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Avard T. Fairbanks’s World War I Memorials
Avard T. Fairbanks’s World War I Memorials
BY KENT AHRENS
Shortly after the Armistice that ended fighting with Germany in November 1918, civic and cultural organizations began considering how best to remember those who had contributed to the effort to fight World War I (WWI). The mayor of Boston called such a group together late in 1918. One representative at the Boston Convention was the young artist Avard T. Fairbanks (1897–1987), who came from Utah and from a family of gifted artists. During his distinguished career, he was not only a prolific sculptor but also a teacher and an academic administrator. Fairbanks matured professionally in the 1920s and early 1930s, during which period he created four WWI memorials in the Northwest that are exceptional for their unique conception and visual impact. Fairbanks’s memorials must be seen against the complicated backdrop of America’s rapidly fading interest in Civil War monuments, shifting styles in the arts, and a naïveté about the worldwide political environment that had already sown the seeds of World War II (WWII), and the somewhat ineffective alliances between the nations.
Avard Fairbanks’s grandparents, John Boylston Fairbanks and Sarah Van Wagoner, crossed the plains as Mormon pioneers and eventually settled in Payson, Utah. Avard’s father, also John B. Fairbanks, was born in Payson in 1855. John showed early promise as an artist and was mentored by another Utah artist, John Hafen.
In 1890, he studied art in Paris at the Académie Julian under the sponsorship of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to learn muralist techniques. Following his return to Utah, Fairbanks completed work in the Salt Lake Temple before moving to Provo, where he received an appointment at the Brigham Young Academy to teach art. Avard T. Fairbanks was born in 1897 in Provo. Avard’s mother, Lilly, died from an accident when he was a baby, and his siblings cared for the household. Even with these difficulties, Avard’s artistic talents were apparent early in his life. 1
About 1910 John Fairbanks brought Avard to New York, where he gained permission for his son to copy art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. During this period a benefactor became interested in Avard’s training and used her influence to obtain a scholarship at the Art Students League, where he studied with James Earl Fraser. He received a second scholarship the following year. Avard frequently modeled animals at the New York Zoological Park, where he probably received informal instruction from Charles R. Knight, A. Phimister Proctor, and Anna Hyatt. 2
After two years in New York, financial difficulties forced the Fairbanks to return to Salt Lake City, but John wanted Avard to receive additional training. In 1913, therefore, he and Avard departed for Paris. Besides studying at the Académie Colarossi and the Académie de la Grande Chaumière, Avard enrolled at the École des Beaux-Arts, where he studied under the noted sculptor Jean Antoine Injalbert. The École des Beaux-Arts closed during the summer months, but a peaceful vacation in the Alpine foothills was interrupted by the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria and the subsequent outbreak of WWI. Avard and his father left Europe as quickly as possible, but still they encountered more than one harrowing experience before crossing the English Channel and eventually sailing from Liverpool.
Figure 1. Avard T. Fairbanks, detail of Jefferson High School Memorial, 1926, bronze. Portland, Oregon. Jayla Pride, photographer.
Shortly after returning from Europe, Avard completed high school early in order to oversee a sculptural commission awarded to his older brother Leo Fairbanks (1878–1946)—also a gifted artist—at the Latter-day Saints temple that was under construction in Hawaii. He remained in Hawaii two years and married Maude Fox in 1918. 3 When the couple returned home, Avard enrolled at the University of Utah; since the United States was now involved in the war, he joined the Students Army Training Corps. Soon, however, the influenza pandemic of 1918 to 1919—which killed forty million or more people worldwide—closed the university, as well as other institutions across the nation. 4 Guns fell silent in November.
