Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 75, Number 4, 2007

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X)

EDITORIAL STAFF

PHILIP F.NOTARIANNI, Editor ALLANKENTPOWELL, Managing Editor CRAIGFULLER, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS

LEE ANN KREUTZER,Salt Lake City,2009

STANFORDJ.LAYTON,Salt Lake City,2009

ROBERT S.MCPHERSON,Blanding,2007 W.PAUL REEVE,Salt Lake City,2008 JOHNSILLITO,Ogden,2007

NANCY J.TANIGUCHI,Merced,California,2008

GARY TOPPING,Salt Lake City,2008 RONALD G.WATT,West Valley City,2007 COLLEENWHITLEY, Salt Lake City,2009

Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles,documents,and reviews contributing to knowledge of Utah history.The Quarterly is published four times a year by the Utah State Historical Society,300 Rio Grande,Salt Lake City, Utah 84101.Phone (801) 533-3500 for membership and publications information. Members of the Society receive the Quarterly,and Currents,the quarterly newsletter, upon payment of the annual dues:individual,$25;institution,$25;student and senior citizen (age sixty-five or older),$20;sustaining,$35;patron,$50;business,$100.

Manuscripts submitted for publication should be double-spaced with endnotes.Authors are encouraged to include a PC diskette with the submission.For additional information on requirements,contact the managing editor.Articles and book reviews represent the views of the authors and are not necessarily those of the Utah State Historical Society.

Periodicals postage is paid at Salt Lake City,Utah.

POSTMASTER: Send address change to Utah Historical Quarterly,300 Rio Grande,Salt Lake City,Utah 84101.

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300

INTHISISSUE

“The Right Sort to Bring to the City”:Jack Johnson, Boxing,and Boosterism in Salt Lake City

By Richard Ian Kimball 322 The Salt Lake County Rotary Jail

By Douglas K.Miller

342 A Young Man Returns to the West:The 1880 Letters of Leonard Herbert Swett

By Dove Menkes

364 The Trapper,the Indian,and the Naming of Logan By Patricia L.Record

372

BOOK REVIEWS

Melissa Lambert Milewski,ed. Before the Manifesto:The Life and Writings of Mary Lois Walker Morris

Reviewed by Colleen Whitley

Carol Cornwall Madsen. An Advocate for Women:The Public Life of Emmeline B.Wells,1870-1920

Reviewed by Audrey M. Godfrey

Diana L.Ahmad. The Opium Debate and Chinese Exclusion Laws in the Nineteenth-Century American West Reviewed by Michael J. Lansing Doug Brugge,Timothy Benally,and Ester Yazzie-Lewis,ed. The Navajo People and Uranium Mining Reviewed by Natale (Nat) Zappia

Marilyn Norcini. Edward P.Dozier:The Paradox of the American Indian Anthropologist

Reviewed by Matthew T. Seddon

Donald G.Godfrey and Kenneth W.Godfrey,eds. The Diaries of Charles Ora Card:The Utah Years 1871–1886

Reviewed by Noel A. Carmack

W.Paul Reeve. Making Space on the Western Frontier:Mormons, Miners,and Southern Paiutes

Reviewed by Douglas D. Alder

This issue completes the seventy-fifth volume of the Utah Historical Quarterly.The first issue of the Quarterly appeared in 1928 under the editorship of forty-nine-year-old J.Cecil Alter,whose 1930 photograph is on the cover of this issue.The first issue of the Quarterly, thirty-two pages in length,included a brief salutation from Albert F.Philips, president of the Utah State Historical Society,and articles by William R.Palmer, “Indian Names in Utah Geography,”and J.Cecil Alter,“Some Useful Early Utah Indian References.”Alter,who was in charge of Salt Lake City’s Weather Bureau,served as editor during the difficult years of the Great Depression and World War II.After publication of the first six volumes,the Quarterly was suspended from 1934 until 1939.Under Alter’s direction Utah Historical Quarterly resumed publication in 1939 and the journal has been the primary outlet for Utah history scholarship ever since.Miriam B.Murphy,associate editor of the Utah Historical Quarterly from 1971 to 1998,concludes her article,“J.Cecil Alter,Founding Editor of Utah Historical Quarterly,”Winter 1978, with this assessment:“Utah Historical Quarterly was fortunate to have had J.Cecil Alter as its founding editor.His standard of excellence,his intelligence—appropriately spiced with curiosity,imagination,and wit—provided the journal with an invaluable legacy.”That legacy has continued under subsequent managing editors—A.Russell Mortensen,1950-1961;Everett L.Cooley,1962-1969; Charles S.Peterson,1969-1971;Glen M.Leonard,1971-1973;and Stanford J. Layton,1973-2002.

Our first article takes us back to 1910 and one of the twentieth centuries most important sporting events—the heavyweight championship fight between African American champion Jack Johnson and Jim Jeffries,the original “great

white hope.”Viewed by many as a contest to demonstrate racial superiority,if not racial equality,the fight drew national and international attention.Utah was no exception as Salt Lake City contended with other western cities to host the fight.Political,religious,and cultural issues played a role in Salt Lake City’s unsuccessful attempt to secure the contest,but both fighters visited Utah before the fight,and hundreds of Utahns headed west to witness the Fourth of July bout in Reno,Nevada.The Johnson victory and subsequent reaction in Utah and the rest of the nation reveals much about contemporary racial attitudes.

A few years earlier,in 1887,Salt Lake County undertook a bold experiment in the housing of prisoners with the construction of a radically designed rotary jail.The jail,located on the north side of 200 South between 300 and 400 West, opened on July 4,1887.Designers promised that the escape-proof,mechanized jail could be managed by a single jailer by limiting access to one entry and exit point for all of the pie-shaped cells.The story of the decision to construct the jail,its operation,and the prisoners who occupied it,make for a fascinating glimpse into the underside of Salt Lake City during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Our third article returns to the adventures of Leonard Herbert Swett as he recounts in a series of letters to his parents living in Chicago his activities with the United States Geological Survey team based at Kanab in 1880.A sequel to an article about his initial trip to Utah in 1879 published in the Summer 2007 issue of the Quarterly,this account takes readers from the Walker House in Salt Lake City to Beaver,Kanab,and the north rim of the Grand Canyon offering interesting insights into the people,communities,and geography along the way.

One of the many questions historians seek to answer about any community is the origin of its name.Often the origins of a name are well documented.For other communities,the origins are more obscure or multifaceted.The city of Logan in Cache Valley was long believed to have been named for Ephraim Logan,a fur trapper who had wintered in Cache Valley in 1824-25 and who was killed a few years later while leading a group of trappers into the “Snake Country”north of Cache Valley.While the Logan River was named during the 1820s for Ephraim Logan,our final article for this year takes us back to pioneer accounts of the naming of the settlement of Logan in 1859 to make the case that the half French,half Omaha translator Logan Fontenelle was a factor in the naming of Logan.

As we celebrate the completion of this seventy-fifth volume of Utah Historical Quarterly,we thank the hundreds of past contributors to the Quarterly and the many individuals who have served on the board of editors,and look forward to publishing the work of present and future historians and writers in the coming decades.May their efforts be as fruitful,stimulating,and valuable as those of their predecessors.

LEFT: The North Rim of the Grand Canyon.

ONTHECOVER: J.Cecil Alter,founding editor of the Utah Historical Quarterly.

PHOTOSCOURTESYOFTHEUTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY

Right Sort to Bring to the City”: Jack Johnson, Boxing,and Boosterism in Salt Lake City

BYRICHARD IAN KIMBALL

On July 4,1910,the most important heavyweight championship fight in American history pitted black heavyweight champion Jack Johnson against Jim Jeffries,the original “great white hope.” Jeffries had been called out of retirement to re-enthrone white supremacy at the pinnacle of the boxing world.But it was not to be.Under a clear sky in Reno,Nevada,the “last great prize ring battle of heavyweights in the United States”was a mismatch from the opening bell.1 Johnson quickly established his dominance and Jeffries bowed out in the fifteenth round.Johnson retained the title until a series of imbroglios with the federal government led to his exile in 1913.Historians have told and retold this story,including the widely viewed PBS documentary, Unforgivable Blackness:The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson. 2 Perhaps it was

Jack Johnson (March 31,1878–June 10,1946.)

Richard Ian Kimball is an assistant professor of history at Brigham Young University.

1

“Fight Day Dawns On Roped Arena,” Deseret News,July 4,1910.

2 The best biography of Johnson remains Randy Roberts, Papa Jack:Jack Johnson and the Era of White Hopes (New York:Free Press,1983).Other treatments of Johnson’s life examine the Jeffries fight in detail.

See Finis Farr, Black Champion:The Life and Times of Jack Johnson (New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons,1964); Al-Tony Gilmore, Bad Nigger! The National Impact of Jack Johnson (Port Washington,NY:Kennikat Press, 1975);Robert Greenwood, The Prize Fight of the Century (Reno:Jack Bacon & Company,2004);Thomas R.Hietala, The Fight of the Century:Jack Johnson,Joe Louis,and the Struggle for Racial Equality (Armonk,NY:

“The

the “fight of the century,”but the fight spawned other stories that extend well beyond the hastily assembled ring in Reno.

About five hundred miles east of “the biggest little city in the world,” local boosters in Salt Lake City viewed the fight as an opportunity to display their city in a way that would attract tourism and invite capital investment from outside the Intermountain West.By hosting the “greatest boxing contest in pugilistic history,”the Salt Lake Tribune reasoned,the city would become the “center of the world”in the months leading up to the fight.3 For a time,Saltair,the resort on the Great Salt Lake,remained in the running to stage the fight.History,however,passed right by on its way to Reno.But the excitement surrounding the fight—likened to an invasion— laid bare social and political tensions,racial conflict,and created unlikely partnerships in Salt Lake City.While all eyes focused on Reno,events in Utah’s capital city showed how attitudes about prizefighting reflected the social realities of life in the city.Unexpectedly,the most telling competition in the battle to secure the fight was not between Salt Lake City and other cities but was within Salt Lake City itself.Prizefighting became a pawn in the struggle between fierce rivals—political,racial,religious,and social— who espoused differing visions of the city’s future.Though Salt Lake City failed in its bid to host the heavyweight championship,a form of urban combat played out in the pages of local papers and on city streets.The hulking heavyweights in the ring faded into the background as civic adversaries competed to shape the future of Salt Lake City.

Political and cultural differences in Salt Lake City coalesced around the Johnson-Jeffries fight and prizefighting generally.In the months leading up to the title fight,boxing received unprecedented attention in the city’s daily newspapers.Editorials excoriating the sport as immoral and unjustified used boxing as a symbol of a larger rift.In short,support of boxing became associated with the American Party (a coalition of anti-Mormon ministers, businessmen,and professionals that had taken control of the Salt Lake City municipal government in 1905) and the unrestrained pursuit of economic growth.Those who denounced the sport implicitly criticized the direction of local government in favor of a more moral-based regulatory system.4 Moreover,two other local issues—race relations and civic boosterism— were bound up in the symbol of prizefighting.The heavyweight title fight may have been on the lips of civic reformers,but their hearts were set on controlling the future of Salt Lake City.

The story of the Johnson-Jeffries fight and Salt Lake City begins well

M.E.Sharpe,2002).Jack Johnson describes the fight in his own words in Jack Johnson is a Dandy:An Autobiography (New York:Chelsea House,1969).

3 “G.L.‘Tex’Rickard,A Prominent Promoter,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 22,1910.

4 For more on the American Party,see Thomas G.Alexander and James B.Allen, Mormons & Gentiles:A History of Salt Lake City (Boulder,CO:Pruett Publishing Co.,1984),140-61;and Reuben Joseph Snow, “The American Party in Utah:A Study of Political Party Struggles During the Early Years of Statehood” (M.A.thesis,University of Utah,1964).

before the bout.Johnson had captured the heavyweight crown in December 1908,by defeating the undistinguished champion Tommy Burns in Sydney,Australia.Eight months later,as part of an exhibition tour,Johnson spent several days in Salt Lake City and it didn’t take long for the black champion to make an impression.The city’s fight fans knew that a Johnson-Jeffries match was being organized and they relished the opportunity to size up Johnson’s skill and fitness.African Americans planned to celebrate their champion and entertain him in high style.

Wherever Jack Johnson traveled,a whirlwind followed.Salt Lake City was no different.As the “idol of the sons of Africa,”Johnson received treatment reserved for a conquering hero.5 Nearly half of the eight hundred African Americans in the county met Johnson’s train and greeted the occasion “like the return of the victorious athletes of Greece in the olden days.”6 As the guest of “Salt Lake’s darktown,”Johnson hired an automobile and raced through the streets of the city,umpired an interracial baseball game between the African American Occidentals and the white Independents,and socialized into the early morning hours.7 Salt Lake City’s

5

“Tonight is the Big Exhibition,” Herald-Republican,August 18,1909.

6 “Jack Johnson Comes Tonight,” Herald-Republican,August 16,1909.

7 This phrase is used in “Shows Class as Umpire,” Herald-Republican,August 20,1909.For more on the history of African Americans in Utah,see Ronald Gerald Coleman,“A History of Blacks in Utah,1825-

James J.Jeffries arrives at the Union Pacific Railroad Station in Salt Lake City,January 22,1910.

black community momentarily took center stage in the city.The bottom rail was on top this time—at least until Johnson tried to check into the Orpheum Hotel.After booking the room in advance,Johnson presented himself at 3:00 a.m.and requested his room key.He was “politely informed,”reported the Herald-Republican,“that the house did not cater to colored trade.”Ordered from the premises,the champion walked to the police station and sought redress.The police refused to help.8 This was the first time that Johnson had been turned away from a hotel after his reservation had been accepted.The champion spent the remainder of his stay in the home of William Russel,a well-known African American.Within two days of the incident,Johnson filed suit in the district court,seeking twenty thousand dollars in damages. 9 Even the heavyweight champion of the world fell victim to the power of some local customs.

Though Johnson won many admirers for his pugilistic skills and personality,the champion’s color never receded very far into the background. “Like the crest of a great brown wave sucking after it innumerable pebbles,”wrote one sportswriter,“something struck the office of the HeraldRepublican last night.It was Arthur Jack Johnson,champion heavyweight pugilist of the world.”An irrepressible raconteur,Johnson captivated his audience.Expecting the champion to “act like a ‘bear’,”sportswriters and fight fans alike were impressed by his good-natured grin and willingness to talk about himself and his plans.10 The highlight of Johnson’s stay was a four-round exhibition match held in the Salt Palace and attended by twenty-five hundred fans.Upon leaving the city,Johnson remarked,“I have certainly enjoyed myself”and “have nothing but well wishes to take away over my reception and treatment from the white people,as well as from my own people,and I hope that I have made some friends.”11 His stature already assured among African Americans,Johnson charmed some white fans during his visit.In its final analysis,the Herald-Republican concluded that Johnson “wasn’t a bad unbleached American”and praised him as a “pretty white coon.”12

Johnson may have impressed some Salt Lakers,but that didn’t mean that most white residents were comfortable living under the reign of a black heavyweight champion.It was one thing to size up Johnson’s chances

1910”(Ph.D.dissertation,University of Utah,1980).The African American presence in Salt Lake City politics is detailed in Jeffrey Nichols,“‘The Boss of the White Slaves’:R.Bruce Johnson and African American Political Power in Utah at the Turn of the Twentieth Century,” Utah Historical Quarterly 74 (Fall 2006):349-64.

8

“Jack Johnson,Pugilist,Has No Place to Sleep,” Herald-Republican,August 17,1909.William Russel charged three dollars a day “because Johnson eats more than several ordinary men.”For more on Johnson’s umpiring and the Occidentals,see Miriam B.Murphy,“The Black Baseball Heroes of ’09,” Beehive History 7 (1981):25-27.

9

“Negro Sues to Recover $20,000 For Being Ousted from Local Hotel,” Herald-Republican,August 19, 1909.

10

“Big Black Man Has Confidence,” Herald-Republican,August 17,1909.

11

“Big Crowd Sees Johnson Leave,” Herald-Republican,August 20,1909.

12 Ibid.,and “Tonight is the Big Exhibition,” Herald-Republican,August 18,1909.

against Jeffries and quite another to cheer for the black champion in the ring.In fact,the smoke from Johnson’s westbound train was still swirling when the Herald-Republican called on Jim Jeffries to move from Great White Hope to reality.In an editorial cartoon entitled “A Job for Dr. Jeffries,”a beefy man with a white globe for a head calls on “Dr.Jeffries”to cure him of “a sore black head on my head.”On the globe is a small depiction of a Sambo-like character named Johnson.“But will the physician be able to handle the case?”read the caption.Johnson blemished the world with his title and Jeffries needed to redeem the championship and return the heavyweight crown to its rightful owner.13 Dethroning Johnson,while necessary to restore boxing’s racial order,would not be easy.Placing the weight of the white world on his shoulders,the cartoon implored the former champion to return to the ring.

While whites awaited redemption,the contest to host the title fight began in earnest and Salt Lake City raced into the fray.Then,as now,sports were seen as an opportunity to advertise a city’s attractions and invite fans to visit.Prize fighting may have had a mixed reputation,but the chance to host tens of thousands of visitors who needed lodging,meals,and entertainment motivated city leaders and business men throughout the West.To secure the fight,cities had to prove to promoter George L.“Tex” Rickard that politicians would not stand in the way of the fight and that concessions would be granted for the building of a new arena that would hold thousands of eager ticket buyers.At one point or another in the negotiation process,San Francisco,Oakland,Los Angeles,Reno,Goldfield and Ely,Nevada,and Salt Lake City made offers to Rickard.The situation took months to sort out.14

Under the leadership of sporting editor W.D.“Bill”Rishel,the HeraldRepublican promoted the fight game tirelessly while Rishel worked behind the scenes to bring the heavyweight title match to Salt Lake City.15 Rishel himself was a boxer who had sparred with Jeffries,Johnson,Bob Fitzsimmons,and Jim Corbett.Not a professional fighter,Rishel boxed for exercise.He was also a civic booster who understood the drawing power of sports and their potential to turn a run-of-the-mill town into a major league city.Rishel believed that it was “a sporting editor’s duty to his paper and his town”to land the fight for Salt Lake City if for no other reason

13 “A Job for Dr.Jeffries,” Herald-Republican,August 21,1909.

14 For more on Rickard’s exploits,see Charles Samuels, The Magnificent Rube:The Life and Gaudy Times of Tex Rickard (New York:McGraw-Hill,1957).

15 For Rishel’s version of the events,see Virginia Rishel,ed.,“The Rise of Tex Rickard as a Fight Promoter,” Utah Historical Quarterly 55 (Fall 1987):340-48.Rishel not only promoted Salt Lake City but was also one of the early proponents of the “See America First”movement,which worked to develop the tourist infrastructure of the Intermountain West and stimulate domestic travel in the United States.See Marguerite S.Shaffer, See America First:Tourism and National Identity,1880-1940 (Washington,DC: Smithsonian Institution Press,2001),26-39,148.Some of Rishel’s boosting activities are chronicled in Virginia Rishel, Wheels to Adventure:Bill Rishel’s Western Routes (Salt Lake City:Howe Brothers,1983).

than “the publicity it would have given the old town.”16 Boxing promoter Jack Gleason paired with Rickard to organize the Johnson-Jeffries match.It was no easy task to stage an event of this magnitude. Prize fighting was illegal in every state except Nevada, although major bouts had recently been held in California.The promoters worked together to secure a site,but they brought different interests to the table.

Gleason favored northern California while Rickard initially argued for Salt Lake City and for a time became the city’s biggest booster.

Salt Lakers seemed in the mood for boosting.Expanding in population,and shedding some of the provinciality that had characterized Mormon domination in the nineteenth century,the city stood poised to become a regional leader,if not a city of the first rank.Regionally,Salt Lake City competed directly with Denver,hoping one day to rival San Francisco.Civic boosters pulled no punches in promoting the city’s potential.An editorial in the HeraldRepublican championed the city in its plea for civic improvement:“Here in the city we need a little stronger sentiment of devotion to Salt Lake ... This is and always must be the leading city of the mountain country.There is no vain chatter in the statement that Salt Lake will outstrip Denver in population,influence and wealth.Twenty years will demonstrate the fact.” At times,the boosterism resembled playground braggadocio more than reasoned argument.“This is the best city,”the editorial continued,“and the people of every other section of the United States must be made to understand that fact.”The charge was clear—“we must ...pray very earnestly for the power to hold our home city and our home state above all others wherever they may be;above them in every essential,above them in power and above them in desirability.”17 Hosting the Johnson-Jeffries match might persuade outsiders of the city’s bright future.

16 Rishel,“Rise of Tex Rickard,”348.

17 “What Do You Want for Christmas?” Herald-Republican,December 20,1909.

Jack Johnson,heavy weight boxing champion,1908-1915.

Fight fans in Boise,Idaho,saw the match as a potential boon for Salt Lake City and planned to attend the fight.“Salt Lake considers that the big fight is one of the greatest advertisements that city has ever secured and the business men there are enthusiastic”about the influx of fight-related visitors,asserted the Boise sporting crowd.“There is little question but what the advertisement feature will be an attraction and that Salt Lake next summer will be destined to become the Mecca of fans who are admirers of the pugilistic art.”While California had hosted its share of title fights, “Utahans feel they are entitled to entertain world championship pugdom at least once in a century,”concluded the report.18 Residents of Denver,perhaps reflecting their view of the regional rivalry,scoffed at Salt Lake City’s bid.Fight fans in that city envisaged the fight in California and thought Salt Lake City had “not the chance in a thousand”of hosting the bout.19

Tex Rickard agreed with the Boise fans and touted Salt Lake City as his first choice.On December 20,1909,he told reporters in Chicago,“Take it from me,we are going to fight in Salt Lake City.”20 Rickard assumed the mantle of “Salt Lake booster”to convince local political officials to host the bout and induce boxing fans to attend the fight.On his visit to the city in late December 1909,Rickard’s rhetoric dripped with salesmanship:“As an advertisement for Salt Lake,I found out from talking with people throughout the country,that any amount of dollars and cents cannot buy the advertisement the fight will bring to Salt Lake...[T]he [fighters] must be at the place of the fight at least ninety days before the [match].That in itself will keep hundreds of men interested in the coming and going from the city.”And the men who would visit were far from ordinary.Rather,“they were the right sort to bring to the city.They are all men of means,and they cannot help but bring money with them to spend and even to invest.”

Rickard finished with a bald-faced challenge to the striving city:“He says he has put Salt Lake up against San Francisco and hopes Salt Lake will win out.” 21 To those boosting the city’s future,winning a contest with San Francisco meant more than any heavyweight title.Perhaps Salt Lake City leaders could be cajoled to overlook anti-prize-fight laws in the service of the greater good of bringing attention to their city.

In private meetings,Bill Rishel had convinced Rickard that “Utah would stand for the fight”because the Salt Lake City “government was very liberal.”Hoping to locate the fight in Salt Lake City,Rickard and Rishel met with state and local officials to sound out their interest.The Chamber of Commerce created a committee to support the plan,with A. Fred Wey,owner of the Wilson Hotel,as chairman.Rishel traveled with Rickard to New York where Johnson and Jeffries accepted Rickard’s bid.

18

“Boise Fans Are Glad,” Herald-Republican,December 21,1909.

19 “Denver Thinks Salt Lake Has Little Show,” Herald-Republican,December 20,1909.

20 “Tex in Chicago Say Fight Will Come Here,” Herald-Republican,December 21,1909.

21 “Rickard Comes to Offer Salt Lake First Chance at Fight,” Herald-Republican,December 25,1909.

The contract stated the fight would take place in Utah,Nevada,or California.Rishel advised Rickard to insert the clause “in case something came up to prevent the fight being held in Salt Lake.” 22 Having lived in Salt Lake City for nearly a decade,Rishel rightly anticipated the difficulty of getting city leaders on board.

Boxing committee chairman Fred Wey did not consider himself much of a sportsman,but he appreciated “the great interest ...in athletic sports.” Wey had traveled the previous year to Athens,Greece,where he marveled at the city’s “big marble stadium”which could hold one hundred thousand spectators,nearly 80 percent of the local population.Upon his return,Wey led a coalition of bankers,manufacturers,real estate brokers,and attorneys in negotiations with Rickard.These civic boosters stressed the “benefits the city would reap in securing the big attraction”and assured Rickard that the “law would protect him.”23 The committee proposed to demolish the bicycle track at Saltair and extend the seating area,including the construction of two new balconies.The expanded stadium would accommodate forty thousand spectators.24 The way seemed clear for the securing of the prizefight,a “big plum”for Wey and his committee.25

Rickard’s proposal to put Salt Lake City on the pugilistic map met immediate resistance from the Deseret News (owned and operated by The

22 Rishel,“Rise of Tex Rickard,”346,348. 23 “People Joyous Over Big Contest,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 16,1910. 24 “Saltair Beach Gets Big Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 17,1910. 25 “People Joyous Over Big Contest,” Salt Lake Tribune, January 16,1910.

SALTLAKEHERALD, APRIL26, 1910

Five hundred boxing fans greet Jack Johnson at the Salt Lake City train station.

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) and religious leaders in the community.Prize fighting became a new front in the long-standing political battles in the city.The Deseret News wasted no time in laying out the contending sides.Regarding the fight,the News stood firm:“We want all the world to know that the Latter-day Saints do not approve of such affairs, and can have nothing to do with them.”The church’s position on prizefighting was expected.The editorial,though,linked prize-fights and other entertainments to the ruling American Party.The jab was not-so-veiled.“[S]aloons, gambling hells [sic],dens of infamy,horse racing,and prize fights are some of the ‘civilizing’agencies that are forced upon our community by those who claim to be ‘Americans’par excellence.”The editorial then questioned the ability of the American Party to attract enough legitimate business to the city.26 Churches consistently condemned prizefighting on moral grounds,but the church-owned paper made short work of the moral argument and turned straight to politics.Politics would remain at the center of the debate over prize fighting in the months leading to the Johnson-Jeffries match.

The anti-fight crowd had the law on its side.While boxing exhibitions (short fights,usually three or four rounds,displaying pugilistic skill rather than fighting for a title or money) were permitted,the law barred prizefights categorically.“The language of the statute is as plain as human speech can make it,”the Deseret News claimed,that “every person who engages in, initiates,encourages,or promotes any ring or prize fight,or any other premeditated fight or contention,without deadly weapons,either as principal,aid,second,umpire,surgeon,or otherwise,is punishable by imprisonment.” 27 Surely the Johnson-Jeffries match met the statute’s requirements and the Deseret News maintained that many local boxing matches went beyond the realm of exhibitions.The Salt Lake Tribune weighed in on the side of sparring exhibitions and against prizefights:“As for boxing contests simply as a matter of exercise,of physical training,of drill in the endurance of punishment,and in the exercise of all the muscular power of the body,nothing can be finer than such an exhibit honestly and fairly conducted,not for gain and not attracting a lot of outlaws and outcasts as accompaniments.But the prizefight,as it has come to be conducted,is simply a farce from the standpoint of athletic support and of athletic prowess.”28 Of course,the question of when an exhibition morphed into a prizefight proved difficult to answer.

Beginning in December 1909,the Deseret News railed against the social malignancies associated with the ring.Boxing was bad enough,but the crowd that followed the sport was altogether undesirable.Fight promoters were not the only ones who could argue in hyperbole.Consider this editorial:“[Fight fans] hope to see something ‘exciting’for their money

26 “We Protest,” Deseret News,December 27,1909.

27 “We Protest Again,” Deseret News,February 1,1910.

28 “Great Prize Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune, January 18,1910.

preferably a murder.Many of the crowds that travel thousands of miles and pay a high price to see a fight between human beings would do the same to see human beings burn at the stake,or be sacrificed and eaten by savages.They go to satisfy their morbid desires for excitement.” 29 Prizefights interested only the lowest elements of society— crowds of “plug-uglies” watching “male prostitutes that hammer one another for a prize.” Deseret News editorialists repeatedly laid blame at the door of the American Party.“Synchronous with the socalled American regime,”gamblers,thieves, saloon owners,and prostitutes had filled the city.Permitting prizefighting advertised the city “as a place where the laws can be broken with impunity”and had attracted “criminals from other parts of the country.”Under American Party leadership,the city received the wrong kind of boost.30

Editorialists did not condemn all growth and change in the city,but they did evince a different vision of how the city should advertise itself.Air shows,auto shows,and even the 1915 World’s Fair would bring positive attention to Salt Lake City and would appeal to upstanding citizens and families.The air show,for example,would “draw visitors from all over the Intermountain country.It would be a far better advertisement for our City than horse races and prize fights.”31 At stake was not just the future of the fight game in Salt Lake City but the very character of the city.Salt Lake City needed publicity to help it grow,but not all types of publicity were beneficial.Hosting the heavyweight championship bout would invite the wrong element into Salt Lake City.Victory in the competition to host the fight,the Deseret News averred,could only prove pyrrhic.“There has been a feeling in certain quarters,”reported the paper,“that the Jeffries-Johnson bout would give the city much advertising,but with the far-sighted,sane

29 “Protest by All Means,” Deseret News,May 4,1910.

