

This same story with some elaboration was also recounted by Mecham's partner, the famous James Bridger:

Many strange stories the old trapper, James Bridger, used to tell; for instance in the winter of 1830 it began to snow in the valley of the Great Salt Lake, and the snow fell for seventy days until the whole country was white-coated to the thickness of seventy feet Vast herds of buffalo were caught by the snow, caught and pinched to death, and the carcasses preserved; and finally when spring came, all Bridger had to do was tumble

47 Allen, History of the American Bison, p 515; Coues and Yarrow, "Report upon Collections of Mammals," 5:68, also cite Madsen as a source of information regarding buffalo in Utah.

48 Ferris, Life in the Rocky Mountains, p 69

49 Sir Richard Burton, City of the Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California (New York: Harper & Bros., 1862), pp. 50-51.

50 Allen, History of the American Bison, p 515

them into Salt Lake, and have pickled buffalo enough to fed him and the whole nation, down to the time of extermination. And this is why there have been no buffaloes in that region since.51

A very similar account was reported by Shelley in his history of American Fork, Utah. This story was attributed to Washburn Chipman who heard it from frontiersman Jim Baker in the spring of 1849. According to Shelley:

Baker related that 15 or 20 years before the country contained many buffalo. One winter an immense snow storm came, piling the snow many feet deep in the valleys, completely covering the buffalo. The frontiersman claimed he did not see the sun for thirty-five days He said in the Salt Lake Valley while going over the deep snow on snow shoes that he came across breathing holes in the snow, below each of which was a live buffalo. The animals all eventually perished.52

Claude Barnes, a zoologist, attributed this story to the Ute Indians who reported that in 1820 the buffalo in northern Utah were killed by a snowstorm in which four feet of snow fell.53 Cecil Alter reported that the deadly winter storm occurred in April 1831 and was described in thejournal of Warren Angus Ferris.54 According to Ferris's journal, snow fell in the Cache Valley to a depth of about three feet and remained on the ground for some time. He described the icy crusts on the surface of the snow that cut into the limbs of his horses like knife blades Still later, Stephen D Durrant reported that large numbers of bison died in a severe snowstorm in the Salt Lake Valley in 1836.55

Interestingly, this same oral tradition existed among the Snake Shoshoni bands that inhabited territories adjacent to northeastern Utah. In 1859Capt.J. H. Simpson reported that buffalo had been the primary prey of the Shoshoni bands that inhabited southern Idaho.56 According to Indian tradition and accounts of early trappers, the buffalo disappeared after a severe winter storm that occurred around 1824. But there is ample evidence from other historical accounts that bison persisted in portions of southern Idaho until around 1840 and that only after this date did large parties of mounted Snake Shoshoni

51 Roe, The North American Buffalo, p. 181.

52 George Shelley, Early History ofAmerican Fork (American Fork City, 1945), p 12 Shelley also states that Washburn Chipman saw a buffalo carcass near Niels Nelson's spring southwest of American Fork

53 Barnes, "Utah Mammals," p 174

54 Ferris, Life in the Rocky Mountains, p.69.

55 Stephen David Durrant, Mammals of Utah: Taxonomy and Distribution, University of Kansas Museum of Natural History Publications (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1952), p 466

66 Simpson, Report ofExplorations across the Great Basin, p 466

and Bannock go to Wyoming to hunt them in the fall.57 By 1859 at least some of these Shoshoni bands were hunting buffalo in the summer and fall near the Sweetwater and Wind rivers in Wyoming.58 Frank Roe noted that these snowstorm stories bore a striking and suspicious resemblance to a hunters' tradition concerning the Laramie Plains in Wyoming:

According to hunters' traditions the Laramie Plains were visited in the winter of 1844-1845 by a most extraordinary snowstorm. Contrary to all precedent, there was no wind, and the snow covered the surface evenly to a depth of nearly four feet Immediately after the storm a bright sun softened the surface, which at night froze into a crust so firm that it was weeks before any heavy animal could make headway over it The Laramie Plains, being entirely surrounded by mountains, had always been a favorite wintering-place for the buffaloes. Thousands were caught in the storm and perished miserably from starvation. Since that time not a single buffalo has ever visited the Laramie Plains.59

57 Roe, The North American Buffalo, pp 261-72 See also Julian Steward, Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 120 (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1938), pp. 202-4.

58 Simpson, Report ofExplorations across the Great Basin, p 466

59 Roe, The North American Buffalo, p 182

i. W..,' Bison. USHS collections.

As with southern Idaho accounts, this story is contradicted by historical reports of bison on the Laramie Plains after this date.60

Given the prevalence of this story among different Indian bands and trappers in parts of Wyoming, Idaho, and Utah, it seems likely that the snowstorm story could be part of a widespread and possibly very old oral tradition It is possible that some bison died in a snowstorm at some time in the past, but it is not clear exactly when or where this happened. In southern Idaho and Wyoming the account was contradicted by direct observations of living bison at later dates. In the Cache, Salt Lake, and Utah valleys of Utah it is not clear when the snowstorm occurred, since so many different dates are given. Unlike southern Idaho and Wyoming, in Utah there were few observations of bison before 1830 and even fewer after that date.

An alternate scenario for the demise of bison in Utah and the Intermountain Area and one that fits the historical facts better is offered byJulian Steward.61 Citing Fremont, Steward suggests that the small numbers of bison that inhabited northeastern Utah were extinct by 1832 as a result of the acquisition of horses and firearms by native populations and the arrival of trappers. He argues that bison populations were probably never very dense in northern Utah and were easily hunted to extermination with the arrival of these new technologies. This scenario is probably more accurate because it depicts the disappearance of bison in northern Utah as part of a larger extinction event that is well documented.

60 Ibid., pp 182-84,262-71

61 Steward, Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups, pp 200

Gorgoza and Gogorza: Fiction and Fact

BY CHARLES L. KELLER

THIS IS A TALE OF TWO UTAH CITIES. Gorgoza was a fictional city that never existed, while Gogorza was real enough but barely existed. Both have interesting stories, and together they give an excellent example of how fictional stories, repeated often enough, become accepted as fact, while their factual counterparts fade into oblivion, Gorgoza, as the story goes, is located in Summit County, two and one-half miles east of Parley's Summit. The place was settled in 1889 and was named for Rodriquez Velasquez de la Gorgozada, a Spaniard who reportedly invested almost a million dollars in a railroad from Park City to Salt Lake City. He was promised that a city would be built and named in his honor. The city, of course, was Gorgoza. The origin of this story is obscure; it first appeared in 1938 when the Works Progress Administration had a group of writers

A photograph taken after 1900 shows the narrow-gauge boxcar used as the Gogorza depot (note spelling on sign) and section house. USHS collections.

