Utah Historical Quarterly Volume 12, Number 1-4, 1944

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vol. XII 1944 By many authors

Utah State Historical Society 337 State Capitol Salt Lake City, Utah 1944

Utah State Historical Society BOARD OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1945) P ^ A ^ K * ^ ^ °" WILLIAM R. PALMER, CeSar City, Utah

B E S d E S m S S .

Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1. 1947) r p v i pnr.AR YOUNG Salt Lake City C HENRY ANDERS^ON.OgdenUtah y FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City

WILLIAM J. SNOW. Provo. Utah A. B. GIBSON. Pleasant Grove, Utah

OFFICERS 1943-45 HERBERT S. AUERBACH. President LEVI EDGAR YOUNG, Vice-president J. CECIL ALTER, Historian and Editor

MARGUERITE L. SINCLAIR. Secretary. Treasurer and Librarian

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE HERBERT S. AUERBACH. Chairman J. CECIL ALTER LEVI EDGAR YOUNG EDITORIAL BOARD 1. CECIL ALTER C HENRY ANDERSON

WILLIAM R. PALMER JOEL E. RICKS

HERBERT S AUERBACH

S£Ni J,", SgSSSF™

A B GIBSON MRS.' CORNELIA S. LUND

WILLIAM J. SNOW LEVI EDGAR YOUNG

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The Society Assumes No Responsibility for Statements Made by Contributors to This Magazine.

CONTENTS Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier,

by Juanita Brooks

1-48

The Mormons and the Indians, by J. Cecil Alter

49-67

Journal of Thales H. Haskell, prepared for publication

by Juanita Brooks The Deseret Alphabet

68-98 Âť.

Index

99-102 103-109

ILLUSTRATIONS Tu-cu-pit, Ute Indian who saw the Mormon Pioneers first enter Salt Lake Valley in 1847 Frontispiece Ute Indian Child

p. 9

Pahute Couple in Cast Off Clothing of Whites

p. 14

Modern Day (1944) Indian Woman and Papoose

p. 35

Brigham Young on His Travels

p. 53

Thales H. Haskell

p. 70

Eastern Court of Oraibi, Hopi Indian village, northern Arizona Page from Thales Haskell's Journal The Deseret Alphabet

p. 81 p. 87 p. 99, 100, 101

TU-CU-PIT, AN OLD UTE INDIAN WHO SAW THE MORMON PIONEERS FIRST ENTER SALT LAKE VALLEY IN 1847.

Courtesy L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, from the W P A W r i t e r ' s Project collection in custody of the Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah.

Utah State Historical Society State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah Vol. XII

January-April, 1944

Nos. 1-2

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E M O R M O N FRONTIER

By Juanita Brooks1 The subject of Indian relations on the Mormon frontier deserves more extensive treatment than it has received, since it presents so many avenues of approach and interpretation. Aside from the location of the various tribes and their numbers now as compared with the days when the Mormons first came to Utah, their economic status and their reaction to the white man's culture, there are social developments peculiar to this section. The Mormon philosophy regarding the Indians is unique; the Mormon treatment of their dark-skinned neighbors was determined largely by that ideology. The whole was complicated by the mutual distrust and suspicion that existed between the Mormon settlers and the officials sent out by the Federal government. Documents of the early period, especially the letters to and from Brigham Young and those written by the government agents concerning him would furnish material for a lengthy dissertation. Mormon-Indian relations are interesting, the Gentile-Indian relations equally so, and in combination the three offer a triangle as intriguing as any provided by fiction.

There have been many articles on the Indians of Utah, 2 but the whole subject has never been treated exhaustively. Nor does '•Juanita Leavitt Brooks lives in St. George, Utah, and is married to Postmaster William Brooks. She was born in Bunkerville, Nevada, and was reared on the southern Mormon frontier. A graduate of Brigham Young University, she earned her M.A. degree at Columbia University. She has taught in the Dixie Junior College, St. George, and was an area supervisor for the Emergency Relief Administration and the Historical Records Survey of the Works Projects Administration. The notable collection of pioneer journals made by the Utah Works Administration was founded upon the work done by Mrs. Brooks in St. George.

She is an acknowledged authority on Mormon culture and Mormon folkways, and has contributed articles to national publications, including "A Close-up of Polygamy," Harpers Magazine, February, 1933, and "The Water's In!" Harpers Magazine, May, 1941. In 1942 she published at St. George a biography of her grandfather, Dudley Leavitt, Pioneer to Southern Utah. Mrs. Brooks now has in preparation a full-length study of Jacob Hamblin, one of the most extraordinary of American frontiersmen. [Editor].

'William R. Palmer, "Pahute Indian Homelands," Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. 6, p. 88, gives a good discussion of locations; a later study as yet unpublished examines their present social and economic condition.

2

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

this article pretend to do so. T w o purposes are paramount here: First, to sketch briefly the historical development and economic basis of Mormon-Indian relations, and the application of the philosophy which led to the taking of Indian children into white homes; and second, to show some of the social results of this racial association and of the intermarriage between the races. In this latter purpose, the inquiry is limited to the southern part of the state, since it was here that more Indian children were reared by the whites than in any other section and since this is the area with which the writer is best acquainted.

Mormon interest in the Indians dates back to the publication of the Book of Mormon in 1830. Purporting to explain the origin of the American Indians, this Mormon scripture says that their ancestors came from Palestine some six hundred years before Christ, and that they built up a remarkable civilization on this continent. Because of disobedience, a part of the people were cursed with dark skins, and were known as "Lamanites"; these were later to be called Indians. The Lamanites kept up a series of wars against their civilized brethren until at last the land was laid waste and only the roving bands of Indians were left. Since these Indians were "of the blood of Israel," a promise was held out that they might yet become a "white and delightsome people." That promise, often repeated, became a sort of axiom with the Mormons, though they seem to have been in doubt as to the way the transformation was to come about, unless that by the adoption of civilized manners each succeeding generation would become lighter.

T h e first Mormon missionaries were sent to the Lamanites just six months after the organization of the Church in 1830. By a special revelation in October of that year through the Prophet Joseph Smith, Parley P. Pratt, Oliver Cowdery, Peter Whitmer, and Ziba Peterson were called to labor as missionaries among the Lamanites with the promise that, "I myself will go with them and be in their midst; and I am their advocate with the Father, and nothing shall prevail against them." 3 These missionaries set out from western New York and traveled to the frontier beyond the Missouri River. The undertaking is summed up by Parley P. Pratt himself: This was about 1500 miles from where we started, and we had performed most of the journey on foot] through a wilderness country, in the worst season of the year, occupying about four months, during which we had preached the gospel to tens of thousands of Gentiles and two nations of Indians; baptizing, confirming and organizing many hundreds of people into churches of Latterday Saints.'

"Doctrine and Covenants 32:3.

'Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography (Salt Lake City, 1874), p. 55.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

3

Thus ended our first Indian Mission, in which we had preached the gospel in its fulness, and distributed the record of their forefathers among three tribes, viz.: the Catterauguas Indians, near Buffalo, N.Y., the Wyandots of Ohio, and the Delawares west of Missouri. 5 Troubles of their own in the East and Middle W e s t prevented very extensive proselytizing among the native Americans until after the Mormons had reached the valley of the Great Salt Lake. Then, although they did send missionaries back to the Indians of the Middle W e s t in 1855, in 1877, and still again in 1883," their chief interest centered in those found in the Territory of Utah. 7 In crossing the plains, the various Mormon companies always adopted a friendly and conciliatory attitude toward the bands they met, partly because other brethren would follow the same routes and this would make for their safety, and partly because of the feeling of moral responsibility toward the Indians which they had by virtue of the Book of Mormon.

On the eve of the arrival in the valley of the Great Salt Lake, at Brigham Young's direction a letter was written to Orson Pratt, who was in the advance company. This message, dated July 21, 1847, at 4 a.m., advised Pratt on emerging from the Wasatch Mountains "to bear to the north." 8 President Young had learned earlier from Jim Bridger that Salt Lake Valley was something of a noman's-land between the Utes in the south and the Shoshoni in the north, and though Bridger had praised Utah Valley, the Mormon leader thought the Saints should not press too closely on Chief Walker's band at first.'

Thus, from the time they entered the Salt Lake Valley, the Mormons were intimately responsive to, and keenly aware of the problem of getting along with the Indians. Apart from the precepts of the Book of Mormon, they were practical enough to know that they were isolated and very far from any succor; it was sound policy to render the Indians either friendly or neutral. W h e n the natives gathered around to watch the new-comers "throw the dirt," as they called plowing, and shape the hewn logs into houses, they were treated with kindness and tolerance. Brigham Young early made "Tbld., p. 61.

"Julina Smith examines briefly these ventures in "A Discussion of the Interrelations of the Latter-day Saints and the American Indians" (Master's Thesis, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 1932).

'Since the Territorial boundaries east and west were, until 1861, the Rockies and the Sierra Nevada, the Territory included a tremendous amount of Indian country. ""L.D.S. Journal History," MS in archives, L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah, July 21, 1847.

'William Clayton's Journal (Salt Lake City, 1921), p. 278, gives an account of the conference between Brigham Young and Jim Bridger on June 28, 1847.

4

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the pronouncement that became a basic Mormon tenet, "It is cheaper to feed the Indians than to fight them."

Every attempt was made to assure the friendship of Chief Walker, especially, for the "Hawk of the Mountains," as he called himself, was war chief of the most formidable group in the Utah area. In June, 1849, Walker visited Brigham Young in Great Salt Lake City, where he was shown every courtesy. Impressed with the friendly attitude of the Mormons, he was baptized and even ordained an Elder of the Church.10 However, ill feeling over Mormon laws against Indian slave trading in 1853 brought about the brief Walker W a r . Walker himself did not take a very active part in the fighting, and in May, 1854, Brigham Young met him in council near Nephi, bringing him gifts of flour and meat, and even twenty plugs of choice chewing tobacco as a peace offering.11 In his conference with Walker in 1849, Brigham Young announced his intention of locating a colony in the valley of the "Little Salt Lake." Walker recommended that one be established in the Sanpete Valley also, and this was done late in 1849. Had Walker been hostile, neither settlement could have been attempted until a later date. Both Isaac Morley in Sanpete Valley, and George A. Smith, who led the Iron County Mission south in December, 1850, were careful to remain on good terms with the Ute chief. The "Journal" of George A. Smith, en route with the Iron County Mission, shows the tact with which the natives were treated, even under provocation, and at the same time takes up a theme that was to become important in Mormon-Indian relations—the adoption of Indian children.

The company had been followed by Indians, two of whom, an old brave and a boy about 12, were brought into camp by Captain Fullmer with his company of horsemen for "hand-outs" of food. Both of the Smith family's lead cattle had been wounded, but their ox, "Old Bailey," a faithful animal that all the family had learned to love, was brought in, shot with eleven arrows, groaning with pain and looking to them for relief. They shed tears over it, dressed its wounds, warmed water for it to drink, and covered it with buffalo robes. The journal entry for the next day says: Friday, Dec. 27 [1850]— The thermometer 8 below zero. In the morning I found the ox, Bailey must die, so I ordered him to be knocked in the head, out of his misery. I showed him to the Indian and in an angry manner told him he was the scoundrel that had shot it. He denied it, but turned very P a l e f o r a Red Man, and sent up an Indian cry for the ox.

R IT* u^H' °i, e r t S ' £ Comprehensive History of the Church (Salt Lake Cltv Utah, Deseret News Press), Vol. 3, p. 464. ^' U "L.D.S. Journal History," May 13, 1854.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

5

I told him it was too late to cry, but if he would let me have the boy he might have the ox, to which he readily agreed.

I told him the boy should be well fed, comfortably clothed and made a man if he would be a good boy. The Indian said he wanted to see him dressed like a white man on his return. I told Br. [Brother] Empey he could take the boy for the present and take care of him. T h e Indian, pointing to Br. Empey, told the boy that was his father. T h e boy immediately followed Br. Empey seeming much pleased.12 This seems to be the first Indian child that was secured by the Mormons of the Southern Mission. T o the Indian the carcass of the dead ox would be ample pay for the child, since during the season of hunger the natives often traded their children for much less, while for the white man the loss of an ox was serious indeed. That these colonists were careful to satisfy the natives is shown by another entry in the Smith journal at a time when Walker and some tribesmen were visiting the new colony: Wednesday, March 12, 1851: Brother Barnard had a misunderstanding with Walker. Barnard had traded with Walker for a Pihede [Indian] girl, given him a cow and a shirt. Walker was dissatisfied and they both came to see me, but could not understand Utah enough to comprehend the nature of the dispute. I rode down on a mule with Walker to the farm and found Wheeler [the Indian interpreter] ploughing. Walker told Wheeler that he expected an ox instead of a little cow. I returned and advised Barnard as there was a misunderstanding, to return the girl. . . .M It is not clear that this was the same child, but a little more than a week later, George A. Smith records that "Br. Barnard presented me with a child, a Pihede girl about 4 years old. He purchased it off Walker for an ox." That other pioneers were buying Indian children is shown by Smith's entry on March 25: The express started for the Gt. Salt Lake City at J^ past nine o'clock. . . . Br. Baker was accompanied by his son, 12 years old. He had also two Indian children, which he had purchased of Walker, lashed on a m u l e . . . ."

Though the Mormons opposed the Indian slave traffic, it was necessary to seem to countenance it, for their little colony, Louisa "George A. Smith, "Journal of the Iron County Mission," MS in files of the Utaha State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah.

Loc. cit. u Ibid.

6

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

(later named Parowan), was scarcely three months old and far from the base at Great Salt Lake City. Evidence of the desire to promote good feeling is found in the "talking paper" which George A. Smith gave to Walker when the chief started north.

Louisa, Iron County, Deseret March 20, 1851 T o all to whom it may concern: This certifies that Captain Walker and Peeteetneet of the Eutah Indians and their band have resided here about 3 weeks and as they have showed themselves Friends and gentlemen and are now leaving to visit your settlements it is my desire that they should be treated as friends and as they wish to Trade horses, Buckskins and Piede children we hope them success and Prosperity and good bargains.

GEORGE A. S M I T H "

Scarcely two months after Walker carried away this letter of recommendation and good wishes, Brigham Young visited the little colony in the south. W i t h regard to the relations of his people with the Indians his instructions were definite: I spoke upon the importance of the Iron County Mission and the advantages of the Brethren filling it.

Advised them to buy up the Lamanite children as fast as they could, and educate them and teach them the gospel, so that many generations would not pass ere they should become a white and delightsome people, and said that the Lord could not have devised a better plan than to have put us where we were in order to accomplish that thing.

I knew the Indians would dwindle away, but let a remnant of the seed of Joseph be saved."

Brigham Young's advice to buy up Indian children did not seem to him inconsistent with the opposition which he always maintained toward Indian slavery. W h e n the Mormons first arrived in Utah, they found the Indian slave traffic firmly established."

Companies of Mexicans made regular trips trading for children; Walker and his brother, Sanpitch, stole children from weaker bands or bought them for trifles, and resold them to the traders.

The Deseret News, November 15, 1851, reported that such a party "George A. Smith, original letter in possession of William R. Palmer, Cedar City, Utah. ""History of Brigham Young," MS May 13, 1851, p. 846.

"William J. Snow, "Utah Indians and Spanish Slave Trade," Utah Historical Quarterly, July 1929, gives a good summary of these conditions in early Utah.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E M O R M O N FRONTIER

7

under one Pedro Leon, was at Manti, Sanpete County, trying to trade horses for children. Its protest was vigorous: . . . and we further counsel that no person whatsoever be guilty of, trafficing [sic] in human blood or of selling Indians or Indian children to be transported out of the Territory or from one part of the Territory to another.

Pedro Leon held a license signed by James S. Calhoun, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of New Mexico, dated Santa Fe, August 14, 1851, but upon exhibiting it to Brigham Young, he was told that it did not authorize trade with the Indians in Utah." He, with seven of his1 group, was arrested and tried before the justice of the peace at Manti and later before Zerubbabel Snow, Judge of the First District Court, who ruled that they should leave their prisoners and return to their homes.

This incident had an immediate effect in Brigham Young's gubernatorial message to the Utah Legislature early in 1852. He drew a fine distinction between actual slavery to the Mexicans and purchase by the Mormons, insisting that in the latter case the Indians were in reality free, merely giving their services for the favor and expense of being kept by the Saints: N o person can purchase them without their becoming as free, so far as natural rights are concerned, as persons of any other color; under the present low and degraded situation of the Indian race, so long as the practice of gambling away, selling, and otherwise disposing of their children; as also sacrificing prisoners obtains among them, it seems indeed that any transfer would be to them a relief and a benefit. . . . This may be said to present a new feature in the traffic of human beings; it is essentially purchasing them into freedom instead of slavery; but it is not the low, servile drudgery of Mexican slavery, to which I would doom them, not to be raised among beings scarcely superior to themselves, but where they could find that consideration pertaining not only to civilized, but humane and benevolent society."

The Deseret News' report of the Governor's message as well as the talk that went around regarding the trials of the Mexican traders brought the subject of Indian slavery into the limelight. It was a subject, indeed, deserving serious consideration. Harrowing stories were told of the cruelty with which captured children were treated. Daniel W . Jones tells of some Utes who had some Indian children for sale: """H. H. Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1889), pp. 475ff. ^Deseret News, January 10, 1852.

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They offered them to the Mormons, who declined buying. [Chief] Arapine, Walker's brother, became arrogant saying that the Mormons had stopped the Mexicans from buying these children; that they had no right to do so unless they bought them themselves. Several of us were present when he took one of these children by the heels and dashed its brains out on the hard ground after which he threw the body towards us, telling us that we had no hearts or we would have bought it and saved 20 its life Early in 1852 the Legislature passed a law called "A Preamble and an Act for the Further Relief of Indian Slaves and Prisoners"; its lengthy preamble gave a heart-rending picture of conditions existing among the natives: . . . they are carried from place to place packed upon horses or mules lariated out to subsist upon grass roots or starve, and are frequently bound by thongs made of rawhide until their hands and feet become swollen, mutilated, inflamed with pain and wounded; and when with suffering, cold, hunger, and abuse, they fall sick, so as to become troublesome, are frequently slain by their masters to get rid of them. . . .ai The act itself provided that whenever any person within the Territory should secure such a child, he should go before the selectmen or probate judge of the county wherein he resided and make out an indenture which provided that the apprenticeship should not exceed twenty years; that the master must send his ward to school at least three months each year between the ages of seven and sixteen, and that the apprentice should be clothed in a comfortable and becoming manner, according to his master's condition in life.22 An interesting application of this law is an indenture made out February 1, 1859, when John Beal of Sanpete County adopted an Indian boy, Samuel, who was then nine or ten years old. He was to have the service of the boy for ten years, in return for which he promised the following: . . . to teach and instruct the said Samuel as an apprentice or otherwise cause him to be well and sufficiently instructed and taught the trade of farming after the best way and "•Daniel W. Jones, Forty Years Among the Indians (Salt Lake City, 1880), p. 53. "•Laws of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1852), pp. 93-94. See also Utah Historical Quarterly, July, 1929, p. 84. This issue is devoted to the subject of Indian slavery in Utah.

"Ibid.

UTE INDIAN CHILD, TYPICAL OF THE ONES TAKEN INTO MORMON HOMES. Courtesy L . D . S . Church Historian's Office from W P A W r i t e r ' s Project collection in custody of the Utah State Historical Society.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

9

manner that he can; and instruct said apprintice [sic] by sending him to school three months in the year of each year while said apprentice is between the age of seven and sixteen; and also to train him to the habits of obedience, industry and morality and allow him meat, drink, washing, lodging and apparel for winter and summer and all other necessaries proper for such an apprentice during the term aforesaid, and at the expiration of said term will give unto the said apprentice a New Bible, Book of Mormon and two new suits of clothing, suitable to his condition. 28 ...

After the passage of the law against Indian slavery, the Mormons made it a point to secure all the Indian children they could.

This was one of the duties assigned the missionaries who were later called to the various Indian missions.

The first mission to be formally established after the Mormons came to Utah was called the Southern Indian Mission, and had its headquarters at Harmony, some sixty miles south of Parowan, Utah. Its inception was no doubt encouraged and hastened by John D. Lee, who wrote eloquently to Brigham Young of the advantages of the southern country. In October, 1851, Lee had led a group of colonists south to establish a settlement in Utah's Dixie, but, for some reason, President Young ordered him to wait for a while. That Lee wanted with all his heart to settle in the southern country is evident from his letter of March 7, 1852: W e can raise cotton, flax, hemp, grapes, figs, sweet potatoes, and fruits of almost every kind, be independent of our kind Christian friends who drove us from their midst. W h e n I stood in the midst of one of these valleys and contemplated on the glory of the latter-day work, it was like a fire shut up in my bones. . . .** Later, John D. Lee was permitted to go as far south as Harmony. T h e Walker W a r forced the temporary abandonment of this settlement, but as soon as it was over, Lee went back again. He still wanted to move over the rim of the basin, and in his letters to President Young he told of the grass growing and the buds bursting in February and of the advantages of settlements in the southern section. One of his arguments was the interest which the Indians showed in the gospel. O n January 24, 1854, he wrote of how Enoch Reese's pack train loaded with goods was attacked by the Indians of the south, with three men killed. He gave an account ^Utah Historical Records Survey, Inventory of the County Archives of Sanpete County, p. 14. Original owned by Frank Anderson, Manti, Utah. "•"L.D.S. Journal History."

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of how the Ute Indians preyed upon the Piedes, [Paiutes] stealing their wives and children to sell into slavery; and included the following account of a visit by old Chief Toquer, who begged the Mormons to come and settle on his land: H e threw his arms around me and wept, and said, "Come, go now; we will be lonesome over t h e r e b y ourselves, we won't have anyone to talk to us about Shinob.

I must confess that I was touched to the center, and prayed in my heart that the Spirit of the Lord would continue to rest upon these poor creatures.26 It would seem that these letters had a direct bearing on the establishment of the Southern Indian Mission, for the first group of Indian missionaries left Great Salt Lake City on April 14, 1854, scarcely three months after the last quoted letter was written. The launching of this mission had been foreshadowed the previous fall, when Parley P. Pratt was named to head a group of Indian missionaries. This group made some preparation through the winter, but was merged in the company specifically called for the Southern Indian Mission in April, 1854. This is clear from some memoranda as to personnel in the official journal of the mission. A few went to the Green River settlement at Fort Supply as missionaries to the Shoshoni,27 but it is the company that went south (the Southern Indian Mission), that is most important in Mormon history, and it was the initial accomplishments of this mission which led quite probably to the extension of the Indian mission system in 1855.

At that time a group was also called to the Las Vegas Mission in what is now southern Nevada; another to Salmon River in Idaho; a third to the vicinity of Moab in southeastern Utah; a fourth to the so-called W h i t e Mountains, in the area along the Utah-Nevada line in and adjacent to present Millard County; a fifth was sent to the Cherokee Nation, in what is now Oklahoma. T h e mission sent to Carson Valley, in present Nevada, seems also to have been considered, to some extent, an Indian mission. T h e W h i t e Mountain Mission resulted in nothing but a reconnaissance of the country, and the missionaries were transferred to the Elk Mountain Mission near present Moab, and that mission in its turn was abandoned after only three months. The Cherokee Mission was maintained for some years, without any fruitful results; the Las Vegas Mission failed in 1857, and later that year the Carson Mission was called home as a result of the outbreak of the "Utah W a r . " Those from the Salmon River Mission or Fort Limhi were also recalled early in "Second greatest Paiute Indian god. ""L.D.S. Journal History."

"James S. Brown, Life of a Pioneer (Salt Lake City, 1900), details the experiences of these missionaries.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E M O R M O N FRONTIER

11

1858. None of these missions except the Southern Indian Mission could be called successful, and several were attended by tragedy and disaster. The Southern Indian Mission, under the direction, first of Rufus C. Allen, and later of Jacob Hamblin, had a permanency that the others lacked.

The missionaries to the Southern Indian Mission arrived at Harmony on May 2, 1854. There were twenty-five of them, the oldest forty-seven, the youngest only seventeen. The camp historian, Thomas D. Brown,28 gives a colorful and vivid account of the activities of the group, showing their labors, their disappointments, even their petty quarrels and reconciliations. He was especially careful in reporting the minutes of the various meetings, and his notes of the sermons of the brethren retain much of the flavor of their personalities.

T w o weeks after the arrival of the missionaries in their field of labor they were visited by Brigham Young and his party. His instructions given in Thomas D. Brown's Journal show clearly the objectives of the mission: You are sent not to farm, build nice houses and fence fine fields, not to help white men, but to save red ones, learn their language, and this you can do more effectively by living among them as well as writing out a list of words, go with them where they go, live with them . . . feed them, clothe them, and teach them as you can, and being thus with them all the time, you will soon be able to teach them in their own language.25 The instructions of all the authorities were in the same vein, those of Parley P. Pratt being perhaps the most impassioned and appealing: The poor Indians, the descendants of the ancient prophets! Can we behold them unmoved? . . . feed, clothe, instruct them; win, save the remnants of the house of Israel. You will all have a measure of the Priesthood, if you cannot yet talk with them, there is one language that all can understand and feel—kindness, sympathy. Say not "be ye fed and clothed" . . . feed, clothe, and instruct them, and in one year they will more than repay you your outlay. You can teach them habits of cleanliness and industry. I would always have clean garments ready and clothe every one I should baptize. . . . Be patient with them. . . .*° Thomas D. Brown, "Journal of the Southern Indian Mission," MS in the possession of the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office. (This journal is hereafter cited as "Brown, Indian Mission"), p. 45.

"Loc. cit, p. 45.

"Ibid., p. 55.

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Since the tribes among whom they were to work " ^ " ^ n ° w a s American Indians perhaps the most primitive, this assig „ ,. a big one. T o think of the Indians as ever b e £ o m m g t V l . ™ , and delightsome" must have taxed the imagination ot even me most enthusiastic, for everywhere the missionaries saw only squalor, filth, and poverty, tending to arouse more of disgust and loathing than of love.

Soon after Brigham Young and his company returned north, a party of the missionaries visited the tribes on the Santa Clara River. Through the eyes of the chronicler, we get details of the Indian life: W e went over to their wickiups after supper and found their women grinding seeds by the light of the moon, and making a large potful of pottage—in a conical dish made from sand, thin and hard. This mess seemed of a darkish gray color with like chunks of bacon in it. W e tasted the flour which the women were making from the seeds by rubbing them between two rocks. It tasted much like buckwheat flour or bean meal. W h a t we fancied to be pieces of bacon I have since been told was masses of matted ants. One of the brethren tasted this feed and said, "those clusters tasted very oily," but knew not the cause; this porridge the female stirred with a large spoon or ladle . . . made from the horn of a mountain sheep; with this the mess was divided on wicker baskets, flat, in the shape of flat, wood turned dishes, about one quart to each —the elders served first—this was soon cleaned out by bending the forefinger of the right hand inwards around the point of the thumb for a spoon—the same dish handed back and passed around. They supped this up greedily, and with the head of a roasted porcupine, brains and bones, added to an entire roasted sand lark, seemed added to what we gave them, to about satisfy. Then like dogs with little or no covering they huddled together in the sand. Oh! how Ephraim has fallen!51 . . .™he missionaries stayed a week, exploring the country and visiting the various groups, until their supplies were nearly gone.

Un their return to Harmony, T . D. Brown wrote a long report of the trip to Brigham Young, dated June 22. 1854:

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

13

wards. They rejoiced that the "Big Captain" had told Walker to quit stealing their squaws and children; still more when we told them that we would ask the Big Captain if we could not get ploughs, spades and hoes for them and that probably we might come the next year and teach them. . . .* Although no effort was made on this trip to secure Indian children, there is no doubt that the missionaries did obtain a number of them later.

Jacob Hamblin wrote in his diary, July 3, 1854: A few days later I returned to Harmony; I bought an Indian boy about six years old. I gave for him a gun, a blanket, and some ammunition. Bro. A. P. Hardy took him to Parowan and let Bro. Judd have him. Bro. Hardy was offered a horse for him by a gentile. The boy had been stolen from a small tribe. I bought him that I might let a good man have him that would make him useful.53 This is further proof that the Mormons trafficked in the Indian children, there is no doubt that the missionaries did obtain a numcondition. There are several entries in the Journal of the Southern Indian Mission that show the attempts to secure these children, and some indications as to the number. In the report of a meeting held in Harmony on Sunday, M a y 14, 1854, there is an account of a speech by an Indian: Isaac spoke at length, his brother was sick south, he was going down among them for a time and would return.

They would try and get some papooses, if not they would be mad but would not fight for them. They would bring these children to us.8* This entry appears seven months later: Sanpitch [Ute Indian Chief] returns from the Santa Clara with 3 children which he had traded for. Of him Bro. Allen writes favorable and of his trade. He gave a few quarts of beads for one papoose—a horse for another and a gun for a third.86 Jacob Hamblin, who was living at Santa Clara at this time, "Deseref News, July 3, 1854, Vol. 4, p. 276.

"Jacob Hamblin, "Journal," Original MS in the office of the L.D.S. Church Historian, Salt Lake City, Utah, p. 13.

"Brown, "Indian Mission," p. 40.

"Ibid., p. 161.

14

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

wrote in some detail of Sanpitch's dealings. It had been the habit of this Ute chief to raid the Paiute band nearly every winter, and when word came that he was on his way, the Indians were tilled with fear. The chief, Tutsegavit, came to the Mormon missionaries and asked if they would help fight Sanpitch. After some deliberation, Jacob said they would. Reassured, the Indian women and children went into hiding, the warriors prepared to fight, and the old chief went out and, standing on a large rock, gave a speech of defiance, as though the invaders were actually within hearing distance. That night was spent in watching. W h e n Sanpitch did arrive, later, Jacob Hamblin records: He stayed with the Piedes eight or ten days; bought three girls of the Tonaquints (as they call themselves after the Indian name of the stream), he gave one horse and two guns. T w o of them the Tonaquints bought of a distant tribe. T h e Indians that got them for Sanpitch gave one gun for the two. T h e Indians said that the little girls' father and mother cried to see them go; but they had nothing to eat and it would be better for the children than to stay and starve. I saw tears fall fast from the oldest one of the three; a girl about ten or twelve years old. I felt heartsick to see them dragged from their homes to become slaves to the Gentiles. I saw the necessity of the Elders doing all that they could to ameliorate the condition of this miserable people.88 In summarizing his work for the winter of 1855-56, T . D. Brown wrote: I ministered to the necessities of my red brethren, trading with them rifles, etc., for 5 of their children (only 2 of these now alive), and kept school in Cedar City."

Since this was a hard year, with crop failures and serious food shortages, it was often a sacrifice for the whites to feed children other than their own. The extra help given by the Indian child might pay for the expense of his board, but usually this was not true, as the children were often too young when adopted. Nothing short of religious fervor and a strong belief that these children were worth ' redeeming" could have prompted many of the adoptions.

Very early the Indians sensed the genuineness of the Mormon attitude, and often sold or gave their children to them. Indian mothers would then know where their babies were, and be assured ""Jacob Hamblin, "Journal," entry for Dec. 17, 1854, p. 15, "Brown, "Indian Mission," p. 217.

PAIUTE COUPLE IN CAST OFF CLOTHING OF THE WHITES

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

15

that they were given good care. In her later life, Ann Chatterly McFarlane used often to tell of the time when an Indian mother ran into her house in Cedar City and thrusting a two-year-old son toward her said, "Hide him, quick!" and disappeared out the back door. Ann had not time to find a hiding place, so she lifted her long, full skirts and put the baby under, telling him to stand on her feet and hold to her legs.

Almost before she had him placed, the warriors came, searching for the child. Mrs. McFarlane pretended not to understand, and in answer to their questions shook her head and pointed off in the opposite direction from which the mother had gone. The men went through the house, searching in every corner, under the bed, in the cellar and closets. In the meantime she went about her work, the child beneath her skirts as quiet as a quail. After a few days his mother returned and took him away.

Regardless of the Mormon motives in their dealings with the Indians, the Indian agents sent out by the Federal government were suspicious. They did not appreciate the policy of self-preservation, of safeguarding small settlements and ranches, or of a genuine desire to raise the Indian standard of living; instead, they read into every Mormon move a menace to Gentiles in general and to themselves in particular. The first Utah agent, Major Jacob H. Holeman, was insubordinate to Brigham Young, the Territorial governor, and sent many of his reports direct to Washington. He complained repeatedly of the way in which the Indian affairs were conducted, and of the fact that Brigham Young had absolute control of his people. In a letter to Luke Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 28, 1851, he wrote: N o one will dare to oppose anything he may say or do. His power and influence is so great that no officer either of the Territory or the Government, who is a Mormon will dare to disobey his will.88 One cause of constant friction was the giving of presents to the Indians. The government agents did not approve of the distribution made by Brigham Young, though they themselves gave gifts freely. Thus between the Mormons and the Gentile officials the Indians fared badly. Both were profuse in expressions of friendship and occasional gifts of trinkets, but the Mormons steadily encroached on the Indian hunting grounds, while the Gentiles often slaughtered the natives on the slightest provocation.

Government agents, almost without exception, complained that the Mormons tried to create in the minds of the Indians a distinction between themselves and other Americans. Garland Hurt, ""Original in records of Utah Indian Superintendency, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

successor to Major Holeman, wrote on M a y 2, 1855, to George Manypenny, the new Commissioner of Indian Affairs: G. S. L. City, U.T., May 2, 1855 Sir: Permit me to call your attention to some facts which I do not feel myself altogether at liberty to remain silent upon.

At the last semi-annual conference of the Latter-day Saints, a large number of missionaries were nominated to go and preach to the Indians, or Lamanites, as they are here called. Now, since my arrival in this Territory I have become satisfied that these Saints have either accidently or purposely created a distinction in the minds of the Indian tribes of this Territory, between the Mormons and the people of the United States, that cannot act otherwise than prejudicial to the interests of the latter, and what, Sir, may we expect of these missionaries?

There is perhaps not a tribe on the continent that will not be visited by one or more of them. I suspect that their first object will be to teach these wretched savages that they are the rightful owners of the American soil, and that it has been wrongfully taken from them by the whites, and that the Great Spirit had sent the Mormons among them to help them recover their rights.

T h e character of many of those who have been nominated is calculated to confirm this view of the case. They embrace a class of rude and lawless young men such as might be regarded as a curse to any civilized community.

But I do not wish to excite prejudice, or encourage feelings of hostility against this people; on the contrary I think such a course would be unwise and impolitic. They always have and always will thrive on persecution. They know well the effect it has had upon them and, therefore, crave to be persecuted. It is due to many of them, however, to say that they are honest in their belief that they are the only Christians on earth, and that God is about to redeem the world from, sin and establish His millennium. It is possible, too, that many of them are loyal in their feelings to the United States, but perhaps this cannot be said of many of their leaders. But time will convince many of them of their errors. . . . Many of their prophecies must come true in a few years, or doubt will take the place of sanguine hope, and will do more to relax their energies and awaken their strength than anything else could do at this time.

