Book Reviews

Edward Abbey: A Life

By James M. Cahalan (Tucson: University ofArizona Press, 2001 xv + 357 pp $27.95.)

FOR ME AT LEAST, it is a lot less easy to read Ed Abbey nowadays than it was in those innocent years before Oklahoma City and the World Trade Towers To be sure, Abbey only advocated terrorism against property, not people, but he recognized the difficulty of keeping people completely out of it, and we have lately learned how slight a shift of logic is required to begin regarding human casualties as "collateral damage" or even the primary goal. Abbey's pessimism regarded the political process as impotent and terrorism as the only recourse for those who "wish to defeat the conspiracy of politicians and developers whose goal is the destruction of wilderness. But political environmentalists have had their successes as -well as their failures, and if the recent tragedies have taught us anything (if indeed we had ever forgotten it), it is that resolution of conflicts in a civilized society has to take place through politics.

Ho w timely, then, is Cahalan's new Life, the first exhaustively researched and scrupulously accurate biography, for it reveals an Abbey much more complicated, conflicted, and contradictory than we find in his writings alone and in the cult image Abbey created for himself It is Cahalan's thesis that Abbey constantly manipulated the facts of his life as though he were living in a selfcomposed novel and that in some ways the truth behind the manipulated reality is even more interesting than the Abbey image

But sometimes not. Cahalan is as fascinated as Abbey was with place names and their literary potential, and he makes much— perhaps too much—of the fact that Abbey was not born, as he claimed, in Home, Pennsylvania, nor did he ever live in Wolf Hole, Arizona, nor Oracle, Arizona, though he maintained a post office box in the latter community to receive fan mail. Writers, of course, are always on the search for fresh names for characters and settings, and Abbey's attraction to such colorful place names is to be expected, but it is easy to make too much of his minor warping of reality in claiming residence in such places. After all, he was born near Home, Pennsylvania, and lived for years in Tucson, of which Oracle is a rural neighbor If such literary license is part of Abbey's self-created myth of himself—and it is—then it is surely a minor transgression against history.

Much more significant is Cahalan's exploration of the inner Abbey beneath the well-publicized image of the environmental terrorist who wrecked bulldozers building Highway 95 through San Juan County, Utah, rolled old tires into the Grand Canyon (an act whose meaning eludes even Cahalan), shot his television set with a high-powered rifle, and antagonized the grazing industry in reckless speeches. Abbey's diaries and letters, which Cahalan has read closely and interprets empathetically, reveal a man -wracked with insecurity about his literary ability and especially about his apparent incapacity to be a faithful husband and effective father. Abbey's sexual adventures, particularly after The Monkey Wrench Gang made him a celebrity in the mid-1970s and the lecture circuit became an opportunity for multitudinous extramarital liaisons, are symptomatic of his insecurity and need for acceptance.

Cahalan's tireless research reveals other complications in Abbey's personality as well While Abbey's radical followers were dismayed at his support for immigration restriction and his apparent lack of interest in Indian rights, Cahalan points out that Abbey once edited a bilingual Spanish-English newspaper and spoke at Indian rallies Even his publicized misogyny -was more complicated than his readers generally realized O n the one hand, he could write a famous letter to Ms. magazine poking fun at the women's movement ("Dear Sir," it began) while on the other hand enjoying warm and supportive friendships with women writers like Ann Zwinger and Terry Tempest Williams, who found him tender and even genteel in his manners

In the end, Cahalan gives us an Abbey who was "very seriously flawed" in his personal life but -was nevertheless "a -writer of the first rank, one of the most underrated in American literature." It is his hope that "when all the shouting is done about the man himself and his various causes, readers will return more quietly to Abbey's writings, discovering artistry and delight" (276). Whe n they do, they will find Cahalan's biography an indispensable guide.

GARY TOPPING Salt Lake Community College

Worth Their Salt, Too: More Notable but Often Unnoted Women of Utah

Edited by Colleen Whitley (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2000 x + 322 pp Cloth, $39.95; paper, $19.95.)