Mr Keller lives in Salt Lake City

working on a compilation of Utah place names. In the third edition of Origins of UtahPlaceNames the entry for Gorgoza appeared as follows:

GORGOZA Summit County: (Alt 6,328; Pop 20; Settled 1889) Named for Rodriquez Velasquez de la Gorgozada, a Spaniard who is said to have invested almost a million dollars in a narrow gauge railroad extending from Park City to Salt Lake City. John W. Young, son of Brigham Young, after failing to raise money in the United States for construction of the railroad, traveled to France and solicited the financial support of Gorgozada The Spaniard, at first reluctant, was eventually persuaded to sponsor the project after Young drew the picture of a large city and offered to name it for the financier.1

An examination of the WPA records now resting in the Utah State Historical Society archives sheds no light on the source of this story but does raise questions about how it could have been allowed to find its way into the place names book. Correspondence about various place names indicates that the editor, probably Wade W. Kadleck, was very careful about accepting all stories, as indicated by his pencilled note, "Check carefully," on some copies. Had someone taken the time to check a map, such as the USGS Fort Douglas quadrangle that was current at that time, he would have found that the place they were writing about was not Gorgoza at all but Gogorza In 1940 the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad was still running across Parley's Summit to Park City, and until that line was abandoned in 1946 it had a station named Gogorza that was shown on the map.

Curiously, in the first and second editions of Originsof UtahPlace Names, published in March and December 1938, respectively, both the name of the place and of the Spaniard were given as Gorgorza This may explain the name's transition from Gogorza to Gorgoza. The story was essentially the same, but Gorgorza was misplaced in Salt Lake County, an error that was corrected in the third edition.

Origins of UtahPlaceNames became a standard reference in the years following its publication, and the fallacious Gorgoza name and story were repeated again and again. It appeared in the 1941 edition of Utah:A Guide totheState, which was revised and enlarged by Ward Roylance in 1982. George A. Thompson and Fraser Buck used the story in their Park City history, Treasure Mountain Home.2 Thompson used it again in his Some Dreams Die: Utah's Ghost Towns and Lost

1 Works Progress Administration, Origins of Utah Place Names, 3d ed (Salt Lake City, 1940)

2 George A. Thompson and Fraser Buck, Treasure Mountain Home (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1968)

Treasures/ and, most recently, John Van Cott used it in his Utah Place Names.4 Even the USGS jumped onto the Gorgoza bandwagon and used the name on its 1961 edition of the Big Dutch Hollow 1:24000 (7/4 minute) map. The name was further used for a small but well known ski area near the site of the fictitious town, and today it still appears as the name of a street, Gorgoza Drive, in the housing development just above the Jeremy Ranch golf course, across Interstate 80 from the now defunct ski area.

Legends are often rooted in fact, and so it is with this one. The real Gogorza also had its origin with John W Young In 1889 he was pushing his narrow-gauge Salt Lake 8c Eastern Railroad, soon to be renamed the Utah Central, up Parley's Canyon en route to Park City. The railroad began in 1883 as the Salt Lake & Fort Douglas, to tap the sandstone quarries in Red Butte Canyon, but for various reasons made very slow progress. When it finally did reach the Fort Douglas Military Reservation and was denied permission to cross government land without congressional approval, a branch line was built to Sugar House and Mill Creek Finding little business there, the owners ran another branch to the shale beds in Parley's Canyon. The mines at Park City,just another twenty miles over the mountain, beckoned; the Salt Lake & Eastern was formed and construction was begun up the canyon. But with many nonproductive years behind it, the railroad was badly in need of money to reach its goal.John W. Young had initiated negotiations for funds during his many trips to the East; he was well known in financial circles and was a familiar face among many high placed people in New York City and Washington Indeed, he had spent considerable time and effort promoting statehood for Utah and dealt with people all the way up to and including President Cleveland.5 In June 1889, however, he chose to remain in Utah to supervise the railroad construction and sentJunius F.Wells east as his emissary and agent. Young wrote a series of letters introducing Wells, one of them to C N.Jordan, president of the Western National Bank, in which he asked thatJordan arrange for Wells to meet Mr Canda, Mr Gogorza, and any others he thought Wells should talk to.6 The next day he

3 George A Thompson, Some Dreams Die: Utah's Ghost Towns and Lost Treasures (Salt Lake City: Dream Garden Press, 1982)

4 John Van Cott, Utah Place Names (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990)

5 C L Keller, "Promoting Railroads and Statehood: John W Young," Utah Historical Quarterly 45 (1977): 289-308

6J W Young to C N.Jordan,June 27,1889,J W Young Letterbook, Utah State Historical Society Library

wrote privately to Wells, giving instructions about the business he was to conduct and information about the men he was to see He said Jordan "has always done ... a great deal to help our cause and would have been delighted to see us a State." While Young was officially off the statehood team by this time, he had not lost interest in the cause Wells was a Republican, so Young advised him to suppress his inclination to Republicanism, for Jordan "has learned from me that most of the Mormon people are democrats and could be depended on as such. This has greatly pleased him as he is such an ardent Democrat." Young went on to tell Wells about Charles J. Canda, vicepresident of the bank, who "did all he could for Utah." These two men, Young thought, might want Wells to meet "more of the gentlemen of the Bank, especially Mr. Gogorza you must meet. . . . Mr. Gogorza is by birth a Spaniard—small, active and exceedingly eager to make money. Although he is acquainted and friendly with very rich men, he has not yet made his 'pile.'"7

Young was sending Wells into some impressive company here: Jordan had served as treasurer of the United States from June 1885 to May 1887 when he left to organize the Western National Bank in New York. And in 1889 Canda was treasurer of the Democratic National Committee. Gogorza was E. Gogorza, but his exact position in the New York business world is not clear Jordan and Canda are listed in the 1889 and 1890 New York City directories as president and vice-president, respectively, at 120 Broadway, the address of the Western National Bank Eduardo Gogorza, the only Gogorza listed in the directory, appears as a merchant at E. Gogorza 8c Co. Whatever his role in life, Gogorza did fast work, for five weeks later Wells was able to report that arrangements for a loan were all but complete In a few days he hoped to telegraph a credit at the Mercantile Trust Co. of $100,000, as they had agreed to make the loan. There is no doubt that Gogorza

fohn W. Young. USHS collections.

