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The Press On Wheels Meets the Mormons
The Press On Wheels Meets the Mormons
By SHERILYN COX BENNION
When Legh Freeman sent his wife, Ada, to Ogden during the summer of 1875 to start a semiweekly newspaper called the Freeman, while he stayed on in Wyoming to look after his interests in the coalfields, he counted on his theretofore-congenial relations with the Mormons to ensure commercial success. Had he been an astute and cautious businessman, rather than a "wild City Ishmaelite," as the Ogden City Directory of his 1883 called him, he might have seen trouble ahead. The Ogden Junction, under the editorship of Mormon stalwart Charles W. Penrose, was publishing both semiweekly and daily editions. It had enjoyed the support of the church hierarchy since its founding in 1870 and surely would not welcome competition. Less evident but probably more damaging was Brigham Young's campaign to keep Mormon money in the territory by directing church members to patronize only Mormon-owned businesses. For Freeman, this would mean not only a reduction in the pool of potential subscribers but, even more important, also a loss of advertising patronage.
Completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869 and subsequent development of the Utah Central and Utah Northern railroads had made Ogden a bustling commercial center by the mid-1870s. Legh Freeman must have felt confident, based on his earlier experience as an editor in Union Pacific terminus towns from Fort Kearney, Nebraska, to Bear River City, Wyoming, that he could make a success of a newspaper in yet another railway city.
Born December 4, 1842, in Culpeper, Virginia, Legh had an active imagination and grand ambitions even as a child, when he decided that "Horatio Vattel, Lightning Scout of the Mountains" would be the name he used when he went out West "to explore and write up the country."1 Although subsequent accounts of his life by himself and others are filled with exaggerations and contradictions, it appears that he served as a telegrapher in a Confederate cavalry regiment during the Civil War and, after capture in May 1864 and imprisonment at the Rock Island military prison between Davenport, Iowa, and Rock Island, Illinois, accepted in October a chance at freedom provided by President Abraham Lincoln's offer of amnesty for recruits willing to man forts in the West. Legh arrived at Fort Kearney in April 1865 as the war ended and soon became the post's telegraph operator. In December, with no printing experience, he became editor and publisher of the Kearney Herald, which had been abandoned by its former owners a short time earlier.
Thus began Legh's tenure as proprietor of what became known as the "Press on Wheels" and as adventurer and entrepreneur in the beckoning West. He left his brother, Frederick, to manage the newspaper while he attended the Fort Laramie treaty conference between the government and the Sioux; then he traveled on through Wyoming's Powder River country. Frederick, with no ties to the fort, moved the Herald to the town of Kearney in May 1866. After only a few months there, the brothers moved their publication to North Platte, still in Nebraska Territory, and over the next two years to Julesburg, in Colorado Territory; Fort Sanders, Laramie City, Benton, and Green River City in Dakota Territory; and Green River City and Bear River City in Wyoming Territory. In North Platte the newspaper received the name it retained on its roundabout journey to Wyoming, the Frontier Index. Frederick took charge of the newspaper while Legh explored the West and became known for the humorous reports of his adventures that appeared in his own and other publications under the byline "General Horatio Vattel."
However, Legh wrote much more than humor. His racist and political diatribes attacked Indians, blacks, Chinese, and Republicans, adding local military officials after his comments about General Ulysses S. Grant aroused their ire. Legh supported vigilante committees in the rowdy railroad communities where the Frontier Index appeared. In Bear River City, after vigilantes jailed and hanged purported lawbreakers, a mob of railroad workers freed jail inmates then moved on to ransack the newspaper office, destroy equipment, and burn the building. Legh fled on horseback to Fort Bridger.
At age twenty-five, Legh added youthful enthusiasm to his natural optimism and promised to rebuild at once. He told the Salt Lake Telegraph in November that he had ordered new equipment and would be "on wheels" again in three weeks. In December he predicted that a few more weeks would find him "hotter than red, in the vicinity of Ogden." 2 He did indeed revive his newspaper at Ogden, but not until seven years later.