THIS COLLECTION MIGHT HAVE BEEN subtitled "back by popular demand," acknowledging that the editor and several of the authors have been busy on the Utah lecture circuit since the first volume was published in 1996 This very -welcome sequel introduces us to another fascinating group of wome n in Utah history who , according to the editor, "had been overlooked, neglected, or misrepresented in the past."

The authors, themselves noteworthy women (and one man), have taken a variety of approaches to presenting these sixteen profiles, including autobiography, annotated interview, oral history, and traditional biographical sketches. Some are painstakingly researched, as reflected in notes gathered at the end of the book (the most extensive series of footnotes numbers 153, for a piece -written by a historian and archivist) Others rely on interviews, family stories, and journals. It is, as the preface to the first volume confesses, "a highly eclectic set of snapshots," yet the different styles, and even the various levels of professional polish, are appealing, inviting us to get to know these intriguing -women better As the editor reminds us, "the defining factor of this -work is the emotional as well as the intellectual commitment of the writers"; each chapter begins with a note about the author, often revealing very personal reasons for his or her choice of subject

Thirteen of the sixteen subjects are members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints by birth or conversion; only one woman of color is featured. This focus reflects, perhaps, the LDS church's encouragement to members to keep personal journals and to write family histories, which offer an undeniable head start to biographers (In contrast, the first edition offered a greater variety of backgrounds, including Native American, Jewish, Greek, Japanese, and African American, not to mention Park City's most notorious madam.)

Still, every woman profiled is multi-dimensional, several having profound influence in multiple areas. A typical introduction (from Patricia Lyn Scott's essay on Sarah Ann Sutton Cooke, born in 1808), begins, "For 34 years, [she] resided in Salt Lake City, where she taught music, acted, and became the widow of Utah's first police officer killed in the line of duty. She was a recognized club woman, lecturer, and leader of women's opposition to polygamy."

Each of these -women was or is a leader or innovator in her own realm This volume includes the founders of Utah's first kindergarten program, BYU's dance department, and Utah's Christian Science movement Some made names for themselves nationally, such as Esther Eggertson Peterson, wh o spent much of her adult life on the East Coast as a consumer advocate, union organizer, and national lobbyist Others' contributions were recognized largely within their own communities, such as Ada Duhigg, a Methodist missionary and teacher in Bingham and Copperfield, towns that disappeared wit h the expansion of the Bingha m Copper Mine These portraits also serve as a history of some of Utah's venerable institutions, such as the Ladies Literary Association of Salt Lake City, organized in 1872 and still going strong Because one of the desired results of such an undertaking is to promote new work in the field, the inclusion of a number of chapters featuring wome n of our ow n time , still vital and contributing to Utah's educational and cultural communities, reminds us of the importance of capturing the stories of our contemporaries rather than relying, years later, on the often incomplete historical record As the editor points out, "in far too many cases, no one takes the time and effort to make such a record of themselves or of their family members." Since the preface lists a number of diverse women proposed for future profiles, perhaps we can hope for a Volume 3 of Worth Their Salt, giving voice to more of the fascinating stories lingering all around us

CYNTHIA BUCKINGHAM Utah Humanities Council

Philo T Farnsworth: The Father of Television

By Donald G. Godfrey (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2001 xviii + 307 pp $30.00.)

DURING A RECENT TOUR of our nation's Capitol, with all its fine art, frescoes, and statuary, our guide explained that each state had been given permission to place in the Capitol two statues honoring famous persons from that state. Being Utah born and raised, I glanced around Statuary Hall and quickly found the larger-than-life-sized statue of Brigham Young—who else? I wondered who m the other statue from Utah honored. What person besides Brigham Young did Utah feel to be that important? As we passed through the Hall of Columns and the Senate/House corridor, the guide pointed out the bronze likeness of the ever-so-lean Philo T Farnsworth and introduced him as "the inventor of television." This -was Utah's second honoree.

Since the statue stood on a pedestal, its feet "were just about waist-high, and I could not help but notice that they -were shiny, the patina having been removed by the hands of countless passersby I smiled, recalling a bust of Abraham Lincoln on the mezzanine of the Uta h State Capitol, its nose as bright as those shoes. Folklorist that I am, I asked a staff member the reason for the bright nose. "It is said that if you -will rub President Lincoln's nose," the staffer told me, "good luck -will come to you." "What comes to one who rubs the feet of Philo T. Farnsworth?" I now wondered "Better television reception?"