Then, in December 1918, came the call from Boston’s mayor to art commissions across the country, inviting them to meet with the Boston Art Commission to discuss the question of what form war memorials should take. Since Avard Fairbanks was in Washington, D.C. at the time, unsuccessfully seeking funding to visit the European battlefields, he was selected as Salt Lake City’s delegate. He later recalled that “one of the men who was present in the assembly with the others was my friend, and former advisor, Cyrus E. Dallin.” (Dallin was born in Springville, Utah, and, before joining the staff of the Massachusetts College of Art in 1899, he was part of the circle of Utah artists that included Avard’s father.) Representatives from a relatively small number of locales—Washington, New York, Philadelphia, Salt Lake City, Massachusetts, and Boston itself—met in Boston on January 7, 1919. In his opening remarks, Thomas Allen, chairman of the Boston Art Commission, noted that there were “two separate intentions in the erection of war memorials and the question resolves to this: Do we wish to commemorate Victory, or do we wish to keep green the memory of those who have made the supreme sacrifice?” 5 Allen had articulated one of the central dilemmas of contemporary Americans as they tried to remember the dead—what kind of memorial to erect—even as they wrestled with the legacy of the Civil War, the ambiguities of WWI, and the rapidly changing world they now faced. 6
Each delegation to the convention was given the opportunity to speak, and, for his part, Fairbanks said, “When I left Salt Lake City the city commission told me to emphasize their desire for a utilitarian memorial. . . . Of course the commission sent me to represent them and to get ideas from the best men in the country, so
I am here today to listen to your ideas rather than to speak to you.” Dallin, who represented both Massachusetts and Boston, followed by making a case for the ideal:
Dallin’s own beautifully executed WWI memorial, Memory, in Sherborn, Massachusetts, exemplifies his concept of the ideal (fig. 2). Inspired, perhaps, by Augustus Saint-Gaudens’s Adams Memorial, the enigma of Dallin’s haunting monument dedicated to the casualties of war is the absence of military figures symbolizing fallen soldiers and sailors. 7
Figure 2. Cyrus E. Dallin and William W. Dinsmore, Memory, 1924, bronze. Sherborn, Massachusetts. Kent Ahrens, photographer. Courtesy of the author.
When Fairbanks returned to Salt Lake City, he reported to the City Planning Commission on the proceedings of the war memorial convention. One of the primary questions debated by the representatives was whether it was appropriate for war memorials to take the form of utilitarian projects such as roads and bridges or whether they should be abstract symbols, such as idealized figures upon bases. Communities wishing to erect memorials will vary across the country, from small communities to large cities, and they will have different problems with respect to finances, location, and the very spirit of the constituencies. It is important, therefore, that the form of memorials be a matter of local judgment. Where state or regional art commissions existed, designs should be submitted to them for review, but art commissions should not dictate the form of memorials. Convention members agreed that the nation should avoid the mistakes that occurred after the Civil War, when communities rushed to commemorate the conflict and poorly designed stock models flooded the country. Clipston Sturgis, representing the Mayor’s Committee, remarked, “We wish to emphasize in our memorials, not force, necessary in war, and represented by the army and navy, but the ideals for which we fought. The memorials of the Civil War—figures of soldiers or piles of cannon balls—represent force—the means to the end, rather than the unity of our country and the end of slavery—the objects for which we fought.” Meanwhile, Charles A. Coolidge (also of the Mayor’s Committee) suggested that the arch, for instance, be avoided because “of its being borrowed from the Romans as an expression of triumph.” Open competitions had been a bone of contention among artists for decades, and the representatives agreed that the best results would be achieved by engaging talented artists and architects based on other criteria. Of course, the war involved the efforts of the entire nation, and Charles Moore, representing the National Commission of Fine Arts, observed, “the turning of a hundred millions of people from manifold pursuits of peace to the one pursuit of war is well worth commemorating.” In keeping with the general tone of the convention, Fairbanks’s report concluded idealistically, “we agreed that we should not express the attitude of being proud of our victory over our enemies (not of the savage attitude) nor should we commemorate only the heroes and those who have made the supreme sacrifice; but we should hold uppermost the ideals and spirit with which we went to war.” 8 After the experience of attending the Boston Convention and listening to its delegates, Fairbanks had the opportunity in the next years to create his own WWI memorials.
Figure 3. Avard T. Fairbanks, Doughboy of Idaho, 1922–1923, bronze. This Doughboy is in St. Anthony, Idaho; a second Doughboy of Idaho is in Moscow. The St. Anthony statue was conserved in 2018 by Adonis Bronze of Alpine, Utah. Here, Denny Jenks of Adonis Bronze works on the statue. Courtesy Adonis Bronze.