7 J. W. Young toJ. F. Wells, June 28, 1889, ibid.

was behind this transaction, for Wells continued: "Gogorza says it is worth 5% cash commission to do the work we have done together, but he was perfectly satisfied when I handed him his 1% ."8

This did not end the contact between Young and Gogorza; they continued to correspond and to do business in connection with the railroad and its finances In an October 12 letter to Gogorza, Young gave the status of the railroad construction and expressed his appreciation for the help from Gogorza and his associates. He also made some promises: "I shall be most happy to place you in the Directory of the road as soon as possible, and the best station between Salt Lake and Park City will be called Gogorza." Then, in a swell of enthusiasm, he went on: "One of the two towns that will be built next summer, where land has been sold to residents of Salt Lake who are preparing to build a large number of summer residences, will be called Canda, and a beautiful mountain peak, under the shadow of which I shall build a hotel, will be called Mount Jordan. So you see I am preparing to remember my best friends. . . ."9

Young did fulfil his promises to the best of his ability. He named the site on the east side of Parley's Summit, at the bottom of the grade over the mountain, after Gogorza. At that time Gogorza could boast nothing more than a sidetrack into a local rock quarry. A year later a water tank was installed, and in 1894 an old narrow gauge boxcar was placed there as a section house. It was fitted with a sign proclaiming the name of the site: "Gogorza." C J. Canda was honored by assigning

Section of USGS map, Fort Douglas, Utah, 1928 edition, showing Gogorza at Parley's Summit. USHS collections.

8 J F Wells toJ W Young, August 9, 1889,John W Young Papers, LDS Church Archives

"J. W. Young to E. Gogorza, October 12 1889, ibid.

his name to a switch and sidetrack in the depths of Parley's Canyon at the cement quarries about a mile and a half above the mouth of the canyon. As for Mount Jordan, Young may have had a peak in mind when he made the suggestion, but the name never survived It was inevitable that the railroad, entangled in financial problems as it was when this story took place, would fail. A receiver was appointed to take over in 1893, and he ran the business until 1898. It was then sold to the Rio Grande Western, which converted the track to standard gauge in 1900 and continued rail service to Park City until 1946 when the line was abandoned. Until that time the site at the base of the grade east of Parley's Summit continued to be known as Gogorza, but with the railroad gone there was nothing to sustain the name. By that time the Gorgoza legend had already been established, and very soon the Gorgoza fiction became fact, and the Gogorza fact was forgotten

At last! Here is a work illuminating the life and work of a major figure in Utah's cultural history. For far too long the benevolent legend of C. R. Savage's photographic work and his liberal, caring presence in the larger Utah community have been passed along without serious critical examination. That deficiency is eased with Brad Richards's impressive book

Richards succeeds admirably in his intent, i.e., to present not a definitive source but "a benchmark for further research." Starting with a carefully drawn biography and continuing with a discussion of Savage's arrival in Zion, his early economic difficulties, and his mastery of camera skills, Richards makes the benchmark with a richly anecdotal account of Savage's mature years in Utah.

Had there been any lingering doubt as to Savage's place in the history of late nineteenth-century American photography, Richards's narrative erases it The business of making and marketing landscape and portrait photographs is fetchingly described Savage's relationships with other prominent photographers of his time is especially interesting and recalls Taft's chatty accounts of western photography and photographers.

Richards treats Savage's professional and personal successes and tragedies forthrightly, although his admiration for his subject skirts deification.

Likeable as he was, Savage had warts largely ignored in the present work.

The eight-part essay is enhanced by well-chosen, well-placed, interesting photographs, many of them not widely available until now The essay is a pleasure to read.

Some fifty pages of nicely captioned photographs follow the biography as do three appendices containing genealogical information, travel summaries, and extracts from the Savage journals The cumulative effect of the book leaves the reader satisfied yet intrigued, hungry for more

A few quibbles suggest themselves: Must Utah's statehood struggles be summarized again? The effects of antiMormon attitudes and legislation were no greater for the Savages than for other folks of greater or lesser prominence Did the pioneer artist (and sometime Savage business partner) G. M Ottinger paint LDS temple murals? No other source confirms this, nor do the Ottinger journals or press accounts of the period Further, Savage's energetic devotion to community improvement (in addition to his "Old Folks" excursions) deserves wider examination.

These quibbles do not detract from the overall merit of Richards's work; they confirm that more work needs to be done. As an intended "benchmark," this book sets a hieh standard for o future research. Contemporary and future historians will study it to their

The Savage View: Charles Savage, Pioneer Mormon Photographer. By BRADLEY W. RICHARDS. (Nevada City, Calif: Carl Mautz Publishing, 1995 x + 182 pp Cloth, $45.00; paper, $29.95.)

benefit. It needs to be ready at hand for anyone interested in well-written biography, in art and cultural development within a unique western setting,

or in Utah history generally. It deserves wide readership.

WILLIAM C SEIFRIT Salt Lake City

A popular conception of Mormon architecture begins with snickering references to nineteenth-century polygamous housing, continues with cracks about the cookie-cutter design approach of wards and stake centers due to the "standard plan" type of the Latter-day Saints building department, and ends with a genuine curiosity about contemporary temple design. No doubt the best way to begin to counteract this conception is a serious study of Mormon architecture and planning. Professor Hamilton's book attempts to do just that.

This brief (137 pages of text) survey of nineteenth-century Mormon architecture and city planning is the first attempt to deal with both subjects under one cover. In his preface the author states that he undertook this work to chronicle the achievements of nineteenth-century Mormons and that "a knowledge of the doctrinal concept of Zion and its application is the key to understanding nineteenth-century Mormon material culture"(v). The reader is introduced to some of this knowledge in the first two chapters: "Mormonism, a Historical Context" and "Zion and Mormon City Planning." These introductory chapters are followed by six chapters based on mostly extant examples of specific building types, including temples, tabernacles, meetinghouses, associated buildings (i.e., the Endowment House, the Seventies Hall, Relief Society buildings, and tithing offices), domestic architecture, and peripheral buildings

(a variety of buildings with no direct liturgical function) Well-defined architectural descriptions, especially those pertaining to the building's exterior, are found in the text of these chapters. Photographic plates and occasional architectural drawings are grouped at the back of each of the chapters and referenced in the page margins of the text.