My object in writing is to suggest that the attention of

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E MORMON FRONTIER

17

all superintendents, agents, and sub-agents, and all other loyal citizens residing or sojourning in the Indian country be called to this subject, that the conduct of these Mormon missionaries be subjected to the strictest scrutiny, and that the 13th and 14th Sections of the act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes and to preserve peace on the frontiers be properly enforced.

Very respectfully 6c, GARLAND H U R T ,

Indian Agent for Utah P.S.—In proof of the facts before stated, I would say that I have had great difficulty in procuring an interpreter, though there are many persons in the Territory who speak the Indian languages, but they are all nominated as missionaries, and I was forced to the humiliating necessity of imploring the clemency of His Excellency, Brigham Young, to permit one of them to remain with me. I never saw any people in my life who were so completely under the influence of one man.

G. H." A similar accusation was made by Lieutenant Sylvester Mowry, of Lieutenant Colonel Steptoe's command, who in the spring of 1855 was ordered to take a detachment of the latter's forces to California by the Southern Route, while Steptoe himself went on to Benicia by the Humboldt Route. In his report of the march of the detachment (1st Dragoon Recruits) from Salt Lake City to Fort Tejon, Calif., July 23, 1855, he writes: Col. Steptoe in his communication with the Department, stated his belief that the Utah Indians inhabiting the valleys of Salt Lake, Juab and Fillmore had been taught that the Mormons were a superior people to the Americans, and that the Americans were the natural enemies of the Indians, while the Mormons were their friends and allies. During my march, I found on the Santa Clara, Virgin, Muddy and Vegas rivers several warriors who had undergone the same tutelage. In each tribe two or more Mormon missionaries were found, whose object was to impress upon the Indians the belief in the inferiority and hostility of the Americans and the superiority and friendship of the Mormons. T h e Indians on the Santa Clara have been supplied with arms and ammunition to a great extent. More than seventy were counted in and ""Original letter in records of Utah Indian Superintendency, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

around my camp all armed with good rifles. T w o years ago they were armed with nothing but bows and arrows of the poorest description. The first appearance of these Indians was sullen and impudent and had they dared they would have been openly hostile. T o counteract as far as lay in my power the mischievous impression made upon them by the Mormons, I "talked" with all the Chiefs, explained to them the true relation existing between Americans and Mormons, issued rations to the tribes as far as I could afford to do so, and made the Chiefs some trifling presents of old uniforms, tobacco and shirts.

I have learned from gentlemen who have since passed over the road that the presence of my Command among them has had a beneficial effect."

Perhaps it was not alone the teachings of the Mormons that had caused the distinction in the minds of the natives. The Mormons planned to stay in Utah permanently, and it was necessary for them to cultivate the friendship of the Indians if they were to be safe, especially in the smaller, scattered settlements. The emigrants passing through were moved by no such considerations.

There were a number of protests sent in to Brigham Young concerning transients who shot Indians "just to see them jump," and thereby endangered the lives of the settlers.

Dr. Thomas Flint, who took a herd of sheep and cattle overland to California in 1853, kept a diary of his travels, which gives a sidelight on conditions in Utah at the time. He says that his company "were not robbed or molested to the amount of more than a set of horseshoes" while in the Territory, though some other groups, particularly those from Missouri and Illinois, were fined for every offense, real or imagined. Having a large group of wellarmed men to protect his cattle and sheep, he had no fear of the Indians. He writes: Saturday, 29th [Oct., 1853]. Started early for a 22 mile drive. Indians cross because we had got away before they dared to approach our camp as they knew full well that if they came near in the night they would be shot " That the Indians recognized the difference in the treatment they received, there can be no doubt. One story has been told often and credited to different parts of the state. It has been heard from "Typewritten copy of the original in the National Archives, in the Utah Writers' Project collection in the custody of the Utah State Historical Society.

"Dr. Thomas Flint, "Diary," in Annual Publications, Historical Societ,, nt Southern California, 1923. society ot

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

19

the descendants of those who first settled the Muddy Valley in Nevada, and also from the San Juan, Utah, colonists. It is to the effect that in one of the regular Mormon testimony meetings an Indian chief who was in attendance rose to speak. Drawing himself to his full height and assuming a very dignified manner, he delivered the following sermon: "Mormon weino. Mormon ticka-boo. Make-em water-ditch. Plant-em grain. Feed-em Indians.

Mormon tick-a-boo. White man — of a —.' "2 The intricacies of the Indian-Mormon-Gentile relationships are too varied for present treatment, and do not rightly belong to this discussion. It is important here only to point out that the Mormon Church established a missionary system; that its purpose was to establish friendly relations with the natives, to teach them farming and the arts of civilized life; and that the Mormon missions were not unlike similar experiments carried on elsewhere by missionaries of other churches, save for the doctrinal differences involved.*8 At the time [1857], when the Mormons were, or thought they were, at war with the United States, their friendship with the Indians seemed far more important than it ever has been before or since. Johnston's army was en route to put down the "rebellion" in Utah, and a kind of war hysteria gripped the entire Territory.

Though in the north Brigham Young attempted merely to keep the Indians neutral, the leaders of the Southern Mission made a special effort to cultivate their good will. In this section the people were few and scattered, and they feared an invasion of enemy forces from the west. In any event, they knew that if war actually came, there would be need for the combined forces of both whites and natives.

A letter of instruction from Brigham Young to Jacob Hamblin is clear on the point that the Indians be made to feel that they must help the Mormons or the United States "will kill us both." The letter is quoted in full because in the version printed in his autobiography of Jacob Hamblin, James Little used only the first and last parts, omitting the most pertinent section: President's Office Great Salt Lake City August 4, 1857 Elder Jacob Hamblin: You are hereby appointed to succeed Elder R. C. Allen (whom I have released as President of the Santa Clara Indian Mission). I wish you to enter upon the duties of your calling immediately. '"In the Paiute dialect, "weino" means "good," and is evidently a corruption of the Spanish "bueno"; "Tick-a-boo" means friend.

"Nels Anderson, Desert Saints (Chicago, 1942), p. 145.

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Continue the conciliatory policy towards the Indians, which I have ever recommended, and seek by works ot righteousness to obtain their love and confidence, for they must learn that they have either got to help us, or the United States will kill us both. Omit promises where you are not sure you can fill them; and seek to unite the hearts of the brethren on that mission, and let all under your direction be knit together in the holy bonds of love and unity.

W e have an abundance of "news." The government have at last appointed an entire set of officials for this Territory. These Gentry are to have a bodyguard of 2500 of Uncle's Regulars. They were to start from Fort Leavenworth July 15. 400 mule teams brings their personal dunnage, & 700 ox teams 15 months' provisions, 7000 head of beef cattle are to arrive here to supply them. General Harney, it is supposed, will command the expedition.

There [sic] errand is entirely peaceful. T h e current report is that they somewhat query whether they will hang me with or without a trial. There are about 30 others whom they intend to deal with. They will then proclaim a general jubilee, and afford means and protection to those who wish to go back to the States. W e feel first rate about all this and think every circumstance but proves the hastening of Zion's redemption.

All is peace here and the Lord is eminently blessing our labors; grain is abundant, and our cities are alive with the busy hum of industry.

Do not permit the brethren to part with their Guns or ammunition, but save them against the hour of need.

Seek the Spirit of God to direct you, and that he may qualify you for every duty, is the prayer of your Fellow laborer in the Gospel of Salvation BRIGHAM Y O U N G "

Whether or not this letter had any bearing in the fact that Jacob Hamblin took ten of the chiefs from the southern part of the state to Great Salt Lake City immediately following its receipt, can only be guessed, but it is a fact that they were there on September 1st*8 and spent some time in consultation with Brigham Young. W h a t went on at that conference is also a matter of conjecture, but it evidently had a bearing on subsequent events, and probably in a way that Brigham Young did not intend.

From the time the first missionaries went to the Southern O m c S a j T ^ a K t y ; UtaT ™'™' *" " * * - ° f ^ ""L.D.S. Journal History," September 1, 1857.

°*^

Historian s

'

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E M O R M O N FRONTIER

21

Indian Mission, there were those among them, it appears, who were mindful that their work might one day be significant for Israel beyond its immediate significance at that time, for the memory of the "mobbings and drivings" was still fresh. On Sunday, M a y 14, 1854, three years before the crisis with the government, such a suggestion was made in a meeting in Harmony, Utah, recorded

by T . D. Brown: Bro. Jno. Lott [said he was] glad to stand in this mission and be one of us. Spoke of Joseph Smith, the Prophet, the rise of the Church, of his suffering, tarring and feathering, and other persecutions. . . . "I lived with Jos. in Missouri. The Saints of God endure not for a good name among man but because it is required of us by the good Father in Heaven."

Brother Lewis reviewed the principles of the previous speakers. . . . "All the scenes Br. Lott has recounted I snared in; my Brother Benjamin was killed in Missouri, and I am alive to avenge his blood when the Lord will. The second time I heard a Mormon preach, he declared holding up the Book of Mormon, that this was a record of the red men . . . and we should one day carry this work to the Indians, and we are now living among them and to teach them of this work. W e must treat them like children, by degrees, to quit their savage customs. Be diligent, faithful and patient, and the Lord will reward you when you have been proved. Ephraim is the battle ax of the Lord. May we not have been sent to learn how to use this ax with skill?"*8 Regardless of his attitude toward the army or the government or the passing emigrants, Brigham Young at no time deviated from his policy of friendliness to the Indians. Of this there is ample evidence. Very early he said to his people: When you go among the Lamanites, deal with them honestly and righteously in all things. Any man who cheats a Lamanite should be dealt with more severely than for cheating a white man. . . . I am sorry that some of our brethren have been killed by the Indians, but I am far more sorry that some of the Indians have been slain by the brethren. I have often said, and I say again, if any person is to be killed for stealing let that one be a white man and not an Indian, for white men know better, while Indians do not, and you must lay aside your angry feelings towards them, and cease wishing to kill them."

"Brown ."Indian Mission," pp. 36-37. ""L.D.S. Journal History," October 9, 1853.

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Throughout all his life Brigham Young maintained the same idea. After eleven years, during which there had been many provocations on the part of the natives, he still insisted o n . J a n c " 7 J * e m ' ods, admitting that the Indians had cause for their feelings o resentment, and that, in spite of everything, the Saints should treat them kindly. Speaking in 1864, he said: Wei could circumscribe their camps and kill every man, woman and child of them. This is what others have done, and if we were to do it, what better are we than the wicked and ungodly? It is our duty to do better than they in our administration of justice and our general conduct toward the Lamanites. It is not our duty to kill them, but it is our duty to save them and the lives of their children.

This is the land they and their fathers have walked over and called their own, and they have just as good right to call it theirs today as any people have to call any land their own. T h e y have buried their fathers and mothers and children here; this is their home and we have taken possession of it and occupy the land where they used to hunt.

But now their game is gone and they are left to starve. It is our duty to feed them. The Lord has given us ability to cultivate the ground and reap bountiful harvests; we have an abundance of food for ourselves and for the stranger.

It is our duty to feed these poor ignorant Indians. W e are living on their possessions and at their homes.*9 W h e n , still later, the Indian discontent assumed the nature of a general uprising, the- counsel to the people was still not to kill them. Instead, the settlers were told to fortify themselves more securely, to watch their cattle and sheep more closely and not to trust them to the care of boys or stupid men who might let the Indians steal them, and to travel in groups for their mutual protection.

Adopt measures from this time forward that not another drop of your blood or the blood of any belonging to you, shall be shed by the Indians; and keep your stock so securely that not another horse, mule, ox, cow, or sheep, or even calf shall fall into their hands, and the war will soon be stopped."

It must be pointed out, however, that the precept was not always followed. There was often a lack of sympathy for the "Journal of Discourses. Vol. II, p. 264.

"Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, and Daniel H. Wells lettw. t•o Ecr Snow dated May 2, 1866, in files of the St. George Stake. as'us

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

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Indian viewpoint/ 0 and occasional instances of vengeful and wanton killings by Mormon settlers. The murder of a group of innocent Paiutes by a company under James Andrus after the killing of Dr. J. M. Whitmore and Robert Mclntire at Pipe Springs by the Navajos January 8, 1866, is a case in point.

At an early date Brigham Young had suggested that for their own good and that of the whites the Indians should be gathered and located in certain areas that he mentioned, including the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada. 61 This was in line with the forced migrations of the Cherokees and other tribes in the East, and shows that Brigham Young considered more drastic means of solving the Indian problem without much regard for the Indian viewpoint.

This, however, was never followed out. Instead, his letters of instruction show that he favored teaching the Indians to work and to be as nearly as possible self-sustaining. On March 5, 1858, he wrote to Jacob Hamblin: I highly approve of your designs in doing your farming through the natives; it learns them to obtain a subsistence by their own industry and leaves you more at liberty to visit others and extend your missionary labors among them. A few missionaries to show, and learn them how to raise stock and grain, and then not eat it up for them is most judicious, and you should always be careful to impress upon them that they should not infringe upon the rights of others; and our brethren should be very careful not to infringe upon their rights in any particular— thus cultivating honor and good principles in their midst by example as well as by precept.

Twelve years later, on September 13, 1870, writing again to Jacob Hamblin, Brigham Young said: You should appoint some good Indian to act as Bishop at the Paria in dividing the grain. Let him see that the fodder and that portion of the grain belonging to the whites be preserved for scouting parties or otherwise to be disposed of under your directions; and that belonging to the Indians must be put in his charge and dealt out to them by him day by day, for their benefit, also, as you shall direct.

The Indians must be learned as fast as practicable to work to sustain themselves and not expect that the whites or other people will do their work for them.62 "William R. Palmer, "Pahute Indian Homelands," Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. VI, No. 3 p. 88, discusses this in some detail. ^"L.D.S. Journal History," November 20, 1850; letter from Brigham Young to John M. Bernhisel. ^These two letters are owned by Mrs. Mary H. Beeler, Mesa, Arizona.

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The one case where Brigham Young seems to have considered seriously moving an Indian tribe from its homeland was that of the Hopi Indians of northern Arizona, whom the Mormons called by their Navajo name of the "Moquis" or Moquitches." Ka These were peaceful Indians, who practiced agriculture and, had some skill in weaving. As early as 1858 Brigham Young toyed with the idea of persuading them to move across the Colorado River and settle nearer the Saints. On each of Jacob Hamblin's visits to these people he tried to get a few of the Indian leaders to accompany him back to Utah, with the idea of further cementing their friendship and impressing them with the advantages of cooperation with the Mormons. By 1860 President Young's plan seems to have taken definite form. In a council he talked about the gathering of the Moquis Indians. He preferred to have the Moquis gather under the rim of the Basin, where they could be protected (as they were not a fighting people) before having them gather in their own country.68 One month later, the "L.D.S. Journal History" records: T h e President [Brigham Young] said he wanted the Moquis Indians to settle in different places under the South rim of the basin, and he wanted about 20 white men to settle with every ten Indians.54 W i t h the death of George A. Smith, Jr., at the hands of the Navajos on his trip to the Moquis, the plan for moving the Indians was abandoned for some years, and all missionary work among the Indians oÂŁ Arizona was temporarily suspended. By 1863 the Mormon leader had worked out a plan to build forts on the east side of the Colorado River, since it seemed impossible to persuade the natives to move across. In a letter to Erastus Snow, February 15, 1863, George A. Smith outlined the course of action: The President seemed much pleased with the results of the last mission to the Moquis Pueblos; he immediately declared his intention of building forts there to protect Lamanite industry, should they see proper to be gathered under the wings of Israel's Eagles.

After outlining in great detail the route, the supplies, the equipment, the types of forts and stockades to be built, and the duties of the brethren, the letter continues: . . . and should the arrangements so dimly shadowed in K

a See Journal of Thales Haskell to these Indians, D. 69 this W*tit> •"L.D.S. Journal History," August 16, 1860.

"Loc. tit, September 4, 1860.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

25

the communication be successfully carried out, they could be invited to gather at such a location, where the aid of ploughs, mills, spinning wheels, looms, and other appurtenances of civilized life, would enable them to develop that native ingenuity, as well as the necessaries of life, tenfold more fully than before; while the protection of 100 brave, generous and high minded missionaries would render their flocks and their herds, as well as their scalps comparatively safe, while that moral and religious training which is necessary to make the descendants of Lehi, Ishmael and Zoran, a white and delightsome people, can successfully be bestowed upon their heads. The Lord requires us to do that which is in our power for the redemption of these remnants of Jacob; and the result after doing our duty we must leave in his hands.66 A number of factors entered into the failure of this plan, among them the forbidding nature of the desert country and the fact that the Indians plainly did not want to be gathered under the wings of Israel's Eagles.

In the meantime the settlers of southern Utah had hard scratching to make a living] for themselves, and they found the Paiutes who lived among them a decided liability. Many a priesthood meeting was spent discussing what to do with the Indians; even the sisters in Relief Society talked over ways and means of teaching their Indian girls white ways or persuading the squaws to work instead of begging from door to door. The natives had become paupers to be fed, a sort of nuisance to be put up with, for no amount of teaching seemed capable of changing their natural indolence to industry.

T o their credit it must be said that the Mormons did try to help the Indians, and that in general their program was far-sighted.

Yet after twenty-five years of tutorship, they still had to assume the responsibility of seeing that their darker brethren had food.

The following letter illustrates the method they adopted and carried out for a number of years: March 25, 1879 To Moqueak & his men: Brethren: Bro. McAllister, Bro. Snow, and the Big Chief, John Taylor, have bought ten acres of land from the Mormons for $300 on the lower end of our Farm, which I will show you,—for the use of the Indians.

I, Bp. [Bishop] of Price W a r d , will see that it is ""History of Brigham Young," MS in archives of L.D.S. Church Historian's office, Salt Lake City, Utah, p. 172.

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plowed, and marked out for watering, and plough out your head-ditches, and let you have the water, through the watermaster.

You may divide the 10 acres with all the Indians that you expect to get land on this farm. You may divide it to suit yourselves, so that it is divided in strips up and down, so that we can plow it. W e cannot plow it in little round patches. Or, I will divide it for you if you wish.

This is all we expect to do. You must do all the rest of the work and help on the ditch and dam, and keep your horses off our land. If your horses get on our crops, you must pay the damage, like other Mormons. If our horses, or cattle, destroy your crops, we must pay the damage.

W e all feel kindly to you Indians, and we will do you all the good we can. But we have to work hard to get our bread and clothing and teams to work our land; our wives have to work hard; our children have to work hard, and we have no time to work for you, only what you cannot do.

You Indians want a heap of land and have no team nor plows, nor tools, to work with; nor seed to plant. You want us Mormons to do all this for you. W e have not time, we must work for our own children. You must do as we do,—take a little land, do a heap of work, and raise more grain.

Now, Moqueak, what I say, I mean, and you need not trouble me any more, for more land. I know better what is good for you, than you do yourself.

I remain, very kindly to the Indians, R. GARDNER,

Bishop of Price W a r d " Robert Gardner thus tried to be firm with the Indians and kind to them at the same time. According to his promise he did plow their land for them and helped them plant the seed, but just when the grain was growing nicely, a flood came which took out the dam and part of the ditch. The Indians promptly left, to return from the mountains in the fall for the whites to feed. Similar experiences were repeated so often that the Church at last appropriated an annual sum to support them, in order to lift the burden from the local settlers. Nine years after Robert Gardner wrote his letter to Moqueak, the presidency of the St. George Stake wrote to Wilford Woodruff, then president of the Church, asking for additional help: """History of the Southern Mission," James G. Bleak, in archives n f m s Church Historian's office. Salt Lake City, Utah, Book C, p ^T

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

For several years priated $400 per year. clothing, and blankets. and not able to work; camps. . . .

27

the Trustee-in-Trust has approThis has been used in provisions, Some of the Lamanites are aged the young ones go off to mining

This season has been so varied that the appropriation was used up some time ago, and the cold and snows having driven them in from the mountains, Bro. McAllister has overdrawn the Indian appropriation about $100. Some of them are sick with colds, & Drs. Ivins and Agnes Thompson have furnished some medicines. W e have paid brethren for plowing on the Indian farms. If an appropriation of $600 or $700 were made for this season, it would be a great help to us, A team, wagon and harness are needed; seeds, also some tools replaced, and they must have something while their crop is growing. W e have already nine or ten acres of wheat, if cold is not too severe, we think it will do well.

W e will put in cotton, cane, corn, potatoes, and squash, melons, etc., in the season thereof... .67 This type of dole was continued until 1891, when the United States Government purchased a tract for the Indians and established a reservation in Washington County.68 Thus, after fortyfour years of labor with the Lamanites, the Mormons were relieved of the responsibility. Since that time the Church has done little more than distribute gifts of flour, meat, and candy at Christmas, and hold occasional religious services on Sunday. The zeal of the early missionaries who had visions of helping the natives adopt a new culture and become "white and delightsome" has largely vanished, though the theory remains.

II Other aspects of the Mormon-Indian relations are more subtle and less easily traced than are the economic. The social results of the association, particularly those growing out of the intermarriage of the races and out of the adjustment of the Indian children who were raised in white homes, present an opportunity for interesting studies in acculturation. It is proposed here to consider some of these results in a general way, particularly those of the Southern Mission.

"Letter from J. T. D. McAllister, Daniel D. McArthur, and David H. Cannon to Wilford Woodruff, January 17, 1888, St. George Stake files. ""Eli F. Taylor, "Indian Reservations in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, January, 1931, p. 29.

28

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Very early, some of the Mormon leaders recommended that the missionaries marry Indian women as a means of cementing the friendship between the races. One of the most entertaining incidents, and perhaps as human a story as has been told about this phase of the Mormon-Indian relations, is recorded in the diary of Hosea Stout, who was a member of the Green River Mission of 1854, sent out to reinforce the missionaries who had gone the previous autumn. On May 8, after recording that Green River County had that day been organized, and that Isaac Bullock, James Brown, Elijah W a r d , and James Davis had been appointed to go as missionaries among the Shoshoni Indians, he writes in high good humor: Elder Hyde held a meeting in the evening. In the discourse he recommended the marrying of squaws in the most positive and strong terms and particularly the immediately taking Mary an old haggard mummy looking one [sic] who had been here all winter. He was very eloquent on the occasion all of which was generally understood to be squinting at M. M. Sanders who already seemed to have some inklings that way and was well pleased with fair opportunity thus to safely commit himself so he readily bit at the bait and the courtship commenced immediately after meeting by interpreters for he could not talk with her. She wanted some time to consider he being a stranger & she dont like him much any how.

The affair created an unusual amount of fun & jokes among the disinterested.

[May 10, 1854]. About noon today the proxied courtship between Sanders and Mary the Shoshone (the flower of the desert as Elder Hyde called her) was brought to close and they both were launched into a State of matrimony by Elder Hyde who acted the Parson. The cerimony [sic] being performed over by the interpreter James Bullock our joy was now full & the fun loving corps enjoyed the time to the best possible advantage. . . .

[May 12. Some six wagons started to Green Ferry] . . . Sanders came with us to Bridger to purchase some goods for "Flower of the Desert," which however we afterwards learned she would not accept and even refused to have any thing to do with him. The matrimonial alliance thus entered into has proved a signal failure.58 The Elders who were sent to the Salmon River Mission were ""Hosea Stout, "Journal," typewritten transcription in the Writers' Project collection in custody of the Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake Citv Utah y UtM Vol. V, pp. 171-173. * '

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

29

given similar instructions by Brigham Young and his party, who visited them in May, 1857. At least three different missionaries tell of them, all under date of Sunday, May 10, 1857. Milton G. Hammond says simply, "The president and members of the Twelve all spoke. Pres. Young spoke of Elders marrying natives."80 William H. Dame, of Parowan, who was one of President Young's party, wrote in his journal: "Meeting was held at 10 a.m. All the presidency spoke on the subject of this and other missions among the Indians. Young men might take squaws to wife. . . ."81 The mission clerk, David Moore, gave a somewhat more detailed account: Sunday, May 10, [1857]. Brethren all called in Center of fort for Meeting. Pres. H. C. Kimball & Wells addressed Missionaries as well as the Brn. [Brethren] present on the importance of the Missionaries being faithful in the discharge of their duties and for them to marry the Native women. That the Marrege [sic] tie was the strongest tie of friendship that existed &c. &c. after which Pres. B. Young said, he did not wish the Brethren to feel in a hurry about anything but to live their Religion and when the Lord opened they [sic] way before them so that they Could Marry Girls they would be very likely to be enabled to keep them. But if the Brn. were to Marry those old ranegadoes [sic] they would be off with the first Mountaineer that Came along. Much more good instruction was Given by the Presidency & by those of the 12 Apostles present Mostly in respect to our mission. The day was spent in a very agreeable Manner to all present.82 As a result of these teachings, at least three of the brethren married Indian women. The following items, all from the official "Journal of the Salmon River Mission," show the degree of success which attended the marriages.

Tuesday 22nd [Dec. 1857]. Thos. Day of Salt Lake City married a Bannack woman, a widow, Chas. Dolton officiating in the Cerimony [sic].

Wednesday 23. Br. Day's wife ran off takeing her Child with her some time during the night. This morning a little Bannack a relation of the woman went after her, found her hid in the Brush and Brot her back again.

Thursday 24. Br. Day's wife still keeps very sullen ""Milton D. Hammond, "Journal," from typewritten copy in Andrew Jenson's "History of the Salmon River Mission," MS L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

"Quoted in Jenson, op. cit. """Journal of Salmon River Mission," in possession of L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

and obstinate during the evening she ran off again. . . .

Monday 28. Ezra J. Barnard married a Bannack Girl last evening. W m . K. Perkins officiating. . . .

Tuesday 12, [Jan. 1858]. E. J. Barnard arrived from the herd 8 stated that Pete Mattigans Brother & Wadzusi, Pete's cousin had induced his wife to leave & that she had taken several articles with her from his camp. . . .

Friday 22, [Jan. 1858]. Richard B. Margitts and a Bannack woman was married this evening. Demsey [a mountain man] formerly had her for a wife.

The record goes on to tell of the losses the brethren sustained at the hands of the Indians, of the death of three of the missionaries and the closing of the mission. As to the Indian women whom they had taken as wives the "L.D.S. Journal History" of April 9, 1858, records: " T w o squaws who had married the brethren refused to come, fearing the soldiers would kill all the Mormons."

Thus it would seem that there were no permanent unions between the Indians and whites in that mission.

In the Southern Utah Mission, where the most extensive and successful Indian relations were maintained, there is little said directly of the matter of intermarriage. The following letter from Brigham Young to Jacob Hamblin makes reference to it, commending the brethren who had taken Indian wives, but neither ordering nor recommending it as a general practice: President's Office G. S. L. City, 1st April 1857.

Elder Jacob Hamblin Santa Clara Your letter of the 2nd March was duly received. It is your privilege to increase.

I am pleased with the course you have taken in that part of the mission assigned to you, and the result of the late difficulty; I desire to make honorable mention of Thales Haskell and Ira Hatch; let them continue to befriend the remnants of Israel, and they will see the day when they will rejoice because of their present association and the results thereof.

If you ascertain that the Parents of the Indian girl given to Ira Hatch are still of the same mind, and the main body of the Indians would not object to the union, and the girl is old enough, and matured sufficiently to bear children without injury This will be his authority to go ahead, and do as he has done, proving himself the Indians' friend;

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE M O R M O N FRONTIER

31

I am rather inclined to think the girl is too young at present, from what I am informed.

I remain your friend and Bro. BRIGHAM YOUNG 81

Whether the reference at the beginning of this letter is an answer to a request to take an Indian wife or another white wife, can only be surmised. It is known Jacob Hamblin did marry as a plural wife a white girl, Priscilla Leavitt, on September 11 of the same year. That there had been no definite instructions regarding the marriage of Indian wives in the South is shown by this extract from a letter written to Brigham Young: As this is Sunday, we had quite an interesting day in meeting. The Great and all absorbing question of amalgamation with the natives was spoken upon at length by Brother Fream, one of our Seventies. He holds forth that it is our duty, as Latter-day Saints, to take the Lamanite women to wife and by that means make them our fast friends. He was opposed by Father Groves, who said that the Indians in these mountains are the descendants of the Gadianton Robbers, and that the curse of God is upon them, and we had better let them alone. T h e Bishop put a stop to further teaching of the doctrine of amalgamation, saying that he had received no orders to> instruct the brethren to take Indian wives.

As two influential men, of long standing in the Church, have divided on this question, and the Bishop has failed to give his decision in the matter, I am anxious to know for myself, as it is my duty to inquire of my Bishop for information, but when he fails to satisfy my mind, I claim the right to inquire of those that can do it, and should you find time to give me a few ideas or hints upon this subject, it would be gladly received, I assure you.

I am as ever, Your humble brother in the cause of truth, MARION J. SHELTON 8 *

Jacob Hamblin gives evidence that the matter of intermarriage was considered rather important, since its chief purpose was to strengthen friendly relations rather than destroy them, and in a way that would win the approval of the natives. During the winter of 1857-1858, Jacob Hamblin was employed as guide to take com"""Letter Book No. 3," p. 516, in the archives L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah. ""L.D.S. Journal History," December 18, 1858. Gadianton is referred to in the Book of Mormon, Helaman, 2, 4ff.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

panies through to California. This entry appears in his journal after his account of his first trip: O n my arrival at the Mudday [sic] as I returned, I found the Missions there in rather a precarious situation.

The brethren that were there had taken rather an unwise course with the Indians in regard to taking Indian women.

W h e n I went down I told them it was a dellicate [sic] matter for them to handle and not to say anything about it at present. But as they felt very impatient to take squaws, the young bucks had become very jealous of them and waylaid them to shoot them. . . . " Four years later, Jacob Hamblin received a letter from Brigham Young which contained definite instructions regarding the marriage of Moqui [Indian] girls: I have written to Br. E. Snow in relation to marrying Moqui girls, informing him that the brethren were at liberty to do so; but that in case a person at the time had a wife, the parties would have to come here to have the ceremony performed, otherwise they can be married there.*" This letter indicates that the missionaries were still allowed, and perhaps even encouraged, to take Indian wives, but that marriage in the case where a man already had a white wife was a more serious matter than when he was unattached. This, however, was only in conformity with the general practice of polygamy, that the taking of a second wife was attended with more complications and restraints than a first marriage. It also shows that after a man had been married in the Endowment House he had entered into covenants which must not be considered lightly.

T h e last reference which has been found, long after the marriage of Indian women had become a dead issue in Utah, is from the journal of Joseph Fish of Arizona: Apostles Snow and Brigham Young [Jr.] arrived in our camp at about 5 p.m. They held meeting with us speaking upon missionary labors among the Lamanites.

Bro. Snow thought that the missionaries should go and stay among the Lamanites and teach them and bring them along, and if necessary marry them.87 "Jacob Hamblin, "Journal," p. 49.

"Brigham Young's letter to Jacob Hamblin, March 4, 1863. Original owned

by Mrs. Mary Beeler, Mesa, Arizona.

"Joseph Fish, "Journal," September 13, 1880. Original in L.D S Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E MORMON FRONTIER

33

By this time the interest in the Indians had definitely waned.

To the settlers, wrestling with the problems of water-ditch and alkali, the natives were certainly not an asset. However often they were baptized and ceremoniously presented with a new shirt, they were not "white and delightsome." As the frontier receded the men who had taken Indian wives, even through obedience to counsel, were looked down upon by neighbors who were less zealous or who had arrived later. Even so, there were Indian children who had been raised in white homes, trained and educated as whites, whom society was forced to recognize; there were children who were the issue of these first Indian-white marriages and for whom a place must be found in the commonwealth.

There has been no complete survey of the total number of Indian children brought into white homes, nor is this study exhaustive, even for the southern part of the state. T o secure what information is here presented, items have been gathered from old diaries and journals, and from people still living who remember the Indian children. Though the list is doubtless incomplete, it may still have significance.

A surprising number of Indian children in white homes died in childhood or early adolescence; they seem to have had little resistance to white man's diseases, especially measles. Mention has already been made of T . D. Brown's statement that he secured five Indian children, only two of whom were alive at the end of the year.

Zadok K. Judd and his wife Minerva Dart Judd adopted at least three, only one of whom grew to maturity. This was a girl, Nellie.

One day after she was a young woman, Nellie carefully took her clean clothes from the washing on the line, rolled them into a tight bundle and placed them in the window. Though her foster mother noticed, she said nothing. The next morning the girl was gone, apparently with a band of her own people who were passing through.

The Judds could have followed and brought her back had they cared to, but either they thought that she would be happier among the Indians, or they were mildly relieved to have her go. Years later, when one of Mrs. Judd's children had died and she herself was ill, a squaw came to the place and sat in the dooryard. The younger children did not recognize her or tell the mother that she was there. Later, when she knew, Mrs. Judd said that it must have been Nellie who had come back to offer her sympathy, but not being invited in, had sat a while in the dooryard and left.68 Thomas Forsythe bought a three-year-old boy, Moroni, for a horse and saddle. He raised the child with his own and gave him an equal chance for an education. He also made him responsible for a part of the chores and farm work. One night when the boy "This was told the writer by a daughter, Mrs. Gertrude Cottam of St. George, Utah. The Journal of Minerva Dart Judd mentions several adopted Indian children.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

was about nineteen, he failed to bring the cows, and his father, a quick-tempered man, reprimanded him sharply. The next morning the boy was gone. For a long time they heard nothing of him; then one day when the family had come in from the ranch to Parowan with a load of butter, cheese, and farm produce to exchange for groceries, one of the girls saw "Rone." He talked to her, inquired about the family, sent his love to the mother, and seemed interested in all their doings, but he never came back. They later learned that he had joined the Indians.

Christopher J. Arthur adopted an Indian boy named Samuel, who grew up as an older brother to his children. There is a picture of him with their son, in which both children are well dressed and appear as equals. But this boy also left home. The Arthur Journal says: In 1856 I bought an Indian boy papoose 1 year old, weaned from his mother's breast. As he grew up he became very useful, but was enticed to leave when about 17 years old. He worked for Joseph S. Hunter for a year or two then went into some of the Northern States, had been cut and slashed in some shooting. Some years later he pleaded to come back to me but I said no.69 In another entry Arthur makes mention of him and concludes: He had many narrow escapes of his life & I presume regretted more than once leaving his comfortable home to wander as a fugitive upon the earth. He was a good worker on the farm and left me at a bad time.

Angus M. Cannon adopted a boy, Alma; Amos G. Thornton also had one whom he called Alma; George W o o d raised one, Leo; John Harris of Glen dale one, Frank; Moroni Spilsbury of Toquerville one, Lorim. None of these ever married though all lived to maturity and the two latter to old age. All were known as expert cattlemen and horsemen; all mixed with the whites freely, but none could secure a white wife or would accept an Indian girl.