30 “The Right Kind of Boost,” Deseret News,February 16,1910.

31 “Fetch the High Flyers,” Deseret News,January 14,1910.On the World’s Fair,see “Why Not Salt Lake?” Deseret News,April 27,1910.

A Job for Dr.Jeffries,Cartoon that appeared in the Salt Lake Herald.

business men,no matter what their personal inclination might be,there has ever been the feeling that a contest of this sort would not redound to anything creditable to the city which is to be the commercial metropolis of the intermountain west.” 32 Economic growth promised a brighter future for the city,but only if it was controlled and measured.Growth at all costs would be disastrous;let other cities desperate for attention deal with the social problems caused by prizefighting.

In January 1910,Tex Rickard announced to Salt Lake City boosters that “the Jeffries-Johnson boxing contest for the championship of the world is yours;it will be held in Salt Lake City next July 4.”33 Wey and his comrades celebrated the decision and looked forward to the publicity that awaited the city.Their celebration did not last long.The day following the announcement,Utah Governor William Spry promised to call out the state militia if it was needed to stop the fight.Spry warned the promoters, “There is no use of these sporting men keeping up the talk of overthrowing the law in Utah.It would be absurd if a couple of fight promoters could nullify the law at their convenience.The law is against the fight,and we simply will not permit it.”34 By the middle of February,despite a flood of ticket applications,hotel reservations,and even the purchase of the lumber for the new arena,the tables had turned and Salt Lake City stood “not a chance”of hosting the bout. 35 Rickard had seemed genuinely interested in locating the championship fight in Salt Lake City,but he may well have been using the city as leverage in negotiations with San Francisco.36 Eventually,after protracted dealings with political leaders in San Francisco,Rickard awarded the fight to Reno.A promise from Nevada Governor Denver S.Dickerson that no amount of reform pressure could sway his support carried the day.37

Back in Salt Lake City,the Deseret News delighted in the title fight’s relocation,but the paper continued to sound the drum beat in the fight against local boxing.Other reform leaders joined in.Interdenominational relations in the city had thawed in the early twentieth century and the anti-boxing crusade found the once-warring religious groups in the same corner.On May 12,1910,the Deseret News reported,“the war which has been waged fitfully against prizefighting in this city is taking definite shape.”38 Later that month,in a speech at the LDS Tabernacle,Catholic Reverend Dean Harris registered a “vigorous protest against the presence of women and children at the degrading exhibitions of naked men bruising and pounding each

32 “Jeff and Johnson to San Francisco,” Deseret News,February 10,1910.

33 “People Joyous Over Big Contest,” Salt Lake Tribune, January 16,1910.

34 “Governor Spry Says He Will Not Allow Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 17,1910.

35 “Not a Chance for Big Title Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune,February 9,1910.

36 Salt Lake City journalists had been more skeptical about Rickard’s proposal and had questioned his motives at the time of the original announcement.See “The Great Prize Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 18,1910.

37 See Roberts, Papa Jack,95.

38 “Saltair Fight May Have a Sad Sequel,” Deseret News,May 12,1910.

other.”39 Reverend L.S.Bowman of the Baptist church attacked the evils of gambling and praised the efforts to keep prizefights out of the city.40 In addition to religious-based censure,boxing had to fend off blows delivered by civic leaders.Members of the Boosters Club in the northern Utah town of Logan took “up arms against an invasion of ‘pugs’in its city”by prohibiting fighter “Cyclone”Johnny Thompson from training in the organization’s gymnasium.41 Business leaders “fear[ed] that [Thompson’s] appearance ... would be the opening wedge of a campaign to introduce the boxing game in Logan.”42

Despite the efforts of anti-boxing reformers,boxing in Salt Lake City maintained a loyal following.In 1910,boxing was king.Basketball was not yet twenty years old;professional football would not be taken seriously for another decade;baseball was America’s pastime but the major leagues did not extend beyond the Mississippi and minor league baseball had not yet made its mark in Salt Lake City.Boxing news,both local and national, appeared in the sports pages daily and occasionally warranted the front page as well.The Salt Lake Tribune published a series of articles describing the modern history of prizefighting back to eighteenth-century England as well as a defense of the sport’s merits written by a well-regarded local boxer and referee.43 Local and regional pugilists fought in front of appreciative crowds in cities and towns throughout Utah.The Johnson-Jeffries match may have heightened interest in the sport but boxing had long been a staple of the local sports scene.Boxing fans represented a cross-section of Salt Lake City’s population and proved “boxing even in a professional match is a popular sport even in Utah.”44

The Manhattan Club,located at 147 Pierpont Street,hosted Salt Lake City’s major fights and provided training facilities for the boxers.Every other week throughout 1910,fairly prominent boxers fought at the club.A typical Monday night slate might include five fights in various classes ranging from featherweight to light heavyweight.A limited coterie of boxers cycled through the club,though new fighters arrived in Salt Lake City with some regularity.Inter-racial matches,especially in the lower weight classes,were common enough to be unremarkable.The most anticipated matches were “battle royals”where five or so African-American boxers entered the ring simultaneously and the last one standing collected the pot.

39

“Protest Against Prize-Fights,” Deseret News,May 16,1910.

40 “Resort,Horse Races and Fights Arraigned,” Deseret News,June 20,1910.

41

“Logan Takes Steps to Oust Pugilists,” Deseret News, June 1,1910.

42

“‘Cyclone’Thompson Passed Up By Logan,” Deseret News, June 3,1910.

43 For examples,see “Tom Johnson’s Great Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune ,February 13,1910;“Rise of Mendoza,‘The Great Master,’” Salt Lake Tribune,February 20,1910.Former Utah champ Willard Bean argued that the Marquis of Queensbury rules had developed “a scientific and practical field of sport” which had “eliminate[ed] the brutal and offensive elements”that had marked the sport in earlier times.See Bean,“Ex-Utah Champion Gives Some Facts,” Salt Lake Tribune,January 14,1910.

44

“Utah Fight Fans Have Great Time in Discussing Ogden Boxing Bout,” Herald-Republican,January 10,1910.

Watching black boxers pound on each other proved especially appealing to the predominantly white audience.These types of bouts reinforced racial stereotypes and,according to historian Randy Roberts,taught blacks that, “rewards came from defeating your brother,not from joining him.”45 An account of one Manhattan Club contest between “five burly negroes”reports that “the battle royal was a scream.”46 As many as five hundred fans attended the bi-weekly bouts.Eventually,the club moved to the Salt Palace to accommodate the expanding crowd.A second venue,the Salt Lake Athletic Club, located at 56 Richards Street,began holding bouts in June 1910. Towns and cities throughout the state also hosted public matches including Ogden,Provo,Park City,and Morgan.When sought-after bouts were held in Ogden,hundreds of Salt Lake fans boarded specially scheduled fight-bound trains,which arrived in Ogden just before the opening bell and left thirty minutes after the last match.For one April 1910 bout,six hundred fans took the train and another one hundred traveled by automobile. 47 In July 1910,more than five hundred women in Provo watched Peanuts Sinclair pummel Young Erlenborn.48 In addition to watching live fights,fans could view films of prominent title fights.In the same week that hundreds traveled to Ogden to watch a live fight,hundreds more,including hundreds of women,watched the moving pictures of the Bat Nelson-Ad Wolgast title fight in a Salt Lake City theater.The Ogden crowds packed the Bungalow Theatre’s four daily showings for a week.More than fifteen hundred fans had stood outside the Salt Lake Tribune’s office on Main Street in the February cold to hear the telegraphed returns of the original match.49 The Herald-Republican captured the spirit of the fight fans,“You can knock prize-fighting all you want,but you cannot make the sport unpopular.”50

The most significant,and the most notorious,boxing bouts took place at Saltair,the premier resort on the Great Salt Lake,a short train ride from Salt Lake City.These well-publicized contests were clearly prizefights, which pitted professional boxers against each other and lasted well beyond four rounds.City and county officials aligned with the American Party, most notably county attorney Job Lyon,added to the controversy by refusing to get involved.

The first major fight held at Saltair nearly ended in tragedy.For weeks leading up to the May 13,1910,bout between Pete Sullivan and “Cyclone” Thompson,the Deseret News excoriated attorney Lyon for allowing the fight.Lyon argued that he could do nothing to stop the scheduled bout

45 Roberts, Papa Jack,7.

46

“Boxing Bouts at Manhattan Club,” Deseret News ,December 27,1909;“Big Crowd Out for Manhattan Club Goes,” Herald-Republican,December 28,1909.

47

“Featherweights Box Twenty-Six Round Draw,” Deseret News,April 29,1910.

48

“Women See Brutal Fight at Provo,” Deseret News,July 6,1910.

49 “Large Crowd Hears Returns of Fight,” Salt Lake Tribune,February 23,1910.

50 “Many See Pictures of Nelson-Wolgast Fight,” Herald-Republican,April 25,1910.

until he received a formal complaint from a citizen.

County Sheriff Joseph C. Sharp,several deputies,and a deputy county attorney were dispatched to the fight to step in if “the law is being violated.If I think the ‘boxing contest’is approaching a fight,I shall certainly stop it.There are going to be no fights in this county,”pledged Sharp. 51 The Deseret News found cold comfort in the sheriff’s promise and sheer duplicity in Lyon’s handsoff approach.“It is ...nonsense for the authorities who have sworn to maintain the law,to say that they are going to watch the performance closely and stop it,if the law is violated.That is a poor effort to sooth the conscience,”read one editorial.

Prizefights attract only “crowds of pluguglies.” 52 As it turned out,the fight crowd made the real news that night.

As this Salt Lake Tribune cartoon suggests,Utah boxing fans were eager to travel to Reno for the Johnson-Jeffries bout.

Nearly three thousand spectators jammed the resort that evening,including fifty women,prominent citizens,the city’s chief of police,a county commissioner,and several city councilmen.A makeshift arena had been constructed on the resort’s former hippodrome,which was suspended over a bicycle racetrack.The night’s three bouts went off without a hitch.Frantic but brief action delighted the crowd and each match ended by knockout.The evening’s main event concluded about 11 p.m.,when battered Pete Sullivan crashed to the canvas.The referee’s count unleashed a torrent of fans toward the doors,quickly packing the main staircase exit.Intent on catching the first train back to the city,members of the crowd had little warning before the timbers at the foot of the staircase gave way and

51

“Prize Fight at Saltair Beach,” Deseret News,May 11,1910.

52 “Stop Prize Fights,” Deseret News,May 12,1910.

“opened a gaping hole through which the waters of the lake could be seen.”Dozens of fans tumbled into the water as pieces of the shattered staircase showered down around them.“Down in the water,”according to one eyewitness,“there was a seething,scrambling mass,choking in the water,groping a way out or striving against the jumble of timbers.”Fear that the entire building was sinking caused a momentary panic but calm prevailed as “temperate minds”grabbed hoses and ropes to rescue the victims.Remarkably,the most severe injury was a broken leg.Most got away with bruises,cuts,and the loss of personal items.53 Fight promoter R.A.Grant settled with the victims who made claims against Saltair.54 The fight itself was lost in the maelstrom.But the event forced the hand of local officials who scurried to ensure that order prevailed in the arena.

Within weeks of the Saltair debacle,American Party leaders and Salt Lake City’s boxing promoters agreed to a program that would permit amateur prize fights of up to six rounds.Professional boxers were not allowed.The city’s police chief,Sam Barlow,allotted two matches a month to the Manhattan and Salt Lake Athletic clubs.55 “Glove contests bring into Salt Lake an undesirable element,”warned the chief,“and the best way to get rid of that element is to reduce the frequency of the contests.”56 As for the county areas beyond the city limits,including Saltair, Sheriff Ward prohibited prizefights in June 1910.

The accident,however,did little to dampen the interest in boxing,even at Saltair.Just days after the disaster,promoter Grant announced a forthcoming fight between Thompson and Frank Pleato,to take place after the arena had been repaired.58 People simply enjoyed boxing,whether taking in the fights at the Manhattan Club or Saltair,or following the preparations for the Johnson-Jeffries match.Regarding the forthcoming championship prizefight,the Herald-Republican explained that the sport’s rise in popularity “is owing to the fact that a negro of more than ordinary ability as a fighter is champion of the world.”The quest to regain white ownership of the belt stirred most white American men.Despite the fact that “most men agree that the prize ring is brutal ...99 per cent of them would travel to see this fight of fights pulled off.”The draw bordered on the preternatural—it was “a sort of fever in the blood,”the Herald-Republican described.59

Enthusiasm for boxing did not stop at the ring’s edge;opportunities to

53

“Seething Mass of Fight Fans Crashes Through Saltair Coliseum Floor Into Water of Lake,Barely Missing Death,” Herald-Republican,May 13,1910;see also “Three Thousand Men,Boys and Women See Prize Fights,” Deseret News,May 13,1910,and “Many Fall into Lake,But All Escape Death,” Salt Lake Tribune,May 13,1910.

54 See “Calm Follows Coliseum Panic,” Herald-Republican,May 14,1910,and “Grant to Pay for Saltair Accident,” Herald-Republican,May 17,1910.

55

“Four Fast Fights—As Many Knockouts,” Deseret News,June 3,1910.

56

“Chief Gives Notice to Two Fight Clubs,” Deseret News,June 20,1910.

57

“Sheriff Puts Ban Upon Prize Fights,” Herald-Republican,June 19,1910.

58

“Second Prize Fight Has Been Arranged,” Deseret News,May 18,1910.

59

“Protest Probably in Vain,” Herald-Republican,May 26,1910.

enter the ring expanded as interest in professional boxing increased.It is important to remember that training,sparring,and even fighting in the ring did not trespass the law.In fact,acquiring pugilistic skills was one method to instill confidence and discipline in young men.In January 1910, the Salt Lake City police force established a gymnasium at its headquarters. Parallel and horizontal bars,jump ropes,wrestling mats,and the availability of shower baths pleased the members of the force,and the “fact that a set of boxing gloves may produce talent strong enough to go in the ring after ‘Big Smoke’Johnson,should Jeffries fail,is also producing interest.”60

Boxing aficionados at Salt Lake High School also established a boxing club dedicated to the “upbuilding of the manly art.”61 The club took several months to organize but by January 1910,so many students turned up at the after-school practices that not all could participate.On most afternoons,the mat “was strewn with boxers”training for their bouts under the direction of watchful physical education teachers.62

Visits to Salt Lake City by Jim Jeffries and Jack Johnson in the first half of 1910 further fed the fight fever.Jeffries arrived in January.The quiet former champion did little to excite his followers beyond staging a threeround exhibition match in front of a capacity crowd at the Colonial Theatre,located on Third South between Main and State streets.Jeffries laid low in Salt Lake City,even refusing to visit Saltair,before continuing on with his troupe to Ogden.Most of the fans who watched the exhibition found that “Jeffries [was] in a better condition than ha[d] been reported” and was in relatively good shape “for a man who ha[d] not done much training for many months.”63 Whites desperately wanted to believe that Jeffries could knock Johnson out,though his visit to Salt Lake City elicited no superlatives from the fans in his corner.

Three months later,and to much greater fanfare,Jack Johnson and his entourage arrived in town on April 25 and were met by a crowd of five hundred onlookers at the train station. 64 African American fans of the champ remembered Johnson’s expulsion from the Orpheum Hotel on his last visit,and,therefore,scheduled activities and lodging that might put Salt Lake City in a better light.“The visit of Johnson will be made a gala occasion for the local people of his race,”wrote the Herald-Republican,“and ‘Darktown’will be on parade all the time.”65 Betting fans of all races wanted to get a last look at Johnson before he started training seriously for the title bout.Wherever he went,Salt Lake City included,Johnson was more than the heavyweight champion;he was the black heavyweight champion. During his four-round exhibition match at the Salt Lake Theatre,Johnson

60

“Salt Lake ‘Cops’to Fit Themselves for Athletics,” Herald-Republican,January 8,1910.

61

“Want Wrestling and Boxing at High School,” Herald-Republican,January 9,1910.

62

“Boxing at School,” Herald-Republican,January 14,1910.

63

“Athletic Troupe Departs Today,” Deseret News,January 24,1910.

64 “Johnson is Welcomed at Station,” Herald-Republican,April 26,1910.

65

“Local Boxing Fans Will Size Up Jack Johnson Next Monday,” Herald-Republican,April 6,1910.

showed himself to be the “great big good-natured negro he is.”Echoing long-held stereotypes about African Americans,some fans at the event complained that Johnson merely went through the motions and that he was “a bit lazy ...[and] did not feel like exerting himself.”66 Johnson’s black fans found little to complain about,however.Following the fight,dinner and dancing at the fashionable Dunbar Club feted Johnson late into the night.The next morning the champ toured the city in a rented automobile, visited Fort Douglas,and stopped for an organ recital at the LDS Tabernacle.The afternoon found Johnson in the Bungalow Theatre watching the moving pictures of the Nelson-Wolgast fight.Johnson won over admirers in Salt Lake City where about half of the bettors picked the champion to retain his title.67

The wallets of some white bettors may have sided with Johnson,but the hearts of white Salt Lake City clearly pulled for Jeffries.The HeraldRepublican conveyed the community’s hopes for the Great White challenger and their fear of his opponent:“While practically every Caucasian fan openly says,‘I hope Jeff will knock the black’s block off,’at least half of them are afraid that he can’t do it,and they will back Johnson to win.”68 It may have been commonplace for black and white fighters to toe the mark at the Manhattan Club,but the heavyweight championship bespoke racial superiority,and Johnson was the wrong color.Emotions ran high as the fight date drew near.One Salt Lake City minister’s exclamation that he hoped “Jeffries knocks the block off that coon”indicated the racial divide in the city.69 Many men in town admitted to having wagered on Jeffries because “a white man can whip a nigger any day of the week.”70

Whites in Salt Lake City joined a chorus of white former boxers,sports journalists,and commentators who hyped Jeffries’chances by disparaging Johnson’s skills,often employing racist logic to make their point.Editorial writers at the Herald-Republican called the detractors on the carpet explaining:“there is more than a suspicion that that portion of the sporting world which wants Jeffries to win is afraid of Johnson.”Sports writers and others at the paper had been enamored of Johnson since he charmed them during his first visit to Salt Lake City in August 1909.The newspapermen saw right through the bluffing bravado.Those who called Johnson “a coward,a quitter,a clumsy fellow”and venerated Jeffries as “an unconquerable giant, with invincible spirit and unmatchable prowess”were peddling a “sort of rot.”Settle the score in the ring where the best man would win.“Let pencil pushers and crumb pickers from championship tables be fair enough to give the colored man an even chance,”advised one April 1910 newspaper editorial.Though racial divisions pervaded daily life,skin color should

66

“Big Crowd Sizes Up Jack Johnson,” Herald-Republican,April 26 ,1910.

67

“Jack Johnson Enjoyed His Visit Here,” Herald-Republican,April 27,1910.

68 Ibid.

69

“Salt Lake Sends Crowds to Reno,” Herald-Republican,July 4,1910.

70

“News from Reno and Its Effect,” Salt Lake Tribune,July 5,1910.

make no difference in the egalitarian ring where superior merit and skill carried the day—at least on the pages of the Herald-Republican. 71

As the date for the big fight in Reno neared,interest among Salt Lake City residents intensified.By April,“Wherever sporting men congregate nowadays the Jeffries-Johnson fight is the chief topic of discussion,”reported the Deseret News 72 On the eve of the bout,“the fight bug ha[d] infected all classes of society,the rich,the poor and those betwixt and between.Will the boilermaker [Jeffries] win or will the victory go to the negro? That’s the question of the hour,and until it is decided business in the ordinary channels of trade will not be resumed.Hasten the Fourth of July!,”wrote the Herald-Republican 73

Several hundred residents of Salt Lake City planned to make the trip to Reno on specially scheduled trains,including two teenage boys who tried to “tramp”their way to the fight.The mother of one of the boys,frantic over his absence,contacted the police who reached the boy’s uncle in Ogden.Uncle Thomas Williams made his way to the rail yard where “he seized the snoozing miscreants as they were about to leave on a box car” headed for Reno.74 Some fans never made it that far,but not for lack of trying.Determined to view the fight but short of funds,local boxer Robert “Kid”Temple “vowed that he would attend the fight if he had to hold up some one.”Instead,he cashed two forged checks at local saloons and was immediately incarcerated.When he realized that he would miss the fight, Temple attempted suicide by swallowing several strychnine tablets that he had hidden in his coat collar.75 Temple’s case of fight sickness may have been extreme,but according to the Herald-Republican,he was “only a little worse afflicted than the rest of us at this particular juncture.”76

Interested Salt Lake City residents who did not make the trip to Reno had several options to receive news of the fight,virtually as it happened. The city’s newspapers installed special telegraphic wires that kept the fans posted after every round.Crowds assembled outside the Herald-Republican and Salt Lake Tribune offices to hear the updates.Nearly ten thousand fans lined up outside the Herald-Republican office to listen to the results as one of the newspaper reporters yelled through a megaphone from a secondstory window.The “mass of sweltering humanity”represented more than 10 percent of the city’s population.77 The announcement that “Johnson wins in the fifteenth round…fell like a pall,and save for a few cheers here and there,all was silent.The mighty Jeffries had been conquered by a

71

“Are They Afraid of the Negro?” Herald-Republican,April 1,1910.

72

“Jeffries-Johnson Mill Discussed,” Deseret News,April 7,1910.

73

“Prize Fight Craze,” Herald-Republican,July 2,1910.

74 “Three Hundred Fans Going to the Fight,”and “Young Fight Fans Are Brought Home,” Deseret News, July 2,1910.

75 “Would Rather Die than Miss Fight,” Herald-Republican,July 1,1910.

76 “Prize Fight Craze,” Herald-Republican, July 2,1910.

77 “Prize Fight Bulletins,” Herald-Republican,July 3,1910;“Bulletins Heard by Ten Thousand,” HeraldRepublican,July 5,1910.

negro.The result was anything but what the crowd wanted to hear,for it was a white man’s crowd.”Several African Americans had joined the throng,though they reacted quietly to Johnson’s victory.“They made no outward show of their delight,”reported the Herald-Republican,“no matter how much they were inwardly tickled.”The crowd understood the implications of the event.When Johnson felled Jeffries,“The negro was the white man’s master.”78

Black Salt Lake City residents might have celebrated cautiously amid the ten thousand,but the scene was much louder at the Douglas Club on Edison Street later that night.Johnson’s victory was praised in toast and every aspect of the champion’s performance and style was honored.After hoisting a few drinks,about twenty of the celebrants locked arms and paraded down Second South Street.Jubilant,the parade continued toward State Street until it encountered a group of white citizens who were less than thrilled.The blacks bolted back to the safety of the Douglas Club. There,men promised that all black baby boys born before Christmas would carry Johnson’s name.In the vein of festive hyperbole unleashed by the victory,“it was suggested that Jack Johnson was the redeemer of the black race and was destined to lead the colored folk back into some kind of a colored Palestine.”In Salt Lake City and thousands of other locations,overjoyed African Americans crowned Jack Johnson the “king of the black race.”79

The major news story following the title fight centered on the race riots breaking out across the country.New York,Pittsburgh,St.Louis,and scores of other towns and cities saw supporters of both fighters take the battle to the streets.Utah fared better,but a handful of riots marred the cities of the Wasatch front.In Ogden’s Hermitage Hotel,a “small race riot”ensued after “a gleeful Negro”heard the news and “sprang into the crowd shouting it out joyfully.”The celebration was short-lived,however,stopped cold by a “right-arm punch from a burly Irishman.”“Officials”intervened to quell further violence. 80 A more serious argument turned into a “small-sized riot”between two blacks and a crowd of newsboys in the alley behind a saloon on Second South Street in Salt Lake City.The groups threw broken bottles at each other until the police arrived and arrested the two black men.81 The racial order of the boxing ring may have been disrupted but the streets of Salt Lake City still belonged to whites.

On his way home to Chicago following the fight,Jack Johnson briefly passed through Ogden where his eastbound train paused at the station for

78 “Bulletins Heard by Ten Thousand,” Herald-Republican, July 5,1910.

79 “Negroes of Salt Lake Full of Joy,” Herald-Republican,July 5,1910.In addition to Johnson’s victory as a statement of racial equality,blacks could also celebrate their monetary winnings.The newspaper reported that,“Many of the colored residents of Commercial street pooled their money and are said to have won heavily on their champion.”See “Brisk Betting on Big Fight;Colored Population Winners,” HeraldRepublican,July 5,1910.

80 “Johnson Enthusiast is Stopped by Irishman,” Herald-Republican,July 5,1910.

81 “Pistol Made Them Stop,” Deseret News,July 6,1910;“Incipient Riot Caused by Boasts About Fight,” Herald-Republican,July 6,1910.

about half an hour.In typical whistle-stop fashion,Johnson said a few words to the thousands who had come dressed “in finery in all its stages.”82 Johnson was smiling as he returned to his seat next to his wife and near an open window.“Three burly young toughs”approached the window and unleashed a vile epithet at the champion.Johnson rose from his seat but was restrained by a fellow traveler.The white ruffians then approached the train’s platform where they were rebuffed by Johnson’s trainers.One hooligan “was met with a kick from the foot of one of Johnson’s trainers and a mouthful of tobacco juice full in the eyes.”After the police regained control of the situation,the train roared out of Union Station drowning out threats of violence voiced by other angry onlookers.83

In the wake of Johnson’s victory,the Salt Lake Tribune resurrected racist stereotypes to demean African Americans and reassure whites of their cultural,if not their fistic,dominance.The newspaper predicted a “chicken famine for the next two months”because “a colored person and a chicken are closely allied.”Pork chops,according to the paper,would also be in short supply.“Now that the colored population has the wherewithal to indulge its desire,there is grave danger to the chicken and pork chop supply,”argued the paper.84

82 “Admiring Multitude Greets Jack Johnson,” Deseret News,July 6,1910.

83 “Toughs Insult Johnson,Police Stop Mix-up,” Deseret News,July 6,1910;see also “Crowd at Ogden Jeers Johnson,” Herald-Republican,July 6,1910,and “Jeer Johnson at Ogden Depot,” Salt Lake Tribune,July 6,1910.

84 “News from Reno,” Salt Lake Tribune June 5,1910.

Action during the fourteenth round of the Johnson-Jeffries bout.

Amid the racial tension,the Herald-Republican urged its readers to maintain calm.On the one hand,it reminded white readers that one boxing match could not re-orient the racial hierarchy.“There should be no thought of ‘black supremacy’because Jack Johnson gave Jim Jeffries the thumping of his life,”counseled one editorial.Be patient and recognize the limited fallout of the bout.The editorial concluded,“Those who feel impelled to crack the first negro over the head that comes along on account of the result at Reno,take the matter too seriously.Johnson will get his in due course of time.”85 Though the newspaper certainly took the fear of racial unrest seriously,it managed to find some humor in the overreaction surrounding the fight.The paper facetiously noted that the Johnson victory had been predicted in the stars.The first heavenly ill omen appeared in the return of Halley’s comet.Then,shrouded by an eclipse,the moon turned black—foreboding that “something dire and dreadful”would soon befall the earth.“The catastrophe struck yesterday,”reported the paper,“when a large black individual named Johnson pushed another large individual—a white man—over in the fifteenth spasm of their argument at Reno.”86

Mark Twain and Jim Jeffries both went out with Halley’s comet,and so, too,did much of the ardor for boxing in Salt Lake City.Interest streaked to its apogee with the promise of Jeffries re-establishing white dominance in the heavyweight division and fizzled out in the fifteenth round at Reno as the “Great White Hope”fell to the ground.Prize fighting in Salt Lake City took nearly the same tumble.Local fight fans,including the city’s mayor John S.Bransford,had hardly stepped foot in the city before the reports of boxing’s demise circulated.And they were not entirely exaggerated.The next scheduled bout,a benefit for injured local fighter Jack Downey, flopped.Sponsored by the Salt Lake Athletic Club,the bout failed to generate the seventy dollars needed to pay expenses.A hat was passed around to ensure that expenses were met.The Deseret News,long the leading opponent of local prize fighting,reported gleefully,“The prize fight game showed that it had been given the knockout punch last night ...The card was given under the guise of a benefit but from all appearances it is up to the prize fighters to go to work or to seek a new pasture.”Several fighters, including the African American Young Peter Jackson,“did not like the looks of the game here and will go elsewhere.”87 Dwindling in popularity, the fight game became a less salient symbol for civic and political leaders as other vices,especially prostitution,stepped in as the heavyweight issues that divided the city.Boxing in Utah was not dead,but the “invasion of prize fighting”had been halted.88

85

“No Sense in It,” Herald-Republican,July 6,1910.

86 “First Comet;Then Dark Moon;Then Jack Johnson,” Herald-Republican,July 5,1910.

87 “Prize Fight Game Gets Knockout,” Deseret News,July 8,1910.

88 For more on the politics of prostitution,see Jeffrey Nichols, Prostitution,Polygamy,and Power:Salt Lake City,1847-1918 (Urbana:University of Illinois Press,2002).