As it happened, Avard’s brother Vernon was working in a store in Preston, Idaho, where he became friendly with the chairman of the State of Idaho Memorial Commission, and his influence was important in Avard receiving a commission. Idaho officials determined that each county should have the opportunity of deciding what was appropriate for a memorial. In response, Fairbanks made a small figure, Doughboy of Idaho, which he could exhibit throughout the state. In his reminiscences he recalled, “It was a figure of one of the soldiers in the field, but a very fine type of young man. Not the type of man to show hatred, but one that showed our determination to bring about victory for a just cause.” Versions of Doughboy of Idaho (fig. 3) were erected in both Moscow and St. Anthony. Statues of military heroes, either mounted or standing with the appropriate battle dress and armament of their time, trace their development back to the early Renaissance. In that tradition, Fairbanks’s statue is that of a single figure in somewhat detailed battle gear, with his rifle clutched in his muscular right arm and hand. He wears a typically shallow WWI helmet. Later in life, Fairbanks received an advanced degree in anatomical studies, but his interest in an accurate rendering of the figure was already evident with Doughboy. The soldier is shown gazing off to his left, and in his left hand he holds a German helmet as a trophy of war. Is the implication, then, that of a doughboy contemplating his recent victory over a now-defeated, dead enemy soldier? It is difficult not to infer a sense of victory in Fairbanks’s Doughboy, in spite of the convention’s recommendation that symbols of triumph over the enemy be avoided. Certainly, a sense of victory over the enemy is clearly the case in a very similar image in Clyde Forsythe’s poster for the Victory Liberty Loan campaign (fig. 4). Forsythe’s promotional piece, which was designed to stimulate the purchase of bonds, also portrays a somewhat battered doughboy holding his rifle and bullet-riddled German helmets, with the inscription “And they thought we couldn’t fight.” Since their artistic purposes varied, there is a marked difference in style between Fairbanks’s reflective war memorial and Forsythe’s agitated public relations poster. 9
Figure 4. Clyde Forsythe, And They Thought We Couldn’t Fight—Victory Liberty Loan, [1917]. Courtesy Library of Congress, LC-USZC4–10221.
During this period, Fairbanks and his wife made a difficult automobile trip through Idaho and Oregon, where he was fortuitously introduced to one of the deans at the University of Oregon. A faculty member had recently died, and the university was looking for a young instructor to replace him. Based on photographs of the work Fairbanks showed him, the dean appointed him assistant professor in the College of Architecture and Applied Arts. Except for leaves of absence to pursue other activities, Fairbanks taught at the university from 1920 until 1927, when he received a Guggenheim Fellowship to study in Italy. Then in 1923 his brother Leo Fairbanks, who had also studied in Paris, was appointed professor of art at Oregon Agricultural College in Corvallis, where he taught until 1946.
Leo was likely instrumental in helping Avard obtain a commission for the Agriculture College’s large bronze relief panel commemorating three fallen classmates from the Spanish American War and those who died in World War I (fig. 5). The somewhat cumbersome contract between Avard Fairbanks and a representative committee from the Class of 1923, which commissioned the work, was executed in March 1923. The contract required that Fairbanks would first construct a plaster cast of the subject, at least six-feet-six-inches high, in accordance with a sketch he had first submitted for approval. Following approval of the plaster cast, the relief was to be cast in bronze by an American foundry. The bronze was to be placed in the vestibule of the Library on or before September 1923. However, the contract went on to stipulate that the class committee wished the relief to be placed by June 1923, and if that proved to be impossible the artist would provide a full size, bronze-colored plaster cast until the bronze was delivered. Fairbanks’s Service Memorial was eventually placed in the college’s Memorial Union, which was dedicated in June 1929 as a working memorial to the college’s war heroes; a veteran of the Civil War led the honor guard. Following a long tradition in commemorative sculpture, Fairbanks combined realistic military details with allegorical elements, thereby taking the viewer from the mundane to the ideal—or from the worldly to the spiritual. In the relief, a winged angelic figure embraces a WWI soldier as she prepares to lift him skyward. His left arm, which she supports, rests on a plaque with the inscription “Service Memorial of the Oregon Agricultural College,” below which are inscribed the names of the fallen. The tips of her wings caress the bottom of the relief, where the row of crosses symbolizes the war casualties and the stars probably refer to “The Golden Star Men of Oregon State,” that is, men who died in conflict. 10
If Fairbank’s Service Memorial is a quiet, reflective relief, his memorial in the Jefferson High School, Portland, Oregon, is much less so (figs. 1 and 6). The vivid imagery of ghostlike soldiers wearing gas masks behind the sandbags of trenches calls to mind the visceral horrors of war in the poetry of Siegfried Sassoon. (Only a site like Verdun in France can truly reveal the senseless carnage of the Great War.) Certainly, by 1926 the horrific effects of gas warfare were known and terrible images of the soldiers in the trenches were readily available for Fairbanks to draw upon. The standing soldier to the left—his battle gear hanging from his shoulder—personifies the casualties of war, who look upward toward the winged figure. She is symbolic of such qualities as grace and memory, if not a more religious meaning as indicated by the cross behind her. Between the two figures is a plaque inscribed, in part, “Dedicated to the Jefferson High School Students Who Served in the World War.” The relief, which was unveiled in April 1926, was presented as a gift from Jefferson High School alumni. 11
Figure 5. Avard T. Fairbanks, Service Memorial of the Oregon Agricultural College, 1929, bronze. Corvallis, Oregon. From the Avard T. Fairbanks Collection, OSU Libraries Special Collections and Archives Research Center.