William R. Palmer tells of another boy, Omer Badegee Heywood, who died in Harmony in 1862: He had been bought out of slavery from Wah-kar-ra's band by the Mormons. The records say that he was a "Piede Indian" captured by the Utes in 1853 and soon after purchased from captivity by Z. N. Baxter of Nephi, """Journal of Christopher J. Arthur," transcript copied in the W.P.A. collection in the library of the Utah State Historical Society, and in the Washington County Library, St. George, Utah, Part 1, p. 18.

INDIAN RELATIONS ON THE MORMON FRONTIER

35

Utah, by whom he was presented to J. L. Heywood in 1854. The "Piedes" were the Cedar Indians. Omer was a splendid character, much beloved, and Elder in the Mormon faith, and his death was mourned by the entire community. He died at about the age of twenty years and was the fourth person buried in the Harmony cemetery.70 Among the Indian girls who died at maturity without marrying are Mickey, who was adopted by Artemisia Snow, the wife of Erastus Snow, and Jane, who was raised by Samuel Knight of Santa Clara. Mickey died in her 'teens, but Jane worked in different homes in St. George for several years before she became ill. She returned to her home in Santa Clara to die.

Sister McClellan, the mother of Samuel Knight, also adopted an Indian girl. Sister McClellan owned the only organ in Santa Clara at the time, and the girl learned to play well, so that the home became the gathering place of the young people of the village on Sunday afternoons. The girl had a chance to marry a white man as his fourth wife, but the parents thought she could do better, and so opposed the match. They moved back north, taking the girl with them, but the climate did not agree with her. She contracted pneumonia and died, unmarried.

Still another Indian girl was Ann, who was raised at Hamilton's Fort by John Hamilton. She is still living and has never married. She became an expert housekeeper and worked for many years in some of the best homes in Salt Lake City. T o meet her now is to meet a woman who is well groomed and who dresses in excellent taste. She speaks with a cultured accent and is a delightful person to know. She spends a great deal of her time in the Mormon temple and has done some work there for her own people.

Instances of intermarriage between Indians adopted by the whites discussed here were furnished the writer by William T. Morris, Sr„ an early-day resident of Parowan. Ebenezer Hanks, pioneer storekeeper there, purchased an Indian boy, Albert. When he was grown he married an Indian girl, Ruth Wimmer, who had also been raised in a white home, and the couple established themselves in Parowan. In the same town at about the same time, Grandma W e s t had an Indian boy, Lehi, who married Edna Bayliss, an Indian girl raised by the whites. Mr. Morris did not know anything of the descendants of either of these couples, if there were any, nor has anything been learned from other sources.

The list of Indian children who died early is probably incomplete, since there were no records kept of all of them. Of those who intermarried with the whites, however, it is much easier to find the basic facts. The following are all that the writer has been able to discover: "William R. Palmer, "Pahute Indian Government and Laws," Utah Historical Quarterly, April, 1929, p. 38.

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Janet was a Shivwits child who was bought by Prime Coleman of Pinto and later given to Eliza McConnell of Cedar City, from whose home she married James Clark. She had at least seven children: Prime Coleman Clark, who died when about twenty years of age; Alfred, who died in young manhood, and three daughters and two sons who lived and married. T w o of the girls married Dave and Henry Edwards, brothers, and the third married Rone Thompson—all white men. One boy, Jim, married a girl named Smith and had a number of children by her, and after her death married her sister and had a younger family by her. T h e other brother. Will, also married a white girl and lives in Cedar City, where they are well respected. The descendants are now quite numerous, and move on an equality with their neighbors.

Rhoda was also a Shivwit child who was purchased by William Carpenter and his wife. Her mother, Annie, was one of the Indian women who worked for the whites, often doing the washing for the same family for years, and at her death left this one child.

Since the Carpenter family had no daughter, they purchased the child and called her Rhoda. She grew up in the home, loved and happy. Her one fear was of Indians, for she always ran and hid when any of her own race came around. She learned to play the organ, and served as organist at the various church meetings. She married Thomas Shamp, a Spanish war veteran, and they had six children, but the marriage was not congenial and she left. After being away almost twenty years, in the spring of 1943 she returned for a short time to St. George, to dispose of her property, bringing two of her daughters with her. She is a stylish, well-groomed woman; her daughters are slender and good-looking, also tastefully dressed.

W h e n the writer met them they were disturbed over some slight, real or imagined, and were insistent that they were as good as anyone in the town, a fact which it had never occurred to anyone to question, so that all attempts to be cordial were wasted. It is understood that one of her children died in childhood and one as a young man; the one remaining son is serving with the armed forces in North Africa, and all three daughters are married.

Soon after the arrival of the settlers in St. George, Jacob Hamblin brought a five-year-old Indian girl to the home of. Melancthon Burgess and asked him to buy her. Since the wife wanted her, he paid Jacob the value of fifty dollars for her. She was named Minnie. Mrs. Wallace Miles, a daughter of the Burgesses, tells what a favorite Minnie was in the family and what pride the mother took in her, especially in keeping her long black hair clean and shining.

W h e n she grew to womanhood, Minnie married Albert Hartman of Leeds. She had four children, and died when the oldest was about thirteen years of age. The father secured the services

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E MORMON FRONTIER

37

of Cora Keate, another Indian girl, as housekeeper, and later married her.

Cora had been raised in St. George by Susannah Rogers Keate, who had no children of her own. Mrs. Keate had been a pioneer school teacher, and gave the little dark girl excellent training, until in young womanhood she was known as an expert seamstress, and because of her good voice sang in the choir and as a soloist. She went to work at the mining camp at Silver Reef. Here she met and married a man named Williams, but he soon deserted her. Later she married Albert Hartman of Leeds and took over the care of his children. She had none of her own, but was very kind to those of her husband. One died young; another, Albert, died in young manhood of miner's consumption; a third, Willie, married a white girl and had five children before he, too, died. The only daughter, Daisy, married Bill Nicoles of Leeds, Utah, where she still lives, the mother of six children, a respected citizen.

In 1851 Priddy Meeks 71 purchased an Indian girl about three years of age, and gave her to his wife, Sarah. The child, Lucy, was given every advantage of education and training that the white children had. There are many family legends concerning her— how on one occasion at a funeral, every member of the choir broke down and she carried the song through alone to the end as a solo; how popular she was at the dances; how no one else could make biscuits or iron ruffles with such skill. W h e n she reached maturity she had an illegitimate child, a daughter. Just before the birth of the child, the man who presumably was responsible, and whom all the neighbors had supposed was going to marry Lucy, shot himself.

Some thought that he did this through- some idea of blood atonement; others thought that he preferred death to life with an Indian woman; still others maintained that since he had been such a shy, bashful fellow, spending his time in the hills with the sheep and never going to meetings or dances or public gatherings, he could not face the Mormon penalty for his act. This would include a confession and apology before the congregation in church and a rebaptism before he could be reinstated in fellowship. Whatever the motive behind his suicide, Lucy was forced to bear the disgrace of the child and the blame for its father's death. Gossip ran riot, until at last the authorities from St. George were forced to come up and investigate matters. [Many persons near the man involved persistently believed his protestations of innocence to the last.—Ed.] As for Lucy, she went into seclusion until her parents sent her north, thinking that a change in environment would be good for her. Her foster mother kept the baby, Sylvia. After a short time away, Lucy became ill and had to come home. Quick consumption, they called it. She lay listless, saying little and showing no interest n

7ffa/i Historical Quarterly, "Journal of Priddy Meeks," Vol. X, p. 193.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in anything, not even in the baby. She made no complaint of pain, but lay in weakness and languor, often with her face to the wall.

Older people tell how, during her last days, neighbors took turns sitting up at night with her to relieve the family. The watchers on the night of her death tell how, after she had lain quietly for some time, she opened her eyes wide to the ceiling and began to sing in a high, clear voice the Mormon hymn, " O M y Father." It seemed to them that the lines, "Father, Mother, may I meet you in your royal courts on High," had special meaning, as did the last line, "Let me come and dwell with you."

After a short rest she told them she was going to join her own people in their happy hunting grounds and that it had been a mistake for her ever to suppose that she could be a white girl. Indian children, she said, should be left with their own people where they could be happy; when they were raised in white homes they did not belong anywhere. Then, so the story goes, a strange thing happened. The flame leaped up in the coal-oil lamp as though it were fanned by a sudden breeze, in spite of the fact that the room was closed and there was no air stirring. The same instant Lucy's spirit took leave, passing without a struggle.

T h e child, Sylvia, grew to be a beautiful girl. According to the account, she married a traveling salesman from Salt Lake City.

Since he was a man of some means, she had a luxurious apartment, was well dressed, and moved in a good circle. She had two sons, but both died as children. Grief over their loss impaired her health, and she, too, died while still a young woman.

Another unusual case in the writer's own family was that of Janet. She was purchased as an infant by Silas Smith of Parowan.

Later Smith died and his wife married a Mr. McGregor, but Janet stayed in the home and acted as an older sister to the young family, though she still went by the name of Smith. She was given the best of training in all the household arts, and took part in the social activities of the town. In her young womanhood she received an offer of marriage as a plural wife from a white man in Parowan, but to the surprise of the family, she refused. They criticized her, saying that she should be glad to get so good an offer since she could not expect to pick and choose. At last she told them that there was only one man that she had seen that she felt she would like to marry, and he was Dudley Leavitt. He was related to her foster mother and always stopped at the home on his annual trips to Salt Lake City. At this time he was in the north with a load of fruit.

The mother reported what the girl had said to Apostle George A. Smith, who was visiting in Parowan at the time, and when Dudley came back he was called in and asked if he would consider marrying her. The theory was that a woman ought to have some say in the choice of her husband, and that when a girl had her heart set on a man, he had some responsibility in the matter of

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39

providing her a home. Dudley, just twenty-nine himself, already had three wives, the last a girl of sixteen to whom he had been married only six months. H e hesitated to give his consent to a fourth until the Apostle said, "Brother Leavitt, I promise you in the name of the Lord, that if you will take this girl, give her a home and a family, and do your duty by her, you will be blessed. You will count her descendants as among the choice ones of your offspring." T o Dudley Leavitt such a statement had all the weight of a command direct of God. H e had no more to say.72 The ceremony was performed then and there, the girl's belongings loaded into the wagon, and the young couple started for Santa Clara. Interesting reverberations still come to us of the welcome the pair received when they arrived, though eventually the other wives did accept the Indian girl with fairly good grace. There is no question but that she suffered under the arrangement in spite of all that her husband could do to maintain equality.

Janet was the mother of eleven children, eight of whom grew to maturity and six of whom married and had families. The grandchildren numbered 147; the great-grandchildren are now more than 170 with others being added regularly, while there are already quite a few in the fifth generation. From the first, her descendants maintained that they were not Indians, but whites, the sons and daughters of Dudley Leavitt. The writer remembers when an agent came to town to persuade some of the grandchildren to attend the Indian college at Carlisle, holding out to them the offer of a free education. How insulted they were! They were white, and no inducement could have any weight with them. They preferred to pay their own way to white institutions rather than to go free to an Indian school.

If the children suffered disadvantages—and no doubt they did —the grandchildren suffered less, while some of the fourth and fifth generations seem to have forgotten that there was ever an Indian ancestor. Quite a number of them held important church and civic positions, and there is an indication that the promise which was made to Dudley will be fulfilled in these later generations.

Of all the Indian boys who were adopted into white homes in Southern Utah, the only one known to have married a white girl is David Lemmon. David was of the Ute tribe, and was first purchased by Hyrum Stevens, who later traded him to James A. Lemmon of Rockville, Utah, for a large black horse. The child disliked school so much that his foster parents did not force him to go, but sent him out to herd the cows in the hills. Thus it was that he did not learn to read.

As a young man he was large and well formed, weighing nearly two hundred pounds. H e was also very athletic, his greatest delight '"Juanita Brooks, Dudleu Leavitt, Pioneer to Southern Utah (St. George, 1942).

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being to challenge the white boys to wrestle or race, either on foot or on horseback. He also learned to play the violin, and was for years the only musician in the region, going on horseback as far as Silver Reef and Toquerville to play for dances. He received five dollars a night for this service, which was at that time a handsome wage.

He married Caroline Josephine Neilson, a Swedish girl. His son, David W . Lemmon, relates that after he himself was old enough to start school he tried to teach his father to read from a primer.

In vain would he point out the difference between the letters "b," "d," " p , " and the others; his father would only laugh good-naturedly and say, "They all look alike to me, son."

W h e n they had five children, the couple decided that they would like to go through the Mormon temple. At first there was a hesitancy on the part of the bishopric to grant the application since David had never been active in the Church, but knowing his character and disposition, they finally granted the privilege. After the ceremony, as they were leaving St. George on their way back to Rockville, they stopped and purchased a Bible, a Book of Mormon, and Doctrine and Covenants. David learned to read with almost miraculous ease and became in his later life an ardent student of the Scriptures. He taught a Sunday School class and was active in other ward18 work.

After his religious awakening, he was reputed to enjoy the power of healing. W h e n there was sickness and he was called in to administer, the patient always seemed to recover. At last his white neighbors came to have such faith in him that he was always sent for in trouble; in fact, he often went a whole day's journey to bless the sick.

"You may be ashamed of your father now," he told his son, David, one day, "but the time will come when you will be proud to own him and to claim your ancestors."

He died at the age of seventy-five. Of his six children who grew to maturity, four married and had families. His descendants now number twenty-eight, at least two of whom are successful school teachers.

Jacob Hamblin adopted a number of Indian children, exactly how many is not known. The first boy, Albert, he secured in 1853 near Tooele, Utah. Jacob found him living with his grandmother in a miserable hut in the mountains, suffering from lack of food and clothing. W i t h the grandmother's consent, Jacob took the boy with him. There was always a great affection between the two; Albert was trusted and respected in the Hamblin home. He assumed responsibility of the cattle and sheep and did much of the ™A "ward" is an ecclesiastical unit of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints (Mormon), corresponding to a parish.

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farm work while Jacob was away on his various Indian missions He died, unmarried, when about twenty-three.

Hamblin often secured Indian children and placed them in white homes as he could, while in his own home, according to family legend, he always had several. The only mention that is made of any in his Journal is under date of September 15, 1856: Father's health is better. W e n t to Pinto Creek; found my family in good health & spirits except an Indian girl whom I had bought the winter previous.

Family tradition says that since this girl died of lung fever, they decided to let the other Indian children sleep out of doors or in an open shelter more like the Indians used. Evidence that Jacob Hamblin maintained several Indian children is given in a letter from the Indian agent to Brigham Young dated June 30, 1857. After speaking of the improvement in farming among the natives and reporting that "Tutsagabits, the principal chief has under cultivation about sixty acres," and that "Captain Jack has about twelve acres of corn and squash," he goes on to say: As an evidence of the aptness of many of these Pied Indians for the customs and manners of civilized life, I will relate an instance which came under my observation during my visit on Santa Clara River. Mr. Hamblin, who resides at Fort Clara, has four apprenticed Pied children, consisting of two girls, one aged ten and the other about twelve years, who have been under the instruction of his wife about four years. He informed me that these little girls had spun sufficient wool during the spring to make forty yards of cloth, besides attending to other household duties, such as milking, etc., and the two boys, of about the same age, had under their charge a flock of about three hundred head of sheep, not one of which had been lost through any carelessness on their part. They all speak the English language fluently.7* This account would bring into the Hamblin home one boy of whom we have no other information, since one of the boys was undoubtedly Albert, already mentioned.

According to a daughter, Mrs. Mary Beeler, Jacob raised three Indian girls in his home. The first, Eliza, ran away to her people and later wanted to return to the home, but since she was surly and mean-tempered, they would not have her. A second girl grew to "George W. Armstrong, Indian agent, letter to Brigham Young. .Report of Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the Report of the Secretary of the Interior.

1857-58, Document No. 131, p. 597.

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maturity and married a white man. A third, Ellen, lived with Mrs, Beeler's mother, Priscilla Leavitt Hamblin. This girl stepped on a jagged chaparral stick which had been used to kill a tarantula. It ran far into her bare foot, and infection immediately set in, or the poison of the spider got into her blood. Though Priscilla did everything she could with hot packs and poultices, Ellen grew worse.

She suffered such intense pain that they had to stay with her day and night. One night after many hours of watching, Priscilla was worn out.

"Do you think that Martha might sit by you and change the cloths while I lie down awhile?" she asked the girl. Martha was Jacob's daughter by his first marriage, a girl almost as old as Priscilla.

"You won't go out of the room, will you?" Ellen pleaded.

T o please her, Priscilla folded a quilt and lay down on the floor in front of the fireplace. She slept a while and woke with a start to find the fire burned out, the room in darkness, and Martha sound asleep in her chair by the bed. Priscilla raised up. T h e bed was empty! Looking around, she saw Ellen curled up in a little ball on the floor at her feet. T h e Indian girl loved her so much and had such confidence in her that she had wanted to be as near her as possible. Elleh, suffered greatly before death finally came, and Priscilla could never speak of her without emotion.

"She was just a little dusky diamond," she often said.

Whether or not Jacob Hamblin ever married an Indian woman has been a debated question. Many of the family resent even the suggestion with surprising bitterness and emphasis. Others say that Jacob did marry an Indian girl; old-timers from Harmony insist that they knew Eliza, who was Jacob's Indian wife, and that the fact that he had married her was never any secret until later years.™ The stories of Eliza's running away and wanting to come back and of Ellen's death by poisoning have come to the writer from many sources and are so much alike that there seems to be no reason to doubt their truth. The only point of difference is the fact that the family contends that the girls were adopted by Jacob Hamblin as daughters rather than sealed to him as wives.

The legend is that Jacob took his wife, Rachel, and the two Indian girls to the Endowment House in Salt Lake City. Here Eliza was sealed to Jacob, but Ellen refused. Since the girls were still very young, one lived with Rachel and one with Priscilla'. Ellen died soon after. Eliza remained in the home until 1860 when she accompanied Jacob on the third mission to the "Moquitches." Ira Hatch also traveled with his Indian wife. After the return, Jacob undertook other trips, but left Eliza to live with the older wife, "According to Book D) page 543, of the Salt Lake Temple Records, Jacob Hamblin had sealed to him "Eliza, born on the Shivwit Reservation, date unknown, 14 February, 1863."

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Rachel. She resented Rachel's supervision and would not obey her.

"I am as much his wife as you are," she said one day. Trouble followed which caused her to leave, and when later she wished to return, the family would not have her.

More important evidence that Jacob Hamblin did have an Indian wife comes from contemporary records.

In his Autobiography, as written by James Little, he says, regarding his third visit to the Moqui Indians in the fall of 1860: W e had taken two Indian women with us, thinking that they might be a great help in introducing something like cleanliness in cooking, among the people we were going to visit. The Navajos said we might go home if we would leave them.

I directed the interpreter to tell them that one of the women was Brother Hatch's wife, and theotherwasmine. 7 ' There is, probably, equal significance in the letter which Jacob Hamblin wrote to George A. Smith from Toquerville, October 12, 1880, on the way out to the same mission. After giving the general fit-out of boat, wagons, twenty horses and three beeves, he said, "Ira Hatch takes his Indian wife with him. The bearer of this will tell you why she went, if you ask him.77 It seems strange that he should make no mention of the other Indian girl, either as being his adopted daughter or his wife, and the suggestion that he would prefer to have the bearer of the letter explain rather than to put it in writing himself, may have some bearing. At any rate, one is faced with several questions. Would a group of nine Mormon men take an unattached girl on a trip which was to last several months? If the girl were some other man's wife, why should Jacob say that she was his? Knowing Jacob's reputation for absolute truthfulness, it seems unlikely that he would have claimed another man's wife as his own.

The manuscript "Journal of John Lee Jones" contains a comment on the subject. As a young man Jones was called on a mission to haul a Swiss family from Cedar City to Santa Clara in December, 1861. He tells of the trip, lists his companions, and details the weather. On arriving at Santa Clara, he writes: W e found it much warmer here, the Snow had melted from among the rocks where there was a kind of bunch grass which furnished feed for our oxen during the journey to the Santa Clara River. Here we found a Fort built of Adobies & was Founded by Br. Jacob Hamblin who had one of the Indian Squaws as a Female Lamanite '"James Little, ed., Autobiography of Jacob Hamblin (Salt Lake City, 1881), p. 67. ""L.D.S. Journal History," October 12, 1880.

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for a wife. This was quite a novel circumstance to me.7" Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, with whom Jacob had rather extensive association, also makes a pertinent comment: According to Mormon custom, though it was not universal, Jacob had several wives, I do not know how many.

I met two, and he was besides that 'sealed' to one or two Pah Ute women. Sister Louisa was the one I came to know best, and she was a good woman.70 At the time that Dellenbaugh knew Jacob Hamblin, the latter had only two white wives, Priscilla Leavitt Hamblin and Louisa Bonelli Hamblin. His first, Lucinda Taylor, had left him before he came west with the Mormons, and his second, Rachel Judd, had died in Santa Clara in February, 1865. Thus Dellenbaugh met all his living wives. But he need not have known about any Pahute sealing if the matter had been any secret, or if Jacob himself had been reluctant about having it known.

Since there were no children, whether or not Jacob Hamblin married Indian women is perhaps not important, except to indicate that such marriages were more difficult and often lacked the stability and permanence of those with members of the same race.88 An unusual life was that of Susie, who was first purchased by Dudley Leavitt. His daughter, Hannah Leavitt Terry, tells of the transaction: Once when the Indians were hungry, they sold Susie to father. The Indian put down a blanket and father poured wheat on it as long as any would stay without rolling off. I can still see father holding the bucket and pouring it on. He also let them have some sheep that were killed before they went away. Susie was a little Indian girl about five years old. Aunt Janet took care of her. I can still see her crying when the Indians went away. Father kept her five years and let Brother William Pulsipher have her for a span of oxen.81 '"John Lee Jones, "Journal," p. 63. Original owned by James S. Jones, St. George, Utah. ""Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, A Canyon Voyage (New York, G. P. Putman's

Sons, 1908). p. 174.

M It is worthy of remark that Jacob Hamblin is recognizable as the protagonist in an interesting story of intermarriage by Gean Clark, "Woman in the Road," in Edward J. O'Brien's Best Short Stories of 1939.

"Hannah Leavitt Terry, "Journal," in possession of Mrs. Selena H. Leavitt, Homedale, Idaho.

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Susie took the name of Pulsipher, by which both she and her children have been known. As soon as she was old enough, she went out to do house work in different homes, and later she was a cook at camps. Though she never married, she had three children, Harvey, Renie, and Nina. Soon after the birth of her second child, Susie was called before the local Church authorities to answer for her sins.

"I have a right to children," she told them courageously. "No white man will marry me. I cannot live with the Indians. But I can have children, and I will support the children that I have. I will ask no one else to support them. I have them because I want them. God meant that a woman should have children."

After that, people came to accept Susie and her children. A young girl once said, "If I were going to be an old maid, I'd be a respectable old maid, like Susie, and have children," a sentiment which was often repeated when Susie was referred to. Susie was as good as her word. She was an excellent worker and always had employment. She was proud, in her way. Mrs. Lottie Carter tells how, while Susie was working for her, she stood at the window one day looking down the street.

"What are you watching so closely?" Mrs. Carter asked her.

"Look," said Susie, "It is my people. My mother and my folks. Sister Carter, do you know what I would like? I wish I could invite them in and cook them a meal. Not just a hand-out by the back door, but a dinner at the table."

"You certainly may, Susie," Mrs. Carter said.

So the Indians were asked in and Susie was given the best linen and dishes for the table and allowed to cook a fine meal and serve them. Mrs. Carter said that she always thought Indians were stolid and undemonstrative until she saw their delight as they examined the nice things on the table and their pleasure in eating the food.

Of Susie's three children, Renie, the oldest girl, died in young womanhood. Harvey, the boy, has never married, and now lives in Nevada. Nina, the youngest girl, followed the example of her mother and was a "respectable old maid" who had children. She had three, all of whom she wheeled proudly around the streets of St. George in a beautiful baby carriage with a fine silk quilt, ignoring the whisperings and nudgings of her white neighbors. She claimed that the children were all fathered by fine men; it is said by some that she named the girl after the father's mother, and the boys after their father's. All three were adopted into a white home.

One died young; the other two have both married whites, and are fitting into white society unquestioned. The girl is particularly attractive, an accomplished pianist, and a skilled housewife.

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Susie's sister made a different type of adjustment. The following story was told to the writer by Mrs. Ella Leavitt of Bunkerville, Nevada: I forget her name, though I should know it for I have talked to her a number of times. W e always called her "Susie's sister." She was younger than Susie. Her mother sold her to the Matthews family in Panaca, when she was about five years old. She did not want to stay, but cried so and tried so hard to get away that they had to lock her in a back bedroom until the Indians should move away. On the second night her Indian father, knowing how she felt, came to the place and talked to her through the window. She pleaded to be taken back, until he went in and arranged with the Matthews family to get her. But when she got back to the camp her mother was very angry.

She scolded the father and spanked the child, telling her that she must go and stay in the white home where she could get good food and clothes. She took the child by the arm and marched her right back.

"I grew up there," she told me. "I kept myself clean and careful, and I learned everything I could. They treated me all right, too, only I knew I was different. When I was grown up, I wanted a man. No white man would marry me."

The Matthews family hired a Moapa Indian boy, Jim, to work for them one summer, and she persuaded him to marry her and take her back to the camp, though he had his doubts about how things would work out.

From the first, it was hard for the girl. His mother, Jane, did not approve. Everything about the girl was wrong; her hair, her shoes, her clothes, the way she did things—especially the fact that she wore corsets. That Jane could not forgive. She kept up a continual string of criticism; the daughter-in-law was extravagant and she did not cook right.

One day Jim gave her some money to buy groceries and told her that she might have some to spend for herself. After she got the flour, sugar, bacon, and other items, she bought herself a new pair of corsets and some flowered material for a dress.

"I just couldn't get along without corsets," she told me. "I had been trained to wear them and my back ached so if I left them off. Besides, I didn't look nice without them. But I knew what Jane would say if she found out.

I hid the corsets, and thought that if I could once get them

INDIAN RELATIONS ON T H E MORMON FRONTIER

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on, maybe it would be all right. But she found out. She made such a fuss!"

There was a general camp quarrel about it before it was through, so the girl decided that she would not live with her mother-in-law any longer. She told Jim that he would have to choose between her and his mother, and he decided to stay with the tribe.

She could have gone to work among the whites, for "she could have found employment at housework, but she would likely have followed Susie's example. She didn't want that. She didn't belong to the whites, and now she decided that she didn't belong with the Indians. The last I heard of her she was living with the Santa Clara band and thought that she might get a husband.

Another interesting case is that of Tony Tillohash, who now lives on the Shivwits reservation in Washington County. Tony was an orphan who was being cared for by an aged grandmother, when according to their custom, the tribe moved on and left her to die.88 Alvin and Lucy Heaton took the little boy into their home and cared for him until he was old enough to go to the Indian school at Carlisle. According to a daughter of the Heatons, Mrs. Ray Esplin, Tony became very homesick and discouraged at the school and wrote about running away and leaving it, but his foster mother always wrote encouragingly, sending a little spending money and telling him that this was a fine opportunity.

After he had graduated and had come back grown-up and well dressed, he went to the Heaton home, hoping to marry one of the girls for whom he had had a great affection all his life. Not only the girl but the parents discouraged his suit, advising him to marry among his own people. He left and went back among the Indians to live, later marrying an Indian woman.

These last examples will serve to suggest that any adequate discussion of this subject should take into account the psychological element, the matter of personal adjustment. W h a t was the attitude of the white wives toward the dark one in a polygamous household?

How did the neighbors speak of the man who took an Indian wife?

What place did she have in the activities of the community?

With regard to the Indian children growing up among white ones, what was the feeling? They must have sensed their differentness, even when their foster parents were loving and indulgent.

Some were afraid of Indians; others could not fit into the routine of school; and often, with characteristic thoughtlessness, their ""William R. Palmer, "Pahute Indian Medicine," Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, p. 10, gives some examples of this practice.

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playmates made sarcastic comments. Everything combined to create a feeling of inferiority, if not in childhood, at least by the time they reached maturity. No matter how excellent their training, Indian girls were usually forced to accept whom they could as white husbands; Indian boys rarely married.

The examples cited are not many, but they help to justify these conclusions. Of the thirty-two examples mentioned or discussed briefly, only seven married whites, six women and one man.

The others died unmarried or went back to the Indian way of life.

The writer has met the descendants of Rhoda Carpenter, Minnie Hartman, Janet Leavitt, and David Lemmon. It would seem that the children of these Indian-white marriages carried a certain stigma or were at a disadvantage in their association with the whites. With the grandchildren, this difference is much less, while the fourth generation seems to have forgotten entirely that it has any of the "blood of Israel" in its veins. At least they mix on an equal plane with their associates.

W i t h many people, in fact, it is a matter of pride that they have Indian blood in their veins. In this connection, one is reminded of Will Rogers who said that his ancestors didn't come on the Mayflower; they were here to meet it.

It is interesting to note that a recent selection of a girl to be the queen of the Covered W a g o n days88—a girl supposed to represent the epitome of beauty and culture and accomplishment— had a great-grandmother who was an Indian. In recent months, the writer made it a point to check oh the fourth and fifth generations of the descendants of her grandfather's Indian wife. In one family of eight great-grandchildren, the first five were all valedictorians of their high school graduating class; the others are younger and not yet graduated. In Las Vegas, Nevada, three other girls were met, all of whom held excellent positions; in fact, in general they take their places without question in society and as leaders.

The promise that the Indians shall yet become a "white and delightsome" people is still repeated in Mormondom, but it is with a difference. Whereas the first missionaries went out to help bring about its fulfillment, and with a genuine interest in the welfare of the natives, that zeal is now largely spent. The Mormon record on the whole is good; their experiment in intermarriage leaves much to be said on both sides. Certainly it resulted in heartbreaks and maladjustments; certainly the children of such marriages, and in many cases the grandchildren, also, were at a disadvantage socially. Yet, seen from a distance, after four or five generations, it seems that the results cannot entirely be condemned.

"Celebration of the coming of the Mormon Pioneers, held each year in Salt Lake City, from July 22 to 24.

THE M O R M O N S A N D T H E INDIANS News items and Editorials, from the Mormon Press Selected and arranged by J. CECIL A L T E R

Visit of Chief Walker (The Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, November 29, 1851) Parowan, Iron County, November 5, 1851.

Mr. Editor: Walker, the Utah Chief, visited this place a few days ago, with his warriors. He and his band were complimented with a feast; and after being filled with squashes, turnips, pumpkins, potatoes, bread, meat, 6 c , &c, they carried off the remnants and had a tremendous dance. They left for the Navahoes, being told by Prest. Groves that in twelve months, if they were good and honorable, he would give them another dinner. None of his people committed the least depredation, and their horses were kept away from the fields.

W e are looking anxiously for another issue of the News.

Respectfully yours, Geo. A. Smith Sketch of A Trip to Pauvan Valley By President Young and Others, T o Select a Site for the State Capitol (The Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, December 13, 1851) October 25, 1851. [on the Sevier River] . . . A small party of San-Pitch Indians gather round us while we are fixing a crossing place. They were ill clad, looked surly, and told Mr. Bean (our interpreter) that they were hungry; whereupon Prest. Young gave them a liberal meal of bread and meat; but even this did not clear the lowering look from all their countenances... .

October 28, 1851. [at Fillmore] . . . The few Pah-van-te Indians who visited our camp, professed great friendship, their chief remarking that he was not fond of roaming, and wished to be instructed in tilling the soil. The Chief and part of these Indians reside upon Corn Creek (15 miles south of this site) and have there raised corn, beans, pumpkins, squashes, potatoes, 6 c year after

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year, for a period that dates further back than their acquaintance with the whites. Major Rose [Indian Sub-Agent], made them some useful presents.. . .

November 3, 1851. [Manti] . . . Coal has been brought in by the Indians from the eastern rim of the basin, against the headwaters of City Creek. . . . A small party of Mexicans had just arrived from Santa Fe with horses and mules to trade for Indian children, which they take to Santa Fe and sell for slaves. W e were told that this kind of traffic had been carried on for many years back; and what appeared to us as very singular, to say the least, was a license to carry on such traffic, in the possession of this party, and signed by James S. Calhoon, Governor of New Mexico; but President Young, by authority as Governor of Utah Territory, and Superintendent of Indian affairs therein, pointedly forbid their trading for Indian children in this Territory, and instructing them that their license was not valid here; and they promised to return home.. . .

Notice: [Indian Slave Trade] (The

Deseret News,

Great Salt Lake City, January 10, 1852)

The United States of America, Territory of Utah.

First Judicial District Court United States vs. Pedro Leon, et al.

Libel ALL P E R S O N S interested, will take notice, that on the 29th day of December, 1851, the United States filed in said court a Libel, setting forth among other things, that the said Pedro Leon and others, did on or about the first day of November, 1851, introduce into the Indian Country within the said Territory of Utah, the following property, viz: mules, horses, goods, and merchandise, with an intent to trade the same to the Indians, without being duly licensed as such, an Indian Trader; that said property, together with seven Indian children and one squaw, claimed as slaves, were found in the possession of the said Pedro Leon et al.; and that the same have been seized by the officers of Government, that they may be forfeited according to law, for violating the laws of the United States, relating to their Indian affairs.

The Court has appointed the twelfth day of Jan. inst. at 10 o'clock a.m., at the Court House in G. S. L. City, for a hearing ol said Libel.

By order of the Court.

W . I. Appleby, Clerk G. S. L. City, Jan. 1, 1852.—

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John D . Lee and the Indians (The Deseret News, September 4, 1852) Parowan, Aug. 7, 1852.

Dear Bro. Richards:—A few days ago we had a visit from the Toquer Captain (or Black Chief), so called by the South Pah Eed Indians, with about thirty of his warriors. They were from the Santa Clara and Rio Virgin country, and wished to hold a council with me upon the subject of forming a settlement in their country. I was absent from Parowan at the time, which to them was quite a disappointment, but fortunately, though accidentally, I fell in with them on their return near Coal Creek. They met me with the greatest warmth of Indian friendship, they all recognized me on sight, and said that I had been in their country, and promised to settle there. They wished to know if I still intended to comply with my promises, and how soon; I replied, whenever the Big Captain told me to go, perhaps it would be within four moons. They expressed great anxiety to have us settle among them, so they could "manika" (work) for the Mormons, like the Pah Eeds at Parowan.