Salt Lake City boxers outside the Auditorium on Richards Street, 1911.

The tactic of using sports to create a community identity became commonplace in American cities and towns during the twentieth century.The boosters trying to lure the Johnson-Jeffries fight to Salt Lake City may have failed in the short term, but the turn toward sports forever altered the landscape.By the 1920s, professional sports—especially minor league baseball—had assumed a prominent place in Salt Lake City and by the end of the century,the city had won the rights to the 2002 Winter Olympics.The mix of political power and civic pride that helped land the Olympics would have made “Tex”Rickard smile.At last,Salt Lake had a sporting identity—or at least a slogan to lure skiers to local resorts.89

Sports and politics are never strangers and,in Salt Lake City in 1910, prize fighting became a symbol of political differences.Jack Johnson never fought in Salt Lake City,but the earthquake he unleashed in Reno sent tremors that shaped life in the city of the saints for years thereafter.

89 For useful analysis of the 2002 Olympics and its impact on Salt Lake City,see Larry R.Gerlach,ed., The Winter Olympics:From Chamonix to Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City:University of Utah Press,2004), especially Lex Hemphill,“Salt Lake City 2002:XIXth Olympic Winter Games.”See also Larry R. Gerlach,“The Mormon Games:Religion,Media,Cultural Politics,and the Salt Lake Winter Olympics,” Olympika:The International Journal of Olympic Studies XI (2002):1-52.

The Salt Lake County Rotary Jail

ByDOUGLASK. MILLER

The last half of the nineteenth century was an age of Victorian scientific certitude in America.An optimism born of the industrial age and new technologies included the belief that these new technologies could remedy all social ills.One new technology developed during this era was a new kind of escape-proof jail that allowed a single jailer to manage up to forty prisoners without any physical contact with his charges.Seventeen (possibly eighteen) counties in the United States,including Salt Lake County,invested in this “latest improved and best classified prison heretofore invented or constructed on the part of thoroughly competent and scientific men.”1

When the Mormons first arrived in what would become Salt Lake City in 1847,they made no attempt to create a government separate from the church.The only authority recognized by the people was that of the church and any breach of conduct or any dispute between parties was handled by ecclesiastical leaders.By 1850,however,the General Assembly of the State of Deseret passed an ordinance that provided for the election of sheriffs,and five years later Salt Lake County built a jail.2

The sheriff’s residence in front of the Salt Lake County Rotary Jail.

1 The Pauly Jail Building and Manufacturing Co., Catalogue (circa 1886),19.Photocopy in possession of Montgomery County Cultural Foundation,Crawfordsville,Indiana.Hereinafter referred to as the Pauly Catalogue.

2 Herbert Lester Gleason,“The Salt Lake City Police Department,1851-1949 A Social History”(master’s thesis,University of Utah,1950),7-13;and Deseret News,June 27,1855.

Douglas K.Miller is Director of the Children’s Justice Center in Davis County.He graduated from Weber State University with a BA in history and earned a master’s degree in educational psychology from the University of Utah.He lives in Ogden.

Utah’s first known jail was in Salt Lake City and was made out of mud or adobe.According to the Utah correspondent for Harper’s Weekly, the jail was “divided into cells,and is surrounded by a high board fence… The calaboose was always guarded by eight men,who were changed every day,so fearful were the Mormons lest the prisoners should escape.”3 The “calaboose”was replaced later with Salt Lake City’s “prison”at the rear of Salt Lake City Hall,which was part of Salt Lake County’s first courthouse, located on Second South between Third and Fourth West.This first county jail consisted of five damp underground cells in the windowless basement, which the Salt Lake Herald described as “oppressive and gloomy,and particularly defective as to ventilation.”The accommodations lacked bedsteads or elevated bunks,which made it difficult to keep the straw mattresses dry.4 The Salt Lake Tribune reported that within the cells there existed “an odor of mould and a stench of filthy humanity”which became so sickening at times that the prisoners had to be moved upstairs into the courthouse,just to keep them from dying and where they were guarded at considerable expense.5

When the first jail was constructed in 1855,the population in Salt Lake City was almost exclusively Mormon,but this would soon change.The advent of the railroad in 1869 made western migration easier for both Mormons and Gentiles alike.The population of Salt Lake County nearly doubled,from 31,977 in 1880 to 58,457 by 1890,and the increase in population resulted in a corollary increase in crime.6 The Deseret News put it this way a decade later.

While many of those who offend against the commonwealth call this city home,it is a matter of recorded fact that the great majority of them are from the cities and counties of other states.There is just one plain reason for this.Salt Lake is famed far and wide, for its numerous attractions.These,like the fisherman’s net,draw every kind of fish from the great sea of human life.When the good come here they invest their money and make their homes with us.When the bad come they get in trouble and forthwith the officers find “homes”for them,too.7

Overcrowding at the jail was never a problem,but the opposite frequently was.Prisoners often escaped,either by overpowering their guards or by sawing through the bars,and by 1887 the county recognized the need for a better facility.

In February 1887,the county court appointed Salt Lake City Mayor Francis Armstrong and Probate Judge Elias A.Smith to travel east to examine the latest in jail technology.It is not clear why the city mayor and a probate judge were sent on this errand for the county,but the Salt Lake

3 Harper’s Weekly, November 6,1858,copy in the Utah State Historical Society library.

4 Salt Lake Herald,March 6,1877.

5 Salt Lake Tribune,February 22,1882.

6 Allan Kent Powell,ed., Utah History Encyclopedia (Salt Lake City:University of Utah Press,1994), 432.

7 Deseret News,March 1,1902.

This building and land was purchased by Salt Lake City and in October 1857 was designated as the city police station and jail.

Tribune quoted a dispatch from an unnamed Washington,D.C.,newspaper that suggested that Armstrong and Smith were part of “a strong Mormon lobby”that were traveling to the nation’s capital “to work against the Edmunds-Tucker bill.”8 The two men were gone for only a week,however, and made stops at Council Bluffs,Omaha,and St.Louis,Missouri,so it is doubtful that they could have also traveled to Washington,D.C.to engage in a lobbying effort.Even the anti-Mormon Salt Lake Tribune denied the rumor.

Upon their return,Mayor Armstrong announced that he favored the traditional square-cage jails he had seen in Omaha and St.Louis,while Judge Smith stated that “in his own mind ...he had no doubt that the rotary jail was the one thing needful here.”9

The new rotary jail,invented in 1881,was hailed at the time as the jail of the future,the latest product of a progressive and inventive age. 10 The Deseret News and the Salt Lake Tribune later described the rotary jail as “a whirligig in a squirrel cage,”a device that “looks for all the world like a huge rat trap,”and a “circular cell structure ...turning upon conical steel rollers,like a railway turntable,with which we all are familiar.”11

8 Salt Lake Tribune,February 16,1887.The Edmunds-Tucker bill was designed to combat Mormon polygamy,which created a new class of criminal offense,unlawful cohabitation and made it easier to prosecute plural marriages.

9 Ibid,,February 23,1887,and Salt Lake Herald,March 10,1887.

10 The Pauly Catalogue,19.This catalogue was produced by the Pauly Jail Building and Manufacturing Company about 1886.A photocopy is in possession of Montgomery County Cultural Foundation in Crawfordsville,Indiana.

11 Salt Lake Tribune,September 19,1898, Deseret News,March 1,1902,and Pauly Catalogue,21.

It might best be described in contemporary terms as a two-tiered lazy Susan with each platform divided into ten pie-shaped cells.The walls between the cells were solid plate metal to isolate the prisoners from one another,and at the outer perimeter of the circle were horizontal bars fixed in place off the turntable.The drum turned inside the stationary cage and was controlled by a single jailer turning a crank in an adjacent room.The jailer could rotate the entire cellblock and place any cell he chose in alignment with a single door that he could open by pulling a lever near the crank.This let the prisoner into a narrow passageway with three more doors:one to let the prisoner into an adjacent exercise corridor on one side,one to let the prisoner into a room with a “grub hole”where he picked up his meal on the other side,and one to let the prisoner into the room with the jailer.Unless the jailer opened the latter door,he could move the prisoners from place to place within the cellblock and never have any personal contact that would put him in danger.Also,the constant cellblock rotation discouraged prisoners from attempting to saw their way to freedom,as each time the jailer turned the crank,the prisoners were confronted by a new set of bars.

The original idea for a circular jail may have originated with British philosopher Jeremy Bentham,who wrote an influential tract on penitentiary management in 1787.Bentham’s design,called the panopticon, consisted of cells along the outer perimeter of a circle.Solid walls between the cells isolated the prisoners while the grated openings facing a central guard tower subjected every convict to constant scrutiny.This created what Bentham called a “sentiment of an invisible omniscience,”which Bentham believed would have a redemptive effect on the prisoners.More importantly, he thought his design would allow the prison to operate with a smaller staff.12

The inventors of the rotary jail,William H.Brown and Benjamin F. Haugh of Indianapolis,Indiana,altered Bentham’s design,moving the cells from the perimeter of the circle to the apex and mechanizing the cellblock to make it rotate.The altered design lost Bentham’s principle of invisible omniscience—the jailer could only see into one cell at a time—but in the tradeoff several benefits were gained.Brown and Haugh’s 1881 patent application stated:“The object of our investigation is to produce a jail or prison in which prisoners can be controlled without the necessity of personal contact between them and the jailer or guard,and incidentally to provide it with sundry advantages not usually found in prisons ...”13

The sundry advantages included running water and “flush”toilets in every cell,but these amenities were not provided for the prisoners’convenience or comfort,but rather out of concern for the jailers’well being. Before flush toilets were installed in jails,waste was deposited in buckets

12 Jeremy Bentham, The Panopticon Writings,ed.Miran Boˇzoviˇc,(London and New York:Verso,1995), 29-95.

13 W.H.Brown and B.F.Haugh,U.S.Patent No.244,358,filed July 12,1881.

that the jailer sooner or later had to collect,with all the risks that devolved when a prisoner possessed a bucket of offal.Nevertheless,when the first rotary jail was built in Crawfordsville,Indiana,in 1882,when most private homes lacked indoor plumbing,these accommodations for the prisoners created a backlash.The Crawfordsville Weekly Review acknowledged that the jail was “uncrackable”but at the same time called it a monument to “the vanity of the ...Board of Commissioners”who went so far as to have their names inscribed in stone above the front door.14 These same county commissioners were soon voted out of office.

A “complete scientific system of water supply and sewer drainage”ran through a hollow cast-iron shaft,eight feet in diameter,that ran through the center of each circular platform.The shaft also served as the vent for the boiler in the basement.This dual use of the central core for smoke ventilation and plumbing created the advantage of preventing the pipes inside the stack from freezing in the winter.15 How the plumbing system for these early “flush”toilets worked remains unclear,however,as the description offered in the patent application is rather cryptic.

Within the ventilating space will be placed an annular 3-8”thick cast iron water trough,made in four segments and to be placed directly under cell hopper outlet. Trough to be cast with projecting direct-basin inwardly being the deepest point and directly opposite to be the shallowest point.Trough to be sustained in stationary position by radial cast hub at stack end.In the projecting basin will be an iron plug valve and outlet,the valve being raised and lowered automatically so as to allow contents to be discharged thoroughly.A cast iron 4-inch soil pipe is to extend from trough to outside of wall with all necessary traps and branches,etc.16

The rotary jail built in Gallatin,Missouri,in 1887 may provide some insight into how the sewage system worked in some of the rotary jails.In the Gallatin jail the raw sewage from each cell had to remain in the toilet hopper until the cellblock was rotated,which allowed the pipe from each cell to line up sequentially with a single sewage outlet.This system of holding sewage,combined with the summer heat and poor ventilation in the Gallatin jail,sometimes resulted in an overpowering stench.17 The sewage system in the Crawfordsville jail seems to have worked differently,however, as a picture in the jail museum shows a jailer in the basement pulling a lever to “flush”the toilets.

The patent holder/inventors,Brown and Haugh,built the first rotary jail in Crawfordsville,but later signed over their rights to an agent,Charles H. Sparks.The inventors were less interested in building jails than in securing sales for their ironworks,and the agreement allowed Sparks to engage other builders so long as the iron and steel came from Brown and Haugh’s

14Weekly Review (Crawfordsville,Indiana),July 1,1882.

15 U.S.Patent No.244,358.

16 Ibid.

17 Letter Lee Kreutzer to Kent Powell,August 28,2006,in possession of author.In the letter Lee Kreutzer recounts her tour of the rotary jail in Gallatin,Missouri.

foundry in Indianapolis.

The Utah Territorial Prison in Sugarhouse c.1900.

The next three rotary jails,constructed in Maysville and Maryville,Missouri,and Council Bluffs,Iowa,were built by a firm from St.Louis,initially called Aldrich and Mann but later called Mann and Eckels.18 Sparks then made an arrangement with the Patent Rotary Jail Company of Chicago,billed as “the exclusive manufacturer of the Patent Rotary Jail,”which built a rotary jail at Rapid City,Iowa,in 1886 and was in the process of building another at Appleton,Wisconsin,when Mayor Armstrong and Judge Smith left Salt Lake City in early 1887.19

It is significant that the Salt Lake City men stopped in Council Bluffs, where the only three-tiered rotary jail had been completed just two years earlier.There is no record showing that Armstrong and Smith saw the rotary jail in Council Bluffs,but an article in the Council Bluffs Globe at about the same time called the jail a “pretty near failure”as it would not rotate properly on its axis.20 This is corroborated by Walter A.Lunden,who found that all rotary jails built between 1882 and 1885 had mechanical difficulties with the gears,which made it difficult to turn the inner cylinder. Also,many prisoners in the early rotary jails suffered injuries to their arms or legs when these limbs protruded between the bars as the jailer turned the crank.21 Perhaps it was these drawbacks that led Mayor Armstrong to favor the more traditional jail for Salt Lake City.

The two Salt Lake City officials also stopped in St.Louis,however,home to the Pauly Jail Building and Manufacturing Company,which,in spite of the Chicago firm’s exclusive claims,had also begun to build rotary jails.

18 For more about the rotary jail,its design and construction see Earl Bruce White,“The Rotary Jail Revisited,”unpublished paper Montgomery County Cultural Foundation,Crawfordsville,Indiana,c.1979.

19 Letter dated August 8,1886,on Patent Rotary Jail Company stationary,Pauly Archives,cited by White,“The Rotary Jail Revisited,”6.

20 Council Bluffs Globe,(Iowa) 1887,cited in Ryan Roenfeld,“Historic Pottawattamie County Squirrel Cage Jail,”p.11,The Historical Society of Pottawattamie County,Iowa,www.thehistor icalsociety.org/Jail%20extended.htm,(accessed May 4,2007).

21 Walter A.Lunden,“The Rotary Jail,or Human Squirrel Cage,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 18 (December 1959):149-57.

Pauly claimed to be the largest jail-building company in the world and their Pauly Catalogue provides the sales pitch they may have presented to Mayor Armstrong and Judge Smith.

When we commenced the manufacture of jail work we found people poorly educated in the construction of jails and had considerable trouble to induce them to depart from the old ruts and take a scientific view of the subject.Since engaged in this work we devoted our entire time and study to the subject and we claim that we have done more in reforming the prison system in this country than any firm or association in the United States ....

We devote much time and thought to the study of hygiene and sanitary appliances, though have found much trouble in getting county officials to realize the importance of these factors in the construction of scientific jails.Many counties seem unwilling to expend sufficient money to build such a jail as is actually needed and our efforts have frequently been retarded by men of other trades,who,by their gross ignorance of what is required to construct a good jail,offer some clap-trap affair to the county officials at a low figure,when,in fact,the county ought to be paid to have such an imposition placed in their county.22

The Pauly Catalogue also acknowledged that “some of the first ones erected were slightly defective in some parts and have not proven as satisfactory in their operation as the inventers had intended,yet it only required a little experience in the application of mechanical skills to overcome all obstacles and bring it up to its present state of perfection ...”23

The catalogue highlighted six essential features of the rotary jail:(1) security of the prisoners,(2) safety of the jailer,(3) classification of prisoners,(4) perfect ventilation,(5) unexcelled sanitary arrangements,and (6) architecture. 24 Classification of prisoners referred to the fact that walls between the cells were solid plate iron,making it impossible for a prisoner in one cell to see the prisoner in another.This segregation meant that a man detained as a witness would “not be obligated to associate with the vulgar and unfeeling criminal.”It also allowed the jailer to offer better food and kinder treatment to more compliant prisoners while subjecting others to rougher fare and more severe handling,with none being the wiser as to their disparate treatments.25

The other point that bears mentioning is the architecture.Pauly had an architectural office with over six-hundred plans to choose from,which allowed a county government to select a plan that would suit its needs without the added expense of hiring an architect.

Charles H.Sparks,who held the patent rights,was simultaneously an agent for the Pauly Company in St.Louis,and the Patent Rotary Jail in Chicago (despite the latter’s exclusive claims).He had secured a contract for the Chicago firm to build a rotary jail in Burlington,Vermont,in March 1887 and at about the same time secured contracts for Pauly to build a

22 Pauly Catalogue,p.5. 23 Ibid.,25. 24 Ibid.,26-27. 25 Ibid.,19.

rotary jail in Sherman,Texas,in March 1887; in Gallatin,Missouri,in April 1887;and in Salt Lake City one month later.

The new Salt Lake City jail was constructed at 268 West Second South (between 3rd and 4th West under the modern street designations),next to the County Courthouse,which housed the old jail.

The Salt Lake Tribune offered this description of the design for the new county jail.

The most important and peculiar feature ...will be the circular cell structure two stories in height with [ten] cells on each tier,which rotates bodily on a central vertical shaft turning upon a conical steel rollers like a railway turntable.Each cell is surrounded with a heavy stationary combination iron and steel grating,extending from floor to ceiling,with only one door opening for each tier of cells.As the cell structure revolves,and the internal cells contained therein are successively presented in front of the door in the stationary grating,it is possible for prisoners to be put into or taken out from the cells,provided the door is opened by the keeper,but at no other time is this possible as all the cells except the one opposite the door are securely closed by the grating behind which they move.By this means all possibility of a rush of prisoners upon the keeper is removed and the prisoners can be handled and controlled at all times with perfect safety,as the keeper never comes in contact with more than the occupants of one cell at a time.

The strangest part of the arrangement is that the great cylinder can be turned with a simple crank with very little force,a man from outside operating it with one hand.

This photograph shows the Salt Lake County Court House on the left,the Fremont School in the center,sheriff’s residence and Salt Lake County Jail on the right.

UTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY

During the night when there is danger of an attempt to escape,the cells can be kept slowly revolving by a small water-power motor or any motive power most convenient.26

Construction of Salt Lake County’s rotary jail began in the summer of 1887.The Deseret News reported on the stone used on the new jail,“What is known as Parry’s stone quarry,situated three or four miles east of the cemetery near Ephraim,Sanpete County,produces a very beautiful kind of building stone ...[and] ten cars have been shipped by Watson Brothers,of this city,this season,and five or six more have been ordered for the new county jail.”27

The following July,the new jail was ready for occupancy.Pictures of the Salt Lake City facility,when compared with the jail in Crawfordsville, showed a very similar architectural plan.Each building had the same arch design over the main entrance and each structure on the left side of the entrance was very similar.Each also had a porch on the right side of the main entrance,though the pillar configuration of the supports on each porch was somewhat different.The rest of the Salt Lake City structure, however,on the right side of the main entrance,was much larger and more elaborate than the Crawfordsville edifice.The Salt Lake City structure was symmetrical;the right side mirrored the left,and a central steeple gave it the appearance of a church.28

When the new Salt Lake County jail opened on July 4,1888,seven prisoners were transferred from the old jail—one charged with housebreaking, one charged with robbery,two (including a woman) charged with vagrancy,and three charged with being insane.29

Members of the grand jury who made a visit to the new rotary jail shortly after its completion reported “We have visited the new County Jail and found that institution everything that could be desired.”30 Eight years later,another grand jury report conveyed the same sentiment.“We beg to

26 Salt Lake Tribune,July 23,1887.The newspaper stated that there would be twenty cells per tier but this was an error.There would be only ten cells per tier,each cell holding two prisoners for a total of twenty prisoners per tier.

27 Deseret News,August 10,1887.

28 As a part of the restoration project in Crawfordsville,which began in 1973,the surface paint was removed from the pillars on the porch and what is believed to be the original colors were discovered beneath.These colors have now been restored and the new paint reflects what the building may have looked like in its heyday.A color photograph of the Crawfordsville jail illustrates well what historians miss when they have to rely on black and white pictures.What is actually portrayed in both pictures,however, is not the jail but the sheriff’s residence.The jail components of the buildings were connected to the residence but located behind.The jail structure had an octagonal shape to accommodate the circular profile of the rotary.This can be seen in a photograph of a model of the Crawfordsville jail.The model also shows a back entrance where prisoners were brought in and out without having to pass through the sheriff’s residence.The sheriff’s residence at the Crawfordsville jail has been restored.The rotary cells in Crawfordsville contained metal bunks while the Salt Lake City rotary cells contained hammocks.The cells in the Crawfordsville jail were also larger than those in the Salt Lake City facility.The drum on which the cells were constructed was always twenty-four feet in diameter and the Crawfordsville jail had eight cells on each level while the Salt Lake City jail had ten.White,“The Rotary Jail Revisited,”16.

29 Salt LakeTribune,July 4,1888.

30 Deseret News,October 3,1888.

report that we found the county jail in excellent condition;clean,well ventilated,heated and lighted;the culinary department well conducted;the attendants courteous and kind.”31

The next detailed description of the jail is found in the Deseret News in 1902,fourteen years after it opened.The full-page feature article suggests that it is perhaps a misnomer to refer to the jail as strictly a rotary jail.The facility contained as many conventional square cage cells along the exterior walls as it had rotary cells on the drum in the middle.Each of the twenty conventional cells,or “side cells”contained a cot,a stationary washbasin, and a lavatory.The rotary cells had the same amenities,except hammocks replaced cots.The prisoners in the rotary,according to the Deseret News, disliked the hammocks but found them preferable to sleeping on cement or steel,so each soon learned “to woo his slumber in his swinging bed.”32

The basement of the jail contained a dungeon,two dark cells in which the prisoners were put when they violated the rules.33 No report has been found that suggested the dungeon was cruel,but an 1893 grand jury report complained that the cells were improperly located,as the prisoners placed therein “are usually very noisy,and we are informed their outcrys [sic] are plainly heard on the street,frequently attracting crowds of passers-by,thus creating a nuisance.”34

The 1902 Deseret News article also explained that the worst prisoners were kept in the rotary where the bars,made with hardened steel,were more more difficult to cut with a saw.The bars on the rectangular side cells were made of a softer metal.35 The Desert News described the rotary jail as an immense automatic devise ...circular in form and two stories high,with ten cells on the lower level and an equal number on the upper floor.Each cell accommodates two prisoners.The whole contrivance revolves on a pivot and looks for all the world like a huge rat trap....

A marvelous piece of ingenuity is this mammoth rotary.Escape from its liberty-forbidding precincts is practically impossible.When once within its confines there is but one thing to do—stay there until released.In all it contains twenty V-shaped compartments,[ten on each tier] the point of the triangle reaching the center and the wider portion radiating at the outer circle of the enclosure.Each cell has its independent opening for entrance or exit,and when a prisoner is wanted for any purpose a pull at a hand lever brings the rotary round to a point directly opposite the iron barred passage through which every person who enters or leaves the jail must pass.Beginning on a given day in the month cell No.1 will be opposite this passage.The next day cell No.2 will be there and ten days from the beginning,cell No.10 will be there Being ever on the move and always opposite a new place the old trick of sawing the bars is never resorted to by a rotary prisoner.He knows it is no use,so he never tries it.36

There were attempted escapes,however;the first occurring only two

31 Salt Lake Tribune,November 11,1896.

32 Deseret News,March 1,1902.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid.,June 10,1893.

35 Ibid.,March 1,1902;Ogden Standard Examiner,March 28,1903.

36 Deseret News,March 1,1902.

months after the new jail opened,though the incident had nothing to do with the rotary design.A jailer had taken a prisoner outside to work on the lawns and when the jailer became distracted,helping some plumbers inside,the unsupervised inmate ran away.37

Four years later,in December 1892,the Salt LakeTribune described another attempted escape and the report offers some insight into how the jail was run,including a gap in supervision. An ineffectual attempt to break jail was made at the county jail Sunday afternoon.The prisoners timed their action well.It seems that Jailer Joe Burt goes home about 5:30 and the night jailer is not called up for an hour later.Joe Burt did not go home at the usual time that day,and a few minutes later he was surprised to hear the rotary in the jail revolve.The prisoners had sprung the brake so it would not hold and started the rotary going around.If they had had a key escape would have rewarded their efforts [but] Burt summoned assistance and quelled the disturbance.Several cells were searched and a miscellaneous collection of tools were found.38

In 1898 another prisoner tried to escape,this time by carving a pistol from wood and soap which he then “covered over with tinfoil so as to appear at first sight to be made of steel.”“It was an ingenious contrivance,” the Salt LakeTribune reported,“and so closely resembled the genuine article that it would have completely deceived anyone who did not know it was an imitation.”The scheme was foiled,however,when another inmate

37 Ibid.,September 19,1888.

38 Salt Lake Tribune,December 20,1892.

This photograph of the Sanborn Insurance Company Map shows the location of the Salt Lake County Court House and Jail on the north side of 200 South between 200 and 300 West.

informed the jailers of the plot.39

In 1902,a prisoner successfully “broke out”of the rotary jail only because he had broken out with the measles.Inmate Frank Walsham,while awaiting trial for embezzling nine dollars,was released to the care of his relatives.“Now the mystery of the jail,”wrote the Salt Lake Tribune,“is how did Frank get it? Visitors ...are required to leave their measles in the office before going inside,and the officers would like to know who smuggled them in to Frank.”40

The only known successful escape from the rotary jail was made on February 1,1907.On that morning,the jailers turned the rotary to get prisoner Charles Riis for court but found his cell empty.During the night Riis had sawed through the bars of his cell and then through the bars on the window.He then used two blankets tied together to lower himself to the ground.41

The Ogden Standard Examiner called the escape an eye-opener for the Salt Lake officials and offered this explanation of how a prisoner held behind bars might get his hands on a saw.

Small steel saws,made of the best material,are encased in silk and forced into any recess in the body.They are placed in the mouth,or,after being soaped,are concealed internally.These saws,although not much thicker or wider than a watch spring,will cut through the hardest material used in cell construction,and they operate noiselessly

39 Ibid.,September 19,1898.

40 Ibid.,March 1,1902.

41 Ogden Standard Examiner,February 1,1907.

This architectural drawing of the rotary jail was included in the original patent application.

when soaped.When a prisoner thus equipped,successfully passes the scrutiny of the wardens of a jail,he has an open sesame to liberty.42

Another article in the Standard Examiner suggested that the prisoners used oil and wrapped the bars with rags to muffle the sound of the sawing.43

The Deseret News feature article on March 1,1902,offers a snapshot of the Salt Lake County jail and of the type of convictions for the time. Among the inmates were Frank Blanchard,wanted on two continents for forgery;Dan Reynolds,a twelve year old incorrigible;C.E.Henry,an embezzler who sent his employer into bankruptcy;Thomas Hendrickson, serving three months for refusing to support his children;George Moore,a seventy-two year old Union soldier who said he stole a clock to keep from starving;George Beck,who represented himself as a charity worker soliciting funds for the widows and orphans of the recent Scofield mine disaster; Lucille Kert and Willie Black,two women,charged with robbing an Oregon tenderfoot of $1,100 on Commercial Street (better known as Salt Lake City’s tenderloin district);and Joe Harris,a black man charged with vagrancy,and “who fills the jail with old plantation melodies to the music of guitar and mandolin,which chases away the blues of prison life.”44

Another occupant of the rotary jail was described as “a Chinese opium fiend.”He had been jailed for attempting to cut a countryman’s head off on Chinese New Year and was reportedly driven frantic by the jailer’s refusal to supply him with “yen hop”(opium).“He gets very little of it,”the jailer told the Deseret News,“but when it is furnished him he executes a demonical war dance,and his glee passes all understanding.”45

Two men charged with murder,the only two homicides committed in Salt Lake City during 1901,were also in the county jail in 1902.Roy Kaighn,one of the two convicted murders,was described as a “lady’s man” who stabbed a traveling man.Willard Haynes,while “half drunk and drug crazed”killed his victim.The Deseret News reported,“Kaighn’s jail life has done wonders for him.He no longer has the wild,haggard,hysterical appearance ...[but] today is healthy and strong with an appetite equaling that of any farm hand.The cigarette habit that was sapping his life out of him has been largely overcome and he no longer has access to opium or other like drugs.”46

The jail’s most famous prisoner at the turn of the twentieth century was Peter Mortensen,a well-known Salt Lake City criminal.On Monday night,December 16,1901,a reputable Salt Lake City businessman,James

42 Ibid.,February 2,1907.

43 Ogden Standard Examiner,March 28,1903.

44 Deseret News,March 1,1902.

45 Ibid.

46 Ibid.Opium was legal to possess,or even eat,though smoking it was illegal and an arrest could only be made if the act of smoking was witnessed.The Salt Lake Tribune on May 12,1899,reported that “Unless the officers are able to break in and catch the fiends in the act of smoking,capture the layouts and the proprietors,it is useless to make a move for a conviction cannot be secured.”

