Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 68, Number 4, 2000 by Utah Historical Society

" V L,;: FALL 2000 NUMBER 4

UTA H HISTORICA L QUARTERL Y (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIA L STAF F

MAXJ EVANS, Editor

STANFORD J LAYTON, Managing Editor

KRISTEN SMART ROGERS, Associate Editor

ALLAN KENT POWELL, Book Review Editor

ADVISOR Y BOAR D O F EDITOR S

AUDREY M. GODFREY, Logan, 2000

LEE ANN KREUTZER,Torrey, 2000

ROBERT S. MCPHERSON, Blanding, 2001

MIRIAM B. MURPHY, Murray, 2000

ANTONETTE CHAMBERS NOBLE, Cora,WY, 2002

RICHARD C ROBERTS, Ogden, 2001

JANET BURTON SEEGMILLER, Cedar City, 2002

GARY TOPPING, Salt Lake City, 2002

RICHARD S. VAN WAGONER, Lehi, 2001

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah history The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Ri o Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101. Phone (801) 533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, Utah Preservation, and the bimonthly newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $20; institution, $20; student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or older), $15; contributing, $25; sustaining, $35; patron, $50; business, $100.

Manuscripts submitted for publication should be double-spaced with endnotes Authors are encouraged to include a PC diskette with the submission For additional information on requirements, contact the managing editor. Articles and book reviews represent the views of the authors and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society

Periodicals postage is paid at Salt Lake City, Utah

POSTMASTER: Send address change to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.

290 I N THI S ISSU E

292 Runnin g the Line: Jame s Henr y Martineau's Surveys in Norther n Utah , 1860-1882 By Noel A Carmack

313 Getting Along : Th e Significance o f Cooperatio n in the Developmen t o f Zio n National Park

By Wayne K Hinton

332 Th e Monumen t to Brigha m Youn g and the Pioneers: On e Hundre d Years o f Controversy By J. Michael Hunter

351 BOO K REVIEW S

Davis Bitton. George Q. Cannon: A Biography.

Reviewed by Thomas G Alexander

Will Bagley, ed. Scoundrel's Tale: The Samuel Brannan Papers.

Reviewed by E Leo Lyman

Horace M. Albright and Marian Albright Schenk. Creating the National Park Service: The Missing Years.

Reviewed by Andrew M Honker

Kenneth R. Philp. Termination Revisited: American Indians on the Trail to Self-Determination, 1933-1953.

Reviewed by Ronald L Holt

Robert R.Archibald A Place to Remember: Using History to Build Community.

Reviewed by Allan Kent Powell

Laurance D Linford Navajo Places: History, Legend, Landscape.

Reviewed by Robert S McPherson

Leslie G Kelen with Joyce A Kelen Streaked with Light and Shadow: Portraits of Former Soviet Jews in Utah.

Reviewed by Jack Goodman

Robert S. Olpin, William C. Seifrit,Vern G. Swanson. Artists of Utah.

Reviewed by Elaine Reiser Alder David Stanley and Elaine Thatcher, eds Cowboy Poets and Cowboy Poetry.

Reviewed by Kent Peterson

FALL 2000 • VOLUME 68 • NUMBER 4

370 BOO K NOTICE S 374 LETTER S 376 INDE X | COPYRIGHT 200(1 UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

IN THIS ISSUE

One of the many fascinating images in O E. Rolvaag's classic Giants in the Earth is that of the troubled Beret, wife of Per Hansa, fretting that Almighty wrath will attend anyone who removes a surveyor's section marker. The thought of one of her homesteading friends or family doing such a thing was her most dreaded fear Within our modern and high-tech society, that seems a strange worry, having long since been superseded by concerns over crowded city streets, bottlenecks on the freeways, and power failures during rush hour. But only a moment's reflection is necessary to bring us to the realization that few processes are as crucial to stability within a complex society as the surveyor's

ABOVE: 1947 ceremonies at the lighting of the Brigham Young Monument celebrated the centennial of the Mormon pioneers' entry into Utah. Boyart photo, USHS.

290

marks. This is where property lines are delineated and order begins. The built environment starts with the transit and glass.

The first selection in this issue focuses on an early Utah surveyor, James Henry Martineau, who left many marks on the Utah landscape, especially in northern Utah, during the 1860s, '70s, and '80s Realizing that some of the earlier survey markers had either been moved or incorrectly placed initially, Martineau labored diligently to satisfy the territorial surveyor general and the fledgling communities that had already begun to take shape It is a story of physical hardship, personal loneliness, and financial reverses Yet, it is an inspiring tale of a labor of love by a man driven to succeed Readers who have traveled through picturesque Cache Valley and marveled at the charm of its physical layout will now have a special appreciation of the technical processes whereby those towns and farms lie so neatly on the land.

The next selection also deals with the beauty of Utah's landscape but this time with the natural rather than built environment At issue is the promotion of tourism while protecting the fragile ecology of spectacular Mukuntuweep Canyon in the southwestern part of the state The machinery was in place to achieve both aims In fact, as we pick up the story, the Antiquities Act has been passed and national monument status is imminent But with the creation of the National Park Service in 1916, people of the area began to conceptualize a more ambitious plan. The story that follows is a most interesting account of cooperation on the local, state, corporate, church, and federal levels to expand the monument's original acreage, achieve national park status, and come up with the much more euphonious name of Zion. Out went the roving herds of domestic hogs, in came improved access roads, and down came the tacky commercial signs. That process—and subsequent promotional successes—proceeded smoothly enough to astonish the modern mind. Reasons for that and possible lessons for today are explored with the historian's insight and skill here.

The final article surveys a sometimes rollicking, sometimes acrimonious centurylong history of the Brigham Young monument in the heart of Salt Lake City. Beginning as a popular idea and fashioned by one of the finest sculptors of the day, the monument seemed a sure-fire way to adorn the streetscape and rally the city around its unique heritage. While it has achieved both those aims for much of its existence, it was a disappointment to its creator and a frustration to many of its sponsors. Controversy has swirled around it from the beginning and has dogged it to the present. Unlike a life-size bust that can be discreetly removed and sent to basement storage or a historic marker that can be easily replaced with updated verbiage, a thirty-five-foot-tall granite and bronze icon is not easily altered to suit the changing plans of traffic engineers or the dictates of political correctness. Among the food-forthought menu items offered in this entertaining historical account is the question of what history means to the hypothetical man on the street and therefore how it should best be packaged to suit the desires of a fast-paced society that loves portability, change, and free-flowing traffic

ON THE COVER: A 1930s chamber of commerce photo is captioned: "Lights and shadows play a symphony of color on the sculptured rock walls of Zion National Park, here glimpsed through one of the five windows opening from the mile-long tunnel that bores through solid rock on the Mt. Carmel highway in southern Utah."

291

Running the Line: James Henry Martineau's Surveys in Northern Utah, 1860-1882

By NOEL A CARMACK

The rectangular land survey system established by the congressional land ordinance of May 20, 1785, set into motion a wave of exploration programs to measure, divide, and map public lands in America These ventures produced various types of maps describing jurisdictional boundaries, topographic features of the land, military reconnaissance and campaigns, and special thematic profiles of the geography. Cadastral surveyors, under the direction of the General Land Office (GLO), surveyed township and section lines by magnetic compass (or, later, by solar compass) and measured the lines with lengths of chains. Topographical engineers, under the direction of the Army Corps of Engineers, described and charted the land's elevations, its physical features, and the courses of its waterways County surveyors, under the direction of territorial surveyors general, laid out townsites to define lots and distribute them to oncoming settlers. All of these surveyors and engineers produced a cartographic legacy as they explored the frontier, described arable regions, and laid the foundation for the orderly disposal of public lands.1

This A. J. Russell photograph shows a survey party under difficulties in Weber Canyon, 1868. Although it is difficult to identify the figures in the photo, it may well be a crew that included James Martineau.

Noel A Carmack recently co-edited with Karen Lynn Davidson the book Out of the Black Patch: The Autobiography of Effie Marquess Carmack, Folk Musician, Artist, and Writer. He wishes to gratefully acknowledge Mollyanne Hopkins, Kirby Martineau, and PrestonWard for their assistance with this article

1 For an excellent historical overview of cartographic activities and public land surveys in America, see Ralph E Ehrenberg, "Taking the Measure of the Land," Prologue 9 (Fall 1977): 129-50 On the historical development of the rectangular system of surveying, see Lowell O Stewart, Public Land Surveys: History, Instructions, Methods (Ames, IA: Collegiate Press, 1935);John B Cleary, United States Land Surveys, pts 1 and 2 (Scranton, PA: International Textbook Company, 1943);William B. Pattison, Beginnings of the American Rectangular Land Survey System, 1784-1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Department of Geography, 1964); and C.Albert White, A History of the Rectangular Survey System (Washington: U.S Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management, 1983).

292

JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

On e of these surveyors and engineers was James Henry Martineau, a Mormo n pioneer and civic leader in Utah. Martineau's cartographic activities during the White Mountain Expedition have been well documented by Carl Wheat, Juanita Brooks, and Clifford Stott.2 While in southern Utah, Martineau served as clerk of the LDS Parowan Ward and as military adjutant and clerk of Iron County Following the initial surveys of Parowan Fort and Cedar Fort by William H Dame, Martineau extended these townsite surveys and surveyed large tracts near Summit and Johnson's Fort. But his survey work in northern Utah is by far his most impressive. The value of that work should be weighed along with the noteworthy man who drew the lines

James Henr y Martineau was bor n March 13, 1828, in Amsterdam, Montgomery County, Ne w York, the son of John Martineau and Eliza Mears. His father had been educated as a physician and surgeon but later became chief engineer for Ne w Jersey's Camden and Amboy Railroad. John Martineau also invented the central discharge waterwheel and a horse-powered threshing machine that replaced the flail, or the treading out of grain by horses or cattle. And he engineered several important bridges in Ne w York and New Jersey

Upo n graduatio n from Ne w York's Monro e Academy, James H Martineau became a compositor and pressman before enlisting in the army to serve during the Mexican War of 1846. After filling various capacities on detached service until his honorable discharge in July 1848, Martineau started for California during the Gold Rush of 1849 He paused in Utah Territory, however, to teach school in Farmington during the winter of 1850. He never left; the next year, he joined the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS church). The new convert was soon called to help survey townsites in the newly organized Iron County Mission.3 O n January

2 The White Mountain Expedition was an exploring party that, as part of Brigham Young's "Move South," searched for sites in eastern Nevada as possible sanctuary settlements for Mormons retreating from government forces during the Utah War of 1857-58 See Carl I Wheat, Mapping the Transmississippi West, 1540-1861, 5 vols (San Francisco: Institute of Historical Cartography, 1957-63), 4:126-35;Juanita Brooks, "A Place of Refuge," Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 14 (Spring 1971): 13-24; and Clifford L Stott, Search for Sanctuary: Brigham Young and the White Mountain Expedition (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1984)

1 For biographical information on James Henry Martineau, see James H Martineau, "Col James H Martineau," in Edward Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories: Northern Utah, 2 vols (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor's Office, 1889), Biographies Supplement, 2:68-79;Andrew Jenson, LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, 4 vols (Salt Lake City, 1901; reprint, Salt Lake City: Western Epics, 1971), 4:156-59 See also James H Martineau Journal, 1859-1860, holograph (MS 320),Archives Division, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah (LDS Church Archives), and James Henry Martineau Autobiography, 1828-1908, typescript, Special Collections Division, Harold B Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah (BYU Special Collections)

Perhaps because Martineau was adjutant to Col William Dame, who commanded the militiamen who perpetrated the Mountain Meadows Massacre, many people have alleged that Martineau was involved in the massacre However, several sources state that he was actually in a scouting party on the Sevier River when the massacre took place and that he learned of it upon his return to Parowan See Joseph Fish, The Life and Times of foseph Fish, Mormon Pioneer, ed John H Krenkel (Danville, IL: Interstate Printers and Publishers, 1970), 56-57;James Henry Martineau to Susan Ellen Martineau, May 3, 1876, LDS Church

293

8, 1852, he married Susanna (Susan) Ellen Johnson. Five years later, on January 18, 1857, he married under covenant of plural marriage Susan Ellen's cousin Susan Julia Sherman.4

Trained as an engineer while at the academy, Martineau followed in the tradition of federal cadastral surveyors who measured the land by observations on Polaris (the north star) or the sun. These public lands surveyors divided lands for private ownership; the divisions delineated townships by dividing land into one-square-mile sections, 'with thirty-six sections making one township.

While Martineau was living in Parowan, an act of Congress dated February 21 , 1855, established the office of surveyor general of Utah Territory and set aside certain public lands for schools and universities. The first Cache Valley surveys were laid out in sixty-seven days by Frederick H Burr, U.S. deputy surveyor, wh o ran five miles of line per day under Contract No. 6, dated July 15, 1856. The completed surveys were approved by David H. Burr, then U.S. surveyor general for Utah, at the Salt Lake City branch of the U.S land office on September 27, 1856—at virtually the same time that Peter Maughan's first colonizing wagons were rolling into Cache Valley at the foot of the Wellsville Range.

Brigham Young was dissatisfied with the surveys. He alleged that David Burr was fraudulently charging the government for work that his contracted surveyors had not done or had done poorly Burr denied this, saying that Mormo n settlers were trespassing on public lands and surreptitiously removing corner markers in defiance of federal jurisdictional authority. However, given the extensive surveying reportedly completed by Burr's surveyors in other parts of the territory and the extent of poor marking that was later discovered, it is improbable that the survey inadequacies were caused by Mormons removing corner markers in a widespread, systematic manner. Regardless, it is evident that even GLO commissioner Thomas Hendricks was displeased with Burr's improper activities, and he censured Burr for excessive and unauthorized surveys. Feeling threatened by Mormo n vigilantes, Burr and other federal appointees fled Utah on April 15, 1857. Whe n Burr's replacement, Samuel Stambaugh, arrived in Salt Lake City in September 1859, his investigations revealed that the surveys were indeed inadequately marked. Ultimately, however, the early surveys of Utah settlements, including those in Cache County, remained largely uncorrected until the federal resurveys of 1875-78.5

Archives; and James H. Martineau to F. E. Eldredge, July 23, 1907, holograph, BYU Special Collections (MS 467).

4 Susan Ellen Martineau, Autobiography, 1836-1918, holograph, BYU Special Collections, and "Susan E.J Martineau," Young Women's Journal 17 (December 1906): 541-42 Susan Ellen was the daughter of Joel H.Johnson and Anne PixleyJohnson; Susan Julia was the daughter of Lyman Royal Sherman and Delcena Diadamie Johnson Martineau reportedly also married Mary Elvira Sherman and Jessie Helen Russell (or Grieve) But I have not been able to verify these marriages conclusively from available evidence

5 For more on David H Burr's activities, see C Albert White, Initial Points of the Rectangular Survey System (Westminster, CO: Publishing House for the Professional Land Surveyors of Colorado, Inc., 1996),

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

294

Detail showing Cache Valley taken from "Map Showing the Extent of Surveys in the Territory of Utah, 1856, Examined and Approved this 30th Sept. 1856, Sur Genl. David H. Burr of Utah," Senate Exec. Doc. No. 5, 34th Congress, 3rd Sess.

JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

Severe winters in Cache Valley frustrated Brigham Young's early plans to develop a herd ground there, but the valley's alluvial loam soils invited agricultural settlements along its fertile terraces and foot slopes The valley, fed by the meandering Bear River and its tributaries, offered abundant sources of water for irrigated farms outside nucleated townsites.The division of farmland outside of the townsites was conducted by the territorial or county surveyor, but these surveyors measured from the corner markers of townships sections established by the earlier federal rectangular survey. The subdivision or farm surveys, as they were called, began in Cache Valley on January 21, 1859, when the valley's presiding bishop, Peter Maughan, appointed a committee of three men, John P. Wright, John Nelson, and Israel J. Clark, to see that the first tracts of land were surveyed and distributed equally.

The streets and lots within the boundaries of the first townsites (forts) were also surveyed by these appointed men. While the laying out of streets and lots within the primitive fort pattern was not dictated by a federally prescribed pattern, neither did they conform exactly to the typical grid pattern that has remained characteristic of Mormo n settlements, and territorial surveyors later had to adjust the size and direction of lots Wright, for example, surveyed the first streets in Logan from Main and Center to Fifth North. According to Melvin R . Hovey, "A meeting was held July 10, 1859, and it was decided that the boundaries of the settlement be set and also to name the place The stakes which set off the boundary lines -were driven by means of a pocket compass and the North star John P.Wright laid off Main and Center Streets, as they are today."6 When territorial surveyor Jesse W. Fox extended the Logan Fort plat to conform to a traditional townsite pat-

311-25 For land surveys in CacheValley,seeWillis A Tingey, "Early Land Surveys and Land Allotments in Cache Valley," in Papers of the Cache Valley Historical Society,Vols I—II, 1951-1953, 29-36, typescript, USU Special Collections and Archives, Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan, Utah (USU Special Collections) The original land surveys and field notes are deposited at the office of the Bureau of Land Management, Salt Lake City, Utah A microfiche copy is held at the offices of the Cache County Recorder and the Cache County Surveyor, Logan, Utah For information on the earliest surveys off the Salt Lake Baseline and Meridian, see Gustive O Larson, "Land Contest in Early Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (October 1961):309-25, andWhite, Initial Points, 305-30

6 Logan Journal, October 13, 1923 See also Manuscript History, Logan Ward, Cache Stake, July 10, 1859, 3, microfilm copy, LDS Church Archives, and Deseret News, April 21, 1886

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tern on March 13, 1860, Henry Ballard reported that Fox had to adjust the size of lots, saying, "the Greatest Part of the Houses and Yards had to be moved."7 Logan LDS bishop William B. Preston then gave out lots and farmland to the arriving settlers.8

After removin g to Salt Lake City in 1860 from Parowan, James Martineau was advised by Brigham Young to go to Logan, where he was needed as a surveyor. "O n July 19th , I started to Cache County, to survey lands there, by desire of President B.Young," Martineau wrote

While on the way, in company with Maj S[eth] M Blair's company of settlers we heard that hostilities had broken out with Indians at Smithfield, in which two whites and one Indian were killed, and several wounded We therefore traveled in military order, and reached Providence in safety, where I remained for some weeks, while making surveys in various portions of the county I located my family in Logan, the county seat, and when the county was organized was appointed county clerk and elected county surveyor, which last position I held for over twenty years. 9

Having brought Susan Julia and their children Delcina and Lyman with him to Logan, Martineau immediately began setting up a homestead on a lot north of the town square. Susan Ellen, wh o had temporarily remained in Manti visiting family, would arrive a few weeks later with the rest of the children "We are all in pretty good health," he wrote to Susan Ellen, "though I have still a bad cold, contracted about two weeks ago while surveying. I have not yet got my houses completed, though I have used great endeavors to accomplish it. Everyone has been so busy, that help was hard to obtain, logs scarce, and everything else ditto." Although resources were scarce, Martineau tried to remain optimistic about his situation in Logan. "You did not marry me for riches, you used to say, and if you did, you shot wide of the mark I hope however, that when once we are established in this valley, that prosperity will shine upon us There will be considerable surveying to do, which will bring in something." 1 0 For the next few months, Martineau assisted Jesse Fox and worked as a clerk for Farnsworth and Company and the Thomas Box Company In July 1863 he began operating a photographic gallery, having earlier learned tintype, ambrotype, and

7 Henry BallardJournal, March 11and 13, 1860, 21,typescript, USU Special Collections; Ralph Smith Journal, March 13, 1860, holograph, USU Special Collections Joel Hyrum Campbell remembered that "Some ofthe cabins on Center street hadto be moved" (LoganJournal, May 24,1924)

8 Joel Edward Ricks, The Beginnings of Settlement in Cache Valley, Twelfth Annual Faculty Research Lecture (Logan: Utah State Agricultural College, 1953), 15-17, 36.

9 Tullidge's Histories, Biographies Supplement, 2:74, and LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, 4:157 The "hostilities" had begun when the settlers killed Pagunap, a Shoshone leader Martineau's activities as Cache County Clerk and county surveyor are documented in the Cache County court records, "'A' County Book of the County of Cache Organized April 4, 1857," located in the office of the Cache County Recorder, Logan, Utah; typescript at USU Special Collections. A photocopy of his early county surveys and field notes, bound and entitled "Land Book, containing a record of surveys made in the County of Cache, dating from 1860,"is located at USUSpecial Collections

10James H Martineau, Logan, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Manti, December 5, 1860, holograph; unless otherwise noted, this and other items of correspondence are cited from the James Henry Martineau Collection (MS 4786) andJames Henry Martineau Correspondence (MS 9532), LDS Church Archives

296

JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

James Martineau's sketch of the Logan settlement, sent to his wife Susan Ellen, January 12, 1861.

From Anita Schwendiman, History of Nephi Martineau

stereographic processes from Edward Covington of Ogden.11

In additio n to his appointment as county surveyor, Martineau held the offices of U.S. deputy internal revenue collector and as brigade adjutant of three full regiments in the Cache Military District Whil e serving in this capacity, he was a member of the staff of General Daniel H. Wells until the Nauvoo Legion was annulled in 1882. As adjutant and military instructor, Martineau was involved in brigade musters, military exercises, parades, and predator control activities.12 His military activities in Cache Valley are well documented. His reports on the Bear River massacre, for instance, are helpful in estimating the casualties of that tragic event.13 By 1865, Martineau had earned the rank of colonel in the Nauvoo Legion. Martineau's experience in military tactics and diplomacy may have been helpful in maintaining peace between his wives Naturally, one wife would occasionally express a tinge of jealousy when she perceived that the other

" Tullidge's Histories, Biographies Supplement, 2:75 See also "Early Pioneer Photographers," Our Pioneer Heritage 18 (1975): 249-305

12 See James H Martineau, "The Military History of Cache Valley," Tullidge's Histories, 2:361-76; Deseret News, July 16, 1862, July 20, 1864,June 12, 1867, October 4, 1869; also, various entries in "Journal of Cache Military District, Reorganized August 5, 1865," [brigade muster rolls, returns, journal 1865-76], microfilm copy, USU Special Collections The Nauvoo Legion was a Mormon-organized militia responsible for protecting the settlements. For more on predator control in Cache County, seeVictor L. Sorensen, "The Wasters and Destroyers: Community-sponsored Predator Control in Early Utah Territory," Utah Historical Quarterly 62 (Winter 1994): 26-41

11 See Martineau, "Military History of CacheValley."A recently discovered map made by Martineau the day following the massacre provides casualty estimates and locations, as well as the position and tactical maneuvers of Col Patrick E Connor's men; see Scott R Christiansen, Sagwitch: Shoshone Chieftain, Mormon Elder, 1822-1887 (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1999), 48-52 For more on the casualties of the Bear River Massacre, see Brigham D Madsen, The Shoshoni Frontier and the Bear River Massacre (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), 191-93,and Harold Schindler,"The Bear River Massacre: New Historical Evidence," Utah Historical Quarterly 67 (Fall 1999):300-308

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

was being favored. When a tiff arose, he advised conciliation and harmony. Ironically, while most of his thoughts seem to be directed to both of his wives, his letters are, in fact, addressed to Susan Ellen. This detectible show of favoritism may have exacerbated the already divisive tensions between the two women. In any case, when he was away, he regularly reported his activities to them and rejoiced in the family's times of concord.14

O n January 12, 1861, for example, Martineau wrote to Susan Ellen describing the conditions at Logan:

Th e weather has not been very cold, except for a few days about Christmas Sleighing is good, but I have not had much opportunity to enjoy it as yet, my time being much occupied with business We are now living in our own house, next to Br [Seth M.] Blair, who m I like very much

Th e above sketch represents the plantation, looking to the north. O n the left is the Tithing Stack Yard, next Susan's house, then yours, in the rear is the stable O n the right is Br Blair's house Th e well, which is about 11 feet deep, is in front The following is a ground plan of the premises Th e location is the first in Logan fronting south, and is situated in the handsomest part of town Logan is a mile long and 5/8 of a mile wide, with lots containing an acre of land each It is situated upon a beautiful bench about 20 feet high, along the south edge [of] which flows the Logan River, running west Th e Logan is a most beautiful river, abounding in large trout, which the Indians sell cheap I saw some for sale last week, freshly caught. So much for Logan.15

The situation at Logan -was primitive, but Martineau looked forward to the development of resources at the young settlement: "I like this country very much," he continued.

It is none of your two-penny Parowan operations—all is on a larger scale There will be a great deal of machinery here, saw mills, grist mills, carding machines, etc., which are now going ahead As regards my affairs, I am pretty hard up I have expended almost every thing for building, wood, hay and provisions, and have nothing left, but a span of small mules, wagon and carriage—no cow, pig, or chicken. I have been in debt nearly $500 but have now paid almost all. I am about to commence teaching military tactics, which will, I hope, help to recruit my finances a little. I was desired to teach school, but declined M y public business is steadily increasing, and I seldom get to bed before 12 o'clock p.m. 16

James Martineau knew well the toil and tedium of survey work Laying out local townsite plats was arduous but not as isolating as other outdoor labor that kept him from his family. "The city engineer may at almost any

14 Several extant letters suggest that Susan Ellen and Susan Julia experienced the natural competitiveness that might have arisen between two women in a polygamous marriage For example, on one occasion, Martineau expressed that Susan Ellen's perceived lack of interest in the welfare of Susan Julia implied that she "cared nothing for her." In another example, Susan Ellen evidently felt a tinge of jealousy when James Henry paid a little more attention to Susan Julia, saying that she thought he was "quite partial" and wished he would think of her more often See James H Martineau, Logan, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Manti, November 5, 1860;James H Martineau, near Willard, to Susan Ellen, Logan, August 23, 1868; and Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan, to James H. Martineau, near Corinne, September 11, 1868, as published in Anita Martineau Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau and Emmeline Knowles Martineau (Newdale, ID: author, 1987), 255,267, and 269

15 James H Martineau, Logan, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Manti, January 12, 1861, typescript as published in Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau, 257

16 Ibid., 259

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JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

hour get a drink of cold water, something to eat, or shelter from a storm, and, at night, rest in his own comfortable home," he wrote His topographical work, on the other hand, often took him to the far reaches of the territory and involved climbing hazardous cliffs, traversing scorched desert expanses, and bushwhacking through thickly vegetated valleys and canyons. He observed, "The surveyor goes in advance of civilization He traverses the wilderness and the deserts, as the foremost drop of spray of advancing tide, as it encroaches upon the shore And so his work, of necessity, carries him away from the comforts of home."17

While surveying townsites throughout Cache Valley during the 1860s, Martineau kept in weekly contact with his wives and children. During the spring of 1869, for instance, Susan Ellen wrote to him from Logan, expressing her concern for his welfare as he extended townsite surveys in the southern part of the valley. "I am glad that you can sleep in town at night so I will not feel so worried about you. I am glad you don't have to go out of this valley, for now I have some chance of hearing from you. Write every possible chance and let us know of your whereabouts. Don't fail for I would like to hear from you every day if I could!"18 Six days later, Martineau reported his location and activities by writing, "I finished at Mendon yesterday and got here last night. Today I go to Hyrum which I expect to be about three days, thence to Millville, Providence and to Logan, where I hope to see you by Sat. or Sunday next. I have been well since leaving home, but very busy."19

Occasionally, when he found quiet moments alone, away from his assistant surveyors and chainmen, Martineau wrote poetry to keep his thoughts filled with family and worship. In October 1867, for example, while surveying Malad City, Idaho, the valley's evening light reminded him of departed loved ones:

How many tried and trusted friends are gone!

How many times our aching hearts have bled!

How oft an old and half-remembered song

Hath brought to mind those scenes forever fled!

And time is passing still To-day will be

Soon numbered with the shadowy, silent past, While rush we on towards eternity

That stretches out so broad—illimitable—vast.20

Though poetry provided Martineau creative affirmation away from home, it did not allow him to elude the challenges he faced in the field.