The settlements at Parowan and Cedar City are in a flourishing condition; crops of almost every kind look well. The Iron company have labored under many disadvantages which are common in every new country, which has caused the work to move on slowly, yet the most of the brethren are determined never to cease their exertions until iron is made, and I believe they will accomplish it. The health of the saints is good in general. The spirit that led them to form this colony in the depth of winter, and that, too, under many adverse circumstances, is still here to unite the people together in their exertions to build up the Kingdom of God. The natives in general are peaceable and well disposed, though some few are reckless and have need to be looked after. On Saturday, the 7th inst., one of those characters, a brother to Ow-wannop the Chief, came into my house in my absence, and was very saucy. Mrs. Lee bid him leave which he took as an insult, and instead of going out, struck her over her left eye with a piece of plank, leaving the skull bare" about four inches.1 He struck her three blows, which used up his present weapon; he then seized a stick about three inches over, and aimed the fatal blow, when she was rescued by br. W m . Barton, who caught the blow with one hand, and struck him two licks with the other hand, almost dislocating his neck; this ended the affray. It is but due to Mrs. Lee to say that she fought like a heroine to the last moment, although her face and clothes were bathed in crimson gore. This transaction 'See Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 10, pp. 185-6.

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caused a doleful sensation throughout the camp for a little season.

This morning Ow-wan-nop, the chief, and a Pahvante chief, together with a few of their leading men met in council at my house. President Smith, Br. Steele, Br. Lunt, and myself told them through my boy, who was our interpreter, that we were not mad with all the Indians, but were not pleased with the Indian who had abused our squaws, and if they wanted to be our friends, they must bring and tie him to the liberty pole, and give him forty lashes, well put on, and we would then be satisfied for that and other offences which he had previously committed on other females. W e sat in council about two hours, and fully explained our intentions and feelings towards them. They readily promised to comply with our proposition and be friendly.

Accordingly, about sun-down the two chiefs, with twentytwo of their braves, marched the criminal to the spot appointed, armed with their bows and arrows. W e told them that if they were our friends, they would leave their weapons at their camps as a token of their sincerity; they were disarmed in a moment, and two men were appointed to convey them without the Fort.

The victim was then stripped and tied to the liberty pole, and with a raw hide lasso doubled five times, received thirty-eight lashes, pretty well tucked on. H e was whipped by his own brother, the chief, who, while repeating the blows, said, "you would not hear, your ears were stopped up, but now I will open them so that they will always stay open." H e then told him that if he attempted to shoot our cattle in retaliation, he would kill him. W e told the chief to stop, that we were satisfied.

The pipe of friendship was then smoked, though previously a prayer was offered to the Great Spirit by one of their chiefs, as an evidence of their innocence of the misdemeanor alleged to one of their tribe. In return for their prompt compliance with our request, the chiefs were presented with a shirt each, and the braves with bread. A greater degree of fidelity in the performance of their promises was never before witnessed among any of the Indian tribes, and they set an example worthy to be followed by many of the more civilized and enlightened whites.

W i t h grateful feelings, I subscribe myself your friend and brother in the new and everlasting Covenant, John D. Lee Editorial Viewpoint (The Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, Vol. 3, No. 1, November 27, 1852) November 27, 1852.

W e feel that it would be wiser for the brethren to exert themselves in strengthening Fillmore, and other weak settlements, than in opening new Valleys; for when the brethren extend their set-

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dements beyond their own inherent power to maintain themselves against Indian invasions, their lives, property and all are endangered; and if by extending beyond that point, they should need protection, they must be dependent on others who already have enough to do to protect themselves, and thereby the whole community are liable to suffer.

Return of Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, U. T. (The Deseret News, June 8, 1854) May 30th, p.m., after an absence of nearly four weeks, Gov. Young and suite returned in good health and spirits, having gone as far south as Harmony, our most southern settlement, and about 300 miles south of this city.

This trip was highly opportune, as our red neighbors were thawing out of their winter retreats, had come into the valleys, and were as yet undecided on the course they would pursue.

Their summer haunts being within easy proximity to our settlements, the Superintendent was enabled to hold talks with the great majority of the Indians concerned in the difficulties of the past year, among the most noted of whom were Walker, the master chief of the Utahs, Grospene, and Washear, who joined his party at Chicken Creek. All the talks were favorable to a good peace, and the Indians were much pleased, and gratified with the presents of beef cattle, blankets, shirts, tobacco, 6 c , which enabled them to contrast strongly their present friendly and favorable position and prospects with the doubt and wretchedness of the past winter. All the natives met with, even to the distant Paiedes, rejoiced exceedingly at the visit, and were highly pleased with the words and counsel of the Big Captain of the whites who are settled in Utah.

The Southern settlements are reported to be full of industry, energy, and enterprise in farming, building, and various other useful avocations, and rejoicing, in the midst of prosperity, in peace, general health and union.

(The Deseret News, October 26, 1854) Governor Young and suite returned on the 18th inst., having been absent eight days on a trip to Manti, and the intervening settlements. Talks were held with the Indians on the route, who, with few exceptions, manifested friendly feelings, and a strong desire for the continuance of peaceful relations. Much counsel, and instruction on the policy to pursue with our red neighbors,

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and on other matters, was given to the inhabitants in each settlement.

T h e notorious Washear, or Squash-head, told Governor Young, "that he had been mad, and had acted foolishly, but had got over it now, and would do better, and as he was very poor, if he would give him a blanket he would go out hunting, and get his living honestly." The Governor overlooked Squash-head's past folly, and gave him a blanket, being well aware that as we have been twenty-four years in severe drill to learn what we know, we should be very lenient to the natives who have to start from a position so far below the vantage grounds we had at the beginning.

Notes From the Indian Country (Millennial Star, May 26, 1855) Parowan, Iron County, Jan. 7, 1855.

T o Brother James A. Little Beloved Brother . . . N o w a few words respecting our peaceful homes. All has been peace here. I believe I have had only one expedition since you left. Although our red brethren, the Utahs, are all around us, all is peace, and is likely to continue so. Many of the old Piedes are dying off, and the Utahs are somewhat afraid of Colonel Steptoe's soldiers, that have come into the other valley.

W e spent our new year here inside our big walls, which are 12 feet high, 6 feet thick at the bottom, and 2l/2 feet at the top. Our gates are hung, they are 12 feet wide, and 6 inches thick. Some of the wall is not as high as 12 feet, on account of the frost setting in upon the workmen, so that the materials would not stick together.

Brother Johnson has built himself a snug fort 8 feet high, with two corner bastions on it, two stories high, well constructed, out on the bottom from the bluffs.

The people of Harmony are well situated inside their fort, 200 feet square, 9 feet high. It is to be two stories high, no windows in the lower story, which is 3 feet thick of adobies. . . . At Harmony there are about sixty men, which makes that place able to defend itself. Major Lee is still in command, both spiritual and temporal. W . H. Dame is Colonel commanding the district, but is now gone to the Legislature.

I remain your brother in the bonds of the Covenant, John Steele

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Praise for Brigham Young's Policy (The Deseret News, June 13, 1855) Editor, Desdrer News: Home Correspondence, G. S. L. City, June 11, 1855. . , . W e [Brigham Young and suite] were accompanied by Kanoshe and some of his band, from Millard County to Cedar City, where they met their southern brothers in council to elect three subchiefs, and I was surprised and gratified to find them so generally well clad, and every way improved in their appearance. It speaks volumes in favor of the benign and pacific course recommended by Governor Young, and pursued towards them by the people, for it has accomplished more in advancing them in civilization and ameliorating their condition during the short period this policy has been tried, than all the efforts of the general government are ever able to effect through unqualified agents, who usually consult their own interest more than the improvement of these children of the forest; though I have known a few honorable exceptions. . . .

E. P. Thomas Mormon Indian Aids Set Apart (Th& Deseret News, July 11, 1855) Iron County, Parowan, May 30, 1855.

Bro. Geo. A. Smith: . . . Tom Whitney, an Indian, was set apart as chief of these Paiedes, and Aunt Mary Smith, sisters Meeks, 3 West, and Fish were set apart as nurses and teachers to the females, to teach them their organization, the taking care of children, 6c, and to nurse according to revelation, that is, by laying on hands, anointing, and with mild herbs.—Yours, 6 c J. H. M. [Martineau].

Report of Bishop David Evans (The Deseret News, July 11, 1855) Fillmore, 12th June, 1855.

I arrived at this place about 4 p.m., from the desert country, with a portion of my company, all in good health and spirits. W e were gone fifteen days across the desert; had a first-rate time, none of us suffered any; our animals stood the trip well, and we lost none. Saw Indians that had never before seen a white man, "See Utah Historical Quarterly, vol. 10, p. 125.

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and when they saw us it alarmed them as much as it would the whites to see a Negro, if they had never seen or heard of one before. They are not a warlike people, never having had war among themselves, nor with any of the tribes.

Our guide said they did not know how to fight, as they never had fought. They wear no clothing, and have no shelters only such as are made of sage brush and willows, and sometimes cane, which will neither turn snow nor rain. These Indians know nothing only what they know naturally; their food is snakes, roots, locusts, and reptiles of every kind, in short every and anything that hogs will eat, and some things that hogs will not eat, such as dogs, cats, 6 c W e killed a large wild cat, and gave to them, and they eat it insides and all. They have become very friendly with us since they have got over their fright.

I have got a good company of boys with me, that I think will do pretty near right. Silvanus Collet, and Henry and James Lamb crossed the desert with me; they are well. W e expect to stop in this place two days to rest our animals, and then go to the balance of the company.

Excursion To Fillmore, By Hon. John M. Bernhisel and Lt. Gen. D . H. Wells ( The Deseret News, August 29, 1855) . . . Kanoshe and all the Indians met with on the route were very friendly, though as usual, very burdensome upon our young settlements, in their affectionate method of constant begging, and supplying themselves liberally with corn and potatoes from the fields. . . .

Letter to Editor, Deseret News, from George A. Smith (The Deseret News, September 19, 1855) Historian's Office, G. S. L. City, Sept. 14,1855. . . . P.S. While at Provo, I had a visit from Sowiette.

The old Utah Chief seemed quite well—said he would be glad to visit the Superintendent of Indian affairs, but was so old he was not able. He visited Major Armstrong and received from him the promise of some presents on the following Tuesday at Springville, where his band was then encamped. Major Armstrong went on Monday, and to his surprise found that Sowiette and his band had started for Yampah land. The Major followed and overtook him at Spanish Fork. On interrogating him as to why he did not remain at Springville until he got his presents, Sowiette replied, that some of the young men of his band were taking corn out of the

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white people's fields, which might make a disturbance, if he had remained, and he preferred to do without the presents rather than run the risk of difficulty. T h e Major gave him a rifle, some blankets, shirts, and other necessaries, and left him in the finest kind of spirits.

Yan-Tan, son of Wanship, a hereditary chief of the Cumum-bahs, who we found living on the site of G. S. L. City, in 1847, and familiarly and favorably known to the whites as having arrested the murderers of the sons of Bishop Weeks, died recently near Provo. His family living at Lehi, evacuated their house, requested Bishop Evans to exchange it for another, as they could not bear to remain in the house where he had lived. He was one of the best dispositioned and most friendly chiefs in the mountains. G. A. S. [George A. Smith] Proclamation By the Governor (The Deseret News, October 17, 1855) Whereas, reliable information has been received that the Shoshones and a portion of the Utah Indians have commenced hostilities against the whites of Green River and other counties by killing Edward Edwards, W m . Behunin, and Wiseman Hunt, and are continuing to commit depredations upon the people by killing cattle, destroying their grain, 6 c , by fire and otherwise; this is, therefore, to the military forces of the Territory of Utah, to hold themselves in readiness to march, at a moment's notice, to any point that may be the scene of disturbances in the Territory.

The Lieutenant General will cause such force as may be necessary to be called into immediate service, to proceed without delay to Forts Bridger and Supply, in Green River county [now Wyoming], and to other counties, and render such effective aid and protection to those posts and the mails and emigration on the roads as may be necessary for their safety.

The eastern frontier counties and settlements, and all distant and isolated locations in the Territory are cautioned to be on their guard, to secure their defences and keep a strong guard on their cattle, horses, and other property.

It is especially enjoined upon all the whites to act only on the defensive, and to omit no opportunity for conciliating the Indians, and securing their friendship.

Done at Great Salt Lake City, this 12th day of October, A.D., 1855, and of the Independence of the United States the eightieth.

Brigham Young Governor, and ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs Done by the Governor, A. W . Babbitt, Sec'y. of Utah Territory.

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Disturbance W i t h Indians (The Deseret News, February 27, 1856) For some time past a few Indians in Utah and Cedar valleys have been disposed to be mischievous, stealing cattle and horses when opportunity offered, threatening to kill cattle when they pleased, and resisting a legal examination into their conduct. Matters were in this condition until recently, when, from all now known (10 a.m. of the 26th) some Indians killed two herdsmen on the west side of Utah lake on the 21st, or early on the 22nd inst., and another herdsman is missing.

On the 22nd, a posse of ten men, with writs from the first and second U. S. District Courts, called at an Indian camp near the south fort in Cedar county, to arrest the Indians named in those writs.

Soon as the attempt was made to execute the writs, the Indians showed fight and fired upon the officers, and in the melee one Indian and one squaw were killed, the latter accidentally, and Br. George Carson was mortally wounded, and died about 2 a.m. of the 23rd.

(The Deseret News, April 30, 1856) N O T I C E IS hereby given to those who have lost stock during the late Indian difficulties, that we have in our herd, five horses that were brought into Manti by Arapeen, who had succeeded in getting them from the Indians that had driven them off from some of the herds below. A light roan mare 7 years old; a dark bay mare, white stripe in the face, 3 years old; a bay horse, blind in right eye, 5 years old; a sorrel mare colt and a bay horse colt one year old. The owners are requested to prove property, pay charges and take them away.

Geo. Snow John Crawford Manti, April 10, 1856.

Trip T o the Santa Clara (The Deseret Ne\ws, September 23, 1857) Parowan, August 22, 1857.

Br. Carrington: . . . Here [Twenty-five miles above Santa Clara], we were met by Jackson, a chief of the Pah-Utes, with many of his band, who were very anxious to have us stop with them all night; but as

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we were desirous of proceeding farther, we traveled about 5 miles and came to another band of natives with their chief, Kahbeets, who insisted on our stopping with them. W e accordingly camped, the natives assisting in taking care of our animals, roasting corn for us, 6c, and inviting us to help ourselves to their corn, some 5 acres of which stood close b y . . . . . . . Br. Rufus C. Allen and the brethren associated with him have done much in ameliorating the condition of the natives, in teaching them the arts of civil life and in inducing them to cease their robbery and warfare, and the prospect is fair that in a few years they may be made useful and industrious citizens. . . . . " James H . Martineau.

Governor's Message to the Legislative Assembly (The Deseret News, December 23, 1857) Great Salt Lake City, December 15, 1857.

Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives:— . . . The Parent Government exercises a general supervision over the Aborigines within its borders, yet a brief allusion to the red men within and around Utah may not here be inappropriate, the more especially since the expense of their care and support has, from the beginning, fallen almost exclusively upon us, and from present appearances bids fair to do so altogether; and still, after we have invariably fed and clothed them and treated them with the utmost forbearance, in proper consideration for their degraded condition, if we do not turn out and safely and without charge escort to their destination those passers-through who have cheated, and then poisoned and wantonly slain untutored savages, lying and corrupt presses throughout the Union will send forth against us a united and prolonged howl of base slander and false accusations, charging upon us all the murders and massacres occurring between the Missouri river and the Sierra Nevada mountains, with the sole intent to excite to frenzy a spirit for our extermination. However much we may be disposed to deplore that savage usage which wreaks indiscriminate vengeance, we still more deeply deprecate that double-dyed villainy of fiendish editors and their lie-loving readers, who willfully suppress and falsely color facts and subvert truths for the sole purpose of raising an unhallowed hue and cry against an innocent people, for those editors and readers have been better taught; and suggest that if all such characters would organize themselves into patrolling Vigilance Committees for the purpose of restraining the cruel and outrageous conduct of a portion of the annual passing emigration,

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they would soon learn that the Indians are far oftener, if not always, when difference of education and habits is included, 'more sinned against than sinning,' that the most forbearing will not forever patiently endure a continued tirade of unjust threats, abuse and vituperation, that kindness is much more winning than severity, and that the inhabitants of Utah, as ever, are at home noiselessly pursuing their peaceful avocations and struggling to mete out even-handed justice to all, irrespective of creed or party. But however Government may neglect and however enemies may rage and falsely accuse, the experience derived from a long observation of the yearly improvement in some of the most degraded Indian tribes upon the Continent, strongly prompts me to again recommend the continuance of that humane policy so uniformly pursued by Utah towards her wild denizens, gradually leading them like children in the rudiments of civilization, which has so often resulted and will ever result in saving lives that would otherwise have been and otherwise will be destroyed, and which my judgment dictates to be the wisest, most humane and even cheapest policy that can as yet be adopted.

Brigham Young Emigration South—Southern Indians (The Deseret News, December 29, 1858) A great many strangers are said to have gone on to Califfornia by the southern route, and several "Mormons" have taken through loads of passengers, all proceeding safely when even the most oraMary precautions and propriety are observed. Some are said to have traveled in a very jolly style, with wagons conveniently rigged for gambling.

It is rumored that some time last fall a traveling company intrusted their cattle to the Indians on the Santa Clara to herd, and the Indians drove the cattle off. In re-taking the cattle, the company had one ox killed and one man wounded in the thigh.

Since that event eight emigrants stopped at Harmony, sold their horse, bought lumber and made two skiffs, under the ridiculous notion of navigating the Rio Virgin. Six of the party gave up the foolish plan and proceeded by land. The remaining two, with much difficulty, went in their skiffs to near Heberville where the skiffs were dashed to pieces on the rocks, and the men wended their way on foot to Fort Clara. At that post they hired an Indian to guide them to the California road, but they had not proceeded many miles when the Indian guide shot one of the men through the neck, killing him instantly, and the Indian ran one way and the remaining emigrant another. The emigrant returned to Fort

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Clara, obtained help and went and buried the body of his unfortunate companion. No names of the parties in either affair have reached us.

These reports would indicate the necessity of a little more care on the part of persons traveling through those sparsely settled regions, and less confidence in trusting themselves and property to the guidance or care of the wild natives. Still, with proper precaution and conduct on the part of travelers, we do not apprehend that they will meet with any serious harm or loss.

Settlers Organize Battalions (The Deseret News, February 1, 1860J Manti, Jan. 16, 1860. . . . As this is a frontier country, surrounded by savages of a hostile character, which past history abundantly proves, and being desirous to maintain the first law of nature—self-preservation—a military organization has just been completed, consisting of seven battalions (700 men), and W a r r e n S. Snow has been unanimously elected colonel. . . .

Sanpitch * The Indians At the North (The Deseret News, June 27, 1860) Mr. Randall, of this city who has a herd of cattle in Ogden Hole valley, informs us that when he left that section of country a few days since, the Shoshones were gathering there quite fast, and that there were some sixty or seventy lodges in their encampment, and their numbers were increasing daily. The Indians had made no particular demonstrations of hostility, but were somewhat morose, and evidently were considerably displeased about something. One of the chiefs had advised the herdsmen and the other whites in that secluded valley, to keep away from their camp, as some of the Shoshones were mad. . . .

Expedition of Col. Davis (The Deseret News, December 26, 1860) Ruby Valley, U. T., Dec. 16, 1860.

Editor News: As everything pertaining to public affairs in our Territory, especially our Indian relations, is of interest to the public, I avail myself of this opportunity to give your readers a brief sketch of my trip as guide to the expedition of Col. Davis, the newly ap-

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pointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Utah, to the Goshutes and Shoshones, who have been killing, robbing and shooting at the mail and express riders all along this route from Salt Lake City to Carson Valley, ever since last spring. . . . . . . W h e n they first approach us they appear timid and suspicious; but, by his superior knowledge of the Indian character and from his past experience, Col. Davis soon dispels their fears, and they begin to laugh and jabber as if we were all Indians together.

He has literally fed the hungry and clothed the naked, and carried universal joy into the hearts of these poor, destitute creatures, to an extent they never felt before. He operates in an entirely new and different way from all other Indian officers I have seen in this country.

It is only repeating what is everywhere known, that by mismanagement the confidence and good feeling of the Indians towards the whites has been almost entirely destroyed. Col. Davis has already restored confidence wherever he has met the Indians, as I have witnessed on this expedition, which terminates at this place.

Had the reader been present as I have been, and witnessed their merrymaking and rejoicing as they sported the fine blankets, shirts, leggings, hats, feathers, and other ornaments, women's dresses, sacks, rings, beads, paints, bells, hatchets, knives, looking glasses, combs, boots, shoes, pants, and so on, whilst others were feasting on the.fine flour, beef and bacon he furnished them, it would have done his soul good, unless, indeed, he had no heart to rejoice at human happiness.

If the course adopted and pursued by Superintendent Davis be followed up, I hazard nothing in saying that a few years will suffice to make all the Indians in these mountains contented and happy, and there will be no more complaints of wars and robberies among them. Whilst I am writing, their merry songs in the wikkiups are ringing in my ears, and their chiefs and head men are delighted beyond measure.

I have written this to let the public know that we have seen hundreds and hundreds of these fighting, troublesome Indians, and that they promise to be peaceable and orderly; and their chiefs assure us that they will punish the refractory ones, until they break up stealing and fighting altogether.

W m . A. Hickman

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The Uinta Indians (The Deseret News, May 1, 1861) Tsha-pwe-unt-White Eye, the principal or head chief of the Utes, accompanied by about twenty lodges of the Uinta band, arrived at the Spanish Fork Indian farm, on Friday last, intending, as reported by Mr. D. B. Huntington, Indian interpreter, to remain there during the summer. They should be sent back to their own country by the Superintendent without delay, as they will have to be sustained by the whites while they remain there, but when on their hunting grounds they can support themselves.

The old chief came to the city on Sunday to see the Superintendent, and get some presents, and remained a day or two and then returned to the farm, well satisfied with his visit.

The sojourning of Indians from other and distant valleys should not be tolerated in the settlements, and if the government agents do their duty, W h i t e Eye and his attendants will be sent back to the Colorado instanter.

Progress in Civilization and Improvement Among the Indians in Millard County ( The Deseret News, May 21, 1862) It is reported on good authority, that the Indians on Corn Creek, and on the Sevier in Millard County, are making rapid progress in civilization, and are very busily engaged this spring in plowing, sowing and planting, and in other farming operations, exhibiting considerable skill in the performance of whatsoever they undertake to do. Superintendent Doty has furnished them with the necessary teams, farming implements and seed. H e has also made arrangements for feeding the infirm and those who labor, but not the idlers, a most excellent plan, and which cannot fail if strictly carried out, to make a favorable impression upon their minds and induce them to become industrious rather than idle, the reverse of what the feeding operations of most of the government agents has hitherto produced. . . .

Lamanite Thieves (The Deseret News, August 13, 1862) Four Indians were arrested yesterday by Sheriff Burton on a warrant issued by Judge Drake, on a charge of stealing about forty sides of leather from the tannery of Mr. Pugsley, in the 19th Ward. The case will be examined today as we understand. There is no doubt of their guilt, as some of the leather was found in their possession.

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Note on Chief Toquer (The Deseret News, October 1, 1862) St. George, Washington County, Sunday, Sept. 14, 1862.

Editor Deseret News: Dear Sir: . . . Toquer, in the Pahute language, signifies black, and was the name of an industrious Indian chief, who was found here when our first explorers traveled through this country. At that time he had a farm of five acres, on which he raised wheat, corn, pumpkins and melons.. He was somewhat aristocratic, when compared with his brethren, living in a respectable sort of shanty covered with the broad-leafed cane, which grows in great abundance in the bottoms adjacent to the river. From him this place derived its name. . . . . . . But we were rewarded for all unpleasant travelling when we reached the pretty little site on which is being built Virgin City (the inhabitants complain that the vulgar call it Pocketville), situated on the banks of the Rio Virgin. The Indian name of this river is Pah Roosh. . . . . . . The scenery around Grafton is quite picturesque and romantic; hence there is something that is both pleasing and attractive to the stranger. . . .

J. V. Long Indian Depredations in Tooele County (The D&seret News, March 18, 1863) On Friday morning last, as we have been informed by letter from Mr. William Empy, a company of eight Indians made their appearance at Garr's herd ground, in Skull Valley, Tooele County, on a depredatory visit, soon after daylight. The first intimation given of their presence was a discharge of firearms at the tent, in which there were at the time only two persons, John Garr and Empy. They continued to fire at the tent till the men thought it best to retire for safety, when Garr ran to the corral, which was not far distant, to loosen their horses, and Empy proceeded to the rear of the yard and let down the fence, the Indians firing at them the while without doing any injury further than the wounding of one of their horses. As soon as possible they mounted each a horse and fled. . . .

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Governor's Message to the General Assembly of the State of Deseret (Millennial Star, March 17, 1866) Executive Office, State of Deseret, January 22, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Deseret, in a General Assembly convened.

Gentlemen,— . . . It is hoped that the Indian Treaty, which was effected early last summer with the chiefs of the various Indian tribes in the Territory, will accomplish beneficial results, and be the means of collecting them at a point where they can be taught the arts of industry. Some of their number—roving outcasts from the various tribes—have committed many depredations upon some of the outer Settlements during the past year. The feeling, which is too common under such circumstances, is one of vengeance—a vengeance that does not distinguish the innocent from the guilty, but visits all of the same nation and color with indiscriminate punishment.

This merciless policy, I am happy to say, has found but few advocates among our citizens; and, if they are true to themselves and to our common humanity, such a policy will always be discarded. W e have proved that the pacific, conciliatory policy is in every sense the better course for us to pursue. Experience has taught us that it is cheaper to feed Indians than to fight them—a statement that has been so often repeated that it has become a recognized axiom among us. They are an ignorant and degraded race, and their condition should excite our commiseration. But it would be both unwise and dangerous for our citizens to allow their feelings of sympathy to blind them to the necessity of taking every precaution to guard themselves, their families, Settlements and flocks against their depredations and attacks. While they are so unthinking and unreasoning, and of such predatory habits as at present, they cannot be trusted with any safety; and our citizens ought to exercise great vigilance and caution in protecting themselves against sudden surprises. . . .

Brigham Young

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Letter of Brigham Young to Horace S. Eldredge (Millennial Star, Nov. 1, 1870) Salt Lake City, Oct. 4, 1870.

President Horace S. Eldredge Dear Brother,— . . . Myself and President Wells, with a few Elders, all in 6 two-horse vehicles, left this city August 27, on an exploring trip to the Kanab country. W e crossed the mountains from Parowan to the. Sevier, thence following up the Sevier and passing over the rim of the Basin on to the head of the Rio Virgin, stopping the second night out from Parowan at Roundy's [now abandoned settlement on the upper Kanab Creek. Thence two days' trave we reached the Paria, a place suited more for an Indian farm anc lookout than anything else. Our next night was passed at the Kanab Settlement, where we found brother Levi Stewart and a few other families, also quite a number of Indians; all seemed much pleased to see us. At this place we located and surveyed a town site, and on the Sabbath after our arrival, at a meeting of the citizens, brother Levi Stewart was chosen and afterwards ordained Bishop to preside over the Kanab W a r d . From Kanab we went to Pipe Springs, where we located a rock fort, to be 152 by 66 feet, to be so arranged as to accommodate a number of persons in case of an Indian attack. T h e fort will enclose a fine spring of good water, and when completed we propose naming it "Windsor Castle." From Pipe Springs we went via Virgin City, Toker, 6 c , to St. George, where we tarried a day, and thence we returned home, reaching this city Sept. 24. W e held numerous meetings, both going and returning, which were well attended by attentive audiences. The roads were good but dusty, and the weather was fine. . . . . . . Black Hawk, the Indian chief who took so conspicuous a part in our last Indian wars, died on the 27th of last month, near Spring Lake Villa [Utah County], and in a small ravine near by, his tribe buried him. That locality, I understand, was the place of his birth; there he commenced his depredations, and thither he went to die. He was the most formidable foe amongst the red men that the Saints have had to encounter for many years. The Indians generally appear to be inclined to peace throughout the Territory, though there are some rumors of horse stealing expeditions to be entered upon by the Green River Indians this present fall. W e r e there no white men to purchase stolen stock and supply the Indians with whisky and ammunition, there would be fewer Indian thieves and scarcely any Indian difficulties. . . .

Brigham Young

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Indians Baptized (Millennial Star, April 19, 1875) St. George, March 20, 1875.

Editor Salt Lake Herald: . . . The next marvel was the arrival, last night, of about 200 Shebit Indians, who came and demanded baptism—the result of some supernatural influence through their prophets and "medicine men," similar to like demonstrations in other parts of the Territory. Early this morning a large concourse of red and white people were gathered around the pool on Mount Hope.—Savage, of course, with his [photographic] instrument, was present and took several views. Several persons were appointed to administer, and after singing and prayer, nearly 200 of the dusky denizens of the forest—men, women, and children—went down into the water and were baptized, after which, food to sustain them for the time they remained was donated and collected by the citizens. [See frontispiece illustration in Utah Historical Quarterly for October, 1932].

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[This song was written by Thales H. Haskell and was sung often among the pioneers. I have never seen the music written but have heard the song many times.—J.B.] EXPLORING We bid farewell to Gould's place Exploring we were bound Instead of taking a straight course We circle round and round The rocks they are so high The hills they are so steep We can hardly find a level place To lie us down to sleep.

Our bugler found a hornet's nest Which caused him to retreat But everyone acknowledged He performed a quite a feat For like a broncho rider The sadlle he did stick While the mule was whirling off with him And seemed inclined to kick.

When we find a level place In rains so like sin You might as well be in the creek At least up to your chin And when the rain is over There comes the deuced guard Who calls you out to duty I think it's rather hard.

We have crowded thru the quaking asp And over fallen pine We have bursted up our cracker sacks And strewed our flour behind Our animals got off the track The boys politely swore That they never drove a pack mule In such a place before.

This thing they call exploring Looks pretty in a book But if you follow it up boys You'll wear a disappointed look For the country is wilderness There are no Indian signs W e have no trail nor guide, boys We have to go it blind.

When we got to Cedar The Bishop took us in And gave us all our supper And bid us call again But when we got to Parowan The Bishop gave a bow And said it's not convenient To entertain you now.

We've clambered up the clay hills The compass we have boxed We have traveled over mountains And canyons full of rocks This trip would try a Quaker It cannot be denied For the old gray horse of Pocketville Has tumbled down and died.

I wish I had a clean shirt I wish I had some shoes I wish my old mule was fat And I didn't have the blues If ever I get home again Contented I'll remain And never go exploring Till called upon again. —Thales H. Haskell 1865

This fragment was found at the top of a page, the bottom part of which was torn off. It was evidently set to the tune, "Come, Let Us Anew."

And our country improve By the patience of Job And no rain from above

Our life on the stream The Old Virgin I mean Glides swiftly away But the contrary ditch Still refuses to stay

The ditch has broke down The waters are gone And the mineral so salt. . .

T H E MORMONS AND T H E INDIANS

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J O U R N A L O F T H A L E S H. HASKELL (Prepared for Publication by Juanita Brooks) INTRODUCTION This diary of Thales H. Haskell covers the second trip made by Mormon missionaries to the Hopi Indians of northern Arizona.

The Mormons called these natives Moquitches or Oribes [Oraibi], referring to lesser tribes of the Hopi race. The first mission was made in the fall of 1858, when twelve men went presumably in search of a surviving child from the Mountain Meadows Massacre.

Of that trip, Jacob Hamblin gives a detailed account in his autobiography, while the second venture he dismisses very briefly. For that reason, this day-by-day chronicle is interesting, while its vivid, racy style gives the venture color and life.

At the time of this journey, Thales Haskell was twenty-five years old and had lived among the Indians of southern Utah and Nevada for five years. He had come, an unmarried youth of twenty, with the first group of Indian missionaries who were called south in 1854. He married Maria Woodbury on October 4, 1855, but she was accidentally shot and killed by an Indian boy in June, 1857. Late in the fall of the same year Thales married Margaret J. Edwards, an emigrant girl from W a l e s .

He lived all his life on the Indian frontier, moving to Kanab, later to Arizona, and finally to Manassa, Colorado, where he spent the last years of his life. There are many legends of his fearlessness in dealing with the Indians, and of his willingness to undertake dangerous assignments. His account of his experiences on the Muddy, along the San Bernardino trail during the winter of 18571858, is another illuminating sidelight on the life of the Mormon Indian missionary among the Piutes.

The original diary from which this copy was made is a notebook with blue ruling, 8J/ÂŁ by 6 inches in size. It has lost its outside covers and several pages have been torn and portions of them lost.

All are wrinkled on the margins. It is written in a clear, legible hand. The first fourteen pages are in the Deseret Alphabet. 1 Some of this has been transliterated and found to be substantially the same as the script.

In the editing no changes have been made in the spelling or construction of the sentences, but paragraph indentations of the daily entries have been made to facilitate reading, and periods and capital letters inserted at the obvious sentence stops. The material is self-explanatory.

The original was secured from Mrs. Irene Haskell Smith, and is now in possession of the Brigham Young University, Provo,

Utah.—J.B. 'See pp. 84, 87, 93, 97, 99-102.

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JOURNAL O F T H A L E S H. HASKELL October, 1859 October 4, 1859—I started from Pinto Ranch (according to the request of Br. Jacob Hamblin, prest. of the Southern Indian Mission) to make a trip to the Moquitch Indians. Traveled 6 miles to the Meadows [Mountain Meadows], put up at the house of Jacob Hamblin. Staid there till the next morning on the account of an ox that was missing.

Wednesday 5th—Could not find the ox, sent my mules ahead to the Clara [the Santa Clara River] by Br. Benjamin Knell, yoked up another in place of the stray and started, load consisting of rawhides, rolls, provisions, water kegs, and other articles.

Traveled all day and part of the night. Broke my wagon hounds and fetched up in a sand bank. Chained the cattle up to some trees and concluded to spend the rest of the night in sleep.

Thursday 6th—Tied up the broken hounds the best I could and started again. Arrived at an Indian camp about noon. Got some corn fodder of the Indians, fed the cattle, ate some bread and cheese, and rolled on; arrived at Fort Clara about the middle of the afternoon—found some of the folks sick with the ague. Ate supper with Ira Hatch. 2 Friday 7th—Spent the day in getting ready. Boarded with Lucious Fuller. That night I got to thinking of my misfortunes, could not sleep and finally I believe had what some people call the blues. After a short time the scene changed and I was happy. The riches of this world and the ups and downs, disappointments and sufferings of this life seemed like nothing compared to the work of God. It seemed to me that it was the Lord's will that I should be one to tarry with the Indians, still I was happy though a few minutes before I had dreaded to go having once before suffered many hardships.

Saturday 8th—Finished getting ready. Wrote a letter to my wife, and in co. with br. Knell started, brs. Young and Riddle having left a short time before with the cart and 2 yoke of cattle which we intended taking as far as the Colerado—We overtook them at the springs some 4 miles from the fort [Now St. George], unsadeled and campt for the night. Br. Young went ahead to Washington [3 miles] to try to raise more hands to go with us.