In the interim, Legh journeyed back to his birthplace in Virginia, where he lectured "graphically and humorously" about the West in the guise of General Vattel. 3 He also found a wife, Ada Virginia Miller. She had been born in 1844 at Strasburg, Virginia, where she studied German, piano, art, and needlework and taught fourteen students during the final year of the Civil War. She became assistant to the principal of Strasburg Academy, wrote articles for a newspaper at neighboring Winchester, and translated a German folktale for publication. With experience in hunting and fishing, Ada could handle a shotgun as well as a pen, a combination of talents that must have appealed to Legh.
After their wedding on May 6, 1869, the newlyweds spent an idyllic summer in Virginia. Then Legh received and accepted an offer of employment as a telegrapher from an agency in Rock Island, Illinois, where their first son was born in March 1870. During their time there, Legh apparently lost a considerable sum of money on Chicago stock investments, a circumstance that may have influenced his decision to move west once again.4 The Freemans settled in Rock Springs, Wyoming, where a second son was born and where Legh hoped to develop claims on coal properties, perhaps planning to sell coal to the Union Pacific. However, by 1875 it had become apparent that the railroad would develop its own coal business, and Legh once again turned his hand to journalism—or at least turned Ada's hand in that direction, sending the boys with her to Ogden, where she would start the semi-weekly Ogden Freeman.
The first issue appeared on June 18, 1875, listing Mr. and Mrs. Legh R. Freeman as editors and claiming descent from the Frontier Index. Although the earliest surviving copies date from September 1876, it seems likely that the first numbers established the pattern that would continue over the four years of the paper's life. It was a four-page, seven-column paper with "patent outsides," meaning that the first and fourth pages came ready-printed from a service contracted to supply them. Along with miscellaneous short articles on a wide variety of general-interest topics, the front page consistently featured a large map of the Wyoming gold fields; the back page contained three columns of articles and four of advertising. The inside two pages held local and regional news notes, articles, and ads prepared or solicited by the paper's editors and contributors. The Ogden Junction reported that Ada had responsibility for local reporting. 5 Even after Legh abandoned his Wyoming coal leases to move to Ogden, he continued to travel extensively, soliciting subscriptions and advertising and sending back reports of his journeys for publication.
Legh had written favorably of the Mormons in the Frontier Index, advertising that paper as "the only 'Gentile' paper that is conducted in such a conciliatory manner as to have secured a general circulation among the widespread business element of the Mormons!!!!!" He visited Brigham Young in 1868 and reported a favorable reception, with Young characterizing him as "a pretty good Mormon, but not much Saint" and wishing him success, he wrote. 6 He may have sought Young's support for a land development venture at the confluence of the Virgin and Colorado rivers in Arizona. The settlement, to be known as Freemansburg, did not materialize.