R.Hay,crossed the street to Mortensen’s house to collect a debt.Mortensen owed Hay’s employer $3,800 which Mortensen later said he had given Hay,but the next morning Hay was missing and the police quickly concluded that Hay had skipped town.James Sharp,the missing man’s fatherin-law,however,accused Mortensen of murdering Hay,saying that “within twenty-four hours his body will be found in a field not more than a mile from this spot.”The next day the body was found in a nearby field and when Sharp took the witness stand at the preliminary hearing he declared that he knew that Mortensen had killed Hay because “God [had] revealed it to me.”47

In preparation for the trial,more than eleven hundred potential jurors were screened before twelve men good and true were finally seated.This was the longest jury selection process in Utah’s history and became drawn out largely due to Sharp’s claims of revelation.In the end Mortensen was found guilty,though not because of the revelation and was executed at the Sugarhouse Prison on November 20,1903.The Deseret News then advised its readers that “henceforth all comment and discussion of the awful case be dropped.”48

The only execution to take place at the Salt Lake County rotary jail took place on August 7,1896.Charles Thiede,convicted of murdering his wife by cutting her throat,refused to choose the method of his death when the judge offered the firing squad or hanging.As a result,the judge decided for Thiede and chose hanging,granting Thiede the privilege of testing another scientific development of the age,a new type of gallows.Rather than being dropped through a trap door with a rope around his neck,as was the traditional method,a four-hundred-and-thirty-pound weight connected to a rope wound through pulleys was designed to jerk Thiede upward instead.

On the day of the execution,Thiede’s arms were secured at his sides and his legs bound together with straps.The Salt Lake Tribune described the scene this way:

[Thiede] looked for the last time upward to the blue heavens,mottled with fleecy clouds ...[but] the only sign of summer that his eyes could rest upon was the topmost branches of a box elder tree and a straggling branch that had crept in between the stable in the rear and the fence....

47 Deseret News,January 23,1902.

48 Ibid.,November 21,1903.For a detailed account of the Peter Mortensen case,see Craig L.Foster, “The Sensational Murder of James R.Hay and the Trial of Peter Mortensen,” Utah Historical Quarterly 65 (Winter 1997):25-47.

In this photograph,the jailer is pulling the lever to flush the toilets at the Rotary Jail in Crawfordsville,Indiana.

The black cap was thrust down over his head,the noose adjusted around his neck ... and at 10:39 Sheriff Hardy,by drawing his handkerchief from his pocket,gave the signal to the men behind the canvas screen.The lever was pulled and Thiede’s body was jerked into the air.49

Thiede’s pulse was taken at intervals,before and during the hanging. When taken from his cell that morning,his pulse was 118,and when the cap was placed over his head,it had jumped to 129.While he hung in the air his pulse ranged from 120 to 54,and then stopped altogether at 10:54,a full fifteen minutes after the weight had been dropped.Contrary to expectations,Thiede’s death was not from a broken neck,but from strangulation after hanging for a quarter of an hour.50 This new method of executing criminals,though stored for years in the jail’s basement,was not used again.

Little information is available on other rotary jails across the country during this period,but the Pauly Catalogue suggested that all were functioning well.

There is perhaps,no invention of the present age,connected with the construction of jails and other prisons,which has attracted so much attention among those interested in that subject as the Rotary Jail,which for large jails is without doubt the Ne plus ultra The Rotary Jails that we have recently built embodying all of our improved features, have proven eminently satisfactory,and we respectfully refer to those erected at Crawfordsville,Indiana;Oswego,New York;Burlington,Vermont;Gallatin,Missouri; Sherman,Texas;Salt Lake City,Utah;Waxahachie,Texas;and Charleston,West Virginia.51

But in spite of Pauly’s claims,no more rotary jails were built after 1888. Cost may have been a factor.The material costs for rotary cells versus conventional cells may have been about the same,but the additional cost of bearings,conical gears,and drive shafts,along with the additional installation costs would have made the rotary a much more expensive proposition. An additional disincentive was that the moving parts acquired through the extra expense only increased the risk of mechanical failure.

The most frequent problem with the jails as they aged was rust and rot to the cast iron shaft that formed the inner core to which the toilets were attached.Water exposure corroded the iron at the jail in Crawfordsville so badly that one inmate was able to pull a toilet off its mounting and crawl into the central shaft.From there he found his way to the basement and made his escape through the coal chute. 52 Something similar may have happened in Waxahachie,Texas,where the frequency of escapes was cited as a reason to close the jail.53

49

Salt Lake Tribune,August 8,1896.

50 Ibid.

51 The Pauly Catalogue.Although Pauly takes credit for the jails at Crawfordsville and Burlington,these jails were actually constructed by other firms.

52 Conversation with Tamara Hemmerlein,Director of the Old Jail Museum at Crawfordsville,Indiana, May 19,2006.

53 John Hancock,“Ellis County’s Third Jail-1888”Ellis County Museum,Inc.,at http://www.rootsweb.com/~txecm/ellis_county_jail_1888.htm (accessed May 4,2007).

Jailer inconvenience may have been another factor in the halt to further construction of rotary jails.The increased security the rotary promised seems to have come at the price of the jailer having to constantly turn the crank. It is possible,for example,that in order to serve each prisoner breakfast,the jailer had to crank the drum around to each cell,first for the prisoners on lower level and then for those on top.When breakfast was finished he had to do it again to retrieve the plates and silverware.He did this at every meal,then to let prisoners in and out of the exercise corridor and then to accommodate visitors. This problem may have been solved in some rotary jails by the installation of an electric motor to turn the cylinder.The rotary jail in Oswego,New York,for example, seems to have been electrified,as indicated by an article in the local newspaper,although this solution created other problems.

When the sheriff wished to gain access to a particular cell,he touched a button and the table would turn in response until the cell he wished to enter swung opposite the door of the sheriff’s office ... But there were times when the mechanism would “strike”and fail to function.These times were hard on both sheriff and prisoners alike,as it meant hungry,annoyed and frightened prisoners until the cause of the trouble could be located and repairs made;for there was no way of getting food into the cells,or men in or out when the turntable was on “strike”several days at a time.54

TOP: Interior of the jail. BOTTOM: A jail cell in the jail.

The jail in Salt Lake City may also have been electrified,though the only evidence of this is a single line in the 1902 article in the Deseret News.“When a prisoner is wanted for any purpose a pull at a hand lever brings the rotary round to a point directly opposite the iron barred passage ...”55 The pull of a hand lever to move the platform,rather than the turn of a crank,suggests that by 1902,at least,the Salt Lake County rotary jail utilized some force other than human power to turn the cellblock.

The rotary jail in Council Bluffs was reputedly powered by a water wheel,which could keep the platform in motion all night when the jailer

54 Palladin Times ( Oswego,New York),November 20,1945.

55 Deseret News,March 1,1902.

PHOTOSCOURTESYOFTHEAUTHOR

went to bed.A line in a 1927 Deseret News suggests that the Salt Lake County rotary jail also had this capability.“[P]risoners were not submitted to the torture of being turned around and around till driven half mad,as in an eastern center,[though] the construction was of the same type.”56 In an earlier Salt LakeTribune article,written a year before the rotary jail was built in Salt Lake City,it stated that “During the night when there is danger of an attempt to escape,the cells can be kept slowly revolving by a small water-power motor or any motive power most convenient.”57 This is a line copied from the Pauly Catalogue,however,and may not reflect what was actually built in Salt Lake City.If the Salt Lake County rotary jail was in fact powered by water,the source of the stream between Third and Fourth West on Second South remains a question.

One researcher of rotary jails thought the drum might have turned on its own “by means of a heavy weight or spring.”58 Perhaps the jailer wound a large spring and the tension was released in ticks,like the second hand of a clock,to keep the drum turning.Or perhaps a set of heavy weights hanging from chains worked,as in a cuckoo clock,to keep the rotary in constant motion throughout the night.

Another reason for halting the construction of rotary jails was concern for prisoners’safety.In Crawfordsville,a prisoner got an arm caught between the bars during rotation,which necessitated the use of torches to cut him free.59 In Maryville,Missouri,a prisoner’s head was crushed in the bars,resulting in the decision in 1904 to weld the rotary platform in place so it no longer turned.Doors were then cut in the outer cage to provide a separate entrance to each cell.60

Counties were also increasingly sensitive to the issue of fire safety.A tour guide at the Gallatin,Missouri,jail noted that,“in the event of fire in the building,the prisoners would die miserably in their ‘squirrel cage.’There would not be enough time to rotate each cell to the only exit and free the prisoners one by one.”61

This marked the beginning of the end for the rotary jails.In 1905 the jail in Appleton,Wisconsin,was declared unfit and in 1909 the jail in Oswego,New York,was also condemned.Other jails have uncertain closure dates but may have also been closed in this timeframe.Of the rotary jails that remained,the jail in Wichita,Kansas,received the worst press. During World War I,when thirty members of the Industrial Workers of the

56 Ibid.,August 15,1927.

57 Salt Lake Tribune,July 23,1887.

58 Jonathan Dean,“The Old Jail Museum,”unpublished manuscript in possession of Montgomery County Cultural Foundation Crawfordsville,Indiana,circa 1980,7.

59 Conversation with Tamara Hemmerlein,The Old Jail Museum Director,Crawfordsville,Indiana,May 19,2006.

60 Roenfeld,“The Historical Society of Pottawamie County Squirrel Cage Jail,”p.11,www.thehistor icalsociety.org/Jail%20extend-ed.htm,(accessed May 4,2007).

61 Letter from Lee Kreutzer to Kent Powell,August 28,2006,wherein Kreutzer recounts her tour of the rotary jail in Gallatin,Missouri.Copy of letter in possession of author.

World (IWW) were held there for two years on wartime conspiracy charges,a prisoner gave this description:

Refuse is left in the toilet until the guard can’t stand the stench any longer,then water is turned in and both the top and bottom troughs are washed out.Cannot give you any idea of the filthy thing the “rotary”is,and besides no one would believe it,but of the 23 different jails I’ve been in,I’ve never seen anything like a “rotary”...Not a cell is light enough to read in,not room to walk,only two steps.62

The public perception of rotary jails was changing from a technological marvel to an inhumane method for the jailing of criminals.A commentary on the rotary jail in Wichita,Kansas,in 1918 stated:“There remains to be described a device for confining men that exhibits both ingenuity and perverted purpose.It combines the efficiency of modern invention with the insensibility of the thirteenth century.Yet it is defended by people who are no doubt quite humane in their private lives.”63 An American Civil Liberties Union brief from that same year added:“Dante should have visited the Wichita [Rotary] Jail before writing his vision of Hell.”64

The Salt Lake County Commission also seemed to be wary of the continued use of the rotary jail,and on April 12,1909,adopted a plan to build a new county jail.The new jail,completed the following July,was located on the corner of Fourth South and Second East,where the new Salt Lake City library presently stands.The 1911 Salt Lake City Sanborn maps show that the building that had housed the rotary jail still existed but noted “Jail.Vacant.Concrete Floors”The next available Sanborn map (1927) shows the old Sheriff’s residence still standing but the jail behind the building had been demolished.What remained served as a private residence,then an apartment building,until it was destroyed in August 1927.65

Of the seventeen (perhaps eighteen) rotary jails that were built,only three have survived intact into the twenty-first century:the jail at Gallatin, Missouri,with eight cells on a single tier;the jail at Council Bluffs,Iowa, with ten cells on each of three tiers;and the jail at Crawfordsville,Indiana, with eight cells on each of two tiers.Only the jail in Crawfordsville,the first rotary jail ever built,continues to function,though it,too,had once been disabled for safety reasons.66

When the rotary jails disappeared they were quickly forgotten,even in

62 Letter from a prisoner in the Wichita,Kansas,Rotary Jail,October 8,1918.American Civil Liberties Union Papers,Volume 89,Firestone Library,Princeton University,Princeton,New Jersey.

63 Winthrop D.Lane,“What’s the Matter with Kansas? It’s Jails! Uncle Sam:Jailer,” Survey,(September 6,1919):811.

64 American Civil Liberties Union Papers,Volume 89,Firestone Library,Princeton University, Princeton,New Jersey

65 Deseret News,August 15,1927.The Salt Lake Polk indexes show that the building was the residence of Thomas S.Fowler from 1918 to 1924.It was thereafter subdivided into two apartments in 1925 and three apartments in 1927.

66 When this author visited the Crawfordsville jail in May 2006,the Museum tour guide,Elizabeth Shull in her seventies,turned the crank to rotate the cellblock without any difficulty.Elizabeth Shull had served as the jail matron for four years prior to the jail being closed in June 1973.

the communities where they had once existed.When the Historical Society in Crawfordville decided to save their jail as a museum in 1973,they also began a quest to learn what had become of the other rotary jails built across the country.As a part of that pursuit,a letter was sent to Salt Lake County Sheriff Delmar Larsen in 1976 asking about the rotary jail in Salt Lake City.Larsen responded by saying,

For your information I was born and raised here in Salt Lake County and have been in law enforcement here since 1939.The old jail which was used until 1966 at which time it was torn down for the construction of our new jail was not a rotary jail or the type which you describe in your letter.

I have made inquiry of several people here who have been in law enforcement for some time and they cannot recall a cylindrical drum jail ever being in existence.67

Inquiries at the Salt Lake City Library evoked the same response.“We have checked into our old files and can locate no information at all concerning a rotary jail in Salt Lake City.”68

Salt Lake City was not alone in this regard.Joseph F.Fishman,a former inspector of prisons,wrote in 1923:“As far as I can recall at the moment there are only two or three other jails of similar design in the United States.”69 There were still at least ten in existence at that time.Likewise,

67 Letter to Earl Bruce White,October 22,1976.

68 White,“The Rotary Jail Revisited,”18.

69 Joseph F.Fishman, Crucibles of Crime:The Shocking Story of the American Jail,(New York:Cosmopolis Press,1923),49-50.

Construction of the new Salt Lake City jail in 1909.

SHIPLERCOLLECTION, UTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY

early researcher Walter A.Lunden,wrote in 1959 that only six rotary jails had ever been constructed.70 Not until the late 1970s,due to the efforts of Earl Bruce White of Crawfordsville,were seventeen,possibly eighteen,former rotary jail sites identified.But even White reports that he had lived in Pueblo,Colorado,for twenty-five years and passed the jail every day on his way to work,yet did not know that Pueblo was home to the last and largest rotary jail ever built.White’s best clues as to the location of the other rotary jails were contained in the documents he secured from the old Pauly Jail Building and Manufacturing Company in Saint Louis,which listed not only the jails that Pauly had built but included archival records from other companies,too.71

It was Pauly’s reputation,experience,and marketing aggressiveness that undoubtedly spread the construction of rotary jails across the United States in 1887 and 1888.The Pauly Company built jails in Sherman,Texas, Gallatin,Missouri,Salt Lake City,Williamsport,Indiana,Oswego,New York,Waxahachie,Texas,Charleston,West Virginia,Dover,New Hampshire, Wichita,Kansas,Pueblo,Colorado,and possibly in Paducah,Kentucky.This new type of jail was a bold experiment in the management of prisoners, which emphasized jailer safety and,as a by-product,offered superior sanitary arrangements for the prisoners.When first introduced in the late nineteenth century,it was a symbol of a new scientific age and represented a progressive interest in applying science and technology to the social ills of the day.But over time that view shifted from a focus on technology to a view concerned with the occupants of the cells,and the very factors that had been the jail’s selling points became the jail’s liabilities.

70 Walter A.Lunden,“The Rotary Jail,or Human Squirrel Cage,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 18 (December 1959):149-57

71 While visiting with the Director of the Old Jail Museum in Crawfordsville,Indiana,on May 19, 2006,I learned that the original Pauly documents had subsequently been destroyed and that the copies secured by White were all that remained.Copies of the documents have been donated to the Utah State Historical Library.

AYoung Man Returns to the West — The 1880 Letters of Leonard Herbert Swett

ByDOVEMENKES

Leonard H.Swett returned to his home in Chicago after spending the summer of 1879 with a United States Geological Survey team based in Kanab,Utah.The team had conducted geological and topographical reconnaissance surveys of the Arizona Strip and the canyons of the Colorado River in northern Arizona.1 Chastened for publishing his letters of the team’s sojourn in Utah,and suffering under the ill will of Sumner H.Bodfish,the team’s leader,Swett had come close to leaving the team and returning home.2 His father encouraged him to complete the 1879 fieldwork,which he did.The following spring,Swett was anxious to rejoin the survey and,as he had done the previous year,the senior Swett once again wrote letters seeking

Robert E.Jones (1858-1929) was a topographer with the USGS in 1880-1882.

Dove Menkes is a retired aerospace manager who has researched the history of the Colorado Plateau for more than thirty years.He is a coauthor of Quest for the Pillar of Gold:The Mines & Miners of the Grand Canyon published in 1997 by the Grand Canyon Association.The author thanks Julia Hoyt,Deanna Glover,Clay McCulloch,Linda Williams of Williams College,and the staff of the Fullerton Public Library for their assistance.

1

For the letters and accounts of the 1879 trip,see Dove Menkes,“The Letters of Leonard Herbert Swett,1879,” Utah Historical Quarterly 75 (Summer 2006):204-19.The author has kept the original spelling and punctuation of the original letters which are at the Huntington Library.

2 The relationship between Leonard Swett and Sumner Bodfish was complex.Swett was given and accepted privileges due to his father’s position and connections.The younger Swett also had an unusual relationship with Clarence Dutton—Bodfish’s superior.As an officer in the United States Army,Bodfish was used to working within a chain of command which Swett seemed to circumvent because of his and his father’s connections.

to obtain a position for his son.In the first to Charles D.Wallcott,with whom his son had worked in 1879,Swett wrote on May 16,1880:

When my son received a letter from you stating that you were to make a preliminary trip to new Mexico,he became very desirous to go with you,simply for that trip….Therefore,what I would like…is that he be appointed to go with you,which as I understand gives him transportation and some pay.If this cannot be had I would let him go as a volunteer without compensation in which event I suppose he would get transportation from here and return….3

If the younger Swett could not be paid or given volunteer status,his father offered to pay his son’s fare so that he could accompany Walcott’s geological survey to the Grand Canyon.Eight days later,on May 24,Swett wrote Walcott again requesting that he arrange for his son to go west with him.When Walcott’s trip was postponed,the senior Swett wrote to John Wesley Powell on May 30,asking that his son be permitted to accompany Powell.Since Powell was not going west Swett turned to Clarence King for help.4 Swett received a prompt reply to his June 25th letter.Apparently,the difficulties that the younger Swett caused for Director King and the strained relationship with field supervisor Bodfish earlier were forgotten,if not overridden by political or other considerations.Leonard H.Swett was rehired and by mid-July had joined Bodfish,Richard Goode,Robert E. Jones,and John McChesney,the chief disbursement clerk for the USGS,to travel by train to Salt Lake City to commence the summer field work.

The following letters were written to his parents between July 12,and November 10,1880,which describes his travels in Utah and his work with the United States Geological Survey.

Walker House Salt Lake City July 12th 1880

My Dear Mother

We arrived here safely at 8.30 this Evening.I have just had my supper and sit down to write.Some man has just been appointed commissioner of the land office and a band has been to Serenade him and he has just brought them up to the hotel and treated them to a drink,and now they are playing grandfathers clock which sounds very pretty 5 – Such are politics.At present it looks as though we would remain here till the last of

3 Leonard Swett to Charles D.Walcott,May 16,1880,Charles D.Walcott Papers,Smithsonian Institution Archives,Washington,D.C.

4 In his letter to Clarence King on June 25,1880,Leonard Swett wrote:“Several friends have,as I understand interceded with you in favor of my son,who was last year upon the Northern Arizona Survey. He has a great desire to go this year with Mr.Walcott.And Mr.Robert Lincoln informs me that he saw you at the Chicago convention and said he could go provided the appropriation was made.The object of this note is to inquire whether the appropriation you had in mind was made & whether he can go & when.Yours Truly,Leonard Swett.”Charles D.Walcott Papers,Smithsonian Institution Archives.Robert Todd Lincoln was the Secretary of War under President Rutherford B.Hayes.

5 My Grandfather’s Clock was written in 1875 by Henry Work.“My Grandfather’s Clock was too tall for the shelf,so it stood ninety years on the floor…”It is still popular as a Bluegrass tune.

the week.The journey here has been a very pleasant one and so far every thing looks favorable for a pleasant trip.Salt Lake City seems Very Natural, and as I am in good health & spirits I expect to enjoy my stay here. Tomorrow I shall probably begin reading barometer.We have come across a g irl of course just our luck! Her name is Agnes,& she lives near Milwaukee. Mr.Jones is the one who is in deepest this time,and not - well somebody Else – I hear that Bootes is acting as guard in the penitentiary four miles out of the city.6 Good night & pleasant dreams.The band is playing & marching away & as the music floats & dies away I will march too – to bed.

The weather is perfectly delightful. Adieu Love to Father Leonard H.Swett

Walker House

Salt lake City,July 13th 1880

Dear Father, Today has been a busy day and has developed some very unexpected things, or rather one,namely that I am for the present under the immediate command of Mr.Bodfish,and he has not failed to improve the opportunity to Exert his authority much and as a result I have taken Eighty (80) Barometric Readings between 10 AM & 5 PM.Besides I am to instruct Mr.Jones in the art of managing the barometers,and from the time it takes him to learn I think it is not such a very Easy task to do.We have four barometers with us,and the duty at present is to take a number of readings at the U.S.Signal Service Office in this City to compare them with the one which is supposed to be Entirely accurate and in comparing ours with it we designate these as “The Standard.”As Mr.Goode is here this year as a Topog rapher and is in charge of a party he

6 Construction of the Sugarhouse Prison was authorized in 1853 and completed by the end of 1854 in time to house nine prisoners behind its twelve-foot high,four-foot thick adobe walls.The prison served first as the Utah Territorial Prison then,after 1896,as the Utah State Prison.It was used until 1951 when a new state prison was built at the Point of the Mountain in southern Salt Lake County.

Precision Mercury Barometer used to measure altitude.This is the kind of barometer used by Leonard Swett in 1880.

EDWINBANFIELD

has very little to do with the barometers.This morning Capt.Dutton asked Mr.Bodfish to see that suitable readings were taken at this place and so Mr. Jones & I were put to work reading every half hour so with five barometers to read together with six thermometers and being obliged to write & prepare proper sheets for recording (as our books are all packed) – I have been on the jump all day.

Mr.Jones _ Robert E – is 27 years old a graduate of Williams College (1879) & is thinking of preparing for the Ministry,and belongs to the Episcopal Church.He lives in Washington and obtained his position though Pres.Garfield.He is very delicate looking,wears glasses has black eyes & small black mustache,is very pleasant though quiet & seems to have spent all his time over books.He had never traveled much or mingled much with the world.Goode & I are both much pleased with him,and I think respectability and decency will predominate in our party this year.

I have spoken to Capt.Dutton about the “readings”and tomorrow we are not to do so much.Mrs.Bodfish is here and exerts a great influence over Mr.B.so I do not recognize him as the same person I knew last year,but Mrs.B doesn’t go into the “Field” so I expect Mr.B will show his true side before long.But I have determined never to let him know that I remembered the past.And as I shall be with him comparatively little I do not think he can surprise me into anything what a gentleman should not say or do.

In regard to Capt.Dutton I have little to say.I have not had much opportunity to talk to him,and he is not a man to become acquainted with easily,but as far as I know him I am well pleased – I am feeling well and enjoying myself.I know nothing farther in regards to our movements.I have invited capt.D.to go to call on Gen Smith tomorrow afternoon and he will go if he has time.The other letters I shall deliver as soon as I am rested and have time.With love to mother I am ever Yours & etc.

Affectionately L.H.S. Walker House Salt Lake City July 14th 1880

My Dear Mother

Today has been pleasant in every respect and Capt Dutton notified us that we would start for Kanab Saturday morning the 17th.Tomorrow I expect to read barometers all day while Mr.Jones is to act as clerk to make vouchers for supplies & etc.I am well & happy and the weather is delightful.I wish you & father were here to enjoy the delightful climate.It is quite late,so Adieu.This will do to show that I have not forgotten you at least. Your Affec Son

Leonard H.Swett

Juab Utah,Sunday July 18th 1880

My dear Father and Mother Yesterday morning at 7 o’clock our party left Salt Lake with the exception of Capt Dutton and a youngster Babcock,from Chicago.He is,I think a brother in law of the Captains,and is to accompany our party rather as a volunteer than a member of the Survey.7

Juab is the place where we leave the Utah Southern R.R.and take our wagons.We arrived here yesterday at 12.30 PM & found Joe Hamblin,Col. Adams,Jerry Picket,Wilf Halliday and a new man,here from Kanab with two wagons and about a doz riding mules.8 Ready to take us to Kanab.

This year Capt.D bought all our supplies in Salt Lake City and they were shipped here by rail,day before yesterday.Joe Hamblin brought four wagons to sell in Kanab,and we shall use them on our way down.Yesterday Mr.Bodfish had two wagons packed and is quite hot because he cannot get into the freight house to work today.All our supplies have not come yet, but the rest are expected Monday.We shall probably leave here Tuesday (the 20th).From what I can judge our outfit will be much more complete than

7 William Babcock,age twenty,was the youngest brother of Emeline Clark Babcock,whom Dutton married in 1864.Steven Babcock, Babcock Genealogy,(New York:Eaton & Manins,1903),and Federal Census,Chicago,1880.

8 Joseph Hamblin,(1854-1924),the son of Jacob Hamblin,worked with the Powell and USGS surveys for over thirteen years as a guide and packer - even when the surveys were far from Kanab.He was also a guide/packer for Neil Morton Judd,a Smithsonian archaeologist,in the early twentieth century.In a letter to Raymond T.Stites,October 5,1926,Dellenbaugh writes:“… I knew Jacob Hamblin… and his son Joe… The latter was wonderfully expert as a youngster in throwing the lasso.He could catch any animal by any portion of it he chose.The Hamblins were all sterling,reliable men.They were with our outfit in the 70’s and gave us good work.”C.Gregory Crampton,ed.,“F.S.Dellenbaugh of the Colorado:Some Letters Pertaining to the Powell Voyages and the History of the Colorado River,” Utah Historical Quarterly 37 (Spring 1969):,220.

Nathan William Adams (1832-1916) was born in Ontario,Canada.The family then moved to Missouri,then Nauvoo,Illinois.They came to Utah in 1849.He was a member of the 84th Quorum of Seventy,and ordained a High Priest in 1894.He died in Kanab.He signed his letters to Powell “Col.N. Adams,”and was known as Col.Adams in Kanab.A biographical sketch of Adams is included in Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia (Salt Lake City:Andrew Jenson History Company,1914), 2:131-32.Adams worked with the Powell Survey in the early 1870s.Mary M.Plunkett Adams was born in Ontario,Canada,in 1835 and died in Kanab in 1924.Wilford Hyrum Halladay (1853-1917) was born in Bedford,Warwickshire,England,and died in Garfield County,Utah.Halladay also accompanied Jacob Hamblin from Kanab across the Colorado River to the settlements along the Little Colorado,and to the Hopis in Northern Arizona.The route usually passed Houserock Spring,crossed the river at Lee’s Ferry and then went past Willow Springs on the way to Moencopi.Halladay’s name,among other travelers is inscribed near Willow Springs:“Wilford H.Halladay,Oct.9,’78.”It is also recorded at Houserock Spring. The travels are described in James A.Little, Jacob Hamblin,a Narrative of his Personal Experiences as a Frontiersman,Missionary to the Indians and Explorer (Salt Lake City:Juvenile Instructor Office,1881),135-36. Halladay apparently kept in touch with L.H.Swett,as he asked F.S.Dellenbaugh for Swett’s address, which implies that Dellenbaugh knew Swett.W.H.Halladay to F.S.Dellenbaugh,July 24,1904, Dellenbaugh Collection,University of Arizona Library,Tucson.Halladay information also supplied by Terril J.Halladay.Jerry Pickett was John Jeremiah “Jerry”Pickett (1856-1929).He helped build many homes and businesses in Gunnison Valley,Utah,including the first rock school,the Relief Society hall,the tithing office,and the Co-op store.He helped plan and lay out canals and roads.Because of his skill in handling horses and mules and in keeping a trail,he was valuable to the USGS.LaRue P.Hugoe recalled her grandfather telling her about surveys in Southern Utah,“He surveyed with a rifle on a tripod and a spirit level to level the gun.”

last year and although the Season may be short,we will be abundantly provided for while we are in the field.But all I really know is that we had ham for supper last night instead of bacon and that Mr.Jones saw a large quantity of condensed milk,some raisins & canned goods in the freight house which looks hopeful.None of our tents were brought from Kanab so we are sleeping under the open sky,last night being our first night.I slept very soundly and find it very much easier to adapt myself to the necessities of Camp life than I did at first,last year.