17J[ames] Hfenry] Martineau, "An Engineer's Tribulations" Contributor 12 (June 1891):317-18

18 Susan Ellen Martineau toJames H Martineau, April 29,1869, LDS Church Archives; also published with theincorrect date ofApril 27in Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau, 270

"James H Martineau,Wellsville, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan, May 4, 1869,LDS Church Archives; also published in Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau, 271

20 "Twilight Memories," in Tullidge's Histories, Biographies Supplement, 2:76 Formore ofhis poetry, see "Sabbath Bells," idem, 2:77-78; "TheTitle of Liberty," Contributor 11 Qune 1890): 312-13; "Boyhood's Days," Contributor 12(January 1891): 113; and "Rest," Improvement Era 5 (September 1902):880

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Evidently, it was difficult to apply the rectangular survey system upon the existing Mormon fort style settlement pattern. O n at least three occasions, Martineau had to modify the typical eight one-acre lots per block in order to superimpose the usual uniformly divided gridiron upon original settlement configurations and the valley's growing populace The early Mormon form of settlement with houses facing each other and walled fort protection forced him to adjust the size and number of lots according to the number of inhabitants and the physical layout of the fort For example, he surveyed ten lots to the block in the Smithfield and Weston townsites rather than the normal eight because there was a higher population of settlers in these communities than could be accommodated by fewer lots. In Providence, he increased one-acre lots to 1.35 acres in order to match the larger existing blocks within the stone walls of the fort.21

When , as a newly elected surveyor, Martineau had begun work in I860,22 the townsites of Logan, Hyrum, Wellsville, Mendon, Smithfield, and Richmond had already been established by John P. Wright and others and had been partially extended by territorial surveyor Jesse W Fox However, a close examination of modern Cache County plat maps reveals that townsite grid lines were misaligned as much as 1° 43 ' east of the true meridian. It would have been extremely difficult for Martineau and Fox to correct the inaccurate alignment of existing forts, since the streets and lots had already been laid out and settled upon with permanent structures.

The accuracy of the first fort surveys in Cache Valley could have been affected by any number of human or mechanical errors. According to traditional surveying methods, it was imperative that the length of every line be ascertained by precise horizontal measurement, approximating an air line as nearly as possible This required the chainmen to keep the chain stretched and to plumb the tally pins so as to attain precisely the spot where they should be stuck for a true measurement. When the surveyors ascended or descended hills or mountains, the chain would have to be shortened in order to accurately give the true horizontal measure. Error in measurement was always a possibility.

Mistakes could also arise through calculation errors. At a given latitude, the surveyor had to ascertain the true meridian by observing Polaris and gauging the azimuth by the star's greatest eastern or western elongation for that particular time of day and month of the year If the surveyor did not use a theodolite to find the true meridian, he had to determine, by compass, the variation or declination between magnetic north and true north. The azimuth plus the angle between magnetic north and the pole star

21 See various early town plats in "Land Book, containing a record of surveys made in the County of Cache." For more on the Mormon form of townsite planning, see Richard H Jackson, "The Mormon Village: Genesis and Antecedents of the City of Zion Plan," BYU Studies 17 (Winter 1977): 223-40

"'A' County Book of the County of Cache Organized April 4, 1857,"August 15, 1860, 13, typescript, USU Special Collections

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JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

James H. Martineau's plat map of Paradise City, Cache County, August 31, 1867.

woul d provid e th e data from whic h tru e nort h could be determined. Also, because magnetic declination varies over the course of th e year, a surveyor determined the mean magnetic meridian by averaging the needle points west or east of the magnetic meridian for a given time of day for the four seasons of the year This calculation was aided by declination tables in the surveyor's manual.23

The accuracy of surveys, then, depended on the care wit h whic h the surveyor used his instruments and his fastidiousness in calculating the magnetic variations. If, however, the instruments were miscalibrated or if primitive instruments were being used—the latter being the likely case for the earliest Cache Valley fort surveys—the gridlines would be consistently misaligned even beyond the usual variations. Since, according to available descriptions of the first surveys, a pocket compass and tape measure were often the only available means of laying out forts, it is not surprising that the gridlines of later surveys and townsite extensions were misaligned.24

The fact that Martineau tried to correct previous misalignments and missing township corner markers shows his desire to achieve accuracy. As early as March 1870 he made at least one unsuccessful plea for federal resurveys in Cache Valley to reestablish obliterated corners. 25 His plats indicate several adjustments to Fox's initial range line variations. In September

21 See the 1855 instructions to surveyors as published in C Albert White, A History of the Rectangular Survey System, 457-500

24 John Fish Wright, son ofJohn P.Wright, remembered the initial town (fort) survey of Logan: "Father laid out the town site with a compass in July 1859 Measurements were made with a tape line Jesse Fox went over his work the next year but didn't change it"; Logan Journal, January 26, 1923 While Fox may not have changed the cardinal direction of streets, cabins and lot boundaries had to be moved from the typical fort layout to a conventional townsite pattern See Ricks, Tire Beginnings of Settlement, and A J Simmonds,"Fort was a Special Form ofValley Settlement," Logan Valley, January 16, 1978,3

25 Joseph Wilson to C C Clements, April 14, 1870, #154, Letters Received, Correspondence of the Surveyors General of Utah (hereafter cited CSGU), Records of the Bureau of Land Management, Record Group 49 (hereafter cited BLM49), National Archives, Denver, CO; Nathan Kimball to James H

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1879, for example, Martineau surveyed the lower Providence canal, running the courses "with 11° 30' variation east, being 5° 00 ' less than that of the local surveys of J.W. Fox."26 His reputation for exactness must have gone beyond Utah. Martineau's survey work was requested for semi-official territorial maps by commercial mapmaker Bernard A M Froiseth and for triangulations in official reports of the Smithsonian Institution.27

Indeed, the integrity of his work ethic led to more employment as engineer and surveyor in the undocumented regions of northern Utah. In July 1868 Samuel B Reed, superintendent of the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad, sent for Martineau to assist in surveying the rail line from the head of Weber Canyon to Humboldt Wells, Nevada, under the direction of Jacob Blickensderfer, Jr.28 In an effort to speed up grading and track laying, the railroad's chief engineer, General Grenville Dodge, ordered the survey line to Humboldt Wells completed in three months. As it turned out, the survey of this line was perhaps the most rigorous of the route between Green River and the barrens west and north of the Great Salt Lake Beginning near Lost Creek in Weber Canyon, Martineau and other men in his party experienced a difficult time laying out the chains along the swollen river. "Sometimes the head chainman, wading in water perhaps a foot deep, would suddenly disappear from sight for a few minutes,"

Martineau remembered,

but his sputtering "remarks" would soon make known his locality as he arose from the bottom of some gulch into which he had stepped, its depth hidden by the muddiness of the water Our natural desire to laugh at his misfortune was checked by the thought that we, too, must follow where he had led, and get a similar ducking...

One day, our line ran along the precipitous face of a rock about eighty feet above the roadway beneath it; but a narrow ledge a foot wide, and extending some two hundred feet to a big cliff, seemed to offer a sufficient pathway to our fearless chainmen, and they determined to try the dangerous route.They climbed to the ledge, and slowly proceeded along it, stepping sideways step by step, we, who were below, looking on

Martineau, December 26, 1876,150,and C H Cranwell to James H Martineau, May 4, 1877, 242, Kimball's Record ofLetters Sent, CSGU, BLM49

26 Martineau, "Land Book containing a record ofsurveys made in the County of Cache," 284 When he finished the upper Providence canal the same month, he ran the courses "with 15°00'variation east, this being 1° 30'less than that of the local surveys made by J.W Fox Sen in the surveys of farm land adjoining"; idem, 286

27 B A M Froiseth to James H Martineau, June 3, 1874, LDS Church Archives See also Michael Edmonds, "The US General Land Office and Commercial Map Making: A Case Study," Government Publications Review 13 (September-October 1986): 571-80 Martineau's topographical work was used in triangulations taken near Promontory and Brigham City; Jacob Blickensderfer, Jr., to Brigham Young, February 10, 1875, andJames Blickensderfer, Jr., to James H Martineau, March 5, 1875, LDS Church

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

By late September, Martineau and his fellow surveyors would experience much suffering "from thirst, and from inflamation [sic] of the eyes and partial blindness, caused by the intense glare of the sun upon the salt-encrusted plains." Years later, Martineau remembered the hardships his party experienced while traversing the desert west of the Great Salt Lake:

While with Thos. B. Morris' party, Unio n Pacific engineers, locating the line of railroad about two hundred miles west of Ogden, we got out of provisions—had nothing left but a little corn meal and some vinegar—not a morsel besides. Ou r supply teams had got delayed, and we were, as the boys put it 'out of grub.' So we laid by one day, and every man except one or two, went out to kill a few rabbits or birds Fifteen men started out, armed mostly with pistols, and after travelling about twenty-five or thirty miles each, in as many directions, returned at night to camp one by one, tired, hungry, thirsty—and empty handed No t a man had seen a rabbit or bird, but each fondly hoped the others had.33

Obtaining food for a hungry team of surveyors was only one of many problems faced by crew chiefs and superintendents in the West Desert.

In a letter to his "wives" dated September 25, 1868, Martineau described the expeditious activity near the Pequop Mountains: "We have nearly finished locating the road to the Humbolt Wells and then we shall work back again making some alterations as we go... Men and teams are coming on here by the hundred from the terminus of the Railroad, and today some were here ready to go to work as soon as the work can be staked out." As he worked, Martineau's thoughts often turned to his family. Near the end of this letter, he told of his loneliness and memories of his beloved children, including a young daughter, Delcina, wh o had died three years earlier

Whe n I am out on the line by myself, taking my notes of topography to make my map, I always think of those most dear to m e on Earth, and of those absent—in heaven At such times I delight to sing, 'O h Delia' He [?] and 'What is hom e without a mother,' Delia's last song (on Earth) I do not feel melancholy, but delight to think of the absent, and shed a few bitter-sweet tears.34

A few days later he wrote, "We are in what we call a 'dry camp'—that is, no water, except what we had in our barrels. We use four large barrels a day, which has to be hauled 15 miles. There are 18 in our party, and four wagon[s] with two span of mules to each wagon except one, which has two."35 By mid-November, Martineau reported that nearly all the work crews had converged near the promontory, where grading and side-cutting were proceeding with haste.36

After his work on the Unio n Pacific line, Martineau continued his Cache County surveys until the latter part of May 1869, when he had the opportunity to contract with the Utah Central Railroad and work under the supervision of Jesse W. Fox. Wit h hearty recommendation s from

33 Martineau, "An Engineer's Tribulations," 319-20.

34 James H. Martineau to "Wives," September 25, 1868, LDS Church Archives.

35 James H Martineau to Susan Ellen Martineau, October 1, 1868, LDS Church Archives Also James H Martineau to Elvira Martineau, October 12, 1868

36 See Deseret News, November 19, 1868

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Thomas B Morris and James Blickensderfer, Martineau began surveying a portion of the line between Ogden and Salt Lake.37 He was given charge of a survey party made up of his son Henry, Charles Hardy, Edward and Oscar Hunter, Calvin Richards, and an unnamed cook. Their assignment was to survey the line from Kay's Creek, which runs between Layton and Kaysville, to Bountiful. O n June 10 Martineau wrote to Susan Ellen, saying,

We have located about thirteen miles from Ogden and expect to be at Kays Creek (Prairie House) by to night We have thus far got a good line, nowhere ascending more than 40 feet in a mile which is a very easy grade After we get as far as Farmington, it will be an easy matter to locate the rest of the line. Men are now at work all along between here and Ogden... If any business letters, or books come for me by mail, send them to me by mail, especially 'Henek's field book of Engineering' which I have sent for, and need every day.38

By June 22 the survey party had reached Farmington, and Martineau anticipated approximately ten more days of work before he would reach Bountiful, at which time he could return to his farm, his county surveying, and his photo gallery business in Logan.39

The economic advantages of building a railroad line north to the Montana mines was of great interest to investors in Cache Valley William B Preston of Logan proposed to LDS church authorities that they build a Utah Northern railroad extension to Soda Springs, Idaho, in addition to the Ogden and Corinne branch lines they were already constructing. Brigham Young approved; he appointed his son John W.Young to lead the effort and directed local stockholders to obtain funds and organize labor Thus, the Utah Northern Railroad Company was organized on August 23, 1871, with seventeen leading businessmen and church leaders of northern Utah as directors After John W Young's groundbreaking ceremonies on August 26, Martineau was asked to survey the Utah Northern Railroad line from a point north of Brigham City to Soda Springs, Idaho. His crew ran the line along the western slope of the Wellsville Range for twenty miles until it reached the hills at Collinston Martineau's proposal to run the line through Bear River Gorge, however, was overruled by UNR R directors who favored a route over the Mendon Divide to Logan and on to Franklin. "I made several personal reconnoissances [sic] through the [Bear River] pass myself, and was certain the road could have been constructed at much less expense than the present line, and without its present heavy gra-

37 Signed recommendation by Thomas B Morris and Jacob Blickensderfer, January 5, 1869, Martineau Collection, LDS Church Archives For information on the building of the Utah Central Railroad, see Gustive O Larson, "Building of the Utah Central:A Unique Cooperative Enterprise," Improvement Era 28 (January 1925):217-27, andLeonard J Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom.An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 1958),270-75.

38 James H.Martineau to Susan Ellen Martineau,June 10,1869, aspublished in Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau, 260

39 James H Martineau to Susan Ellen Martineau,June 22,1869,andJames H Martineau to Susan Ellen Martineau,July 17, 1869,LDS Church Archives See Deseret News,]une 16,1869, and December 26, 1919

30 5

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dient of one hundred feet per mile, and without trouble from snow," he wrote.40

During his employment on the Utah Northern Railroad, Martineau continued working on his farm and in his photographic gallery during periods of seasonal down time, but the panic of 1873 seemed to affect him as it did other laborers in the territory From Logan he wrote to his son Henry, "I have no money, not a cent, nor can I get any. It is hard times here and no money at all I will send some if I can possibly get any I wish you were all here, instead of being so far away."41 The poor health of his wife Susan Julia intensified his difficulties According to Martineau, Susan Julia was suffering from heart and liver disease. During this troubled period, as Susan Ellen was visiting relatives in Hillsdale, Martineau stayed by Susan Julia's side with the help of his daughter Elvira and son Lyman. Unfortunately, her health rapidly worsened, and she died on January 29, 1874 A week later, on February 10, 1874, Susan Ellen wrote to her husband, "O h James, it seems so hard to be so far away from you and cannot help you or be a comfort to you in your time of need. I don't know how we will do without Susan for her children's sake They need a mother's care I will try to be a mother to them."42 Whatever division the women may have experienced by the dynamics of polygamy, the family was drawn together by Susan Julia's death and the financial hardships the Martineaus faced then and later

Among his other ventures, Martineau would be employed in further work relating to surveying in Cache County In July 1875 GLO commissioner Samuel S. Burdett issued rules for the subdivision of quarter-sections and the restoration of lost corners in the territory Andrew J Stewart began a resurvey of Cache Valley under contract No. 66, dated October 14, 1875, but he soon discovered that in the valley, as in other parts of the territory, the original corner markers were lost or obliterated.43 At that time, deputy surveyors relied on original field notes to reestablish corner markers and township boundary lines. But, as chief clerk T. Burgess of the Salt Lake district land office later reported, when Stewart began his survey using the field notes of Frederick Burr,

...he failed to find more than one corner or other mark to indicate that the land had been surveyed by the [federal] government The testimony of others and my own observation in other parts of the territory give color to Mr Stewart's opinion that the

40 Deseret News, November 29,1871, and August 7,1872

41 James H Martineau, Logan, to Henry Martineau, Salt Lake City, January 2, 1874, LDS Church Archives

42 James H Martineau, Logan, to Susan Ellen, Hillsdale, March 5, 1874, LDS Church Archives; Susan Ellen Martineau, Hillsdale, toJames Henry Martineau, Logan, February 10 and 11, 1874, as published in Schwendiman, Family History of Nephi Martineau, 279 See Mary Ann Weston Maughan Journal,January 29, 1874, 37, typescript, USU Special Collections

43 Nathan Kimball to J A Williamson, October 27, 1876,110-14, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49 Although therules for subdivision andrestoration were setin place in 1875,a circular was not formally issued until November 1,1879

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original surveys in Cache Valley were not made in accordance with law or as represented in the official field notes In short, Mr Stewart and others are of the opinion that certain unavoidable lines were run in a manner, and the rest only in the imagination of the person writing the field notes.44

The original survey was so grossly marked that the situation caused Stewart to commit an infraction of his duties by surveying the townships surrounding those stipulated in his contract in order to close corners on his assigned surveys. 45

There were other survey problems in the valley. Following the opening of the Salt Lake district land office in 1869, a flurry of public land surveys took place in the territory. For example, in August 1871 deputy surveyor J. Lewson Smith began resurveys of Cache Valley But the ambiguity of the 42nd parallel made it difficult for settlers in Townships 14 and 15 N., bordering Utah and Idaho, to legally describe their homestead boundary lines Until this time, the inhabitants of towns as far north as Oxford were claiming residency in Utah Territory After years of dispute over the line between the jurisdictions of Oneida and Cache counties, deputy surveyor Daniel G. Major resurveyed the forty-second parallel between August 29 and October 8, 1871, to reconcile Utah's territorial boundary on the north.46

The Townsite Act passed in 1867 and approved by the Utah territorial legislature in 1869 was another impetus for many townsite and farm surveys in Cache County The act gave inhabitants of cities and towns the opportunity to acquire title to available public land within the boundaries of the townsite; by entering a townsite with the General Land Office, the town would be granted a federal patent enabling local officials to legally distribute lots An official of the town, usually the mayor or probate judge, would enter claims on the parcels on behalf of individual settlers and hand out lots according to the territorial laws governing public land disposal According to Utah Territory law, homesteaders in Cache Valley had to clearly define their land boundaries before securing title by cash entry or by preemption.47

Although the townsite survey was not tied to the federal survey, the federal survey was critical in determining available public lands outside the

44 T. Burgess to Maurice M. Raigher, November 4, 1876, 360-64, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49

45 Nathan Kimball toJ A Williamson, October 27, November 22,110-114, 137, Nathan Kimball to A J Stewart, December 18, 1876, 144, andNathan Kimball toJames H Martineau, December 26, 1876, 150, Kimball's Record ofLetters Sent, CSGU,BLM49.

46 For more on the northern Utah and southeastern Idaho boundary dispute, see Oscar Sonnenkalb, Reminiscences of Oscar Sonnenkalb, Idaho Surveyor and Pioneer, edited by Peter T Harstad (Pocatello: Idaho State University Press, 1972),1-3

47 See "An Actfor the Relief ofthe Inhabitants of Cities and Towns upon the Public Lands," Statutes at Large of the United States, 14:541-42, and Public Land Commission, "The Public Domain: Its History with Statistics," House Exec. Doc. 41, Pt 4, 46th Congress, 3rd Sess (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1881), 298-305 See also George W Rollins, "Land Policies of the United States asApplied to Utah to 1910," Utah Historical Quarterly 20 (July 1952): 239-51, andDavid L.Bigler, Forgotten Kingdom:The Mormon Theocracy in the American West, 1847-1896 (Spokane,WA:Arthur H Clark Co., 1998),255

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townsite but within the section in which the townsite was located. Town councils in communities such as Logan, Richmond, Hyrum, Smithfield, Wellsville, and Mendon began collecting population counts and surveying the outer lines of their allotted townsite acreage. Thus, when the Logan city council met on August 16, 1869, Martineau was directed to make additional surveys of Logan City and surrounding farmlands to determine an exact boundary so that the mayor could obtain the townsite patent.48

Later, when settlers contracted with local surveyors to survey their claimed tracts, it was obvious that Frederick Burr had not marked section corners as he had indicated in his field notes. In reaction, several citizens of Cache County sent letters to the surveyor general's office expressing dismay over the shoddiness of the initial 1856 survey. 49 By November 1877, the Cache County Court concluded that it was "considered advisable to get the plat and field notes of the whole survey of Cache County for the County Office."50

Earlier that year, Martineau was working at the Salt Lake City surveyor general's office. According to the 1875 Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, township plats became official only when they had been "examined as to correctness" and approved by the commissioner and Utah surveyor general.51 Due to the overwhelming number of mineral claims and resurveys conducted from 1875 to 1879, the surveyor general hired assistant draftsmen to draft duplicate maps, relieving some of the burden on Salt Lake district land office staff.52 Martineau was hired to duplicate and submit for acceptance Andrew Stewart's Cache County resurveys. He wrote,

Since I have been here, I have been very busy at the Surveyor General's office, mapping Ou r work was lingering so much, that I thought best to go to work on our plats so that we could get them through, and perhaps get some pay before we die, if not sooner Government work progresses so slowly—so much red tape After we get the

48 See "Record of Proof ofTownsite Property, Cache County," September 4, 1871-July 30, 1909, holograph, USU Special Collections; Logan City Council Minutes,Volume "A," March 14, 1866-August 4, 1886, entries at August 16, 1869, andJuly 23, 1870, microfilm copy, USU Special Collections

49 Nathan Kimball to James H Martineau, December 26, 1876, 150, Nathan Kimball to J E Hyde, Logan, October 5, 1877, 311, andT C Baily to James Mack, Smithfield, June 19, 1876, 183-84, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49 For a discussion of the effects of public land legislation on townsites in Utah, see Lowell "Ben" Bennion, "A Geographer's Discovery of'Great Basin Kingdom,'" in Great Basin Kingdom Revisited: Contemporary Perspectives, edited by Thomas G Alexander (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1991), 109-32

50 "'A' County Book of the County of Cache,"June 4, 1877, 310

51 The instruction to submit federal surveys to the surveying division (division E) was published as part of a reorganization of the General Land Office in 1875 However, in a circular issued April 17, 1879, Commissioner J A.Williamson more specifically informed surveyors general that they could not file triplicate plats of surveys in local land offices until the duplicates had been examined and approved by the commissioner See Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office for the FiscalYear Ending 1815 (Washington: GLO, 1876), 29 (hereafter cited Annual Report GLO with the year of the report), andWhite, History of the Rectangular Survey System, 154 and 509.

52 Nathan Kimball to J A.Williamson, February 20, 1877, 185, and Nathan Kimball to J A.Williamson, June 27, 1877,476, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49

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plats all done and field notes accepted, it is still going to be a long time before the drafts come from Washington for payment But I think all will come right in time.53

During his time at the Salt Lake land office, Martineau noticed that the officials seemed to like his map work but appeared less than eager to have him working in the office with them Despite Martineau's adeptness at mapmaking, it was unusual for deputy surveyors to be working alongside staff draftsmen Such feelings of professional distinctions made for a less than amicable work environment. But by February 1 he wrote to Susan, "I could perceive it 'went against the grain' for me to come into the office for even a short time. I mean against the wish of the Chief and assistant draughtsman—but they seem to feel better about it now."54

Later, on February 19, Martineau wrote, "I am still helping to work up our surveys, but it seems a long and tedious operation and I shall be very glad when we get through I am very lonesome down here and do not enjoy myself at all except when at work in the office."55 In addition to copying the Stewart surveys, Martineau requested that he be furnished with duplicates of the federal Cache Valley plats and field notes to provide reference for his farm surveys in the county On June 27, 1877, he wrote to his wife that he had received word from Utah's surveyor general, Nathan Kimball, that he, with the help of his son Lyman, could proceed with copying the Cache Valley public surveys and field notes.56

Under contract No 80, dated August 30, 1877, Martineau began surveying portions of Cache County on the south and southeast, moving north toward Providence and Logan.57 Beyond the usual questions regarding the reestablishment of lost corners, he apparently had little difficulty carrying out his contract However, he and his colleague, deputy surveyor Augustus D. Ferron, discovered that sawmills had been built on public lands, and "great quantities of the most valuable timber" were being cut for purposes other than domestic fuel. Martineau and Ferron informed Nathan Kimball,

53 James H Martineau, Salt Lake City, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan, February 1, 1877, LDS Church Archives At the quarter ending March 31, 1877, Martineau received $208 for his work as "assistant draughtsman." At the fiscal year ending June 30, 1877, he received $232 for his work in the Salt Lake district land office See Nathan Kimball to J A.Williamson, March 31, 1877,216, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49, and Annual Report GLO, 1811, 309.

54 James H Martineau, Salt Lake City, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan, February 1, 1877, LDS Church Archives

55 James H. Martineau, Salt Lake City, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan, February 19, 1877, LDS Church Archives On May 16-17, 1877, Martineau went to Logan to assist Jesse W Fox in surveying the foundation for the Logan temple SeeJames H Martineau, "Report on the Logan Temple," holograph (CR 308/21), LDS Church Archives

56 C H Cranwell to James H Martineau, May 4, 1877, 242, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49.J.A.Williamson to Nathan Kimball,June 20, 1877, #56, Letters Received, CSGU, BLM49;James H Martineau, Salt Lake City, to Susan Ellen Martineau, Logan,June 27, 1877, LDS Church Archives

57 Nathan Kimball to J A Williamson, September 1, 1877, 295, Kimball's Record of Letters Sent, CSGU, BLM49 In March 1879 Martineau received a total of $6,500 for his work under Contract No 80, which included Tps 8, 9, 10, 11,and 12 N, Rs 1 and 2 E and 1 and 2W For a more detailed description of Martineau's federal surveys in Cache County, see U.S Dept of the Interior, Annual Report GLO, 1878, 322, and Annual Report GLO, 1819, 875

309

and Kimball reporte d the matte r to the General Land Office in Washington. Commissioner Williamson instructed Martineau and Ferron, through Kimball, to inform the perpetrators that anyone cutting timber from public lands for commercial purposes "renders himself liable to have legal proceedings instituted against him, both civil and criminal."58

In the spring of 1880 Martineau, acting as U S. mineral surveyor, surveyed several mining claims in Cache County At the same time, he served as a U.S. deputy surveyor and also spent time as a topographical engineer for the Utah and Northern Railroad in Idaho.59 Using the 1872 survey by Ferdinand V Hayden as a basis for his own topographical measurements, Martineau suggested that the U & NR R line should extend from Franklin through Re d Roc k Pass, Marsh and Portneuf valleys, and on to Soda Springs However, when U & NR R directors decided to forfeit the proposed Soda Springs station, a line due north through the Fort Hall Indian Reservation was chosen over Martineau's recommended route.60

Subsequent work took Martineau from Cache Valley to assist in developing settlements in Arizona and Mexico From 1882 to 1884 he accompanied several exploring parties to Sonora to find a suitable place for Mormon colonization From 1884 to 1886, he surveyed southern Arizona towns in the Gila Valley, including Thatcher, Curtis, Graham, Pima, Solomonville, Duncan, and Fort Thomas.61 Here he lived with his family and participated in various civil affairs. In 1888, after brief terms as probate judge of Graham County and mayor of Pima, Martineau took his family to Colonia Juarez, Mexico. From there, he spent brief periods surveying in Tucson, the Sonoran desert, and the Sierra Madre

In 1903, after nearly seventeen years in the Mormo n colonies in Mexico, Martineau moved to Salt Lake City Though rigorous hiking must have affected his aging body, it did not deter him from surveying. Twentyeight years earlier, on August 30, 1875, Charles L Dubois, a deputy surveyor under contract with the surveyor general of Utah, had established the initial point of the Uintah meridian and baseline for surveys on the Uintah Indian Reservation. A series of appropriations acts had opened the way for surveys of the reservation boundaries and the creation of a baseline and meridian for use by the Utes in their own township and subdivisional surveys Although Dubois carried out many of these Uintah surveys, other deputy surveyors, including James Martineau, completed the baseline in

58 Nathan Kimball to James H Martineau, October 13, 1877, 313,Nathan Kimball to J A Williamson, October 20, 1877, 317-18, Nathan Kimball to James H Martineau, October 25, 1877, 319, Nathan Kimball to James H. Martineau, November 13, 1877, 325, Nathan Kimball to J.A.Williamson, December 6, 1877, 334, Letters Sent, and J A Williamson to Nathan Kimball, December 14, 1877, #120, Letters Received, CSGU, BLM49

59 Martineau,"Col James H Martineau," 79; Annual Report GLO, 1881, 905

60 See Deseret Evening News, July 10, 1875

61 See James H Martineau, "Settlements in Arizona," [nine-page history, c 1885], holograph, Utah Collection, Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley; microfilm copy, USU Special Collections

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this remote area of northeastern Utah. The seventy-five-year-old Martineau completed the survey, beginning at the DuBois corner, running east on the baseline and terminating the line at the intersection of the eastern border of the Uintah Indian Reservation on September 14, 1903.62 The rugged terrain would not have been easy for the septuagenarian to negotiate. By this time, Martineau was one of the oldest practicing civil engineers in Utah

O n September 9, 1910, the now-feeble patriarch poignantly told his son Joel of the difficult financial straits he and Susan Ellen were experiencing He wrote,

Yesterday I had only 25c1 in the world and in debt over $30.00 for food, etc. I felt alone, I can tell you, but your mother said, 'don't worry the Lord will provide for us.' I prayed and had testimony that I speedily would receive money And sure enough— today Bp [LDS Bishop] Neff of East Mill Creek sent me a letter with $5.00 He did not owe me anything, but said he had just been reading a blessing I sealed upon him 5 or 6 years ago and it caused him tears of joy and comfort & he felt to send me a little remembrance.We were made to rejoice... I can hardly stand alone or walk, and [it is] very difficult to pick anything up from the floor, and this last is hard for your mother too We two live alone, doing the best we can. 63

During the Mexican revolution of 1912, Martineau's children and their families had to flee Mexico and abandon the estate that had been left in their care at the time of his return to Utah. As a result, his land and property holdings, worth thousands of dollars, were lost. Sadly, Martineau and his wife spent their final years in poverty After Susan Ellen's death on December 5, 1918, Martineau was taken into the care of his son Lyman He died in Salt Lake City on June 24, 1921, at the age of ninety-three. He is buried in Logan City cemetery. His two wives had mothered a total of twenty children, beginning a large and devoted posterity In one of his final messages to his family, he wrote: "May my beloved ones profit by my labors, and become great and mighty in doing good."64

The incredible documentary record of James Henry Martineau shows that he was an extraordinary man who diligently served his family, church, and community In his own words, Martineau wrote that he led "a very busy life, always placing the public good before my own."65 During his twenty-four years of residence in Logan, he surveyed large additions to the Logan City plat, tracts of farmland, hay lots, and irrigation canals In all, he added to the surveys of some twelve communities in Cache County,

62 The survey, under contract No 265, dated July 20, 1903,began at the corner ofTps 1 N and 1 S., Rs 1 and 2 E See C AlbertWhite, Initial Points, 438

"James H Martineau, Logan, to Joel Martineau, Salt Lake City, September 9, 1910, LDS Church Archives

64 "Colonel James Henry Martineau," Improvement Era 24 (August 1921): 956; Deseret News,]une 24 and 25, 1921 James H Martineau, "Pearls Collected from Church Works," 1887-1917 (a daybook of quotes from LDS church authorities), 2, holograph, USU Special Collections For more on the Mormon exodus from Mexico, see B Carmon Hardy and Seymour Melody, "The Importation of Arms and the 1912 Mormon Exodus from Mexico," New Mexico Historical Review 72 (October 1997): 297-318

65 James H Martineau, "Col James H Martineau," Tullidge's Histories, Biographies Supplement, 2:78

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including Providence, Millville, Hyrum, Paradise, Wellsville, Mendon, Newton, Clarkston, Richmond, Smithfield, Hyde Park, and Benson He also surveyed or extended the initial surveys of the southeastern Idaho communities of Weston, Malad, Oxford, Franklin, Blackfoot, and Idaho Falls.