Survey histories on any topic are a difficult undertaking, and, as is the case with this volume, rarely comprehensive. The reader is presented with a text that is based upon an extensive compilation of material, much of it drawn from secondary sources. There are of course some exceptions, such as Professor Hamilton's dissertation research on the Salt Lake Temple Beyond that the work presents little new scholarship on the subject. One of the most perplexing aspects of this architectural history is the unexplained and consistent lack of the use of architectural floor plans, with the exception of the Independence, Kirtland, and Nauvoo temples A major concept of architecture is the enclosure of space, and this is traditionally represented two dimensionally by a series of architectural drawings, one of the most important being the floor plan.

By relying on mostly extant examples of the various types of ecclesiastical architecture or on buildings sponsored by the Mormon church, the book provides only a partial glimpse at this important history Such an approach can also be a convenient way

Nineteenth-century Mormon Architecture and City Planning. By C. MARK HAMILTON. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995 xviii + 203 pp $65.00.)

of avoiding a serious discussion about the LDS church's destruction of historic buildings galvanized by the Coalville Tabernacle and how that approach has been successfully reversed.

The failure to include floor plans is especially noticeable in the chapter on domestic architecture since a great deal of research, including floor plans, exists on nineteenth-century Mormon housing, including studies on polygamous housing Much of this research has involved current theory and methodology found in material culture studies It is apparent by the author's reference to certain house types as "L," "H," or "T" rather than the term "cross wing," that he is unfamiliar with this literature This is only one example where the author has not refreshed his knowledge by inquiring and conferring with other scholars in this field. Throughout the work there has been too much acceptance of what has been published and not enough questioning and analysis of the material at hand Proper peer review of the manuscript by the Oxford

University Press should have turned up this and other discrepancies

Rather than read a litany of such problems with the content of this volume, readers might benefit by examining the bibliography as well as undertaking an additional literature search on their own One amazing omission from the bibliography's section on theses and dissertations is Thomas Carter's Ph.D dissertation, Building Zion: Folk Architecture in the Mormon Settlements of Utah's Sanpete Valley, 1849-1890 (Indiana University, 1984)

The topic of this volume is an important one, and it deserves serious scholarship followed by a second volume on twentieth-century Mormon architecture In the case of the present work, it is difficult to recommend a book flawed by poor scholarship coupled with a high sales price

PETER L Goss University of Utah

As You Pass By: Architectural Musings on Salt Lake City, a Collection of Columns and Sketchesfrom theSzh Lake Tribune ByJACK GOODMAN (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1995. x + 267 pp. Cloth, $30.00; paper, $16.95.)

As You Pass By, a collection of articles from the Salt Lake Tribune written by Jack Goodman over the past decade, provides an architectural and historical account of Salt Lake City. The strength of the book lies in Goodman's mastery at weaving life into the architecture as he tells stories about people and the places in which they live, work, and play He presents—through an understanding that people rely on buildings as a way of expression, as a place for interacting with others, and as a physical connection from the past to the

present and the future—another opportunity to appreciate our heritage

This collection of writings illustrates that Goodman's narratives are not limited to discussions of individual buildings because he does not isolate architecture from its surroundings. Rather, he talks about the architecture and the people as they relate to the environment as a whole, bringing together facts and anecdotes from as close as next door to as broad as national trends Goodman's narratives describe the buildings' original and continued uses, such as a restaurant

finding a home in a former fraternity building, a music and art school occupying a mansion, or an office building hosting radio stations and railroad industry tenants. His editorial comments about the reuse of structures, both appropriate and inappropriate, as well as his dismay when buildings of historic significance are replaced with unplanned and undesirable development, give the reader a chance to reflect on what is important and what we may be losing

While his work would not be considered academic-based by his own admission, Goodman offers a popular perspective on architecture in Salt Lake City that adds much to our understanding of the past through a medium accessible to and appreciated by many Although Goodman's work has focused on historic buildings, he has included numerous articles on newer architecture in Salt Lake City To choose from the more than 500 articles that he has written over the past ten years must have been challenging As You Pass By appears to be a well-rounded compilation of his work that encompasses a

multiplicity of people and their buildings impacting the development of Salt Lake City

As You Pass By would be a good addition to any collection of architectural and historical works on Salt Lake City However, as in all publications, there is room for improvement A primary consideration would be the inclusion of a map This kind of simple graphic illustration would have given the readers an opportunity to easily orient themselves, perceive connections between sites, and perhaps begin to see patterns of development, adding to their understanding of Salt Lake City's history. Additionally, an index of the various people and buildings would be useful for those who may be curious about a particular person, event, or place Overall, however, the book probably accomplishes just what it needs to It is enjoyable to read and, as the title suggests, is a casual yet informative way to look at Salt Lake City

JULIE OSBORNE Utah State Historical Society

The Personal Writings ofEliza Roxcy Snow. Edited by Maureen Ursenbach Beecher. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1995. xx + 316 pp. $34.95.)

Eliza R. Snow (1804-87), a plural wife of both Joseph Smith and Brigham Young, made unparalleled contributions to the history of the LDS church—she was "Zion's poetess," "priestess," "prophetess," and "presidentess," author of the second mostfamous LDS hymn, and a leader par excellence of Mormon women during her long and eventful life The present volume offers primary documents and scholarship essential to an understanding of her life both as an artist and an exquisitely sentient human being and

as a commentator on and participant in crucial events of the early church

The volume comprises the texts of four holograph manuscripts produced by Snow. The first presented is the last written—the elegant retrospective "Sketch of My Life" prepared in 1877 and revised in 1885 for publication and directed to outsiders as well as to Mormons. The other three are private, formed in the crucible of experience as Eliza was living it, in a crucial earlier period not only of her own life but also of the recently established LDS church They provide some of the raw material

for the later, polished work The earliest of the "raw" writings, the Nauvoo Journal, opens on the day of Eliza's secret marriage as a plural wife to Joseph Smith (June 29, 1842) and ends in April 1844, just a fortnight before Joseph's death The second, a trail diary written after the destruction of the Nauvoo community and after she became a plural wife to Brigham Young, documents her journey to Winter Quarters and her sojourn there (February 1846 to May 1847) The third document, also a trail diary, picks up the thread, covering the journey from Winter Quarters to the Great Salt Lake Valley and the two years following her party's arrival in Zion (June 1847-September 1849)

The editor's choice to present Snow's writings in this order is significant, impressing the reader with the degree to which time and events can inflate some experiences in the mind of a memoirist, while compressing or obliterating others.