Sunday 9th—Went down into the Virgin Field [by the Virgin River, from which the area was watered]. Met on the road brs. Young and Thomas Adare, Tom having concluded to go with us but afterward for some cause or other did not go. Spent This was before St. George, Utah, was settled.—Ed.

THALES H. HASKELL February 21, 1834—July 13, 1909 (Taken in later life.)

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the day eating melons and enjoying ourselves the best we knew how, at br. William Young's molasses machine.

Monday 10th—We rolled out again, br. Knell officiating as bull driver. Got along fine till we came to the clay hills a short distance from the Virgin field. James Pierce [Pearce] having joined us made us 5 strong. W e now set about hunting a road through the hills with uncommon vigor. At length we managed by considerable whiping, hooping, yelling 6c to get up some three or 4 hills, but in going down one the Cart capsized plumb bottom up with br. Riddle and myself hanging to the stern. W e righted her up, gathered our things together, loaded up, and tried it again— went about 30 steps and capsized again. Our faith in regard to the cart going to the Colorado now began to weaken, however after some labor we got started again and finally got through the hills and into the deep sand. Here the cart rolled heavy. As it was getting late br. Young and myself rode ahead in search of water. Traveled until 10 or 11 o'clock at night but found none—tied up our mules and camped being both hungry and thirsty and no feed or water for the mules, our camp ground looked gloomy.

Tuesday 11th—After going a short distance on the tracks we turned to the left and found a small pool of standing water. I stopt, built a fire, and raised a smoke while br Young went in search of the other boys and the cart. Found them about two miles back. An Indian came to me from their camp and brought me some breakfast which was very exceptable, having fasted since the morning before. The Indian said that he had found water about midnight for the other boys. I went with him to their camp. W e all thought best to move on to the little pool and wait there for br Hamblin and the rest of the company, br Hamblin being detained on account of a lost mule—brs Riddle, Young, and myself went ahead a short distance to look at a mountain as we had some doubts as to the possibility of getting the cart up. Found it the next thing to impossible. W e n t back to camp and expressed ourselves accordingly. Along in the evening br Shelton 8 came into camp aboard of a pack mule with the lash rope for stirrups. Said br Hamblin and Tailor [Taylor] Crosby would be there shortly. They soon arrived. Br Hamblin thought we looked rather low spirited. W e told him the cart was a bad egg and that we did not think it would make the riffle.

Wednesday 12—Got up and took a look for the animals.

Discovered that they had all taken the back track except the cattle and 2 horses. These were soon mounted by brs Knell and Crosby who started back on their track, followed by brs Pierce and Riddle on foot. Brs Hamblin, Shelton and Young rolled out with the cart for the mountain leaving me to keep) camp. The Indians that had started to go with us here weakened and went "Marion J. Shelton, see pp. 31, 71-94, 97.

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back. The boys returned about noon with the animals—said they found them some 10 miles back on the trail. W e now packed up and took after the cart. Found it at the foot of the mountain where the thing refused to climb, so we took our plunder and had a good time displaying our ingenuity in the art of packing, br Hamblin detailed brs Knell and Shelton to go back with the cart and get some more mules. One yoke of cattle was sent back. The other yoke we kept with us for beef and went on our way rejoicing. It was dark by the time we got to the top of the mountains [Hurricane Fault?] and some of our packs getting loose we had enough excitement in repacking, hunting the trail, 6c to make it interesting, br Crosby had one mule named Devil, which I considered very appropriate as he seemed to take great delight in all kinds of mulish deviltry—for instance, jumping stifleged, turning his pack, getting tangled in the riging 6 c Crosby's riding mule also bucked a while, but getting pretty well acquainted with a pair of American spurs concluded to give up and be gentle, br Hamblin's horse threw off a sack of beans and burst the sack so we had to leave them untill morning. W e finally got to Rock Kanyon all safe and sound and camped for the night.

Thursday 13th—Remained in camp and riged pack sadles, balanced our packs 6c, and brs Hamblin and Pierce went back for the beans and some rawhide which was left at the foot of the mountain.

Friday 14th—Remained camped. W e n t down the Kanyon a short distance and found a place which we called Niageria falls, a place where the water falls over the rocks some 2 or 3 hundred feet in times of high water.

Saturday 15th—Still in camp waiting for brs Knell and Shelton. In the evening br Knell arrived with 2 animals. Said that br Shelton had gone to the Rio Virgin to try to get a riding horse and did not know when he would come. Br Riddle was taken sick at this place. Kept getting worse and finally had to go back. Left his pack horse and trade with us.

Sunday 16th—Br Hamblin thought it best for him to wait for Shelton and for the rest of us to start across the 40 mile desert [to Pipe Springs]. W e accordingly started. Got about half mile when some half dozen pack animals stampeded and put in their time running, jumping, kicking, 6 leaving sadles, spades, axes, shovels, crackers, beans, rawhides, etc., scattered in all directions behind them, br Riddle's horse which at first was the most gentle and had the spades 6 axes packed on him now appeared to be the worst.

He threw his pack, turned the saddle, and kicked it into slivers, and finaly cut his legs so bad that he ruined himself for the trip. Several others turned their packs and things got so had to go back to Rock Kanion to repair—fixed up the best we could and concluded to stop till the next morning, br Shelton arrived in the evening in

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company with Sidney Littlefield who came with him to [get?] the horse which Shelton had borrowed to ride out there. Finaly concluded to send the crippled horse back and take the one along with us.

Monday 17th—Got up at daylight, packed up and started again, leading the worst animals. Got along fine untill when the fun commenced again, brs Knell, Crosby, and myself, having stopt behind to fix a pack were some distance from the rest of the company when the mule that Knell was leading laid down. In getting up he frightened his riding mule which commenced jumping and getting Knell tangled in the rope, threw him off, turned the saddle, scattered the fragments behind him as he left. This frightened Crosby's riding mule and the pack mule "Devil" which snorted and plunged madly and getting loose went tearing off into the darkness, nobody knew where. This was all the work of a moment.

1 asked Knell if he was hurt. He said no but his saddle was lost.

Crosby and myself now started in pursuit of the mules and Knell in search of his saddle. W e found 2 of the mules not far distant, but Devil was not to be found, br Crosby soon rode ahead and overtook the rest of the company. They camped and struck up a sage brush fire. I stopped with the mules. Crosby soon returned to hunt his pack mule; Shelton also came back and had the luck to find the mule with the pack and everything all right. W e now went down to camp, tied up or hobbled all the animals except the 2 beef cattle. Formed a circle around the fire and gasing, smoking, spinning yarns about old times 6c when Shelton who had been taking a walk around among the animals came to the fire and said the cattle had left—all hands was struck out with torches to hunt them, brs Hamblin, Crosby and myself followed them back on the trail some 3 or 4 miles, but it being so dark we could not follow their tracks long enough to overtake them. Started to camp.

Got lost—fired off a pistol—heard the report answered at camp— arrived at camp—kept one man on guard at a time the rest of the night. Just before daylight the guard sung out for help—said the mules had stampeded. All hands jumped out of bed and took after them—succeeded in getting them all back but Devil.

Tuesday 18th—Brs. Young and Crosby started back after the mule and cattle, br Knell found his saddle this morning. I put the pack of my lost mule on my riding mule and struck out afoot with the balance of the company for Pipe Springs. Arrived there about noon hungry, tired and thirsty. I now treated myself to a good drink of water, took breakfast, 6 rested myself. W e found several Piutes at this place. They seemed friendly and glad to see us.

Plenty of feed and good water at this place.

Wednesday 19th—Bros. Crosby and Young arrived at 10 o'clock, tired, hungry, and glad to see water. W e fixed them some breakfast which they partook of with good appetite and thankful

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hearts. Remained in camp that day. In the afternoon br Crosby and I went to the Indian camp and traded for a squaw basket which by considerable scrubbing we manufactured into a pan to mix bread on, having forgotten to bring one with us. The Piutes said that the Indian that we had expected to get to go with us for a guide was off in the mountains on a hunt, br Hamblin tried to get one of them to go with us, but none seemed willing, br Hamblin cached some provisions at this place, br Knell was elected cook and we all agreed to do his share of standing guard 2 hours each during the night.

Thursday 20th—Got up, took breakfast, packed up, and started. Traveled 12 miles to a dry wash [Kanab Creek] where the Indians told us we could find water, but we found none. W e stopt an hour then traveled on. W e n t about 15 miles. Came to a patch of cedars and camped for the night without water. Tied our mules to the trees, ate supper and all lay down and went to sleep.

Friday 21st—Got up at daylight, packed up, and started, following an Indian horse track, the Indians having told us that it would lead us to water. W e traveled on till we came to a place where the track turned to the right down a steep ledge of rocks where it was almost impossible for our animals to go. W e counseled together a few minutes whether it was best to take a straight course to where we supposed the water would be or to follow the track. Finally concluded to follow the track. W e had the luck to get down the rocks safe. Continued to track the horse in search of water. In vain. Got off our course and rather bewildered.

As it was very hot some of us began to get very thirsty. Others got to quoting Shakespeare when one of the boys remarked that he wished Shakespeare was in hell and he was with him if they had such a commodity as water there. I write this to show how savage men feel traveling in the sand without water. At length we got scattered out one or two in a place hunting for water. Finally came together at the mouth of a kanion which headed in the Buckskin Mountains. [Kaibab Plateau]. Here concluded to unpack and take a rest on the subject in the shade of the cedars, brs Hamblin and Shelton now started up the kanyon to hunt for water.

In an hour or 2 Shelton came to us with a canteen of water and treated the crowd. He said that they had found a small spring up the Kanyon about 3 miles. The water and the idea of finding a spring where we could water our animals cheered us up amazingly and we pakt up and started up the kanion in the best of spirits.

W e soon arrived at the springs—watered—took supper and all felt well. Plenty of wood, water, and grass at this place.

Saturday 22nd—Remained in camp and had a good rest, br Pierce went on to a high peak and made a big smoke thinking to

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raise some Piutes, as we were anxious to get one for a guide, but none came.

Sunday 23rd—Got up, took breakfast, packed up, and started.

Went down to the mouth of the kanyon—turned to the right 4 or 5 miles—turned to the right again up a kanyon—traveled on to the top of the mountain—stopped to bait [let the horses graze]— took dinner—packed up and went on. br Pierce having stopt to fix his pack got some distance behind. His pack horse got stuborn and the timber being so thick he soon got off the track and got lost and fired his pistol which we heard and answered, and br Shelton stopt to wait for him. Traveled on till sundown and camped, brs Shelton and Pierce not having arrived we began to feel uneasy about them and were afraid they were both lost. W e were just preparing to fire a gun when they came in sight. W e now got supper and after satisfying our appetites stretched ourselves on the ground before a big pine fire. While spinning yarns, br.

Shelton's pants caught fire, causing him to jump and dance in such a manner as to set the rest of us into roars of laughter. He however burnt his hands so bad in putting it out that we had to let up. br Hamblin while on guard killed a badger and roasted it, and we managed to eat it, one after another, as we came on guard. Plenty of feed and good timber at this place but no water.

Called it 20 miles from Mountain Springs to this place.

Monday 24th—Packed up and started before breakfast. W e went too far to the right and wandered some time around in the timber when br Shelton struck it out alone to the left. At last we turned down a kanyon to the left. After toiling and plunging over rocks and oak brush for 2 or 3 hours managed to find our way out. After we got down we repacked, ate a bit of dried muskmelon and cracker dust and went ahead. Arrived at a small spring about an hour by sun and killed one of the beef cattle and were beginning to feel somewhat troubled about Shelton when he drove in sight as we were skining the beef. The cook now fried meat, made cakes and called all hands to supper, which we destroyed with uncommon zeal. Hobbled the animals and went to bed.

Tuesday 25th—Spent the day cutting and drying meat, which we hung on our lariats and lash ropes.

Wednesday 26th—Remained in camp. Br Young went back after the ox, he having taken the back track during the night. Found him some ten miles distant on the side of the Buckskin Mountain.

This ox seemed to know that his mate was killed and for several days refused to eat and from that time on acted stuborn and revengeful, brs Hamblin, Crosby and myself dug out and walled up this spring and named it Jacob's pool. That night we were aroused shortly after midnight by some Piutes who stood off at a distance and sung out to know if we were Mormons. I being awake answered them and told them to come into camp which they

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did. They seemed very glad to see us. Rained considerably during the night.

Thursday 27th—Remained in camp. Traded some with the Indians. They said that the Indian that we wanted to guide us across the Colerado was off on a hunt. W e therefore concluded to go to the old Ute trail [the Crossing of the Fathers]. If we could have got a guide we had been thinking of making a boat or raft and going a more direct route and missing some 4 or 5 days of hard traveling, br Hamblin gave the head and entrails of the beef to the Indians and stuffing themselves to their hearts' content, they all left except one old gent who honored us with his presence over night.

Friday 28th—Remained in camp, the rain having set us back in our meat drying operation. W e hung the meat out again, greased our saddle rigging, guns, 6 c , and got ready to start the next morning. Old Indian loaded himself with bones, scraps of rawhide, 6 left. Shortly afterwards a young Indian came to camp with antilope skins to trade, br Hamblin I think gave him some amunition for them. 18 miles from mountain camp to this place. Good feed and water here but not much wood.

Saturday 29th—Got things together and started, leaving several Piutes on the campground, br Shelton stopt behind to drive up the ox. W e traveled a short distance when an Indian came running and said that Shelton could not drive the ox and wanted help, br Crosby went back to help him. After a good deal of racing they succeeded by pelting him with rocks in geting him turned once more toards the Moquitches. Traveled 18 miles and camped on a small saleratus creek. Hobbled our animals, ate supper and talked about the propriety of standing guard when br Young offered for a chew of tobacco to insure the animals all safe in the morning.

That weed was getting rather [scarce] in camp; however br Crosby sheld out the required chew for the benefit of the crowd.

Tied the ox and all went to bed. Grass scarce, water bad, very little cottonwood at this place.

Sunday 30th—Br Young brought up the animals according to contract, took breakfast, packed up and started about sunrise. Had a good view of the Colerado, the trail leading us in close to it in this place. Came to quite a large creek emtying into the river [Paria River]. Traveled up it 5 miles and camped. Saw considerable beaver sign. Spread out our meat—ate a hearty supper —sang songs—hobbled the animals and went to bed. Plenty of water, grass and cottonwood at this place 19 miles from saleratus creek.

Monday 31 st—Got up, took breakfast, packed up, and started.

W e n t a short distance further up the creek. Turned to the right and climbed a very steep, sandy, rocky mountain some 2 miles from the bottom to the top. Very hard on our pack mules, and in

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some places very dangerous. W e however had no bad luck. As we were traveling along we saw a smoke rise and then the fire was suddenly put out. W e concluded that we were discovered by Indians, br Hamblin stopt and made a smoke in answer to the signal and the rest of us went on a short distance where we found a hole in the sand which by cleaning out with our spades furnished enough water for the animals. W e stopt to rest and eat dinner. As we were eating some Indians made their apearance, one of which had never seen a white man before. He acted very wild and timid.

W e gave them some meat which they seemed to relish very much.

They apeared to be friendly and one agreed to go with us as pilot.

Packed up and traveld on till after sundown. Arrived at some holes in the rocks where we found plenty of water. Camped, hobbled, took supper and went to bed. Midling good feed; wood scarce. 22 miles from beaver to this place.* November 1st, 1859 Tuesday—Got up, took breakfast and packed. Traveled a mile or 2 and came to the Utah trail. W e n t on some distance farther and came to a small creek of alkali water and a camp of Indians.

Traveled on. Came to a pass in a mountain just wide enough for the mules to single file, perpendicular rocks very high on each side.

Traveled on. Came to a deep, muddy, nasty ravine leading to the Colerado. Had all we could do to get the animals down into it and after we got down had to unpack several mules before we could get through the river, it being so muddy. W e however, after wading through much tribulation in the shape of mud, water, willows, bulrushes, 6 c , succeeded in getting down to the ford where our 2 Indian guides said that the river was too high to cross and refused to take the lead. W e however concluded to try it and bro Hamblin and myself started in. The Indians having provided themselves with long willows anchored themselves to br Pierce, he holding to one end of the willows and they to the other. W e got out a short distance when our guides got frightened and went back to the shore, yelping and powowing, telling us all to come back or we would be drowned. W e however went ahead, got into deep water, floundered around a while, and finally took the Indians advice and went back—not in very good humor by the way, as we were all wet up to our middle—packs, blankets, guns 6c most all wet—and a devil of a cold night in the bargain. I gave the Indians quite a lecture for being cowards and good-for-nothing skunks for not taking the lead, they being acquainted with the ford. They only said they were afraid. W e unpacked, built up a fire, took supper, burnt up all the wood we could find trying to dry 'Compare Escalante's Journal, November, 1776, Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI.

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our blankets and clothes, gased about the probability of getting across tomorrow. Spent the evening wishing we were on the other side of the river, and went to bed.

Wednesday 2nd—Got up and looked wishful at the other side of the river, br Hamblin and some of the other boys unwell from exposure the night before. Guide said there would be an Indian in camp that lived on the other side and knew the ford and would not be afraid. He arrived in due time with several others.

They stood on the bank and jabered awhile and finely said that the water was too high. Said we had better wait 8 or 10 days till it got lower, br Pierce discovered an old raft made of a couple of poles with bulrushes lashed across. This we supposed had been made by the Utes. W e talked some of fixing it up, ferrying our things over and swimming the animals, bro Hamblin thought that a couple of us had better try the ford again horseback to see if we could not ford it. The Indians by this time had all left. I saddled up my mule, stript off everything but shirt, garments, and hat and in company with br Shelton started in, expecting a long swim in cold water. W e however had the luck to get across safe without swimming. I had some matches in my hat with which I made a fire, took a smoke, and waited with some anxiety to see the rest of the boys come across. One mare had followed us across which left us minus a pack animal. They packed up the rest and started in.

Then about half way across the ox refused to go any further and they had to let him go back. They got pretty near across but bearing a little too far to the left got into deep water where the small mules had to swim. One mule of br Crosbies being heavily packed with meat got off his balance and went rolling over and over down the stream. He finely struck bottom and lay with his feet sticking up and kicking and was given by all hands as dead, when he suddenly made a desperate struggle, raised up, and come to shore much to the satisfaction of all concerned. One pack and the ox still remained on the other side, brs Shelton and Pierce volunteered to go over after them. They got over safe and part way back when the ox turned and went back in spite of all br Pierces efforts to head him. Got over safe with the pack—Concluded to let the ox go till tomorrow. Pitched the tent as it looked like rain. Built a fire, took supper, and all felt fine, wishing however that the ox was on this side. Saw no more of the Indians.

Thursday 3rd—Got up and spread out our things to dry. Took breakfast—wandered lazyly over the rocks a while and gazed at the Colerado and the high rocky cliffs on each side through which it wound its zigzag course. Began to think about geting the ox over, and went back to camp, bro Hamblin told me to choose someone to go with me and go over and get the ox, so I chose br Young he being a good swimer in case of accident. W e riged up a long pole with a spike in the end and a rope to tow him and

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started over. Got him safe over this time, bro Young leading him and me behind brightening up his ideas with the spike pole.

He took to the water splendid. Prepared to start the next morning.

In the evening we sung songs and felt in fine spirits. 16 miles from honeycomb rock to this place. Plenty of wood, water, and grass on the east bank of the river.

Friday 4th—Got up, took breakfast, packed up and started.

Got about a mile and stopt—hunted up and down through the willows quite a while for the ox and could not find him. br Crosby followed his tracks back to the ford and found that he had crossed back over the river in the night, bro Hamblin and Young went back after him and the rest of us traveled on over a very rocky, uneven country to cottonwood creek, a place where the rocks are so high and the brush so thick that we had to look straight up to see out.

Here we camped and just as we were striking a fire bro Hamblin and Young came in with the ox. They said that he had swam the river and came very near drifting down stream below, landing the other side, as the rocks were upwards of a hundred feet high perpendicular a few rods below where he went out. Plenty of wood and water at this place—feed scarce—distance from the Colerado 23 miles.

Saturday 5th—Got up and prepared to start. 2 mules missing, one of mine and one of bro Hamblins. Thought that the company had better go on and two of us stop and hunt the mules. Br Young and myself stopped to hunt the mules. I struck out not in a very good humor however as in case we did not find them I did not fancy being left afoot behind the company not knowing how far ahead it was to water, bro Young went one direction and me in another —if either found them we were to fire a pistol to let the other know.

I hunted some time and climbed up on a high peak of rock. I soon saw the smoke of a pistol and directly heard the report, looked in that direction a few moments and saw br Young coming with the mules. Got better natured all at once. W e n t down, saddled up, and soon overtook the company. Traveled 27 miles and camped by the side of a big rock. Got there after dark. Saw a big fire to the right of us. Bro. Hamblin and Pierce went onto a high rock and struck up a big light thinking to raise some Indians. In a short time four made their appearance. Said there was plenty of water at their camp which was only about a mile from us. bro Hamblin, Crosby and myself went to water the animals and fill our canteens. Found plenty of standing water in a rock basin, plenty of wood and grass at this place.

Sunday 6th—Remained in camp till about 11 o'clock to let the animals rest and fill themselves. Watered, packed up, and started.

Traveled 22 miles and camped just after dark in some cedars without water. Let the animals feed a while and tied them up. Heard something yell. Some pronounced it a wolf and some an Indian.

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I thought it was an Indian. W e n t to bed. Had not fairly got to sleep when 2 Indians came to camp. Said there was plenty of water at their camp a short distance to the right of the trail. They lay down awhile but soon got so cold that they got up and went to their own camp.

Monday 7th—Commenced packing at daylight. Soon discovered another Piute coming. He led out and we followed about a mile and a half to water where some four or five of them were camped. W e traded for some antelope meat and took breakfast.

Remained in camp and let the animals rest, bro Young traded his gun for a pony and blanket with an Indian, bro Shelton went a hunting and discovered some ancient ruins 6 which consisted of two stone walls some 3 or 4 miles long and 15 feet high in some places.

They were not far from camp. All hands but the cook went to see them. They looked as though they might once have enclosed a street but now only a decaying mass of rocks in the middle of a desert. W e went back to camp meditating—who could have built those walls and who once lived there were questions none could answer. Plenty of water in a rock basin good, and plenty of wood at this place.

Tuesday 8th—One Indian volunteered to go with us. Took breakfast, packed up, and started. Traveled 18 miles and camped at Kootsen tooeep. Indians said that we had better keep a good lookout for our animals as we were in the Navijoe country. So we drove them up onto a rocky bench surrounded on all sides by steep presipices and only one place to get up. Here we stood guard.

Plenty of wood and water. Feed scarce.

Wednesday 9th—Got up, took breakfast, and started. Guide went ahead to the Oribe village [Arizona] to tell them that we were coming. W e traveled 25 miles and camped about a mile from a small spring and the Oriba gardens. Good feed but not much wood at this place.

Thursday 10th—Traveled 5 miles and arrived at the Oriba village. T h e Indians were friendly and offered us a room to camp in but as we wanted to kill the beef we went down the rocks about a half a mile to a pool of water and camped. Killed the ox. Prepared some of the meat for drying and spread it upon some high rocks out of the way of the dogs and wolves. Took supper after which we got up the horses and moved up into town and occupied the room before mentioned. Tied up our animals and stowed ourselves away for the night.

Friday 11th—Got an Indian to herd the animals and all except brs Hamblin and Young went down to finish cutting up the meat.

"Near the trail from the Colorado River across the Shato Plateau and Black Mesa, Arizona, to the village of Oraibi, ruined villages and farmlands mark sites once occupied by ancient Pueblo tribes. The particular ruins mentioned by Haskell seem not to have been described by archaeologists.

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Went back to camp and found brs Hamblin and Young surrounded by something less than a thousand Indians trading. Got the Indians thind out a little and took dinner, after which br Hamblin said he would like to talk to me a few minutes. He said that I had been among the Indians so much that he hated to ask me but if I was willing he would like me to stay with bro Shelton one year among those Indians. I told him that I was willing to stay and do the best I could.

Saturday 12th—Bros Hamblin, Young, Crosby, Knell 6 Pierce started to the Moquitch [Hopi] vilage leaving bros. Shelton and myself at this place. After they had gone we concluded to try to find a more [illegible] room to live in, as the one we are now in is cold and disagreeable. W e obtained permission of an Indian by the name of Thuringwa to sleep in his workshop which is under ground and a very warm place though smoky and crowded with Indians.

Sunday 13th—Our quarters in the shop being so smoky and crowded with Indians that we could not cook we went to Thuringwa and got him to understand that we would like to have a little room by ourselves to live in. After counseling with his wife and another Indian they concluded to let us have one of the following description—it is about 12 feet long and 8 feet wide and 4 feet high with a hole in the top just large enough for a common sized man to force himself through. They helpt us clean it out after which we made a ladder to answer the place of a pair of stairs.

W e now moved in such things as we needed for present use and stored the rest in one of Thuringwas rooms. In making the ladder we ript open a cottonwood pole. This seemed to attrack the attention of the natives and they gathered around in large numbers and had great remarks to make.

Monday 14th—The day being warm and pleasant I got up on top of the hut and wrote a letter home.

Tuesday 15th—This morning as we were eating breakfast br Hamblin and company returned from the Moquitches. They had 4 animals packed with wood for us. As we were unpacking I saw by the looks that something had gone wrong. I asked them if they had bad luck. They said that some Indians had stolen brother Crosbys saddle, revolver, and knife, and several other things belonging to the rest of the boys. I have learned that it was a Navajoe that got them. They unsaddled, got an Indian boy to herd the horses and spent the day with us. In the evening the Indians said that there would be a company of American soldiers here in the morning, br Hamblin concluded to have the boys start out at daylight and he would stay and see if they come.

Wednesday 16—The boys started as soon as it was light enough to see to pack. br. Hamblin remained with us. He spent

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the day trading for peak8 [peek], dried peaches, 6 c In the evening we took his horse and went after the meat which we had spread on some high rocks about half a mile from the village to dry. I do not think that a piece was missing, though every Indian in the village must have known where it was. W e brought it up and packed it away in the house of our old friend.

Thursday 17th—It proved to be a false report about the troops, br Hamblin was about starting when he discovered that his bridle was missing so I let him take mine and promised to keep a good lookout for his among the Oribes. He now bid br Shelton adieu and started. I went about a half mile with him. He gave me a tent to trade for provisions and we shook hands and parted.

Slowly and sorrowfully I wended my way back to the village.

Such a feeling of utter loneliness I never experienced before, for search the wide world over I do not believe a more bleak, lonesome, heart sickening place could be found on the earth where human beings dwell. And here we are, Bro Shelton and me, with strange Indians who talk a strange language, situated far from the busy haunts of men. W h o but Mormons would do it? W h o but Mormons could do it? Make up their minds to stay here a year!

Friday 18th—Spread out the meat to dry as it is not sufficiently cured. Most of the Indians are hunting rabbits.

Saturday 19—This morning one of Aripenes sons and another Ute arrived and took breakfast with us. They said that Aripene [Utah Indian Chief, brother and successor to Chief Walker] and several of his band would be here in a few days and that they had come ahead to tell the Moquis and the Navihoes to come and trade. Br Shelton made a bedtick and we went down on the sand and filled it with weeds and bean vines.

Sunday 20th—We washed our bodies, changed clothes and spent the day soberly. In the evening we learned that Aripene had arrived and camped at the spring about 4 miles back from here.

Monday 21—This morning we went to see Aripene. Found that gentleman seated in his lodge looking as grave and important as possible. After giving us a systematic tounge lashing for telling the Piutes that he stole their children, he wound up by pulling out a piece of tobacco and ofering us a smoke which we excepted with pleasure, having been without several days. W e smoked and chatted with him some time when he got in an uncommon "This is a Hopi Indian corn bread. It is quite similar to Mexican tortillas. For this the blue corn is preferred. The Indians burn the limbs, stems and leaves of a small bush or herb that grows in their country. Then the ashes are boiled In water with the corn meal until they have a thick porridge or mush which in turn is spread very thin on a hot rock to cook into a hard cake not much more than an eighth of an inch thick. The bread is cooked in large sheets and is blue in color. There is another bush which makes a red peek, but the blue is preferred both because of its color and its flavor.—William R. Palmer, Cedar City, Utah.

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good humor and when we left gave us some coffee and two plugs of tobacco. W e packed home some wood, took supper and went to bed.

Tuesday 22—Took breakfast and went after a load of wood some eight miles from the village. Got 3 or 4 cottonwood stumps and undertook to pack them on my back, but the rope cut my shoulders so that I had to invent a new plan, which was to put half of it in front. After considerable puffing and blowing got home with it. I think the Oribes have a harder way of getting wood than the people of Salt Lake. Found Shelton filing a saw for an Indian.

Wednesday 23rd. W e n t for another packload of wood, br Shelton is quite unwell. The Indians are hunting rabbits which are rather scarce in this country.

Thursday 24th—Strong wind from the west. Indications of snow. I split wood while Shelton makes a larder [ladder?] for an Indian for which he received some dried peaches. The Indians appear friendly to us.

Friday 25th—Several Navijoes in town today, br Shelton invited them to come and get dinner with us after which he had a long talk with them and gave the one that professed to be chief a shirt and they left apparently feeling well towards us.

Saturday 26th—Br Shelton and myself went down to old Thuringwas shop to see the Indian dance as this was a day set apart for that business. Old Thuringwa took a serious kind of a smoke. Then a lot of peek and dried peaches was brought in. The Indians now stood up and formed a half circle around the food and danced while old Thur drummed. Shortly he hit the drum a hard lick, droped it, and all hands piched into the provision. W e spent the day and part of the night seeing them dance.

Sunday 27th—We feasted with old Thur on peek, hominy, beef soup, sweet mush and red pepper after which we wrote letters to send by Aripene. I started to take them to his camp. Met an Indian who told me that he was gone. The Oribes say that a Mormon came to Aripenes camp this morning and that he left immediately. W h o he could have been and on what kind of an errand is a mystery to us. W e are trading everything we can spare for provision.

Monday 28—Took breakfast in our hut. Several days ago I took our shirts and garments to old Thurs wife to wash as she understood that branch of business. They was brought home in due time in a sad condition. She had merely rinsed them out in dirty water and they were if possible several shades blacker than when we took them. I pact water and br Shelton rewashed them not having a very exalted opinion of the Oribe ladies. In the evening we spent an hour or 2 with old Thur. He said the Oribes will never learn to read and write.

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Tuesday 29—Cloudy, appearance of storms. Helpt br Shelton make a powder-horn for an Indian, br Shelton thinks old Thuringwah is geting a bad spirit, br Shelton is quite unwell and has been for several days.

Wednesday 30th—While we were eating breakfast an Indian came in and invited us to go down to a shop called Wicoluppi and card for them, br Shelton went and I not being acquainted with that branch of business took a walk around town. After a while met Shelton and remarked that I thought the Indians acted rather distant. He said he thought so too. In the evening I traded a piese of rawhide to a Naviho for a mountain sheep skin; spent the evening singing songs and trying to enjoy ourselves.

December, 1859 Thursday, December 1st—This being fast day I fasted. In the afternoon old Thur and an Indian from the Moquis village visited us. They took dinner with us and we talked to them about farming, mills 6c which seemed to please them very much. In the evening A Navijoe came and passed the evening with us. Said that his tribe were not on very good terms with the Americans. Said that it was a Navijoe that stole br Hamblins shoes, br Crosbys sadle, revolver, 6c when they [were?] at the Moquis.

Friday 2nd—A warm pleasant day. W e n t on top of the hut and wrote Journal. The Indians trouble us a great deal as they want to see everything we have at least a dozen times a day. W e have cut up our bed tick and are trying to trade it for beans, meal, dried peaches 6 c They are the hardest customers to trade with I ever saw. They often want a shirt for a quart or so of beans. W e sometimes get all out of patience trying to trade with them. Concluded to quit trading for a few days to see if we cannot get better trades as we are anxious to get enough provisions to live on independent of them.

Saturday 3d—This morning two Navijoes came and wanted to trade. I traded one a piece of rawhide for a quarter of mutton.

One had a fancy blanket which br Shelton wanted to trade for but he wanted a gun for it so they could not agree. Spent the day writing up back Journal.

Sunday 4th—This morning we talked of the propriety of giving the Indian who we call Alma something to induce him to learn the deseret alphabet. For some cause or other he has refused to receive instruction. I commenced writing as usual on top of the hut but br Shelton proposed that we make a trip to the Moquis village some 10 miles from this place to see a man who talks Spanish. I agreed and we left our hut in charge of old Thur and started.

As we were starting we met a Navijoe who we did not like the

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looks of. W e n t some 2 or 3 miles—did not feel right. Came back.

It is reported here that the Navijoes are fighting the troops.

Monday 5th—Snowing and blowing so that it is almost impossible to get from one house to another. Spent the day trying to keep warm.

Tuesday 6th—Cold but clear. A Navijoe arrived and reported that the Navijoes had killed six Americans but they are such liars that we do not know when to believe them.

Wednesday 7th—I visited nearly all the shops in town learning the language and geting [acquainted?] with the Indians.

Thursday 8th—Spent the day writing up back Journal. Several Navijoes passed by today driving a band of horses.

Friday 9th—An Oriba having borrowed our axe a few days ago brought it home with the handle broke and the edge badly bruised. He gave me a small stick to make another. Spent the day tinkering with the axe and learning the language.

Saturday 10th—Today br Shelton and myself fernished meat and the Indians peek and we feasted with them. As we sat down we told them to wait till we returned thanks after which we told them that the Mormons always thanked their Father in heaven before eating. In the evening 2 Navijoes came to our hut and put up for the night. One was an old gray headed fellow who understood the Ute language. Said that he heard that there was 2 Mormons living with the Oribes and he had traveled 4 sleeps to see us. W a s uncommon hungry for tobacco 6c said his name was Spanishyank and that he was not much of a friend to the Americans as he had been to their fort and they would not give him any presents because he was a friend to the Mormons. I do not know whether he was lying or not but I did not like his appearance and concluded he was gasing as to get presents from us. I told him that we were out of tobacco and had nothing to give him 6 that we were stopping here to learn the Oriba language and wished to be friends to all the Indians in the country. W e got them some mush for supper.

The old gent said he would talk good for us to his people and would like the Mormons to come and trade with them next summer. I told him maybe they would.

Sunday 11th—The 2 Navijoes spent the night in our hut.

Traded some in the morning with the Oribes and [illegible]. I visited around among the Indians a while, came back, and assisted br Shelton in geting supper which consisted of a boiled tongue and some flour cakes which we consider a great luxury in this region.