Th e topographic maps and public land surveys of James Henr y Martineau are worthy of close examination for their wealth of information regarding the nature of town planning and geographical changes in Mormon settlements Tied to demographic data, these maps can be helpful in charting settlement patterns, both the physical attributes of the settlements and the social mobility among Mormon landowners.66 His county townsite surveys and federal resurveys are rich in detail, often showing individual residences, canal routes, and wagon roads His vast cartographic legacy, in effect, serves as a representative example of settlement patterns along the Mormon geographic corridor from southeastern Idaho to northern Mexico. Although he was one of many nineteenth-century Utah surveyors, Martineau left a remarkable abundance of jurisdictional and township maps that, if utilized to their fullest extent, can provide a more complete picture of the historic Mormon landscape than has been previously visualized.

66 See William D Pattison, "Use of the U.S Public Land Survey Plats and Notes as Descriptive Sources," Professional Geographer 8 (January 1956): 10-14;Jane F Smith, "The Use of Federal Records in Writing Local History: A Case Study," Prologue 1 (Spring 1969): 29-51; "Federal Land Records," National Genealogical Society Quarterly 60 (December 1972):250-55; and Richard S Lackey,"The Genealogist's First Look at Federal Land Records," Prologue 9 (Spring 1977): 43-45 See also Charles S Peterson, "Imprint of Agricultural Systems on the Utah Landscape," in The Mormon Role in the Settlement of the West, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, No 9, edited by Richard H Jackson (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), 91-106, and John W Reps, The Forgotten Frontier: Urban Planning in the American West before 1890 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1981),esp. 121-31.

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Getting Along: The Significance of Cooperation in the Development of Zion National Park

By WAYNE K HINTON

From the clashes of today over environmental issues relating to national parks and monuments, it would be easy to gain a distorted perspective on the historical attitudes among southern Utahns toward the creation and protection of Utah's scenic wonders that are today a part of the national parks and monuments system. Indeed, intense debate on and hostility toward the creation of national parks and monuments have not always been the order of the day in southern Utah. To the contrary, the historical record indicates that the setting aside of Zion National Park in 1919 and its early development actually resulted from cooperative efforts by residents of southern Utah communities; administrators in the National Park Service; corporate leaders of the Union Pacific and Los Angeles and Salt Lake railroads; conservationists; leaders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormon church); and government officials, including Utah's congressional delegation led by Senator Ree d Smoot.

From 1858, when Mormo n pioneer Nephi View from Zion's West Rim: Utah Johnso n becam e the first know n Euro - Writer's Project photo. American to enter Mukuntuweep Canyon in

313

Wayne K Hinton is a history professor and history department chair at Southern Utah University, Cedar City

southwestern Utah, the scenery inspired respect among the white settlers Within five years, Isaac Behunin became the first settler residing in what he called "Little Zion Canyon." This name persisted among local southern Utah settlers even after President Brigham Young of the Mormo n church visited in 1870 and emphatically proclaimed that this was "not Zion." Even so, Brigham Young believed, "the Ri o Virgen [sic] scenes were probably unsurpassed anywhere for wild romantic grandeur."1 Beginning in the 1870s, noted explorers of the American West such as John Wesley Powell, G K Gilbert , Clarenc e Dutton , Thoma s Moran , and Frederic k Dellenbaugh confirmed to the nation that Little Zion Canyon was indeed awe-inspiring and uniquely beautiful.2

At the turn of the nineteenth century, a desire to protect areas of scenic grandeur from the ravages of commercial exploitation and a belief that scenic areas benefited the health and well-being of mankind led to a movement for a United States parks system In 1900 Congressman John F Lacey of Iowa introduced legislation to establish an administrative agency known as the National Park Bureau. His bill went nowhere. However, another preservation proposal offered by Lacey in 1906, known as the Antiquities Act, passed Congress This act provided for the preservation of objects of historic or scientific interest that are situated upon lands owned or controlled by the federal government—and it allowed for the creation of national monuments to protect these objects. Congress left the choice of sites to be set aside solely to the President.3

In 1908 eight southern Utah ranchers applied for a survey of lands near Little Zion Canyon in eastern Washington County Utah governor John C Cutler in turn applied to the commissioner of the U.S. General Land Office, who appointed Leo K. Snow of St. George, Utah, to undertake the survey Snow's subsequent description of the deep and rugged terrain proved eye-catching "From a point about one and one-half miles south of the Eighth Standard Parallel South, a view can be had of this canon [sic], surpassed in grandeur only by a similar view of the Grand Canon [sic] of the Colorado."4 The report persuaded President William Howard Taft to set aside on July 31 , 1909, some 15,840 acres in Little Zio n Canyon as Mukuntuweep National Monument. About one-half mile in width and eight miles in length, the monument included only the canyon proper. 5

Despite the Antiquities Act and the prior existence of federal parks and monuments , there was no government agency to provide permanen t

1 Impressions of Zion, Brigham Young (1870), Historical File, Box 1, Zion National Park Historical Collection (hereafter Zion NP), Zion National Park Archives.

2 Ibid.,John Wesley Powell (1875),J E Colburn (1873), G K Gilbert (1875), Clarence Dutton (1880), Thomas Moran (1900), Frederick S Dellenbaugh (1903), andTimeline of Zion National Park, Zion NP

3 Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience (3rd ed.; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997),71

4 Leo K. Snow, General Description, Utah Field Notes,Vol. 162, 1908, 60, Zion NP.

5 William Howard Taft, Mukuntuweep Proclamation,July 31, 1909, Zion NP.

UTAH HISTORICAL

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314

administrative safeguards or continuity of decision-makin g for the set-aside areas

Road in Zion in 1917, at Temple of the Sun.

Illustrative of the confused and indefinite administratio n wer e the tw o or thre e visits mad e annually to Mukuntuweep by agents of the General Land Office. Because there were no closer facilities, they stayed at a hotel in Hurricane twenty-five miles from the monument or with farm families in Springdale Their trips from Hurricane to the monument were made with hired teams and wagons. 6

The "informal reports" that the agents submitted to the Washington office of the Department of Interior detailed a hard, rough trip getting to the monument. Roadways, culverts, and bridges, such as existed, were only sporadically maintained by Washington County. Even though all who visited the canyon were impressed that "nature seems to have made this canyon a fine gallery of stupendous proportions," few tourists came The number of visitors was projected to increase if roads and accommodations became available or were improved; however, few, if any, reports asked for improvements Usually, the agents concluded that "there is no occasion for the government to expend any money on this monument at this time."7

Unkempt conditions within the monument led residents of Springdale to write the General Land Office in 1911, complaining of large amounts of unsightly driftwood lying in the river and along its banks. Some requested

315

6 G E Hair to General Land Office,Washington, D.C, May 9,1914, Zion NP 7 Report of Special Agent T E Hunt to General Land Office Cornrnissioner, Washington, DC, July 12, 1916, Zion NP

permission to use the wood for fuel Allowing residents to remove the wood, they argued, would clear the stream and help prevent damming during floods. Besides cleaning the canyon of fallen timber without expense to the government, it would supply residents with excellent, easily obtained fuel Over the next four years, the General Land Office allowed residents, upon application, to remove dead wood. County road supervisors also removed wood and brush along the old wagon road traversing the canyon. This they used as revetment material along the river embankment to prevent the Virgin River from undermining and washing out the road These minimal activities were undertaken without cost to the federal government, but they provided little or no actual protection for the monument. 8

It was obvious to some residents, such as county health officer Rebecca Dennett of Rockville, that the monument was being seriously neglected She complained to the General Land Office of pigs running loose in the canyon, destroying scenery and vegetation, and polluting the river. Th e response to her was that the loose pigs did violate monument rules, and therefore she was authorized to inform the owners to remove their pigs.9

Partly due to such neglect of the nation's parks and monuments, in 1910 the American Civic Association, a preservationist organization, pressured Interior Secretary Richard A. Ballinger to again propose the creation of an administrative agency for national parks and monuments. A draft bill, written with major input from members of the American Civic Association, including particularly Frederick Law Olmsted, was drawn up In 1911 Reed Smoot, Mormo n apostle and United States senator from Utah, introduced this Park Bureau bill on Capitol Hill. Smoot's interest in the bill stemmed mainly from his membership on the Senate Public Lands and Survey Committe e and his positions as vice-president of the Western Pacific Railroad and as a director of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad, which would become part of the Union Pacific Company.10

Whe n the bill bogged down in Congress, due mainly to opposition from other government agencies, park proponents renamed the proposed park organization the National Park Service As the bill remained stalled in Congress, railroad officials formed a close alliance with park and preservation advocates. Railroad executives, always seeking profits, believed that tourism would follow the creation of a National Park Service and thereby increase travel by railroad In their minds, this rationale provided a solid economic justification for the existence of parks For preservationists, railroad travel promotions seemed a more dignified exploitation of scenic country than dams, mines, grazing, and timber operations were. Lobbying

8 Report of Special AgentT.E. Hunt to Mr. R. B.Marshall, November 3, 1916, Zion NP.

9 Rebecca Dennett to Department of Interior,Washington, DC , September 24, 1916, Zion NP; R B Marshall to Rebecca Dennett, October 9, 1916, Zion NP.

'"Runte, 98, 99; Reed Smoot biographical overview, Box 1, Special Collections, Harold B Lee Library (HBLL), Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah

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316

by both groups heightened public awareness of the opportunities that parks and monuments provided for marketing America's scenery. Extensive testimony on behalf of the bill finally brought success; the National Park Service bill passed Congress and was signed by President Woodrow Wilson on August 25, 1916. However, the newborn agency had little staff or money until May 1917, when the first appropriation was made.

Before director Stephen Mather could begin to organize the Park Service, he became seriously ill on January 4, 1917; he remained incapacitated until the end of the summer and did not resume his duties as director until the spring of 1918. In his absence, Horace M. Albright, who was appointed assistant director on April 19, 1917, became acting director and began organizing the Park Service.11

Meanwhile, occasional publicity and promotional trips focused some public attention on Mukuntuweep and served to either awaken or enliven the interest of southern Utah residents in the scenic and economic potential of the monument as well as the inadequacies of existing roads. Mormon bishop David Hirschi of Rockville became president of the Five-County Grand Canyon Highway Association, which included Beaver, Iron, Kane, and Washington counties in Utah and Coconino County in Arizona. The first objective was to work for improved roads. During the winter of 191415 this organization persuaded Hurricane to give $2,000, La Verkin $500, Toquerville $1,000, and Cedar City $1,200 for roads.12

Shortly thereafter, D. S. Spencer of the Union Pacific Railroad visited the monument. Before leaving Utah he received a promise from Governor William Spry that Spry would do everything possible to hasten road development if the railroad would undertake to promote tourist traffic That fall, Douglas White of the railroad company helped to organize the Arrowhead Trails Association to develop and promote an automobile route from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City.13 Because of poor roads and long distances, Mukuntuweep had remained almost inaccessible to all but the most adventuresome travelers. However, the activities of the Arrowhea d Trails Association brought important results. Road improvements were made from the most important railroad town in Iron County, Lund, located northwest of the monument Improvement of the Arrowhead Trails Highway from Salt Lake City through southern Utah to California also helped make the monument more accessible to motorists. Another result of the association's activities was that on September 8, 1916, federal money in the amount of $15,000 was appropriated for a road to extend five miles into Mukuntuweep Canyon.14 From Lund to the end of the monument

13 Ibid., 6 See also Edward Leo Lyman, "The Arrowhead Trails Highway: The Beginnings of Utah's Other Route to the Pacific Coast," Utah Historical Quarterly 67 (Summer 1999), 242-64

14 Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of Interior for the Fiscal Year endingJune 30, 1918, Zion NP;Albright to Chatelain, 2.

ZION NATIONAL PARK

Memo, Horace M.Albright to Mr. Chatelain,August 4, 1933, 2, Zion NP. Wayne Hinton,"Zion andVicinity Road Development," MS in possession of the author.

317

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

road was a trip of 102 miles that took seven hours to accomplish. Within the monument itself there were only a few existing roads and trails, all of which required extensive improvement, but as yet there was little money available in the frugal Park Service budget for development.15

For several decades, local stockmen had customarily grazed cattle within the canyon In 1917, however, Acting Director Albright refused to renew grazing permits at Mukuntuweep because it had come to look like "a cattle pen." Formerly beautiful spots had become scarcely fit for use by the public because they had so long been used for winter grazing.16 On August 12, 1918, Walter Ruesch assumed duties as the first custodian of the monument. That fall he oversaw the construction of a woven wire fence at the entrance of the monument to keep livestock from trespassing To help guarantee cooperation of local stockmen, Bishop Hirschi called a meeting to gain their understanding and assistance The stockmen yielded to the new order "with cheerful willingness." Soon, a marked improvement was evident in the recovery of ferns, grasses, and wildflowers.17

Perhaps as important as the ecological improvement brought by the cessation of grazing was the fact that residents of the "whole country" gave the National Park Service "a hearty welcome" by doing all they could to provide comfort and accommodation for the visitors descending upon their once-remote country Even those who for years had used some of the valley lands for farming yielded without complaint to orders excluding them from commercial use of government lands within the monument Others began to consider fair offers to sell their holdings inside the canyon to the Park Service.18

Despite limitations imposed by America's entry into World War I in April 1917, the number of visitors at Mukuntuweep grew slightly However, until the war ended on November 11, 1918, government regulations prohibited the Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad from advertising the monument Patronage by railroad travelers remained disappointing, and even visitation by motorists was less than expected A major problem limiting travel to the

15 Albright to Chatelain, 2

16 Horace M.Albright to Isaac Langston, October 1, 1917,Zion NP

17 Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of Interior for the FiscalYear ending June 30, 1918, Zion NP Walter Ruesch had been appointed monument custodian in the fall of 1917, when Horace Albright visited southern Utah Before he left, Bishop Hirschi introduced him to Ruesch, who was in charge of the tools, plows, and other implements purchased for the monument road construction Albright was looking for someone local to look after the monument and asked the bishop about Ruesch Bishop Hirschi praised Ruesch as a fine man: he was honest and hard-working; he could be trusted with property or anything else; and if he was told to do something, he would do it. He was indeed a fine man, but he had "one terrible habit." Over and over the bishop spoke of "the terrible habit." Finally, almost afraid of what the answer might be,Albright asked what it was Bishop Hirschi replied,"He swears something awful."The delightedly relieved Albright appointed the swearingWalter Ruesch the first custodian of the monument See Horace M.Albright to Mr Chatelain, memo,August 4, 1933, ZNP

18 Ibid No one's land was condemned, and there was no organized voice against losing grazing privileges, although some individual grazers complained until Bishop Hirschi convinced them to cooperate Farming and ranching in southern Utah were so unprofitable between 1910 and 1915 that many farms and ranches in the vicinity of Zion had already been abandoned

318

The Wylie Camp at Mukuntuweep, operated by entrepreneur William Wylie, opened in 1917.

monumen t was that th e approac h road over the thirty miles from Anderson's Junction (the Anderson family home and ranch were located six miles north of La Verkin, at the point where the road to Mukuntuweep forked from the Arrowhead Trails Highway) had settled since construction and stood in need of extensive repairs. Its deteriorated condition discouraged travel.19 Still, the railroad, the Park Service, and local citizens hoped that with war's end significant increases in visitation would occur Realistically, however, it would take several years of a well-organized publicity campaign for news of the area's beauty to spread widely. Only Utahns and a few "professional people" who could afford the time, money, and inconvenience made the trip The several prominent artists and photographers who had found their way to the canyon to depict the monument scenes could, at best, provide only a small part of the required publicity.20

In 1917, before the government had placed restrictions on publicity, officials of the Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad Company had drawn William W. Wylie into what in retrospect may have been a premature plan to establish camps at both Mukuntuweep and at the North Ri m of the Grand Canyon Wylie had developed the first removable tent camp, consisting of ten-board floors over which canvas cabin-tents, primitive in appointmen t and furnishings, were set up and taken dow n as needed . At Yellowstone, Wylie followed up his removable camp with a more permanent camp system called the Wylie Way, which included walks made of planks, a central assembly hall, and a dining room. The railroad company advanced funds to Wylie to establish camps at Mukuntuweep and the Grand Canyon, and it gave to Gronway and Chauncey Parry of Cedar City funds to incorporate the National Park Transportation and Camping Company. A concession contract was officially granted by the Park Service on September 6, 1917, extending to January 1, 1922.21 Wylie's Camp opened for the first time on June 8, 1917, and remained open that first year only until October 18 The Parry Brothers bought two seven-passenger National Touring Cars for their concession. Both they and local citizens hoped that these activities would bring significant advances in the numbers of visitors to the monument

19 ibid

20 Annual Report of the Director, September 24,1920, Zion NP.

__«l^£^xi__ 319

21 Albright to Chatelain, 3; Secretary of Interior Franklin K Lane to Senator Henry Myers, Chairman of Committee on Public Lands, U.S Senate, December 27, 1919, Zion NP

The cable works on Cable Mountain. The system, which lowered lumber to the canyon floor, operated from 1904 until 1926.

During the spring of 1917 Douglas White, general passenger agent of the Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad, began an extensive correspondence with Park Service officials to promote development of the Mukuntuweep National Monument While White was in Washington, D.C , working on finalizing the Wylie Camp permit, he and Horace Albright became acquaintances and friends. That September, at White's invitation, Albright went to Los Angeles to travel by rail with White to Utah They left the train at Lund and went by automobile to Cedar City, where they were met by state senator Henry W. Lunt and a local rancher, Richard A. Thorley. Thorley, who knew the backcountry well and had a deep appreciation for the beauty of Zion, hoped that tourism and improved roads would stimulate the southern Utah economy. Often leading officials to outstanding scenic sites and providing descriptions of the beauties of Zion, Thorley would become a great help in Albright's campaign to establish Zion National Park.22

The party spent the night in Cedar City. The next morning Chauncey Parry drove them in one of the Parry Brothers National Touring Cars over a road Albright described as being "perfectly terrible." The party was joined at Rockville by Bishop Hirschi That afternoon they arrived at the Wylie Camp. From there the men hiked as far up Mukuntuweep Canyon as possible and watched in some fascination as the cable operation conveyed timber from the rim of Cable Mountain to the floor of the canyon. 23 The party also hiked partway up the Virgin River Narrows and watched a rising full moon light the canyon walls. Albright admitted to being "overwhelmed by

COURTESY OF ZION NATIONAL PARK ARCHIVES 22 Albright to Chatelain, 2, and Albright to P P Patraw, dayletter,June 19, 1933, RG 79, NPS Central Classified File 1933-39, 868-885-1,National Archives,Washington, DC

320

23 The Cable Mountain Draw Works was designed and constructed by David Flanagan of Springdale, Utah It consisted of a braced wooden head frame structure fitted with cables to lower lumber from the summit of Cable Mountain down a 2,000-foot vertical cliff to the canyon floor. The loading area was thirty by sixteen feet, and a drum set fourteen feet above the platform rotated the cable This structure was held up by supports and framing Pulleys were used in conjunction with snubbing posts set in the ground at the base of the cliff to separate the endless cable and to provide tracking width for the cable as it carried the lumber on a trolley device from the cliff top above This cable began operation in 1904; it was sold by Flanagan to Alfred Stout and O. D. Gifford in 1906 and operated until its abandonment in 1926. In 1930 the cable was removed

the loveliness of the valley and the beauty of the canyon." He was sure it was of national park caliber.24

Albright traveled from the monument to Salt Lake City, where he met with Governor Simon Bamberger and also granted an interview to the Salt Lake Tribune, which led to his striking up an important friendship with John F Fitzpatrick, editor of the paper. Some park officials regarded the Tribune as "the most important newspaper in the state." It was significant that Fitzpatrick became a Zion supporter "without peer anywhere."25 Albright indicated to both the governor and the newspaper reporters that if the state would provide a decent highway connecting the southern border of the monument with the Arrowhead Trails Highway, Congress would maintain a first-class highway within the reserve. He emphasized that if the state did its part to provide and maintain a suitable approach road, he could guarantee Utah a prominent place among the wonder-possessing tourism states of the nation.26

Director Mather was resting from his illness at Lake Tahoe whe n Albright wired him of his visit to Mukuntuweep Monument and urged the director to visit Little Zion Canyon for himself His report of the scenery was so glowing that the incredulous Mather wrote back that he thought Albright must have fallen into the hands of some slick chamber of commerce director who had sold him a bill of goods, or he had been intoxicated with some very potent drink Mather had never heard tell of any such country as Albright described and was at a loss to explain what could have come over his assistant.27

Inspired by his visit, Albright spent time during the winter of 1917-18 reading the Geological Survey reports of southern Utah This reading convinced him the monument could be and needed to be enlarged beyond its original 15,840 acres to take in other nearby canyons such as Oak Creek and Pine Creek and the high plateaus above, including the Western Rim. At Albright's urging, Mather prepared a request asking President Wilson to enlarge the monument. By February 1918 Robert Sterling Yard, a railroad officer and a member of the American Civic Association, added to the request by asking that the name of the monument be changed from Mukuntuweep to Zion Canyon National Monument He argued that all the local people called it Zion, and promoters, especially railroad officials, were impatient with the Mukuntuweep name Yard wondered why a name change could not easily be coupled with the request to enlarge the monument.28 In March, after Albright and Douglas White secured the approval of Interior Secretary Franklin K. Lane and the Utah congressional delegation,

24 Albright to Chatelain, 3

26 Salt Lake Tribune, September 9, 1917

27 Albright to Chatelain, 1

28 Robert SterlingYard to Stephen Mather, memorandum, February 20, 1918, ZNP

ZION NATIONAL PARK

EviendT Scoyen, interview by Lucy C Schiefer about his experiences as first superintendent of Zion National Park, Springdale, Utah,January 28, 1971, 26,Zion NP;Albright to Chatelain, 4

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Albright drew up a proclamation that was signed by Woodrow Wilson on March 18, 1918, enlarging the monument from its original 15,840 acres to 76,800 acres and changing the name to Zion National Monument.29

With the enlarged boundary and name change, officials focused their attention on obtaining national park status. O n November 18, 1918, Horace Albright sent Senator Reed Smoot a draft bill in partial fulfillment of Director Mather's personal assurance of an early consideration of Zion for national park status. A third section was added later at the director's suggestion to allow the Secretary of Interior to acquire school sections within the park, since there were a number of such sections that would greatly interfere with the administration of a park. Indeed, the state owned 480 acres of school sections within the addition, of which 320 acres had been sold pending final approval by the Department of Interior. The bill proposed to exchange other lands for the school sections, including those whose sales were pending, and to negotiate to buy at fair market value eighty acres of patented private lands within the new boundary. In lieu of its holdings within the park, Utah would be allowed to acquire selected public domain lands outside the boundary.30

Unfortunately, the monument had retained several nonconforming uses that would have to be mitigated if park status were to be realized. During some summers sheep had grazed in the monument Supposedly, sheep were precluded from monuments, and there was no chance that they could ever graze in a national park. There was also the extensive Cable Mountain lumber operation, which Park Service officials regarded as the major user and abuser of the new road within the monument Additionally, the Arrowhead Hotel in St. George had put up some objectionable and unsightly signs inside the monument, including some particularly offensive ones painted on rocks proclaiming the Arrowhead Hotel to be the choice of discriminating travelers These signs would have to be removed.31

Senator Smoot's bill establishing Zion National Park was passed by Congress; President Woodrow Wilson signed it on November 20, 1919.32 The annual Conference of National Park Superintendents, held that

29 Woodrow Wilson to the Secretary of Interior, letter of transmittal, March 8, 1918

30 Horace Albright to Reed Smoot, November 18, 1918, Zion NP.

31 Horace Albright toWalter Ruesch, September 9, 1918,Zion NP

32 Woodrow Wilson to Secretary Lane, November 20, 1919, Zion NP The close cooperation among local residents, state agencies, and federal officials in the early development of Zion National Park is in sharp contrast to the proposal to create Capitol Reef National Park and even in contrast to responses to proposed additions to Zion in 1936. Everyone seemed to be enthusiastic about the idea of Zion National Park

A typical newspaper response appeared in the Salt Lake Tribune of September 25, 1916, which termed Zion "God's Gallery of Art" and expressed admiration for the natural wonders that abound in Utah's Dixie

While Senator Smoot did have a business interest in western railroads and may have stood to benefit financially from increased tourism, his genuine interest in conservation is well-documented Thomas Alexander asserts that "the U S Forest Service and National Park Service had no better friend in Congress than Reed Smoot." See Thomas G.Alexander, Utah: The Right Place (Salt Lake City: Gibbs Smith, 1995), 425

322

Novembe r in Denve r and at Rock y Mountain National Park, was concluding as news arrived of the approval of Zion as a national park NP S director Mather had approved the application for national park status without ever visiting southern Utah Since monument custodian Walter Ruesch was attending the conference representing Zion, Mather decided to accompany him home to see what he had supported sight unseen. Inspector Herbert Gleason, a fine photographer and writer, also went along to record views and impressions. Stephe n Mather immediately fell in love with Zion and began giving his enthusiastic personal attention to its development.33

The dedication of Zion as a national park on September 15, 1920, coincided with the conclusio n of the Nationa l Governor' s Conference held in Salt Lake City It was hoped that state governors would attend the dedication, be favorably impressed, and share their positive impressions with people in their home states Several governors did attend to hear speeches by Governor Simon Bamberger, former governor William Spry, Mormon church president Heber J Grant, Senator Reed Smoot, and Stephen Mather. Some speakers addressed the need for road improvements. Many eulogized the Mormon pioneers, expressed admiration for the natural wonders of the park, and communicated their optimism that the new park would be a powerful factor in the economic development of the state, particularly for southern Utah.34

Despite disappointing park attendance during 1919, a situation that was attributed to the influenza epidemic, Union Pacific was already requesting Park Service authorization to build a hotel within the park35 and to operate an expanded transportation service between the North Ri m of the Grand Canyon and Zion The railroad had begun extensive advertising, which included attractively illustrated booklets. Park Service personnel were also optimistic about the "splendid spirit of cooperation" displayed by the state of Utah in building replacement roads and bridges and about the state's willing cancellation of advertised sales of school section lands within the park boundaries.36

In his enthusiasm for the park, NPS director Stephen Mather returned

33 Albright to Chatelain

34 John Barton Payne, Secretary of Interior, to Stephen Mather, September 15, 1920, Zion NP

35 Park officials preferred cabins to a lodge, however.

36 Report of the Director of the National Park Service to the Secretary of Interior for FiscalYear July 1, 1919 toJune 30, 1920;John Barton Payne to Reed Smoot,August 15,1920, Zion NP

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National Park Service director Stephen Mather on the West Rim Trail.