Each of the four holograph documents is preceded by a brief introductory essay that contextualizes and partially analyzes the document. The volume has an introductory chapter by the editor, Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, on female life-writings not merely as historical artifacts but as representatives of what ought to be valued as a literary genre of their own. Citing contemporary literary critical scholarship, Beecher notes that all autobiographical writings, even the most raw, are fictions in the sense that their materials have to be selected, picked out from a daily array of thousands of events; events may moreover be misremembered, even (by their absence) disremembered

The present volume is graced with photographs of some of the manuscript and diary pages (two shots are unfortunately reversed) There are in

addition fifty pages of notes (a scholarly treat in themselves); a list of Eliza R. Snow's kin, from both sets of grandparents through parents, siblings and notable relatives (Eliza herself had no direct descendants); an alphabetical list of names of 154 persons alluded to in the trail diaries, painstakingly assembled by the editor from all available historical sources; and an index. Editor Beecher has been studying Eliza R Snow for the past quarter century, and hers is clearly a labor of love. She combines thorough, up-to-date historical scholarship with a literary critic's assessment of Snow's writings as having artistic as well as historical value

These glories notwithstanding, the reader will find the writings of Eliza R. Snow dense, tantalizing, oblique, elusive Quite aside from Snow's constitutional reticence, the church's need for secrecy with regard to "Celestial Marriage" (polygamy) and other early doctrines, along with its early unease about the role of women in matters of priesthood and healing, caused our poetess often to write in convoluted and allusive ways Through the veiled text, however, shine the woman's forbearance, her profound faith, and her joy in sharing ecstatic religious experience with others of similar conviction

A full-blown critical biography of Eliza R Snow (on the order of Linda King Newell and Valeen Tippetts Avery's Mormon Enigma: Emma Hale Smith [1984; rev 1995]), doing full justice to the memory of the woman, cries out to be shaped from these splendidly researched and arrayed primary materials. The present work, a model of scholarly restraint yet a pleasure to read, is a way station We eagerly await Professor Beecher's future offering.

POLLY STEWART Salisbury State University

Audacious Women: Early British Mormon Immigrants. By REBECCA BARTHOLOMEW (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1995. xvi + 288 pp. Paper, $18.95.)

One of the best things about this book is the title which immediately promises enlightenment concerning three of my favorite subjects: Mormon women, anything Anglophile, and audacious human beings. It reminded me of a special British ancestor, spunky Laura Peters Laura's conversion story states that ". . . upon hearing the message of the missionaries while working in his woolen mill at Ffestiniog, Wales, her husband, David Peters, became curious Laura was convinced the message was true. On 21 June 1846, Elder Able Evans accompanied the couple to the river to be baptized. David hesitated for a brief moment and Laura boldly stepped forth. Therefore David, believing a man should always be first, jumpe d into the water clothes and all. Laura was chagrined and out-manoeuvered, but she was also the first woman in Northern Wales to be baptized a member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints."

Bartholomew's book begins with a collection of stereotypes about depraved and mindless Mormon women abstracted from cycles of antiMormon literature published between 1838 and 1899 by hostile writers in reports which became increasingly virulent Against these stereotypes, the author compared what one hundred British women converts (who somehow left a record) actually said about themselves She learned that, with some exceptions, Mormon women were independent, creative, and stalwart, viewing obstacles with eyes of faith For each woman who expressed disillusionment, there were two who saw things favorably.

"I found new sources continually presented themselves," Bartholomew explained. "[In addition to diaries and journals] a whole body of private histories exist, written by family genealogists

(many of them women), with as many life stories of matriarchs as of patriarchs. Most were thoroughly researched, some even documented ."(ix)

The author exposes the treatment of women within British branches, their emigration ordeal, and their life experience in Zion. Included are thoughtful chapters on conversion, education, organizations, polygamy, monogamy, and family life. Bartholomew also introduces some fascinating new players into the early Mormon scene. Finally, this study suggests why vestiges of Victorian culture still exist in church leadership by looking at the circumstances which caused British women to become attracted to Mormonism.

For this reviewer, the biggest problem with the book is its fragmentation There is too little information about an individual woman before a second or third sister is featured It might have been better to introduce fewer women and include more background material. Also, in spite of hopes for a major Anglophile experience, this is not necessarily a "British only" story, nor a "women only" story.

Bartholomew admits that not all the sources for each audacious woman are equally valid, and she expresses a wish to contact descendants of women for whom she had to depend on a secondary source. Nevertheless, her clues to sources can become the first step for the researcher who utilizes her material As an example, the source for Angelina Hawkins Piercy (wife of artist Frederick Piercy) provided her name only, no information Piercy is not an example of an audacious Mormon woman In fact, Angelina did not even stay with the Mormon church in England However, by looking carefully into the branch records in London as directed by Bartholomew, a researcher will recognize Angelina's mother,

Charlotte Hawkins, who singlehandedly led her large family (except Angelina) to Zion after the death of her husband from cholera in St. Louis. This source also identifies Angelina's sister, Lavinia Hawkins, who became a leading lady in the Salt Lake Theatre before she was abandoned and divorced by apostate Joh n Hyde, Jr. This most audacious lady stayed strong in the church, ending up as a plural

wife of Joseph Woodmansee and the sister-wife of Emily.

Actually, there is so much good, solid information and so many clues to quality resources that this book is bound to become a major reference tool for historians and writers.

My Life on Mountain Railroads. By WILLIAM

Edited by William R. Gould. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1995. xiv + 250 pp. Cloth, $36.95; paper, $17.95.)