In his book Philo T. Farnsworth: The Father of Television, Donald G Godfrey uses his own vast knowledge and experience in telecommunications to put together an enlightening, professional, and perhaps definitive presentation of Farnsworth in his times In his preface, the author proposes that the purpose of his book is not "to argue technology or to trace Farnsworth's technological developments in television," but he also recognizes that he is writing about a man married to his "work, a man whose life was his work; the two are inseparable. The story Godfrey tells is galvanized by the work ethic Farnsworth exhibited throughout his career, and ultimately the book deals mostly with the relentless cadence and drill that made up the push for excellence that drove Farnsworth to his great discoveries and dragged him through court battles, hard times, and the marketing strategies that are so much a part of big business.The man himself, however, is not fully there.

It is not that Godfrey does not relate many fine accounts of Farnsworth's youthful exploits and culminating achievements; he does, and he skillfully engages the reader in the story. But laced through this narrative are numerous facts—dates, issues, patents, and laws—that are building up to one point, and that point is to be made -with authority After presenting a factual, concise, and fast-moving history of Farnsworth's life in a very readable 187 pages, Godfrey goes on to present another thirty pages of material, couched in eight appendices, elucidating various aspects of Farnsworth's life All this information is thoroughly corroborated by sixty-one pages of notes and an eleven-page bibliography. Scattered throughout the book are seventy-five family photos, research notes, and technical drawings that both validate and personalize the inventor for the reader. In this -well-organized book, Godfrey has created an authoritative one-stop narrative and resource/reference -work on the life of Philo T. Farnsworth.

The book is aimed more at an audience having an interest in technology development than at those interested in Farnsworth the man. This is not a book about the feelings and thoughts of Philo T Farnsworth as much as it is an exuberant last word in the "Farnsworth as father of television" debate. Whatever other writers may have done in their works to give Farnsworth that acclaim, Godfrey has turned the periods at the ends of those declarations into exclamation points

Self-defined and accepted as one of Utah's own, and worthy of the title "father of television," Philo T Farnsworth -will more accurately live on in the memory of Utahns and people everywhere, thanks to Godfrey's work

H BERT JENSON Utah State University

Navajo Trading: The End of an Era

By Willow Roberts Powers (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001. xiv + 282 pp. $29.95.)

NAVAJO TRADING POSTS. The words conjure a vision of high, wide counters worn smooth by the sliding of blankets and silver, sacks of Arbuckle coffee and flour, hardware and cloth In the "bullpen" squats a pot-bellied stove burning juniper logs to warm the customers who have traveled for hours to sell their eight-foot-long sacks of wool to the white trader. The transaction about to ensue is filled with the cultural values that infuse this barter system so familiar to "The People."

While this scene is stereotypical in the literature about trading posts, it has become that way for good reason At the height of the trading era that started in the late 1870s, this was all a familiar practice But it is certainly not like that today in the stores that dot the land on and off the reservation in New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah. Why and how it changed is the topic and much-needed discourse provided by Willow Powers He r boo k is a solidly researched sequel to the classic work of Frank McNitt's The Indian Traders, which spans the earlier era. Powers brings the reader to the twenty-first century.

Navajo Trading has two parts. The first, "The Way Trading Was," establishes the historical and cultural scene of how posts operated from the traders' and Navajos' perspectives The system of pawn that allowed for delayed payment, the introduction of new types of goods and technology, the impact of events such as World Wars I and II, the influenza epidemic (1918), and the formation (1931) of the United Indian Traders Association (UITA) "for the perpetuation and protection of handmade Arts and Crafts" (75) are discussed. Ne w and useful information in this section takes a broad view of the complexity of this far-flung trade system, which thrived in isolation.