This morning Goode,Jones,Bodfish & myself are in a smoking car, which is standing near our camp.Goode is reading,Jones writing,Mr.B. Talking,Swearing,singing and succeeding only in making a nuisance of himself.He reminds me of a dead body,which in winter while surrounded by ice & snow emits but little odor and is hardly noticed,but which changes completely under the burning rays of the summer sun and “Smells to Heaven”So Mr.B’s temperament is affected by the ice of civilization and the sun of freedom from restraint.His wife is a very pleasant lady,and he was so pleasant on the UP R.R.that I thought he had changed and that some of my remarks of him had been unjust,but then I saw through the glass darkly,now face to face.But let us drop him and if you forget he is a member of the Survey his name will never be called to our minds by any farther words of mine.

Last night just before sunset I tried my gun once,and at 60 yards came within six inches of the Center of our target.I am Very much pleased and satisfied with it,and thank you very much for it.I bought 100 more cartridges at Salt Lake (making 200 in all).Besides Goode’s Winchester one

Wilford Hyrum Halladay,center, and sons.

PHOTOCOURTESYOFCRYSTALHALLADAY

of our new men [?] by name has a Kennedy Repeating gun/ 14 shots/ which I like.But of all the magazine guns I have seen Wilf Halliday has a Winchester.Goode bought a revolver at Salt Lake and there are two Springfield needle guns belonging to the outfit at Kanab.So we are much better armed than last year.Joe Hamblin says his father Jacob is at Kanab so I am very glad I have the watch the last days of my stay at S Lake.

I have not told you as I was too busy to write.We arrived there Monday night.Tuesday spent most of the day at Signal Service Office teaching Jones to read barometer.Wednesday I read barometer all day.Thursday I read barometer half the day and in the afternoon I bought some things for the trip and invited Capt.Dutton to go to Camp Douglas to call on Gen Smith to whom,as you know,I had letters.I ordered a carriage at quarter of Seven and we started.The Post is 3 miles away and the ride was delightful.

The clouds were illuminated by the bright tints of sunset and the mountains alternations of violet-blue,and steel gray,in the fading light.While the waters of the distant lake glittered like burnished gold in the Sun & lay like a plate of silver under the moon.The view was so fine that Capt D asked the driver to stop that we might enjoy the moon.As we started again,we heard the sunset gun of the fort and in a few moments we were at the gens door.General Smith was not at home having gone to Fort Cameron with Gen.Crook.I then asked for Mrs.Gen [?] and found she was staying in the city at Dr.Hamiltons.Then as Capt Dutton knew several other officers at the Post we made four or five calls and passed a very pleasant hour before we returned to the City.One call I enjoyed specially on a Lieut Twintin & his wife who are very nice and great friends of Capt D.

The next afternoon when I got back to the hotel,after reading barometer,I found the Twintin’s card,and intend to call on him when I return. Friday I read barometer and delivered my letters to Mr.Hills of the Deseret Bank,and to Mr.Hoppe,who is the Bank President.I had a very pleasant call on each of the gentlemen.I then tried to find [G.L.?] Cannon but he was not at his office and he lives in the suburbs.At four Pm In company with Goode,Jones & Mr.Bodfish I went to Lake Point 22 miles on Salt Lake for a bath.We went in open cars by the Utah Western R.R.Which is a narrow gauge road.We arrived at the point at 6.10,had a delightful bath & swim or rather float for it is utterly impossible to sink,and arrived at Salt Lake at 8.20 & packed my baggage for an early start in the morning.I Shall tell you about the outfit in my next.With Love Your Affec Son

LHS

Swett wrote to his mother on July 31,1880,from Kanab:

We arrived here safely last Thursday about noon:The journey tired me very much.Since my arrival I have been resting all the time when I have not been at work.9

This year I have practically the Entire Charge of the barometers (There are four in the party) and Jones,Babcock & Brind – a young man of 30 engaged at Salt lake to read barometers for Goode10 – The other Readers have never used barometers so I have had to teach them all and on our arrival here I have been oblidged to find a room in which to hang the instruments, arrange the wet bulb thermometers,set the time Each shall read,and see that everything goes smoothly & well.11 Then I have to copy all the Salt Lake readings taken on Slips of paper into the book.So you see I am promoted in responsibility if not in pay and I am trying to do my work well. The Camp this year is pitched in the East part of town (a new place) and a Mr.Crosby who is a Very old man who lives near by has given me a room for the barometers,and I am writing in that room.12 All the barometer readers use it as a place to write & loaf in.Still it is cool and pleasant.Since

9 Swett’s father wrote to him on July 29,1880:“….All your letter have been received.The last we had was a postal,stating that you were teaching some of the party how to “cinch”a mule.What is that,if you can think to explain.The last we heard from you,you were just leaving Juab for Kanab.Wherefore before this reaches you,I suppose you have left from Mt.Trumbull if that shall prove to be your destination….”

10 Frederick Brind was born in Umballa,India,on December 29,1849.He attended military schools in England and subsequently emigrated to America.In May 1875,he married Lizzie J.in Omaha,Nebraska, and was later divorced.Later,he married Ellen Miller in Utah and was baptized into the LDS church.He died on October 22,1939.Obituaries in the Deseret News,October 23,1939,and the Salt Lake Tribune, October 23,1939.Brind wrote a letter describing his experiences to historian,Nels B.Lundwall quoted in Pearson H.Corbett, Jacob Hamblin Peacemaker,(Salt Lake City:Deseret Book Co.,1976),330-34.Corbett has the events in the letter as occurring in the 1870s.This is an error,as Brind was with the USGS in the 1880s.

11 Wet bulb thermometers were used to measure humidity.

12 William Crosby was born September 19,1808,in Indiana.He was a slave owner in Missouri and one of his slaves,Oscar Crosby,preceded him to Utah and secured land and planted crops before William Crosby and his family arrived in May 1848.Crosby helped pioneer settlements in Utah County,San Bernardino,California,and southern Utah before locating in Kanab where he died on October 5,1880.

Joe Hamblin,in the 1880s.

I began this letter Mr. Crosby has started on Mormonism to Brind and they make so much noise I can hardly think.On my arrival here I found three letters from you one from father (of the 18th) & one from Mrs.Calhoun and this to you is the first I have written.

I still like Capt Dutton exceedingly and though I have been home sick several times I am getting along very well.I find it very hard to keep a note book for in coming a second time into the same country seeing the same people Towns,Hills, Rocks & Rivers,etc.things do not strike me in the same forceable way they did at first.The only things Easily described are the new ones and after the new wears off I know of no Region I have Ever visited which is so dead and where things change so little.So that a cliff or mountain stream dashing down its rocky bed here and there,covered with foam and sparkling in the sunlight though they make a deep impression first,after a little while one thinks no more of describing them,than you do of a beautiful sunset or the fantastic shape of a Summer cloud.

But I have enough of other things to last for a long time for as yet I have told you nothing of my new companions new acquaintances,etc.For even two trips to the same place cannot be exactly alike.

I have finished my science primer on geology and am ready to take up “La Cont.”13 I have read one sermon by Phillips Brooks & like it very much.14 It was on the Use & purpose of “Comfort.”Your letters are not at hand and I do not remember if you asked any questions but I like the advise and will follow it.

With a great deal of love I am as Ever your affect Son.I wish you would send me the Sunday Tribune if you think of it.I find I am as anxious for

13

“La Cont”was Joseph E.Le Conte,an American naturalist.He wrote a geology text, Elements of Geology, A textbook for colleges and the general reader (New York:D.Appleton & Co.,1879).

14 Phillips Brooks was an Episcopalian minister and noted lecturer.

John and Mary McDonald Rider.

mail as I was last year and want to keep up close correspondence with home,love to Father

L.H.S Kanab October 10th 1880

My Dear Father

It is a long time since I have written you,the last being to say that I would not go to San Francisco with Jacob.15 I did not think I was quite wise to spend all my money on a trip of that kind,not that it is not well worth the money under ordinary circumstances but where you wait to Earn it,and it is all you have,it then seem to have a new value,and as though it ought only to be spent to the very Best advantage.I grasped with eagerness the opportunity to remain in Kanab,till the arrival of Mr.Goode as it prolongs my stay in this healthy locality.I am sure that I have gained more this year than last,for I have had many opportunities to improve in other things than health.

Being associated with a gentleman is a great thing on a trip of this kind making the Entire camp one of respectability rather than rowdyism.I am indebted to Capt.Dutton for many things and more than all for the manly though thoroughly kind way in which he always treated me.16

During the Entire time I have been with him,he never ever spoke sharply to me or acted the part other than that of a gentleman.He is – as I have seen him – Strong,brilliant,and cold.Yet somehow magnetic and just the man for a leader,but with too strong a character to be a friend.A man almost perfect.Yet wanting sadly a peculiar something which always accompanies perfection.

The advantages of his Society have done me much good.His campfire talks are always interesting and never without instruction And this is a measure I have made up for the loss of your absence which I always feel when away from you.

Know that the entire party are gone and I am alone.I try to fancy that I am on a physical level with the Kanab boys,that is,that my prospects are only what theirs are and what my past Experience has given me.I wear the Same kind of clothes they do.I eat the same food and sleep in the same

15 The Jacob that Swett refers to is not known.There is no record in the Jacob Hamblin literature that indicates he made a trip to San Francisco.Perhaps the individual was a member of the USGS and Swett absent-mindedly wrote “Jacob.”

16 Clarence Edward Dutton (1841-1912),a graduate of Yale,was a Captain of Ordnance in the army, and served in the Civil War.Dutton wrote monographs and papers for the USGS.He was interested in the Culture of India,hence the names he gave to landmarks in the Grand Canyon: Vishnu,Shiva.Dellenbaugh, among others,protested the use of names from “old world mythology”and promoted colloquial names, and those honoring Powell’s companions.The names,however,had already been in wide use in the literature,and therefore stuck.

kind of a bed.So the illusion is not as surreal as it might be.It has a wonderful Effect in making me Economical of the minutes, and I act with more care and Each step becomes one of more consequence if I act on the principle that I must depend Entirely on my self for what I become.

I find that as my health & rigor increase,my mind also works with more Ease and pleasure and less fatigue;that my whole mental tone is changing, becoming Stronger and quieter.I seem to be nearing the point in life where boyhood Ends, and Manhood begins,where ambitions takes a firm root.And the prizes of life come into full view and the real Struggle begins.Where I must decide in what direction I will lay my course,What books I will read what men I wish to know. What pleasures I want to enjoy and what kind of power I wish to wield.

But what nonsense I am writing.I don’t often talk so of myself,but I just want you to know that the seeds of knowledge you have sown in my mind are beginning to sprout and the latent powers are beginning to start.“Hold the Fort for I am coming”Etc,if nothing happens

At present I am devoting all my time to geology and it is a wonderful study for broadening the mind and enlarging the ideas.The Capt advises me to study Chemistry for the culture it will give,and I hope to sometime.

I hope you will have a place for me at the office on my return as I want to come in.What are you doing? Did you go to Kansas? Is business good? Are you interested in politics? How is your health?

Write me when you can.I have not heard from you for 3 weeks.I shall receive the letters,as before leaving I shall telegraph to Salt Lake to have letters held.

Now good night,the darkness is falling.With love to Mother.

I am your Affec Son Leonard H.Swett

John Jeremiah“Jerry”Picket and fiancée,Lurany Iness,c.1880.

PHOTOCOURTESYOFLA RUEP. HUGOE

Kanab Oct 12 1880

My Dear Mother

At last I am thoroughly comfortable.I have hired a room of Mrs. Rider and I moved into it yesterday. 17 It is a front room,newly papered and painted.With a good large old fashioned fire place,two windows,and a door opening onto a porch;So I go out or in without going into Mrs.R’s part.I have 3 of the mattresses I had made in August and my sheets on my bed, so I sleep very comfortably.I have capt Dutton writing table,a table cloth and the Capt’s chair.The floor is bare So I have Navajo blankets scattered for rugs.I have a fire, So the room has a very cheerful look.I take care of my horse still, feeding,watering & cleaning him Every day.I also build my own fires cut & bring my own wood and go a block and a half for my meals.I take a horseback ride or a good walk daily and the rest of the time I spend over my books.The last 3 days have been rainy & cold but the clouds broke away and I took a lazy ramble up the cliffs,which are about 800 ft.high.I found much of interest geologically and Saw for the first time green purple sand stone,also petrifid wood.The time still flies as each moment is occupied.I go out very little finding my books abundant company.This is the first time I have even taken up the branches of science. I am now studying Natural Philosophy Physical geography & geology.I find them very Entertaining,but no more so than Medicine and Mathematics.

In 1880 USGS surveyors carved an inscription in a Ponderosa pine.Part of the inscription reads:“USGS Survey Sept.3 1880WMC EA J.J.Pickett.”The Ponderosa pine was removed from Point Imperial in the Grand Canyon due to beetle infestation in 1965.The initials WMC are most likely those ofWilliam McBride while J.J.Pickett is most likely John Jeremiah Pickett.

I received two very pleasant letters a few days ago one from Dr.

17 John Rider was born in 1837 in Ireland.He came to America in 1866 and married Mary McDonald in Salt Lake City in 1867.Later he moved to Kanab,then went on a mission to England in 1879,and returned to Kanab two years later.He built many homes in Kanab;some are still preserved.He died in Kanab in December 1919.Mary McDonald Rider was born in Scotland in 1845 and died at Kanab in 1931.The homes in Kanab were generally very small and the Riders had seven children.Possibly some of the children slept elsewhere to provide the room for Swett.

Kittridge,the other from Mr.Walcott [I enclose both for you to read.Please give save them as I wish to keep them] The Drs is very characteristic but very kind.(Mr.Walcotts speaks for itself flowers and all.)18

When I began this letter I did not intend to tell you of the Kaibab trip, but I have been looking over my note book and as it is not in good sending Shape I Send you an abstract of it.It is very hard to Express this scenery in words and I fear that my descriptions are at best only glittering generalities,but the letter is written for you and Father and if it gives you pleasure I am more than Satisfied.

Our party left Kanab Utah for the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River September 17th,1880.Kanab lies five miles north of the Northern boundary of Arizona and the Grand Canyon about 60 miles South of the Utah line.Our party was composed of 8 men all mounted,and a pack train of five mules with bedding,and rations for 15 days.Kanab lies directly on the edge of a vast desert,which extends about 30 miles South,to the Kaibab Plateau or mountain lying down,as the word means,its name being translated – through which the Colorado cuts its way.The first night we camped in this desert using waters from kegs brought from Kanab.The sunset was very brilliant,and the view of the north one of great beauty.“Looking back”across the ashy waste of Sage desert over which we had come,the bright cliffs of Utah loomed up like frozen waves one above another,there being four layers in sight.The first,the Red,which Surround Kanab,The Second 8 or 10 miles beyond being white.The third,still farther being the Pink Cliffs of upper Kanab.Then rising sharp and blue just Beyond rises the divide whose summit forms a water shed between Salt Lake basin and the district drained by the Colorado.Soon after dark the moon rose from a bank of heavy clouds which lay on the Eastern horizon.It was full and hung like a Silver Shield on the dark wall of night.Off in the north the lightning flashed occasionally from a dark ragged cloud and during the Early part of the night one or two showers swept over our camp but not severe enough to wet us much.

The next morning we were in the saddle at Sunrise and reached the base of the mountain by ten O’clock.In the foothills,we passed the summer camp of the Paiute Indians.Here the Capt.Had a short talk with Frank, their Chief and I saw several Indians who had been in Kanab a month before.19 At eleven we passed Nails Lower Ranche where,last year,I spent the 2nd of Sept.with Mr.Bodfish and others with nothing to eat but cooked beef and pickles.We camped at noon in Castle Rock Canyon, which is a beautiful place,the ground being covered with moss grass and flowers with here and there little groves of tall white Aspens and tall slender fir trees.The ride during the afternoon was mostly on the Summit of the

18 Reverend Abbott E.Kittridge was a prominent Chicago clergyman.

19 “Frank,their chief.”Frank,or “Indian Frank”was Chuarumpeak,the Southern Paiute,who was a guide and informant to Powell in the early 1870’s.

plateau which is a great natural park,covered with groves and little praries of mountain grass.We reached Stewarts Ranche at dark,having come 40 miles that day.There we found the Bodfish party to whom we brought mail,and the Evening was spent in telling our adventures at Mt.Trumbull and hearing theirs of the Cañon.We remained at Stewarts Ranche till Tuesday the 21st,inst.,passing the time in hunting and horseback riding –racing and target practice.Tuesday noon both parties went to Thompsons Spring 131⁄2 miles South East and four from the Canon.Wednesday the Capt.with Holmes,Fred & myself spent the day on the Canon edge where I found a number of well preserved fossil shells.

Thursday our party separated from Mr.Bodfish and went 16 miles to Station z.(I mean Fred & I,the Capt being on a trip to Marble Cañon.) where the magnificence of the Scenery surpasses anything I have yet seen. It is really the fir st Topographical Station as it is situated at the upper End, or beginning of Grand Cañon,which by the way the river runs,is 217 miles long terminating at its lower end in what is called Grand Gulch. Grand Cañon begins at the mouth of the Little Colorado,which enters from the South,while z is about a half mile farther down on the opposite side of the river.It is a small button shaped knoll,set on the Edge of the Canon wall.

The Colorado River here changes its direction from South to West and z being at the vertex of the angle it commands a river in both directions.The distance here from wall to wall is about 8 miles,while the vertical distance to the water below is 6000 ft.The view Embraces nearly 270°of horizon.

To the North East,on the north side of the river rise the Paria cliffs while just opposite on the South side may be seen their reflection in the Echo cliffs,and winding between the two,the upper edges of Marble Canon,occasionaly appear.Just to the South of Echo cliffs and far to the East on the horizon,Stands Navajo Mountain,while in the foreground,lies a vast expanse of desert,marked here and there with lines of low cliffs,and their shadows,brought into view by the lowness of the Cañon wall on the South East Side of the river,which is nearly1000 feet lower than at z. Directly opposite z lies the great gorge through which the Little Colorado flows to join the main river.Just at the South Side of this great gateway the East wall begins to increase in height and curves to the West,rising rapidly in altitude – by what is called a monoclinal fold – to the Elevation of 6400 feet,the highest point of the cañon.

As we follow this curve directly in the South and over the highest part of the wall about 60 miles away – though not looking half that distancerise the beautiful San Francisco Peaks,like a silhouette of solid blue,against a band of pearly sky.And stretching along the Southern horizon to the West as far as the Eye can penetrate.

So much for the frame ,the picture lies below.Far,far below in the depths.So far,that pine trees,100 feet high look like sage brush.The river (nearly 400 feet wide) appears in view for a short distance looking like a

mere ribbon.The water can be seen in two places only,it being hidden generally by the Steepness and depth of its walls.Where the water appears in view the first time,there is a little mound,a volcanic cone of pure basalt, and perfectly black,looking sadly out of place amid the bright Sand Stones.20 Farther to the South the water runs in Sight for about half a mile and just beyond it,is a larger majestic butte,named by the Capt.“Pagoda Butte.”Its form and outlines are very picturesque,while its color is a rich “dregs of wine.”The Sandstones are so brilliant here,that at Sunset one may see in reality the rich imaging of Tennysons “Bugle Song.”21 For the purple of his glens is here;and Surely the Splendor never fell with more magnificense on “Castle Wall and Snowy Summits”than when it guilds the top of Pagoda Butte,or glistens on the domes and minarets of “The Temple of the Destroyer”— a Butte at Station [R? ] about 15 miles away.

Besides the beauties of form and color at z the rocks themselves are of great interest geologically.

The lower part of the Canon is Silurian Rock,and perhaps Devonian. The Strata being much tilted and dipping strongly to the East.Among these rocks are volcanic rocks.Above this deposit,the rocks are Carboniferous to the top of the wall and are laid down nearly horizontal and the Story they tell is this.

First,long ago when this country was a Sea bottom,instead of dry land; a bed of Silurian Rock was deposited on the Sea bottom.This bed became the Vent of a Sub-marine volcano.Thus mixing lava,and basalt with Silurian.The volcano then became extinct and the deposit of Silurian still continued.Next this whole compound mass was Elevated above the Surface of the water.The Strata probably being tilted at that time.

In this condition it was again submerged and over it was deposited a thick bed of Carboniferous Rock.The Mass was again Elevated,this time to it’s present position.The carboniferous remaining horizontal,thus giving us a vast Plateau.Then the river makes its appearance,and the work of cutting the Grand Canyon was commenced.At first probably very slowly as the river then did all the work,While now it is aided materially by the action of the atmosphere,of rain,and of frost.

The work of these latter agents is seen everywhere in the amount of debris at the foot of every cliff,and in the vast number of loose rocks and boulders which every where lie on the Edge of the upper wall.And often a slight push is sufficient to Start a larger rock which in turn Starts others and sends hundred of tons of Earth and rocks thundering into the depths below.

We left z the next afternoon and Marched 121⁄2 miles towards Thompsons

20 According to George Billingsley,a geologist with the USGS and expert on the Grand Canyon,the formation is known as Lava Butte.

21 “Tennyson’s Bugle song”from his poem, The Princess.“The splendor falls on castle walls/And snowy summits old in story;/the long night shakes across the lakes,/And the wild cataract leaps in glory/Blow bugle,blow.Set the wild echoes flying.…”

Spring,camping for the night at Forrest-Lagoon,which is a small rain water pond.So full of vegetable matter that the water is not fit for drink without straining.

In the morning we took an Early breakfast and rode over to Thompsons Spring,after some things left there then on 9 miles to Milk Springs where we arrived at noon,and again met the Bodfish party who were just starting for the west end of the plateau.After dinner Mr.Holmes with three men Started for Station R ten miles West.Milk Spring is the nearest water to R and as all the water taken there has to go on a pack mule,the party was divided.22 The Capt,Mr.Babcock and myself,with “Col”Adams for cook, Staying at the Spring till Monday noon,when we went to R.Expecting Mr.Holmes would be through his sketching,and that we would go to Stewarts Ranche the next day.On our arrival,however we found he would not be ready to go till Wednesday morning,So we all Remained till that time.Capt Dutton calls R,“Point Sublime”but I do not think it is as fine as z but it is Very grand.

The Cañon at R is a series of long promontories & deep bays on the edge is like sawtooths.From point to point (across the Cañon,) it is about 8 miles wide from bay to bay on the root of the sawtooth.We made our beds on the very brink and I fixed mine So that while lying down I could see the bottom of the Canon and the river more than 6000 ft.below and I doubt if a bed Ever before commanded such a view.

Wednesday morning we started for Stewarts Ranch.,distant 20 miles and arrived there about 4 PM.The next morning the 14th day of the trip we Started for Kanab,arriving there Saturday morning the 2nd of Oct.having had a very pleasant trip.23

Since my return and the Capts departure on the 7th I have been busy with my books.I am very well and happy.Mrs.Riders husband returned from his mission to England about a week ago.He is a large jolly good hearted man and I like him very much.Last Evening the People gave him a public reception at the school house and I was invited to attend a privilege very seldom Extended to a gentile.I went and had a pleasant time.The Early part of the Evening was devoted to Speaking being an address of welcome to “B”Rider,a speech from the Bishop – who did not know when or how to stop.—A response by Mr.Rider and singing by the Choir,then a few recitations,then a Pic-Nic,as they call it here.Each family brings a

22

23 Swett’s excursions can be traced for the most part,although some of his mileages are open to question.“Nails Ranche”was in Nails Canyon,sometimes referred to as Stewart’s Canyon in the vicinity of Big Springs.It was named after John Conrad Naegle,originally from Bavaria.(Naegle is German for nail.) “Castle Rock Canyon”was the colloquial for Castle Canyon,about two miles south of Big Springs.Castle Rock is at the mouth of Castle Canyon.“Stewarts Ranche”was probably in the vicinity of Demotte Park (They had a sawmill at Big Springs.) “Station z”was at Cape Royal.“Pagoda Butte”is Vishnu Temple. “Thompson Springs”are in the Demotte Park area.“Forest Lagoon”may be Greenland Lake.(Dutton mentions a “Lagoon”south of Demotte Park.) “Milk Springs”is in the Demotte Park area.“Temple of the Destroyer”is Shiva Temple,after Shiva,the Hindu God of Destruction.

William Henry Holmes spectacular drawings of the plateau regions illustrated Dutton’s reports.

basket of Eatables,they gather into little groups and have their Supper.This they call by the odd name of Pic Nic.24

I had five invitations for Supper all so pressing that I had to eat a little at Each place.First with Mrs.Adams and Jacobs wife.Second with a Mr. McAllister who has two very pretty young wives,neither of them looking as though her school days were over.Third with Mrs.Broadbent No.1 –who is the lady who has done all my sewing and made my buck Skin clothes.25 Then with Mrs.Rider and finally with [Moberman ?] and wives. I had a very jolly time at Supper and plenty of Mince apple,custard & squash pie,rice puddings,cake,tarts,cheese etc.Ending with grapes.

After Supper dancing was commenced.The Church does not allow round dancing So it is all quadrelles.26 I left at 10:30 o’clock and was quite tired and the room very warm.Today I have Spent most of the day over the letter,and now I feel Better and as though I had written up to date.

With love to all at home I close ever your affectionate Son. Leonard H.Swett

Life in Kanab was tough and people worked hard to make a living. The surveys brought in much needed revenue,as Kanab supplied guides, packers,blacksmiths,seamstresses,animals,food and lodging.The relationship wasn’t entirely commercial however,as the survey people formed friendships with the hospitable Kanab pioneers and participated in the social life of the community.Kanab people fondly remembered Powell’s visits.27 After completing the season’s work,Swett traveled to Beaver where he wrote his parents the following letter.

24 It is interesting that Swett was not familiar with the word “picnic.”The word entered the English language in the mid-1700s from the French and German languages and appeared in books by Jane Austen and Charles Dickens.

25 Mary Ann Stewart Bunting Broadbent was the wife of Reuben Broadbent.In a letter from Frederick Dellenbaugh to Rose Hicks Hamblin on August 25,1934,Dellenbaugh wrote that Major Powell hired Mary Ann Broadbent to make coats,shirts,and gloves for him and his men out of buckskin which the Indians had tanned for him.Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Pioneer Pathways, (Salt Lake City:Daughters of Utah Pioneers,2002),111.

26 For another account of dancing in Kanab,see:Frederick S.Dellenbaugh, A Canyon Voyage (Tucson: University of Arizona Press,1991),173.See also Leona Holbrook,“Dancing as an Aspect of Early Mormon and Utah Culture,” BYU Studies 16 (Autumn 1975):117-38.“Jacobs wife”was Louisa (Bonelli) Hamblin,who hosted personnel of the Powell Surveys of 1871-1873.Dellenbaugh wrote:“Sister Louisa was the one I came to know best and she was a good woman.”Dellenbaugh, A Canyon Voyage,174.

27 There is a monument to John Wesley Powell in Kanab.For information on the Powell Surveys and their relationship to Kanab,see:Adonis F.Robinson, History of Kane County,(Salt Lake City:Kane County Daughters of Utah Pioneers,1970),44-46,49-54.For an insight into the economics of Kane County,see: Dean L.May,“People on the Mormon Frontier:Kanab families of 1874,” Journal of Family History,1 (Winter 1976):177-79.

Beaver Utah Wednesday,Nov 10th 1880

My Dear Parents

I am well:happy and comfortable:and at the Centennial hotel where I am likely to stay for several days.Fortunes wheel has been turning rapidly and strangely in the past four days,but when anything strange or unexpected happens here,we only sigh and say “such is life in the far west.”Mr. Goode,Fred Brind and myself left Kanab for Salt Lake Thursdy Nov 4th, with a good four mule team,our own new wagon and two spring seats Navajo blankets for robes,w[ith] large quantity of baked beans,rice puddings & cake.Mr.Adams for cook,Joe Brown for teamster and Mrs.Adams for company.Our intention was to go directly to Juab then to Salt lake by rail

The morning we left Kanab,the weather which for several days had been mild and pleasant,turned cold and a strong North wind began to blow.Thursday & Friday though cold,passed with out Events worthy of note and Saturday morning found us on our way from Little’s Ranche, where we had spent the previous night,to Panquitch,at which place we arrived at about four O’clock,and stopped intending to stay but a moment at John Clark’s one of the cooks of last year.Mr.Goode and I went to the door and were received by the prettiest girl we had seen for many a day. Soon Clarke came in and was so glad to see us I think he wanted to hug us both and he would not hear of our going another step that night.So the wagon was unhitched,the mules put in the Stable,and Mr.Adams began getting supper in the yard,where Clark insisted on Eating with us and wiping the dishes,and bringing us out potatoes and a pan of cream.Mr.And Mrs.Adams were invited to pass the night in the house.Goode & I made

Mary and Nathan Adams.