323

to Zion regularly; in fact, between 1919 and Zion National Park entrance, 1929 he made at least one trip annually. In c. 1925. The sign says, the process, he developed a personal fondness "CHECKING STATION PLEASE and respect for the Mormon residents of the \ c ,, , - , REGISTER." area and successfully won their confidence and esteem.37 As part of his 1921 visit, he brought Emerson Hough, a Saturday Evening Post writer, and Edmund Heller, a famed naturalist, in the hope that they would share his enthusiasm and help spread the news about Zion's beauty While on this trip, Mather's party traveled to the North Ri m of the Grand Canyon, and the director began planning for a tourist circle linking Zion, Bryce, Cedar Breaks, and the North Rim. As the party stopped at Pipe Springs in northern Arizona, a site that had formerly been a Mormon fort and cattle ranch, Mather fell in love with the place and arranged to buy it from Charles Heaton for $5,250 in order to provide an additional component of the developing tourist circle. The purchase of Pipe Springs was made by donations from sixteen individuals and organizations, without any federally appropriated money being expended. Mather and Mormon church president Heber J. Grant each gave $500; the Union Pacific Railroad, the Mormon church, and Jonathan Heaton and Sons contributed $1,000 each.38 Pipe Springs was declared a national monument by President Warren G Harding on May 31, 1923; it came under the administrative authority of Zion National Park.39

37 Albright to Chatelain

38 Memorandum from Management Assistant, Pipe Springs National Monument, to General Superintendent, Southern Utah Group, August 14, 1969, LS-4,Water Matters, Pipe Springs, 1969, Zion National ParkWater Matters Collection, Zion NP

39 Albright to Chatelain

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

324

As Mather won the confidence of the Mormon people, he became a close friend of LDS bishops Richard S McAllister of Kanab, David Hirschi of Rockville, and O. D Gifford of Springdale. Through the bishops he encouraged local support for the park and the training of young people Mather believed that if there was ever to be a big park operation at Zion the local people had to understand what a major national park was, and they needed to gain the sophistication necessary for hosting large numbers of visitors In order to demonstrate how a major national park operated and what residents might expect, he encouraged the bishops to organize a contest among the young women, ages seventeen through nineteen, of Kane and eastern Washington counties. The young women competed in their knowledge of Mormo n scriptures, and the twenty who knew selected scriptures best were treated to a two-week trip to Yellowstone National Park with all expenses paid from Director Mather's own pocket After that, whenever Director Mather and Assistant Director Albright visited Zion, the winners of the trip sought them out to express appreciation Albright felt assured that the young women's experience benefited the park through their newly acquired fund of knowledge about parks.40

Not only did Mather respect the Mormons of southern Utah but he also rather successfully indoctrinated other Park Service personnel with a favorable attitude When Eviend T Scoyen was appointed the first superintendent of Zion, Mather assured him of the cooperation of the Mormon people and of his own respect for and interest in the people and the country The director referred to the support that he and the Park Service had received For instance, since there were no paved roads in Washington County when the park was established, local citizens headed up committees to lobby the State Road Commission for paving Randall Jones of Cedar City was particularly influential with Road Commission members on behalf of southern Utah; he also helped convince the Union Pacific Railroad and a subsidiary, Utah Parks Company, to undertake important improvements and developments In 1923 the Utah Parks Company became the Zion Park concessioner, and it continued in that role until 1972

Jones, a fine photographer, ran a photographic studio in Cedar City. The Union Pacific Company hired him to take his own exquisite collection of slides, which in the days before kodachrome he colored himself, to the East and give slideshows advertising Zion National Park and southern Utah. Jones also worked effectively in cooperation with Mather and others in gaining an agreement among Kane County, Washington County, the state of Utah, and the federal government to bring about construction of the Zion-Mt. Carmel Tunnel and Highway that seemed so important for any future development of tourism at Zion.41

ZION NATIONAL PARK

40 Ibid., and Scoyen interview, 3. 41 E.T Scoyen to Director,August 1, 1928,Zion NP 325

Walter Reusch and Lucy Den man presenting the "key" to the park to Governor George Dern on Opening Day in 1925. This event celebrated the completion of the Zion Lodge. Dern's speech praised recent achievements: the completion of a railroad spur, newly built highways, the operation of Union Pacific motor buses, new lodging facilities, and Union Pacific's publicity efforts.

Later, when Scoyen was asked to identify the most influential park supporters, he listed Randall Jones as the most important person in southern Utah and called him "the Apostle of the Utah Parks." H e also identified several Mormo n leaders: Heber J. Grant, president of the church; Anthony W. Ivins, counselor in the First Presidency; George Albert Smith of the Quoru m of Twelve Apostles; and former bishop and current state legislator David Hirschi.42

Following the examples of Mather and Albright, Scoyen, despite some initial reticence, developed good relations with local Mormons. His initial apprehension was revealed when a clerk-stenographer position came open. Scoyen asked the Service for a young man who could start at the bottom of a park development program and work up H e cautioned that living conditions near Zion were not on a par with other parks and that southern Utah was "not a very desirable place for a single man, or a man who has a family with children of school age."43

Part of Scoyen's concern about appointing a man with school children was due to the absence of an elementary school at Springdale For years, citizens had repeatedly requested a school. The reply of the Washington County school board had always been that there was no money available.

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

42 E.T. Scoyen toThos. S.Allen,Jr., November 18, 1930, Zion, NP,and Scoyen interview, 11.

32 6

43 E.T Scoyen to Director, August 1, 1928, Zion NP

Scoyen added his input, reminding the school board that Springdale was at the entrance to Zion National Park, where thousands of people would soon come, creating a need for additional employees whose children would need a school.

From somewhere, the board came up with half the money for a building if the local residents would donate the necessary labor to complete the school Scoyen let it be known that "...if the trucks and the concrete mixers and things like that, up in the Park, happen to get down to Springdale for the weekend, why I don't believe I'll see them." The equipment was taken to town each weekend, and people worked from dawn to dark hauling gravel, mixing concrete, and building until finally the schoolhouse was completed. Later, the same arrangement helped build the Springdale LDS chapel.44

Scoyen also found cooperation in negotiations with local farmers who had holdings within Zion that were needed by the Park Service to consolidate park properties. Those who owned property in the park were generally happy to sell to the government. The price was fair, and as one put it, "When you think of the work on those ditches up there.. that was enough to give anybody the idea they should move Slide after slide off those mountains would come down and the water would go out of the ditch."45

There were a few obstacles. The Crawford family owned the land where the park headquarters is now located An apparently amicable agreement was reached on a sale, but suddenly Brother Louis Crawford told Scoyen, "We've been talking about it, and we can't sell you that property." Scoyen was bewildered because the conditions and the price seemed right Crawford explained that "Brigham Young called us to settle here, and we can't go until we are released." Scoyen, respecting this attitude, went to Salt Lake City to talk with Heber J. Grant, who Scoyen knew was "tremendously interested," and he also knew that President Grant believed the park needed this land Grant said, "Well, I'll tell you, Mr Scoyen, I'll take under consideration the problem of releasing them." When he shortly thereafter granted a release to the Crawfords, they gladly completed the sale.46

In addition to being able to sell properties to the Park Service for a fair market value, there were other benefits that accrued to the local people. The construction of the Zion-Mt. Carmel Tunnel and Highway, which was regarded as essential to tourism development by both local residents and Park Service officials, was begun in 1927 and finished in 1930 The cost of building the 5,200-foot-long tunnel totaled approximately $2 million. The construction employed up to 210 men, many from local communities. At the same time, an additional fifty-one men were employed at the park on improvements to the administrative area, the water system, the sewage system, and the campgrounds. 44 Scoyen interview,21 45 Ibid.,

ZION NATIONAL PARK

20 32 7

19 46 Ibid.,

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

East entrance of the Zion/ Mt. Carmel Tunnel and the bridge crossing the Pine Creek Drainage.

In order to realize its full economi c and touris m potential , the park also neede d adequate lodge facilities and more effective advertising. Durin g 1923 and 1924 the Union Pacific Company and its subsidiary Utah Parks Company spent $1,713,000 for improvements directly or indirectly related to park development A thirty-five-mile railroad from Lund to Cedar City was completed in 1923 at a cost of $950,000. A modern passenger station cost another $75,000, and the purchase and completion of Hotel El Escalante in Cedar City cost $265,000. A lodge and forty-six cabins were constructed at Zion for $83,000, and an associated water system cost $5,000 A bus garage in Cedar City and forty eleven-passenger auto-stages bought to convey visitors to Bryce, Cedar Breaks, the North Rim, Pipe Springs, and Zion cost $235,000. National advertising expenses for 1923 to 1924 were $100,000 for ads in the Saturday Evening Post, Literary Digest, and other national magazines, periodicals, and newspapers, and for the publication of an elaborately illustrated booklet on Zion.47

Despite the investments, or maybe because of them, Park Service officials increasingly criticized the Union Pacific's role at Zion. They complained that the railroad looked upon private motorists as pests Because of its tie to the railroad, the Utah Parks Company advertised only for railroad traffic, and it discriminated in housing accommodations and dining reservations against visitors who came independent of Utah Parks Company bus tours.

In fact, the railroad did not advertise at all in California because ads there would tend to attract only private motorists rather than rail passengers It seemed impossible to jar railroad officers from their shortsighted attitude and get them to accept the viewpoint that money spent by motorists was as good as that spent by rail passengers. There were three departments within Union Pacific's organizational structure; this structure created a lack of coordination and even some friction among the departments. From the Park Service perspective, a better format was desirable Park officials hoped for a circumstance in which the Utah Parks Company might be something

328

47 Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad Company to Congressman Louis C Crompton, December 29, 1924, Zion NP

more than just "a plaything" for high officials Union Pacific touring buses at of Union Pacific There was hope on the part the Zion National Park Lodge of Park Service administrators that a duringthe1920s. "divorce " migh t sever the Uta h Parks Company from any direct relationship to the railroad This, however, did not happen, and the company continued to concentrate solely on building passenger traffic for the Union Pacific. For Park Service officials there was entirely "too much railroad" in Utah Parks Company management for its own good.48

Over the next forty years the association between Park Service and Union Pacific officials deteriorated further. By 1960 the independence afforded to travelers by automobile cut into railroad passenger travel and bus tours significantly. Social and economic changes led the Utah Parks Company in 1969 to begin an attempt to sell their concessioner contract, but Congress would not agree to a sale until 1972.

Besides the Union Pacific and Utah Parks Company expenditures, the federal government between 1919 and 1941 spent a total of $684,190 for the administration, protection, and maintenance of Zion; $3,500,479 for road and trail construction, maintenance, and improvement; and $6,292 for fire protection and prevention. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, another $322,682 was expended in the park on Civilian Conservation Corps projects. The Public Works Administration spent another $315,334, and other public relief agencies spent $194,584 on Zion Park projects. Total

ZION NATIONAL PARK

329

: Memorandum from E.T. Scoyen to Director, May 12, 1928,Zion NP.

federal expenditures at Zion National Park over the first twenty-two years of its existence were $5,024,261, much of it spent locally for purchases and wages. 49 No one could legitimately deny the importance of this infusion of federal money into the local economy.

The number of visits to the park rose from 3,963 in 1920 to 8,400 in 1924, to 21,694 in 1926, and up to 30,916 in 1928.With the completion of the Zion—Mt Carmel Tunnel and Highway in 1930, visits increased to 55,297. The numbers continued to climb, despite the financial hardships of the Great Depression, to 68,801 in 1934, 124,393 in 1936, and 149,805 in 1938. In 1941, before World War II travel restrictions and gasoline rationing seriously cut into travel, there were 190,016 visits to Zion National Park.50

The cooperation among local Mormons in Iron, Kane, and Washington counties; city, county, and state governments; the federal government; and corporate America in the form of Union Pacific and its subsidiary, the Utah Parks Company, had paid enormous dividends for the preservation, development, and visitation of Zion—as it had for all of southern Utah's economic progress and its social and cultural development. In 1915 the 1,000 visitors to Mukuntuweep National Monument found no hotels or public accommodations They either had to stay at a "fair hotel" in Hurricane, twenty-five miles away, or with farm families in Rockville or Springdale. There was little protection of the scenery in the monument at that time, and there were several nonconforming uses that were ecologically detrimental Southern Utah had few roads of any kind and no paved roads The nearest railroad was 102 miles away. In 1941, however, the 190,000 visitors found more than adequate accommodations in the park and at Springdale. There were several new and paved roads, including the Zion—Mt. Carmel Tunnel and Highway, and the railroad had been extended from Lund to Cedar City. There was an elementary school in Springdale. The park was well-preserved and administered. These were profound changes. The creation of Zion National Park and the subsequent tourism development provided the basis for the establishment of an important industry and a major payroll that have proven to be valuable assets to economic and social life in southern Utah communities.

The attitude of the local people is well illustrated through an event that occurred the last night Superintendent Scoyen spent at Zion About 10 p.m there was music accompanied by a tinkling sound and then a loud shout on the front porch of his cabin. Scoyen and his wife emerged to find a throng of people from Springdale gathered there to say a fond goodbye to the first superintendent of the park, who had overseen so much of the early development of Zion They sang songs and read poems, including one written especially for the occasion by Moses Gifford, about the apprecia-

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

330

e 79 NPS Central Classified File, 1933-1949, Zion National Park, 204-07-01, Box 1887, Document A, Resources of the State of Utah.

Ibid

tion of the local people for the superintendent and his wife.51

Although he had arrived at Zion with some concern about local relations, Scoyen left with nearly the same level of appreciation for the Mormo n people that Stephen Mather and Horace Albright had developed. These men, who were so important in the early history of Zion, had developed a genuine fondness for the local people and their cooperative spirit Horace Albright perhaps said it best: "Cooperation of the local people was cheerfully extended.... Orders were issued...and were generally obeyed.... I shall always remember with keenest delight my early association with those good Mormo n people, who, without knowing what a national park was, cooperated so fully...."52 Indeed, it can be truthfully said that all Americans benefited from the extensive cooperation, if for no other reason than because the scenic wonders of southern Utah seemed to be preserved for future generations

Local residents, painfully aware of their remote location in the upriver towns of eastern Washington County, had come to realize by the early twentieth century that they had a commodity—scenery—that had marketable value if they could develop transportation links to overcome the inaccessibility. Through a united cooperative effort a park was created, roads were provided, and tourism was slowly but effectively promoted. The result today exceeds the wildest expectations of any of the early promoters of Zion National Park

Th e post-World War II conditions brought an enlarged middle class, which meant more people with the time, means, and desire to travel. Visiting the scenic wonders of the American West became fashionable Automobile ownership expanded dramatically, and air travel increased significantly. Wher e southern Utahns had once hope d for visitors from Pennsylvania or Ne w York, international visitation has become so great that waiters at the Zion Lodge, tongue in cheek, express gratitude for visitors wh o speak English At the beginning of the twenty-first century the love affair of tourists with Zion National Park has become so obsessive that both the quality of visits and the ecology of the park are threatened. In an effort to mitigate some negative effects of 3,000,000 visitors a year, the Park Service instituted on May 23, 2000, a shuttle system into the park. Officials hope the shuttle will improve the park experience and reduce degradation of the park environment.

The successful selling of Zion's scenery exceeded the hopes of the smalltown Mormons of southern Utah and that of park advocates The challenge appears to have come full circle since 1916—or perhaps, more truthfully, it remains the same: to conserve the scenery and to provide enjoyment in a manner that will leave the park unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations It may well turn out that too many visitors is a much bigger challenge than remoteness and few visitors.

ZION NATIONAL PARK

51 Scoyen interview 22 52 Albright to Chatelain 331

The Monument to Brigham Young and the Pioneers: One Hundred Years of Controversy

By J MICHAEL HUNTER

On July 24, 1900, at 10:58 a.m a trumpet call was sounded and Margaret Young, granddaughter of Brigham Young, pulled the

cord. As the veilings collapsed from the pedestal of the Brigham Young statue at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets in Salt Lake City, two new bronze statues and a bronze plaque were revealed at the base.

Th e thirty-piece Held's Military Band

"No left turn": The sign is a telling symbol for both the traffic patterns and controversies that have surrounded the Brigham Young Monument over the years. 1953 photo.

J Michael Hunter is a reference librarian in the LDS Church History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah The author would like to thank W Randall Dixon and William W Slaughter for their comments and contributions to this article. Photos on pages 336, 339, 341,and344arecourtesy ofLDS Church Archives.

332

played "America" and the crowd cheered as it surged about the monumen t to view the new figures A n eight-foot bronze Indian seated on the left side of the base represented the Native Americans displaced by Mormo n settlers. An eight-foot bronze trapper seated on the right side represented the early nonindigenous explorers wh o made their way into Utah. 1 O n the shaft was a bronze basrelief of a man, woman , child, and covered wagon, representing the Mormo n pioneers wh o made their homes in Utah

Th e unveiling ended a tumultuou s tenyear odyssey to complete the monumen t to Brigha m Youn g and the pioneers—an d it began a ne w era of controversy that would last a hundred years. Th e project had begun on December 1, 1891, with the organization of the Brigham Young Memorial Association Reportin g on the meeting of the organization, the Contributor stated:

The desire to erect a monument in memory of Brigham Young and the Pioneers has been in the hearts of the people of these valleys for many years. Time has only served to increase the desire, and, at last, people of all classes have, in a measure, united in the proposition to do honor to the men who pioneered this land, and to set up a monument worthy of the great leader and his faithful followers.2

To explain the project and the need for funds, the association circulated a letter throughout communities in Utah and surrounding states. Th e association also appointed fundraising committees and contracted with sculptor Cyrus E. Dallin to design and sculpt the monument.

Dallin was born in Springville, Utah, on November 22, 1861, as the secon d oldest of nine children. His father and grandfather, sailmakers in England, converted to the LDS church in 1849 and immigrated to Utah in 1851. Onc e in Utah, however, his parents joined the Presbyterian church. Dallin received his early education from Presbyterian schools and his art appreciation from his parents H e wrote:

I owe my art to my mother, Jane Hamer Dallin, who loved beauty. In childhood days she modeled things out of clay and baked them in the oven It was a case of

In his speech at the dedication ceremony reported in the Deseret Evening News July 24, 1900, sculptor Cyrus E Dallin stated that the two statues were representative of groups and not specific people Some publications have erroneously identified the Native American as Chief Washakie and the trapper as Jim Bridger; see Church News, October 15, 1955

"The Brigham Young Memorial," Contributor 13 (June 1892): 337 "Pioneers," to this writer, meant members of the Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS or Mormon church) who had arrived in Utah before the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869

MONUMEN T TO BRIGHA M YOUN G

Cyrus E. Dallin in his studio.

333

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AT LEFT: In 1893 the Brigham Young statue stood in front of the Utah Building at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, then from 1893 to 1897 it had a temporary home inside Temple Square (opposite page).

heredity. I always liked art and began sketching and modeling when just a child, and she, with my father, Thomas Dallin, gave me every encouragement.3

Dallin eventually studied art in Boston Returning to Utah in 1891, he opened a studio in Salt Lake City where he crafted three portrait busts of the LDS First Presidency—Wilford Woodruff, George Q. Cannon , and Joseph F. Smith. Dallin's work caught the eye of President Woodruff, wh o asked him to make a statue of the angel Moroni for the east-central spire of the nearly completed Salt Lake Temple.4

In his work for the Brigham Young Memorial Association, Dallin drew up many proposals for review By 1892 he had created a model that was acceptable to the association Th e monumen t would be thirty-five feet wide at the base O n top of a twenty-five-foot granite shaft would stand a ten-foot bronze statue of Brigham Young Th e Indian and trapper statues would be eight feet tall, and a bas-relief pioneer group would be cut into the stone of the shaft. Dallin's charge was to be $25,000.5

Dallin offered the services of his brother-in-law, Sid Southworth, to solicit funds for the monument , but the association declined the offer, explaining that the matter would be taken care of by local bishops Dallin wrote to his father, "The y have a most admirable system and it simply needs word from the authorities and presto, the thing is done."6 H e would soon learn he was mistaken on this matter

Dallin completed the statue of Brigham Young by early 1893. Th e figure was cast by the Ame s Manufacturin g Compan y in Chicopee , Massachusetts, and then placed on a temporary pedestal in front of the Utah Building at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago from May 1 to

3 Rell G Francis, Cyrus E. Dallin: Let Justice Be Done (Springville, Utah: Springville Museum of Art, 1976), 3-4

4 Ibid., 66-67; Florence S. and Jack Sears, "How We Got the Angel Moroni Statue," Instructor 88 (October 1953): 292

5 "The BrighamYoung Memorial," 337-38; Salt Lake Tribune, January 7, 1895

6 Francis, Cyrus E. Dallin, 69

334

October 30, 1893. According to the Salt Lake Tribune, the statue received "widespread commendation both for the faithfulness of the likeness and as a work of art."7

After the Exposition closed, the statue was shipped to Utah, arriving in Salt Lake City on December 30, 1893. It was then placed inside the east gates of Temple Square in front of the architects office, almost directly in line with the southeast corner of the temple. It remained there until November 19, 1895, when it was placed on a temporary pedestal near the southwest corner of the temple in the open space between the temple and the south wall of the square This temporary wood pedestal was constructed to resemble stone. Although there was some discussion about gilding the statue like that of the angel on the temple, this plan was never carried forth. The statue would remain in this location until the entire monument was completed This would not happen for many years, however, and after a year or two a frustrated Dallin began writing letters to the association from his residences in Boston, Philadelphia, and Paris to protest the mismanagement of the project.8

In 1895, the Salt Lake Tribune reported:

It seems the project has been permitted to languish for some time for lack of funds, the association deeming it unwise to attempt the collection of subscriptions in the face

' Salt Lake Tribune, January 7, 1895

8 Ibid.; Deseret Evening News, December 30, 1893,and November 19, 1895

MONUMENT

TO BRIGHAM YOUNG

33 5

o f the unparalleled hard times Moving the stone for the shaft of the monument from Recently, however, the First fhe Livjngstone quarry in Little Cottonwood Canyon. Presidency of the Mormo n Church issued a circular urgThe Deseret Evening News wrote, "A vast amount of

hope that by next autumn, in time for the semiannual conference, the monument might be unveiled.9

Th e association's site committee went to work trying to locate a permanent site for the completed monument Several locations were proposed, including in front of the asyet-unbuilt state capitol,10

in g that the matter be taken labor and considerable ingenuity have been expended up again and expressing the jn cuttjng the [twenty-ton] stone from the mountain and getting it ready for shipment to this city. A large force of men have been steadily employed in the undertaking for several weeks and today they have succeeded in loading it on a specially provided wagon on which it will be conveyed a distance of one mile from this quarry to the Rio Grande Western over which it will be transported to this city.... When it reaches the depot in this city it will again be transferred to a wagon and conveyed to the intersection of East and South Temple Streets where it will be made ready for placing in the near the Eagle Gate on shgft wfrICh ls to commemorate the achievements of the State Street, in Brigham pjoneers lt is estimated that it will require fifteen span Young's private cemetery, in r i i of horses to draw it from the depot to the Monument front of th e templ e o n Mam Street, and on the siteThe corner stone wi" be laid with proper cere " southeas t corne r o f Templ e monies some day next week" (June 25, 1897).

Square. Th e association

9 Ibid. On June 27, 1893,the stock market crashed, resulting infour years of "unparalleled hard times."

(See Ronald W.Walker, "Crises in Zion: Heber J Grant and thePanic of 1893," Arizona and the West 21 [Autumn 1979]:257-78)

10 Salt Lake Tribune, January 7, 1895 OnApril 28, 1888, Heber J Grant proposed that Salt Lake City donate aportion of the city's Arsenal Hill to theUtah Territory for thestate capitol The next daythe mayor, governor, legislators, andcouncilmen visited thehill andselected asite for the capitol The city officially tendered 19.46 acres onMarch 1,1888. Before thecapitol was built in 1916, the area was landscaped, enclosed with aniron fence, and named Capitol Hill See Deseret Evening News, February 29, 1888; "Journal History ofthe Church ofJesus Christ ofLatter-day Saints" LDS Church Historical Department, Salt Lake City, May 26,1908; Noble Warrum, ed., Utah since Statehood [Chicago: S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1919],209

336

finally chose the latter, with a plan to take down the southeast corner of the temple block wall and incorporate stones from the wall into the monument's foundation.11

However, by 1897 the lone Brigham Young statue still stood on its temporary pedestal in Temple Square, and there was no sign that the remaining features of the monument were anywhere near completion The problem, again, was money. In an attempt to revive the lagging interest in the project, the association decided to dedicate the monument in its unfinished state during the fiftieth anniversary of the arrival of the pioneers in the Salt Lake Valley.

Th e LDS church advanced $8,000 to the association for the granite work on the pedestal By this time the association had decided on a new location for the monument: the intersection of Main and South Temple streets Agreeing that a monument to the pioneers should be in this more public place, the Salt Lake City Council deeded to the association a plot of ground at the intersection twenty-five feet by twenty-five feet.12

Cyrus Dallin, however, was unhappy with the plan to dedicate the unfinished monument. O n May 12, 1897, he wrote from Paris to Governor Heber Wells:

Your favor of April 27th just received and while I should be only too glad to give my consent to anything that would hasten the completion of the Monument, I must in justice to myself, the Monument , and to the subscribers, refuse to allow you to place the statue of President Young on the pedestal and shaft as outlined in your letter M y reasons are, first—that this would involve a material change in the design (to wit—to have the Pioneer Group cast in bronze instead of cut in stone) and the contract distinctly prohibits any such change (clause 1st and 2nd, article first).

Second—this change would involve greater expense to me to put the group in bronze, as by the contract I am simply to have cut in stone the Pioneer Group—your Association to furnish me the stone

Third—it will be impossible for you to determine the exact propositions [sic] of the shaft, pedestal and etc., without my superintendence, as these must be made in relation to the bases of the statues, and this can only be done by me

I could not allow anyone else to do this, for my own reputation, pride in my work, and the desire to be fittingly represented in my own state

Thus, while I am most heartily in sympathy with your wishes and desires, I cannot allow these changes in my design which I have seriously studied and worked so hard to carry through as a unity

To put the single figure of President Young upon a large unadorned pedestal, as you design, would be manifestly inappropriate and would not only hurt me, but might seriously endanger the final completion of the Monument Huma n nature is human nature, and those wh o have contributed to this Monumen t will be critical of any defects they find and I feel assured that this proposed action would bring down ridicule, not only upon me, but as well as yourselves I cannot for these most substantial reasons, sanction this proposition of yours ,... 13

11 "Journal History" May 27, 1897,June 3, 1897; Salt Lake Tribune, January 7, 1895

12 "Journal History," May 26, 1897,June 3, 1897.

13 Cyrus E Dallin to Heber M.Wells, May 12, 1897,BrighamYoung Memorial Association papers, LDS Church Archives

MONUMENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG

337

AT LEFT: The monument was draped in an American flag before its unveiling.

OPPOSITE PAGE: Thousands gathered to watch as the statue of Brigham Young, standing atop the unfinished monument, was unveiled on July 20, 1897.