Figure 6. Avard T. Fairbanks, Jefferson High School Memorial, 1926, bronze. Portland, Oregon. Jayla Pride, photographer.
Figure 7. Avard T. Fairbanks and John Graham Sr., 91st Division Monument, circa 1930s, bronze. Fort Lewis, Washington. Courtesy Lewis Army Museum, Joint Base Lewis-McChord.
In 1930 Fairbanks’s 91st Division Monument (figs. 7 and 8) was dedicated at Fort Lewis, Washington, to pay tribute to the troops from Utah and other western states who served in Europe. The 91st Division first saw action in the Saint- Mihiel Offensive and later gained distinction in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. The division was demobilized in 1919, but shortly thereafter its veterans formed an association which met annually. In 1926 Fairbanks submitted drawings that he considered to be an appropriate monumental design honoring the division; the association agreed and requested permission from the War Department to erect a memorial at Fort Lewis. Frank McDermott, president of the Bon Marché department store in Seattle, agreed to pay for the project. Fairbanks’s figures were completed and cast in bronze from about 1928 to 1929. John Graham Sr., a Seattle architect, designed the forty-foot sandstone shaft sheltering the bronzes. The figural group depicts a woman and a man— identified as a nurse and a volunteer worker—attending a fallen figure, while two soldiers in full battle gear stand guard. The figure of a crusader above conveys the notion that “right” will prevail. While Fairbanks’s 91st Division Monument lacks the visceral impact of the Jefferson High School relief, it is a beautifully executed memorial combining the elements of the Beaux-Arts style that he would have learned in Paris: collaboration with an architect, exquisitely finished bronze work, realistic figures often combined with allegorical ones in closely observed detail, and an emphasis on portraying the ideal. 12
Avard Fairbanks’s career as an artist and an educator continued to progress throughout the twentieth century, much of it spent in Salt Lake City, and he remained active until his death on January 1, 1987—just two weeks before a retrospective exhibition of his work opened at the Salt Lake Art Center. 13 Among the artistic legacies Fairbanks left are his WWI monuments, works that reflect the grief and angst of the interwar era. Erich Maria Remarque’s profound novel, All Quiet on the Western Front (1928), describes young men— boys really—caught in the meaningless conflict to kill or be killed, even as they began to realize that although they might survive individually their generation would be “destroyed by the war.” Reminiscent of much of Remarque’s later writing, Fairbanks’s monuments dedicated to the Great War visually evoke a sense of tragic loss and profound change wrought upon civilians and veterans alike: to use Cyrus Dallin’s term, ideal memorials commemorating a terrible conflict.
Figure 8. Avard T. Fairbanks and John Graham Sr., 91st Division Monument, 1967, bronze. Fort Lewis, Washington. Courtesy Lewis Army Museum, Joint Base Lewis- McChord.
Web Extra
View a gallery of some of Avard Fairbanks’s work at history.utah.gov.