HISTORYOFKANECOUNTY

our bed in a little work Shop,while Brind slept in a shed.And we all passed the Evening in the house talking over old times and telling ghost stories. Besides the pretty girl who opened the door (whose name was Miss Henny Clarks daughter) and was very nice,were two little ones.Flossy & Pearl aged 6 and 4.Flossys hair was long and the richest gold while her eyes were deep blue.Pearl was darker but very pretty.Flossy took a great fancy to me, while Pearl admired Mr.Goode.Mrs.Clark is a very nice appearing woman,and everything was so pleasant that the next morning we hated to start.During the night Mr.G was taken sick with bowel complaint and in the morning I proposed going to the R.R.via Beaver which is much nearer,though more expensive but Mr.G said no.but when we got to the forks of the Juab & Beaver roads 6 miles from Panquitch,he turned to me and said “Lets go to Beaver,what do you say Swett.”I said yes,So away we went.We camped that night in the mountains at an elevation of 8000 ft. and were waked just before daylight by a Snowstorm which was very severe but lasted only a short time.About 2 pm,when within 12 miles of Beaver a very strong North wind Storm Struck us.We were in a sage brush desert and the dust was fairly blinding.We lost a 5 gall Keg which was tied to the side of the wagon and a rubber coat off the seat.

On arriving at Beaver Mr.G was feeling very badly.We stopped at a Drugstore where we found McBride (Mr.Bodfish’es cook) who took us to a Mr.Thompsons,where we Stabled the animals and cooked in the house. There we first heard of the election,and the defeat of Mr.Goode in Virginia.That night we slept in Mr.Thompson’s hay loft and in the morning Mr.G was so sick he was obliged to go to the hotel and to bed.I then hired a wagon and drove to Fort Cameron for the Army Surgeon who came down.He said Goode was not dangerously ill,but must stay in bed for a few days.The Dr’s name is Cowdrey,we both like him very much. After dinner Mr.G gave McBride two $100 checks to cash while Brind and I made a list of articles to be sent back to Kanab by Mr.Adams and afterwards I went to the Fort with the wagon to buy Brown,a couple of overcoats.I found my friend Edwards still in the old clothes business and got them three overcoats for $12.00 much to their delight.Soldiers are not allowed to sell their clothing So after the men were fitted Edwards told the men to drive by the Entrance of the fort and he would bring the coats.

I then told them I would go over to Lt.Goodwins a moment and they might wait.I was gone Sometime and when I came back I found Mr. Adams frightened nearly to death.He said two parties of soldiers had come by and he thought they were after him or that they would see the coats and then take him.He had hardly seen a soldier before and was very much frightened.Mr.Goodwin is off on a hunt and will not Return for several days.I am invited to dine with Mrs.Goodwin at 3:30 today and as Goode is much better today I think I shall go.But to return to McBride,after I returned from the Fort,Goode said Mc had not returned so I started to find him taking Jo Brown,who is strong as a Lion and perfectly devoted to

Goode and myself,for company and aid in case of need.I stopped in the first Saloon I came to and found Mc playing billiards he was very drunk, but said he had the money in his pocket.28 I waited till he finished his game then we Started.I asked him to give me the money,he refused.I then asked him to bring it to Goode.he replied he wanted to go to a Mr.Fennemores store first. 29 So I had to follow him there.I there found he had sold Fennemore one check for $90.00 cash and a promise of $10.00 and was after the other $10.00.They told Mc they had no more change that night.I asked Mc where the money was,and he pulled a roll of bills out of his overcoat pocket.Mc then started to leave the store so I said to Fennemore “Stop McBride the check he sold you is no good get your money back and give him the check.”This startled him very much,and got Mc Ver y angry who said all I wanted was to get the money and ruin his good name. By this time there was quite a scene.Mc talking very loud and drawing in a crowd.Fennemore got Excited and Mc offered a bet ten dollars I was trying to rob him and that the check was good.So as coolly as I could I said, This man is drunk and spending our money or rather yours,for in one minute I can prove the check to be worthless so you had better get it back. Just then Mc Started away followed by a crowd on getting in the Street we met two drunk men who came up to Mc and another crowd was with them.I then Enquired where an officer could be found and was told at a dance in the School house.After telling Brown to keep Mc in Sight I started and found the officer selling tickets,he immediately followed me but on our return Fennemore had got the money,but found Mc had given check No.2 to a great big burly fellow who was drunk too.

Then the entire crowd went into Fennemores where we induced the man to show his check then to give it up.I then told Fennemore to look at his check and he would see the difficulty,which was that it was payable to the order of R.U.Goode and not indorsed by him,(which was true Goode having forgotten to indorse) Fennemore said he had sent the check to Salt lake but could get it out of the mail.I then asked Fennemore to step over to the hotel and Goode would tell him he had not signed.This he did. Fennemores man had great difficulty in preventing McB & Friend from following as they had determined to trash or shoot me to vindicate their

28 William McBride lived in Beaver at the time.He was born in England in 1856.Despite his being rambunctious,he was considered a valuable worker and later worked for the USGS in New Mexico.See Gilbert Thompson to Powell,Nov.15,1881,National Archives Microcopy 590,reel 10;(590/10).McBride continued to get into scrapes,involving liquor. The Southern Utonian,August 14,1885,reported that “… Wm.McBride,together with some others,was under the influence of liquor…got into a fracas at “Stinson’s saloon.”

29 There were several Fennemores living in Beaver.Two were listed as merchants:Samuel and James. James Fennemore was a photographer with Powell on his second river trip.He also took the photographs at John D.Lee’s execution.He owned a two story building in Beaver,with merchandise on the first floor and a photo gallery on the second.He took photos of soldiers at Ft.Cameron to send to their sweethearts. The building eventually burned down.See the United States 1880 Federal Census for Beaver.The Utah Directory of 1881 lists the Fennemore businesses.

honor They had told Brown this while I was after the officers.After a short interview with Goode Everything was made Straight only it was found Mc had spent $12.00.We then went to the Postmaster got the check.Goode signed & Fennemore went home and I to bed.

This morning I heard that both men were still vindictive and that I had better be quiet,but I have been about town as my business required but have not met them.Everyone speaks well of Mc and says he will be up and apologise as soon as he is sober,and that he will make the twelve dollars good.But as Goode says we have had a narrow Escape and lots of experience.We discharged all our men this morning Brind going by stage 35 miles to Milford then by R.R.to Salt Lake.Mr.& Mrs.Adams and Brown as we gave them the use of the wagon & etc.have started for Salt Lake to make a visit and do some shopping.So we are alone.We hope to leave here Saturday and reach Salt lake Sunday night and leave for Chicago about Tuesday. 30

With Love I remain Your Affectionate Son Leonard H.Swett

Swett left Utah and employment with the United States Geological Survey late in 1880.In the spring and summer two years later,Swett and his father wrote letters to John Wesley Powell once again seeking employment.Swett was appointed an assistant topographer to work with A.H. Thompson at Fort Wingate,New Mexico,at a salary of fifty dollars a month and was in New Mexico during parts of 1882 and 1883.31 Swett spent part of 1882 and 1883 in New Mexico.From 1884 to 1888 Swett traveled to Europe,visiting France and Switzerland.In addition to his European excursion,he also traveled to Texas and Louisiana and apparently worked for the USGS in the summer of 1887and was apparently approved for employment during the summer of 1889,although there is no documentation that he worked with the USGS that year.From 1888 to 1903 Swett attended Cornell University.

In December 1889,Leonard H.Swett married Rose Maria Skillings of Auburn,Maine.They had a daughter,Laura Rose in 1897.In 1905,they moved to Ft.Collins,Colorado,where Swett was involved in investment

30 Letters sent by the USGS,1879-1895,(152/3) In 1880,Swett was paid $225 for the period July 9 –November 23,as an assistant topographer.Salaries did not change much in the early days of the USGS, unless someone was promoted.In the first year,King was paid $6,000,Bodfish $1800,Goode $1200,and Walott (assistant geologist) $600.Source:First Annual Report of the USGS.In 1883,Holmes was paid $2400,A.H.Thompson $2500,N.Adams a packer $60 per month,B.Hamblin a packer $55 per month, C.D.Walcott $1800,John Ryder,field assistant,$50 per month,and J.Hamblin,herder,$65 per month. Dutton received his army salary.The USGS budget for the first year was $100,000.In 1888,it was $503,000.Note that $6,000 is roughly equivalent to $104,000 in today’s money.

31 Letters Sent by the United States Geological Survey 1879-1895, National Archives Microfilm series: MC 152/3

securities.Rose Maria died in Denver in December 1914.His daughter eventually moved to El Centro,California,where she married Harold Burnham.Swett apparently led a lonely life after the death of his wife.In 1927 Swett responded to a Cornell Alumni questionnaire asking him for his address.Swett responded:“Have none;have been a homeless tramp for seven years.”Swett eventually visited his daughter,Laura Swett Burnham in El Centro,and was listed as a “boarder”in Los Angeles in 1930.Swett died on February 27,1934,of carcinoma of the bladder.He left an estate worth approximately ten thousand dollars.32

32 Information from census records,probate and an obituary in the Ft.Collins Courier Express,February. 28,1934.The newspaper states that he was an instructor in the mathematics department of Colorado Agricultural College (now Colorado State University),however,He is listed as living in the YMCA in Ft. Collins in 1927.Information supplied by Karen McWilliams,Ft.Collins PublicLibrary and Doris Greenacre of Ft.Collins.

Statement of Ownership,Management,and Circulation

The Utah Historical Quarterly (ISSN 0042-143X) is published quarterly by the Utah State Historical Society,300 Rio Grande,Salt Lake City,Utah 84101-1182. The editor is Philip F.Notarianni and the managing editor is Allan Kent Powell with offices at the same address as the publisher.The magazine is owned by the Utah State Historical Society,and no individual or company owns or holds any bonds,mortgages,or other securities of the Society or its magazine.

The following figures are the average number of copies of each issue during the preceding twelve months:3,460 copies printed;7 dealer and counter sales,3,217 mail subscriptions;0 other classes mailed;3,224 total paid circulation;56 free distribution (including samples) by mail,carrier,or other means;3,280 total distribution;180 inventory for office use,leftover,unaccounted,spoiled after printing;total,3,460.

The following figures are the actual number of copies of the single issue published nearest to filing date:3,540 copies printed;4 dealer and counter sales; 3,261 mail subscriptions;0 other classes mailed;3,265 total paid circulation;55 free distribution (including samples) by mail,carrier,or other means;total distribution; 3,320 inventory for office use,leftover,unaccounted,spoiled after printing;220 total 3,540.

The Trapper,the Indian, and the Naming of Logan

BYPATRICIA L.RECORD

The study of place names offers a window to the past that reveals much about the beliefs,values,and priorities of past generations. Cities,towns,settlements,mountains,valleys,and other natural features,and made-made objects are named for a variety of reasons —including national and local significant events as well as individuals who have made important contributions to society.Some geographic places have been named for purely fanciful whims.1

Geographic places in Cache Valley are named for a variety of reasons. For example,the settlers of Richmond named their community for the rich fertile soil found there,as well as for Charles C.Rich a Mormon apostle and regional leader,and for the town of Richmond,Missouri—a place where Orson Hyde,another important church leader had lived.2

Some place names have changed.The first

Patricia L.Record is a librarian at the Logan Library.

Logan c.1896.The JohnT.Caine, Jr.,House is in the foreground, the LoganTemple in the background.

1 Many places in Utah were named after people.The towns of,Kanosh,Koosharem,and Kanarra were named for Indian leaders;the cities of Fillmore and Monroe and the counties of Millard and Garfield honor United States presidents;Ogden,Weber and Provo recognize the contributions of the mountain men.The towns of Ephraim,Nephi,Lehi,Hyrum,and Joseph are named for religious figures peculiar to the Mormon culture.And then there are the names of places like Elsinore that honor Elsinore,Denmark, former home of many of the earlier settlers.

2 John W.Van Cott, Utah Place Names,(Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,1990),315.

UTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY,

CHARLES R. SAVAGEPHOTO

settlement in Cache Valley,known today as Wellsville,was originally Maughan’s Fort named for Peter Maughan who,under assignment from LDS church president Brigham Young,led the original group of settlers to the valley in 1856,and later helped organize the Cache County government.3

The initial settlement of Cache Valley was abandoned in 1857 when news was received that the United States Army was marching to Utah to replace Brigham Young as territorial governor and to put down an alleged Mormon rebellion.After tensions eased,Peter Maughan and approximately one hundred fifty families returned to Cache Valley in 1859 where they re-established the Maughan’s Fort settlement and settled five new locations—Richmond,Spring Creek, Summit Creek,North Settlement,and Logan.Five of these new settlements were named or renamed by LDS Apostles Orson Hyde and Ezra T.Benson who visited Cache Valley in 1859.A report of the trip was published in the Deseret News on November 28,1859.

The place hitherto known as Maughan’s Fort we named Wellsville.Spring Creek settlement being situated in an elbow of the mountains and appearing to us somewhat a providential place we named Providence.The next settlement northward had been previously named Logan.The settlement on Summit Creek,six miles north of Logan we named Smithfield,and we told the people there to be spiritually what their location really was – a city on a hill that could not be hid.Five miles north of Wellsville,on the opposite or west side of the valley,heretofore known as the North Settlement,was named Mendon.4

The name for the city of Logan,county seat for Cache County,location for the historic LDS temple,home to Utah State University,and the economic and political center of northern Utah is an interesting case study in the complexity of place names and the difficulty in evaluating conflicting historical accounts about the name.This study traces the city of Logan name to the nearby river and two individuals—one a trapper,the other an Indian chief.

When Peter Maughan sent a group of about thirty families,under the leadership of John P.Wright assisted by John Nelson and Israel J.Clark,

3 Joel E.Ricks,ed., The History of a Valley, Cache Valley,Utah-Idaho (Logan :Cache Valley Centennial Commission,1956),34.

4 Wellsville was named for Daniel H.Wells,second counselor to Brigham Young;Smithfield was named in honor of the settlement’s first bishop,John Glover Smith;Mendon for Ezra T.Benson’s birthplace in Massachusetts.Ricks, The History of a Valley,52-53.

John P.Wright

right.

north from his settlement in early May 1859, he advised them to settle on the Logan River.Ralph Smith,one of the original settlers later recorded,“…Brother Maughan wished us to stay at Logan but most of the company desired to go to Summit Creek now Smithfield.”Later in the month,“Bro Maughan sent us word that it was wisdom for us to move our familys to their fort on account of the Indians.We started that evening and camped near Logan….”On May 29, after building a bridge across Blacksmith’s Fork located south of Logan,the group reached Maughan’s Fort.With their families safe,most of the men returned to Summit Creek to finish putting in their crops.A week later Smith recorded:“June 6 most of those who had put crops in at Summit Creek gathered on the banks of Logan,had a fort surveyed off and got logs for houses and before the middle of June had gathered to Logan to settle.”5 The cabins were built in two rows facing each other down both sides of the present Center Street between Main Street and 200 West.

On Sunday,July 3,Peter Maughan called a meeting of the settlers in Logan. He had received a letter from Brigham Young confirming the appointment of John P.Wright,John Nelson,and I.J.Clark as leaders for the settlement and directed the men to organize themselves into companies for self-defense.6 A week later,on July 10th,the settlers met to organize their community,establish its boundaries,and vote on the settlement’s name— Logan.7

5 Quoted in Ricks, The History of a Valley, 40-42.

6 Ralph Smith Oral History,interviewed by Joel Ricks,4,Logan Library Archives.

7 Joel Ricks,“Facts about the Early Settlement of Logan,”4,unpublished manuscript,Logan Library Archives.

LookingWest from the mouth of Logan Canyon toward Logan and CacheValley.The LoganTemple is in the background on the far

Naming their community is,perhaps,an interesting example of the strength of pioneer democracy.When Mormon church apostles Benson and Hyde visited Cache Valley in the late fall of 1859,Logan was the only settlement that was not renamed because it “…had been previously named Logan.”8 Had the community not voted four months earlier,would Hyde and Benson have felt at liberty to rename the settlement as they did with the other five communities? Was the name Logan so well established that the two church officials elected not to make a change? Or was the decision to retain the name Logan based on both reasons? In any case disputes soon arose as to the origin of the name Logan for the settlement.

It is clear that the Logan River had been named before the arrival of Mormon pioneers in the 1850s.The first written account suggesting the river was named for an early trapper was in Origins of Utah Place Names:“It [Logan] derived its name from Logan’s Fort,which in turn received its name from the river near which it was built.The river is said to have been named for Ephraim Logan,early trapper,who explored this region in the 1820’s.”9 Most historians are in agreement that the river was named for Ephraim Logan,an early fur trapper in the northern Utah area.

Dale L.Morgan,a historian of the fur trapper era,provides the following history of Ephraim Logan noting that he traveled with:

…Andrew Henry’s men who journeyed from the Big Horn to Bear River in the summer and fall of 1824,he wintered with Weber in Cache Valley in 1824-1825, the name of the Logan River doubtless dating from this time, and that he was present at the rendezvous of 1825 for dealings with Ashley.Logan shared anonymously in the mountain experience of the next two years,and was at the Bear Lake rendezvous of 1827,at which time it was agreed that he,Jacob O’Hara,William Bell,and James Scott would hunt the ensuing year in the western parts of the Snake country…(emphasis added).

Morgan continues, The casualty list prepared by Jedediah Smith for William Clark in 1830 represented Logan and his companions to have been killed in “Snake Country 1827 or 1828”by “Snakes (supposed)”;and Daniel Waldo in an interview with H.H.Bancroft in 1878 commented that “Jim Scott… lost his life on the Owyhee.Eight of them went over on the Owyhee in early days and they never saw them again….”Jim Beckwourth’s account of the evanishment was that “a party of fur-trappers,consisting of twelve men under the charge of one Logan,left our company to try their fortune but were never heard of afterward.Beyond doubt,they fell victims to the treachery of the Black Feet.”10

Charles L.Camp,another historian of the far western fur trade,wrote: “Logan Utah takes its name from the Logan River in Cache Valley which

8 Ricks, The History of a Valley,52.

9 Utah Writers’Project,Work Projects Administration,“Origins of Utah Place Names,”(Salt Lake City: Utah State Department of Public Instruction,1940),28.

10 Dale L.Morgan ed.,The West of William H.Ashley:The international struggle for the fur trade of the Missouri,the Rocky Mountains,and the Columbia,with explorations beyond the Continental Divide,recorded in the diaries and letters of William H.Ashley and his contemporaries 1822-1838,(Denver:The Old West Publishing Company,1964),289,n 214.

was named for the trapper Ephraim Logan,one of the Smith,Jackson and Sublette men who was killed by Indians early in 1828.”11 John Van Cott,a student of Utah place names,writes that “The city has several name sources.The most prominent is that Ephraim Logan,a mountain man with Ashley’s group,and a member of Jedediah Smith’s party,lost his life in the 1820s along the river.The settlement was later named for the river….Another claim is that the settlement was named for a friendly Indian chief named Logan.”12

John Fish Wright,who was seventeen years old when Logan was settled, recounted in an interview with Joel Ricks: We soon discovered that we needed a name for it,our town,so father called a meeting to see what we should call it.A motion was passed authorizing father as the presiding elder to select a name.He made a little talk and said as the river was known as the Logan,and that it was the name of the famous Indian Chief who had been friendly to the white settlers of the east,he thought that would be a good name.His suggestion was approved by the meeting.” 13

The editors of the Logan newspaper, The Journal,reported in 1907 that the city was “named after the celebrated Indian chief Logan.”The history of Logan,as chronicled by the Chamber of Commerce more than fifteen years later,mistakenly stated that,“tradition tells us that the early trappers and explorers named the river,Logan,after an old Indian Chief who had been a great friend to the whites.”14 To add to the mix whether

11 Charles L.Camp, George C.Yount and his Chronicles of the West (Denver:Old West Publishing Co., 1966),70.

12 John W.Van Cott, Utah Place Names (Salt Lake City:The University of Utah Press,1990),232.

13 John Fish Wright Oral History,Interviewed by Joel Ricks,5;copy in the Logan Library Archives. John Fish Wright crossed the plains with his family in 1852 and assisted in building their home in Draper. He participated in the resistance at the coming of Johnston’s Army to Utah and he was an Indian language interpreter and mail carrier in early Cache Valley.When the Wright family moved to Cache Valley,John was a picket guard near Paradise and came in contact with many local natives as they traversed that area as it was the junction of three Indian trails.He learned their ways and learned to converse with them.He became an interpreter and was often sent to make peace with them.He was particularly friendly with old Chief Sagwitch,one of the main leaders of the Indians,and at one time John and his wife,Martha,entertained Chief Washakie,who ate with them at their table.John Fish Wright’s father,John Pannell Wright, was born in St.Swithins,Lincolnshire,England,January 18,1805,and died in Paradise,Cache County, Utah in 1886.He was a sea captain and knew much concerning higher mathematics and astronomy. Wright,with his wife,Mary Hill Fish,and six of their nine children,left England in December 1848,and traveled by ship to New Orleans and from there up the Missouri River to Council Bluffs,Iowa.They lived there until 1852 when they crossed the plains to Utah.The family first settled in Draper where Wright built a two story house and had a successful cabinet making business.But,in 1859 he left it all to answer a call from Brigham Young to help settle Cache Valley.John Fish Wright married Martha D.Gibbs in 1864 and they had ten children.He moved to Paradise,Cache County in 1861 and at the age of twenty-two was called to be the bishop there.For over ten years he was in charge of the Coe and Carter of Omaha, Nebraska,rail way tie contractors business,where he was entrusted with the handling of large sums of money.He served as a school trustee for several years,and was a county selectman from 1889 until 1901, and was post commander of the northern district.He held the office of constable for several terms.In 1892 he served as a member of the territorial legislature.He was a bishop of Hyrum Ward for twelve years and a member of the High Council in the Hyrum Stake.For biographical sketches of John Fish Wright, see Andrew Jenson, Latter-Day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia, Vol.1 (1901,repr.,Salt Lake City:Western Epics,1971),431-32,and Noble Warrum,ed., Utah Since Statehood:Historical and Biographical 4 Vols.(Salt Lake City:S.J.Clarke Publishing Co.,1919),4:793-94.

14 The Journal,(Logan,Utah) April 27,1907;August 4,1923.

the city of Logan was named after the Logan River or an Indian,compilers of the United States Dictionary of Places wrote:“The town [Logan] is named after Plains Indian Chief Logan Fontanglle.” 15 The Indian Chief was actually Logan Fontenelle,and although some discredit his association with the name of the city of Logan,a case can be made that Logan Fontenelle was the unnamed mysterious Indian Chief spoken of by John Fish Wright.16

Logan Fontenelle was the son of Lucien Fontenelle,an experienced mountain man who was at the 1826 Cache Valley Rendezvous,the 1827 Bear Lake Rendezvous,and was in Cache Valley during the winter of 1830-1831 and,who along with another fur trapper,Andrew Drips,owned a fur trading post at Bellevue,Nebraska,on the banks of the Missouri River.In 1835 Fontenelle and his partner along with Fitzpatrick,Sublette and Bridger purchased Fort William (Laramie).17 Logan’s mother was Meumbane,daughter of the Omaha’s principal chief, Chief Big Elk.In 1838,at the age of thirteen Logan traveled with his parents to the rendezvous at Wind River and became an experienced trader in his own right.18

Logan was part French and part Indian.His father’s home was built to reflect his French background with comfortable furnishings and surroundings.Logan and his three brothers and sister played with other Indian children and learned the Indian ways.Logan learned the French and Omaha languages as well as other Indian dialects and learned English when he attended school for several years in St.Louis with his brother,Albert.In 1843 Logan (Shon-ga-ska—White Horse) married an Omaha woman,

15

United States Dictionary of Places,(New York:Somerset Publishers,Inc.,1988),500.

16 Cache Valley historian A.J.Simmonds refuted the United States Dictionary of Places claim.“I suppose,” Simmonds wrote in The Herald Journal,April 8,1990,“they meant Logan Fontanelle;but if that is the case they were wrong in more than one way.Fontanelle was a fur trapper and mountain man,not an Indian chief.Nor is Logan,Utah named after him.”Simmonds went on to explain that the city of Logan “…is named for the Logan River which,in turn,was named for Ephraim Logan,a mountain man who came into Cache Valley with the Weber Party of 1824,and who was killed by Shoshoni or Bannock Indians on the Owyhee River in Southeastern Idaho in 1828.”

17 Lucien Fontenelle was born October 9,1800,probably in New Orleans.His parents were from France and settled at the Burat Settlement near Pointe a la Hache,some miles below New Orleans.He traded for the Missouri Fur Company in the Council Bluffs area,starting in 1819.Dale L.Morgan and Eleanor T.Harris, The Rocky Mountain Journals of William Marshall Anderson ,(Lincoln and London : University of Nebraska Press,1967),307-12;and Alan C.Trottman,“Lucien Fontenelle,”in LeRoy R. Hafen,ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West,(Glendale,CA:The Arthur H.Clark Company,1965),V 81-99.

18 Richard E.Bennett, Mormons at the Missouri,1846-1852 (Norman and London:University of Oklahoma Press,1987),71.

John FishWright

Gixpeaha,and they had three children. Because of his knowledge of languages,and as grandson of Chief Big Elk,he was frequently an interpreter for the tribe.He was appointed as a United States interpreter in 1843 and worked with Major John Dougherty in the area near Council Bluffs.19

When Chief Big Elk met the Mormons in the fall of 1846 to discuss their camping on Indian land,Logan was his interpreter.Hosea Stout reported on that meeting,

At 8 o’clock the Twelve & High Council met with them in council.The following is the minutes of said council.Present on the part of the Omahas Big Elk a man sixty two years of age his son (Standing Elk) a man about 32 years of age and Logan Fontenelle the interpreter,a half breed,a young man of a very penetrating look,and something of a scholar,a descendant of the Omaha nation on his mother’s side aged about 24 years and about seventy chiefs and braves.20

Logan Fontenelle worked hard at keeping the peace between his people and the Mormon settlers.He met often with Mormon leaders,interpreting and answering questions.He explained to Brigham Young and his council

19 Charles Charvat, Logan Fontenelle:an Indian Chief in broadcloth and fine linen,a biographical narrative (Omaha:The American Printing Co.,1961),21,34.

20 Juanita Brooks,ed., On the Mormon Frontier:the Diary of Hosea Stout,1844-1861 (Salt Lake City:Utah State Historical Society:University of Utah Press,1964),188.

UTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY

This aerial photograph of the LoganTabernacle andTemple was taken on September 4,1935.

that the best route for them to take to the mountains was to follow the Platte River across the plains.21

After the death of Chief Big Elk,Logan was inducted into the Council of Chiefs that ruled the tribe.He became the principal chief of the Omaha when they ceded their land west of the Missouri River to the United States.He and the tribal chiefs traveled to Washington D.C.to sign the treaty. Logan Fontenelle’s name was at the top of the list.22 Logan,lean and strong,was about medium height with black hair and dark piercing eyes.He dressed as a Frenchman in Washington and doubtless employed his courteous French manners there.

Chief Logan died in a skirmish with his enemy,the Sioux,in the spring of 1855.He was just thirty years old.Many Indian friends,and white people from the surrounding towns and villages,attended his funeral in Bellevue.He was buried beside his father on top of a hill overlooking the Missouri River.United States President Franklin Pierce sent the national flag with the then thirty stars on it for Logan’s burial.23 The Daughters of the American Revolution have built a monument to honor him near the place his home stood,at the southern end of the Fontenelle Forest.

From 1849 until 1852,John P.Wright and his family lived in Council Bluffs,Nebraska,seven miles across the Missouri River from Chief Logan’s home in Bellevue.Logan was well known by the Mormons as a friendly Indian who exerted great effort to keep the peace.He was the “Frenchman”who could interpret English,French and Indian dialects,and as a trader he knew the mountains well and gave the Mormons valuable information regarding their journey to the West.The name of Chief Logan naturally came to mind when John P.Wright stood on the banks of the Logan River in the wilderness of northern Utah and named the town of Logan.He did not know why the trappers had called the river Logan;he only knew that they did.He may have thought about the two Logans,the Indian chief and the river,and considered it the perfect combination for the name of the town.

21 Bennett, Mormons at the Missouri, 105

22 Treaty with Omaha,1854;in Charles J.Kappler,ed., Indian Treaties,1778-1883 (1904,reprint New York:Interland Publishing,Inc.,1972),611-14.

23 Charles Charvat, Logan Fontenelle:an Indian Chief in broadcloth and fine linen,a biographical narrative (Omaha:The American Printing Co.,1961),44

Logan Fontenelle

BOOKREVIEWS

Before the Manifesto:The Life and Writings of Mary Lois Walker Morris

Edited by Melissa Lambert Milewski.(Logan:Utah State University Press,2007.xiv + 639 pp.Cloth,$34.95.)