Monday 12th—Spent part of the day in the workshops of the Indians seeing them spin and weave. It looks curious to see naked Indians spinning and weaving so patiently from morning till night when all the neighboring tribes get their living by hunting, fighting, stealing, 6 c Come home, stript off, and put in my

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time awhile in the highly respectable and exciting sport of louse hunting—succeeded in capturing several. W e find it impossible to keep clear of them. Took dinner and supper with the natives.

Tuesday 13th—Took breakfast with an Indian, put in an axe handle, split wood awhile, took supper at home.

Wednesday 14th—Spent part of the day writing and spliting wood. Furnished our portion of grub and attended another feast.

Thursday 15th—I did not feel very well, spent part of the day reading the book of covenants [L.D.S. Doctrine and Cove' nants], some Navijoes came with meat to trade for aminition. br Shelton bought a quarter of mutton.

Friday 16th—Washing day. br Shelton washed our shirts and garments while I packed water and kept up a fire. In the afternoon I showed an Indian about making a larder [ladder? The word is often spelled thus by Haskell]. 2 Navijoes were in town today one of which stole a roll of red cloth from a squaw, got on his horse, and put out. T h e squaw raised a yell when Tewbi (a tall noble looking Oriba) suddenly took the other ones horse from him, mounted, and took after the thief. He soon overtook the thief, and twisted the cloth from his hands, and came back tearing, much to my satisfaction for the Navijoes consider themselves uncommon smart.

Saturday 17th—I went after a load of wood which I got by bruising to pieces cedar stumps and packing them home on my back some 2 or 3 miles. When, I got home I took some meat and went down into a shop called the Wecoluppi where br Shelton and myself ate with the natives. This way of doing seemed to have a good influence with them so we did not mind nastiness.

Sunday 18th—Cold cloudy windy day, heat some water, had a good wash and changed my clothes. In the evening the Indians painted and rigged themselves out with rattle boxes which consist of gord and turtle shells, the turtle shells they have tied to the right leg just below the knee. These shells have sheeps hoofs so attached to them that every time the person steps in dancing they rattle scandilous. The gords they have in their hands. They sang and danced sometime, trying as they said to raise a snow storm as they thought the earth was geting dry.

Monday 19th—Cloudy and snowing some. The Indians seem to have succeeded in their operation this time. This morning I traded an old shirt to a Navijoe for the hind quarter and ribs of a sheep, tried to trade a piece of cloth for some more but did not succeed. Commenced to make a pair of garments, some Indian having stolen my old ones. In the evening they had another feast and a dance, br Shelton and myself spectators.

Tuesday 20th—Took breakfast with an Indian, br Shelton traded some aminition for some salt. I worked some on my garments then went down into a shop to see the Indians who were pre-

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paring for a big dance. W e fixed the hut as safe as we could and thought we spend the night with them and see the performance.

I staid until along in the evening a while when I began to feel rather uneasy about leaving our hut too long as there were several Navijoes in the village so I came home and went to bed. br Shelton staid all night and has a full discription of the performance. He tells me that they went through some very misterious operation which was this: four Indians came in. 3 seated themselves and one went to diging the dirt away from around a rock about 2 feet wide and three feet long which formed part of the floor. This he raised then dug down about 5 inches and raised another smaller than the first, then they threw in some feathers and sprinkled in some meal. They then replaced the rocks with great gravity and went out. None were allowed to see into the hole except the said four; it seems a strange performance.

Wednesday 21st—Got up and found that the Indians had raked us down in our absence the evening before. Straid, stolen and missing: 2 buckskins, 1 can of powder, 1 powder horn and pouch, 1 shirt, 1 pair garments, 1 pair of socks, 1 book, and all of br Sheltons pens. W e think it is some of the Navijoes that has played this trick on us as there are a great many prowling about who take great delight in stealing and all kinds of deviltry. I hunted some time for the lost property but was only laughed at by them for my pains, which was not much consolation under existing circumstances. One Indian performance atracted my attention through the day which consisted of 5 young men dressed and rigged out so as to imitate (as near as one could possibly imagine) the old Nick himself, and 4 young ladies in the rear with many fancy masks and white blankets on. They marched into the street led by an old gent. Old gent orders a halt. They stop, about face, and commence dancing 7 and singing which looks anything but earthly, each of the squaws caried a basket of beans in their right hand.

Thursday 22nd—Had an invitation to take breakfast with an Indian. Excepted it of course after which we traded a piece of raw hide for a plug of tobaco. 2 Navijos visited us. One was an old man pretty well dresst. He wanted me to go to Fort Defiance [Arizona] with him, said we could go there in four days, said we could get lots of tobaco over there, said he would furnish me a horse to ride, but I told him I thought I would not go. Spent the evening singing songs and talking to our Oriba friends.

Friday 23rd—Concluded to go for a load of wood. Old Thur said if the Navijoes caught either one of us out alone that they would as soon scalp us as not. I went however and got back safe with a load of wood. Found br Shelton frying meat which I helpt 'Bean dance. One of the many (there are more than 400 known), Katchina or ceremonial dances which the Hopi Indians still practice.

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him devour with an uncommon apetite. Spent the evening eating melons and singing songs.

Saturday 24th—I went with an Indian down to some cottonwood trees and made a dead fall to catch a wolf and packed home a load of wood.

Sunday 25th—Went down to the wolf trap but had caught no wolf. Came home. Found br Shelton preparing Christmas dinner. Got it ready and invited three of the head men of the village to eat with us. Had boiled mutton, stewed peaches, suet dumplings, pancakes, and peek. After dinner we smoked then sung a hymn and had some conversation with our Indian friends. They apeared to enjoy themselves very much. In the afternoon we saw another Indian performance which took place in second story of old Thurs house. 15 or 20 young bucks naked to the breechclout went up there while the old woman and her two girls stood by and dashed cold water over them. They went into the back part of the house and got melons and other nicknacks which they threw down to the crowd below, yelling at the same time scandilous.

Monday 26th—Made a pair of bullet moles out of sand rock and run some balls for my yauger. Appearance of snow.

Tuesday 27th—Got some leather off my saddle and half soled my shoes. Visited the Indians. Slight snow fell during the day.

Wednesday 28th—Snow fell 3 or 4 inches during the night.

Spent most of the day in the hut, it being very cold.

Thursday 29th—I sit on top of the hut sewing while br Shelton works below at his fiddle. Pleasant day.

Friday 30th—Finished my garments [L.D.S. garments] and felt lonesome.

Saturday 31st—Spent the day in the shop with the Indians, it being the day before New Years got to thinking about home and got the blues scandilous.

January, 1860 Sunday, Jan. 1st, 1860—Furnished our own meat and took breakfast with an Indian one of the head men of the village. W e n t out under a ledge of. rocks, stript off, and took a wash in the snow from head to foot. Not quite as comfortable as a tub of warm soap suds. Still it does very well. Took dinner in the shop with the Indians feasting on peek and little wads of dough done up in corn shucks to my hearts content. Took supper with the same Indian with whom we took breakfast. Had mush, peek, hulled corn, and meat. Thus we spent New Years.

Monday 2nd—Br Shelton is sick with a pain in his side.

Washed my shirt and garments. W e n t in the evening to a Theatrical performance of the natives.

Tuesday 3rd—Went and fixed my wolf trap and brought back a load of wood. Shelton having got his fiddle done, we spent

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the evening in diferent shops playing the fiddle and singing to the Indians much to their amusement as they had never seen a fiddle before.

Wednesday 4th—went down to my trap, no wolf, crows had stolen the bait. Got a load of wood and came home. Found br Shelton kniting in one of the shops. The Indians were painting masks which are made in the shape of stove pipe hats. These they draw over the head and face and have holes cut for seeing and breathing. In the evening the performance came off. br Shelton and myself were very much interested to see them. They sung and danced beating time with a drum. Some acted the Apache and some the Naviho. There were several Navijoes in the village so we took turns and walked up to our hut occasionaly to see that they did not steal anything. They however proved too sharp for us and stole our last bit of flour and our axe. They appear to understand the slight hand operation to perfection as far as stealing is concerned.

Thursday 5th. Got up in the morning and got some of the Oribes to help us and hunted through all the Navijo luggage there was in town for stolen property, could not find it. Concluded to give up house keeping and live with the Oribes as.we did not feel disposed to stand guard over what few things we had all the time with a revolver. So we divided our meat and beans and stuff and Shelton went to live in one family and me with another. W e thought by adopting this plan we could learn the language faster. I took up my lodgings with old Thuringwah and at meal times dip my fingers into the same dish with 6 or 8 natives and I can say that a fellow requires a good apetite to fill himself in this manner, though a few days fasting will accomplish the purpose.

Friday 6th—My landlord requested me to make another wolf trap or dead fall near his sheep coral so I work most of the day on that; attended another dance in the evening in which br Shelton joined.

Saturday 7th—Spent the day in the shop pounding rawhide for mocason soles, br Shelton and a couple of Indians are preparing for an antelope hunt.

Sunday 8th—Br Shelton started this morning afoot with one horse to pack their provisions and blankets. As it was Sunday I went out among the rocks and meditated on my present condition and future prospects. Came back and went to another dance where the Indians came down the larder head first. They were naked except the breech clout. They yelled and danced and sung and drumed and hopt about till out of breath and reeking with presperation then went back up the larder feet foremost, which they seemed to consider quite an exploit.

Monday 9th—Spent the day working in the shop called the Wekolupi working with the Indians and learning the language.

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Tuesday 10th—Made an awl out of a nail and for want of something better to do repaired my saddle.

Wednesday 11th—Snow fell about an inch during the night.

Very cold day. Stayed at the Werohipy. Br Shelton arived about sundown from his hunt. Did not kill anything.

Thursday 12th—Made a bridle. Took a walk around to the diferent shops. W e n t into one place where they were making and painting little wooden images about 6 inches long. Some of these as near as I could learn were considered gods to prosper them in hunting antelope, others to make it snow and rain, others to oversee the grinding of corn meal 6c, but they consider the sun or some great spirit who dwells therein the supreme being who rules everything and these images are only inferior beings after all. Had one fellow who wanted to know if the Mormon women had whiskers like mine. I politely informed him they did not.

Friday 13—Went out among the rocks and took another wash in the snow. Came back. Learned several Indian words, took a walk a mile or 2 to give me an apetite.

Saturday 14th—Mended my clothes. Found it quite a trick for one not acquainted with the business.

Sunday 15th—Spent the day reading, learning the language, 6c Monday 16th—Washed out my shirt and garments, then amused myself gazing at 4 Indians who came round with masks on and Jaws attached to them about a foot long with 2 rows of savage looking teeth. They went from house to house howling and snaping their long teeth, stamping and ratling their turtle shells. The inhabitants of each house gave them some provision. Learned from a Moquis that the Navijoes intended to kill us the first good chance they got, said we had better not be caught out of the village alone or they would scalp us sure. Said he had come on purpose to tell us. Several Navajoes are now in the village. They offer to shake hands and beg hard for tobaco. I tell them that we do not shake hands nor smoke with those who steal from us.

This makes them wrathy but we do not ask nor expect any odds from them. The Oribes say that they will talk friendly and steal or kill a person at the same time. The Oribes seem thus far to be the true friends to us.

Tuesday 17th—Feasting and dancing all day among the natives. Repaired my gun, feasted with my friends and saw their dance, 6c.

Wednesday 18th—Run bullets. W a s h e d and changed clothes.

Spent the evening in the shop.

Thursday 19th—While eating breakfast my landlord gave me a lecture about going too far from the village alone, advized me if I wished to preserve my hair to stay in town with him. General turn out of all hands hunting wolves. They return about noon with a wolf.

JOURNAL OF T H A L E S H.

HASKELL

91

Friday 20th—Helped the Indians repair their workshop. They discovered that I could outlift any of them so they gave me all the heavy lifting to do and gave me the interesting name of, Konesoke (bear claws).

Saturday 21st—Spent the day in the shop. Some of the Indians are spining, some weaving, mending their mocasins 6 c Sunday 22nd—Made me a book and copied Journal. Got tired of staying in the village all the time and take a walk. Did not see any Navijoes. The Indians all over town are planting beans in earthen dishes which they keep in their cellars or shops.

Monday 23rd—Rained during the night and pretty much all day. Spent the day pounding rawhide.

Tuesday, 24th—Cold, cloudy, windy and gloomy. I can truly say that as a general thing this is the best people I ever saw, but it is such a lonesome country that it makes it a heart sickening place to stay.

Wednesday 25th—The Indians are striping cane the stalks of which they fix up to the side of the shop to hold the plaster.

Snow fell about an inch during the night, br Shelton is very sick today, tried everything he could think of to cure himself but nothing seemed to do him any good. He requested me to administer to him which I did to the best of my understanding and his faith was such that he arose onto his feet and said he had not felt so well since he arrived here.

Thursday 26th—Pleasant morning. Took breakfast with br Shelton at his lodgings. Had corn bread and soup made from the meat of a panther.

Friday 27th—Feast day had peek, stewed peaches, boiled mutton and sweet mush for breakfast. Spent the day reading, writing, studying the language 6 c Saturday 28th—Another wolf hunt today. Br Shelton and myself join the crowd to see the sport. T w o wolves were killed when all hands returned. Got back about noon. Dined on peek, parched corn and raw onions.

Sunday 29th—Got up, washed, took a run over the rocks about a mile. Tended secret prayer which I have done pretty much every day since I have been here. Took dinner in the Wecolupy on peek, parched corn meal, rock salt, and cold water. Took a walk and came back feeling lonesome.

Monday 30th—Cold and cloudy. Spent the day in the shop with the Indians who are at work as usual.

Tuesday 31st—Spent the day writing and whitling in the shop. After dinner I jumped the stick awhile for the amusement of the Indians. Then got an Indian to make a pare of leasig string out of yarn for which I gave him a pair of bullet moles. In the evening had a long talk with the Indians about the Mormons.

92

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

February, 1860 Feb. 1st—Spent the day writing. In the evening Br Shelton and myself being hard up for amusement serenaded the town, he playing his fiddle and me singing.

Thursday 2nd—Went with br Shelton and an Indian to get a stick of timber to make a spining wheel which we sawed out of a cottonwood log and the Indians packed it home for us. Got back tired and hungry. Dined on peek and parched corn. Could not help thinking how I would relish some warm biscuit and a cup of coffee. Spent the afternoon resting.

Friday 3d—Split out stick for a wheel but concluded it would not do. Spent the day writing and studying the language.

Saturday 4th—Spent the day wishing the Piutes would bring us some letters or some kind of news from home.

Sunday 5th—Cold and winday. Indians making images and other trinkets for a big performance. Spent the day reading and over the rocks.

Monday 6th—The Indians commenced operations at day light —dancing and howling, beautiful drest in all the fancy riging that their wild nature and ingenuity can invent. They kept up their amusements throughout the day and all night. Br Shelton kept up a light for them part of the night for which he received sundry presents in the provision line such as boild corn, boild dough done up in corn shucks 6 c Tuesday 7th—Feast day. It is customary on this day to go from house to house eating a bit of soup and sweet mush at each place till you can hold no more. I have eaten at 5 different places this morning and do not at present feel very hungry. Br Shelton 6 me talked of the propriety of going out some 30 or 40 miles to a creek to make arrangements for putting in a small crop in the spring. In the evening had a long talk with an Indian telling him about our manners and customs which seemed to please him very much. Took a smoke on the subject and went to bed.

Wednesday 8th—Traded a pair of mocasin soles for a ten cent plug of tobaco. Felt quite proud of it as that article is scarce in this benighted region. Had an invitation to go over to the Shomopavies to make larders which I readily excepted being hard up for something to do. W e n t and set up all night at a dance.

W a s treated well.

Thursday 9th—Feast day at this village. Filled myself as before on sweet mush. Indian performance all day. Several Moquitches arived riding gumies.

Friday 10th—Made one larder which was all the timber the Indian could raise. Feasted on soup and mush. Started back just before sundown. Shelton went to the Moquitches village.

JOURNAL OF T H A L E S H.

HASKELL

93

Saturday 11th—Washed, changed my clothes and made a larder.

Sunday 12th—Made a larder. Spent the rest of the day in the shop.

Monday 13th—Went over to the Suponerlow Village.

Tuesday 14th—Came back.

Wednesday 15th—Fixed a gun lock for an Indian.

Thursday 16th—Snowing like mischief. Spent the day reading and studying the language.

Friday 17th—Still snowing. The Indians are pushing snow into the holes in the rocks to preserve water. I had a wash in the snow.

Saturday 18th—Several Piutes came in to trade for blankets and provisions. I traded for a piece of buckskin and made me a whip lash.

Sunday 19th—Piutes still in town. They invited me to go to their camp but I did not go. Learned today that the Oribes 6 years ago used to have a W h i t e Chief of their own tribe. They speak of him as being a very good man.

Monday 20th—Cold wind from the north. W e today cut out some letters of leather to see if w e could not learn young Indians their use but it seemed impossible. W e took some ancient hieroglyphics from a cedar stick and copied them off on to paper. Chief gave me a fancy knife.

Tuesday 21st—Lots of Piutes in town today. Had a long talk with the Chief. He showed very friendly disposition.

Wednesday 22nd—A cold northerneaster. Tryed in vain to learn the Indians the misteries of the Deseret Alphabet.

Thursday 23rd—Spent the day writing and to the Piutes.

Br Shelton is trying to learn some to write.

Friday 24th—Felt low spirited all day. W e n t out and prayed and tried to find out the will of the Lord concerning us as it seemed that we was not wanted here through the summer.

Saturday 25th—Made up our minds to start home if we could get a couple of Indians to go with us. W e n t to a race. Tried to trade for a pony.

Sunday 26th—Went out and prayed together. Felt well. In the evening had a talk with our friend Tuby.

Monday 27th—Wrote back Journal. Excitement between Oribes and Piutes. Had an invitation to talk to them. Discovered, that they were about equally to blame. Told them that it was better to live in peace with one anpther which they seemed to believe.

Made a larder.

Tuesday 28th—I was pretty near sick. W e n t out to a hole in the rocks and took a good wash.

94

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

March, 1860 March 1st—Unwell all day. W i n d y weather.

Tuesday 2nd—Navihoes in town. My friend Tuby traded a robe and Buckskin for a pony with one of them and made me a present of it. I prevailed on him to except my gun, rather against his will however. He said when he made his friend a present he did not wish anything in return.

Wednesday 3rd—Got ready to go to the Movincapy [Moencopi].

Thursday 4th—Started. W e n t 15 miles. Camped.

Friday 5th—Traveled 18 miles and arrived at the Movincapy. This is a small stream where the Oribes raise cotton" and they recommended it to us as a good place to build a mill and for the Mormons to make a small settlement.

Saturday 6th—Went exploring. Did not find a very good prospect.

Sunday 7th—Started back to the village.

Monday 8th—Arrived and made preparations to start home.

Tuesday 9th—Made a start about noon. Oribes cautioned us to beware of Navihoes and be shure to hold on to our lariets when we camped till we got out of the country. Traveled till after dark. Camped, talked over our condition and as we had no fire arms except an ancient shooter concluded to trust providence and take the chances. Hobbled our ponys. Made a big fire and went to bed and slept sound and I will say that we never saw a human being till we got to the Rio Virgin.

Wednesday 10th—Arrived at Kootsen tooeep. Camped 5 miles this side.

Thursday 11th—Nooned at flat rock, no water. Camped between that place and rock basin, br Shelton lost his steel for making fire.

Friday 12th—Struck fire with the old pistol and took dinner at rock basin. Camped between that place and cottonwood.

Saturday 13th—Arrived at cottonwood. Rested. Started again. Camped on this side.

Sunday 14th—Arrived at the Colerado found the river low and crossed. Felt to return thanks to our Father in heaven, for we realized His kindness unto us continually.

Monday 15th—Traveled a short distance. Camped between the Colerado and saleratus creek.

Tuesday 16th—Baited our ponies near honey comb rock.

Camped on the bench.

"The culture of cotton in this isolated region was also mentioned by Cardenas in 1540. Scientific investigations show this cotton to be a distinct species from the cotton ordinarily cultivated today. It is raised in small amounts especially to be woven into cloth for ceremonial dancing costumes.

JOURNAL OF T H A L E S H.

HASKELL

95

Wednesday 17th—Crossed the rocky mountain, camp between that and Novascotia.

Thursday 18th—Arrived at Jacob's pool.

Friday 19th—Went on to the top of the buckskin mountain.

Camped.

Saturday 20th—Made our way through the snow to the west side of the mountain.

Sunday 21st—Arrived at Pipe Springs just after dark and camped for the night.

Monday 22nd—Rested and traveled some distance. Camped on the flat this side of Pipe Springs.

Tuesday 23rd—Tried our luck on a new trail. Got lost, wandered among the rocks some time. Found our old trail and arrived at rock cannon.

Wednesday 24th—Arrived at Washington. Put up with John D. Lee where we were well treated.

Thursday 25th—Went over to the Clara where we were welcomed by our old friends and associates.

26th—Attended Meeting and gave a short history of our Mission. Br Jacob Hamblin requested all who felt that we had done our duty to raise their right hand, and I believe that every hand was raised.

27th—Went in company with Frank Hamblin 6 Ham Crow to Pinto Creek. Found my family all well.

The journal concludes with this account, evidently written several years later.

In the fall of 1860 the Navajo Indians in the southern part of Utah and northern Arizona became very hostile, fighting and robbing white travelers in numerous places while on their way.

A party of eight men and an Indian guide were called to go and talk peace with them, trade and be friendly with them. Our men found these Indians to be a very saucy bunch. They refused to talk peace or trade. The Indian guide told our men it was time to move on, as these Indians were very angry. After they had eaten lunch each man went to bring his horses to drink at the spring close by their camp. George A. Smith's" mare took fright and ran off over a ridge not far away. George A. leisurely got on another horse and went for his runaway mare. He had gone too long, so the Captain called for volunteers to go and see if he was all right. T . H. Haskell was first to volunteer. He with another man went and found George A. had been fatally wounded, and his horse was roaming around with the saddle on. They hurriedly "Son of Apostle George A. Smith, founder of St. George, Utah.

96

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

got help and did all that was possible for him. These lines were composed by Haskel describing that terrible tragedy: In the Navajo Country far, far, from our friends W e were camped on a bluff by the side of a band Of Navajo robbers, right fresh from the plain W h e r e American soldiers their brothers had slain W e gave them some presents and tried to make peace Told them we were friends of the Indian race They offered to trade, but told us that we Must saddle our horses tomorrow and flee.

W e numbered but nine, and could not contend W i t h a force of two hundred desperate men To abandon our purpose all thought it was best To quietly obey their savage request About two o'clock we thought we would bring Our horses and let them drink at the spring W h e n a mare, by an evil spirit possessed Broke away from the band and ran off with the rest.

Young George caught a horse, got leisurely on And quietly went for the mare that was gone.

He had not gone far before he was met By five or six of the treacherous set W h o robbed him, then shot him, and when he was killed Devilishly laughed at the blood they had spilled At this very instant a hideous yell Burst from the throats of these demons of Hell.

The Redskins at qamp now down the hill dash Each one to his horse plies the tortuous lash In a moment they vanished, then on every hill W i t h dare devil horsemen the country was filled.

Now what shall we dp- Young George must be found And if he's not dead must attend to his wound.

Shortly we find him, Great God it is true W i t h bullets and arrows he's pierced through and through.

JOURNAL OF T H A L E S H.

HASKELL

97

[The following letter, written by Marion G. Shelton, companion of Thales Haskell, is very interesting in the light of this journal, especially with regard to the Deseret Alphabet. Shelton evidently kept a journal also, but I have not as yet located it.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;J.B.] "Journal History," Nov. 30, 1859 Oribe Village Nov. 30, 1859 George A. Smith Dear Brother: As brother Hamblin starts for home tomorrow I embrace the opportunity of writing a few lines to let you know how we progress.

W e arrived here on the 10th inst., I told Brother Hamblin that this was as far as I would go. He agreed with me and left Brother Haskell and I here to prepare winter quarters, while he, with four men, proceeded to the Moquis and Moshaminel villages.

He returned yesterday morning with the brethren, not having met with success in trading and having had some things stolen. It appears that the U.S. have been giving spades, hoes, etc., and they think it unnecessary to trade for them.

Last night we heard that the troops would be here today, so Bro. Hamblin started four men with the animals to go on 40 miles, while he remains with us today. (This is to save the animals in case the troops should come.)

Brother Hamblin has left Bro. Haskell here in charge of the portion of the mission. I employ my time in studying the language, and in instructing them in the Deseret Alphabet. I find that I acquire the language very readily, and those to whom I have given lessons have taken right hold to the alphabet and several of them know the first six characters, and we can hear them hollowing the sounds throughout the village. They have some peculiarities in their tongue that I never have heard in any other.

You will please tell the President that I have had to introduce another character which I sincerely hope will meet with his approval. It is simply, "I," a straight mark.

There are many things that I could write, but it is very impleasant [sic] writing on the top of these houses with the sand flying over everything.

Bro. Hamblin leaves a lot of things with Bro. Haskell for them to trade. These people need spinning wheels and looms very much, and a small horse Mill would be an advantage to them. They lay out a great deal of labor

98

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in grinding their corn on a stone. They twist their yarn on a stick with their fingers and weave blankets with a few strings and a stick. You would have to see it to understand it.

These Indians are very anxious to have us stay and have furnished a little house to live in. They have stolen nothing of us as yet, but they must see everything. If the soldiers come here I expect that they will endeavor to either send or take us away, but I am bent on staying until my mission is fulfilled, which I think will take till next fall.

If they come here, we have concluded to tell what we are here for, and let them rip.

Give my love to the family, and clerks and oblige me by handing the enclosed as directed with my regards, and believe me.

Your brother in Christ, Marion J. Shelton I desire your prayers and faith that I may accomplish the will of him who sent me.

M. J. S. H. B. Y.

THE DESERET ALPHABET.

3 Long

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M N NG Courtesy William R. Palmer, Cedar City, Utah

T H E DESERET ALPHABET Utah, during her period of colonization and long afterward, was a meeting place of many languages. Her settlers and immigrants spoke in several tongues, and the local problem of establishing a common medium of speech was not easily solved. Few, however, save those very familiar with her history, know that during her early years a serious attempt was made to devise an original alphabet and spelling system that all could learn and use more quickly and conveniently. A number of the Mormon leaders became convinced of the need for such a system, and over a period of years strove to popularize it among their people. The characters of this phonetic experiment were known as the "Deseret Alphabet."

Its history extends, roughly, from 1853, when a committee consisting of Parley P. Pratt, Heber C. Kimball, and George D. Watt, was appointed by the regents of the University of Deseret to undertake the preparation of this new alphabet and orthography,- to 1877, when the death of the great Mormon leader, Brigham Young, robbed the movement of its guiding inspiration. From first to last. Governor Young took a keen personal interest in its formulation and development. In his message to the Territorial Legislature, December 12, 1853, he stressed the value of the proposed innovation, and there is no evidence that he ever thereafter changed his mind on the subject.

It appears to be well established that George D. W a t t , an English convert to Mormonism, was the man chiefly responsible for the Deseret Alphabet. As a youth in his native land, he had acquired some familiarity with the system of "phonography" designed and advocated by Isaac Pitman, whose influence on the development of shorthand methods is commonly acknowledged. In 1842 W a t t came to the United States and was periodically employed by the Church officials at Nauvoo, 111., as a reporter and as a teacher of the Pitman method. Brigham Young was one of those who evinced interest in the Alphabet, and it is possible that even at this time he conceived the idea of introducing phonetic spelling and writing among his people.

Circumstances, however, forbade immediate execution of the plan, and it was not until the Great Salt Lake valley had been settled for a few years that it was taken up in earnest. W a t t was recalled from England, where he was fulfilling a mission, and was appointed a member of the committee designated to compose the new alphabet.

Early in 1854 the commission produced its work, an alphabet of 38 characters, apparently based in part upon Pitman's phonography, in part upon a system of stenography which

100

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

W a t t had suggested. Some critics add that Greek and Ethiopic symbols are traceable in the characters. The Deseret News, official Church organ, promptly editorialized on the new project in its issue for January 19, 1854, The Board of Regents, in company with the Governor and heads of departments, have adopted a new Alphabet, consisting of 38 characters. . . . The Board have held frequent sittings this winter, with the sanguine hope of simplifying the English language, and especially its orthography. After many fruitless attempts to render the common alphabet of the day subservient to their purpose, they found it expedient to invent an entirely new and original set of characters.

These characters are much more simple in their structure than the usual alphabetical characters; every superfluous mark supposable, is wholly excluded from them. T h e written and printed hand are substantially merged in one.

W e may derive a hint of the advantage to orthography, from spelling the word eight, which in the new alphabet only requires two letters instead of five to spell it, viz: A T . There will be a great saving of time and paper by the use of the new characters; and but a very small part of the time and expense will be requisite in obtaining a knowledge of the language.

The orthography will be so abridged that an ordinary writer can probably write one hundred words a minute with ease, and consequently report the speech of a common speaker without much difficulty.

As soon as this alphabet can be set in type, it will probably be furnished to the schools of the Territory for their use and benefit; not however with a view to immediately supersede the use of the common alphabetâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;which, though it does not make the comers thereunto perfect, still it is a vehicle that has become venerable for age and much hard service.

In the new alphabet every letter has a fixed and unalterable sound; and every word is spelt with reference to given sounds. By this means, strangers can not only acquire a knowledge of our language much more readily, but a practised reporter can also report a strange tongue so that the strange language when spoken can be legible by one conversant with the tongue. . . .

Acting upon the request of Governor Brigham Young, the

DESERET ALPHABET

WORDS OF ONE SYLLABLE.

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DESERET ALPHABET

WORDS OF TWO OR MORE SYLLABLES

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T H E DESERET A L P H A B E T

101

Territorial Legislature, in 1855, voted a sum of $2500 for the casting of type, an order for which was fulfilled by a St. Louis foundry a year later. The Utah W a r caused some delay in the shipment, but in 1857 it was delivered and set up in the old Salt Lake Council House.

In the meantime, however, sporadic efforts were made, largely under the enthusiastic direction of Brigham Young, to acquaint the Mormon people with the alphabet. Classes were organized in several communities, and a degree of success was attained, as is witnessed by the appearance of the new script in a number of pioneer journals which have survived. The Journal of Thales Haskell, printed herewith, is a typical example.

The new type, oddly enough, was not used by the Deseret News until early in 1859, when, beginning with the issue of February 9, and continuing for a period of about six months, excerpts from the Bible or the Book of Mormon were printed.

Interest lagged, apparently, in spite of Brigham Young's repeated insistence on the wisdom and utility of the system.

From 1860 to 1867 it dropped out of sight.

In the latter year, possibly as a reflection of a new wave of interest in phonetic spelling then sweeping the country, it was suddenly revived. Strong attempts were again made to replace the English alphabet with this experimental creation, and the board of regents of the University of Deseret, responding to President Young's urgings, took up the matter and in 1868 voted $10,000 for the printing of text books to be used in the Territorial common schools.

Robert L. Campbell, superintendent of public instruction, identified himself as an ardent advocate of the Deseret Alphabet, and repeatedly called the attention of the Legislature to its advantages. Thus, in his report dated February 19, 1868, he wrote: T h e Superintendent takes great pleasure in seconding the efforts of President Brigham Young and the Board of Regents of the University of Deseret in the introduction of the Deseret Alphabet. That English orthography needs reform is patent to all who have given the matter the slightest consideration. T o follow in the footsteps of our venerated fathers in a system of orthography so inconsistent and ridiculous and which has never helped to make the comers thereunto perfect, is unworthy of a people whose constant and highest aspirations are to be associated with truth and intelligence, and who discard error in whatever form it is presented.

A year later (Feb. 16, 1869), he returned to the subject:

102

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

. . . The inhabitants of these mountains are pre-eminent for reform. They hail every invention and discovery as a blessing from Heaven to man, and fail not to acknowledge the Source whence all blessings emanate. . . . The design of the Deseret system is to teach the spelling and reading of the English language in an easy manner. The principal feature is to reduce to simplicity English orthography, and to denude the words used of every superfluous character. . . .

To discuss further this matter . . . would be inappropriate, but as the subject of orthography meets us at every step in the schoolroom, and as laudable efforts are being put forth to introduce this important and indispensable reform, the Superintendent could not do less than endorse a movement which augers so much good to the cause of education. . . .

The "laudable efforts" referred to in Superintendent Campbell's report were the Deseret First and Second Readers, printed in New York in 1868 and employed briefly in the public schools of the Territory. These were small primers based on the famous McGuffey manuals. They were however, discontinued almost as soon as introduced.

Sometime later, Orson Pratt was commissioned to transcribe the Book of Mormon into the alphabet, and a smallsized edition of this was brought out in 1869, together with a large-type printing of the Book of Nephi. These volumes, with the Readers, occasional alphabetic printings in the Deseret News, a few card announcements and copies of the alphabet itselfâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all now collector's itemsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;form the sum-total of printed works in the new type. Whatever plans were entertained for the transcription of other Mormon scriptural works were shortly abandoned.

The almost total lack of popular response spelled the doom of the movement. Superintendent Campbell, in his report for 1870, was still hopeful, and opined that "but a few years will pass until the News, the Instructor, the Ogden Junction, and a lot of other intellectual lights, will spring up, clothed in the unique, novel, and simple dress of the Deseret character." It was his last word on the subject, however, for his later reports do not mention it, and as the years went by the alphabet faded from memory.