However, Powers's most important contribution comes in the second part, "Th e End of an Era." N o other author has achieved her depth of understanding of how this successful system came to a close over a comparatively short period of time. Amon g the most importan t reasons, all of "which "were intertwined, were increased mobility in transportation, the activism of the 1960s and 1970s, th e formatio n of th e legal organizatio n Dinebeiin a Nahiiln a Be Agaditahe (DNA ) heade d by the firebrand Ted Mitchell, and the growth of highly competitive commercial enterprises on and off the reservation. These and other phenomen a culminate d in th e Federal Trad e Commissio n hearing s of 1972—73, which gave rise to increasingly restrictive regulations in governing the posts While traders continued to operate after these hearings, the pursuing DN A fostered a climate of lawsuits and "victimization" among the Navajos Eventually, few traders desired to continue. Today, what had been a thriving institution (albeit -with a few "bumps" and foibles) has all but disappeared, only to resurface in the guise of convenience stores and Thriftway shopping centers

Powers's view in telling this story is balanced. Even though she was commissioned by the UITA to write from its perspective and the boo k depends heavily on trader oral histories (housed at Norther n Arizona University), there is no feeling of unfairness in her presentation. In the concluding chapter, she recognizes that there are other views, but she has presented her material clearly and calls a "-wart a wart" without apology. While there are a few statements that could be disputed, the text is insightful and well written. There is only one baffling omission in an otherwise flawless work Given the scope and depth of her presentation and the space allotted for topics tangential to the trading experience, I find it difficult to understand ho w the livestock reduction period (1930s) can have only two to three pages spread throughout the text For the Navajos and the traders, this was a milestone event Loss of as much as 50 percent of the herds in some areas and the adoption of the current grazing permit system had a huge impact on the Navajos and what they brought to the counters of the posts Th e loss of this way of life soon drove more and more people off the reservation and into the -wage market economy of the dominant society, as dependence replaced independence Why this fact has been downplayed—especially considering that many traders were just as disappointed with the results of reduction as the Navajos -were—is hard to understand

Still, this book is highly recommended as an important work that tells "th e rest of the story" of trading on the Navajo Reservation For the Utah reader, it contains specific information on the Oljato, Aneth, and Navajo Mountain posts.The book is well written and suitable for both a general and scholarly audience.

ROBERTS MCPHERSON College of Eastern Utah, San Juan Campus

Healing Ways: Navajo Health Care in the Twentieth Century

By Wade Davies (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001 xv + 248 pp $39.95.)

U.S. INDIAN POLICY DURING THE PAST century has gone through a series of far-reaching ideological changes. From the extermination policies of the nineteenth century to the Indian Ne w Deal of the 1930s to the termination policy of the 1950s and the enterprise zone strategies of recent decades, the only constant seems to have been change itself. While much of the literature discussing these changes has focused on the political and economic consequences for various tribes, Wade Davies instead examines the effect these changes had on the medical care available to the Navajo In particular, he looks at how changing policies allowed for a greater tolerance (and even acceptance) of traditional Navajo medicine by the government medical system.

Davies begins with a very brief overview of traditional Navajo medicine, which emphasizes a much more holistic and spiritual approach than Western medicine. The Navajos believe that the physical and psychological aspects in a person overlap (although they do not use these terms) As a result, an individual can manifest physical symptoms in response to a psychological conflict (such as breaking a cultural taboo) even if it is years later and the individual is not fully aware of having made the mistake

Davies divides the rest of his book into six chronologically defined chapters covering the period from 1864 to the 1990s

These chapters trace the changing medical conditions available on the extensive Navajo reservation in the Four Corners region of the Southwest. Throughout the book the author tends to focus, at least briefly, on four different groups: federal health care providers, missionary medical helpers, traditional medicine practitioners, and Native American Church members.

Prior to 1920, the only sources the Navajos had for Western medicine "were the doctors affiliated "with the different Christian missionary efforts on the reservation. While Western medicine was often used as a tool to promote assimilation, traditional Navajo health practitioners did not completely reject it, instead viewing it as a companion to their own medical efforts This attitude -was also largely, if passively, reciprocated by the federal government beginning with the New Deal.

The years 1955—69 saw the advent of a large federal Indian Health Service presence on the reservation Traditional medicine declined during this time as many Navajos converted to evangelical Protestant churches (which condemned the practices) or came to view the rituals as more of a social/cultural phenomenon rather than a religious one However, despite the growing federal health care system, man y Navajos gre w increasingl y frustrated Complaints steadily increased about long "waits, language barriers, and culturally insensitive doctors.