In 1970 Richard Reinhardt, author of two railroading classics, Out West on the Overland Train (1967) and Workin' on the Railroad (1970), voiced a complaint that is still valid twenty-five years later: "The literary monuments of the railroading profession are obscure, scattered, and uneven." As a corollary of this complaint he noted that "the American trainman passed through the age of steam, his era of greatest importance, relatively unsung." By letting an articulate old hogger tell his story in his own way, the editors of this memoir have added another "monument" of steam railroading to the few that we have, and it is one that sings just praises of the locomotive engineer

Gould was an extraordinarily keen observer, and he infuses his recollection of firing and driving the grand old locomotives on Utah's turn-of-the-century railroads with details so sharply etched they will enable every reader to see, hear, and feel what he experienced, and so authentic they will give special delight to railroad buffs How, for example, did a fireman feel when he got his fire "clinkered up" (making it difficult to maintain steam pressure)? Gould remembers: "Nothing is more humiliating...than to stand up on the

JOHN GILBERT GOULD

back of the tank taking water near a passenger station and [listen] to the loud buzz of the blower, telling the world you're short on steam." This is embarrassment rendered shareable Firing on a night run, Gould and his engineer see another engine's oil headlight "shivering" toward them on their track head-on The oncoming train is taking a long left curve, so the engineer on the right side of its engine cannot see them Flashes of red light from the door of the engine's fire box tell them that the fireman is down on the deck shoveling coal and cannot see them either Gould's engineer shuts down, sets the brakes, and he and Gould jum p off, but an uncrossable swamp pins Gould alongside towering boxcars that could crush him if there is a collision Then they're seen, but dangerously late. Helplessly, Gould watches every wheel on the approaching train become "a round circle of fire thrown out as the brake shoes bit deeply into the wheels." Images like this one put the reader there with him. What would it be like to be the fireman on a rotary snowplow cutting a slot through a huge slide, with snow high enough on both sides to bury everything on the track if it caved in? "I

LYNNE WATKINS JORGENSEN Sandy

remember looking back at the fireman on one of the little hogs [coupled behind the snowplow]. His face was expressionless He shook his head slowly and held up his hand with his fingers crossed." The evocative details in these experiences make them indelibly real. If more steam-age firemen and engineers had told their stories with Gould's immediacy, they might have attained the archetypal stature of the cowboy and the lawman.

The more prosaic day-to-day operations of a steam locomotive are described with the same clarity. Readers will learn how everything worked, from the Johnson bar in the cab to the airbrakes on the cars. In addition, they will meet all the characters who were part of the Denver and Rio Grande Western and the Utah Railway in Utah's late 1800s and early 1900s. Dispatchers, trainmen, sectionhands, miners, passengers, hoboes—we see and hear all of them, many likeable, some not, but all memorably alive

In the first section of Gould's memoir, which covers the period from his boyhood to his employment in the Salt Lake Rio Grande roundhouse, the

reader will also get glimpses of turn-ofthe-century life in the old mining towns of Tooele and Juab counties Gould's father was a section foreman whose many different track assignments took him and his family to most of them.

Aware that the reader might not comprehend many of the technical terms which Gould employs so fluently, the editors have provided definitions Unfortunately, however, these are inserted into the text as if they were in the author's own words In this form they tend to be too brief, and they sometimes break the flow of Gould's lively style. They would add more and intrude less as footnotes A diagram of the essential anatomy of a steam locomotive would clarify many terms But these are minor problems in a welcome memoir which will inform and entertain all readers and become a rich primary source for those who have a special interest in steam railroading

ROBERT S MIKKELSEN Emeritus, Weber State University

Few individuals are more closely associated with nineteenth-century westward expansion than Horace Greeley And few words summarize the expansionist creed better than Greeley's famous exhortation: "Go west, young man." In this book Coy Cross analyzes the efforts of this New York Tribune editor and influential Republican to promote settlement of the West. In the introduction he tells us that " Go West! Young Man!" was neither a simple response to a question nor a campaign slogan," but rather "it

was Horace Greeley's lifelong dream and vision for the future of his country" (12)

A devout believer in the "safety valve theory," Greeley viewed western settlement as a remedy for the poverty and urban problems of New York City and labored to convince that city's impoverished to go West Yet, as Cross points out, "despite more than thirty years of persuading, cajoling and pleading, New York City's poor did not move West." Nevertheless, "millions of others

Go West Young Man! Horace Greeley's Vision for America. By COY F CROSS II (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995 x + 165 pp $27.50.)

heeded his words, and his endeavors smoothed their path westward" (ix).

After a brief profile of Greeley's early career Cross devotes the remainder of the book to discussions of Greeley's views on farming, land reform, the expansion of slavery, a transcontinental railroad, and cooperative colonies.

Greeley believed that farming was not only a "noble profession but the answer to the plight of New York City's poor"(34). He used the Tribune as a forum for educating an urban population in agricultural techniques Cross also makes the interesting argument that Greeley's support for the development of new agricultural technologies "surely smoothed the way for farmers' acceptance of the modern farm machinery that appeared in the last quarter century of the nineteenth century "(44)

Greeley actively supported legislation that promoted his vision for the West He supported both the 1862 Morrill Land Grant College bill and the 1862 Homestead Act, the latter which, in Greeley's estimation, introduced land reform vital to the health of the nation An advocate of free, or at least cheap, lands, Greeley grew more radical about land reform over time. Cross points out that he "evolved from a strong conservative who supported land speculation to a Utopian socialist who advocated free land for the masses, including noncitizen immigrants" (50).

Greeley also opposed the extension of slavery into the West, the annexation of Texas, and the acquiring of territory from Mexico, according to Cross, on political, moral and practical grounds, but most important by "his desire to keep the region fit for the settlement of free labor"(90) For the same reasons Greeley supported the construc-

tion of a transcontinental railroad, noting its potential social, moral, and intellectual blessings.

Greeley also supported the formation of Utopian colonies in the West When in 1869 Nathan Meeker, the Tribunes agricultural editor, conceived the idea for a cooperative colony in Colorado, Greeley offered financial and moral support to the Union Colony founded in what was later named, in his honor, Greeley, Colorado Here Cross points to the central failure of Greeley's vision and the safety valve theory. By requiring Union Colonists to have sufficient capital to invest in the colony, the founders effectively eliminated settlement by New York City's poor

Meant to augment Greeley's autobiography, Recollections of a Busy Life, and biographical works by Glyndon Van Deusen and James Parton among others, Go West Young Man! offers an uncritical discussion of Horace Greeley's particular vision of western expansion Yet, Greeley's vision of western settlement and his brand of agrarianism carried far-reaching implications for the region Cross does hint at such matters in a rare moment of critical observation, admitting that Greeley's support for the introduction of agriculture into marginal western lands, and the argument that planting trees on the arid and treeless expanses of the western plains would increase precipitation, ultimately led to widespread ecological problems Despite its uncritical tone, Cross has provided a brief and highly readable work that should appeal to specialist and nonspecialist alike.