Pressed to collect the needed funds and confident that the dedication of the unfinished monumen t would bring in more funds, the association ignored Dallin's wishes. A contract was entered into on June 6, 1897, with Watson Brothers to complete the granite pedestal at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets A five-day Utah Pioneer Jubilee celebration had been planned, and the Brigham Young portion of the monument , standing on its new pedestal, was to be unveiled on the first day of the jubilee, July 20, 1897.14

As soon as the midnight hour tolled, veterans of the defunct Nauvoo Legion (Utah Territorial Militia) started the jubilee on July 20 by firing six shots from a small brass howitzer.Then, at 7 a.m., the Legion fired eighteen shots from three guns LDS pioneers wh o were still living assembled on Pioneer Square,15 where they were greeted with music from the Dimick B. Huntingto n Martial Band and the Twenty-fourth Infantry Band. At 10 a.m., 318 pioneers marched east on 300 South and then turned north on Main Street Cheered by crowds on the street, the procession headed toward the Brigham Young statue at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets.

Th e statue stood wrapped in an American flag on its new pedestal. Behind the statue a platform to accommodate the pioneers had been erected six feet high and covered with an awning. Sitting in the front of the platform was LDS church president Wilford Woodruff, wh o was the oldest living pioneer, his counselors, the Quoru m of the Twelve, Governor Heber

14 Watson Brothers' contract, 1897, BrighamYoung Memorial Association papers

338

15 Pioneer Square, between 300 and 400 South and 300 and 400 West, is now called Pioneer Park

Wells, Bishop Lawrence Scanlan of the Catholic church, and Judge John M. Zane Whe n recent presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan arrived, the crowd stirred with enthusiasm.

At 11 a.m., Orson F.Whitney read the dedicatory prayer prepared by President Woodruff, and then the Tabernacle Choir sang "Od e to the Pioneers," an anthem with words by Orson F.Whitney and music by Evan Stephens James H Moyle presented the monument to the state, stating that the remaining figures would be added to the monumen t in due time. President Woodruff then arose and said, "In the name of God, I now unveil this monument." The stars and stripes fell away, revealing the lone statue of Brigham Young Cheers arose and a cannon boomed.16

Even though a telegram written in Paris by Cyrus Dallin was read to convey his "Best Wishes," Dallin was unhappy about the situation. H e wrote the Brigham Young Memorial Association in February 1898:

Since the unveiling of the Brigham Young Statue in July 1897, (against my protestation) the monthly payments due me have ceased (in fact before then) and I wish to call your attention to the fact that you have broken your contract with me It is now six months since I received the last word from you... I am a poor man and am dependent on my work for my livelihood 17

In September 1899 Dallin traveled to Salt Lake City to meet with the association and the LDS First Presidency. In the meeting he made it clear

16 "Journal History," July 20, 1897, 2-6 James Moyle, a member of the Brigham Young Memorial Association, was called in at the last minute to take the place of the president of the association, James Sharp. I have not been able to determine why Sharp was unable to attend. Moyle explained in his speech that he was very unprepared for the occasion

17 Cyrus E Dallin to Brigham Young Memorial Association, February 27, 1898, Brigham Young Memorial Association papers

339

that he had been against the 1897 unveiling and had warned the association that the people would lose interest in the monument after such an unveiling His warning seemed to be coining true The delay in the monument's completion had been due to the slow process of collecting funds Since the Brigham Young statue had not yet been completely paid for, Dallin threatened to remove the statue or "cover it from public gaze."18 His directness and persistence paid off. The association told him to finish the monument and gave him $5,000 in cash to continue his work. Up until that point, Dallin had only received $12,500, half of his contracted fee.19

The remaining bronze figures for the monument were finally completed and shipped from the Henry Bonnard Bronze Company in New York to Salt Lake City in June 1900. The unveiling ceremonies of 1900 were brief and simple compared to the 1897 jubilee unveiling. President Woodruff had died in 1898, and Lorenzo Snow was now president of the LDS church. President Snow's poor health prevented him from attending the ceremony, but his counselors, George Q. Cannon and Joseph F. Smith, as well as many LDS apostles and civic leaders, were in attendance. Utah Secretary of State James T. Hammond was a special guest.

Cannon gave the first speech, stating, "I am not much of a believer in monuments, for I think that men and their good deeds should live in memory; but this present monument is a very proper one." He was followed by James T. Hammond, who said he did not believe in the worship of a monument but thought the accomplishment that it represented was the thing to be revered. Hammond was followed by Cyrus Dallin, who stated, "Art of every kind is simply the realization that beauty lies around us on every hand, and the artist is only he who possibly realizes more fully this truth, and he only becomes an artist in trying to reveal this truth to his fellow man." He also said, "I feel somewhat as though I were exposing some early sin, and I only regret that I could not do it over again as I am confident I could do it better."20

Dallin was unsatisfied with the completed monument. As he had predicted earlier, the measurements of the granite shaft were inaccurate, and the bronze bas-relief of the pioneer group did not cover the granite. He asked the association to cut off fifteen inches of the shaft and add a bronze plate to the top of the relief to carry the bronze to the cap. Dallin's wishes were once again ignored.21

Unfortunately, the completion of the monument in 1900 did not bring

18 Cyrus E Dallin to Heber M.Wells, Boston, July 29, 1899, Brigham Young Memorial Association papers.

19 By July 1900 the association had whittled its debt to Dallin down to $5,336.05 The association then set up a regular payment plan with Dallin to pay him the remainder over a three-year period at eight percent interest As late as January 17, 1902, an editorial in the Deseret News called on the Saints to donate funds to clear the debt of the BrighamYoung Monument As donations came in they were reported in the Deseret News. Funds continued to come in from members of LDS wards and stakes as late asJanuary 1904, and the association managed to pay off its debts;see Memorial Association papers

20 Deseret Evening News,July 24, 1900

21 Cyrus E Dallin to Heber M.Wells, March 10, 1901, BrighamYoung Memorial Association papers

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

34 0

an end to controversy. The question of who owned the monumen t was raised several times during the next hundred years. Some said Salt Lake City owned it. Others said the association had presented the monument to the people of Utah. Still others claimed that the LDS church owned the monument.22

A group gathers at the base of the completed monument soon after the dedication on July 24, 1900.

In early November 1917, the Manufacturers Association of Utah took literally the suggestion that the monument belonged to all the people of Utah by placing a "flashy electric sign" on the monument that blinked the words "I am for Utah," the slogan for Utah Products Week. Even after the public called it "vandalism" and "desecration," the association strung a chain of lights from Brigham Young's outstretched hand to "the blazing sign below." However, the Deseret News printed a scathing editorial on November 10, denouncing the placement of the sign, and the sign was removed by November 12.23

The rise of the automobile brought more controversy Because the monument was located in the busiest intersection in the city, it was considered a menace to traffic In 1929 the Salt Lake Rotary Club requested the removal of the monument, and a public argument began that one Salt Lake Tribune reporter said resembled "a tempest in a teapot." Governor George H Dern wanted the monument placed on Utah's Capitol Hill where it could be surrounded by flower gardens and where the public could view it up close The Sugar House Business Men's League offered a site in Sugar House.24

In July 1929 two organizations met to oppose the removal of the monument. The Brigham Young Family Association, made up of Brigham Young's descendants, met in the Hotel Utah and "by an overwhelming majority" voted to "vigorously oppose" the removal of the monument. The

23 Deseret News, November 10 and 12, 1917

24Salt LakeTribune, August 15,July 2,July 27, 1929

The Brigham Young Memorial Association had operated under the direction of the LDS First Presidency, and the monument was funded by donations from LDS wards and stakes

341

Daughters of Utah Pioneers (DUP) also met and "unanimously protested" against any effort at removal The matter made its way to George P Parker, state attorney general, who concluded that the site had been dedicated for the monument and it could not be legally moved without a majority vote of the people The matter was put to rest for the time being.25

O n July 6, 1951, the Salt Lake Traffic Commission made the mistake of again bringin g up th e monumen t move . J. M . Bamberge r of th e Engineering Committee of the Salt Lake Traffic Commission tried to steer the commission away from moving the monumen t and toward simply reducing the size of its base. However, the Traffic Commission declared that the monumen t would eventually have to be moved; why not now?

Bamberger answered that he had met with the president of the Brigham Young Family Association. "The association," he said, "is not opposed to remodeling the base of the monument." Bamberger was aware that a suggested move could stir emotions and ruin negotiations for reducing the base, but the naive commissioners insisted on stirring up the hornets' nest all over again.26

Opponents to moving the monumen t went on the defensive They included the Brigham Young Family Association, the Daughters of Utah Pioneers, the Sons of Utah Pioneers, Mayor Earl J Glade, and officials of the LDS church Kate B Carter of the DU P said, "I think I speak in behalf of every woman in my organization when I say that we don't want it moved Other cities, bigger than ours, preserve their historic buildings and monuments." She said she had on file in the DU P thousands of signatures of people who in 1929 had opposed moving the monument.27

"Th e National Sons of the Utah Pioneers organization is absolutely against it," said SUP president Fred E. Curtis. "We feel they already have destroyed too much of pioneer history in this city and state." Mayor Earl J. Glade said that the monument was "a large part of the trademark" of Salt Lake City, and "you take away that monument out of the intersection, and you take away a large part of Salt Lake City."

The Brigham Young Family Association met and looked at drawings of how the monument would look on the southeast corner of Temple Square. After reviewing the possible locations, the association voted to oppose a move. Howar d R . Driggs, president of the America n Pionee r Trails Association, said, "It's absurd—plain ridiculous, to think of moving the Brigham Young Monument."

Leaders of the LDS church were mixed in their feelings "They say it now is a traffic hazard," said Joseph F Merrill of the Quoru m of the Twelve "If that is the case, it should be removed." H e believed it should be moved

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

25 Deseret News, July 9, August 9, 1929; Salt Lake Tribune, August 15, 1929 26 Salt Lake Tribune, July 6, 1951 27 Deseret News,]uly 7, 1951 342

inside Temple Square to attract more tourists to the square However, Harold B Lee, also of the Quoru m of the Twelve, said:

O f course, this has been an oft-discussed question Th e monument serves as a perfect traffic guide, and should remain where it is I don't think it is a traffic hazard This has been reviewed time and time again—when I was in the city commission and later It was the opinion then that it was no traffic hazard but served as a traffic guide It is no different now.

Levi Edgar Young, president of the LDS Council of Seventy and a member of the board of the Utah State Historical Society agreed, saying, "Such spiritual things should be first in the minds of people. To me, the monument stands not only as an ideal for those people who come here to see it, but as a sort of a safety center. I'm opposed to moving it."

Finally, the LDS church-owned Deseret News came out against moving the monument "Certainly," said the News in an editorial, "one of the most shocking notions that has ever been born of an excess of zeal is the shortsighted proposal which has been informally launched by some of the members of Salt Lake City's advisory Traffic Commission." The News went on to say that the suggestion was like proposing that Independence Hall or the Washington Monumen t be moved to a more convenient location.28 A stunned Traffic Commission quickly backed down on the idea of moving the monument, and it would be another five years before anyone would seriously bring up the subject again.

Perhaps if the commission had listened to J M Bamberger they could have negotiated trimming the base sooner than they eventually did In 1955 Salt Lake City officials approached the LDS First Presidency, wh o were presumed to hold the deed to the Brigham Young Monument, about trimming the base of the monument to aid the traffic flow at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets. The First Presidency agreed to the change, and the Salt Lake City Commission appropriated $2,225 for the work.29 By March 1956, the New York Times reported that the city had chipped fourteen feet from the base and had paved around the statue This action was taken despite an outcry from pedestrians who stated that the base provided an "island of safety in a sea of traffic."30 Because the monument was not being moved, however, the action did not elicit the opposition that the 1951 proposal had

The monument existed in relative peace for another fifteen years, until traffic congestion and pollution became major issues in downtown Salt Lake City In 1973 the Environmental Protection Agency mandated that Salt Lake City adopt a strategy to reduce air pollution, and the city decided to reduce traffic downtown by turning Main Street into a pedestrianfriendly shopping and business district. A $2.8 million Main Street Beauti-

MONUMENT TO

YOUNG

BRIGHAM

28Ibid.,July 7, 12, 13, 1951 29 Church News, October 15, 1955 30 NewYork Times, March 11,1956. 343

Reducing the base of the monument in 1956. The stone eagle and beehive at the lower right are decorations at the top of one of four lightposts installed in 1947. Located on the intersection's corners, these were specially placed to light the monument.

fication project was launched. As part of that project, in 1975 the city built a large base around the monument that included water fountains on the east and west ends. Th e base extended across Main Street and made through-traffic impossible Planners believed that the base would cut down on traffic and thus reduce pollution, but the intersection remained congested as new businesses moved into the downtown area. 31

However, the large base made it possible for pedestrians to get a close look at the monument, and this brought up yet another controversy A plaque on the monument listed the pioneers of 1847, including three men labeled as "colored servants." At a Salt Lake City Council meeting in April 1975 Commissioner Stephen M. Harmsen said that the wording on the plaque could be "an embarrassment to our city," and he suggested removing the phrase beside the men's names.

Letters came out protesting any change as an attempt to alter history "Why should anyone try to change or alter or camouflage what really occurred?" one citizen asked "To evade, avoid, or deny the proven fact of history tends to undermine the credibility of those who made the record in the first place, which is manifestly unfair to them." Mrs Bertha Udell, granddaughter to one of the men listed as a "colored servant," said, "I hate to bring up the word 'slave,' but that is what he was I would just as soon they left well enough alone." In the end, that's exactly what "they" did.32

O n April 11, 1978, the Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce stirred up another hornets' nest by proposing the relocation of the Brigham Young Monument from the intersection of Main and South Temple streets to a spot directly in front of the temple on Main Street. The $100,000 plan

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

31 Deseret News, May 17, 1980 32 Salt Lake Tribune, April 14 and 24, 1975 344

called for a mini-park around the monument, but it did not indicate wh o would foot the bill. According to the chamber, the plan had been privately hammered out by LDS church officials, city officials, and the chamber. A primary reason for the proposal was the Crossroads Plaza shopping mall that was to be built on the block south of Temple Square. Th e mall was expected to dramatically increase traffic at the intersection of Main and South Temple, causing more downtown congestion and pollution.33

Letters to the editor in Salt Lake City's two major newspapers expressed the public's strong emotional response to the announcement. Many citizens were in favor of the move, citing the city's traffic and pollution problems. Others believed that a move would make the monument more accessible to the public, giving people an opportunity to read the inscriptions on the plaques as they stood on a red brick walkway that the chamber proposed to place around the monument. 3 4

On e citizen thought the move would put an end to "snide and satirical remarks" that had been made about the monument's location for many years. This concerned citizen was, no doubt, referring to the irreverent jingle that had sprung from the fact that the temple was behind Brigham Young and Zion's Bank stood before him.

There stands Brigham

High on his perch

With his hand to the bank

And his back to the church.31

Th e ne w proposal would put Brigham's back to the corner grocery store36 and his hand toward the Hotel Utah.

However, the proposal to move the monumen t seemed to bring out more opponents than supporters. Opponents ridiculed the city for spending $130,000 in 1975 to expand the monument's base, only to turn around and destroy the base three years later. They also scoffed at the city's contention that a smaller base would reduce pollution, when in 1975 the city had argued that an expanded base would do the same thing.

On e citizen attacked the idea that the monumen t was causing traffic congestion, saying that "the real traffic snag isn't Brigham, it's the stupid way the lights are set up."37 Others appealed to the community's sense of tradition, historic preservation, and heritage. "Would the people of Paris move the Eiffel Tower to make way for more traffic?" one woman asked. Another wrote, "We, wh o are trying to save some of our monuments and landmarks, are not only called preservationists, but obstructionists, but we are the ones with real vision." This opponent went on to explain that cities

33 Ibid.,April 13,1978

34 Ibid.,April 26,1978

""•Deseret News,April 27,June 1,1978

36 The TempleView Market, later Mormon Handicraft

37 Salt Lake Tribune, April 29,1978

MONUMENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG

345

with rich traditions of preservation are also rich in tourism.38

Coming out in support of the monument move, the Salt Lake Tribune disputed the preservationist view by stating, "Moving the monument will not mock history nor will it detract from the statue's utility. Preservation ideals and the urgent demands of a growing society are both satisfied by the Chamber of Commerce proposal." The Tribune's argument was that the monument was placed at the intersection for "no discernible reason of historical significance."39 The Deseret News also came out in favor of the move, stating that "few people were ever more foresighted or more receptive to constructive change than was Brigham Young."40

But many argued that the newspapers and other supporters were missing the point. "Why do the business community, Chamber of Commerce, press, city commissioners and other powerful organizations feel they need always move or tear down our historic landmarks in order to build something new?" one concerned citizen asked. "The point instead," another wrote, "is that the distinctive and human qualities of our city should not be subverted to the convenience of the automobile." 4 1 On e poet, Paul Cracroft, waxed eloquent:

That hand, if it were cast again in flesh

Instead of bronze, would form a fist against Designs and men who call for monuments

To yield to Mammon, money and the mute

But strident hiss of gold...

Why cage that silent lion who in life

Strode stage and pulpit openly so men

Could see and judge him at his work and play?42

Even in the camp that wanted the monument moved there was disagreement Everyone had an opinion on where it should be moved, and the ideas varied widely: Temple Square, the LDS Church Office Building plaza, a site near West and North Temple streets, the state capitol grounds, and the Daughters of Utah Pioneers museum at the head of Main Street. It was deja vu going all the way back to 1897

George Cannon Young, a grandson of Brigham Young, said he was "shocked to read" that the chamber and the church supported a plan to make the temple the backdrop to the monument. As architect of the Church Office Building and plaza, he said he had had to "strive to preserve that unobstructed view" of the temple when designing the plaza. He was against moving the monument in front of the temple on Main Street

Another person urged that the monument be moved to Utah's Capitol Hill so that Salt Lake would not be getting rid of "brother Brigham simply

38 Ibid., May 9, 1978

39 Ibid., May 1,1978

'"Deseret News,April 14, 1978

41 Salt Lake Tribune, May 9 and 10, 1978

"Deseret News,April 26, 1978

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

346

because he is in the way." A move to the state capitol grounds, he explained, "would be placing the first citizen of our history in the premier position of honor at our seat of government."43

As the fight dragged on, opponents pulled out every weapon at their disposal Supporters of the move cited traffic studies, including a report that between 1975 and 1978 thirty-six accidents had occurred at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets, 30 percent of them caused by the statue. Supporters also predicted that the 17,000 vehicles using the intersection in 1978 would increase to 29,000 by 1983.They also cited the backing they had from the Salt Lake Valley Traffic Advisory Council, the Salt Lake Planning Commission, the LDS church, and the Brigham Young Family Association. The LDS church, however, largely stayed out of the fight, and many members of the Brigham Young Family Association voiced opposition, not support, stating that they had not been consulted on the matter.44

Opponents challenged the city's legal right to move the statue. George Cannon Young said, "I don't believe the city has a legal or moral right to take this action. The Brigham Young Monument belongs to all the people, not just the city." The next day he was quoted as saying, "Nowhere in the county records can be found a deed of ownership for the monument. The people own it."45 The opposition's best weapon, however, was a Salt Lake Tribune poll conducted by Bardsley and Haslacher, Inc., showing that 60 percent of Salt Lakers disagreed with the proposal to move the monument.46

As the fight continued, citizens came up with more creative ideas to settle the matter One man suggested mounting the monument on wheels so it could be moved about without a fuss Another suggested relocating it to the corner of the intersection and making Brigham's arms moveable so he could direct traffic.47

Like their predecessors in the 1950s, city officials were stunned by the determination and strength of the opposition. Planning Commissioner I.J. Wagner, a chief backer of the proposal to move the monument, said, "I feel like I ought to get a black hat and black horse. I feel like a villain." After listening to opponents' passionate arguments, one member of the city planning commission said, "Cars should just have to work around it...traffic plans should have to work around it Like the Grand Canyon, it's there."48

In the end the city council voted against moving the monument, commenting that the automobile had become "a Frankenstein" and that the monument should not be "sacrificed for convenient traffic management."

Following the exact course of their 1956 predecessors, city officials waited

43 Salt Lake Tribune, April 28 and May 6, 1978

44 Ibid.,April 27 and 28, 1978

45 Ibid., April 27 and 28, 1978

46 Ibid., October 14,1979

47 Ibid., May 10, 1978, October 27, 1979

""Deseret News,April 28, 1978

MONUMENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG

34 7

several months for emotions to cool and then worked out a quiet plan in 1980 to trim the large base added in 1975. As the base and water fountains disappeared in 1980 the Deseret News, picking up on the pattern, asked, "Will the city and its citizens have another go at the monumen t in 1985?"49

Not much happened with the monument in 1985, but there was a small ripple in 1989. O n November 15 and 16 the Salt Lake City Planning Commission held open meetings to discuss plans for the future of downtown. On e of the items discussed was a move of the Brigham Young Monument "Everything we do to try to fix things on the north end, the monument is always in the way," said Doug Dansie, downtown planner for the city While traffic flow was a major issue, meeting participants also discussed the monument's hindrance to a future light-rail transit up Main Street and plans for a well-defined LDS church campus that would include the closure of Main Street between North and South Temple. The possibility of moving the statue into this closed area was discussed

In an opinion piece in the Deseret News, Dennis Lythgoe responded by stating, "Anything that is almost 100 years old should be considered untouchable." He went on to write, "While reading the inscription would be nice, the overriding need is to have Brigham stand in a place of authority, so that he can preside over the city. He belongs in that intersection—in the center of action Let's leave him alone." Since the meetings of the planning commission were "informal meetings" to generate ideas, and since no immediate action or decisions were made, little controversy came from the discussions. Certainly the response was nothing compared to the 1978 debates.50

The monument sat quietly at the intersection of Main and South Temple streets for three years, until a brash new mayor came to office in 1992. Deedee Corradini became known for her head-on, sometimes abrasive, way of getting things done in Salt Lake City. She balanced the budget, obtained the sleek Franklin Quest baseball field in eighteen months, and went out of town to hire city department heads. She also worked quickly and quietly behind the scenes to have the Brigham Young Monument moved. Negotiations began between Salt Lake City and the LDS church in late 1992; according to Mayor Corradini, the LDS church initiated the meetings. The Brigham Young Family Association was brought into the discussions, and Truman Clawson, president of the association and a greatgrandson of Brigham Young, later said that family members "had plenty of input."51 From the negotiations came a compromise between city officials and the Young family. Rather than move the monument in front of the Salt Lake Temple on Main Street as was proposed in 1978, the group decided to

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

49 Salt Lake Tribune, May 18, 1978; Deseret News, May 18, 1978,May 17, 1980. 50 Deseret News, November 14, 16,21,1989

34 8

51 Daily Universe, May 25,1993; Salt Lake Tribune, September 28,1993

move the statue eighty-two feet north, between the newly remodeled Hotel Utah (renamed the Joseph Smith Memorial Building) and the southeast corner of Temple Square This satisfied the city by getting the monument out of the intersection, and it satisfied the Young family by keeping the monument in a prominent location Former Mayor Ted Wilson, who had been involved in the heated 1978 monument debates, said, "I think [moving the statue eighty-two feet north] was a brilliant solution I wish we had thought of it."52

The monument was dismantled and removed on October 25, 1993 But before it was placed in its new location it was taken indoors for refurbishment. The old patina was taken off with a low-pressure spray of glass beads. Chemicals were then used to darken the statues, and they were coated with a bronze lacquer that contained an ultraviolet inhibitor to block out damaging sunlight. Finally, they were waxed with a natural carnauba wax and buffed. The reconditioned monument was placed in its new location on November 15.53

"We woke up one morning and Brigham was gone," said Jay Evensen, a Deseret News editorial writer Carl Kates wrote of the move in Salt Lake City magazine: "N o public protest ensued; indeed, almost nobody cared. Voile [sic]. Mission accomplished. Government as it was meant to be."The Deseret News called the move "uncharacteristically quiet," and the Salt Lake Tribune stated that it was the kind of outcome "Utah's founder would have appreciated." While some called Corradini naive and declared that her abrasive manner had alienated her from her party and city officials, her naive pushiness managed to accomplish something that city officials had been discussing for nearly a hundred years, and she achieved it with virtually no controversy.54

"Except for a vocal neighborhood activist, most people haven't seemed at all concerned about the statue's relocation," said Catherine Hofmann, director of Salt Lake Public Services The "activist" Hofmann was referring to was Hermoin e Jex, a membe r of the Capitol Hill Neighborhoo d Council. The lack of public comment and seeming ease with which the monument was moved concerned Jex "Why was the early notification ordinance violated and no councils notified?" she asked "Why no public hearings? Is this a prelude to the eventual closure of North Main between North and South Temple?"55

As Jex suggested, the move was indeed part of a larger plan by the LDS

32 Deseret News, November 12, 1993

53 Salt Lake Tribune, October 26, 1993; Church News, November 20, 1993.

54 Carl Kates,"The Mayor's Brand of Politics," Salt Lake City, September-October 1995, 38-40; Deseret News, November 12, 1993; Salt Lake Tribune, October 10, 1993

55 Deseret News, October 22, 1993 There was another controversy here as well As the plaques on the monument became more accessible to pedestrians,Jeanetta Williams, the local NAACP chapter president, was concerned about the reference to three "colored servants."Williams wanted the plaque amended to clarify that the three men were African Americans who were slaves No action was ever taken on this (see Deseret News, November 12, 1993)

MONUMENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG

34 9

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

church to acquire Main Street between South Temple and North Temple streets and turn it into a pedestrian mall that would link Temple Square with the Church Office Building plaza. This plan would result in the monument being on church property in the pedestrian plaza

On April 13, 1999, Salt Lake City Council members voted 5-2, along Mormon/non-Mormo n lines to sell two acres of Main Street between Temple Square and the Church Office Building plaza to the LDS church for $8.1 million. The city maintained a public easement on the property but approved certain "easement restrictions." Th e restrictions, to be enforced by LDS church security, included a ban on loud music, drinking, smoking, and passing out propaganda on the property The LDS church, however, maintained the rights to broadcast conference speeches and Mormon Tabernacle Choir performances in the plaza and to distribute LDS literature there.

On April 27, the deed was transferred to the church, and the city's twenty-four-hour easement restrictions were recorded. Th e American Civil Liberties Union promised to fight the restrictions, claiming that they violated First Amendment rights. The ACLU contended that U.S. courts do not allow cities to restrict rights on property while maintaining public easements on that property. Salt Lake City officials contended that the LDS church now owned the property and could do whatever it wanted there The city pointed out that forty-nine streets in Salt Lake City had been sold since 1986, many of them to churches The Main Street property, according to the city, should be like any other private property with the property owner given the right to establish restrictions.56

At the beginning of 2000, the year when the monument to Brigham Young and the pioneers would celebrate its one hundredth anniversary, it sat behind construction walls with a deep hole behind it as the LDS church continued to build an underground parking garage. In its new setting the monument sat, as it was accustomed to, in controversy as the ACLU continued its lawsuit against Salt Lake City for selling Main Street with easement restrictions Whether the monument will face another hundred years of controversy remains to be seen.

Salt Lake Tribune, May 18, 1999 35 0

BOOK REVIEWS

George

Q. Cannon: A Biography

By Davis Bitton (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co.,

1999 xiv + 554 pp $34.95.)

N

O ON E WOUL D QUIBBLE with Davis Bitton's view that George Q. Cannon was one of the most influential leaders in Utah and the LDS church. Bitton argues, rightly, I believe, that Cannon made significant contributions in migration management, pioneering the West, expanding Christianity, editing and printing, education, social experimentation, entrepreneurship, technological innovation, and politics

In the charming adaptation of a technique often used by novelists, Bitton begins Cannon's story with the 1850-54 Hawaiian mission. After discussing the mission, Bitton returns to Cannon's early life. Born in 1827 in Liverpool, England, Cannon was converted to Mormonism with his family in 1840 by John Taylor, his maternal uncle Cannon immigrated to Nauvoo in 1842.There, he worked on the Times and Seasons, and he saw anti-Mormon violence firsthand Cannon migrated to Utah in 1847 in the company led by Taylor and Parley P Pratt

Not long thereafter, Cannon accepted calls that brought him into the LDS church's inner circles. These included calls to mine gold in California; to edit the Western Standard, the Juvenile Instructor, and the Deseret News; and to establish the general Sunday School organization. Called as an apostle in 1860, he served as a counselor to Brigham Young from 1873 to 1877. Thereafter he served until his death in 1901 as first counselor to John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff, and Lorenzo Snow.