Notes
1 Dr. Eugene F. Fairbanks, of Bellingham, Washington, and executor of his father’s estate, has generously shared unpublished manuscript material containing transcribed recollections of the artist, typed essay material, photographs, scrapbooks and clippings—all hereafter identified as Estate Papers. The estate manuscripts “John B. Fairbanks, Pioneer Artist,” and “Development of the Arts in Utah,” were probably written by Avard Fairbanks. In 1892, when the sculptor Cyrus E. Dallin’s statue of the Angel Moroni was secured in place, the exterior of the Salt Lake Temple of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was completed. However, the interior of the temple had yet to be decorated. Therefore, in 1890 an LDS church sponsorship provided funds for John Hafen, John Fairbanks, Loris Pratt, Edwin Evans, and later Herman Hugo Haag to learn the art of mural decoration in Paris. “81 Tomorrow. Reception Will Be Held for Pioneer Utah Artist,” unidentified clipping related to John B. Fairbanks, Estate Papers; see also “John B. Fairbanks,” Utah Artists Project, accessed July 31, 2019, lib.utah .edu/collections/utah-artists/.
2 “Boy Sculptor Has Won Two Scholarships at 14,” and “A Short Sketch of the Life of the Utah Boy Sculptor,” clippings, Estate Papers; see also “Zion’s Boy Artist Wins More Honors,” Salt Lake Tribune, July 6, 1911; “Utah has Young Genius in Art,” Salt Lake Evening Telegram, March 27, 1912; Ora Leigh Traughber, “Fairbanks Ancestral Home Preserved for 300 Years,” Salt Lake Tribune, December 22, 1912. John Fairbanks went to New York on an ill-fated project to copy paintings in the Metropolitan Museum of Art for patrons back home.
3 Eugene F. Fairbanks, A Sculptor’s Testimony in Bronze and Stone: The Sacred Sculpture of Avard T. Fairbanks (Salt Lake City: E. F. Fairbanks, 1994), 16–23. At the time, Leo Fairbanks was Superintendent of Art in Salt Lake City schools.
4 Norman Davies, Europe: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 776–77; New York Times, November 11, 1918.
5 “Report of the Secretary at the Meeting of Jan 7, 1919,” Proceedings: vol. I-4, 1917 November 8–1921 June 21, Series I, Boston Art Commission Records, Coll. 0272.100, City of Boston Archives and Records Management Division, Boston, Massachusetts; Boston City Council Records, Annual Report of the Art Department for the Year Ending January 31, 1919, 5–8, City of Boston Archives, Boston.
6 Lisa M. Budreau, Bodies of War: World War I and the Politics of Commemoration in America, 1919–1933 (New York: New York University Press, 2010), 1–4; Jennifer Wingate, “Over the Top: The Doughboy in World War I Memorials and Visual Culture,” American Art 19, no. 2 (2005): 27–28.
7 Annual Report of the Art Department [. . .] 1919, 15–17, 10; Kent Ahrens, with an introductory essay by Fred Licht, Cyrus E. Dallin: His Small Bronzes and Plasters (Corning, NY: Rockwell Museum, 1995), 78–79.
8 “Report of War Memorial Convention at Boston. By Avard Fairbanks, Delegate of City Planning Commission of Salt Lake City,” 1919, Estate Papers; Annual Report of the Art Department [. . .] 1919, 5–25. The national influence of the American Federation of Arts in the matter of WWI memorials is unclear. Nevertheless, copies of the convention’s minutes were circulated throughout the country. And in 1920 the American Federation of Arts asked the Boston Art Commission to accept, “the duties of a Regional Committee on War Memorials for New England,” Annual Report (1920), 5. Commission approvals were granted in 1921–1924, including for Cyrus Dallin’s English High School relief in 1922. In 1924, however, approval was withheld for a war veteran’s monument on an East Boston sidewalk. In January and February 1921, the Metropolitan Museum of Art exhibited a collection of WWI-related art that was organized by the National Art Committee and was intended to be circulated by the American Federation of Arts. National Art Committee, Metropolitan Museum of Art, and Florence Nightingale Levy, Exhibition of War Portraits: Signing of the Peace Treaty, 1919, and Portraits of Distinguished Leaders of America and of the Allied Nations, Portraits by Eminent American Artists for Presentation to the National Portrait Gallery (New York: National Art Committee, 1921). “The most appropriate permanent home for the pictures was . . . provided for and the foundation of a National Portrait Gallery laid when Charles D. Walcott of the Smithsonian Institution approved the committee’s project for permanently housing this historic group of pictures.” The art is now located in the National Portrait Gallery and American Art Museum, courtesy Collections Information and Research, Smithsonian National Portrait Gallery. “Exhibition of War Portraits,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 16 (January 1921): 3.