The first issue of the Freeman received a positive reception from other newspapers. The Deseret News called it "neat and newsy," and even the rival Junction expressed "a feeling of surprise as well as pleasure" that the publishers had been able, in a brief period, "to get up so large and full a paper," adding a wish that the Freemans' high expectations might be fully realized. The Salt Lake Tribune quoted Ada's own comment:
The 1883 Ogden City Directory credited Ada with producing a paper that was "very conciliatory in tone and character." She had "appeared desirous to conciliate the people of Ogden and gain their good will" and had succeeded to some extent "by her non-interference with the religious and social system of the citizens." However, the Directory's Mormon authors continued, Legh changed the policy of the paper and "was in continual hot water during the time he remained here in consequence of his malignity and abuse of many of the citizens." He was "a sort of wild Ishmaelite—his hand was soon turned against every man that he could not bulldoze." 8
Legh described the transformation and its causes in an 1877 article, recalling that upon his arrival in Ogden he had proposed to the editor of the "thumb paper," as he frequently referred to the Ogden Junction, that the papers should unite in lifting each other and the community. He claimed to have pursued this course "and received the thumb papers attacks without reply, in kind," adding that when he did respond "it was with a supply of ammunition which is not yet exhausted." He wrote that the Mormons promised they "would take our paper soon. They liked it better than any other paper ever before printed in the Valleys of these Mountains," but after six months "it was generally understood among the Saints that we should have no patronage from them except promises, and it was equally as thoroughly agreed that they would steal every copy of our paper that the Apostates, Spiritualists and other non-Mormons, who take it in every settlement, place within their reach." The article concluded with a warning to the Junction that it need not print any extracts from the Freeman, for the brethren studied it "so assiduously that they can repeat its contents from memory with much more accuracy than they can any portion of the Book of Mormon, Doctrines and Covenants, or Brigham's discourses." 9
Certainly, by September 1876, the date of the first surviving copies, the Freeman had become stridently anti-Mormon. A series on the Danites and extended coverage of the trial of John D. Lee for his role in the Mountain Meadows Massacre, mostly reprinted from the Salt Lake Tribune or from New York newspapers, gave the Freeman opportunities to express its anti- Mormon stance. As might be expected, polygamy provided a continuing focus. Besides several articles on "The Basis of Polygamy" that debunked claims of divine inspiration for the practice, the Freeman followed the legal actions brought against Brigham Young by his former wife Ann Eliza Webb Young and referred to polygamists as "lecherous beasts,"10 among other unflattering terms. When Emmeline B. Wells testified before the House Judiciary Committee in 1879 that "the Mormons had no dram shops, no paupers, no outcast women, no illegitimate children," the Freeman countered with charges that Brigham Young engaged in the distillation of poor whiskey and cheated government revenue officers, that poor people abounded in Utah, and that 50,000 Mormons were "kept women" bearing "a horde of illegitimate children." The paper also called for strict enforcement of anti-polygamy laws but at the same time urged passage of a statute to legitimize children borne in "criminal relations." 11
Misuse of church tithing funds was another recurring theme in the Freeman. In one instance Legh framed his complaint as a parody of Mormon scripture with publication of a purported vision beginning, "And lo an angel of the Lord came unto The Freeman office and said: Arise, Brother Freeman, and look upon the iniquity that I will show you. And I arose and looked." What did he see? A deceptive spirit taking tithings and donations in the name of the Lord. The vision went on to reveal specifics of the deception and prophesy the downfall of the deceivers, concluding, "And I, Brother Freeman, being in great favor with the angel of the Lord, arose and wrote these things that he had shown me—for the warning of the people lest they partake of that which is accursed, and destruction come upon them suddenly, as has been shown me in a vision." 12
The Freeman offered fairly restrained coverage of Brigham Young's death in 1877, concluding an obituary with the hope that "whatever was pure and true in his teachings" would "prosper and flourish." Out of respect for the sincerity of his people's sorrow, the paper would, for the time being, "let his errors pass to the judgement of that higher tribunal, from whose justice there is no appeal, and whose decrees cannot be evaded." However, the next issue of the paper, which contained a detailed eyewitness account of Young's funeral, also included an untitled note describing two of his sons: "Johnny W and Briggy are both short, corpulent, obese, hoggish looking sports, with bald heads and gross, dull looking porcine eyes. But they know how to spend millions of the peoples' church money for their own carousals." 13
Young's death gave Legh an opportunity to revive an earlier proposal that Joseph Smith III, son of the Mormon prophet, assume his rightful place as leader of the Utah church. Smith had visited the Freeman office in December 1876, and the paper stated then that he would "shortly return to Zion to regenerate the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." After Young's death, Legh invited Smith to take the presidency that "unquestionably" belonged to him and later printed Smith's response. Smith courteously expressed the hope that Legh's diagnosis of the feeling in Utah was correct but concluded, "Whatever shall be proper for me to do, as determined by me and the brethren associated with me, that I shall do What may seem feasible and proper from your standing ground may not be so from ours, all things considered. However, the times are ominous and changes imminent." 14
When Mormon patronage for the paper failed to materialize, Legh declared the Freeman to be the voice of the Liberal party, opponent of the Mormon People's party. The paper devoted considerable space to the meetings and activities of the Liberals, until the party placed its advertising in the Junction instead of in the Freeman. This led to some vituperative comment in the paper, which probably assured a continuing preference for the Junction on the part of Liberal leaders.