INDEX Vol. XII, Nos. 1-2 "A Comprehensive History of the Chiwrch," 4 "A Close-up of Polygamy," 1 Adare, Thomas, 70 "A Discussion of the Inter-relations of the Latter-day Saints and the American Indians," 3 Adoption of Indians by Mormons, 33-48 Agriculture, Indian, 49 Allen, Rufus, C , 11, 59 Alma, Ind., 84 Alphabet, Deseret, 69, 84, 93, 97, 99-102 Alter, J. Cecil, 49 Andrus, James, 24 Animals, pack lost, 79 stampede, 72 Antelope hunt, 89 skins, 76 Appleby, W. I., 50 Arapeen (Arripene, Arapene), Chief, 58, 82, 83 Arizona, Indians of, 69-98 Armstrong, George W., 41 Major, 56 Arthur Christopher J., 34 Samuel, (Indian), 34 Artifacts, Indian, 90 B Babbitt, A. W., 57 Bancroft, H. H., 7 Barnard, Ezra J., 30 Barton, William, 51 Battalions organized for protection against Indians, 61 Baxter, Z. N., 34 Bayliss, Edna (Indian), 35 Beal, John, 8 Bean, George W. (Ind. Interpreter), 49 Beans, Indians plant, 91 Beeler, Mary, 41 Mary H., 22 Behunin, William, 57

Bernhisel, John M., 56 Black Hawk, Chief, burial of, 66 Bleak, James G., 26 "Book of Mormon" explains origin of American Indian, 2 printed in Deseret Alphabet, 101, 102 Book of Nephi, printed in Deseret Alphabet, 102 Boundaries of Utah Territory, 3 Bridger, Jim, 3 Brooks, Juanita Leavitt, 1, 69 William, 1 Brown, James S., 10, 28 Thomas D., 11, 33 Buckskin Mountain, 75 Bullock, Isaac, 28 James, 28 Burgess, Melancthon, 36 Minnie (Indian), 36 Burton, Sheriff, 63

Calhoun, James S., 7, 50 California, emigration to, 60, 61 Campbell, Robert L., 101, 102 Cannon, Alma, (Indian), 34 Angus M., 34 David H., 27 Carpenter, Rhoda (Indian), 36 Carson, George, 58 Valley Mission, 10 Cart overturned, 71 Carter, Lottie,, 44 Catterauguas Indians, 3 Cedar City, Utah, 51 Celebration, Pioneer, 48 Cherokee Mission, 10 Christmas dinner with Oraibi Indians, 88 Clark, Alfred, 36 James, 36 Jim, 36

104

INDEX

Prime Coleman, 36 Will, 36 Clayton, William, Journal of, 3 Clothes washed, 83, 86, 88, 90 Coal, 50 Coleman, Janet, (Indian), 36 Prime, 36 Collet, Silvanus, 56 Colorado River crossed by Haskell and party 77, 78 Corn bread, Indian, 82 Cottam, Gertrude, 33 Cotton, 94 Cowdery, Oliver, 2 Crawford, John, 58 Crosby, Taylor, on trip to Hopi Indian country, 71-81 Crossing of the Fathers, 76 Crow, Ham, 95 Cum-um-bah Indians, 57 D Dame, W. H., 54 Davis, Col., Supt. of Indian Affairs expedition of, 61, 62 Davis, James, 28 Day, Thomas, 29 Delaware Indians, 3 Dellenbaugh, Frederick S., 44 Deseret Alphabet, 69, 84, 93, 97, 99-102 appropriation for printing books in 101 books printed in, 102 character added to, 97 Deseret First and Second Readers, 102 Deseret News, printed in Deseret Alphabet, 102 selections from, November 15, 1851, 6, 7 November 29, 1851, 49 December 13, 1851, 49 January 10, 1852, 7, 50 September 4, 1852, 51 November 27, 1852, 52 January 19, 1854, 100 June 8, 1854, 53 July 3, 1854, 13 October 26,1854, 53 June 13, 1855, 55 July 11, 1855, 55 August 29, 1855, 56 September 19, 1865, 56 October 17, 1855, 67

February 27, 1856, 58 September 23, 1857, 58 December 15, 1857, 59, 60 February 1, 1860, 61 June 27, 1860, 61 December 26, 1860, 61, 62 May 1,1861, 62, 63 May 21, 1862, 63 August 13, 1862, 63 October 1, 1862, 64 March 18, 1863, 64 Deseret University, regents of, 99 Disease of Indian children, 33 "Doctrine and Covenants," 2 Dolton, Chas., 29 Doty, James Duane (Indian Superintendent), 63 Drake, Judge, 63 E Edwards, Dave, 36 Edwards, Edward, 57 Henry, 36 Margaret J., 69 Eldredge, Horace S. letter of Brigham Young to, 66 Elk Mountain Mission, 10 Empy, William, 64 Esplin, Mrs. Ray, 47 Evans, Bishop David, report of, 66 "Exploring," poem by Thales H. Haskell, 68 Fiddle made, 88 Fillmore, Utah strengthening of advised, 52, 53 Fish, Joseph, "Journal," 32 Sister, 55 Flint, Dr. Thomas, 18 Food, cached, 74 Forsythe, Thomas, 33 Fort Clara, 60, 61, 70 Defiance, 87 Limhi, 10 at Pipe Springs, 66 Fortifications of settlements, 54 Fuller, Lucious, 70 G Gardner, Robert, 25, 26 Garr, John, 64 Garr's herd ground (Skull Valley), 64

INDEX

Gentile-Indian-Mormon relations, 15-20 Goshute Indians, commit depredations on mail, 62 Governor's Message to the General Assembly, (1866), 65 Legislative Assembly, (1857), 59, 60 Grafton, Utah, 64 Green River Company, organized, 28 Green River Indians, 66 Green River Mission, 28 Green River, Wyoming Indian depredations at, 57 Grospene, Chief, 53 H Half-breeds, 36-48 Hamblin, Albert, (Indian), 40 Ellen, (Indian), 42 Eliza, (Indian), 41, 42 Frank, 95 Jacob, 1, 11, 31, 32, 36, 44, 70-81 "Autobiography of," 43 Journal, 13, 14 Louisa Bonelli, 44 Martha, 42 Priscilla Leavitt, 42 Rachel, 42 Hammond, Milton G., 29 "Journal," 29 Hamilton, Ann, (Indian), 35 Hanks, Albert, (Indian), 35 Ebenezer, 35 Harmony, Utah, 9, 60 fort at, 54 visited by Brigham Young, 53 Harris, Frank, (Indian), 34 John, 34 Hartman, Albert, (Indian), 36, 37 Daisy, (Indian), 37 Willie, (Indian), 37 Haskell, Thales H., 30, 69-95 Journal of, written in Deseret Alphabet, 69, 101 "Konesoke" (Haskell's Indian name, 91) Poem, "Exploring," 68 Hatch, Ira, 30, 42, 70 Heaton, Alvin, 47 Lucy, 47

105

Heirpglyphics, 93 Heywood, L. J., 35 Omer Badgee, (Indian), 34 Hickman, William A., 62 "History of Brigham Young," 6, 25 Holeman, Major Jacob H., 15 Hopi Indians, 24 dance, 83 food, 82 Mormon missionaries travel to country of, 69-98 Horses, stolen and returned, 58 Hunt, Wiseman, 57 Hunter, Joseph S., 34 Huntington, D. B., Indian Interpreter, 63 Hurt, Garland, (Indian Agent), 16, 17 Hyde, Elder, 28 I Indian, Agents, 15-17 Carding, 84 Ceremony, 86-90, 92 Children adopted by Mormons, 2, 4-9, 13, 14 results of, 33-48 Customs, and habits, 55, 56 Dance, 83, 86,87,89,90, 92 Depredations, 9, 10, 57, 58, 60-62, 64, 95 Dialect, Paiute, 19 Eating habits, 89 farm at Spanish Fork, 62 feast, 85-86 feast day, 91, 92 food, 12, 56, 82, 83, 88, 89 habits, 12, 13 images, wooden, 90, 92 interpreter, 17, 63 masks, 90 missions, 9-12, 27 moccasins, 89 Mormon-Gentile relations, 1520 Mormon intermarriage, 28, 29 mortality, 33-35 ornaments, (shell), 86 punished, 52 ruins, 80 slavery, (law), 6-8, 50 slave trading, law against, 4 spinning, 85 thieves, 63 Treaty, 65 war, 4 weaving, 85, 98

106

INDEX

workshops, (Oraibi), 81, 85, 91 Indians and John D. Lee, 51, 52 and the Mormons, 49-67 arrested, 63 baptized, 67 disease of, 33 friendly to whites, 56 gather at Ogden, 61 mistreated by non-Mormon emigrants, 59, 60 molest emigrants to California 60, 61 Mormon missionaries sent to, 2, 3 Mormon policy toward, 55, 59, 60, 65 origin of as explained in the "Book of Mormon," 2 peaceful, 54 steal corn, 56, 57 taught by Mormon women, 55 trade with missionaries, 76, 80-82, 84, 86, 93, 94 Utah, 54 Intermarriage, Mormon-Indian children resulting from, 33, 36-48 conflicting opinions r e : 31 incidents r e : 28-30 instructions r e : 32 purpose of, 31 recommended, 28, 29 referred to by Brigham Young, 30 Iron, 51 Iron company, 51 Iron County Mission, 4

Jackson, Chief, 58 Jacob's Pool, 75, 95 Jones, Daniel W., 7, 8 John Lee, "Journal," 43 "Journal of Discourses," 22 Journal ofâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;excerpts from Fish, Joseph, 32 Hamblin, Jacob, 13, 14 Hammond, Milton G., 29 Haskell, Thales H., 69-95 Jones, John Lee, 43 Salmon River Mission, 29 Southern Indian Mission, by Thomas D. Brown, 11-14, 21 Stout, Hosea, diary of, 28 Judd, Minerva Dart, 33

Rachel, 44 Zadok K., 33 Judges, 7 K Eahbeets, Chief, 59 Kaibab Plateau, 74 Kanab Creek, 74 Kanab Settlement, Utah, 66 Knell, Benjamin, 70 on trip to Hopi Indian country, 71-81 Kanoshe, Chief, 55, 56 Keate, Cora, (Indian), 37 Susannah Rogers, 37 Kimball, Heber C , 22, 29, 99 Knight, Jane, (Indian), 35 Samuel, 35 Kootsen tooeep, 80, 94 Ladders, making of, 81, 83, 86, 92, 93 Lamanites, 2, 3, 22, 24, 27, 32, 63 Lamb, Henry, 56 James, 56 Las Vegas Mission, 10 Laws of Utah r e : Indian slavery, 4, 8 "L. D. S. Journal History," 3, 9, 10, 20, 23, 24, 30, 31, 43 "Leavitt, Dudley, Pioneer to Southern Utah," 1 Leavitt, Dudley, 38, 39, 44 Ella, 45 Priscilla, 31 Lee, John D., 9, 51, 52-54, 95 Mrs., 51 Lemmon, David W., (Indian), 39, 40 James A., 39 Leon, Pedro, 7, 50 Lice, 86 Little, James A., 43, 54 Littlefield, Sidney, 73 Long, J. V., 64 Lott, Jno., 21 Louisa, Utah (Parowan), 6 M Mail, Indians commit depredations upon, 62 Manti, Utah, Brigham Young visits, 53

107

INDEX

Manypenny, George, 16 Margitts, Richard B., 30 Martineau, J. H., 55, 59 Massacre, Mountain Meadows, survivor of, 69 Mattigan, Pete, 30 McAllister, J. T. D., 27 Mc Arthur, Daniel D., 27 Mc Farland, Anne Chatterly, 15 Mc Intire, Robert, 23 Measles, 33 Meat cut and dried, 75 Meeks, Lucy, (Indian), 37, 38 Priddy, 37 Sister, 55 Sylvia, (Indian), 37, 38 Mexicans engage in Indian slavery, 6, 7, 50 Miles, Mrs. Wallace, 36 Military organization for protection against Indians, 57, 61 Millard County Indians progress in civilization, 63 Millennial Star, selections from May 26, 1855, 54 March 17, 1866, 65 November 1, 1870, 66 April 19, 1875, 67 Moab Mission, 10 Moencopi, 94 Moore, David, 29 Moquis Indians, 24, 82, 84 intermarriage with, 32 Moquitches Indians, 69, 70, 92 village, 81, 97 Morley, Isaac, 4 Mormon interest in the Indians, 2 missionaries sent to Indians, 2, 3, 28 missionaries, travel to Hopi Indian country, 69-98 Ward, 40 Mormon-Indian aids "set apart," 55 intermarriage, 27-48 policy, 3, 21-27, 59, 60, 65 Mormons and the Indians, 49-67 blamed for Indian depredations upon emigrants, 59, 60 entertain Indians, 49 plan to move Hopi Indians, 24, 25 Morris, William T., Sr., 35 Moshaminel village, 97 Mount Hope, 67 Mountain Meadows, 70

Mountain Springs, 75 Mowry, Lt. Sylvester, report r e : Mormon-IndianGentile relations, 17, 18 Mules, 72, 73 Navajo Indians country, 80 depredations, 95 steal from Haskell and companions, 81, 87, 89 steal from Oraibi Indians, 86 visit Haskell, 83-86, 89, 90, 94 Neilson, Caroline J., 40 Nicoles, Bill, 37 O

Ogden, Utah Indians gather at, 61 Oraibi Indians, 69-98 village, Arizona, 80 white chief, 93 Organ in Santa Clara, 35 Orthography, 99, 100 Ow-wan-nop, Chief, 51, 52 Ox killed, 80 lost, 70, 79

Pah-Eed Indians, 51 Pah Roosh (Rio Virgin), River, 64 Pah-van-te Indians, 49 Paiute Indians, 10, 19, 25, 26, 75, 80 Palmer, William R., 1, 6, 82 "Pahute Indian Government and Laws," 35 Pahute Indian Homelands,'' 1 "Pahute Indian Medicine," 47 Paria River, 76 Parowan, Utah (Louisa), 6, 51 fort at, 54 Pauvan Valley, site for State Capitol sought in, 49, 50 Pearce, James, 71-81 Peek, 82, 85, 88, 91, 92 Perkins, Wm. K., 30 Peterson, Ziba, 2 Phonetic spelling and writing, 99 Phonography, 99 Piede Indians, 34, 35, 41, 53, 54, 55 Pinto Creek, 95 Ranch, 70 Pioneer Day Celebration, 48 Pipe Springs, 95 fort, 66 Pitman, Isaac, 99

108

INDEX

Piute Indians, 69, 73-80, 82, 92-93 Pocketville, Utah (Virgin City), 64 Poem describing death of Geo. A. Smith, 96 "Exploring," T. H. Haskell, 68 Polygamy, 31 Pratt, Orson, 3, 102 Parley P., 10, 11, 99 "Autobiography," 2 Pueblo Indian ruins, 80 Pugsley, Mr., 63 Pulsipher, Harvey, (Indian), 45 Nina, (Indian), 45 Renie, (Indian), 45 Susie, (Indian), 44, 45 R Rabbits hunted, 83 Reese, Enoch, 9 Riddle, Brothers, 70-81 Rio Virgin River, 94 attempted navigation of, 60 Roberts, B. H., 4 Rock Canyon, 72 Rose, Major (Indian Sub-Agent), 50 Ruins, Indian, 80

Salmon River Mission, 10 Sanders, M. M., 28 Sanpete Valley colony established, 4 Sanpitch, Chief, 13-14 San Pitch Indians, 49 Santa Clara Indian Mission, presidents of, 19 River Indians, 12 Utah, trip to, 58, 59 Savage, (C. R.), 67 Schools, public, use texts printed in Deseret Alphabet, 102 Settlements of Southern Utah, 53 Shamp, Thomas, 36 Shebit Indians, 67 Shelton, Marion J., 31, 71-94 letter to George A. Smith, 97, 98 on trip to Hopi Indian country, 71-95 Shinob, Paiute Indian god, 10 Shorthand, 99 Shoshone Indians, 3

commit depredations, 57, 62 gather a t Ogden, 61 missionaries to, 28 Skull Valley, 64 Slavery, Indian, 6-8, 50 law, 4, 8 Smith, George A., 4-6, 38, 49, 66 Smith, George A., Jr., 24, 95, 96 Smith, Irene Haskell, 69 Janet, (Indian), 38, 39 Joseph, 2 Julina, 3 Mary, 55 Snow, 85, 88 Indians dance for, 86 Snow, Artemisia, 35 Erastus, 24, 32, 35 George, 58 Mickey (Indian), 35 Warren S., 61 William J., 6 "Utah Indians and Spanish Slave Trade," 6 Zerubbabel, 7 South Pah-Eed Indians, 51 Southern Indian Mission, 9-12, 27 president of, 70 results of intermarriage in, 27, 48 Southern Indians, 60, 61 receive visit from Brigham Young, 53 Sowiette, Chief, 56 Spanish Fork Indian farm, 62 Spanishyank, (Indian), 85 Spilsbury, Lorim, (Indian), 34 Moroni, 34 Spring Lake Villa (Utah Count y ) , 66 Steele, John, 54 Steptoe, Col., soldiers, 54 Stevens, Hyrum, 39 Stewart, Levi, 66 St. George, Utah, 70 Stout, Hosea, diary of, 28 Suponerlow, (Indian village), 93 Taylor, Eli F., "Indian Reservations in Utah," 27 Lucinda, 44 Terry, Hannah Leavitt, 44 Territory of Utah, boundaries of, 3 Tewbi, (Indian), 86

INDEX Thomas, E. P., 55 Thompson, Rone, 36 Thornton, Alma, (Indian), 34 Amos G., 34 Thuringwa, (Indian), 81-85 Tillohash, Tony, (Indian), 47 Tonaquint Indians, 14 Tooele County, Indian depredations in, 64 Toquer, Chief (Black Chief), 10, 51 brief sketch of, 64 Toquer, Utah name of, 64 Trade with Indians, 76, 80-82, 84, 86, 93, 94 Travel, rate of, 76 Trial, slavery, 50 Treaty, Indian, 65 Tsha-pwe-unt-White Eye, Chief, 62 Tutsigavit, Chief, 14 U Uinta Indians, 62, 63 University of Deseret, regents of, 99, 100 Utah Historical Records Survey, "Inventory of the County Archives of Sanpete County," 9 Indians and Spanish Slave Trade, 6 State Capitol, site sought for, 49, 50 Territory, boundaries of, 3 Utah Indians, 54, 57 Ute Indian Chief, 49 Indians, 3, 62, 82

Virgin City, Utah (Pocketville), 64 Virgin River, emigrants attempt to navigate, 60 Indian name for, 64 W Wadzusi, Brother, 30 Walker, Chief, 53 confers with Brigham Young, 4 receives letter of recommendation, 6 visits Salt Lake, 49

109

Walker War, 4 Wanship, Chief, 57 Ward, Elijah, 28 Washear, Chief, (Squash-head), 63, 54 "Water's in, The," 1 Watt, George D., 99, 100 Weather, 85, 88 Wells, Daniel H., 22, 56 West, Lehi, (Indian), 35 Sister, 55 White men blamed for Indian hostilities, 66 White Eye, Chief, 62-63 White Mountain Mission to Cherokee Indians, 10.

Whitmer, Peter, 2 Whitmore, Dr. J. M., 23 Whitney, Tom, (Indian), 55 Wicoluppi, Indian carding shop, 84, 86, 89, 91 Wimmer, Ruth, (Indian), 35 "Windsor Castle," (Pipe Springs), 66 Wolf hunt, 90, 91 trap, 88, 89 Wood, George, 34 Leo (Indian), 34 Woodbury, Maria, 69 Woodruff, Wilford, 26, 27 Wyandot Indians, 3

Yan-Tan, Chief, 57 Young, Brigham, 29 confers with Chief Walker, 4 confers with Indians in Southern Utah, 53 instructions of, 6, 11, 19, 20, 22, 23, 30, 32 message to legislature, (1857), 59, 60 policy toward Indians, 3, 2127, 59, 60 prohibits Mexican slave traffic, 50 travels to Kanab, 66 travels to Pauvan Valley to select site for State Capitol, 49, 50 warns settlers to safeguard against Indians, 57, 65 Young, William, on trip to Hopi Indian country, 70-81

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DEPREDATIONS"—50c

CONTENTS The Indian Heritage

111-118

Habits and Customs

118-122

Early Explorations

123-130

Early Mormon Settlement

130-138

Pushing south into Dixie

138-150

Settlement of Zion Canyon

150-164

Kane County and Arizona

164-166

Indian Troubles

167-178

Expansion in Kane County

179-184

Zion Canyon

185-189

The Kaibab and North Rim

189-194

Modern Development of Zion, Bryce and North Rim

194-209

ILLUSTRATIONS Zion Canyon

Frontispiece

The Three Johnson Brothers, Seth, Sixtus and Nephi and Joseph S. Black

p. 148

Washington Cotton Mill (1866-1869)

p. 149

The Zion Cable

p. 161

Bryce Canyon

p. 182

North Rim of the Grand Canyon of Arizona From Bright Angel Point

p. 189

How Earlier Generations Explored the Kaibab

p. 194

The Great W h i t e Throne

p. 199

Mountain Window-Zion-Mt. Carmel Tunnel

p. 209

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Much of the material used in this study was gathered while the writer was engaged by the National Park Service in Zion Canyon, and he himself participated in many of the events described in the latter pages. The foundation for understanding the historical background, however, was laid during his early life in St. George and the surrounding region. Expressions and opinions have been interpreted largely through that experience.

The writer was acquainted with many of the early Dixie settlers, and notes of interviews with some of these have furnished details otherwise unobtainable.

Personal letters also have filled in many gaps.

Additional source material has been obtained from the Office of the Adjutant General of Utah, the Salt Lake Public Library, the libraries of the University of Utah and Dixie Junior College, newspaper files, published books, unpublished manuscripts, original journals or extracts, records of the National Park Service, the United States Land Office and in the L. D. S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, the "Journal History," (a collection of extracts from journals and newspapers arranged chronologically) proved to be a fruitful source of information. This was supplemented by access to additional reports, publications and records of the St. George L. D. S. Temple, compiled by James G. Bleak.

The writer is grateful to many for their encouragement, advice, information, pictures, reading and criticism of the manuscript. He is particularly indebted to Dr. H. E. Gregory, Horace M. Albright, Randall L. Jones, D. D. Rust, H. L. Reid, J. W . Thornton, Zaidee Walker Miles, J. Cecil Alter and Miss Marguerite L. Sinclair, Secretary of the Utah State Historical Society.

Further assistance came from William W . Seegmiller, Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, Frederick Vining Fisher, Dr. J. K. W . Bracken, Lawrence S. Mariger, Charles B. Petty, William R. Palmer and Mrs. Margery Browne Cottam (granddaughter of Levi Stewart), as well as the following persons who furnished source material through interviews and written notes: Hyrum Leany, Frank Foster, Joseph S. Snow, Leo A. Snow, St. George; Chauncey G. Parry, Gronway Parry, Randall L. Jones, Richard A. Thorley, Frank Petty, Cedar City; David Hirschi, John Petty, Mary Jane Stout, Hurricane; James Jepson, Thomas Maloney, Virgin; James. H. Jennings, Mr. and Mrs. John Dennett, Arley Dalton, Rockville; Oliver D. Gifford, Edwin M. Greene, John Winder, Walter Ruesch, Harold Russell, Springdale; Marion Heap, Zion; Ezra Stevens, Mt. Carmel; William Wallace Adair, Orderville; Nate Adams, Walter Hamblin, Lavina Johnson Farnsworth, Thomas Greenhalgh, Brigham A. Riggs, Kanab; Mr. and Mrs. Peter Munk, Manti; the late Anthony W . Ivins, Edwin G. Woolley, Jr., D. S. Spencer, Howard C. Means, Lewis T. Cannon, Scott P. Stewart, H. S. Kerry, Salt Lake City; Old George (Kaibabit Indian), Moccasin, Arizona; Tony Tillohash, Frank Mustache, Tommy Mayo (Shlvwits Indians), Santa Clara. â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Angus M. Woodbury.

ZION CANYON Discovered in 1858 and declared a National Park in 1919.

Comtesg Union Pacific System.

Utah State Historical Society State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah Vol. XII

July-October, 1944

Nos. 3-4

A HISTORY O F SOUTHERN UTAH and I T S N A T I O N A L PARKS

By Angus

M.

Woodbury*

The Indian Heritage Zion Canyon had already been carved half-a-mile deep in the brilliant Navajo sandstone and most of its geological history had passed long before the eyes of man beheld its glory.One of the world's rare beauty spots, lying within Zion National Park in southwestern Utah, it serves as a striking example of the thousands of flaming gorges or red box canyons eroded through millions of years on the edges of the plateaus along the Colorado River in southern Utah and northern Arizona.

Prehistoric man came and left his ruins, relics and pictographs strewn along the floor of the canyon, hidden under sheltering arches and boulders, buried in mounds or etched on the faces *Augus M. Woodbury was born of pioneer parents in St. George, Utah, July 11, 1886. His early education was obtained in the schools of his native town and Salt Lake City, and he was graduated from Brigham Young Academy, Provo, in 1906. Two years later he joined the U. S. National Forest Service, and in the varied employments of this work, gradually developed the dominant interest of his life, the natural history of the West. For a brief season, 1920-21, he tried stock-breeding on his father's farm at St. George, but soon returned to his major interest, pursued further studies at Dixie College, and was active in die naturalist service of Zion National Park from 1925 to 1933. In 1928 he received his Master's degree from the University of Utah, and in 1931 his doctorate from the University of California. He has been a member of the faculty of the University of Utah since 1927, and has done much to develop and strengthen its biological and zoological departments while keeping in close touch with field work in Southern Utah. He has published numerous monographs and studies dealing with die biota, fauna and flora of die West, and has achieved national recognition for the scientific accuracy of his reportings. His interest in the history of Southern Utah has always been keen, and in 1931 he published in the Utah Historical Quarterly (Vol. IV, pp. 35-46) a study entided "The Route of Jedediah S. Smith in 1826 from the Great Salt Lake." This present work is a summary of data, most of which was accumulated for use in his work as naturalist in Zion Canyon, but which has been checked and elaborated since. In January, 1909, Dr. Woodbury married Grace Atkin, descendant of Charles L. Walker, pioneer St. George wit and poet. Together diey make their home in Salt Lake City, and are the parents of six children.

112

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of the cliffs. Myths, legends and traditions played their part in linking the ancient inhabitants with the modern Indians.

In spite of the fact that primitive cliff dwellers used to live in Zion Canyon, the Indians of more recent date appear to have avoided it as a camping ground. There seems to have been something mysterious and foreboding in the gloomy depths of twilight and darkness that appalled these semi-savages. So far as can be determined from both Indians and early white settlers, the natives especially avoided the canyon after sundown. O. D. Gifford, a pioneer of Springdale, says they never camped above its mouth. They would go up the canyon in the daylight but- invariably would come back before dark.

E. C. Behunin, who lived in Zion Canyon from 1862 to 1872, says he never saw an Indian come above Springdale, and although his father tried to induce Indians to work for him, they could never be persuaded to venture into the upper part of the canyon. John Dennett, who farmed in Zion for many years after 1875, says the Indians never raised crops in Zion, except the little they did for the white settlers; and that they were very superstitious about the canyon. Other early settlers add the same testimony.

Tony Tillohash, an educated Shivwits Indian, says an Indian would not dare go alone into Zion Canyon. The solitary traveler might be killed without warning. Kai-ne-sava was not the main spirit in the supernatural hierarchy of the Paiute, an honor reserved for the Wolf-god, variously rendered as Shin-na'-wav or Sin-na'wava. Rather, Kai-ne-sava was a mysterious being of changeable moods. There was no assurance of his friendship and he had to be propitiated. He might whistle or yell at any moment while remaining invisible. Again, he might reveal himself in the distance in human form and then disappear when approached. His movement might stir up a whirlwind of dust and then trail away into nothing. Sometimes he built fires (lightning) on the W e s t Temple or other places inaccessible to human beings.

The smoke from fires on the W e s t Temple could be seen for many miles in every direction. Kai-ne-sava then was sending a message.

He pushed the rocks that fall down in Zion. His mood might be capricious. If so, the Indians must keep out of the way. Then it was no use to hunt, for Kai-ne-sava would frighten the deer before the Indian could get close enough to shoot. Sometimes he would tantalize by taking the form of a big buck deer with spreading antlers, and would hide and jump out in front of the Indians with such great bounds that they could not pierce him with their arrows no matter what their skill. On such days it was better to go home.

Nevertheless, in a friendly mood Kai-ne-sava might be extremely helpful. He could soothe the deer so they were not fright-

T H E INDIAN HERITAGE

113

ened and lure them where they were easily found. Then the Indians could shoot their arrows with assurance of killing. Such good fortune the Indians did not forget. A bounteous kill they were willing to share with Kai-ne-sava. T o show their appreciation, little pieces of meat were laid out here and there for him. When they returned, the meat was always gone, hence Kai-ne-sava must have taken it.

Although Kai-ne-sava was fond of playing pranks, he was often kind and pleasant. This is in marked contrast with another supernatural being who was always at cross purposes and who caused the Indians no end of trouble. This was Wai-no-pits, who lurked in gloomy shadows and was always intent on evil. It was sometimes hard to distinguish between the pranks of Kai-ne-sava and the evil doings of Wai-no-pits. There seems to have been some confusion in the minds of the Indians. The one was to be propitiated, the other avoided.

Wai-no-pits might visit a, camp and bring sickness to it. He might cause an accident or waylay the Indians with all sorts of dire calamities. Wherever his presence was suspected it was best to run away.

The Wolf-god (Shin-na'-wav), on the other hand, was the friendly one. There was no fear of him, but he was more distant and less distinctly defined. There were legends connecting him with the past history of the Paiute Indians and his influence was more or less mysterious. While his friendly acts were to be appreciated it was not always possible to distinguish his manifestations from those of Kai-ne-sava.

These supernatural beings, apparently, were not familiar spirits. Never were they directly encountered. Their manifestations were veiled and it was only by signs and implications that they could be interpreted. Anything not clearly comprehended was likely to be interpreted by the Indian as a manifestation of the preternatural. Zion Canyon was full of mystery; it was a place where anything might happen, especially in the shadows and darkness. The fear of Wai-no-pits or of Kai-ne-sava in his austere moods more than offset the assurance of Shin-na-wav or of Kai-nesava propitiated. Small wonder the superstitious Indian tried to avoid Zion Canyon, especially when night had fallen in its awesome depths.

The Paiute, himself extremely primitive, contributed not a little to our culture in the way of an early knowledge of geography and routes of travel, place names and a heritage of traditions. Most of the pioneers explored these new regions and traveled new routes largely or partly with the aid of Indian guides or advice. Without such assistance, the explorers many times wandered from the proper route, lost valuable time, and encountered dangers and hardships that could have been avoided. Escalante

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tells us in 1776 that with proper Indian guidance he could have covered in three days the Arizona Strip which in his wanderings required ten. Geographical knowledge thus acquired wove itself into our culture through personal contact, writings and maps that have since been passed on from generation to generation.

Many Indian geographical names, anglicized or unchanged, have been perpetuated in our nomenclature; for example, Toquerville, named for Indian chief Toquer, Kaibab (big flat mountain or mountain lying down), Kanarra (also named for an Indian chief), Shunesburg (an abandoned village named for an old Indian who lived there), Parunuweap (canyon with a swift stream of water), Kanab (meaning willow; there were many of them growing there when the town was first settled), and Paria or Pahrea (meaning a settlement and plateau). The name Mukuntuweap, pronounced Mu-koon-tu-weap, without accent, is undoubtedly of Indian origin, but there has been much dispute as to its derivation and application.

Originally applied by Major Powell to both Zion Canyon and the river flowing through it, the name is now restricted to the latter. Some of the early white settlers suggest that it means "the place of the gods" or simply "God's land." This interpretation, however, seems to have no real foundation. Both Indians and whites appear to be in complete agreement that tu-weap means ground, earth, or place. It is the rest of the word which is in doubt. William W . Seegmiller, who is familiar with the Indian language, is of the opinion that it is named for a chief of the Virgin River Indians named Mukun, and therefore simply means the land of Mukun.

Old George of the Kaibab Indians pronounced it Mukoontau'-weap, with accent on tau, and said it meant straight canyon.

William R. Palmer, also an authority on Paiute lore, concludes that there are two possibilities: one, that it is derived from the Indian word yucca or oose, muk-unk, the whole word muk-unko-weap, thus meaning Oose Creek (or since the oose was sometimes used for soap simply Soap Creek); and the other derived from Muk-unt-o-weap, meaning straight canyon. Major Powell (September 12, 1872) says, "The Indians call the canyon through which it [the river] runs, Mu-koon-tu-weap, or Straight Canyon." 1 Several of the better informed Indians on the Shivwits Reservation near Santa Clara did not recognize the word Mukuntuweap. Tommy Mayo pronounced it Huh-cut-u-weap, and said it meant red dirt, red country, or place of red soil. Frank Mustache pronounced it Un-ga-tu-weap and gave its meaning as red dirt.

J J. W. Powell, Exploration of the Colorado River of the West (Washington, D.C., 1875), p. 111. Erroneously reported as September 12, 1870.

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Tony Tillohash gave a different version, pronouncing it huh-kontu-weap, meaning a big canyon.

The confusion is further increased by suggestions of other names. Frank Mustache says the Indians called Zion Canyon, Un[k]ga-timpe pai-ave, (unka or unga, meaning red, timpe rock, and pai-ave signifying a canyon between mountains, the whole meaning a big, red rock canyon). Several Indians referred to the Canyon as I-u-goon. Nearly all of them agreed that Pahroos was the proper name for the Virgin River, meaning a swift stream of rippling or turbulent water, bounding or foaming over the rocks as it does in Zion Canyon.

The discrepancies are partly explained by the common Indian custom of naming places from some striking local characteristic. Different communities impressed by various facets of a canyon like Zion may have given different names to the same thing. Some, remarking the resemblance of the canyon to an arrow quiver, called it I-u-goon. Those who gathered yucca root for soap may have referred to it as Muk-unk-o-weap. Those who recognized Mukun as a great leader may have used the name Mukuntuweap. Those who looked down from Cedar Mountain into the straight, deep canyon of Zion, probably said Mukuntoweap. Others thinking of the high, red walls could scarcely refrain from using the Indian term, unka or unga, meaning red. Hence we have several variations of Unkatuweap, or even Unga-timpe pai-ave.

The Indians encountered by the early white explorers were Parrusits living in scattered bands along the upper Virgin River and forming one of the dozen or more clans belonging to the Paiute tribe. This tribe occupied the land lying west of the mountains and south of the high plateaus of southern Utah from Pahvant Valley (Millard County) southward to the Colorado River in Arizona and reaching westward into Nevada as far as the mouth of the Virgin River. The Paiute tribe was one of five belonging to the Ute Nation, occupying a vast territory extending to the north and east.

The chief of the Utes, whose headquarters were in central Utah, dominated the whole nation and was at liberty to come and go without restraint throughout his domain and to levy such tribute as he desired. The suffragan chiefs could do the same within their tribal limits. Natural resources belonged to the community and no individual could claim property other than personal effects, such as horses, arms, wickiups and food supplies.

Each tribe had definite boundaries and members of one could not encroach upon the lands of another without permission, else resentment might lead to war. Each clan or community within a tribe also had a definite area claimed as its own, the limits of

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which were settled by agreement or war, and were clearly understood. Anyone entering foreign territory to hunt or fish without permission was regarded as an illegal trespasser and it was proper to make war upon him and even to kill him. Frequently the whites got into difficulties by not observing these Indian laws and customs.

W h e n Indians of one group entered the territory of another, it was obligatory for them to go through a fixed ritual to obtain permission to do so. Once this ritual had been fulfilled the visitors were under tribal protection and any loss or injury must be made good by the tribe. Without such promise and protection, anything might happen. In recompense some sort of gift was usually expected.

If, during times of peace, a tribesman injured or killed another, satisfaction had to be rendered to the family, friends or tribe of the victim. It was usually required on the principle of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, but occasionally other bargains were made. A slain man's relatives ordinarily demanded the culprit or a relative, even though they sometimes had to be satisfied with a weakling, a cripple, or an aged person of little value to the tribe.