SCOTT C ZEMAN Arizona State University Tempe

The Buffalo: The Story of American Bison and Their Hunters from Prehistoric Times to the Present. By

FRANCIS HAINES (1970; Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995 xii+ 244 pp. Paper, $13.95.)

Few images of the Old West are more enduring than the American buffalo The story of the wholesale and careless slaughter of these magnificent animals during the middle and end of the nineteenth century has been widely depicted in movies and popular books The buffalo's ultimate resurgence during this century has made it the quintessential success story for conservationists worldwide. Despite this, few popular descriptions of the history of the buffalo existed before 1970 When Francis Haines's The Buffalo appeared that year, it was the first such book published in a decade At the time the book was originally published, Haines was 70 years old; having grown up in Montana, he had witnessed the vanishing lifeways that characterized the American West

As the full title suggests, this work chronicles the history of the bison from the earliest human inhabitants in North America through more recent conservation efforts. As with the original work, the 1995 edition is topically organized into twenty-five short, readable chapters. This new edition contains a foreword by David Dary, author of The Buffalo Book, that places the work in historical context and details Francis Haines's life and previous works Dary has also updated the appendix that lists locations in the United States where living buffalo may be observed and admired.

Except for these revisions, the text remains largely unchanged from the original work The bulk of the book details interactions among historic Native American tribes, European settlers, and the bison Nearly every prominent western historical figure and event that shares a relevance to the

survival and distribution of bison are mentioned While these chapters tend to be repetitive and rather loosely organized, they often contain entertaining anecdotes and informative factual nuggets. These chapters are occasionally peppered with more lengthy discussions that reveal Haines's expansive knowledge of western lifeways.

The text is richly supplemented with black and white period photographs and excerpts from historical sources written by early Spanish explorers, diaries of pioneers, journals of trailblazers, and newspaper items Unfortunately, many of these historical sources are not directly referenced in the text and the bibliography contains only selected sources

The only true weakness in this book is that the text is dated. For example, the chapters discussing prehistoric bison hunters in North America contain some information and broad generalizations that are now outdated Similarly, discussions of bison lifeways are often cursory and do not contain information on bison ecology that has accumulated since 1970

While the bibliography is limited, the text contains a wealth of useful information on the history of the West and the bison. The author's background provides a unique combination of scholarly accuracy and rustic common sense that is both impressive and entertaining This book continues to endure as a guidebook for anyone interested in the history of the American bison

KAREN D LUPO University of Utah

Book Notices

From Historian to Dissident: The Book of John Whitmer. Edited by BRUCE N WESTERGREN (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1995 xvi +107 pp $24.95.)

The editor provides valuable historical and biographical information in his footnotes. His introduction details the provenance of the manuscript (this is its fourth time in print) and of the life and the role of Joh n Whitmer in the early Mormon movement. One of eight witnesses to the Book ofMormon, a charter member of the new church, he was called by "revelation" (1831) to keep a history of "The Church of Christ," an assignment he took very seriously.

His early writings reflect a true believer's intimate perspective of the movement, including events in New York prior to the move to Ohio, and the text of several of Joseph Smith's revelations. Especially useful are his accounts of the Missouri troubles with copies of correspondence and petitions between Mormon leaders and state and federal officials.

Whitmer became disillusioned with Smith and was excommunicated in March 1838. Thereafter, he wrote briefly from hearsay and secondhand sources of the rise and fall of Nauvoo and the deaths of Joseph and Hyrum Smith.

Whitmer blamed the church's problems on polygamy, the "Danite" band, Joseph's "lust," and the "vile behavior" of Saints toward non-Mormons. He died in 1878, faithful to his Book of Mormon witness but unaffiliated with the "Restoration Movement."

When Truth was Treason: German Youth against Hitler. Compiled, translated and edited by BLAIR R. HOLMES and ALAN F KEELE (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995 xxix + 425 pp $34.95.)

Since World War II Utahns have been fascinated by the account of Helmuth Hubener and his two friends, Rudi Wobbe and Karl Heinz Schnibbe All three were members of the same Mormon branch in Hamburg and all three were tried for high treason by the Nazi regime in 1942 Their crime was the distribution of anti-war and antiHitler flyers. The seventeen-year-old Hubener was executed by a guillotine on October 27, 1942. Wobbe and Schnibbe were given ten- and five-year prison sentences, respectively. Both men survived the war and immigrated to Salt Lake City in the early 1950s

Helmuth Hubene r has been honored in Germany, in the United States, and throughout the world as a hero and martyr of the German Resistance Movement. In recent years both Wobbe and Schnibbe published accounts of their ordeal and eventual immigration to Utah This volume includes the Schnibbe account. What makes it of exceptional value are the detailed notes and insightful documents, many of them translated from the original German by BYU scholars Blair Holmes and Alan F. Keele. The insightful foreword by Klaus J Hansen, author of Mormonism and the American Experience, who was a child in Germany during the Hitler years, is an added bonus to this fine volume.

The feffersonian Dream: Studies in the History of American Land Policy and Development. By

PAUL W GATES

Edited by ALLAN G. BOGUE and MARGARET BEATTIE BOGUE

(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press in cooperation with the University of New Mexico Center for the American West, 1996. xx + 172 pp. $42.50.)

The Bogues have gathered nine previously published essays that represent the quality, relevance, and diversity of research and writing from Paul Gates, the nation's preeminent public-lands historian. Utahns and other westerners will find particular interest in Chapter 8, "The Intermountain West against Itself," wherein Professor Gates traces the process behind the abandonment of the small farm movement originally embodied by the Reclamation Act of 1902.

that in reality the army operated in a haphazard fashion with major decisions left to local commanders While the reader may not agree with all of the author's interpretations, he has nevertheless provided the grist for renewed evaluation of the military's role in the settlement of the West.

Lora Webb Nichols: Homesteader's Daughter, Miner's Bride. Compiled and written by NANCY F ANDERSON from the personal papers of Lora Webb Nichols (Caldwell, Ida.: Caxton Printers, 1995. xxviii + 296 pp. Paper, $14.95.)

Encampment in south central Wyoming is the setting for this history based on the diary and memoir of Lora Nichols (1883-1962), a precocious and genteel young woman who came of age as her community and family made the adjustment from homesteading to mining

The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903. By ROBERT WOOSTER. (1988; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995 xiv + 268 pp Paper, $10.95.)