The Freeman did not limit its attacks to Mormons and Liberals. Anyone who ran afoul of its editor might feel his wrath in its pages. Sometimes the altercations went beyond the Freeman office to the streets or the courts of Ogden. In one such instance, in January 1877, Legh accused Ogden postmaster Neal J. Sharp, "a so-called Gentile," of selling papers he should have mailed and of insisting on payment for postage in advance from the Freeman while allowing the Junction sixty days to pay. In response, Sharp sent a warning about Legh to the postmaster at Walla Walla, Washington, where Legh was scheduled to travel, and the paper there published it. Soon the Salt Lake Tribune, which, Legh wrote, hated him "as the devils hate holy water," reprinted the attack. The Junction picked it up from the Tribune. 15
Returned from his trip, Legh went to the post office to pay his bill and, undoubtedly, to give the postmaster a piece of his mind. Postmaster Sharp and Marshal Moroni Brown followed him into the street and attacked him, according to Legh's version of the incident. Certainly a fight ensued, and Legh earned a $30 fine, while Sharp paid $40. Although he claimed grave injuries, Legh managed to write a dramatic story of the confrontation for the April 3 Freeman, with a long series of headlines that summed it up:
Attempted Murder.
Postmaster Sharp Seeks to Assassinate the Editor of The Freeman with an Iron-Shod Bludgeon.
He Does It Premeditatedly after Weeks and Months of Threatenings. His Mormon Accomplices.
Dr. Adams Pronounces that Mr. Freeman is Liable to Die from His Injuries Anytime.
The Mormon Police Defy the Deputy U.S. Marshal to Arrest Sharp. But Afterwards Back Water when the U.S. Marshal Telegraphs to Take Him by Force.
U.S. Commissioner Street Will Have a Preliminary Trial Tomorrow. 16
Nothing came of the assault case Legh filed in federal court.
The hyperbole of Legh's public grudges helped to make the Freeman a lively and informative paper, but the paper also contained plenty of local news items as well as regular reports from surrounding communities and towns farther afield, like Rawlins and Laramie, that Legh regularly visited. It provided news of Ogden's Catholics, Episcopalians, and Methodists, as well as its Mormons, although even in these reports the Mormons usually came in for at least a few snide comments, as witness this item about a meeting at the tabernacle:
A column on "Southern Idaho," from Malad City, carried the subhead "All the Gossip of that Stake Epistolated by Brother John Gilpins." 18
The Freeman remained a firm booster of Ogden and its potential for growth and prosperity. According to the paper, the city had superlative scenery, a great climate for growing grapes, and an ideal setting for an astronomical station. As a railroad junction, it offered unlimited opportunity for business entrepreneurs, and mineral discoveries nearby held the promise of successful mining enterprises. Mining held Legh's interest throughout his years in Ogden, probably because of his own history of mining investments. He published reports from Utah's Big and Little Cottonwood canyons, Ophir, and Bingham; from the Big Horn country of Wyoming; from South Dakota's Black Hills; from Tuscarora, Nevada; and Bodie, California—all positive. In 1879 the paper informed readers that they could buy a ticket to the Snake River gold fields for $13.50. Legh linked mining and railroad development and promoted extension of lines north and south of Ogden partly as a means of providing easier access to mineral discoveries.