9 Eugene Fairbanks, “Creator of Heroic Monuments: Avard Fairbanks, Sculptor,” Artifact: A Regional Magazine of the Arts and Antiques 2, no. 1 (July–August 1996): 20–22, and A Sculptors Testimony in Bronze and Stone, 2–3. One important method the United States took in raising finances for the war was Liberty Loans or Liberty Bonds. There were four issues of Liberty Loans between April 1917 and September 1918. A fifth, the Victory Liberty Loan, was issued in 1919. Dozens of posters and other illustrations were produced urging the purchase of Liberty Loan bonds as a patriotic duty. Whether Fairbanks knew Forsythe’s poster is an open question.
10 Contract, between Fairbanks and the class committee, March 14, 1923, Contract Administration Records, RG 212, Special Collections and Archives Research Center, The Valley Library, Oregon State University, Corvallis, Oregon (hereafter OSU); “The Dedication Ceremony,” and “The Gold Star Men of Oregon State,” The Memorial Union. Oregon State College (Corvallis, Oregon, 1929), 30–33, 44; “Memorial to OSC War Dead Serves Students Ten Years,” clipping; “All States Join in Dedication on June 1 of Memorial Building at Oregon State College,” clipping, Avard T. Fairbanks Collection, MSS Fairbanks A, OSU.
11 “Plaque To Be Unveiled,” Morning Oregonian (Portland, OR), April 13, 1926, 8, courtesy Jefferson High School for Advanced Studies. When negotiating commissions, Fairbanks would prepare either sketches or clay models for approval and sign a contract. Despite the wealth of written and oral information that Fairbanks left behind, private conversations between him and patrons were rarely if ever recorded, and it is unknown if any dialogue stimulated the Jefferson High School reliefs. Fairbanks’s brothers Ortho and Delmar had served in the Army and Navy, respectively, and they may have discussed the war with him.
12 In 1927, while traveling to Italy to study under the auspices of a Guggenheim Fellowship, Fairbanks visited the battlefields in France, including ground fought over by the 91st Division. Duane Colt Denfeld, “91st Division Monument is Dedicated at Fort Lewis on May 30, 1930,” HistoryLink.org, accessed August 12, 2019, historylink.org/File/9354; see “The Latin Quarter of the University of Michigan,” The Michigan Alumnus, October 19, 1929, 72, available at hathitrust.org, for a model of Fairbanks’s 91st Regiment Memorial. B. H. Wells, Acting Secretary of War, to the 91st Division Association, August 2, 1928, grants permission to erect a monument, transcription courtesy of Lewis Army Museum, Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington.
13 In 1929 Fairbanks was appointed associate professor of sculpture at the University of Michigan, where he taught until 1947. During WWII, university enrollment decreased, and Fairbanks took a leave of absence to work in personnel at the Ford Motor Company and public relations at the Willow Run Bomber Plant, which produced the B-24 Liberator Bomber. His work at Willow Run involved a broad range of activities, including greeting congressmen and visiting dignitaries. In 1948 Fairbanks returned to Salt Lake City, where he was appointed dean of the College of Fine Arts at the University of Utah, a position he held until 1965. In 1954 he received the prestigious Herbert Adams Memorial Medal and Citation from the National Sculpture Society. After spending 1966–1968 as a resident artist at the University of North Dakota, Fairbanks returned to Salt Lake City. “The Position of Prof. Avard Fairbanks on the University of Michigan Campus,” typescript, and Fairbanks resume, Estate Papers; “Professor Fairbanks Recognized as One of Outstanding Sculptors,” The Michigan Alumnus, August 15, 1942, 482, available at hathitrust.org; Willow Run information courtesy of Eugene Fairbanks; Minutes of the National Sculpture Society, Annual Meeting, January 12, 1954, National Sculpture Society, New York, New York; Ahrens, “Avard T. Fairbanks and the Winter Quarters Monument,” Nebraska History 95 (Fall 2014): 183–84; George Dibble, “Retrospective Show a Tribute to the Late Avard Fairbanks,” Salt Lake Tribune, January 18, 1987, in Estate Papers.