Cannon played a particularly significant political role. After lobbying for statehood in 1872, he functioned as territorial delegate until the Edmund s Act rendered him ineligible in 1882. A Democra t whil e delegate, h e switche d allegiance t o th e Republican party in the late 1880s as part of Utah's successful statehood campaign.

Bitton offers considerable detail on Cannon's family arrangements Married to Elizabeth Hoagland in 1854, Cannon subsequently married five other women, the last, Caroline Young, in 1884.These women bore him children between 1856 and 1892

The biography is excellent and worthy of the Evans Biography Prize, which it won, but I would disagree with some of Bitton's assessments and with his decision to exclude some material. Far too many people were actively involved in the struggle for state-

351

hood for me to accept the assessment that "More than any other single person, George Q Cannon was the father of Utah statehood " (372). Historians have made similar claims for others. Instead, I would call him a key player

Although Bitton details the conflicts between the Mormons and non-Mormons , he downplays some disputes within the Mormon community. He ignores, for instance, Cannon's role in the excommunication of William S Godbe, even though he was complainant of record. This crucial case addressed problems such as ecclesiastical dictation in secular affairs and loyal opposition in economic policy.

Bitton fails to detail the role of the Bullion-Beck dispute and of Cannon's business dealings in the delayed reorganization of the first presidency under Wilford Woodruff Within a year of Godbe's excommunication, Cannon and Taylor had begun to invest in mining properties Nevertheless, beyond a brief discussion of dedicated stock (286-87), Bitton passes over the issue with the terse comment that it "provoked criticism from a few individuals unaware of the details of the transfer" (287).

As in most books, some errors of fact appear in the narrative Bitton misidentifies the judges mentioned on pages 116 and 206. He also overstates the effects of the Edmunds Act The law did not provide that Utah "would now be governed by a commission along with the appointed governor and judges" (258) The law did not alter the roles of territorial executive officers and judges. It left the existing governmen t intact, except that the Uta h Commission appointed election judges and disqualified practicing polygamists Since the Mormons constituted an overwhelming majority of Utah's population, they continued to elect the territorial delegates, city and county officials, and an overwhelming majority of the legislature This did not change until changing migration patterns led to "gentile" victories in Ogden in 1889 and Salt Lake City in 1890

Nevertheless, the biography should be required reading for anyone interested in Mormon or Utah history

THOMAS G ALEXANDER Brigham Young University Provo, Utah

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

352

Scoundrel's Tale: The Samuel Brannan Papers

Edited by Will Bagley

Vol 3 of Kingdom in the West: The Mormons and the American Frontier

(Spokane: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1999. 476 pp. Paperback edition, Logan, Utah: Utah State University Press, 1999. $21.95.)

THIS BOO K was "intended for those with a love for the raw materials from which history is written." It seeks to represent faithfully the original records in a readable format This is in keeping with the longstanding tradition of the rightly honored threegeneration publishers of the documents of western American history, the Arthur H Clark Company Since, as editor Will Bagley correctly states, no reliable Brannan biography exists—even though at least four authors attempted a biography prior to 1960—the editorial comments used to introduce the documents published and the valuable insights of those documents make this book the best source of information on Samuel Brannan yet. The author-editor rightly calls his subject a scoundrel but finds him "more entertaining than evil."The victims of California's longstanding tradition of extra legal vigilante punishments, which Brannan did so much to nurture, would certainly disagree on that point.

The information presented is far more satisfactory for the purposes of students of Utah and Mormo n history than it is for their counterparts seeking to study Brannan's role in California history. Th e documents relating to his quarter-century of prominence there simply do not exist, and so that phase of his life cannot be treated well here. This is an admitted weakness of documentary history. However, his roots and early life as a Latter-day Saint missionary in the eastern United States are carefully treated and lend good insights into the church and missionary efforts at this time

While Brannan consistently claimed that the idea of sending a shipload of Mormons to California was his own, the editor persuasively traces the evolution of that idea in the correspondence of other church leaders Brigham Young's letter to Addison Pratt, a missionary in Tahiti, indicates that already in 1845 the church leaders envisioned settlements on the Pacific Coast to supply emigrants to "the main Mormo n settlements," which Young asserted would probably be near Utah Lake in the Great Basin At that time, the apostles planned to send some three thousand men and their families to California the following year, 1846.

Brigham Young wrote to Brannan in mid-September 1845, telling him he wished that Brannan and the printing press with

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which Brannan was publishing a New York Mormon newspaper were in San Francisco along with 10,000 other church members

At that time the church leader suggested that if Brannan could go the next year he should, and Young asserted that he would later meet Brannan there That was doubtless the inception of the ship Brooklyn venture and Brannan's assumption that Brigham Young intended to come all the way to the Pacific Coast, even though almost all of the church leader's other statements focused on remaining in Utah

It is disappointing that there is not a good documentary source of the Brooklyn voyage. Bagley is correct in stating that the true significance of the venture is that it brought the first shipload of American emigrants to California It is also appropriate to cite H H. Bancroft's statement that for a time Yerba Buena remained "very largely a Mormon town." It is this reviewer's opinion that a better case could have been made from existing documents that Brannan lacked adequate leadership over the Latter-day Saints he was still charged to direct. There were sufficient committed, obedient brethren who could have built a more lasting Mormo n community in several Bay-area and San Joaquin Valley locations, if they had been adequately led

The famous but little-detailed journey of Samuel Brannan to Wyoming to persuade Brigham Young and the Saints to accompany him all the way to San Francisco has been filled in admirably Assembling so many accounts never before used for this purpose is an excellent feat of historical scholarship. Brigham Young's reason for not considering moving farther on, Bagley writes, was that the church did not have sufficient means to do so Bagley also cites James Brown quoting Brigham telling Brannan that "we have no business at San Francisco The Gentiles will be there pretty soon." As much as we California Mormon s may wish to deny it, Brigham Young's conscious decision to choose a location -where there would be no conflict with hostile neighbors stands as one of his "wisest moves ever

Brannan continued to be endorsed by Young as president of the church in California, although there was already some question about his reliability. He requested that an apostle be sent to oversee the considerable interests the church possessed on the coast, a good idea not heeded at the time Brannan also asked several times for more direction from church headquarters, which was not forthcoming.

Bagley does not support the widely recounted story of

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Brannan delaying the announcement of the gold discovery until after he had secured a corner on the mining equipment and provisions markets He asserts that this claim overstates his subject's cunning and foresight Yet the promptness with which Brannan carried out plans to erect a warehouse and the extent of his store trade at New Helvetia-Sacramento continues to point to some real foresight as well as opportunism Brannan associate R F Peckham described S Brannan & Co to be the "largest and best assortment of stock in the country." Its trade was said to average about $4,000, nearly 80 percent of which was clear profit If Brannan had acted as surreptitiously as many historical accounts claim, it is not likely he would have left the paper trail essential to prove such a case in a documentary history.

Brannan's apostasy is rightly said by Bagley to be "encrusted with myth." Stories have recounted that several church leaders, including Brigham Young, not only reminded him of tithing owed but also requested gifts to themselves—and that Brannan stated he would pay more to the church when he next received a receipt from the Lord for the last payment made. Bagley sees no truth in this, although he believes that his subject probably originated such accounts of defiance to church authority

The author-editor correctly states that Brannan's most famous exploit was his leadership of the vigilante movement of 1851. While the chapter on the subject adequately documents the activities of the committee Brannan led, the documents do not reflect—nor could they—his real motives Bagley cites historian Kevin Mullen as authority for the fact that there was no particular crime wave to justify setting aside existing governmental authority at that time Mullen argues that the real fear of Brannan and his associates at the time of the vigilante activity was that a proposed business tax might force them to pay their legitimate share of the city's expenses. Elder Parley

P. Pratt rightly excommunicated

Samuel Brannan for his role in the 1851 committees of vigilance

The chapter on the "Richest Man in California" adequately summarizes the main career of Brannan as a financier and plunger into numerous California enterprises. But the documentary details simply do not exist for justice to this subject The failures of his Calistoga resort venture, his divorce, and his alcoholism are correctly stated to be the key to his economic demise.

It would have been illuminating to have more detail on Brannan's outrageous filibustering effort regarding Hawaii, but again the documents probably do not exist There is, however, suf-

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ficient documentatio n to portray the man at the height of unscrupulous opportunism—and failure There is virtually nothing in the book about Brannan in the more extensive 1856 committee of vigilance, in "which he was not so prominent but was still involved Partly drawing on the work of Ray Luce and Newell Bringhurst, Bagley does an excellent job documenting the later years of Brannan's life, including his ever-exaggerated hopes of an empire in northern Mexico. This era has an overabundance of documentation, mercifully condensed, which indicates Brannan's bitterness toward the Mormo n hierarchy while still hoping to enlist some good Latter-day Saint colonizers for his domain.

Scoundrel's Tale is an important contribution to historical scholarship, offering easy access to several of the most important aspects of Samuel Brannan's life, particularly his role in the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. While other aspects are left essentially unexplored, that is the inherent nature of documentary history and is the reason that other types of historical scholarship are essential Author—editor Will Bagley has more than served an adequate apprenticeship in gathering and publishing documents. For several years he has been among the most energetic and resourceful researchers of Utah/Mormo n history In this reviewer's opinion he is now more than adequately qualified to interpret the material he presents. Many of us are looking forward to his soon doing so, knowing that we may not always agree with his conclusions

E. LEO LYMAN Victorville, California

Creating the National Park Service: The Missing Years By Horace M Albright and Marian Albright Schenk (Norman: University of Oklahohma Press, 1999 xxiv + 350 pp Paper, $17.95.)

DURIN G TH E FIRS T FE W YEAR S of its existence, the National Park Service faced many challenges

The new agency, created by the National Park Service Organic Act of 1916, confronted a Congress reluctant to appropriate the necessary funds for Park Service activities, dealt with the need to develop policies and philosophies, and fought against numerous interests that wanted to exploit park resources during the First World War. In the critical years of 1917 and 1918, the Park Service tackled all of these challenges without the able leadership of its director, Stephen T.

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Mather, whose problems with manic depression—problems kept hidden from the public—kept him away from his duties For these two years, Mather's assistant, Horace M. Albright, served as acting director and worked to solve the Park Service's initial troubles

Creating the National Park Service reveals the previously untold history of these "missing years" in the infancy of the agency After brief recollections of Albright's childhood and college years, the bulk of the boo k deals with the years 1915-1919 , covering Albright's early years in the Departmen t of the Interior, the beginning of his relationship with Stephen Mather, the founding of the National Park Service, and the "missing years." The book ends with Albright's first day as the superintendent ofYellowstone National Park in July 1919

Combinin g autobiography, history, and memoir , Horac e Albright used old manuscripts, scrapbooks, photo albums, and his own memories in putting the bulk of the information for this book together. Marian Albright Schenk, Albright's daughter, augmented this information with some outside research, copied down her father's stories, and actually wrote most of the narrative As Schenk states in the introduction, "this is a book conceived, planned, and for the most part overseen and checked, page by page, by my father" (xv) Following Horace Albright's death in 1987, Schenk completed the final section and then spent several years editing and shaping a 2,000-page manuscript into this volume.

Creating the National Park Service has no real central thesis or argument. Its purpose instead seems to be the recounting of events not covered extensively, or at all, in previous accounts of the early Park Service or Albright's life Even without a central thesis, a number of interesting facts and impressions emerge from the account. In reading this book, one does get a real sense of the numerous obstacles that faced the Park Service in its early years and how the diligence and commitment of Albright and others helped the agency surmount these obstacles. Apart from his coverage of the "missing years," Albright also provides some wonderful descriptions of his travels with Mather and others through the western parks in the 1910s, providing insight into travel at the time, what the parks looked like in their early years, and a general portrait of life in the early twentieth century There are numerous cameos by familiar faces on many of these travels, as Albright meets or travels with the likes of Robert Marshall, Enos Mills, Louis Hill, and Ford Harvey, son of the founder of the Fred Harvey Company For many readers, these chapters may prove to be the highlight of the book

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In the end, Creating the National Park Service provides both the benefits and the drawbacks of autobiography and memoir This book does contain rich, firsthand accounts of early national park politics and wonderful tales of travel through a West that was at the time little developed. Unfortunately, these interesting tidbits are often hidden within protracted retellings of dry bureaucratic maneuverings or are marred by a narrative that jumps around, frequently with poor or nonexistent transitions Additionally, the lack of footnotes and in some cases supporting detail may cause some readers to question at times the reliability of Horace Albright's memory Even with these misgivings, those with a deep interest in the history of the Park Service or anyone interested in life and travel in the parks of the West in the early twentieth century will find this volume a nice addition to their library

ANDREW M HONKER Arizona State University Tempe, Arizona

Termination Revisited: American Indians on the Trail to Self-Determination, 1933—1953

By Kenneth R. Philp (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999.

xv + 247 pp. $50.00.)

THIS BOO K IS A N EXCELLENT follow-up to the author's earlier John Collier's Crusade for Indian Reform, 1920—1954. Centering his discussion on the Truman administration, Philp attempts to reassess the politics and impact of termination and, especially, the Native American responses to the varied policies that came under the termination umbrella. His objective is to show that Native Americans were active participants and not just bystanders on the periphery of the national debate Most of the book is devoted to a careful reconstruction of the roles played by the major organizations and personalities involved in the termination debate This is a relatively short but dense book that requires a careful reading

Chapter One sets the subject of termination within the World War II context and introduces the reader to the critical roles played by the three C's:John Collier, Felix S. Cohen, and James E. Curry. Here, Philp also embarks on an explanation of the functions and major personalities associated with organization such as the National Congress of American Indians, the Association on American Indian Affairs, and the Home Missions Council.

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In Chapter Two, Philp outlines the Indian claims situation as he briefly explains the growth of tribal claims before the Court of Claims and the origins of the Indian Claims Commission I feel that this chapter could easily have been expanded. For instance, the role of individuals such as Utah attorney Ernest L Wilkinson could have been treated in more depth.

Chapter Three takes the reader to Alaska and opens the door to the ongoing debate between those who wanted local Indian control of resources versus those who fought for resource development by private corporations

Chapter Four sheds light on the general Navajo educational and economic situation during the late 1940s and the origins of the Intermountain Indian School in Brigham City, Utah. He notes the key role played by the national attention drawn to the plight of the Navajo as a catalyst for calls to end supervision by the Indian Bureau and to relocate Indians to urban areas

Chapters Five and Six deal with the process of "emancipation from federal wardship." Philp does a particularly good job of giving the reader a feel for the politics and personalities surrounding President Truman's replacement of John R Nichols by Dillon Myer as Indian Commissioner.

In Chapter Seven Philp delves into the ethical quagmire of the attorneys involved as claims attorneys and as general counsel for tribes during termination The significance of the bitter conflict that arose between Cohen and Curry is examined. This chapter underlines the need for someone to write a clear history of the attorneys that descended upon the tribes and BIA after the passage of the Indian Claims Commission bill in 1946

Chapter Eight details the Blackfeet "scandal" of 1950-52 and the political machinations of Dillon Myer and others to discredit an activist Indian Reorganization Act tribal council that stood in the way of termination Many of the weaknesses of termination were foreshadowed as mixed-bloods fought to extend the authority of their IRA government and as full-bloods demanded continued treaty rights and federal guardianship over tribal resources. The upshot of all this left Myer more isolated from Indian leaders and in an even more authoritarian mood.

In Chapter Nine the author confronts the conflicts between tribal authority, state jurisdiction, and cases of concurrent federal jurisdiction during and after termination To my mind, Myer and several of the leading policymakers are treated with too much forbearance by the author They were caught up in such a quagmire of conflicting policies and programs that one is reminded of the

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inexorable march of America's involvement with South Vietnam.

Chapter Ten is a short attempt to discuss Myer's actual programming of withdrawal. I found this chapter to be the most disappointing chapter within the book Is just does not include enough information, it presumes too much knowledge on behalf of the reader, and it ends abruptly with the election of Dwight Eisenhower.

In his epilogue, Philp summarizes the personalities and the roles of those who played a part in President Truman's bid to end internal colonialism within the United States

Some might complain that Philp fails to live up to his stated goal and that the focus of this book is not really on the efforts of Native Americans facing the onslaught of termination but that it still remains focused on white attorneys and policymakers While there is some truth to this criticism, and the story of termination from the native view is yet to be written, Termination Revisited lays the groundwork for future scholars who may be able to fill in these gaps using oral history and other sources This book is wellwritten, provocative, and insightful, and it is accessible to both a specialist and a serious lay audience I wish the book had been about fifty pages longer, but given today's pressures of pricing, the length is understandable

RONALD L. HOLT Weber State University Ogden, Utah

A Place to Remember: Using History to Build Community

By Robert R.Archibald

(Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1999. 224 pp. Cloth, $27.95; paper, $22.95.)

AS TH E NEWEST VOLUME in the American Association for State and Local History's book series, A Place to Remember is a thoughtful yet enthusiastic reminder of why an understanding of local history is not only relevant today but is also indispensable to our future

In A Place to Remember, Robert Archibald returns to his home town of Ishpeming on the southern shore of Lake Superior in Michigan's upper peninsula for three months of intensive reflection and writing about memory, history, and community. During the decades after leaving Ishpeming as a young man, Archibald earned a Ph.D. in history at the University of New Mexico and then served as director of the Montana Historical Society before moving to St. Louis to take up his present position as director of

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the Missouri Historical Society He served as president of the American Association for State and Local History from 1994 through 1996 and is widely recognized as one of the nation's leading public historians.

Archibald holds that we are products of the place and time in which we live. He maintains that "If I were raised somewhere else, I would be someone else" and that "to be from a different time is to be from a different place" (39, 64). Nevertheless, there is no set course from past to future, for as individuals we determine our path through our historical perspective and the choices we make. Examples from the author's own experiences and sketches of several individuals, living and dead, help illustrate these views.

Recalling his experience standing on the observation platform on the back of a train traveling between Kansas City and St. Louis and seeing the past disappear in a collage of tracks, trees, roadbed, and sky, Archibald imagines that it was essentially the same view that the engineer had as he peered into the future from his cab in the front of the train. Imagining the train itself as the present, Archibald concludes that the dividing line between the past and future is minuscule and the difference is only a matter of perspective.

At the heart of the book is a lament over the erosion of community in America, coupled with an impassioned belief that if communities are to be saved and even restored it will be because of an enhanced understanding of local history fostered through community-focused history institutions

History is not something that is dead and only in the past; rather, it is alive in the present, illuminating our view into the future. Archibald argues that if history does not encourage us to have empathy, emotion, concern, and caring while motivating us to action, it is merely a useless exercise in nostalgia with no value in the real world The role of historians is to construct a useful narrative, not to discover universal truth. History is grounded in the context of the past but created to inform the future People must recognize that there is a shared ownership of the past, with multiple perspectives, all of which are worthy of recognition and none of which should be allowed to obscure the others.

In using history to build community, two elements are essential for public history institutions, their staffs, and volunteers. First, they must view community activities and the development of broad community contacts as intrinsic elements of their mission. They must also recognize the role of local museums, local history centers, and local historical societies as building blocks of community. Archibald eloquently explains that what these local institutions

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and organizations offer is "a sense of identity, an affirmation of individuality, and evidence of continuity These places are memory markers for the community, and little context is needed People walk in with their own memories and artifacts... and in the conversations that happen there, remembrance is tangibly confirmed— They are civic spaces where bonds of community are reinforced, places for discussion of important things" (176-77)

For anyone interested in history, and especially those involved -with local historical societies, museums, and archives or with the preservation of historic places and sites, A Place to Remember is a worthwhile and inspired reminder to step back for a moment to view the essential role of history in our lives and communities, how it gives meaning to the present and connects us to the future

ALLAN KENT POWELL Utah State Historical Society By Laurance D. Linford (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000 xviii + 353 pp Cloth, $60.00; paper, $24.95.)

Navajo Places: History, Legend, Landscape

THEPJE IS ONLY ON E way to eat an elephant, and that is a bite at a time. Laurance Linford has accepted such a task—identifying Navajo place names both on and off the reservation—and has provided a service in doing so. Those who have interacted with older Navajo people for any length of time are aware of the intense relationship the elders have with the earth. At times it appears that every hill, rock, intermittent stream, canyon, or space has a name and a story that not only shapes interaction with the land but also gives a glimpse into Navajo perception. Linford wisely counsels in his preface that "This book represents work in progress. It will probably never be finished" (xiii). How true, and yet how invaluable it is to make such an attempt.

This work contains more than 1,000 entries, five good maps, a pronunciation guide, and brief introductory comments concerning the physiography of the region, a history of the Navajo, information on social organization and ceremonies, and a list of trading posts. The heart of the book is divided into four sections, one for each of the states—Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Utah— that either include or surround the 16,000,000 acres of the Navajo Reservation. An extensive index and a short bibliography complete the composition of the text, making it a useful reference tool for the scholar, lay reader, and tourist. One point worthy of commendation is that the author provides the Navajo spelling (as

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standardized in Morgan's and Young's The Navajo Language) as well as the more anglicized spellings and pronunciations found on road maps and in older publications

In compiling this work, Linford worked primarily with published sources This makes sense since interviewing Navajo people on a project of this scope would be impossibly cumbersome at best The vast majority of these sites have been identified in the literature and so are well known and generally accessible. There are some unpublished materials, such as that provided by Stephen Jett on his excellent research in Canyon de Chelly. But for those who have worked with Navajo sources, most of the places are familiar and much of the information known. The strength of the work lies in the compilation and accessibility of the material

The catch-22 to writing a book of this nature is that although information is available, an author often accepts it at face value, not having the time or means to check it Some writers have done careful, painstaking research while others have depended on hearsay and guesswork Linford has utilized some excellent sources but has also used others that were not as reliable This is said in recognition of the fact that the Navajo people may have two or three names and teachings about the same place This is not where the problem lies Rather, there are mistakes in scholarship, which although expected in a work of this breadth, still makes one wince "when put into writing, since errors are perpetuated

Let me give a few examples for Utah readers. The author mentions these "facts": Shay Mountain is another name for Blue Mountain (285)—but they are actually two separate entities, although located beside each other; Henry Mitchell and James Daugherty were traders in the Aneth area in the 1860s (285)—it was actually the 1880s; Cow Canyon is located in Kane County (289)—it is in San Juan County; the town of Aneth "was named after a trader (285)—the word is actually a Hebrew term meaning "The Answer," according to Howard R. Antes, who bestowed the name in 1895; Mancos Jim was killed by whites in 1923 (294)—it was Posey who was killed; Jacob Hamblin first explored the Bluff region in 1879 (287)—it never happened; and Ouray was a chief of the Weeminuche Band of Utes (156)—he was chief of the Tabeguache Band These and other mistakes, although none are terribly traumatic, create a certain uneasiness.

The author also should have spent more time in his section on history dealing with contemporary affairs. Ten and a half pages discuss Navajo prehistory and history up to 1868 and a quarter of a page covers the time from 1868 to the present. Some of the

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most important events in "the People's" history concerning the land and its uses have occurred during this time and should be more fully addressed

In general, however, Linford has taken on a difficult task and succeeded The book is well-written and fills the void of a handy reference for Navajo place names. It is recommended for anyone interested in an introduction to Navajo names and views of the land.

Streaked with Light and Shadow: Portraits of Former Soviet Jews in Utah

Text and interviews by Leslie G. Kelen with Joyce A. Kelen. Essay by Joseph Brodsky

ON E HUNDRE D AN D ELEVEN years ago, when the world and our nation were very different, young Emma Lazarus wrote a brief poem that became the inscription on a tablet placed at the new Statue of Liberty on Bedloe's Island in Upper New York Bay Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to be free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shores. Send these, the homeless tempest tossed to me. I lift my lamp beside the golden door.

Barely out of her teens, herself a descendant of German Jewish refugees, Emm a Lazarus wrot e in an era whe n Europeans swarmed to our nation from Ireland, Italy, Greece, Scotland, Scandinavia—and Russia—in enormous numbers. They landed at Ellis Island or Castle Garden, within sight of Bartholdi's towering statue, numbering fully a million newcomers in some years. New limits blocked mass entry between the two world wars. But in recent years the homeless and tempest-tossed are arriving again. In sizeable numbers they come from Latin American lands, the Orient, Africa, Pacific Islands, and the Indian subcontinent. Readers of this volume may be surprised to learn from Leslie Kelen that, in addition to Spanish-speakers and African natives, Pacific Islanders and Orientals, there has been a small but significant number of European newcomers, including three small

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ROBERT S MCPHERSON College of Eastern Utah San Juan Campus Photographs by Kent M Miles and Stacie Ann Smith (Salt Lake City: Oral History Institute, 2000. Il l pp. Paper, $17.95.)

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"waves" of Russian Jews. As the Cold War neared its end, these waves were reflected in Utah. The Jewish Family Services of Salt Lake City reports that twenty-five people came to Utah during the first wave and seventy-five during the second wave. A more significant number, 376 people, have arrived since 1992 in what statisticians view as the third wave.

The volume produces several surprises The newcomers interviewed by the author and well-photographed by Kent Miles are not, in the main, men and women Emma Lazarus might have included in her "huddled masses." Nor do most appear to have been poor back in their homelands Yet they have yearned to be free, as is amply illustrated in the interviews in Kelen's volume

Streaked with light and shadow? Yes indeed—the light stems from their faith, their resilience, and from the universities, medical schools, academies, and the like that they attended in the former Soviet Union

One glaring problem afflicting life in the Soviet Union for the people of this book is and always has been the dark shadow of anti-Semitism Very real, sometimes open, sometimes hidden, this fact of Russian life forced these men and women in top-level intellectual, professional, and business callings to migrate from their (often-beloved) Mother Russia

Typically, Genya Sasonkin, part of that first wave, was a graduate of the Minsk Medical School and is a physician and microbiologist. Husband Boris, a civil engineer and published author, taught at the Polytechnic Institute Welcome to Utah!

Michael Filshtinsky, wh o secured employmen t wit h the Christiansen Diamond Company in Utah, graduated from the Leningrad Mining Institute, while his wife Lena holds degrees from Leningrad's Institute of Architecture and Construction. Mikhail Boguslavsky, principal violinist with the Moscow Radio Symphony and the Moscow Philharmonic, a graduate of the Moscow Conservatory, reached Ne w York City with his wife Nina (who taught English to Pakistanis and chemists from Ceylon) before his move to Utah to play under conductor Maurice Abravanel.

Well—enough There is no space to mention bank managers, plastic specialists, computer experts, and the like. With rocket scientists or photographers, they found that Communism had failed the Soviet peoples Additionally, open or poorly hidden antiSemitism played a major role in upsetting their lives

Author Kelen, after dividing his chosen newcomers to this land

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into this trio of waves (which some may consider trickles) gives full interview space to a typical member of each wave On e quickly comes to realize that the basic problem of anti-Semitism is long-lived in Russia, lasting from Czarist times through the postrevolutionary days of Lenin and Stalin and continuing to the present.

Many readers will find, as this reviewer did, that a twenty-page essay authored by the late Joseph Brodsky tells with the greatest clarity the specifics of life in the ex-USSR and its immediate predecessor. Harassment faced by the Brodsky family came despite the fact that his father was a captain of some importance in the Russian navy. The bleak life of the Brodsky trio in their betterthan-average, three-room apartment in St Petersburg will come as a reminder of the grim life of Russia's Jews, which compelled half a million of that land's present-day Jewish citizens to flee to the United States, Canada, Australia, South America—and, of course, Israel—as soon as barriers to migration began to fall—after Khruschev banged his shoe on a diplomatic table and after Gorbachev came All this happened, to be sure, after the end of the terrible Second World War and after the timely demise of Stalin.