Changes finally started in the 1970s when the tribal government began to wrestle control of the health care system away from the federal government. Another significant change occurred as increasing numbers of Navajo doctors and nurses began to work in reservation hospitals Traditional medicine also experienced a renaissance, in part due to the efforts of the federal government to help gather and preserve information on various native practices.

While this book offers a solid overview of its subject matter, it does have some drawbacks One is that, due to its relatively short length, the reader never gains more than a passing knowledge about the individuals mentioned, and certain discussion threads, such as the Native American Church, tend to remain largely on the narrative periphery The second is that, while Davies claims his book recounts the struggle by traditional Navajo medicine to be accepted by the federal government, the text itself seems to suggest the government never "was very hostile to traditional practices in the first place Instead, what Davies's book really seems to be about is the struggle by the Navajo to reform a large, impersonal, and inefficient health care system, a struggle with -which all Americans can readily identify.

STEPHEN C STURGEON Utah State University

Mexican-Origin People in the United States: A Topical History

By Oscar J Martinez (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001. xxvii + 244 pp. Cloth, $45.00; paper, $17.95.)

IN OSCAR J MARTINEZ'S NEW WORK, Mexican-Origin People in the United States, the author uses the rosebush as a metaphor for the history of people of Mexican descent in the United States. Th e plant's flowers, he argues, symbolize material progress and advantages available in the economic colossus of El Norte , while the thorns epitomize the impediments to the acquisition of such benefits by Mexicanos. Like this metaphoric blossom, Martinez's work flowers with a myriad of advantages, although it does have a few prickly thorns

Martinez divides the wor k into eight chapters based on a chronological approach (primarily twentieth century) to specific topics Th e first two chapters provide an overview of population dynamics and Mexican migration into the United States. Chapters 3 and 4 supply a synopsis of social and cultural interaction with the majority society and detail how Mexicanos resisted discrimination while in many ways adapting to life in the United States Th e next three chapters focus on labor force participation, the growth of the middle and professional classes, and political experiences. Finally, Chapter 8 provides a synopsis of the text as well as a spotlight on contemporary issues such as affirmative action and bilingual education

Th e strengths of the work are many and significant Martinez incorporates much new research that reveals the existence of colonias (communities) in various parts of the nation, thereby presenting Mexicans as a national, not just regional, minority group. In addition, he provides a balanced view on a variety of topics. On e example of this is his treatment of Mexican repatriation during the Great Depression (Chapter 2), wherein he focuses both on the racism and prejudice that drove between one-half and one million people of Mexican descent out of the United States and on the obstacles they faced after their return to Mexico Another is his handling of "the impulse toward integration" by discussing issues such as military service and intermarriage patterns in locations throughout the country (Chapter 4). Finally, Martinez does an excellent jo b in subdividing Chapter 5 into sections detailing conditions and labor activities in agriculture, railroad work , mining, and urban -work

Although loaded with blossoms, the book carries some thorns. Chapter 6, which provides information on a mostly neglected sector of Mexican life in the United States, entrepreneurship and the professional class, could have been improved by more extensive use of the Census Bureau's Survey of Minority-Owned Business Enterprise Additionally, Martinez entitles the section dealing with economic improvement among people of Mexica n descent "Upward Mobility for the Fortunate." Is fortune the only (or primary) cause for a rise into middle-class or higher status? Finally, while many topics are covered in a balanced manner, the same cannot be said of bilingual education On this topic Martinez abandons the equilibrium he demonstrates elsewhere.

Overall, however, this is a well-researched and well-written book that provides an effective tool for covering a variety of the most recent topics and themes of Mexican American history It is a fine additio n to the growin g historical literature in this important field

JORGE IBER Texas Tech University

Riding the High Wire: Aerial Tramways in the West

By Robert A. Trennert (Boulder: University of Colorado, 2001. vii + 140 pp. Paper, $19.95.)

DRAWING ON HIS EXPERIENCE as a mining historian, Professor Robert Trennert has -written a comprehensive history of aerial tramways in -western North America, particularly those in Colorado, Utah, and the desert areas of Arizona and California.