The post-Civil War military faced a series of challenges in addition to those provided by Indians on the plains and in the Southwest. Strong-willed individualistic commanders, political squabbling, presidential and congressional shifts in policy, and an uncontrolled civilian desire for land only aggravated the problems of a shrinking army and vague guidelines as to how to wage "total war" against an elusive foe Wooster believes the experience of the Civil War did little to prepare the military for what it encountered. He also argues against a unified military plan to destroy the buffalo, pointing out

The Journals of William E. McLellin, 1831-1836. Edited byJAN SHIPPS and JOHN W. WELCH. (Provo and Urbana: BYU Studies, Brigham Young University, and University of Illinois Press, 1994 xxii + 520 pp $29.95.)

The life of William E McLellin, early convert to Mormonism, Mormon apostle, and later church dissenter, has been largely unknown to historians until recently The discovery of his journals and a few other documents from the period of his brief association with the Latter-day Saints and their publication in this well-researched and thoroughly documented volume should change that Far less than one-

half of this volume is made up of the actual journals The rest is commentary and essays by scholars schooled in early Mormon history.

The discovery of this archive is doubly important, however, because of its connection to the infamous forger and murderer Mark Hofmann. Among Hofmann's inventions (if not among his forgeries) was a mythical McLellin collection Indeed, one of his victims expected to take possession of this nonexistent collection on the day a pipe bomb exploded at his office door Ironically, the collection need not have been invented It was real, held in Salt Lake City for nearly eighty years. No one, however, including the collection's custodians at LDS church headquarters, knew about it. It had been in the First Presidency's vaults, uncataloged and gradually forgotten, since 1908.

the National Archives but treats its Mormon materials in part of a paragraph in a chapter on additional repositories

The ten chapters devoted to special topics include essays on material cultural, architectural records, Mormon emigration trails, folklore, literature, photo archives, museums and historic sites, the performing arts, science and technology, and visual arts. This topical approach overlaps, but nicely complements, the repository chapters

This work will become a necessary companion for any serious student of Mormon history

Mormon Americana: A Guide to Sources and Collections in the United States.

Edited by DAVID J WHITTAKER

(Provo: BYU Studies, Brigham Young University, 1995 xii + 695 pp $29.95.)

This guide includes, under one cover, a useful summary of significant sources for the study of Mormonism It consists of brief bibliographic essays, guides to selected repositories, and essays on selected "special topics." The guide section includes chapters on fourteen repositories in the western United States and six in the East. These chapters are uneven; the repositories with larger Mormon collections, including those in Utah, have more general descriptions Others include detailed descriptions of relatively small collections of Mormon-related material. Surprisingly, the Guide does not include a chapter on the holdings of

Treading in the Past: Sandals of the Anasazi. Edited by KATHYKANKAINAN

Photographs by LAUREL CASJENS (Salt Lake City: Utah Museum of Natural History in association with the University of Utah Press, 1995. x + 199 pp. Cloth, $50.00; paper $29.95.)

Among its diverse holdings the Utah Museum of Natural History has stewardship of a large collection of ancient sandals from southern Utah and northern Arizona. These sandals are the subject of the volume Treading in the Past, which serves as more than just a catalog for a temporary museum exhibition of the same name The volume presents short but insightful background chapters by textile expert and volume editor Kathy Kankainan, textile expert and archaeologist Elizabeth Ann Morris, archaeologist Duncan Metcalfe, and biologist Richard Holloway The greatest value of the volume, however, lies in its numerous illustrations: line drawings by artist Margaret Carde and more than three hundre d exquisite full-color photographs by curator and photographer

Laurel Casjens Detailed object-byobject descriptions make this an invaluable research tool for serious students of ancient sandalry and Anasazi culture, while the background chapters and high-quality photographs will please the eye and stimulate the imagination of anyone interested in ancient artifacts and the people who made and used them This is a fine example of how museums can responsibly share their collections with people of various backgrounds and interest levels without compromising the objects themselves.

Book edition of Bravos no doubt deserves a spot somewhere on the collector's bookshelf.

William Tecumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the West. By ROBERT G ATHEARN (1956; Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995. xx + 371 pp Paper, $17.95.)

Bravos of the West. ByJOHN MYERS MYERS. (1962; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995 xii + 467 pp Pater, $15.00.)

Beginning with the Jackson-Benton feud of 1813, this free-wheeling narrative whisks the reader through two generations of overstated Wild West history. All the stars and supporting cast are there—Mike Fink, Jim Bowie, Jim Bridger, Peg-leg Smith, Sam Houston, Brigham Young, and dozens of other bravos—hamming it up for the reading audience of the early 1960s. Impressionistic and episodic, this work is short on interpretation and analysis but long on entertainment Since Clio wrought the basic material for this book while in a holiday mood, muses the author, "it did not seem fitting to freight the work with the scholarly lading of notes and an index." Perhaps more valuable as historiography than history, this Bison

This classic study of the role played by the army, the railroad, and one man—William Tecumseh Sherman— in the post-Civil War settlement of the American West is an important contribution to frontier history. The book is more than a catalog of Indian conflict and military might Rather, it is a thoughtful look at the powerful political, social, economic, and military forces that played across the nation during this period. As the regional and later national head of the military, Sherman assumed a pivotal role in determining the shape that these events would take. While most famous for his Civil War march through Georgia, Sherman probably had a greater impact on American history in supporting railroad expansion as a means of encouraging white settlement while at the same time defeating the Plains Indians. His trials and successes are the theme of this book

Sherman is recommended for historians and a general audience interested in the American West, in political forces that affect military decisionmaking, and in a biographical approach to writing history.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

PETER L. GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1999 Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 1997 Vice-Chair

MAXJ EVANS, Salt Lake City Secretary

MARILYN CONOVER BARKER, Salt Lake City, 1999

DAVID L BIGLER, Sandy, 1997

BOYD A. BLACKNER, Salt Lake City, 1997

LORI HUNSAKER, Brigham City, 1997

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 1997

RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1999

PENNY SAMPINOS, Price, 1999

AUGUSTINE TRUJILLO, Salt Lake City, 1999

JERRY WYLIE, Ogden, 1997

ADMINISTRATION

MAXJ EVANS, Director

WILSON G. MARTIN, Associate Director PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history. Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended.

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C 20240