The volume brings a reminder of Russia's almost-unimaginable "Doctors' Plot." Stalin became convinced, not long after the war, that Russia's best physicians and scientists (mostly Jewish), had secretly plotted his death. He soon had the non-existent plot's ringleaders arrested and executed Others were exiled—after proper "confessions," to be sure. Fortunately for the USSR and its doctors, the Soviet dictator's death by natural causes occurred in timely fashion before he could wipe out the nation's healers, including many "well-known Jewish physicians

Kelen's thin volume reminds us how awesomely bad life in the workers' paradise has been—particularly for its people of Jewish backgrounds. One can only hope for improvement, while wishing the newcomers "well

JACK GOODMAN Salt Lake City, Utah Artists of Utah By Robert S Olpin,William C Seifrit, and Vern G Swanson

(Salt Lake City: Gibbs Smith Publisher, 1999 x + 297 pp $50.00.)

THIS IS TH E THIR D large-size book by this well-qualified author team whose lives and professions are linked to the world of Utah art Its impressive size makes it a candidate for the center of

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conversation in homes and at reference desks alike Its content focuses public attention on the vibrant art community in Utah, both past and present. It confirms the long tradition of art in the state since it was settled by Mormon pioneers a century and a half ago

Arranged in alphabetical form, Artists in Utah lists hundreds of names of artists who have lived and worked here. Better-known artists are featured with longer biographies while others, whose names may not be as familiar, are included with enough information to confirm that Utah has produced a wide variety of artists whose talents are appreciated and encouraged by its citizenry. Besides the artists who work independently, we are fortunate to have hundreds who teach and perpetuate this fine tradition within the elementary, secondary, and higher-education classrooms, thus guaranteeing that generations to come will have the good fortune of knowing and appreciating this heritage

From the earliest artists, many of who m settled here in the mid-nineteenth century, to those who have chosen to move here more recently, the book details a wide variety of talents In the late 1800s the LDS church promoted art by sending promising artists to study at academies in Europe These artists are featured, and examples of their work are shown in fine photographs that add much to the book To demonstrate how up to date the research is, newer artists, many of whom are now teaching in art departments at colleges and universities, are also included It is evident that a large number of artists are independent, with studios and galleries in every part of the state

Besides listing the names, dates, media, and other information about artists in Utah, the book includes a section on academies and pioneer arts, both of which impacted the state early on. While a first glance at this mammoth book might impress the reader that it is just a list of names and paragraphs about artists, a closer perusal confirms that the authors have been diligent in searching out artists at every level of success. It is more than a coffee table attraction It brings attention to the wide array of talent not only produced but encouraged in Utah. The scope of the art forms is as interesting as the places where the artists have studied and taught

Included are artists who work with furniture, sculpture, woodcuts, ceramics, sandstone, calligraphy, china painting, photography, neon tubing, metals, textiles, etching and aluminum, and other media. The photographs in the book are worth the price and are clear and beautiful in their reproduction.

For those who have art in their home or office, this book is an

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important addition, as it brings the artist and the work together. It identifies the people who have contributed a piece to the purchaser/owner, attaching a personality to the creator In our own case, the art in our home is more than something beautiful; each is a work by a person we can identify in the book, giving more meaning to us as the purchasers The book has also whetted our appetite for pieces by other artists, some of whom we have met previously but with whom we now feel more of a kinship.

Anyone "who may question whether Utah is an art-oriented place need only to pick up Artists of Utah to be educated in the subject Whether it is used as a reference text to simply identify artists of the last 150 years or as a casual source of names, dates, and places, this book is one that has merit in many ways Its excellent photographic examples add a classy touch to the book Add to that the wealth of information about art in Utah, then and now, and you have a priceless source of good material deserving of one's attention The reader can savor it in small doses, picking it up for even a few minutes at a time just to learn more about Minerva Teichert, Jack Sears, Avard T. Fairbanks, Mahonri M.Young, Maynard M . Sorensen, Del Parson, Ted Wassmer, or Gaell Lindstrom, to name just a few

Artists of Utah is a useful book to own or to give as a gift. The authors have done a magnificent job of gathering and presenting this information in a palatable style for professional or layperson to enjoy

Cowboy Poets and Cowboy Poetry

Edited by David Stanley and Elaine Thatcher

(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000 xiv + 392 pp Cloth, $49.95; paper, $21.95.)

PRIO R T O TH E FIRST Cowboy Poetry Gathering in Elko, Nevada, in 1985 the term "cowboy poetry" was not part of the common language Some small towns or ranch crews had their own reciter who could recite the poems of Bruce Kiskadden, Curly Fletcher, or maybe Badger Clark from memory around the campfire after a day of work. Some magazines would publish a poem now and then, but nobody talked about the subject. Now, fifteen years later, we have this collection of essays on the subject. Cowboy poetry has arrived.

The first Cowboy Poetry Gathering in Elko attracted a few

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

ELAINE REISER ALDER St George, Utah

368

hundred people, primarily ranchers and cowboys Many of them had been reciting and/or writing poetry for years without knowing that anyone else was also doing it No w the event attracts thousands and fills all of the motel rooms in Elko every year. Americans are still in love with their cowboys, and cowboy poetry is one of the best ways to relate to them.

Cowboy poetry had its beginnings at around the turn of the last century, at the end of the time of the open range Many of the early cowboy poets were not native to the West. Badger Clark was the son of a minister from Iowa and South Dakota He went to Arizona for his health and observed rather than experienced the cowboy life Henry Herbert Knibbs was another easterner Bruce Kiskadden was born in Pennsylvania, but he worked as a cowboy on th e ope n range until , at age forty-eight , he wen t to Hollywood, where he worked as a bellboy in a hotel and wrote cowboy poetry for the Western Livestock Journal.

This is a good book for students of cowboy poetry There are essays on the origins of cowboy poetry, who the cowboy poets are and where they came from, and what cowboy poetry is, and there are interviews with and stories about the poets themselves. There are technical discussions, on the nature of cowboy poetry, that may only appeal to the real academics. There are discussions on the links to the Mexican vaquero and the South American gaucho; poems from the outback in Australia; connections to the Native Americans; and even a section on women cowboy poets

This book documents the history of cowboy poetry. It discusses the links to English and Irish folk songs In fact, many of the old cowboy songs started as cowboy poetry. Some move from poem to song and then back to poem, depending on the performer's ability to carry a tune.

Many of the essays include samples of the poetry These samples are enough to make you want to find the book with the complete works of the poet Better still, they are enough to make you want to attend a cowboy poetry gathering—the signature gathering in Elko or one of the regional gatherings around the West

The Elko gathering and the other regional gatherings have had a great effect on cowboy poetry People come to hear the poets because they are entertaining. As the essays in the book emphasize, cowboy poetry is an oral tradition Cowboy poetry is meant to be heard. The words and the stories in the hands of an entertaining reciter bring the stories to life and make the listeners feel like they are watching the story.

If you have heard a cowboy poet recite and you weren't sure

BOOK REVIEWS

369

that you should be enjoying it so much, this book will bring you comfort If you are a budding cowboy poet, or one "who has been writing and reciting for years, this book will have something for you If you are an English major or a "real poet" who thinks cowboy poetry is just doggerel, this book may give you some new insight A folklorist will definitely want this book on the shelf By the time you are through, you may even want to write a poem yourself

KENT PETERSON

BOOK NOTICES

Out of the Black Patch: The Autobiography ofEffie Marquess Carmack — Folk

Musician, Artist, and Writer Edited by Noel

A. Carmack

and Karen Lynn

Davidson

(Logan: Utah State University Press, 1999 xviii + 398 pp Cloth, $59.95; paper, $29.95.)

When Effie Carmack wrote an autobiography for her grandchildren, she intentionally wrote not only memoir but also folk history. Her manuscript, which recounts the narratives and folkways of life in Kentucky's "Black Patch," has almost an anthropologist's eye for details. Those details, which are told in a charming and easy voice, are made more compelling by the affection with which Carmack recalls the scenes, people, and stories of her childhood.

Published as part of Utah State University Press's series Life Writings of Frontier Women, the book contains an introduction and annotations, photographs, and a list of Carmack's song and rhyme repertoire (she collected and performed a repertoire of more than 300 songs she had learned in Kentucky) Carmack's manuscript recounts her family's conversion by LDS missionaries and her life as wife and mother, which she largely spent away from Kentucky in the West And it tells of her life as a painter of some renown. But the heart of the book is in the sights, smells, characters, and happenings of rural nineteenth-century Kentucky

Hollywood the Hard Way: A Cowboy's Journey By

Patti Dickinson (Lincoln

and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1999 xviii + 222 pp Paper, $13.95.)

In 1945 Jerry Van Meter's grandpa and his friend make a bet with cowboy actor Jimmy Wakely that the time of gritty, old-time cowboying is not dead—and Jerry gets to prove it. Grandpa wagers that his sixteen-year-old grand-

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Ferron, Utah

37 0

son can ride a horse, alone, from Oklahoma to Hollywood in fifty days That's 1,250 miles over plains, mountains, and deserts. What do you do when you learn that someone has committed you to seven grueling weeks on horseback? In Jerry's case, after a few weeks of preparation, he saddled up a tough Osage Indian pony and headed west

Relying mainly on oral accounts and fifty-year-old memories, this narrative must be called a tale, not a history. But it is an interesting tale, and it has something to say about the era as it follows Jerry into small towns and small cafes with their helpful characters and talkative waitresses—and, of course, it takes horse and rider across a landscape that could at the time still be negotiated by hoof (Actually, in order to save his weary horse, Jerry walked across the Mojave Desert in a nonstop march that nearly killed them both.) Of course, the book also has a thing or two to say about cowboy pride and grit.

The Apache Diaries: A Father-Son Journey By Grenville Goodwin and Neil Goodwin (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2000. xx + 316 pp. $29.95.)

Grenville Goodwin was an anthropologist, largely untrained but now recognized for the quality of his work, who specialized in the Western Apaches. He became fascinated with a band of Apaches who remained hidden in the Sierra Madre long after Geronimo s surrender in 1886; this band had murdered a Mexican woman and her child in 1927, and the husband's campaign of revenge had become big news In 1930 Grenville set out to learn all he could about this group, searching out and studying their abandoned campsites while at the same time they no doubt studied him from their hiding places

Neil never knew his father, who died of a brain tumor three months after the birth of his son But in 1962 Neil discovered Grenville's diaries of his search for the reclusive band Recognizing the ethnographic and historical importance of the diaries, and the interest of the story they told, Neil set out to flesh out history and narrative—and his own limited knowledge of his father He did this by retracing his father's journeys His own diary of this search weaves together the area's history, the stories of the hated Apaches and the Mexicans and Mormons, his father's story, and his own story of discovery The interplay of the two diaries makes for a fine, multi-layered narrative

BOOK NOTICES

371

Westward the Immigrants: Italian Adventurers and Colonists in an Expanding America

By Andrew Rolle (Niwot: University Press of Colorado, 1999 xxxiv + 391 pp Paper, $24.95.)

This pioneerin g "work was first published as The Immigrant Upraised: Italian Adventurers and Colonists in an Expanding America by the University of Oklahoma Press in 1968 Author Andrew Rolle tackled the task of tracing Italian immigration into the American West, broadly defined as the twenty-two states west of the Mississippi River Rolle's main objectives centered on illustrating an Italian presence in the West and showing that, in the main, irnrriigrant experiences were positive, highlighted by optimism and a sense of opportunity. The latter thesis rang as a counter to the then widely held assumption, developed by historian Oscar Handlin, that immigrants were basically uprooted individuals largely confined to eastern ghettos and steeped in pessimism

The 1999 edition, basically the same as that of 1968, adds only a new preface to recognize that work on the subject has uncovered new particulars For Rolle, the research done to date by various scholars only solidifies his early assertions He makes specific references to the study of Italians in Utah The book offers some good insights into the activities of Italians in the West, but most readers may regret that the author did not choose to update his work

Staff Ride Handbook for the Battle of Bear River, 29 January 1863

By Robert S. McPherson (Riverton: Utah National Guard, 2000. vi + 81 pp.)

A "staff ride" is a study of a military campaign that includes both documentary and onsite learning. Intended to further the development of U. S. Army personnel, staff rides provide case studies into various aspects of battle and "war. This compact volume on the Bear River Massacre uses narrative along with various documents to set the stage for and recount the events of the massacre Most of the documents, which include first- and second-hand accounts, newspaper stories, and military reports, naturally favor the Anglo point of view, but one— an account compiled by Shoshone historian Mae Parry—gives another perspective The book includes helpful maps and photos

The University of Utah: 150 Years of Excellence

Craig Denton

(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000 212 pp $34.95.)

"This book is not a history," writes the author, a communications professor. "Unlike those earlier works that the University compiled about itself, this one focuses on the present and tries to peek into the future." The coffee-table

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

372

volume, splashed with both modern and historical photos, is an insider's fond look at the University In fact, many references will make sense only to those who are familiar with the institution and its past. The reader who does not want to see warts or controversy but only wants to enjoy a gentle celebration of the "U " will be pleased with this offering

Covered Wagon Women, Volume 10: Diaries and Lettersfrom the Western Trails, 1875— 1883

Edited

Kenneth L. Holmes

(Reprint ed.; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 288 pp Paper, $13.00.)

The last in a series of paperback reprints, this volume includes an introduction by Elliott West. The documents in this book were written when the overland journey had been dramatically transformed by the railroad, the decimation of the bison, the grazing of emigrant cattle herds, and the felling of trees. Yet, as West writes, "Perhaps the most striking feature of the ten volumes...is the consistency of a distinctly women's perspective and experience across these decades of upheaval and transformation." In any decade of the western migration, women's responsibilities remained largely the same: washing, mending, caring for children, cooking, bedmaking, nursing And for all of the women the West was a new experience, full of trials at times and pleasures at others.

Sharlot Hall on the Arizona Strip: A Diary of a Journey through Northern Arizona in 1911

Edited

C. Gregory Crampton

(Reprint ed.; Prescott, Arizona: Sharlot Hall Museum, 1999 112 pp Paper, $14.95.)

Writer, poet, adventurer, and historian, Sharlot Hall was so wellknown in Arizona that she was appointed the first territorial historian. In that office she diligently traveled the territory, collected oral histories, and wrote historical accounts. She visited the Arizona Strip, traveling with a guide, a horse, and a wagon in the late summer of 1911

One goal of her visit was to get ammunition for her campaign against Utah's proposed annexation of that area. The trip took 75 days and covered a thousand miles, including visits to Tuba City and the Hopi villages, Lee's Ferry, Fredonia, and the North Rim . Writing about these for an Arizona magazine, she gave enthusiastic reports of resources, accounts of difficult traveling, and descriptions of people and towns. However, the narratives stop there. Personal difficulties prevented her writing about the rest of the journey—Kanab, Pipe Springs, southwestern Utah, and the Mt. Trumbull area.

BOOK NOTICES

37 3

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Photo Odyssey: Solomon Carvalho's Remarkable Western Adventure, 1853—54

By Arlene B. Hirschfelder (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2000. $17.00.)

Carvalho, the photographer "who accompanied John C Fremont's fifth expedition, made more than 300 daguerreotypes during the journey, risking his life on several occasions for the sake of an image Yet the images were never published, and the daguerreotypes have since been lost. This book, therefore, contains what is perhaps the only surviving image he took on the expedition, a daguerreotype of Cheyenne tipis. Because the volume is intended for adolescent readers, however, it is well-illustrated with other artwork and photos As a novice on the trail and an observant Jew, Carvalho encountered many obstacles but rose to the challenge The narrative, based on Carvalho's journal and letters, tells the story.

LETTERS

Dear Editor,

An article in the Utah Historical Quarterly, Winter 2000, Vol 68, No 1, written by Kristen Smart Rogers and titled '"Another Good Man': Anthony W. Ivins and the Defeat of Reed Smoot," describes interesting events in the 1932 Utah senatorial campaign. Elbert D. Thomas defeated incumbent [LDS] Apostle Reed Smoot in that election

The article tells about a flyer A Hamer Reiser produced on his own initiative and paid for from his own funds and gave to the Committee to Elect Elbert D. Thomas Reed Smoot went to his grave unable to believe 34-year-old A Hamer Reiser, "the kid," as he was characterized, was solely responsible for the flyer. Reed Smoot thought some of his associates produced the flyer. He thought one of the Democrat members of the Sunday School Superintendency or one of the Democrat Apostles was behind the piece

The article also describes an interesting encounter between President Anthony W. Ivins [counselor in the LDS First Presidency] and A. Hamer Reiser which occurred in the double-doored glass cubicle at the entrance to the Church Office Building at 47 East South Temple Street in Salt Lake City. Prior to that chance meeting, Anthony W Ivins and A Hamer Reiser had never had a conversation

In the article the author states, "That Reiser professed not to know Ivins's politics is puzzling And the exact role that Anthony Ivins played in advising this group—his son in particular—is simply not known." The son was Grant Ivins.

To assume A. Hamer Reiser knew as a certainty Anthony W. Ivins's politics, or that the information mattered at the time, is inconsistent with A Hamer Reisers

374

philosophy and behavior.

Hamer Reiser was trained in law and had membership in the Utah State Bar Association. H e often quoted United States Supreme Cour t Justice Felix Frankfurter's statement, "A man has a right to be left alone." To A Hamer Reiser, the statement referred not only to physical relationships, but to philosophical and ideological relationships as well A Hamer Reiser was not interested in prying into another person's private life. He spent most of his life serving as an executive secretary He often said a secretary was a "secret"-ary He was privy to much confidential information which he never revealed to anyone.

In the 1932 political campaign it was not necessary for him to know the political orientation of President Anthony W Ivins. A. Hamer Reiser's activity in the campaign was motivated entirely by his admiration and respect for his good friend and colleague Elbert D.Thomas. Before the 1932 campaign, A. Hamer Reiser had been active in Republican causes, as had his father He had voted for Reed Smoot in previous elections. However, in 1932 he chose to vote for a man from another party, "another good man," a man whom he knew well and whom he felt was better qualified for the office.

Hamer Reiser was totally honest and totally without guile If he said he did not know the politics of Anthony W. Ivins, he did not know the politics of Anthony W. Ivins. A. Hamer Reiser did not inquire about the political affiliation of any of his children, nor did he try actively to influence their political actions or decisions

We are the children of A Hamer Reiser We knew him well We do not find his political activity the least bit puzzling, nor do we find it puzzling that he did not know and had no interest in President Ivins's politics.

We want to set the record straight

Sincerely,

Carolyn Reiser Smith

Elaine Reiser Alder

Richard E Reiser

Barbara Reiser Call

Marilyn Reiser Crawford

David E. Reiser

Elizabeth Reiser Hunt

A Hamer Reiser, Jr

LETTERS

375

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

2,000 INDEX

Italic numbers refer to illustrations

Abbott, Edward, Blue Valley settler, 232, 233

Abbott, Elizabeth, Blue Valley settler, 233 Agriculture, 2; in Blue Valley, 226—27; in Cache Valley, 40—53 Seealso irrigation

Albright, Horace M., assistant director National Park Service, and Zion National Park, 319, 320, 322-24, 327, 333

Allen, William, architect, 166

Alta, 100, 102, 106; mining and life in, 100-11

American Civil Liberties Union, and LDS plaza, 352

Anasazi culture, 126

Anti-Mormonism, in the press, 116—18

Archaeology, studies at Navajo Mountain, 137-38

Architecture: Gardo House, 5—8; LDS church buildings, 157-70

Arrowhead Trails Association, 319 Avalanches, at Little Cottonwood Canyon, 101, 102, 102, 106, 107,108

BBaars, Donald L., geologist, 126, 127 Babbitt, Almon W., LDS missionary to Canada, 198

Bachman, Harold, judge of Price music fest, 252-53

Bacon, John, husband of Lydia Giles, 233 (fn) Badlam, Alexander, California businessman, and Mormons, 17 (fn)

Ballard, Henry, diarist in Cache Valley, 298

Bamberger, Ernest, senatorial candidate, 64

Bamberger,J M., and B.Young Monument, 344

Bamberger, Simon, Utah governor, 323, 325 Bands and orchestras, 194, 244-57, 246-47, 249-53, 256

Barrett, Hazel, and K. Quinn Garment Co., 265

Barron, Mabel Quinn, sister of Ida Quinn, 259,262

Bear River, water rights on, 47—49

Behunin, Isaac, settler in Zion Canyon, 316 Belvedere Apartments, construction of, 35

Bernardi, Elmie, member Price music fest committee, 250

Bigelow, Henry, and W Woodruff, 14

Blair, Seth M. (Maj.), Cache Valley settler, 298, 300

Blickensderfer, Jacob J., Jr., UP railroad engineer, 304,305, 307

Bliss, S. M., Price sheriff, 250

Blood, Henry, Utah governor, and Price music fest, 249, 252

Blue Valley Dugway, 225, 228, 229

Boggs, Lilburn W., Missouri governor, 201

Bowman, Robert, architect, 167

Brennan, M. C , injured coal miner, 143

Brennan, Matt, saloon owner, 104

Brewerton, Elizabeth, wife of P. Pratt, 200

Brigham Young Family Association, and BY. Monument, 344, 350-51

Brigham Young Monument, Fallcover, 334, 337, 338, 340, 341, 343, 346; creation of and controversies, 334—52

Brown, John, construction foreman on Gardo House, 4

Brown, Moroni, Ogden marshal, 119

Bubbjohn W., (Col.) and Mrs Bubb, 26

Buffo, Mary, nurse in Standardville, 147

Burdett, Samuel S., Gen Land Office commissioner, 308

Burgess, T., clerk in SLC land office, 308—309

Burr, David H., U.S surveyor general for Utah, 296

Burr, Frederick H., U.S deputy surveyor, 296, 308-309,310

Busenbark,Tom, Blue Valley settler and dance caller, 235

Business, Kathleen Quinn Garment Co., 258-68

Bryan, William Jennings, presidential candidate, 341

Cable Mountain Draw Works, 322 (fn), 322, 324Cache County, 41; irrigation in, 38-54; surveying in, 297-98, 301-4, 308-12

Caine, John T., Utah Territory congressional delegate, 17 (fn)

Cameron, Madelene See Owen, Madelene

Cameron, Ralph, husband of Madelene Owen, 136, 137, 138

Cannon, Angus M., and Gardo House, 7

Cannon, Frank J., and senatorial elections, 18, 20

Cannon, George Q., LDS First Pres. member, 7, 14, 17, 60; and A.W Ivins, 57; and B.Y Monument, 342; and I.Trumbo, 18; and polygamy, 60 (fn)

Cannon, Sylvester Q., LDS presiding bishop, 75

Capitol Reef, 228, 228, 236

376

Carbon County, Springcover, Summer cover doctors in, 139-56; work in, 238-39

Carbon High School Band, 244-49, 246, 252, 254, 257

Carson, Kit, and campaign against Navajos, 126

Carter, Kate, DUP pres., 344

Caseman, A B., band director, 249

Cederlof, A Philip, superintendent of Peerless Mine, 143, 153

Celebrations, 152; pioneer jubilee, 340—41

Chesebro, James L., architect, 159

Church buildings, 157-70, 157-70

Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints: and blood atonement, 209—10; and B.Y. Monument, 339, 347-52; criticism of, 117, 119, 197,199-201, 205-18; and J. Smith III, 118; and meetinghouses, 157—70, 157—71; Mormon Reformation in, 207-10; and politics, 58, 60-74; Relief Society of, 266-67; Welfare Dept. of, 266—67. Seealso Mormons

Clark, Israel J., and early Cache Valley survey, 297

Clark, J Reuben, LDS First Pres member, 70; and politics, 69-70, 71-73, 75

Clawson, Hiram, 17 (fn)

Clawson, Rudger, LDS apostle, 63; and politics, 69

Clawson,Truman, pres B.Y Family Assoc, 350

Climate, wet-dry cycles, 40, 46, 48-50, 53

Clyde, George Dewey, Utah governor and irrigation engineer, 50

Cochrane, Walter, superintendent of Spring Canyon Coal Co., 149

Colorado Plateau, 125-38, 223-43, 315-33

Connor, Patrick (Col.), commander at Fort Douglas, 41

Corradini, Deedee, SLC mayor, and B.Y Monument, 350-51

Covington, Edward, Ogden photographer, 299

Cracroft, Paul, and poem about B.Y. Monument, 348

Crawford, Louis, landowner in Zion N P., 329

Creer, William, Spanish Fork mayor, 217

Crocket, Edward, Alta miner, death and apparition of, 107—8

Cullen, George, superintendent of New Emma Mine, 108

Curren, George, outlaw, 104—5

Curtis, Fred E., SUP pres., and BY. Monument, 344

Curtis, Levi, Alta miner, 103

DDallin, Cyrus E., 335; and sculpting of B.Y Monument, 335-37, 339-42

Dallin, Jane Hamer, mother of Cyrus, 335

Dallin, Thomas, father of Cyrus, 336

Dalton, B W , Price mayor, 252

Daly, Tom, wrangler, 137

Dame, William H., colonel in Nauvoo Legion, 295 (and fn)

Dansie, Doug, SLC planner, and B.Y Monument, 350

Daughters of Utah Pioneers, and B.Y Monument, 344

Denman, Anthony R., physician, 142, 146, 156

Denman, John, physician, 154

Denman, Lucy, 328

Dennett, Rebecca, Washington Co health officer, 318

Depression, Springcover, 98, 99, 146, 248—49

Dern, George W, Utah gov. and U. S. Secretary ofWar: and A.W Ivins, 57; and B.Y Monument, 343; and Price music fest, 251

Diaz, Porfirio, pres of Mexico, and LDS polygamy, 60 (fn)

Dintzis, Mike, injured coal miner, 143

Dodge, Grenville (Gen.), chief engineer of UP railroad, 304, 305

Dorman, Eldon, physician, 139, 142, 144, 145, 146,154-55,156 (fn)

Dowd, Richard, company physician at Kenilworth, 150-51

Driggs, Howard R., pres of American Pioneer Trails Assoc, 344

Dubois, Charles L., deputy surveyor, 312

Dunn, Ethel Tourtillott, wife of Ray, 128, 128-30,132, 135

Dunn, Harriett (Tolliver), daughter of Ray and Ethel, 129, 130, 134, 135, 138

Dunn, Harry DeRoy, son of Ray and Ethel, 128, 128,130, 133,135

Dunn, Madelene, daughter of Ray and Ethel. See Owen, Madelene

Dunn, Ray, owner of Navajo Mtn Trading Post, 128, 129, 128-37

Dyer, Frank, U S marshal: and polygamy raids, 12; as receiver of LDS property, 13, 15

INDEX

377

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Eccles, Marriner, businessman, and R Smoot, 74

Education: Agricultural College of Utah, 43; high school music programs, 244—257; school in Giles, 235; school in Springdale, 328-29

Ekker,John O , Blue Valley settler, 226

Ellett, Joseph, LDS bishop, Wayne Co., 240

Elliott, , physician, 146

Entertainment: dances, 235; music festivals, 244-57

Estee, Morrill, judge, and W Woodruff, 14

Evensen,Jay, newspaper editorial writer, 351

Fackrell, Joseph, donor of land to W Bountiful LDS ward, 163

Fairbanks, Avard, sculptor, 262

Farr, , Ogden LDS bishop, 119 Federal Reserve Bank, SLC, 35, 37, 36-37

Felt, D P., editor of Davis County Argus, 105

Ferron, Augustus, deputy surveyor, 311—12

Fillmore, Henry, judge, Price music meet, 254

Fitzpatrick, John E, editor of Salt Lake Tribune, and Zion N P., 323

Folgheraiter, Joe, wrangler, 137

Folsom, William H., architect of Gardo House, 5, 5

Ford, John, Alta miner, 101—3

Ford, Mrs John, death in Alta avalanche, 101 Fortier, Samuel, 43, 44 and early water flow measurements, 42, 49

Fox, Jesse W, territorial surveyor, 297—98, 302, 304, 306

Freeman, Ada Miller, wife of Legh and editor of Ogden Freeman, 112,114—15,123

Freeman, Frederick, brother of Legh, 113—14

Freeman, Janie Ward, wife of Legh, 124

Freeman, Legh, owner/editor of Ogden Freeman, 112-24, 112, 123

Freeman, Mary Whitaker, wife of Legh, 124

Fremont River, 223, 224, 225-27, 240-41

GGardo House, SLC mansion, Winter cover, 4, 8,11,16, 22-35; history of, 4-37

Gates, Susa Young, daughter of B.Young, and E McCune, 20

Gifford, Moses, Springdale resident, 332

Giles, town in Blue Valley, Wayne Co., 223, 237, 242; settlement of, 224-41

Giles, Ann, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn)