BEFORE THE MANIFESTO is the ninth in the Life Writings of Frontier Women Series published by Utah State University Press,and like its predecessors, provides insights into life in early Utah.This volume focuses on LDS plural marriage in Utah,specifically during the period between Congress’s declaring it a felony in 1882 to the LDS manifesto ending that practice within the church in 1890.Whatever one’s view of polygamy – in favor,opposed,or completely baffled – this book offers information and insights into plural marriage in early Utah rarely accessible from any source.As both a polygamous wife herself and the mother of others who became involved in polygamy,Mary Lois Morris gives a sympathetic insider’s view,demonstrating her own commitment to the principle and her antipathy toward those who would imprison participants in the practice.

Mary Lois Walker married John Thomas Morris,an artist of some skill,on September 5,1852,after a six-month courtship.The marriage lasted less than three years.John Thomas Morris died February 20,1855,only a few days after the death of his and Mary’s son,their only child.As he was dying,John said to Mary Lois,“If anything should happen that I do die,I do not want you to leave the family.”She agreed that she would not.Then,turning to his brother,Elias,John asked,“Will you take Mary,and finish the work that I have begun,”referring specifically to having children and raising a family (115-16 ).Both Mary and Elias,already married to Mary Parry,agreed,and in a matter of months Mary Lois and Elias entered into a levirate marriage like that practiced in ancient Israel.When a husband died, the wife was constrained from marrying outside the family,and a brother or other male relative would accept her as his wife to produce children in the name of the dead husband (Genesis 38:6-11;Deuteronomy 25:5-10;Ruth 1 - 4).Mary Lois viewed her marriage to Elias,therefore,as entirely valid during her lifetime,but her children by that marriage would be John’s for eternity.

Mary Lois recorded her life in her diary and in a detailed life sketch.Of her eighty-nine day books,seventy-two are known to be extant.In those she wrote nearly daily,some entries only a few words,others of considerable length and detail,including information about herself,her family,and news of the period. Melissa Milewski has carefully chosen those portions of the life sketch and those years from the diary that detail Morris’s experiences with polygamy,her feelings about it,and her concerns and difficulties as she went into hiding when the practice was outlawed.

The organization of the volume helps the reader follow Mary Lois’s life easily. The initial section,the first part of the life sketch,introduces Mary and her husbands to the reader,and establishes her situation and her reasons for entering a polygamous marriage.The second section is the diary,from 1879 through 1887,a

crucial period when the LDS church still advocated polygamy,but when the federal government attempted to capture and imprison polygamists.Mary writes with both passion and compassion about friends and neighbors who were being tried and sent to prison and her fears that she would be called as a witness in court.When federal prosecutors attempted to convict Elias,Mary Lois went into hiding,noting each time where she went,who helped to hide her,and how grateful she was when she found safe havens or could even be allowed to return to her own home and family.The final section of the volume returns to her life sketch, giving her account from 1902 through 1905,the years she spent with her daughter,Kate,also a polygamous wife,who was exiled to Mexico to avoid prosecution in the United States.

Milewski’s careful annotations make this book readily accessible.Notes identify things Morris mentions that were commonplace for her,but obscure for the modern reader,from stories in the Juvenile Instructor to specific court cases.Individuals are not only identified in the text,but appear additionally in an appendix,an alphabetical register of names,which gives the name,birth and death dates and places,brief description of the life,and sources of further information. Photographs of individuals,buildings,and pages of Morris’s diary add interest,and often clarity,to this account.The references and bibliographic entries to other studies of polygamy in Utah enhance the book’s value. Before the Manifesto is a valuable resource for any student of that crucial and,for people like Mary Lois, extremely difficult period in the state’s history.

An Advocate for Women:The Public Life of Emmeline

By Carol Cornwall Madsen.(Provo

and Salt Lake

B.Wells,1870-1920.

City:Brigham Young University Press

and Deseret Book 2006,xiii + 498 pp.Paperback,$21.95.)

CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN,a meticulous scholar,has written many articles and books on Mormon history.After “living with”Emmeline B.Wells’journals and writings for many years,Madsen now exercises her expert abilities to produce her first book on Emmeline’s life–in this case,her public life.As in past work, Madsen again provides a well-documented account,this time on one of Utah’s outstanding women.

Emmeline Wells,a prolific writer,editor,and advocate for women’s suffrage, stands alone in Utah women’s history for her dedication and life-long active participation insuring that the women of Utah and of the nation received the right to vote.Though other Utah women such as Emily S.Richards,and Dr.Ellen B. Fergeson actively supported the cause,it was Wells who was always ready,always

COLLEENWHITLEY Brigham Young University

eager to attend meetings and always prepared to speak for women.

Wells lived during a difficult time in Utah’s history.Though both men and women had been granted the right to vote,federal legislation continually frustrated their efforts to exercise that right,and also thwarted their attempts to achieve statehood.Polygamists were harassed and arrested,church funds were threatened unless the church complied and ceased its marriage customs.

Madsen demonstrates that Wells determined that association with influential women in the east would help Utah’s populace,especially women,to be seen in a more sympathetic light.Wells reasoned that having seen the capabilities of Mormon women and getting a better understanding of Mormonism,these women would pressure lawmakers to grant Utah sovereignty.Thus,she made repeated forays to meetings of the National Woman Suffrage Association,the National and International Councils of Women,the League of Women Voters,and other powerful groups.She became friends with Elizabeth Cady Stanton,Carrie Chapman Catt,Charlotte Perkins Gilman,and numerous leaders of these groups. She invited them to Utah where she made sure they saw all the positive things that Utah and Mormonism had to offer.

A woman of little means,Wells spent her life almost single handedly publishing the Woman’s Exponent to maintain an income,as well as to express her strongly held views.Her polygamous marriage to Daniel H.Wells did not provide her with enough money to raise their daughters,nor to take care of her own needs.Perhaps this situation drove her to see that all women received the rights and opportunities needed to improve their lives.

The discussions of her travels and relationships in the east,which cover the bulk of the almost five hundred-page book,results in a sometimes tedious narration. Each trip has the same components–getting chosen to attend,raising money for the trip,presenting papers or presiding at meetings,feeling elation when things went well or frustration when they did not,then returning home to write about her experiences in the Woman’s Exponent.The chapters of the book move from discussion of one organization to another as Wells changes her focus,but the sameness of the discussions is demanding on the reader to keep interested.

Emmeline Wells is an individual to be admired.The total dedication she had to her causes,even though others didn’t always share her view of their importance,is extraordinary.Madsen gives us much information on her contributions,but has little on Wells’work in the Relief Society and little explanation of what rank and file Utah women thought of suffrage.For instance,did they even read the Exponent? Madsen alludes to the younger generation’s lack of commitment to the cause,and to those who did join in,are seen by Wells as being inept.

When popular lecturer Victoria Woodhull came west and spoke at the Liberal Institute in Salt Lake City she downgraded women as weak,ignorant,vain and silly.Emmeline defend them,as she did all her life,by writing,“I believe in women,especially thinking women”(95).

This reader looks forward to Madsen’s future book on Wells which hopefully will give us a more personal look at her life.

AUDREYM. GODFREY Logan

The Opium Debate and Chinese Exclusion Laws in the Nineteenth-Century American West. By Diana L.Ahmad.(Reno and Las Vegas:University of Nevada Press, 2007.xiii + 132 pp.Cloth,$34.95.)

THIS NARROWLY FOCUSED—but illuminating—monograph concentrates on “the impact smoking-opium and its culture had on the demands for Chinese exclusion”(xi).Using newspapers,contemporary medical discourses, government documents,and court transcripts, The Opium Debate explores the significance of the recreational use of opium by both Anglo-Americans and Chinese immigrants in the American West.

Opening with a discussion of how use of this poppy-based narcotic first spread through China and then to the western United States alongside Chinese immigrants,this short book then turns to newspapermen’s lurid descriptions of opium “dens”found in Chinese communities across the West throughout the 1860s, 1870s,and 1880s.Examining the discourse crafted by physicians,politicians,and journalists about the relationship between smoking opium and its purported side effects—sexual immodesty and racial degeneration—the work notes the growing concerns about Anglo-American opium use in the debates surrounding exclusion in the early 1880s.The most useful section of the book scrutinizes the surprising expansion of opium use after the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 that eventually led to a 1909 federal law prohibiting the importation of the drug.

Given their sizable Chinese communities in the years leading up to exclusion, Salt Lake City and Ogden newspapers offer important examples of AngloAmerican views on Chinese immigrants and smoking opium.The author appropriately draws on a variety of articles published in the Deseret Evening News, Salt Lake Herald, Salt Lake Tribune,and Ogden Herald during the 1870s and 1880s to include the perspectives of white Utahns in this regional study.

The Opium Debate carefully scrutinizes the supposed relationship between opium use and male as well as female sexuality.Its discussion of local and state opium prosecutions in the 1870s and 1880s makes an important contribution to our knowledge of the efforts by middle-class Anglos to evict the drug and its users from their communities.Finally,the work stakes out an important role for debates about opium use (and concurrent immorality) in the better-known political and economic justifications for Chinese exclusion.

Even so,the ongoing scholarly debate on the impulse behind exclusion—one

group of historians suggesting that exclusion stemmed from the racism of white laborers concerned about economic competition (best illustrated by Andrew Saxton’s classic The Indispensable Enemy:Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California) and the other arguing that the ruling Republican Party latched on to calls for exclusion to ease national social tensions (laid out by Andrew Gyory in Closing the Gate:Race,Politics,and the Chinese Exclusion Act)—remains completely absent from the book’s analysis,notes,or bibliography.This oversight fosters a debilitating lack of precision about exactly how concerns about opium fed into the motives for federal legislation barring male Chinese workers from the United States.

Furthermore,fascinating primary sources describing opium use (and its users) are too often taken at face value.Laden with judgments that speak volumes about how Anglos imagined both opium and the Chinese,these rich texts might have been more fruitfully mined.One also wonders if sentiments to ban opium use and distribution at the local and state levels in the 1880s and 1890s were related to the emergence of middle-class temperance movements.

Finally,given the importance of both Chinese immigration and opium in California history (and vice-versa),the book strangely avoids the close study of its subjects in that state,instead turning to cases and sources from the Mountain West (with nods to Texas and the Pacific Northwest).This proves to be both a strength and a weakness.It reclaims the social history of Chinese and Anglo-American relations in many smaller cities across the regional West even as it fails to illuminate the role of opium in race relations in Chinese America’s most significant communities.Despite these flaws, The Opium Debate fills a historiographical gap on smoking-opium use and its ramifications in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century American West.

MICHAEL J. LANSING Augsburg College Minneapolis, Minnesota

The Navajo People and Uranium Mining. Edited by Doug Brugge,Timothy Benally, and Esther Yazzie-Lewis.(Albuquerque:University of New Mexico Press,2006.xix + 210 pp.Cloth,$29.95.)

THIS IMPORTANT STUDY provides a clear,wide-ranging analysis of the impacts that uranium mining and milling left in Navajo Country over the past sixty years.The editors skillfully weave together diverse issues surrounding the entangled history of uranium and the Navajo Nation in this compact volume.

Serving as a companion piece the Navajo Uranium Miner Oral History and Photography Project (which included photos exhibits,video,newsletter,and archive),

this book employs public health experts,legal analysts,social scientists,and perhaps most importantly,Navajo testimonies.Collectively,these perspectives reveal the historical injustices experienced by Navajos and highlight how Navajo responses to the federal government and uranium industry have evolved during the past several decades.

Over ten chapters,experts outline these detrimental biological,environmental, cultural,psychological,and historical impacts shared by Navajo individuals,families,and communities.Esther Yazzie-Lewis and Jim Zion explore Navajo cultural concepts of uranium,including “Leetso”(“Yellow Monster”),and “Nayee”(“that which gets in the way of a successful life”),while Carol A.Markstrom and Perry H.Charley argue that the cumulative effects of uranium mining,tailings piles, milling,and government indifference to Navajo concerns constitute a singular, enduring “uranium disaster”that cannot be repaired without taking into account a more holistic Diné concept of uranium.Doug Brugge and Rob Goble provide a concise history of uranium mining and milling in Navajo Country while also evaluating the shortcomings of the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA) since its passage in 1990 and amendments in 2000.

The book rests upon seven interviews with Navajos themselves.Indeed,these oral histories serve as the most compelling part of this study.Timothy Benally, retired director of the Office of Navajo Uranium Workers and Uranium Education Center,skillfully draws out harrowing stories shared by miners and their widows detailing their hazardous working conditions and frustration with inadequate compensation.Significantly,the last interview (an excerpt from the film Homeland ) with Rita and Mitchell Capitan,co-founders of the Eastern Navajo Diné Against Uranium Mining (ENDAUM),reflects the shift towards Navajo empowerment and resistance to recent plans to resurrect uranium mining in their backyard.

Most of the material in this book already appeared in other venues.Hence,no new research or revelations are presented.Rather,the study’s significance lies in its synthesis of a broad range of issues facing the Navajo Nation.Due to its enormous complexity,the scholarship on uranium and nuclear development tends to get compartmentalized according to historical,environmental,and legal issues. Similarly,the complexities of uranium tailings,mining compensation,mills,and weapons testing also get pigeonholed.Thus,this collection provides historians a comprehensive cross-section of the Navajo Nation while also commanding some reflection on the larger issues of environmental racism and energy development in the West.Most importantly,though,it allows Navajos to speak for themselves— which they do forcefully and clearly.

A foreword by Steward Udall—the longtime proponent for RECA—as well as an endorsement on the book jacket from current Navajo President Joe Shirley,Jr., further indicate the current pulse of Navajo attitudes vis-à-vis uranium.In 2005, Shirley signed the Diné Natural Resources Protection Act.The law prohibits all forms of uranium development in Navajo Country.It is the first such law passed

anywhere within Indian Country.Thus,this book marks a dark chapter in Navajo history but also reflects a new narrative shared by many Navajos—one that turns its back on future nuclear development.

NATALE (NAT)ZAPPIA University of California Santa Cruz

Edward P.Dozier:The

Paradox of the American

Indian Anthropologist By Marilyn Norcini.(Tucson:The University of Arizona Press,2007.xxii + 179 pp.Cloth,$45.00.)

WHEN DR.EDWARD DOZIER became a fully credentialed anthropologist teaching within the American university system,his very personhood challenged fundamental assumptions in the field of anthropology.He may even have contributed to historical changes in anthropological practice.Edward P.Dozier (19161971) was born on Santa Clara Pueblo,New Mexico,to a Tewa Indian mother and an Anglo father.He was raised and he self-identified as a Tewa Indian.He went on to pursue a highly successful career as an anthropologist,studying Pueblo linguistics and social organization as well as the Kalinga people of the Philippines. Norcini’s book is an intellectual biography that examines Dozier’s role in the history of anthropology and attempts to explain how he turned a paradox into an advantage.

At the time,being an Indian and an anthropologist was a paradox.During the mid-twentieth century,anthropology was predominantly a practice of Europeans and European Americans who studied “the Other,”predominantly non-European peoples.Anthropology presented itself as an objective science,and held that only an outsider could objectively examine and interpret the culture and behaviors of other peoples.By simultaneously being an “insider”—related by blood,culture, and language to the Pueblo peoples he studied—and an “outsider”—through his anthropological training and position as a professor—Dozier challenged the assumption that an outsider could best study and interpret a culture.

Norcini’s book shows very clearly that,in fact,his personal background made him uniquely suited to bridge the intellectual divide between anthropologists and the Pueblo Indians.His dual role,while sometimes challenging personally and professionally,contributed to his success.His fluency in Tewa,intimate understanding of Pueblo social norms,concerns and taboos,and kin relationships helped him gain access to and trust from the people he studied.His training enabled him to interpret for his colleagues in the idiom they understood,and helped him find success.

The book is a combination of biography and intellectual history.Norcini focuses on key moments and transitions in his professional development – his mul-

ticultural childhood,his early interest in linguistics,his graduate studies and fieldwork among clan relatives,his first years in the tenure-track system,his studies in the Philippines,and finally his role in the formal development of American Indian studies programs.Throughout,the book also provides interesting background and overviews to the history of anthropology in general,the history of certain Pueblo tribes,changes in government approaches to Indian affairs,the history of acculturation studies,and the development of ethnic and Indian studies programs.

The book provides a particularly valuable historical discussion of historical changes regarding key anthropological questions:How do we study and interpret other peoples or even ourselves? Is the explanation of an “insider”(called the “emic”approach) more valuable than the explanation of an “outsider”(the “etic” approach)? What is the relationship between objectivity and subjectivity in a fundamentally interpretive social science? Fifty years ago most anthropologists would have argued that interpretations of human cultures were best done in an “objective”manner,using an “etic”approach,by a “disinterested outsider.”Today, the practice of anthropology admits that there is no truly disinterested observation and interpretation of other peoples,that the voices and interpretations of peoples can greatly enhance our own understandings,and that the study of cultures,even our own,by “insiders”is a legitimate approach to explaining human diversity and cultural practices.While Dozier cannot be credited with all of those changes,there is no doubt that through his courageous and steadfast efforts to resolve the false paradox of the Indian anthropologist,he greatly contributed to the growth and development of the field.

MATTHEWT. SEDDON Utah Division of State History

The Diaries of Charles Ora Card:The Utah Years 1871-1886. Edited by Donald G.Godfrey and Kenneth W.Godfrey.(Provo:Religious Studies Center,Brigham Young University,2006.xix + 604 pp.Cloth,$29.95.)

A PREQUEL VOLUME to Donald Godfrey’s and co-editor Brigham Y.Card’s

The Diaries of Charles Ora Card:The Canadian Years,1886-1903 (University of Utah Press,1993),Card’s Utah diaries are the inseparable companion to this long overlooked documentary record.The diaries document a critical time of economic growth in Cache Valley,an important agricultural region in northern Utah and Southeastern Idaho.

This volume is expertly annotated by two experienced scholars who are wellsuited for the task.Editors,Donald G.Godfrey and Kenneth W.Godfrey,the former a professor of journalism and the latter a trained historian and educator of religion,provide ample footnotes and photographs,placing the diaries in historical and social context.

Known to most Mormon historians as the one who led a group of colonists to settle southern Alberta,Canada,Charles Ora Card (1839-1906) spent his formative years of leadership in Cache Valley between 1859 and 1887.Card was elected to a seat on the Logan City Council in March 1866,carrying with it responsibilities as director of the irrigation canal company and road commissioner.In addition to his service on the council,Card held the position of superintendent of common schools in Logan.His community service and associations with prominent businessmen and church leaders Moses Thatcher,William B.Preston,Charles W. Nibley,and James A.Leishman undoubtedly influenced his own acumen.Having also received formal,though short-term,business training in Ogden,Card brought administrative savvy and organizational skills to a number of local enterprises, including the United Order Manufacturing and Building Company,Zions Board of Trade,and other projects such as the Utah and Northern Railroad and the Cache Valley Agricultural and Manufacturing Association.

A very important feature of the Utah Years is Card’s untiring fulfillment of duties in positions of church leadership.Card’s Utah diaries record his duties as first counselor in the High Priest Quorum under President Moses Thatcher from 18771879.The diaries also record his service as counselor to Stake President William B. Preston from 1879 to 1884,and his own tenure of service as president of Cache Stake,a position he occupied after the release of Preston in May 1884 until August 1890.As a consequence,he recorded the innumerable church meetings,sermons by visiting apostles,his many trips to attend conferences in neighboring communities, and his pleasant experiences as an overnight guest of hosting families.

Perhaps the most prominent activities recorded in his diary involve the two largest church building projects in the valley.From 1873 to 1877,he superintended the construction of the Logan Tabernacle,and in 1877 he was called to superintend the construction of the Logan Temple.Card’s diary entries record his visits to the temple sawmill in Logan Canyon,his encounters with mill workers and quarrymen,the purchasing of materials and supplies for the various temple work camps,and meetings with church officials.

For all their worth as documentary source,Card’s diaries read more like formal logbook entries than introspective musings.Meetings and sermons are recorded with utmost detail and serve as semi-official minutes to all the important ecclesiastical events that took place in the Cache Stake during the 1870s and 1880s.Rarely does Card give us a sense of what he thinks,but more a factual narrative telling what happened.

While the editors concede that “Card’s diary entries are seldom personally reflective,”they are correct in pointing out the value of the diaries for recording religious meetings,the initiation of cooperative enterprises in northern Utah,and the planning and carrying out of significant church building projects.

The holographic diaries—primarily written in pencil—require expert eyes like those of a paleographer who reads ancient texts.Card’s grammar is quite good and his script proficient,but the quick graphite jottings are often hard to clearly discern.Though the diaries have been available for many years at Brigham Young

University and in microfilm copies deposited at a number of western repositories, historians have long avoided them as a source because they are so difficult to read.

Despite these difficulties,the editors have done a fine job transcribing and providing historical context to the diaries.In addition to writing an informative introductory essay,the editors divided the diaries into meaningful chapter segments and include historical photographs at appropriate locations in the text. The annotations are well placed and provide pertinent background information on people and events recorded.

If one must point out any undesirable qualities,it is that the volume is marked by incongruencies in physical design and format.While the choice in typeface is pleasant and easy to read,the massive length of the diaries must have prompted the publisher to choose a double-columned text.A handsome photo montage on the cover is appealing but falls short of making up for the glossy textbook binding.A jacketed cloth binding might have given it a more understated,elegant appearance.From an aesthetic standpoint,it is unfortunate that the two published Card volumes will now not only be distinguished by different editorial teams and publishers,but also physical differences in size and cover designs.Despite these superficial criticisms,the Utah Years will stand as an invaluable source for a crucial period of economic and religious transition in nineteenth-century Cache Valley.

Recently awarded the Mormon History Association’s prestigious Steven F. Christensen Best Documentary Award for 2007,Card’s Utah Years will undoubtedly rank among the very best of edited Mormon diaries.The diaries can now take their place on the shelf next to other great published diaries including those of John D.Lee,Hosea Stout,Heber C.Kimball,and Wilford Woodruff.The editors are to be commended for this monumental achievement.

NOELA. CARMACK Utah State University

Making Space on the Western Frontier:Mormons,Miners,and Southern Paiutes. By W.Paul Reeve.(Urbana and Chicago:University of Illinois Press,2006.x + 231 pp.Cloth, $35.00.)

VIRTUALLY EVERYONE interested in Utah history is aware that Native Americans—Utes,Goshutes,Paiutes,Shoshones,Navajos,Hopis—populated the area for centuries before Europeans arrived in the nineteenth century.Mountain men and explorers came through the area but it was the Mormons who came to stay.For a decade between 1847 and 1857 they were the main white contingent. There was some culture clash between the Mormons and Native Americans but both groups worked at resolving their differences,particularly because the Mormons needed the Indians.

From then on others came—soldiers,miners,railroad builders,merchants,

missionaries.This migration greatly multiplied the culture clash,not only between the newcomers and the Native Americans but also between them and the Mormons.The general outline of this story is known to Utah history readers. Now a new book comes on the scene.Paul Reeve’s work puts meat on the tale of culture clash.It zeroes in on the Southwest (including southern Utah,southern Nevada and northern Arizona) and on three competing groups—the Paiutes,the Mormons and the miners.

The Paiutes saw the area as chosen for them,a place for the only true humans on earth.The Mormons who came there intended to establish God’s Zion and they wanted to include the Paiutes in their fold.When the miners came to the same places,they considered themselves the true Americans.They were disciples of work and wealth.The Mormons,they felt,were clearly un-American and the Paiutes,in their view,obstacles to progress who should be moved from the area, specifically to the Uintah Reservation in northeastern Utah.

Reeve shows how the miners developed close contacts with the United States government emphasizing they were productive tax paying citizens whereas the Mormons operated a cooperative agricultural system that consumed its own goods and produced nothing for the nation.The miners were able to present their case so believably that they twice convinced Congress to redraw the western boundary of Utah,slicing off substantial portions of the Utah territory and putting them in the new state of Nevada.Utah officials found little support.The powerful senator from Ohio,James M.Ashley,favored the miners and even proposed a bill in 1869 to eliminate the Utah Territory.Clearly the miners and the Mormons were involved in a cultural clash,each decrying the other’s world view and lifestyle.

The three groups worked at maintaining their cultural boundaries,denying that the others had any claim to morality.The Paiutes successfully resisted removal to the Uintah Reservation because the Utes,their traditional enemies,were there.Despite many efforts by the federal government and the miners,they stayed put but they lost most of their land to Mormon farmers and the miners.They were marginalized, forced into bare survival,and resorted to raiding Mormon farms and livestock.The Mormons were determined to co-exist with the Paiutes,even marry them,and hopefully convert them.Eventually,Anthony W.Ivins convinced the federal government to set up a Paiute reservation near Santa Clara,but even that was too small.

Reeve shows how each of the three groups tried to hold the other two in check.The Mormons were instructed by their leaders that those who went to the mines would likely leave the faith.Erastus Snow told them,“…it is better for us to live in peace and good order,and to raise wheat,corn,potatoes and fruit,than to suffer the evils of a mining life.”(92) The miners responded by condemning the Mormons.The Latter-day Saints had no individualism;they committed horrors like the Mountain Meadows Massacre,they were polygamists,they were,as the Pioche Daily Record claimed,a curse on America.The miners were equally critical of the Paiutes,savages in their minds,who were in the way of mining.Many miners saw Pioche surrounded by dangerous Indians and were not hesitant to

adopt extralegal methods to hang Indians suspected of crimes.Both Mormons and Native Americans considered the miners to be transients who had no sense of place,no reverence for the land,no attachments to the divine.

The author in chapter 7,“Dead and Dying in the Sagebrush,”describes traditions in each of the three groups,particularly dealing with health and medicine.While the Paiutes and Mormons were devoted to herbalism and spiritual blessings,the miners established two hospitals,but both were limited in their services.Many miners were lonely,without attachments to family,and faced death often in poverty.The Mormons had close communities,as did the Paiutes,but the latter often let the elderly choose to die alone in order to save their group the anguish of care.This chapter is a most sobering one,clearly depicting the distinct differences in culture of people occupying the same land.

Reeve shows that with time the groups not only interacted,but relied on each other.The miners needed the food the Mormons raised and the timber they harvested.The Mormons wanted the currency the miners provided.The Native Americans could not subsist on the marginal lands available to them and looked to labor opportunities and trade from both groups.Despite these economic and geographical links,the three groups maintained boundaries.

Reeve captures the reality of this culture clash.The book is deeply thoughtful and offers important perspectives for the present occupiers of this desert land.The book is extensively researched.Reeve has read deeply in the rich documentary record,and has examined contemporary newspapers,letters,diaries,church records,government documents and many secondary sources.