Not only did the Freeman wax eloquent about Ogden's prospects; it also took credit for the city's progress. When the paper began its third year, it commented on the remarkable fact that during the six years between completion of the railroad and the Freemans advent, Ogden had stood still economically, "while during the three years that she has had a FREE PRESS this city has more than tripled itself, and is now considered by all parties to be the most prosperous place between San Francisco and Omaha." Three years earlier everyone had thought it "an old one horse Mormon town," but now it was the shipping depot for two million people. 19
The Freeman never lacked humor, whether from tongue-in-cheek references to Ogden residents, outrageous exaggeration, or telegraph items selected for their bizarre content. A parody of Edgar Allen Poe s famous poem "The Raven" revealed not only the writer's sense of humor but also a hint of wistfulness for a kinder reception than the editors had received. It is reproduced here in its original format:
Another mostly-for-fun feature was the Freeman matrimonial bureau, which probably had its genesis in a June 1877 note that lamented the "singular fatality" attending young women working in the Freeman office: They kept getting married. In two years the paper had lost five or six of them. The item concluded, "We think of opening a matrimonial bureau to furnish spare-ribs for a consideration. Another matrimonial candidate please come forward." In October the plan became more concrete when the paper responded to an offer by a New York woman to supply wives for South Dakota miners by suggesting that the miners would do better "by wintering in the valleys of Utah and marrying young Saintesses who are apostatising by wholesale, and are eager for a whole Gentile apiece," a tactic that also would solve the "much-vexed Mormon problem." The Freeman marriage bureau would enroll "the most charming young ladies of the kingdom," and participants could buy tickets for drawings to be held every three months. 21
By December the matrimonial bureau, which Legh admitted he had proposed in jest, had attracted considerable correspondence, and for the next few months the paper carried announcements with the rules of the projected raffle, which involved purchasing raffle tickets for $1.50 apiece by an April deadline and participating in a drawing shortly thereafter. However, the paper printed a selection of letters from interested parties free of charge. These included one from "a miner with a good claim" who wanted "to make the acquaintance of some good woman with about $1,000 capital" and another from a man who sought a wife "under 20; blonde with good figure and a pretty face." He would rather she did not know too much so he "could mould her mind to suit" himself. A woman wrote that she liked the plan "for getting rid of the sisters in Utah." She was Swedish, good-looking, and not afraid to work. She added, "I wish some man with plenty of money would ask me to marry him. I don't care how old he is, or how ugly—if he would be good to me I would live with him." 22 As the April deadline approached, however, the Freeman postponed the raffle with the excuse that moving into a new office building took first priority After that, the matrimonial bureau disappeared from the paper's pages. It undoubtedly provided plenty of amusement, if not amazement, while it lasted.
By mid-1877 the Freeman had dispensed with its patent outside pages. Although it continued to fill pages one and four mostly with articles produced by an outside service, it added local and regional material as well, so that the percentage of content prepared in the Ogden office increased. Whether this move proved effective in increasing circulation and advertising patronage cannot be determined. Advertising continued to occupy a healthy portion of the paper, although some advertisers may have paid reluctantly or not at all. The paper claimed an established circulation among two million "liberal, money-spending Westerners, with whom it is the favorite," characterizing itself as "Aggressive and Progressive, Anti-Mormon, Anti-Chinese, Anti-Indian." 23
In 1876 and 1877 the paper printed circulation figures, broken down by state or territory Although they may not be completely reliable, the figures indicate circulation totals of 2,925 in October 1876, 3,895 in May 1877, and 4,785 in December 1877. The Utah total remained at 1,100 during this period, with Wyoming also stable at 550. Circulations in Nevada (350) and Montana (100) stayed the same as well, while totals for Idaho (600 in 1877), Colorado (400), Arizona (325), Oregon (275), Washington (240), Dakota (200), New Mexico (150), Nebraska (120), British Columbia (75) and miscellaneous other states and territories (550) increased. 24