H e has written in a clear manner the story of the development and use of the aerial tramways, describing in a vivid -way the difficulties of construction and operation in the rugged mountain and desert terrains. He explains the various phases of development and engineering as well as the advantages and disadvantages of each variation in use at the different locations His telling of the tasks of building towers in the rugged country of the San Juan Mountains in Colorado fills the reader with awe and wonderment at the tenacity and ingenuity of the workers and engineers

While the book does not enumerate all the aerial tram-ways in western North America, it covers enough of them to show all the varieties of the early tramways and the terrain in which they were erected. Professor Trennert effectively develops his thesis that the aerial tram-way made mining operations possible under the most adverse topographical conditions Students of mining history will find this story an invaluable tool in their studies However, the author could have made it more interesting to the non-historian by telling some of the tales associated with aerial tramways, such as this popular one from Park City: After attending a circus in Salt Lake City and watching the tightrope act with Dick, her nine-year-old son, Mrs F W Smith was shocked to see that Dick had climbed the ladder on an eighty-foot tower and, holding on to the overhead cable, was carefully walking the three-fourths-inch cable across the 180-foot expanse between two towers of the Silver King Coalition bucket line Mrs Smith was frantic but wise enough not to shout at Dick until he had descended What happened next remains speculation Maybe this story is true and maybe not, but it has appeal

A true story involving one of the tramways described in the book -was told to me by Charlie Chase, wh o was manager of the mine at Silverton, Colorado, when it happened. The tramway was built by Chase in 1929 to connect the Sunnyside Mine to the Mayflower Mill of the Shenandoah Dives Minin g Company. During the depression years of the 1930s most of the miners lived at the boardinghouse at the Sunnyside Mine. There -was no way to get to and from the site except by the tramway. O n Saturday nights when the miners -would hold dances at the boardinghouse, their wives and other ladies of Silverton, along with the band members and their instruments, "would climb aboard the buckets for the airy trip to the mine. After the dance they would all ride down in the starlight. Sometimes the weather was such that they were snowed o n going bot h directions. Once , the tramway stopped and they were left dangling for a short period.

As Professor Trennert points out, very few of the tramways exist today. I may have been partially responsible for closing down the last one. The nickel mine at Riddle, Oregon, crushed the ore at the mine and sent it to the processing plant 1,500 feet below and 400 feet distant by an aerial tramway. Due to market conditions it became necessary that the owners increase the grade of the feed to the electric furnace. As consulting metallurgist, I -was able to achieve the goal, but it became impossible to continue to use the tramway because the ore was now in the form of a slurry, which had to be transported by pipeline.

The many pictures and drawings are a pleasure to see, and they tell much of the story. On e of the most revealing about the conditions under -which these tramways were constructed is the picture of sixty-five mules loaded -with cable headed to a mine high in the San Juan Mountains.

This book belongs in the library of every student of western mining It shows evidence of very thorough research It is -well documented and indexed It might be more convenient to have all the notes on the page of the text instead of in the back, but the choice to use endnotes does not detract from the value of the work

FRANK W MILLSAPS Salt Lake City

Hell or High Water: fames White's Disputed Passage through Grand Canyon, 1867

By Eilean Adams (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2001 viii + 220 pp Cloth, $39.95; paper, $19.95.)

DURING MUCH OF THE nineteenth century, the Colorado River flowed from known lands into terra incognita, disappearing from view into the mysterious "Big Canyon," as the Grand Canyon was first called. Furthermore, the canyon was rumored to contain huge "waterfalls and even underground channels "where the river roared beyond human hearing. Considering the canyon's reputation, John Wesley Powell achieved hero status after his successful 1869 river trip through the canyon, as he and his men appeared to have done the impossible Robert Brewster Stanton knew that his 1889-90 party was not the first, but he always wanted to believe his was the second such voyage After their trips, both Powell and Stanton emphatically declared that boating the Grand Canyon was extremely difficult and hazardous and that only skilled boatmen could be successful

Powell later rode his prominence to a leadership role in government science, culminating his career as head of both the U.S Geological Survey and the Bureau of American Ethnology. Robert Brewster Stanton's two trips were basically engineering expeditions aimed at determining the feasibility of building a water-level railroad along the banks of the Colorado River While Powell lost no men to the river itself, three men drowned on the Stanton trips After investors declined to finance his proposed railroad, Stanton turned his attention to river history, finally compiling a two-volume opus that has been only partly published, as Colorado River Controversies.