Giles, Henry, Blue Valley settler and LDS bishop, 231

Giles, Henry, son of Bishop Giles, 233 (fn), 235

Giles, John, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn)

Giles, Lydia, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn), 243

Giles,Thomas, judge, Price music fest, 254

Gilpins, John, newspaper correspondent, 120

Girodo,Tony, coal miner, 146

Gittens, Jeff, pres. of Smithfield Irrigation Co., 53 (fh)

Glade, Earl J., SLC mayor, 344

Goetzman, H. B. (Dr.), chair of Price music fest, 248-49, 253-54

Gordon Creek School Band, 251

Gorishek, Frank, physician, 142,154

Gorishek, William, physician, 142,154,156

Granite High School Band, 252

Grant, Heber J., LDS church pres., 63; and Gardo House, 21 (fn), 25, 36; and politics, 55, 61, 62, 63, 64-71, 73; and Zion N. P., 325,326,328,329

Grant, "Ray," daughter of H.J Grant, 63

Gregory, Herbert E., geologist, 125

Grow, Henry, architect, 167

Grundy, Tom, coal miner's son, 146

HHakalo, Mrs. William, housing chair, Price music fest, 253

Hamilton, Norman, general chair, Price music fest, 250, 251

Hammer, John and Elizabeth Ann, Smithfield settlers, 42

Hammond, James T , and B.Y. Monument, 342

Hansen, Ramm, architect, 164,168

Hardy, Charles, and railroad survey, 307

Harmon, Mont, superintendent, Carbon Co schools, 255, 256

Harmsen, Stephen M., SLC Commissioner, 346

Harris, Fisher, 26

Hart, R A., drainage engineer, and drain tile near Smithfield, 44, 44, 45, 49

Haws, Frank W , engineer, and water rights claims in Cache Co., 48

Heath, Perry S., owner of Salt Lake Tribune, 23

Hendricks, Nellie U., and 1932 election, 73

Hendricks, Thomas, General Land Office commissioner, 296

Hicks, Elizabeth Jolley, wife of George A., 726,204,213,219,220

37 8

Hicks, George A., early settler, civic leader, and LDS church member and critic, 196, 220,196-222

Hicks, George B., early LDS convert and father of George A., 193,197, 202, 203, 217

Hicks, James W , son of George A and Elizabeth, 213

Hicks, John, uncle of George A., 201

Hicks, Martha Ann Wilson, mother of George A., 197-99,203

Hicks, Samuel, uncle of George A., 202

Higgenson, Melvin, injured coal miner, 143

Hirschi, David, LDS bishop and promoter of Zion N P., 319, 320, 322, 327, 328

Hofmann, Catherine, director of SLC Public Services, 351

Holdaway, Jessie Rasmussen, student musician, 249

Holmes, Edwin F (Col.), society leader, and Gardo House, 21-30, 22, 36 (fn)

Holmes, Susanna Bransford, society leader, and Gardo House, 21-30, 22, 36

Hopkins, Ezekial, Smithfield settler, 42

Hoover, Herbert, U. S. pres., 56

Hoskininni, Navajo resistor of U S Army, 130

Hotel Utah, 34, 35

Huddart Floral, 25 (fn)

Humphreys,T R., Utah State Engineer, 44

Hunt, Henry, husband of Maybell Nielsen, 236, 239, 240

Hunt, Lafe, Leonard, Moroni, Mary Ann, orphans, 234 (fn)

Hunter, Edward and Oscar, and railroad survey, 307

Hyde, Florence Ivins, daughter of A. W Ivins, 75

IImmigrants, to Carbon Co., 152-54

Indians, 126 See also tribe names

Intermountain Music Festival, 244-57, 244

Ireland, Jerome B., 110

Irrigation, 2, 23 in Cache Co., 38—54; in Wayne Co., 226-27

Ivins, Anthony W, LDS First Pres member and Democrat, 55, 63, 72; and 1932 election, 55-75; and polygamy, 60 (and fn); and Zion N P., 328

Ivins, Elizabeth, wife of Anthony, 60 (fn)

Ivins, Grant, son of Anthony, and 1932 election, 67, 74

Jacobson, Tony, mining entrepreneur, 110 Jennings, William, and Gardo House, 7 Jewkes, Ronald, Kenilworth resident, 150

Jex, Hermoine, activist, and protest over B.Y Monument move, 351

Johnson, Dick, buyer of Navajo Mtn Trading Post, 138

Johnson, Nephi, first Euro-American in Zion Canyon, 315

Jolley, Henry Bryant, settler in Dixie Mission, 211-13

Jonas, Alberto, pianist, 25-26

Jonas, Frank, political scientist, on parties in Utah, 58

Jones, Randall, photographer and booster for Zion N. P., 327-28

Jorgensen, Chris, husband of Ann Giles, 233 (fn)

Judd, Neil M., and writing about Navajo Mtn., 126-27

Judd, Robert, son-in-law of H.J Grant, 68 Juvenile Instructor office, 34

Kantor, Ruth, wife of Stanley, 144, 153

Kantor, Stanley, coal miner, 144

Kates, Carl, magazine writer, 351

Kearns, Thomas, mining magnate and senator, 21, 23, Keeley Institute, alcoholic rehabilitation center, and Gardo House, 16, 15-16 (fn)

Keeley, Leslie Enraught, founder of Keeley Institute, 15-16 (fn)

Keist, Mrs., and Alta avalanche, 101

Kelley, Jack, drum major, 256

Kennedy, James, Alta saloon owner, 107 Kerley, Elvin, and purchase of Navajo Mtn Trading Post, 136

Kieley (Father), asst pastor, Catholic church, 108

Kimball, Heber C , LDS First Pres. member, and prophecy about J.Taylor, 8-9

Kimball, Nathan, Utah surveyor general, 311-12

Kletting, Richard, architect, 161

Ku Klux Klan, in Carbon Co., 153

LDS. See Church ofJesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

LDS School of Music, 36 Lamoreaux, Warwick, and 1932 election, 67

INDEX

37 9

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Lance, Melvina, Blue Valley settler, 231

Lance, Orson H., Blue Valley settler, 229, 231

Lange, Dorothea, photos by, Springcover, 98, 146

Larkins, James, surveying chainman, 305

Larson, Andrew Karl, historian, 213

Law, William and Wilson, LDS apostates, 202, 218

League of Nations, and LDS gen authorities, 61—63

Leatham, George, Price music meet finance chair, 254

Lee, Emma, wife ofJohn D 216; and G A Hicks, 215-16

Lee, Harold B., LDS apostle, 345

Lee, J Bracken, Price mayor, 253, 254

Lee, John D , 216; and G A Hicks, 214-17

Lincoln School Drum Corps, 249

Little Cottonwood Canyon, life in, 100—11

Logan, 299, description of, 300

Long, , physician at Castle Gate, 144

Loris (or Lords), Henry, Blue Valley settler, 226, 235

Low, Ethel, daughter-in-law of Ada Quinn, 259,261,264,266

Lunt, Henry W., state sen., and Zion N P., 322

Lyman, Francis, LDS apostle, and switch to national party system, 58

Lyman, Richard R., LDS apostle, 69; and A W Ivins, 57; and politics, 69

Lyons, Torrey, member of Rainbow Bridge—Monument Valley Expedition, 133-34

Lythgoe, Dennis, newspaper columnist, 350

M

Madrigal, Paul, son of coal miner, 145

Madsen, Brigham D , historian, 40

Major, Daniel G., deputy surveyor, 309

Manufacturers Assoc of Utah, and ad on B.Y Monument, 343

Markham, Stephen, Mormon bishop and polygamist, 205

Marley, Patsey, Alta miner, boxer, saloon owner, 103—6

Marriage, OgdenFreeman matrimonial bureau, 121 Seealso polygamy

Martin, Osby, miner, 155

Martineau, Delcina, daughter ofJames H., 306

Martineau, Elvira, daughter ofJames H., 308

Martineau, Henry, son ofJames H., 307, 308

Martineau, James Henry, surveyor, work in northern Utah, 294-314, 305

Martineau, John and Eliza, parents of James H., 295

Martineau, Lyman, 308, 311, 313

Martineau, Susan Ellen Johnson, wife of James H., 296, 298, 300 (and fn), 301, 308, 313,

Martineau, Susan Julia Sherman, wife of James H., 296, 298, 300 (and fn), 308

Mather, Stephen, director of National Park Service, 319, 324-27, 325, 333

Maughan, Peter, Cache Valley settler, 296, 297

Mayhew, Frank, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn)

Mayhew, Luella, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn)

McAllister, Richard S., LDS bishop in Kanab, 327

McCrory, S H., irrigation engineer, 44

McCune, Alfred W, businessman, and Gardo House, 20, 19-21 (and fn)

McCune, Elizabeth, prominent church and society leader, 20, 19-20

McDermid, Claude, co. physician at Castle Gate, 151

McKean, Howard, contractor of Highland Park Ward building, 158

McLaughlin, W.W, irrigation engineer, 44 Medicine: in Carbon Co coal camps, 139—56; hospitals, 141, 150; sickness in Wayne Co., 234-35

Menchero, Juan Miguel, Spanish priest, and Navajo Mtn, 126

Merrill, Chloe, daughter of LaVille and Kathryn, 145,151,153, 154

Merrill, Joseph E, LDS apostle, 344

Merrill, Kathryn, 141

Merrill, LaVille, physician, 140, 141, 145, 148-50,151,154,155

Merrill, Milton R., biographer of R Smoot, 59

Mining, 98, 143, 144, 146, 149, 152; in Alta, 100-11; in Carbon Co., 139-40,142-43, 145,147

Mitchell,WW., and 1932 election, 73

Monson, Joseph, architect, 163

Mormons: folklore, 234 (fn); missionaries, 126; relationships with Ogden Freeman, 116-18; settlement, 40-42,198, 204-5, 211-14,225-43

Morris, Richard P., SLC mayor, 26 Morris, Thomas B., surveyor for UP

380

railroad, 305, 306, 307

Mountain Meadows Massacre, 210—11, 214-17,295 (fn)

Moyle, James H.: and Democratic party, 15, 56 (fn), 69, 70, 74; and B.Y Monument, 341

Munk, Wendell, and knowledge of Cache Co irrigation, 51—52 (and fn)

Music: mandolin orchestras, 24; concerts, 25-56; band festivals, 244-57

Nasja (Abner Owl), Navajo, 130, 131

Nasja Begay Navajo, and Rainbow Bridge, 131

National Institute of Music Jr Musicians, 250 National Park Service, and Zion N P., 318-33

Navajo Mountain, 125,125-27, 130, Ybl

Navajo Mountain Trading Post, 127, 127—38, 129, 130, 132, 137

Navajos, 126,129,130-33,134

Nelson, John, and early Cache Valley survey, 297

Nibley, Charles, LDS First Pres. member, 63, 67, 75; and Gardo House, 30; and politics, 63, 64 (fn)

Nielsen, Antoine, Huntington resident, 240

Nielsen, Frank, son of N.J. and Minnie, 239, 240

Nielsen, James W , son of N.J. and Minnie, 225, 240; memoirs of, 223, 225—26, 227-28,231-41,243

Nielsen, John Henry, son of N.J and Minnie, 239, 240

Nielsen, Joseph, son of N.J and Minnie, 240; memoirs of, 223, 226—30

Nielsen, Mary, daughter of N.J and Minnie, 239, 240

Nielsen, Maybell Shaw, daughter of Minnie Nielsen, 224, 225, 225, 236, 239, 240, 240

Nielsen, Minnie, Blue Valley settler, 223-43, 225, 240

Nielsen, Niels J., 223-43, 225, 240

Nielsen, Patience (Davis), daughter of N.J and Minnie, 223, 225, 240

Noe, Abram, Alta miner, 103

Notre Dame de Lourdes school band, 256

Orfanakis, Mike, physician, 154

Orfanakis, Nick, physician, 154

Owen, Arlene (Pendley), daughter of Jack and Madelene, 135, 136, 138

Owen,John W (Jack), trader, husband of Madelene, 129, 129-30, 132, 132-33, 134, 135-36

Owen, Madelene Dunn, proprietor of Navajo Mtn.Trading Post, 128, 134, 137, 128-30, 135-38

Pace, James, LDS bishop, 215

Paiutes, San Juan band, 126, 130, 131

Parker, George P., Utah attorney gen., 344

Parry, Gronway and Chauncey owners of National Park Transportation and Camping Co., 321, 322

Peery, D.H., financier, 23

Penney, J. C , 262, 262-63

Penrose, Charles W , DeseretNews and Ogden Junction editor, 12, 113

Pestotnik, Louis, son of immigrants, 154

Peterson, William, director of Utah Cooperative Extension Service, 50, 50—51

Pipe Springs National Monument, creation of, 326

Politics: 1932 election, 55-56, 64-74; parties, 15, 55—56, 58—75

Polygamy: criticism of, 199-200, 208-209, 217; and federal laws, 10—15; Manifesto, 14—15; negative press, 117; presidential pardon, 16-17

Pope and Burton, architects, 157—59

Powell, John W (Maj.), explorer, and naming of Navajo Mtn, 126

Pratt, Parley P., and polygamy, 199-200

Press: and B.Y. Monument, 345, 348; Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, 106; and Gardo House, 9—10; in Ogden, 112-24; and politics, 61-62

Preston, William B., member of LDS presiding bishopric, 19, 298

Price, and band festivals, 244—57

Price, Arthur, architect, 163

Prohibition, 61

QQuinn, Ada, entrepreneur, 258—68, 261

Ogden, i i 5; boosterism, 120; newspapers in, 112-24

O'RileyJ.J.,Alta saloon owner, 107, 108

Quinn, Edward Nelson, husband of Ada, 259, 261,265

Quinn, Horace Alvord, son of Ada and Edward, 259, 261, 267

INDEX

381

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Quinn, Kathleen, daughter of Ada and Edward, 259, 261

Quinn, Michael, historian, 75

Quinn, Ralph, son of Ada and Edward, 259

Quinn, Robert, son of Ada and Edward, 259, 261,265

R

Racism, in journalism, 114

Railroads: Union Pacific, survey for, 304—306, and Zion National Park, 318, 326, 327, 330-31; Utah Central, 306; Utah Northern, 307-308, 312

Rainbow Bridge, 131,136, 137

Red Cross, and Gardo House, 4, 30—31, 31, 36

Reed, Samuel B., superintendent of UP railroad construction, 304

Reese, John (Col.), grandfather of I.Trumbo, 17 (fn)

Reeves, G J., superintendent, Carbon Co schools, 255

Reiser, A Hamer, LDS church official, and election of 1932, 65-67, 66, 74, 376-77

Rettich, Adolph, son of Fritz, 111

Rettich, Fritz, Alta miner, 108-11

Rettich, Hugo, son of Fritz, 110—11

Reynolds, Florence, Castle Gate resident, 151

Reynolds, George, sec to LDS First Pres., 10

Richards, Calvin, and railroad survey, 307

Richards, Franklin D , LDS apostle, and Gardo House dedication, 8

Richards, George F, LDS gen. authority, 63

Richards, Stephen L., LDS apostle, 62, 63

Richardson, S I., proprietor of Rainbow Lodge, 136-37

Ridges, Joseph, architect of Gardo House, 5

Robb, Max, son of coal miner, 145, 155

Roberts, B. H., LDS general authority, 63, 64

Robinson, Marion, wife of Roy, 142

Robinson, Roy, physician, 142, 153—54

Rockwell, Orrin Porter, and attempted assassination of L Boggs, 201

Roosevelt, Franklin D , U S pres., and 1932 election, 56 (fn), 74

Roskelly, James, landowner near Smithfield, 44

Roskelly, Samuel, Smithfield settler, and irrigation co., 42 (fn)

Rossi, Joe, injured coal miner, 143

Ruesch, Walter, custodian of Zion Natl Monument, 325, 328

Ruess, Everett, and Navajo Mtn Trading Post, 134

Ruggeri, Charles, ophthalmologist, 154

Ruggeri, Mrs Henry, housing chair for Price Music fest, 250, 251

Rumel, Hal, photographer, 158; photos by, 157-70

Russell, A. J., photo by, 294

Russell (or Grieve), Jessie Helen, reported wife of J H Martineau, 296 (fn)

Rutherford, Francis D , architect, 164

Salt Lake Chamber of Commerce, and B.Y Monument, 346-47

Salt Lake City: and B.Y Monument, 334-52; development of, 33, 33—35, 37; and Gardo House, 4-37

Salt Lake High School band, 247

Savage, Charles, photos by, 102

Scanlan, Lawrence, Catholic bishop, 341

Schiller, Johanna, mother of Minnie Nielsen, 225, 227, 230, 238

Schindler, Harold, historian, 201

Schwartz, Agnes, matron of Gardo House, 11, 12

Scoyen, EviendT., first super, of Zion N. P., 327,328,329,332-33

Settlement: of Blue Valley, 223-43; of Cache Co., 40-42, 297-304; of "Dixie," 211-13

Sharp, Neal J., Ogden postmaster, and quarrel with L. Freeman, 118—19

Shaw, David, nephew of A. Quinn, 261

Shaw, Gwendolyn Quinn, sister of A. Quinn, 259, 261

Shaw, Richard, nephew of A. Quinn, 259, 264

Sherman, Mary Elvira, reported wife of J. H. Martineau, 296 (fn)

Shipler Studio, 27; photos by, Winter cover, 11, 22,23,2^30, 144, 149

Shirts, Bill, Blue Valley blacksmith, 233 (fn)

Shirts, Sarah, Blue Valley settler, 233 (fn)

Shoshones: and Bear River Massacre, 41; and Cache Valley settlement, 40—41

Shurtleff, D.V., Spring Canyon Coal Co medical official, 149

Shurtliff, L W, LDS stake pres., 61

Simmonds, A J., historian, and study of settlement patterns in Cache Co., 46

Simmons, Rachel Emma Woolley, and Gardo House, 9

Sinclair, William J., interior decorator, 22 Smith, Dick, and farming in Smithfield, 43 (fh)

38 2

Smith, George A., LDS apostle, 206; and settlement of Palmyra, 206

Smith, George Albert, LDS apostle, and Zion N P., 328

Smith, J. Lewson, deputy surveyor, 309

Smith, Joseph, LDS church founder, 198-201

Smith, Joseph III, pres. of Reorganized Church ofJesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 118

Smith, Joseph E, LDS church pres., 14, 17, 23, 60; and G A. Hicks, 217; and polygamy, 11 (fn), 166

Smith, Joseph Fielding, LDS apostle, 63

Smoot, Reed, U S. senator and LDS apostle, 56, 73; and politics, 55, 59, 61-74; and G. A. Hicks, 217, 219; and national parks, 318, 324, 325

Sneli, G D , LDS bishop, 217-18

Snow, Edward H., and Democratic party, 58

Snow, Erastus, LDS apostle, 213; and settlements in "Dixie," 213

Snow, Leo K , and survey of Zion Canyon, 316

Sons of Utah Pioneers, and B.Y Monument, 344

Southworth, Sid, 336

Spafford,WW,Alta miner, 103

Spanish Fork, 219

Spencer, D. S., U P railroad official, 319

Spigarelli, Remo, miner, 154

Spry, William, Utah governor, 31; and Zion N.P , 319, 325

Stambaugh, Samuel, U S surveyor general for Utah, 296

Stanford, Leland, and W.Woodruff, 14

Stewart, Andrew J., and resurvey of Cache Valley, 308-309, 310

Stuart, M. D , LDS missionary, 119

Sudbury Samuel, "custodian" of Gardo House, 11

Summerhays, Hy, music store owner, 247

Surveying in Utah, 294-314, 294, 297, 303, 305

Tabiona High School Band, 253

Taft,William Howard, U S pres., 56

Talmage, James E., LDS apostle, 63, 69

Taylor, John, LDS church pres., 9; and Gardo House, 7-13; and polygamy, 10—13

Taylor, John W , LDS apostle, 163

Terrell, John U , reporter, and disappearance ofE Ruess, 134

Thatcher, Moses, and Gardo House, 7

Thomas, Elbert, U S. senator, and 1932 election, 65, 66, 71-72

Thompson, Almon H., topographer, and naming of Navajo Mtn, 126

Thorley, Richard A., rancher, and Zion N. P., 322

Tourism: Rainbow Bridge, 136—37; Zion N P., 315-35, 331

Toy, William, Price Chamber of Commerce secretary, and music fests, 245-46, 248, 250

Trumbo, Emma, wife of Isaac, 17-19

Trumbo, Isaac, 17; and Gardo House, 17—19; and political aspirations, 18—19 (and fn); and W.Woodruff, 14, 19

Tryon, Luella, resident of Sweets, 144, 154

Tugwell, Rexford, FSA director, 99

Turley, Theodore, LDS missionary, 197

Turner, Ren, Blue Valley settler, 229

UUdell, Bertha, granddaughter of slave to pioneers, 346

Uintah Basin, surveying in, 312—13

Union Pacific See Railroads

Unions, mining, 147—49, 151

Utah Power and Light Co., and water rights on Bear R., 47-49

Utah War, 210

VVan Wagoner, Ferrin, band director, 253

wWagner, I. J., SLC planning commissioner, 349

Walker, Charles L., settler and journal-keeper, 221

Ware andTreganza, architects, 169

Water development, 38, 45; in Cache Valley, 38—54; effects of, on landscape, 38—40, 42-44-46,51-54

Water law, Kimball Decree in Cache Valley, 46-49, 51-52 (and fn), 53 (fn)

Wayne Co., 224; settlement in, 223-43

Weber Canyon, 294

Wells, Emmeline B., and House testimony on polygamy, 117

Wells, Heber M., Utah governor, 23, 26, 339, 340

Wetherill, Ben, and Navajo Mtn Trading Post, 127, 127-28

INDEX

383

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Wetherill, John, trader, and Rainbow Bridge, 131

Wetherill, Louisa, trader, and Rainbow Bridge, 131

Whitaker, John, son-in-law ofJ Taylor, 11

White, Bertha, Blue Valley settler, 231

White, Douglas, railroad official, 319, 322, 323

White, Jean Bickmore, historian, 74

White, John O , Blue Valley settler, 232, 232

White, Levi, Blue Valley settler and LDS bishop, 231

White, Mary Ann, Blue Valley settler, 232, 232

White, Oscar, Blue Valley settler, 233

Whitney, Orson E, and B.Y Monument, 341

Williams, Edgar M., Carbon High School band director, and music festivals, 245, 245-57

Williams, Ivy, sister of Ada Quinn, 259

Williams, Joshua and Hannah Martha Green, pioneers, parents of A Quinn, 259

Williams, Richard, death in Alta avalanche, 101

Wilson,Ted, SLC mayor, 351

Winder, J., LDS bishop, and Gardo House, 15, 19

Woodruff,Wilford, LDS church pres., 13, 14, 60, 336, 340-41; and I.Trumbo, 19; and Gardo House, 15, 17; and Manifesto, 13—15; and polygamy, 10, 12 (fn)

Woodward, Jack, coal miner's son, 147

Wright, Gus, Ogden businessman, 260

Wright, John P., and early Cache Valley survey, 297, 302

Wylie, William, and Wylie Camps, 321, 321, 322

Wyman, physician in Iowa, 202

Yard, Robert Sterling, railroad official, and Zion Natl Monument, 323

Young, Ann Eliza Webb, one-time wife of B Young, 117

Young, Archie, 227

Young, Brigham, LDS church pres., 6, 113, 115, 117, 307; and Gardo House, 5—7; and G A Hicks, 201, 205, 209, 211, 213-17; and surveys, 296, 298; and Zion Canyon, 316

Young, Brigham, Jr., 118; criticism of, 118; and Utah Northern RR , 307

Young, George Cannon, architect, 348, 349

Young, Harriett Amelia Folsom, "wife of Brigham, 6; and Gardo House, 5—7

Young, John W , son of Brigham, 118; criticism of, 118

Young, Joseph Don Carlos, architect, 164, 168

Young, LeRoy B., and K Q Garment Co., 265

Young, Levi Edgar, LDS gen. authority, 345

Young, Margaret, granddaughter of Brigham, 334

Young, Mary Ann Angell, wife of Brigham, 7

Zane, John M., federal judge, 341 Zion National Park, 292, 315, 317, 321, 322, 325, 326, 330, 331; establishment and early development of, 315—333

Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation

The Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042- 143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society, 300 Rio Grande, Salt Lake City, Utah 84101-1182. The editor is MaxJ. Evans and the managing editor is Stanford J Layton with offices at the same address as the publisher The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society, and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds, mortgages, or other securities of the Society or its magazine.

The following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months: 3,358 copies printed; 80 dealer and counter sales; 2,906 mail subscriptions; 22 other classes mailed; 3,028 total paid circulation; 33 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 3,061 total distribution; 297 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total, 3,358.

The following figures are the actual number of copies of the single issue published nearest to filing date: 3,453 copies printed; 10 dealer and counter sales; 2,926 mail subscriptions; 24 other classes mailed; 2,960 total paid circulation; 18 free distribution (including samples) by mail, carrier, or other means; 2,978 total distribution; 475 inventory for office use, leftover, unaccounted, spoiled after printing; total 3,453

38 4

UTA H STAT E HISTORICA L SOCIET Y

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOAR D O F STAT E HISTOR Y

RICHARD W SADLER, Ogden, 2003, Chair

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN, Salt Lake City, 2001, Vice-Chair

MAXJ.EVANS, Salt Lake City, Secretary

PAUL ANDERSON, Salt Lake City, 2003

MICHAEL W HOMER, Salt Lake City, 200 1

KIM A. HYATT, Bountiful, 200 1

JOEL C. JANETSKI, Provo, 200 1

PAM MILLER, Price, 200 3

CHRISTIE SMITH NEEDHAM, Logan, 200 1

ROSS PETERSON, Logan, 200 3

PAUL D.WILLIAMS, Salt Lake City, 200 3

WALLY WRIGHT, Salt Lake City, 200 1

ADMINISTRATIO N

MAXJ. EVANS, Director

WILSON G MARTIN, Associate Director

PATRICIA SMITH-MANSFIELD, Assistant Director

STANFORD J. LAYTON, Managing Editor

KEVIN T.JONES, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect, preserve, and publish Utah and related history Today, under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials; collecting historic Utah artifacts; locating, documenting, and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites; and maintaining a specialized research library. Donations and gifts to the Society's programs, museum, or its library are encouraged, for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah's past.

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the National Park Service, under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended.

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 The U S Department of the Interior prohibits unlawful discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, or handicap in its federally assisted programs If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Director, Office for Equal Opportunity, Department of the Interior, Washington, DC, 20240

Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 68, Number 4, 2000

UTA H HISTORICA L QUARTERL Y (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIA L STAF F

ADVISOR Y BOAR D O F EDITOR S

290 I N THI S ISSU E

IN THIS ISSUE

Running the Line: James Henry Martineau's Surveys in Northern Utah, 1860-1882

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

PARADISE CITV

JAMES HENRY MARTINEAU

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Getting Along: The Significance of Cooperation in the Development of Zion National Park

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The Monument to Brigham Young and the Pioneers: One Hundred Years of Controversy

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

BOOK REVIEWS

George

N

Scoundrel's Tale: The Samuel Brannan Papers

QUARTERLY

P. Pratt rightly excommunicated

QUARTERLY

Termination Revisited: American Indians on the Trail to Self-Determination, 1933—1953

A Place to Remember: Using History to Build Community

Navajo Places: History, Legend, Landscape

QUARTERLY

BOOK NOTICES

Westward the Immigrants: Italian Adventurers and Colonists in an Expanding America

Staff Ride Handbook for the Battle of Bear River, 29 January 1863

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Photo Odyssey: Solomon Carvalho's Remarkable Western Adventure, 1853—54

LETTERS

Dear Editor,

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

2,000 INDEX

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

M

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

R

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Statement of Ownership, Management, and Circulation

UTA H STAT E HISTORICA L SOCIET Y

Department of Community and Economic Development Division of State History

BOAR D O F STAT E HISTOR Y

ADMINISTRATIO N

Articles inside

In This Issue

Book Reviews

Book Notices

Letters

Running the Line: James Henry Martineau's Surveys in Northern Utah, 1860-1882

Getting Along: The Significance of Cooperation in the Development of Zion National Park

The Monument to Brigham Young and the Pioneers: One Hundred Years of Controversy