Many readers as well as advertisers apparently delayed paying their Freeman bills. In October 1876 the paper included a "dun" asking its delinquent subscribers to pay up. The following month, in another move that may have indicated straitened fiscal circumstances, it advertised for a foreman and job printer, offering to sell a fourth, third, or half interest in the paper to such a person, on the grounds that someone with a stake in the paper would take more interest in it. This notice hastened to add that the paper was established "on a healthy, paying basis" and was dependent on no ring, clique, or party for support. 25
Periodically, the Freeman promised a daily edition. In fact, one issue— probably a sample—of the Ogden Daily Freeman survives. Dated December 9, 1876, it looks very much like the regular semiweekly. In May 1877 the paper announced that a daily edition would start on August 1, but on July 31a note indicated that the editor had been unable to get around to solicit advertising for it because of a crippled ankle. If Ogden's businessmen wanted the daily, they could come by the office to purchase ads. "Otherwise," the note concluded, "they can have a semi-weekly with patent guts, as long as they decline to have any better medium of inviting trade to come here from the surrounding territories." Once more, in August 1878, the possibility of a daily arose, with a report that many had asked for one. Again, Legh made solid local support a precondition. 26
Perhaps Legh had already thought about moving on by this time. The same note that proved to be his final mention of a daily edition went on to state that the editors, having earned reputations as town builders, had received flattering offers to edit papers in other localities. It concluded, "And it may be that we will take a notion to go sometime, unless people in Ogden wake up to the situation and treat us as entitled to all the work which the live men of the city require." This undoubtedly referred to contracts for job printing as well as advertising; in addition to the newspaper, the Freeman had maintained an active printing business from the beginning.
In November 1878 the paper reduced its frequency of publication to become a weekly, but the following January it moved into a new two-story, fireproof brick building that had cost between four and five thousand dollars to build. The story in the Freeman gave no indication as to how much of this cost, if any, the paper had borne, but it touted the building as the first printing office in Utah built by anyone except the Mormon church. Even when the paper announced in May that a branch of the Freeman, to be called the Frontier Index, would soon begin publication at the terminus of the Utah and Northern Railroad in Butte, Montana, it gave no indication that the revived Frontier Index would replace the Freeman. 27 The last surviving issue of the Freeman appeared June 27, 1879, containing no announcement of its demise. Legh's wanderlust may have contributed as much as the lack of expected support in Ogden to his decision to move.
In any event, he went ahead to Butte, leaving Ada to pack up household goods, printing equipment, and children, now numbering four with the addition of another son in September 1877, and move them north. Ada drove one wagon and a printer drove the second as they left Ogden in early August 1879. Just 150 miles south of Butte, a rifle fell from its strap into the wheel spokes of the wagon Ada was driving. It fired a load of shot into her hip, and six days later she died. Legh published an obituary in his new Frontier Index. He praised her extravagantly, of course, and referred to her journalistic work as follows: "As joint editor of The Ogden Freeman, she performed good work in Utah, and even the Mormons regretted her departure, after opening their eyes to the errors of Mormonism." He promised to retain her name at the head of his editorial columns, with confidence that "the holy diction of this guardian angel will inspire the pen of the surviving editor to pure and noble sentiments." 28