DOUGLAS D. ALDER Dixie State College

2007 INDEX

A

Adams,Mary,(wife), 359

Adams,Nathan William,packer USGS Grand Canyon Survey,346, 359

Ajluni,Salem,University of Utah student, co-organizer Coalition to Stop Apartheid (CSA),261,267

Alter,J.Cecil,160

American Political Party,a non-Mormon party supports boxing and economic development,301,308,314

Anderson,John,Baron Woolen Mill stockholder,121

Anderson,T.J.,federal judge,111

Apartheid Never/Freedom Forever, 258

Armstrong,Francis,Salt Lake City Mayor visits jails,323-24,327

Arnold,Frank,Utah State Agricultural College professor,174-75

B

Babcock,William,USGS Grand Canyon Survey volunteer,346

Badger,Carl A.,Senator Reed Smooth’s secretary,103-4

Bamberger,Simon,offers solutions for indebtedness,12

Bangerter,Norman Howard,Utah governor advocates using bonds,19-20

Barnard,Brian,Utah attorney,represents CSA/SAA in legal suit,272-73

Baron,Dale,129-30

Baron,Duke,129,132

Baron,Glen,125-26;trip to Massachusetts, 128

Baron,James,LDS conversion and migration to Utah,120;moves to Cache Valley,121

Baron,Phyllis Bott,128

Baron,Rex,129-32

Baron,Rulon,122-24;community involvement,126;death of,129;displays blanket, 127; divorce from Phyllis Bott,128;purchase Baron Woolen Mills (BWM),125; rebuilding BWM,127;trip to Massachusetts,128

Baron,Thomas,death of,124;management of BWM,123;moves to Brigham City,122

Baron,Thomas Jr.(son),122-23,125;trip to Massachusetts,128

Baron Woolen Mills (BWM), 116,118,126; finances of,124;1877 fire,118-19,1907 fire,121-22,1949 fire,126-27, 131;

founding of,117;looms at, 124; privatization,121;sale of,132;WWII contracts, 126-27;workers at, 121,128

Barrett,Edward,freshman editor, Student Life, 176

Barton,Isaac,Mormon convert works on telegraph line,49 Beaver,Utah,Main Street, 216 Bennett,Frank,Captain,Navajo Indian agent speaks with Navajo chief Barbaneito,40 Black Hawk,Northern Ute Indian leader, forms alliance with Navajo,28;sues for peace,41;suspected aid from Circleville Paiutes,32;with other Utes launches raids,23,27

Black Hawk War,dislocation of Mormon settlements,221-22;greatest single tragedy of,32;Mormon Militia in,36;named for Black Hawk,23;war ends 1870,41 Blake,Frederick W.,describes telegraph station,59;denied work on telegraph line,50-51 Blood,Henry Hooper,governor,reduces debt,14 Bodfish,Sumner H.,description of,347; USGS Grand Canyon Survey geologist, 205, 207,208, 209, 344,347 Bonus Marchers,173 Bountiful Peak (Canyon Crest), 202 Bowdle,J.R.,argues with legislature,7 Bowman,L.S.,Reverend,opposed to Salt Lake City hosting Jeffries-Johnson prize fight,311

Box Elder County,character changes and population growth of,69;economy changed due to Thiokol,67

Box Elder County Bank,129

Box Elder Daily Journal,124-25

Box Elder News-Journal,127-28,132

Boxing,see prizefights

Branch Agricultural College,174 Brigham City,settling of,117

Brigham City Mercantile and Manufacturing Association (Brigham City Co-Op),117, 119-20

Brind,Frederick,USGS Grand Canyon Survey member,349

Broadbent,Mary Ann Stewart Bunning,358

Brown,Charles H.,46;admiration for Mormon immigrants,54;attempts to yoke oxen,51;bookkeeper,47;describes Platte

River Valley,52;writes about comet,53

Brown,Leon,Jr.,University of Utah African American student,protests University’s Investment program,258,259

Browning Ranch,site for Thiokol Plant,67

Buchanan,James,President,appoints Alfred Cumming as Utah territorial governor,6

Buckley,Edmund,conversion of,and migration to Utah,120

Buckley,Mary Ann,marriage to James Baron, 121

Bullock,Thomas,135; 145

Burgess,Hyrum,Shoal Creek settler,227

C

Campbell,Al,University of Utah professor, organizer of The Coalition to Stop Apartheid (CSA),261

Campion Construction Company,rebuilds Baron Woolen Mills,127-28

Cannon,David Henry,arranges work on telegraph line for Mormon men,46,48

Cannon,Frank J.,Ogden newspaper editor, pulls prank on Leo Haefeli,160-61

Cannon,George Q.,LDS British Mission President,published Journal of Discourses and Millennial Star, 147

Canyon Crest (Bountiful Peak), 298

Challenger Space Shuttle,Thiokol employees traumatized by disaster,73

Chandler,Alan,co-founder University of Utah Students Against Apartheid (SAA), constructs wooden shanty (Bishop Desmond Tutu Hall),263

Chidester,David,Shoal Creek settler,224-25

Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, The,(Mormons),establishes commercial institutions,8;Tonequint Paiutes living as members of,23-24

City Creek Canyon, 138

Clarke,John,and Mrs.,provides dinner for USGS surveyors,359-60

Clemens,Samuel Langhorne,describes South Platte River,53

Clover Valley,description of,225;Mormon settlers relocate to Shoal Creek Fort, 222-23;resettlement of,231;settlers wealth at,227-28,231;Shoal Creek settlers at,228

Clyde,George Dewey,governor and fiscal conservative,funds state buildings,16-18; with Thiokol representatives, 69

Coalition to Stop Apartheid (CSA), University of Utah student organization, 261;conflict with SAA,265;disrupts university administration,262,Institutional Council meeting,274-75;joins with SAA to organize community forum,269 Cold War,increases missile development at Thiokol,65-71

Connor Cattle Company,sues Thiokol,74 Conservative organizations,John Birch Society,CAUSA (Rev Moon’s Unification Church),Ultra-Conservative Center for Constitutional Studies (Freeman Institute), challenge CSA/SAA,266-67

Cooley,Everett L.,in memoriam,78

Copelan,Willis,Utah militia captain,35

Creighton,Edward,transcontinental telegraph construction superintendent,47-48,51, 53, 55, 54-56,57-58,60-61

Creighton,J.J.(James),hires Mormon immigrants to construct telegraph line,46,48; secures wood for telegraph poles,57;telegraph construction wagon master,51

Creighton,Joseph,47;telegraph construction wagon master,51

Critchlow,E.B.,U.S.district attorney for Utah,testifies against Reed Smoot,108 Crosby,William,Kanab resident rents room to USGS Grand Canyon Survey,349 Cutler,John Christopher,governor,proposes building state capitol building,10

D

Democratic Party,opposes state aid to private business,7 Dern,George Henry,governor,opposes state deficit spending,13 Deseret (Evening) News,employment issue with George D.Watt,137-38,144,146-47, 150,155,162;establishment of 135; opposition to prizefighting,307-310 Dimmick,James,telegraph construction wagon master,51

Dockstader,Darin,University of Utah Students against Apartheid (SAA) co-organizer,263

Dodge,Augustus E.,Washington County grand jury foreman,sends petition about Navajo renegades,37

Dutton,Clarence Edward,head of USGS Grand Canyon Survey,345,351

F

Falb,Rudolph,German philologist,publications translated by Leo Haefeli and published in Salt Lake Tribune, 152-53

Fennemore,James,Beaver,Utah,merchant, 361

Fennemore,Samuel,Beaver,Utah,merchant, 361

Ferraro,Geraldine,Democratic Vice-president candidate,supports CSA/SAA cause at the University of Utah,268

Fife,Austin,academic career,167;Alta Fife and Hector Lee, 168; hosts USAC’s Scribbler’s Club,173;marriage to Alta Stevens,167;retirement of,180-81 Fisher,Vardis,174

Fontenelle,Logan (Shon-ga-ska— Whitehorse),son of Lucien Fontenelle, Indian chief,369-71; 371

Fort Cameron,description of officers’barracks at,213; 213;military officers at, 214 Fort Defiance,New Mexico,principle Navajo leaders meet with Powell and Hamblin,39 Fraser,Roy,124 Free South Africa, 273

G

Gardner,David P.,University of Utah president,258, 261

Gates,Jacob,Mormon overland travel agent, 46,48

Geddes,Joseph A.,Utah State Agricultural College sociologist,171

Gleason,Jack,Utah prizefight promoter,305 Goode,Mr.(Richard),takes ill cared for in Beaver,360;USGS Grand Canyon Survey member,205,207,208,343,344-45,347, 349,359

Goodwin,Dayne,University of Utah staff member,co-founder,Coalition to Stop Apartheid (CSA),260-61

Graham,John C.,editor, Provo Enquirer, 160 Grant,R.A.,Utah prizefight promoter,314 Goodwin,C.C.,member of Utah constitutional convention,7 Guy,George,secures telegraph poles,53; telegraph construction wagon master,51

H

Haefeli,Leo,biography of,149-50;defends Nathan Kimball U.S.Surveyor for Utah, 157;editor: Junction (later Ogden Herald),

153, OgdenDaily News, 156,159;death of, 162;excommunication from LDS church, 159-60;family, 149; feuds with Charles W. Hemenway,editor of Ogden Herald, 15659,160;Slaterville schoolteacher,150-51; Utah newspaperman,classical scholar, poet,author, As You Like It 161;writings catalyst for the Liberal Union (League), 151-52

Halladay,Wilford Hyrum,and sons, 347 Hamblin,Jacob,leader Southern Indian Mission,22; 28,with John Wesley Powell and Paiute Indians, 42 Hamblin,Joseph (Joe),USGS Grand Canyon Survey guide,346, 349 Hammond,Spencer,University of Utah Students Against Apartheid (SAA),cofounder,263

Hansen,Richard,oversees Baron Woolen Mills operation,126;purchases new equipment,128 Harriman,Edward H.,inheritance taxes helps construct State Capitol,11 Harris,Dean,Catholic Priest,opposed to hosting Jeffries-Johnson title prizefight, 310-11

Haskell,Thales,Mormon frontier scout,34 Hazard,David (brother),telegraph construction wagon master,51 Hazard,John (brother),telegraph construction wagon masters,51

Hebron,southern Utah Mormon settlement, established by Shoal Creek settlers,230; wealth distribution in,233-37, 235,236 Heidt,Ruth,“Mother Mormon for divestment”,University of Utah student activist 267-68

Hemenway,Charles W.,editor, Ogden Herald, 156-57,editor, Utah Valley Gazette, 160, 156

Hercules Bacchus Works Plant,solid fuel manufacturer competitor to Thiokol,66 Hess,Bill,Utah State Agricultural College student death,181 Hirchi,Sherwood,Logan developer,buys Baron Woolen Mills,132 Hoel,Aaron,telegraph construction wagon master,51

Hollister,O.J.,U.S.Assessor and Collector of Internal Revenue,120 Holmgren,Ed,owner,Browning Ranch,67 Holmgren,Parley owner Browning Ranch,67

Huber,John,friend to Leo Haefeli,150,161

Huntsman,Hyrum,and Hannah (wife), finances of,at Hebron,233

Huntsman,James (father),Clover Valley settler,229

Huntsman,Orson Welcome,Clover Valley settler,225;describes relocating to Shoal Creek,228;financial condition of,234

Hymas,John,Mormon emigrant ox team driver for telegraph construction,50

I

Intermountain Review,literary journal, launched by Ray B.West and Grant Redford,174;becomes Rocky Mountain Review and later Western Review,174

J

Jeffries,James J.(Jim),at Salt Lake City Union Pacific Station, 302; cartoon of, 309; exhibition fight at Colonial Theatre,315; the original “Great White Hope,”300; white Salt Lakers favor,316

Jepson,James,Mormon Cotton Mission colonizer,220-21

Jepson,James,Jr.(son),relocates from Virgin City to Rockville to Virgin City,220-21

Johnson-Jeffries prizefight,cartoon, 313; fourteenth round action, 319; local boxer commits suicide,317;riots nation-wide following Johnson victory,318;Salt Lakers reactions to,319-20;thousands of Salt Lakers follow fight round-by-round, 317-18

Johnson,Arthur Jack,black prizefighter, arrives in Salt Lake City, 307; exhibition fight in Salt Lake City,303,315-16;“idol of the sons of Africa,”302-303;Salt Laker William Russel hosts,303;stops in Ogden following championship fight,318-19; 300 305

Jones,Robert E.,USGS Grand Canyon survey member, 342, 343,344,345

Journal of Discourses,134-135,145-48;first printing of,in Liverpool,England,135

K

Kalugin,Oleg,former Soviet intelligence officer,buys information from Thiokol engineer,65

Kendall,Amos,former federal government official involved in telegraph construction, 45

King,Clarence,USGS director,objects to publishing Leonard Swett letters,217-18; surveys 40th Parallel,239-40; 218 Kloepfer,Lynn,Utah State Agricultural College student body president,champions socialism,170-72 Kwi-toos,and son, 22

L

Lake Lal,and Mount Agassiz (1864), 238;and Uinta Mountains (1869), 244,245,246, 247,249,255

Leavitt,Michael Okerlund,governor,issues bonds for 2002 Winter Olympics road projects,20 Lee,Joseph (J) Bracken,former mayor of Price and Utah governor,cuts state budgets,15;increases taxes to avoid debt,16 Lincoln,Abraham,sends message via telegraph to Utah’s acting governor Frank Fuller,62

Littlefield,E.A.,owner Ogden Daily News, hires Leo Haefeli,156 Logan,Ephraim,fur trapper,explores Cache Valley,367 Logan LDS Tabernacle and Temple, 370 Logan River,named for Ephraim Logan, 367-68 Logan,Utah, 354,366 Long,John V.,Mormon convert,possesses knowledge of Pittman shorthand,147-48 Longstreth,Bevis,and Joseph Patrick find financing for Thiokol Licensing Company, 63

M

Mabey,Charles Rendell,governor secures bonds for paving roadways,12 Mandela,Winnie,shanty, 266 Manifesto,1890,post Manifesto,106-111 Manuelito,Navajo chief,28;agrees to peace treaty,41;deaths of Robert McIntyre, James B.Whitmore,30 Matheson,Scott Milne,governor,supports bonds for economic development,19 Maughan,Peter,directs Cache Valley settlements,365-66 Maughan,Ted,USAC student,opposed to Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Herbert Hoover,170 Maughan’s Fort,named for Peter Maughan, 365

Maw,Herbert Brown,governor, 17, attracts military installations and war industries, 15;eliminates state debt,14

McBride,William,USGS Grand Canyon survey member,361

McEwan,William,USAC Rhodes scholar, 166

Medina,Benjamin,University of Utah activist,apartment ransacked,267, 268

Merrill,Milton R.,USAC faculty member, 177-78

Middle Basin,of Stillwater Fork Bear River, map of, 243; (2003) 250Millennial Star, LDS British mission journal,135-36,147

Minson,Frank,re-open Barron Woolen Mills, 121

Minuteman Missile, 63 Minuteman Missile Program,solid fuel motors built by Thiokol,65,68;test firing, 75

Moody’s Investor Service,Utah’s credit rating, 4

Mormon emigrant men construct transcontinental telegraph line,48-50,53-54,57-58, 59-61

Mormon Militia,attack Koosharem Indian band,27;commander of,Erastus Snow,29; firefight at Fort Sanford,31-32

Morton Thiokol Inc.,merger of Thiokol Corporation and Morton Salt Company Chicago,75

Mount Agassiz,and Uinta Mountains,(2004) 239),(1869 and 2003) 248,(2003), 253, and Ryder Lake,(2003) 253,(2003) 254

Mount Timpanogos Trail: 299

Mountain Meadows Massacre,and Southern Paiutes,22,24

N

NASA,and Thiokol,71-73

National Students League (NSL),176-77

Natural Development Association (NDA), formation of,172;LDS First Presidency rebuke of,172

Navajo Indians renegades,raid livestock of Dixie ranchers,23,33,35;sign peace treaty,40

Nelson,Bat,and Ad Wolgast,prizefight,312

Nelson,John,Logan settlement leader,366

Nelson,Mark,University of Utah student activist,265-66

Nielson,Veneta L., 179; writes for Scribble,

167-68;writes for Student Life,179-181

O

Ogden Argus,Leo Haefeli,editor of,160 Ogden Daily News,156,157,158-59; liquidation of,160 Ogden Epic,Leo Haefeli,editor of,160 Ogden Herald,Leo Haefeli,editor of,153, 155-59

Ogden Junction,Leo Haefeli,editor of,153, 155

Ogden Pilot,155 Ogden Standard,successor of Ogden Herald, 160

Ogden Standard Office building, 153 One Day in Utah (A Travers Les Estats Unis), 154.

P

Pagoda Butte,named by Clarence Edward Dutton,356

Paiute Indian Kwi-toos,and son,22 Paiute Indians,baptism of, 35;perform Circle Dance, 27; playing “kill the bone,” 25; meet with U.S.Commssion, 37 Paiutes,Koosharem band of,Black Hawk war victims,27

Paiutes,Tonequint band of,corn growers and irrigators,23;die of hunger,26; prefer traditional customs,24

Palfreyman,W.C.,Director,Utah Committee on Industrial and Employment Planning, locates suitable land for Thiokol plant,66 Parker,Edwin,Mormon convert,telegraph line worker,49,61

Patnish,head chief,San Juan band of Southern Paiutes,28;refuses to halt raiding,submits to peace treaty,41

Patrick,Joseph Cecil,physician,developed synthetic rubber,co-founder Thiocol License Company,63

Pauly Jail Building and Manufacturing Company,327-28

Peoples Practical Government Corporation, 172

Peterson,Caroline C.(Carrie),marriage to Thomas Baron,122

Peterson,Chase,University of Utah President, 270; anti-divestiture outlined by,270-71;confronts CSA,264; free speech and removal of shanties, 269-72

Phillips,James S.,USGS Survey team member,208

Picket,John Jeremiah (Jerry),and Lurany Iness, 352; biography of,346;initials in tree, 353

Piranian,George,USAC Rhodes Scholar,166

Pitman,Sir Isaac,publication of Stenographic Soundhand,136

Polygamy,Edmunds-Tucker law,7;post Manifesto,104-05,107-111

Powell,John Wesley,204-205;and Jacob Hamblin,39,40,with Paiutes, 42;1873 survey party, 207

Pratt,Orson,1852 public sermon on plural marriage,138

Pratt,Parley P., Millennial Star editor, 135-36, 147

Precision Mercury Barometer, 344 Prizefights:boosterism for,305-06,311; Manhattan Club venue for,311,312; Ogden Bungalow Theatre venue for,312; Salt Lake Athletic Club venue for,312;Salt Lake boxers, 321 Provo Inquirer,160

Pulsipher,Charles (brother),Shoal Creek settler,224-25

Pulsipher,John (brother),Shoal Creek settler, 224-25

Pulsipher,William (brother),Shoal Creek settler,224-25

Pulsipher,Zera (father),Shoal Creek settler, 225

R

Ragan,Matthew J.,hauls telegraph poles,56; telegraph construction wagon master,51 Railroads,bond defaults,8

Rampton,Calvin Lewellyn,governor,calls for 67 million dollar bond issue for higher education,18;inauguration of, 19

Redford,Grant H.,anti-war activism of, 176-80;biography of,170;caricature of, 177;co-editor of Intermountain Review, 174;LDS missionary and alienation from LDS church,174-75;USAC student and writer,167-169,174-181

Renshawe,John Henry,USGS Survey leader, 208, 211

Richards,Willard, 135;Deseret News editor, member of the First Presidency, 137; exchanges correspondence with George D.Watt,139-45;death and funeral of, 146

Richmond,Utah,named for Charles C.Rich, and Richmond,Missouri,364 Rickard,George L.,(Tex),prizefight promoter,304,305,306,310 Rider,John,and Mary McDonald (wife), 350; rents room to Leonard H.Swett,353 Ridgeline,Uinta Mountains,(2003 252), (2004) 246;and Ryder Lake,(2001) 244 Riis,Charles,Salt Lake Rotary jail inmate, 333-34

Rishel,W.D.(Bill), Herald-Republican sports writer,304;supports Salt Lake City for Johnson-Jeffries prizefight,306 Ritchey,Harold W.,expresses interest in space program,71;Thiokol technical director,64 Roads,improvements,12-13; 15,interstate highway construction advanced,19;2002 Olympics priority for,20 Rogers,Charles Lock,Mormon immigrant telegraph line construction worker,49 Roosevelt,Theodore,supports Reed Smoot seating,114

Rotary Jail,architectural drawing of, 333; description of,324-25;features of,328;list of,336,341;interior of, 337; inventors William H.Brown and Benjamin F.Haugh of,325;jailor operating, 335; Jeremy Bentham conceives of,325;problems with,336-39;Industrial Workers of the World description of,339 Rowan,Blain,Mrs.,gives birth in “Trailertown,”165-66 Ryder Lake,(2004) 245,(2003) 247, 246, 251 (2003)

S

Sadler,Bob,purchase Baron Woolen Mills, 132

Saltair,boxing venue,312-13

Salt Lake City boxers, 321 Salt Lake City police station and jail (1857), 324

Salt Lake City-County Jail,322-23;construction of, 340;description of,323; 324,329

Salt Lake City telegraph office, 44

Salt Lake County Rotary Jail, 322; description of,329-30,331-32;first inmates of, 334-37;interior of, 337; jailer operating the, 335

Salt Lake High School,boxing club,315 Salt Lake Tribune,153,156-57

Saperstein,Michael,University of Utah stu-

dent organizer,261,confronts University of Utah Institutional Council,262-63

Scribble,USAC student literary magazine,167, 174-76

Sherman,Louis M.,Thiokol market development director,selects Utah for new plant, 66

Sherwood,John (brother),early Clover settler, 232

Sherwood,William (brother),early Clover settler,232

Shoal Creek (fort),redistribution of wealth at, 225-27,229-30;settlers of,establish Hebron,222

Slaterville,non-Mormon Liberal Party members living in,151

Smith,Elias A.,Salt Lake City probate judge, visits jails,323-24,327

Smith,George A.,Indians and the Mountain Meadows Massacre,24;Jacob Hamblin complains to,26;visits Native American cornfields,23

Smith,Ralph,describes settling Logan,Utah, 366

Smoot,Reed, 100; family and home, 98; political cartoons of,101,104,105,107, 115;protests against,in Senate hearings, 101-02;Senate speech,105-14;Senate vote to seat,114

Snow,Erastus,“apostle to the Indians,” 39; Jacob Hamblin opposed to,Indian policies, 38;ordered Cotton Mission’s small settlements abandoned,223-24,226;southern Utah military commander,29

Snow,Lorenzo,supporter of Brigham City Woolen Mills (Baron Woolen Mills), 118-21

Somers,G.Fred,USAC Rhodes scholar,166

Southern Paiutes,and the Black Hawk war, 27,28,29,33,35,39;improve agriculture skills,24;“Paiute Mormons,”22

Southern Utah Indian Mission,Jacob Hamblin head of,22,38

Spaneshanks,Navajo chief,28;killed in raid, 31

Spencer,Connie,University of Utah student, constructs wooden shanty,263

Spread Eagle Peak,Uinta Mountains,(2004) 249;and McPheters Lake,(2003) 256;and Ostler Peak at McPheters Lake,(2003) 257)

Spring Blossoms,written by Leo Haefeli and

Edward H.Anderson,154 Spry,William,governor,building state capitol high priority,10 Sputnick,launches opportunity for Thiokol, 71 St.George,settled in 1861,25 State Building Ownership Authority,issues lease-revenue bonds,20 Steele,John,southern Utah militia officer,36, 37,38 Stevens,Alta,wife to Austin Fife,167,181 Stringham,Benjamin B.,founded Natural Development Association (NDA),172 Student Life,staff of, 164; USAC student publication,176,179-181 Sullivan,Pete,fights Johnny “Cyclone” Thompson,312-14 Sullivan Principles,U.S.companies code of conduct in South Africa,260 Swenson,May,awarded Bollingen Prize,181; death of,181;received MacArthur Fellowship,181;writer,167-69, 174,181 Swett,Leonard Herbert,member of USGS Grand Canyon Survey;biography of,205; camps at Stewart’s Ranche,355,357; describes scenery at USGS survey station, 355,357;describes travel to survey station R,“Point Sublime,”357;description of Kanab,214-16;establishes office in home of Mary McDonald Rider,353;at Fort Cameron,212-13;letters in Chicago Times, 206-07;return journey to Salt Lake City, 359-60;stagecoach trip to Beaver,210-11; marriage and family of,362-63;travels by train to Nephi,209

T

Tate,Robert,telegraph construction wagon master,51

Telegraph construction, 49 Terry,Thomas S.,Shoal Creek settler,225 Thiede,Charles,executed at Salt Lake Rotary Jail,335-36

Third View Project,241 Thompson,Johnny “Cyclone,”boxing match with Pete Sullivan,312,boxing match with Frank Pleato,314;prohibited from training in Logan,311

Thiokol Chemical Corporation, 70; abandoned farm house at, 67; builds plant in Utah,67-68;business turning point,64; Challenger explosion,73;merges with

Morton Salt Company of Chicago,75; Minuteman Missile motor contract,68; renamed Cordant Technologies,headquarters in Salt Lake City,75-76;stimulates northern Utah economy,67;Utah governor and military officials, 69; works with NASA and Air Force,72;workers at, 73

Three Thanksgivings,autobiography novelette by Leo Haefeli,150

Tourtellotte,J.E.,Utah Territory Superintendent of Indian Affairs,37-38

Trackmaster,snow machine, 76

Tracy,Hermoine,USAC student writer, 177-78 Trailertown,165-66 U

Uinta Mountains,(1869) 250, 251, 252,254, 256, 257

U.S.Air Force,association with Thiokol,65; works with NASA and Thiokol to develop solid-fuel motors,72

U.S.district attorneys,Utah Territory,E.B. Critchlow,William M.McCarty,Frank B. Stephens,108

U.S.Geological Survey (USGS),1880 inscription on Ponderosa pine,353;members of,Leonard H.Swett,Sumner H. Bodfish,Richard Goode,Robert E.Jones, John McChesney,343

University of Utah Institutional Council,supports divestments in South Africa,275-76

University of Utah students,enrollment and building needs,16,17,18;against apartheid (SAA),construct wooden shanty “Bishop Desmond Tutu Hall,263;demonstrated against Institutional Council,27475; 264

Utah Capitol, 3, construction of 2; dedication of, 11; last stone of, 9

Utah Committee for University Divestment (UCUD),discusses University of Utah investments in South Africa,259-60

Utah Constitutional Convention,debt limited established in 7-8;change in regarding debt,9

Utah Economy,World War II stimulates economy,15;benefits from federal spending,63

Utah Freie Presse,Leo Haefeli writes for,162

Utah Reform School,construction of, 6

Utah State Agricultural College,campus, 167

Utah State Capitol,bond issued funds for,5;

construction of, 2,3; cost of,12; laying last building stone at 9 Utah Territorial Prison, 327

V

Van Buren,Gordon,lives in father’s sheep camp wagon on USAC campus,165

W

Walcott,Charles D.,USGS field geologist, 204, 205,207,343 Walker,Olene,Lieutenant Governor,promotes tax reform and refinances state general obligation funds,20 Ward,James,Mormon convert works constructing telegraph line,49 Watt,George D., 134, convert to LDS church,136;difficulties with Willard Richards,139-44;editor Journal of Discourses, 144-48;LDS mission of,136; works at Deseret News, 137-38 Watt,Mary (wife),136 Wealth distribution,at Hebron Creek Valley, 232 Wells,Heber M.,governor, 4;offers solutions to indebtedness,10 West,Ray B.Jr.,academic career of,169,174; editor of Scribble, 174;launches Intermountain Review,174;USAC student and gifted writer,67,169,172-74,181 Wey,Fred,local backer of the Johnson-Jeffries prize fight,307,310 Whitmore,James B.,killed in Indian raid,30 Wright,John Fish,Logan resident,recounts naming Logan,363 Wright,John P.,Logan settlement leader, 365, 366-66,371 Wright,Philo B.,USGS Survey team member, 205,207

Y

Young,Brigham,abandonment policy during Indian war,235;and the telegraph,47,61; authorization of loan to George D.Watt, 138;Indian difficulties and the U.S.Army, 23,36;unconcerned with Paiutes welfare, 26

Young,John W.(son),supplies telegraph poles, 47

UTAHSTATE

HISTORICALSOCIETYFELLOWS

THOMAS G.ALEXANDER JAMES B.ALLEN LEONARD J.ARRINGTON (1917-1999) MAUREEN URSENBACH BEECHER FAWN M.BRODIE (1915-1981) JUANITA BROOKS (1898-1989) OLIVE W.BURT (1894-1981) EUGENE E.CAMPBELL (1915-1986) C.GREGORY CRAMPTON (1911-1995) EVERETT L.COOLEY (1917-2006) S.GEORGE ELLSWORTH (1916-1997) AUSTIN E.FIFE (1909-1986) PETER L.GOSS LEROY R.HAFEN (1893-1985) JOELJANETSKI

JESSE D.JENNINGS (1909-1997) A.KARL LARSON (1899-1983) GUSTIVE O.LARSON (1897-1983) BRIGHAM D.MADSEN CAROL CORNWALL MADSEN DEAN L.MAY (1938-2003) DAVID E.MILLER (1909-1978) DALE L.MORGAN (1914-1971) WILLIAM MULDER FLOYD A.O’NEIL

HELEN Z.PAPANIKOLAS (1917-2004) CHARLES S.PETERSON RICHARD W.SADLER MELVINT.SMITH WALLACE E.STEGNER (1909-1993) WILLIAM A.WILSON

HONORARYLIFEMEMBERS

DAVID BIGLER JAY M.HAYMOND FLORENCE S.JACOBSEN STANFORD J.LAYTON WILLIAM P.MACKINNON JOHN S.MCCORMICK MIRIAM B.MURPHY LAMAR PETERSEN RICHARD C.ROBERTS MELVIN T.SMITH MARTHA R.STEWART GARY TOPPING

UTAHSTATEHISTORICALSOCIETY

Department of Community and Culture Division of State History

BOARD OF STATE HISTORY

MICHAEL W.HOMER,Salt Lake City,2009, Chair CLAUDIA F.BERRY,Midvale,2009

MARTHA SONNTAG BRADLEY,Salt Lake City,2009

SCOTT R.CHRISTENSEN,Salt Lake City,2009

RONALDG.COLEMAN,Salt Lake City,2011

MARIA GARCIAZ,Salt Lake City,2011

ROBERT S.MCPHERSON,Blanding,2011 CHERE ROMNEY,Salt Lake City,2011

MAX J.SMITH,Salt Lake City,2009

GREGORY C.THOMPSON,Salt Lake City,2011 MICHAEL K.WINDER,West Valley City,2009

ADMINISTRATION

PHILIPF.NOTARIANNI, Director

WILSONG.MARTIN, State Historic Preservation Officer ALLANKENTPOWELL, Managing Editor KEVIN T.JONES, State Archaeologist

The Utah State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited Utahns to collect,preserve,and publish Utah and related history.Today,under state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations by publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly and other historical materials;collecting historic Utah artifacts;locating,documenting,and preserving historic and prehistoric buildings and sites;and maintaining a specialized research library.Donations and gifts to the Society’s programs,museum,or its library are encouraged,for only through such means can it live up to its responsibility of preserving the record of Utah’s past.

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the National Park Service,under provisions of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended.

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973.The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits unlawful discrimination on the basis of race,color,national origin, age,or handicap in its federally assisted programs.If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program,activity,or facility as described above,or if you desire further information,please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity,National Park Service,1849 C Street,NW,Washington,D.C.,20240.