Yet what were either Powell or Stanton to make of the story of James White, who, on September 7, 1867, showed up slowly floating on a crude driftwood raft toward the small Mormo n station of Callville, Nevada—on the Colorado River below the Grand Canyon? White, when pulled from the raft, was almost without clothing, terribly sunburned, emaciated from lack of food, and half crazed. After being rescued by James Ferry, Callville's mail agent, White was nursed back to a condition in which he could relate his story.

White, a semi-literate but intelligent man, told how he had been prospecting with two other men, Charles Baker and George Strole, in the San Juan Mountains of southwest Colorado. Finding little gold, they decided to prospect along the San Juan River, which runs west past the Four Corners and into Utah, joining the Colorado in Glen Canyon White said that the trio, riding horseback, followed the San Juan to the point where "it canyoned up" then left the river by turning overland to the north After traveling about fifty miles, they were attacked by Indians Baker was shot and killed instantly; White and Strole hastily grabbed some provisions and ran into the confines of a side canyon, leaving the Indians behind to plunder the horses and supplies White further said that he and Strole reached the Colorado River then built a raft by tying driftwood logs together with a lariat. Under a moonlit sky, they floated out onto a placid river

For three days, White related, the two men rode the smooth Colorado past the mouth of the San Juan River, eventually reaching rapids of intense violence In one of the first big rapids, Strole was washed overboard and was not seen again. White then continued his now-solo voyage, clinging to his makeshift raft on down the river He tied himself to the raft with a fifty-foot rope so that when he was repeatedly thrown into the river he could, each time, laboriously pull himself back.

White recounted his harrowing 1867 trip not only to the men at Callville but also to a newsman in Hardyville, Arizona, who sent the story to a newspaper in Prescott, Arizona, from which it was picked up and reprinted virtually nationwide It was a truly sensational account, attracting great interest, although most readers were probably skeptical of its veracity.

Powell learned of the story and may have briefly considered hiring James White as a boatman for the 1869 trip, but he never contacted White. Still, the White story, if true, would have been evidence to Powell that the Grand Canyon contained no conjectured waterfalls or underground river channels Powell apparently never mentioned White in his writings.

Stanton, however, as an engineer-turned-historian, took great interest in determining the actual facts of the White trip. In hindsight, it is fairly obvious that Stanton refused to believe that White could possibly have floated through the Grand Canyon on a crude driftwood raft After all, in 1889 Stanton had witnessed three men, all much better prepared than White, drown in the swirling rapids. Therefore, more than a tinge of bias contaminated Stanton's inquiries into the details

Stanton researched available accounts of White's raft trip then undertook to interview White in 1907 at the latter's home in Trinidad, Colorado, where White was working in the drayage business. Apparently, Stanton was readily able to confuse White, "who knew little about the geography of the Colorado River No r could White remember details of his terrifying trip, such as what the Grand Canyon looked like at various areas—a point Stanton used to discredit him

At least one man, journalist Thomas F. Dawson, did believe White, and in 1916 he -wrote articles in national publications affirming the story. Dawson also had one of his articles published by the United States Senate as Senate Document 42 in 1917

Although he must have been livid upon reading Dawson's article, Stanton's written criticism did not appear until 1932, when his book, Colorado River Controversies, "was published Th e book has influenced river historians ever since—that is, up until the recent publication of Adams's more authoritative analysis

In this fascinating account of White's adventures, Eilean Adams, his granddaughter, details how river historians have repeatedly tried to refute White's claim. Adams first exposes previous misconstructions, either inadvertent or deliberate, attributed to White and then compares his account to actual geographic features to show that he probably did just what he said he did

This book, Hell or High Water, is a lively, well-written account Whether or not one fully believes White's story, any reader would be fascinated with Adams's search through the labyrinth of garbled accounts, prejudices, and geographical possibilities for truth about her grandfather and his incredible journey.

W L RUSHO Salt Lake City