Legh's subsequent career followed the railroads from Butte to Thompson Falls, Montana;Yakima City, Washington; the Puget Sound area; Seattle; and finally, in his first move east, back to North Yakima. In each of these locations he established publications, the most long-lived of which was the Washington Farmer, continued as Northwest Farm and Home, which survives to the present. Five years after Ada's death, Legh married Janie Ward, a Virginian with whom he had corresponded at the suggestion of his sister. She became his associate in publishing the Washington Farmer. At her death in 1897 she left a son and a daughter. A year later the Yakima Herald asked who would be "the lucky girl filling the need for a lady editor,"29 but it took two more years for Legh to find Mary Rose Whitaker while he was on a trip to St. Paul, to marry her, and to install her as associate editor of Farm and Home. Mary and her daughter inherited Farm and Home upon Legh's death in 1915 and kept it going until Mary's death two years later, at which time it was sold. Until his death, Legh maintained the pattern established in Ogden of traveling to solicit patronage for his papers and look into business opportunities -while his wives and also his children, as soon as they became old enough, stayed behind and kept the publications going. 30
Legh still managed to maintain at least vestiges of the flamboyant persona of Horatio Vattel. Certainly that romantic image had influenced his behavior in Ogden, as he wandered the frontier, shot from the hip—metaphorically, at least—and dreamed grand dreams for the future of the West. He met the Mormons and became their friend but turned on them when they proved unresponsive to his expectation of support. The fault for his anti- Mormon stance lay on both sides. Although he retaliated with excessive zeal, it was the Mormon ban on patronage of Gentile enterprises that hurt his newspaper and printing business and triggered his enmity. Still, a friend's memorial address at the time of his death stated, "Mr. Freeman has often told me that one of the mistakes in his life was in not remaining at Ogden, which offered the finest sort of a field for newspaper development."31 That may have reflected time's dimming of the difficulties encountered by the Freemans in Ogden, but it must have had something to do as well with their youth and optimism as they embarked upon a new adventure, and with the promise of the flourishing young community.
NOTES
Sherilyn Cox Bennion is a professor emeritus of journalism and mass communication at Humboldt State University in California She is the author of Equal to the Occasion: Women Editors of the Nineteenth-Century West and of numerous articles about western women and journalists This article is based on a paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Mormon History Association in May 1999.
1 Thomas H Heuterman, Movable Type: Biography of Legh R. Freeman (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1979), 3, quoting a letter fromVarinia Allison Freeman, Legh Freeman's daughter
2 J. Cecil Alter, Early Utah Journalism (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1938), 159, quoting the Salt Lake Telegram, November 12 ,1868, December 16,1868
3 Heuterman, Movable Type, 55, quoting the Yakima Morning Herald, January 5, 1910
4 Unless otherwise noted, biographical information for Legh Freeman is drawn from the Heuterman biography
5 Ogden Junction, June 23, 1875
6 Heuterman, Movable Type, 59, quoting the Frontier Index, May 19,1868, June 23,1868.
7 Alter, Early Utah Journalism, quoting the Deseret News, June 19, 1875; Ogden Junction, June 23, 1875; Salt Lake Tribune, July 24, 1875.
8 Leo Haefeli and Frank J Cannon, Directory of Ogden City & Weber County (Ogden: Ogden Herald Publishing Company, 1883), 62
9 Ogden Freeman, August 14, 1877.
10 Ibid., June 25, 1878
11 Ibid., January 24,1879.
12 Ibid., June 15,1877
13 Ibid., August 31,1877, and September 4, 1877
14 Ibid., December 12, 1876, September 11, 1877, September 18, 1877
15 Ibid.,January 5,1877, March 6, 1877
16 Ibid., April 3,1877.
17 Ibid., September 5, 1876
18 Ibid., January 25, 1879
19 Ibid., June 18,1878.
20 Ibid.,June 25,1878
21 Ibid.,June 12, 1877, October 16,1877.
22 Ibid., December 21, 1877,January 1,1878January 11, 1878
23 Ibid.,June 21,1878
24 Ibid., October 31, 1876, May 25,1877, December 21, 1877
25 Ibid., November 17,1876.
26 Ibid., May 25, 1877,July 31, 1877,August 6, 1878
27 Ibid., January 24, 1879, May 23, 1879
28 Heuterman, Movable Type, quoting the Frontier Index, August 23, 1879
29 Ibid., 133, quoting the Yakima Epigram, August 13, 1898
30 As teenagers, the boys moved out to establish themselves independently.
31 Heuterman, Movable Type, 141, quoting the Washington Farmer, March 1,1915