The early settlers of Rockville discovered the weightiness of this Indian law. One day in February, 1869, Tom Flanigan and Sam Green were carrying express from Rockville to Pipe Springs, where they were met at dusk by two Indians. Flanigan, thinking in his excitement that something was amiss, shot one of them. T h e Indian was badly wounded and died a few days later in spite of all the care given him after he was taken back to Rockville. The Indians demanded that Flanigan surrender to be tortured and killed in satisfaction. This was of course refused. A crowd of Indians gathered and the situation was tense. The affair, however, was finally compromised by delivering to the Indians an ox.

The Paiutes formed a sparse population spread out over a large territory. Depending mostly upon natural foods and but little upon cultivated crops, they were limited in numbers by the scanty resources of this semi-arid or desert region. Their weakness made them a prey to stronger marauding neighbors such as the Navajos. They were so poor they could seldom pay the tax levied by the chief of the Ute nation and usually gave children as slaves in lieu of other tribute. Failing this, they were in danger of having their women and children stolen.

The Paiute tribe had a number of subdivisions or clans loosely held together by the tribal government. There is a difference of opinion about the identity of the tribal chief. William R. Palmer states that the chief was the leader of the strong Com-o-its

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clan living in the region of Cedar City.' There is evidence, however, that the Virgin River Indians (the Parrusits) were dominated by a chief of the band living on the Santa Clara sometimes referred to as the Tonaquintits. Nearly all the historical data of the early settlement of the Virgin River indicate that the Paiutes recognized this leadership and not that of the Com-o-its. Neighboring clans included the Shivwits (Shebits) of the Parashont, the Uinkarets of the Trumbull and the Kaibabits of the Kaibab region, all occupying the "Arizona Strip" north of the Colorado River.

The first historical references to these Indians were given by the Spanish Franciscan, Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, in October, 1776. On the Pilar River (now Ash Creek), below Toquerville, near its junction with the Virgin River twenty-five miles below Zion Canyon, he tells us that his party found a wellmade platform with a large supply of ears of corn and corn husks which had been stored upon it. Nearby on a small flat on the river bank were three small cornfields with very well made irrigation ditches. The stalks of the maize which they had raised that year were still intact. His journal records: From here down the stream and on the mesa and on both sides for a long distance, according to what we learned, these Indians apply themselves to the cultivation of maize and calabashes. In their own language they are called Parrusis.

The next day, October 15, after meeting some of these Indians, he wrote: . . . they made us understand that they were called Parrusis . . . and that they were the ones who planted crops on the banks of the Pilar River and lived down stream a long distance.

Still later, on October 19, when he met the Uinkarets Indians north of Mt. Trumbull, Escalante remarked: They told us that they were called Yubincariri; that they did not plant maize; that their foods were those seeds, tuna, 8 pine nuts, which are scarce judging from the few they gave us; and such hares, rabbits and wild 'William R. Palmer, "Pahute Indian Government and Laws," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 35-52.

'The tuna mentioned probably refers to cactus; and the maize and calabashes to corn and squash. The name, Parrusis, equivalent to Parrusits, undoubtedly referred to the Virgin River Indians. It simply means people living on the Par-roos River. Fifty years later, in 1826, Jedediah Strong Smith, found Indians on the Santa Clara Creek raising corn and pumpkins. Maurice Sullivan, The Travels of Jedediah Smith (Santa Ana, California, 1934) pp. 27-28.

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sheep as they could get by hunting. They added that on this side of the river [Colorado] only the Parrusis planted maize and calabashes. 4 Habits and Customs The Parrusits, notwithstanding their primitive agriculture, moved about a great deal within their territory, as the exigencies of the season, the food supply, sanitary conditions, or their relations with other Indians demanded. They occasionally went into the high mountains in summer to hunt or fish but returned at intervals to the valleys to tend the crops. In the fall they went nut gathering among the pinyon pines of the foothills. The winters were usually spent in the valleys.

Their wickiups were made upon a framework of poles lashed together at the top in such way as to leave an opening for smoke to escape. The poles, tied with sinew in the conventional tepee shape, were plied with brush or woven willows and then covered with long strips of juniper bark or with skins of rabbits. At one side an opening was left for an entry-way. The fire was built in the center, leaving space around the sides for eating and sleeping.

Camps were usually located on a mesa, hill or flat, so that water had to be carried some distance from stream or spring.

For this purpose, they wove jugs with narrow necks from the limbs of the squawbush and waterproofed them with pitch from the pinyon pine. Sinews were tied to the necks of the jugs for shoulder or head straps. Basketry was competent, but there is no evidence of pottery among them.

Paiute equipment for life was simple. Clothing consisted of a breechclout for the men, and for women a brief skirt hanging from the waist. These were sometimes supplemented by robes hung from the shoulders for warmth, buckskin moccasins for the feet, and ornaments of various kinds, particularly beads and feathers. They had no regular head dress, but often painted themselves with a special red earth which gave them a weird appearance. Breechclouts, skirts and robes were usually made from rabbit skins. In order to have the fur both inside and out, they would take a strip of fur and roll it in a spiral around a sinew or yucca fiber. Many such strips sewed together with sinew thread made a skin cloth from which clothing could be fashioned.

Hunting equipment consisted principally of the bow and arrow, supplemented by stone skinning knives. Their arrows were shafted with feathers and tipped with hard wood or stone points, small ones for birds and small game and larger ones for 4 Cf. H. S. Auerbach, ed., "Father Escalante's Journal," in Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. XI, pp. 85, 91.

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war or big game, all held in place by sinews. The shaft of the arrow was made from a straight limb or from reed cane. Sinew was made by shredding the tendons of deer or other large game.

If arrows were to be poisoned, a concoction was made by inducing a rattlesnake to bite into a piece of liver, letting it stand a few days and then mixing it with crushed black widow spiders. Arrow tips dipped in this were considered deadly.

The Paiutes used the rock grinder or metate and mano for grinding such foods as corn, mesquite beans, and the coarse grass seed from which they made bread. The meal was mixed with water to make a batter and was cooked on a hot rock in the fire.

The rock was first rubbed with clay to keep the meal from sticking. According to one method, the batter was made thin and poured over the rock in a flat cake. T h e heat from the rock soon set the batter and the rock was then stood upright close to the fire so the cake would bake on both sides. In the other method, the batter was made thicker and put out on the rock in the form of a conical loaf and coals were heaped around it.

Though the Indians raised corn, squash and beans, they lived principally upon fish, birds, wild game, wild fruits, roots ind seeds. The principal game was rabbit and deer but occasionally antelope and mountain sheep supplemented their meager fare, and any sort of smaller game was used when obtainable.

Hyrum Leany, who settled in Harrisburg in 1862, relates how the Indians used to go hunting lizards and chipmunks (ta-bats pa-shugi). The boys would tuck the heads under their belts and sometimes would come home with a beltful. The chuckwalla lizards were regarded as delicacies and the Indians had learned the art of removing them from the crevices in which they puff themselves up until their sides are pressed tightly against the rock, thus making it difficult to dislodge them. By puncturing the distended lungs with a sharp hooked stick, they were easily extracted.

T o cook a small animal, such as rabbit or chipmunk, the Paiutes laid it in the fire without any preliminary preparation other than the removal of the skin, and the hot coals were raked over it. All parts of the body were eaten and nothing edible was missed. Surplus meat was usually dried.

Among the plants, grass seed was a staple article of diet. It could be gathered in those days almost anywhere, though the grass has largely disappeared since the advent of the white man's horses, cattle and sheep. The fruit of the cactus (tuna or prickly pear) furnished a food mainstay in midsummer. In places where the yant (Agave) was found, the young flower stalks were roasted barbecue fashion. This was a delicacy designated as pe-ya-gamint, "a sweet food."

Sugar was obtained in small quantities from the water willows and from the reed cane (Phragmites) by cutting it when

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plant lice had been working on it. As it dried, crystals of sugar appeared. This was gathered by shaking off the crystals and using them as a delicacy.

Among the native fruits gathered in season were the wild grapes and the sour squawberries of the stream banks in the valleys, the little red ookie berries of the semi-alkaline flats, the weump berries (Berberis fremonti) of the foothills, the sarvis berries (Amelanchier) of the lower mountain slopes and the choke cherries (Prunus), strawberries, and raspberries (Rubus) of the mountains. Pine nuts obtained from the cones of the pinyon pines were a staple fall crop gathered in large quantities and kept for later use.

It is certain that the Parrusits Indians raised crops by irrigation before the whites appeared among them. Escalante, in 1776, remarked only about corn and squash, but it is believed that they also raised beans and probably melons. Their farms were located on small flats where water could be easily diverted from spring or stream. Farming implements were mainly sticks of various kinds, usually of ash, about three feet long and three or four inches wide toward one end, with the edges sharpened and running to a point. Ditches were hard to make and maintain due to periodic floods. Cultivated areas were usually very small, five acres being the maximum.

An old Kaibabits Indian named George graphically described the farming operations thus: "Kaibab Injuns no raise'm crops, nudder Injuns raise'm. No shovel, no hoe. Use'm stick; dig'm ditch; make water come. Dig little hole over here, over there, all around; plant'um corn."

The squaws performed most of the labor in tending the crops.

The bucks were the warriors and hunters. Harvesting the corn, carrying water, gathering grass seed, grinding corn meal, making bread, making clothing, all were squaw's work. There may, however, have been a more equal division of work than appears to us now, since the food supply and safety of the home depended much upon the prowess of the hunter and the vigilance of the warrior.

The simple personal equipment and belongings gathered up by an individual during his lifetime were usually buried with him for his spirit journey. Nothing of material value was passed on from generation to generation; each had to depend upon his own efforts. Weaklings, cripples, and the aged had a hard time. If they became burdensome, they were usually abandoned and sometimes burned. St. George cattlemen at Mount Trumbull frustrated an attempted burning as late as the nineties. The Uinkarets had just left camp when the cowboys accidentally stumbled upon it. One wickiup was left standing. The doorway had been fastened, wood and trash had been piled around it and set on fire as

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the Indians left. Inside, an old blind Indian named Waterman was nearly suffocated when the cowboys released him. The Indians having abandoned him refused to care for him further and he became a burden on the whites.

At the time of the white settlement of the Virgin River Valley in the 5 0 s and 60's, there were perhaps a thousand Parrusits in various bands along the stream with their principal camping places near Rockville, Virgin City, Toquerville, Washington Fields and Santa Clara. These all appear to have recognized the leadership of Chief Tut-se-gavits, head of the Tonaquint band living on the Santa Clara Creek, and to have been held together under regular tribal control.

G. H. Heap, one of the Argonauts, described the Paiutes in 1853 in the following uncomplimentary paragraphs: The Pah-Utah Indians are the greatest horse thieves on the continent. Rarely attempting the bold coup-de-main of the Utahs, they dog travelers during their march and follow on their trail like jackals, cutting off any stragglers whom they can surprise and overpower, and pick up such animals as stray from the band or lag behind from fatigue. At night lurking around the camp, and concealing themselves behind rocks and bushes, they communicate with each other by imitating the sounds of birds and animals. They never ride, but use as food the horses and mules that they steal, and, if within arrowshot of one of these animals, a poisoned shaft secures him as their prize. Their arms are bows and arrows tipped with obsidian, and lances sometimes pointed with iron, which they obtain from the wrecks of wagons found along the road. They also use a pronged stick to drag lizards from their holes.

Yearly expeditions are fitted out in New Mexico to trade with the Pah-Utahs for their children and recourse is often had to foul means to force their parents to part with them. So common is it to make a raid for this purpose, that it is considered as no more objectionable than to go on a buffalo or a mustang hunt. One of our men, Jose Galliego [sic], who was an old hand at this species of man-hunting, related to us with evident gusto, numerous anecdotes on this subject; and as we approached the village he rode up to Mr. Beale and eagerly proposed to him that we should "charge on it like hâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;1, kill the mans, and maybe catch some of the little boys and gals." 6 B G H Heap, Central Route to the Pacific, Journal of the Expedition H. Beale and G. H. Heap in 1853 (Washington, D.C., 1854), p. 99.

of E.

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The coming of the Mormon pioneers gradually upset the Paiute government. The whites frequently settled on Indian camp sites and occupied Indian farming lands. Their domestic livestock ate the grass that formerly supplied the Indians with seed, and crowded out deer and other game upon which they largely subsisted. This interference with their movements and the reduction in the food supply tended eventually to bring the Indians into partial dependence upon the whites.

Within a few years, farm crops and livestock brought to the whites more food and clothing than the Indians had ever dreamed of. N o wonder they became beggars in the towns and thieves of cattle and horses on the range. As long as the whites were in the minority, they used to feed the Indians. In the words of John Dennett, an old settler of Rockville, this "gave them an idea of some other kind of food beside grass seed and wild game."

As the whites increased and became strong enough to defy the Indians, the attitude changed from one of fear to that of domination. Although they continued more or less to feed the begging Indians, they soon put a stop to thievery on the range, punishing it in many cases by death. This transition was marked by bitter feeling and even by war between the races. In time, it became increasingly difficult for the Indians to maintain themselves.

Not only was their food supply reduced, but the whites also spread strange maladies among the Indians. Measles and smallpox are known to have been fatal in many cases. W h e n Silver Reef, a mining town of 1500 people, was flourishing in the 70's and 80's it is known that venereal diseases were spread among the Indians. Fatalities from disease and the diminution of food supplies were undoubtedly heavy factors in the drastic reduction of the Indian population. Of the estimated thousand Parrusits living along the Virgin River in the 50's and 60's, there was only one survivor (until his death in June, 1945), an old fellow called Peter Harrison, who lived among the Shivwits Indians on the Santa Clara reservation.

Among the neighbors of the Parrusits there remained in 1933 only about seventy-five Kaibabits on a reservation at Moccasin, Arizona, some fifty Shivwits on a reservation on the Santa Clara Creek, fifty miles to the west; and about fifty Com-o-its in the vicinity of Cedar City. The Uinkarets and several smaller groups are today entirely extinct.

Asked to account for this tragedy, the old Kaibabits Indian George explained it this way: " W h e n white man come, lotsa Injuns here; alia same white man now. Injuns heap yai-quay [meaning lots of them die]; maybe so six, maybe so five, maybe so two in night. Purty soon all gone. W h i t e man, he come; raise'm pompoose. Purty soon lotsa white man."

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Early Explorations Zion Canyon was known to the Indians from time immemorial, but its discovery by white men, so far as is known, dates only from the middle of the 19th century. However, the series of explorations in this region which finally led to its discovery cover the period of three quarters of a century beginning in 1776.

In that year a party of Spaniards passed through the region and crossed the Virgin River within twenty miles of Zion Canyon without knowing of its proximity. This was the remarkable expedition led by Fathers Dominguez and Escalante through portions of New Mexico, Colorado, Utah and Arizona. The object of the expedition was two-fold. The Spanish government desired a direct route from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Presidio of Monterey, California, and the priests themselves had dreams of founding new Indian missions in the unexplored territory beyond the Colorado River. The governor of New Mexico furnished provisions, Father Dominquez provided the horses and mules and Father Silvestre Velez de Escalante was the diarist of the party. 6 The expedition set out July 29, 1776 from Santa Fe, passing through explored territory as far as the Gunnison river in southwestern Colorado, whence it struck out into the unknown. The priests were fortunate in finding a couple of young Ute Indians from Utah Lake, who acted as guides and who led them safely across the Colorado (Grand) and Green Rivers up the Duchesne to its headwaters and across the Wasatch Range to their home on Utah Lake.

Obtaining fresh guides, the party proceeded about two hundred miles into the deserts of southwestern Utah to Black Rock Springs near Milford, heading for the Pacific coast. They had been longer than expected on their journeyings. Fall was rapidly advancing. A snowfall on October 5 dashed their hopes of being able to cross the great Sierras still blocking their path to Monterey. Provisions were getting low and they were a long way from either Monterey or Santa Fe. Casting of lots determined that they should go back home.

Instead of retracing their circuitous route, they determined to take a short cut. They turned southeast, coming out of the desert "Escalante, "Diario," in Documents para la historia de Mexico (Mexico City), ser. 2, Vol. 1, p. 37.

Cf. also: H. S. Auerbach, "Father Escalante's Journal, 1776-77" in Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI, pp. 1-142; H. L. Bolton, "Escalante in Dixie and the Arizona Strip," New Mexico Review (Santa Fe, 1928), Vol. Ill, No. 1; H. E. Gregory, "Spanish Entradas in Kaiparowits Region," U. S. Geological Survey Prof. Paper (Washington, D.C., 1931), p. 164; W. R. Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1909); Philip Harry, "Brief of Escalante's Journal in Simpson's Explorations, 1859, Appendix R. (Washington, D.C., 1860), p. 490.

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that now bears Escalante's name, a few miles west of Cedar City.

The high mountains to the east forced them southward nearly a hundred miles along the foot of the rough and rugged escarpment known as the Hurricane Fault. This deflected them far from their intended course.

It was on this detour that they discovered the Virgin River and came closest to Zion Canyon. The party left the vicinity of Cedar City, crossed over the rim of the Great Basin at Kanarra and descended Ash Creek, tributary of the Virgin. A short distance below Toquerville they passed the three Indian cornfields with well made irrigation ditches, to which reference has already been made, and reached the Virgin River at the point where Ash Creek and La Verkin Creek joined it. Escalante called Ash Creek the Rio del Pilar. T h e main stream of the Virgin River above this point he named the Sulphur River because of the hot sulphur springs that flow into the stream about a mile distant from the point where the great Hurricane Fault crosses the river.

T h e party climbed out of the canyon alongside a volcanic ash cone or crater standing north of the present town of Hurricane.

While some of the members of the party probably lingered to investigate the hot sulphur springs, others went ahead across the Hurricane bench and striking some Indian tracks, followed them out of the proper route and found themselves in the midst of an area of red sand dunes several miles in extent, sometimes called the Red Desert. This may be seen from the road approaching Zion from either St. George or Cedar City.

The sand dunes made traveling very difficult and by the time the party had plowed its way through and stood on top of a high bluff overlooking the corrugated valley below, both the horses and men were so tired they could scarcely make their way down the bluff to water at the site of, old Fort Pearce. Here they found a desert shrub, the creosote bush (Hedionditla) and tamarisk trees (supposed to have been introduced from the old world).

Here their provisions became exhausted, and from then on they had to subsist largely upon horse flesh and such food as they could procure from the Indians. The next morning, as they started on their journey, they met a group of the Parrusits Indians who were living in scattered bands along the Upper Virgin River, forming one of the dozen or more clans belonging to the Paiute tribe, and who warned them that they were headed toward the Grand Canyon at a place where it could not be forded. After much persuasion they agreed to show the explorers a route by which they could climb the Hurricane Fault and proceed eastward toward a ford of the Colorado.

The Indians led them four or five miles up a narrow canyon along a footpath that became so steep and ledgy that the horses

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and mules could not follow. Perceiving this, the Indians fled and the party was forced to retrace the rocky trail to the foot and press southward again, crossing the present line into Arizona. They became suspicious that the Indians were purposely misdirecting them.

That night they made a dry camp, and having neither food nor water, both men and animals suffered intensely. Early next day they found water but after traveling about twenty-five miles some of the men were so weak and hungry they had to stop to rest.

After ransacking their camp outfit, they found odds and ends enough to satisfy their worst needs.

At this point they found a way to climb the bold face of the Hurricane Fault. Hungry and thirsty, they headed for rough country to the southeast where they found water after about eighteen miles. They also found Indians from whom they procured some food. Again being warned by the Indians of the great impassable Grand Canyon ahead they swung off sharply to the northeast.

Continuing the journey, guided only by the vague directions given by the Indians, the party spent several days during late October and early November in crossing the Arizona Strip and southern Utah before they found a ford of the Colorado, a few miles upstream on the Utah side of the state line, since known as the "Crossing of the Fathers." The hardships of the party in traversing Northeastern Arizona and northwestern New Mexico to get back to Santa Fe, however, are not a part of this story.

The journey lasted from July 29, 1776 to January 2, 1777. It covered a circuitous route through four states and the priests had been pathbreakers in new and unexplored territory. One objective, the route to the Pacific coast, had not been attained, but the other, that of locating sites for missions, had been abundantly fulfilled. Many possibilities were marked along the route, but apparently none gave the Fathers more satisfaction than the prospects among the Parrusits Indians on the Pilar River (now Ash Creek and Virgin River) who were already farmers.

On finding the cornfield and irrigation ditches of the Parrusits, Escalante remarked: By this we were greatly rejoiced, now because of the hope it gave of being able to take advantage of certain supplies in the future; especially because it was an indication of the application of these people to the cultivation of the soil; and because we found this much done toward reducing them to civilized life and to the faith when the Most High may so dispose, for it is well known how much it costs to bring other Indians to this point, and how diffi-

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cult it is to convert them to this labor which is no necessary to enable them to live for the most part in civilized life and in towns.'

The Spanish Fathers never fulfilled their dreams of missions beyond the Colorado, but they explored an uncharted area, into which other Spaniards followed. T h e records, however, are meager and information incomplete about these later expeditions. Two other Spaniards, Mestes in 1805 and Arze and Garcia in 1812-13, seem to have penetrated as far as Utah Lake and perhaps southward, but so far as is known, their trips had little significance* Still later, other Spaniards developed the route from Santa Fe to the Pacific coast which the Fathers had failed to do. Known as the Old Spanish Trail, this passed northwestward from Santa Fe through southwestern Colorado and central Utah and then southwestward to Los Angeles. It crossed Escalante's trail near Cedar City. But before this route was developed, other explorers had opened the way.

After Dominguez and Escalante, the next pathbreakers of importance to enter the region was Jedediah Strong Smith, a trapper and trader bent on expanding his fur business. He was probably the first to finish the task started by Escalante, that of finding a route to the coast, which he traversed in 1826 and again in 1827.

Smith's epochal explorations, like Escalante's a half-century earlier, were circuitous in nature and his first trip covered an area now embraced by four states, Utah, Arizona, Nevada and California. The eastern side of his loop overlapped the western side of Escalante's and probably their trails coincided for short distances where they crossed.

Smith belonged to the firm of Smith, Jackson and Sublette, which had purchased General Ashley's fur interests and was trapping through the region southward from Montana through Idaho and Wyoming to northern Utah. T h e summer camp or rendezvous of the firm was at Bear Lake near the Utah-Idaho line and most of the trapping grounds were to the north and east. Knowing nothing about the region lying south and west of. the Great Salt Lake, Smith fitted out a party of about sixteen men to explore and trap the unknown region.

He left the shores of the Great Salt Lake, August 22, 1826, and proceeded south and west to Los Angeles, arriving there late in November. His exact course through Utah has long been a matter of controversy due to a dearth of definite records and his incomplete or poor description of the country through which he traveled. Out of the maze of theoretical routes proposed by dif7

Cf. Auerbach, toe. cit.. pp. 85-86.

'Ibtd.. p. 5.

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ferent writers," it seems probable that he traveled southward from Utah Lake, reached the Sevier River in the vicinity of Fayette, followed it up to the mouth of Marysvale Canyon, and mistaking Clear Creek for the head of the river (evidently not recognizing the stream coming through Marysvale canyon), passed over the divide at the head of Clear Creek and down by Cove Fort, south along the west foot of the mountains to Beaver River (which he called Lost River), on past the present site of Cedar City to the rim of the Great Basin, thence to Ash Creek along the route Escalante had taken to the Virgin River, down the Virgin to the Colorado River and across the Mojave Desert to the Coast.

Smith called the Virgin the Adams River in compliment to President John Quincy Adams, although it was in territory then claimed by Mexico. At the mouth of Santa Clara Creek, he fell in with a group of Paiute Indians (his printed word is Pa Ulches, probably a misprint for Pa Utches), who wore rabbit skin robes and raised a little corn and pumpkins. He called the Santa Clara, Corn Creek.

On his first trip of 1826, he followed the Virgin River down through the narrows below the mouth of the Santa Clara, a hazardous undertaking since most of the channel is barely wide enough to accommodate the stream. This would have involved much wading of the stream over shifting quicksand, through deep holes and around giant rocks and boulders. On his second trip, a year later, he avoided these narrows by going up Corn Creek (Santa Clara) about twenty five miles, crossing over a pass to the drainage into Beaver Dam W a s h which he followed down to the Virgin, rejoining his old route about ten miles below the narrows.10 These pioneering trips of Smith's not only opened two new routes to the Pacific, westward and southwestward, but his reports of his travels and stories of adventure undoubtedly incited oth° H 7 H . Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1884-86), pp. 22, 23.

H. M. Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the Far West (New York, 1935), 2 Vols.

Robert Glass Cleland, From Wilderness to Empire (New York, 1944).

H. C. Dale, The Ashley-Smith Explorations (Los Angeles, 1918).

T. E. Farish, History of Arizona, (Phoenix, Arizona, 1916).

Albert Gallatin, Synopsis of Indian Tribes (Worcester, Mass., 1836) map, p. 265.

P. T. Hanna, "California's Debt to Jedediah Strong Smidi," in Touring Topics (Los Angeles, California, September 1926).

C. H. Merriam, "Earliest Crossings of the Deserts of Utah and Nevada to Southern California; Route of Jedediah S. Smith," California Historical Society Quarterly, 1923, Vol. 2, pp. 228-237.

J. G. Neihardt, The Splendid Wayfaring (New York, 1920).

Maurice Sullivan, The Travels of Jedediah Smith (Santa Ana, California, 1934).

A. M. Woodbury, "The Route of Jedediah S. Smith in 1826 from the Great Salt Lake to the Colorado River," Utah Historical Quarterly, 1931, 4:35-46.

"From letter of Jedediah Strong Smith, Maurice Sullivan, The Travels of Jedediah Smith, pp. 15, 27-28.

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ers to follow. One of these was George C. Yount, who was in the mountains with Smith for several months. Smith's stories inflamed in him a desire to visit California. In the fall of 1830, Yount joined a party organized by William Wolfskill at Santa Fe for the purpose of reaching the coast. Coming up through the corner of Colorado and eastern Utah, they reached the Sevier River, probably through Salina Canyon, arrived at the Virgin River and followed it down to the Colorado. The story of this trip was told by Yount in his old age and the details of the route are not precise, but it appears that his party must have attempted to follow Smith's trail." It is probable that these explorations had a great deal to do with the development of the Old Spanish Trail, then in its formative stages."

Subsequently, the Old Spanish Trail, became a regular overland route, following the Sevier River nearly to Panguitch, then over the Bear Valley pass to Paragonah, across the desert to the Mountain Meadows, down the Santa Clara past Gunlock, over the divide to Beaver Dam Wash, paralleling the Virgin River, across desert hills to the Muddy River and thence across toward Los Angeles via Las Vegas.

By 1844, when Captain John C. Fremont of the U. S. Army came over the route from the coast to Paragonah, this was a well defined trail, over which annual caravans traveled back and forth from Santa Fe to the coast." Untold numbers of Spaniards may have traveled the route that Escalante had tried vainly to find, leaving their impress along the way in the Spanish names given to many of the important places, several of which have persisted to this day.

The names, Rio Virgen (River of Virgins), Santa Clara Creek and La Verkin Creek, all probably originated with the Spaniards, between the time of Jedediah S. Smith and John C. Fremont."

Fremont followed the route from the coast past Las Vegas and encamped on the Muddy River after a fifty to sixty mile jaunt across the parched desert, sixteen hours of uninterrupted traveling "C. L. Camp, ed., "The Chronicles of George C. Yount," California Historical Society Quarterly, 1923.

M Cf. Herbert S. Auerbach, "Old Trails, Old Forts. Old Trappers and Traders," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. IX, 1941, pp. 13-63.

"Cf. J. C. Fremont, Narrative of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains (New York, 1846).

"What is now the Virgin River was called Sulphur Creek by Escalante in 1776. Jedediah S. Smith named it Adams River, to which he adhered in letters written on both trips of 1826 and 1827. This upsets the idea that he named it for Thomas Virgin, a member of his party. George C. Yount, as recorded.in 1923 by Charles L. Camp, (loc. citâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; p. 10), told of entering die Virgin River valley on a trip in 1830, but this is no assurance that it was so named at that early date. It bore die name of Rio Virgin in 1844 when Fremont passed over die Spanish Trail and doubtless die name was given between 1827 and 1844.

In Fremont's time, the Muddy River was called "Rio de Los Angeles," and die Mountain Meadows "las Vegas de Santa Clara" (the Meadows of St. Clara).

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without water. The Indians were numerous and insulting, evidently intent upon raiding the camp and stealing anything they could. Horses fatigued and left behind the night before were found butchered the next morning. The party remained in camp all day on May 5, 1844, to let their animals recuperate from the hard trip of the day before. They remained constantly armed and on watch. Fremont called the natives Digger Indians. They fed largely upon lizards and other small animals of the desert. Many of them carried long sticks, hooked at the end for extracting lizards from the rocks.

As Fremont traveled up the Virgin River, the Indians followed stealthily in the rear and quickly cut off any animals that were left behind. While encamped near the present site of Littlefield, Arizona, one of the men, Tabeau, was killed by the Indians when he went back alone a short distance to look for a lost mule.

The party that went in search of him found where he had been dragged by the Indians to the edge of the river and thrown in. His horse, saddle, clothing, arms, and the mule had all been taken by the Indians.

The two thousand-foot mountain gorge above Littlefield forced Fremont to leave the Virgin and turn off to the north where he regained the Old Spanish Trail which he had lost in the sands of the desert. Surmounting a pass, he reached the Santa Clara and followed it up to the Mountain Meadows where, he states: W e found an extensive mountain meadow, rich in bunch grass, and fresh with numerous springs of clear water, all refreshing and delightful to look upon. It was, in fact, that las Vegas de Santa Clara, which had been so long represented to us as the terminating point of the desert, and where the annual caravan from California to New Mexico halted and recruited for some weeks. It was a very suitable place to recover from the fatigue and exhaustion of a month's suffering in the hot and sterile desert. The meadow was about a mile wide and some ten miles long, bordered by grassy hills and mountains . . . . In passing before the great caravan, we had the advantage of finding more grass, but the disadvantage of finding also the marauding savages, who had gathered down upon the trail, waiting the approach of their prey. . . . At this place we had complete relief from the heat and privations of the desert and some relaxation from the severity of camp duty.16 After a day of rest (May 13) at the Meadows, Fremont pushed to the northeast across the south end of the Great Basin "Fremont, op. cit.. p. 168.

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until he reached the Little Salt Lake near Paragonah. Here he left the Old Spanish Trail and cut off to the north along the edge of the desert at the western foot of the mountains. On M a y 20 he met a band of Ute Indians under the leadership of the well known chief, Walker ( W a h - k e r r ) , journeying southward to levy the annual toll upon the California caravan. Fremont says, "They were all mounted, armed with rifles, and use their rifles well. . . .They were robbers of a higher order than those of the desert. They conducted their depredations with form and under the color of trade and toll for passing through their country. Instead of attacking and killing, they affect to purchase, taking the horses they like and giving something nominal in return."

Early Mormon Settlement While trade between California and New Mexico was beating the path of the Old Spanish Trail into a road across southwestern Utah, events elsewhere were leading to the elimination of Spanish influence and the rise of Anglo-Saxon power. The Mexican W a r ended Spanish domination, but it was the Mormon migrations which were to fill the region with settlements.

In 1847, the Mormons began to move west from the Missouri River to the Great Salt Lake Valley. The precedent of Texas breaking away from Mexico was before them as they traveled across the plains to enter Mexican territory, where they would be free from those who had persecuted them, and where they would be practically isolated from Mexican authority by the barrier of the Grand Canyon. W h a t dreams of empire held their thoughts as they trekked across the plains can only be conjectured."

Outposts, forts, and settlements were scattered throughout the vast area they hoped to dominate. Western Colorado, southwestern Wyoming, southern Idaho, Utah, Nevada, northern Arizona and southern California were all included in their colonization plans. Strategic points throughout this whole vast empire were to be occupied and controlled. The intervening territory would be filled in later with the great number of converts to the faith pouring in from Europe. The transfer of this entire territory to the United States by the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo exercised a restraining influence upon their ambitions and brought them once more under the hand of the Federal government.

During the first few years of settlement, there was little change in governmental organization and the people were for the most part guided and controlled by their religious leaders. In March, 1849, they set up a provisional government for their proM Cf. Franklin D. Daines, "Separatism in Utah, 1847-1870,' in Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1917 (Washinatan.

D.C., 1920).

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posed State of Deseret." In 1851, however, Congress carved this western empire into territories, paying no attention to the proposed State and designating its heart as the Territory of Utah (named for the dominant Indian nation of the region, the Utes or Utahs). The Mormon dreams were thus dimmed, but they did not finally die until 1858, when Albert Sydney Johnston's army marched to Utah and completely ended all hopes of an independent political unit. Thereafter, the Mormon attitude gradually changed from one of open opposition to one of conditioned loyalty and the long struggle for statehood began.18 It was during the period of expansion and occupation that southwestern Utah was generally explored with a view toward settlement. Late in the fall of 1847, a small party under the leadership of Captain Jefferson Hunt pushed to the Pacific coast to secure provisions and livestock, carrying instructions to the Mormon Battalion members mustered out in California to remain there that winter and not to attempt to come to Salt Lake until Spring." The party followed approximately the route of U. S. Highway 91 from Great Salt Lake to Little Salt Lake, Iron County, where it picked up the Old Spanish Trail and followed it to the coast. Hunt's men were the first Mormons to travel the route later known as the Mormon Trail. W h e r e they obtained information to guide them is a question, but it is known that the Mormons were acquainted with Fremont's report of his trip along that route in 1844. There was an important deviation from Fremont's path, however; they went through Scipio Valley and the pass to the east of the Canyon range of mountains, whereas Fremont had gone on the west side. Further details of this trip are lacking.80 The party wintered in California, where negotiations were entered into between Hunt and United States Army officers for raising another battalion of Mormons to garrison posts in California. W h e n Hunt returned to Salt Lake in the spring of 1848, he carried the details with him, but no report of his trip is extant.

"Dale L. Morgan, "The State of Deseret," Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII, pp. 67-239.

"Cf. Leland H. Creer, Utah and the Nation (Seattle, Washington, 1929); Robert J. Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah (Washington, D.C., 1941).

Andrew L. Neff, History of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1940).

"L.D.S. Journal History," November 13, 1847 (in files of L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah).

"There are many references in Mormon records to Fremont's report. Orson Hyde's letter of April 26, 1845, to Church officials in Nauvoo mentions obtaining a copy of Fremont's report and having Stephen A. Douglas frank it to Joseph Smith in Nauvoo. The Nauvoo Neighbor, September 24, 1845, devoted four and one-half columns of the front page to discussions of and quotations from mis report. The Journal of William Clayton, secretary to Brigham Young, frequently refers to Fremont's report and map. In Volume 11 and 12 of the Millenial Star, Orson Pratt makes a number erf references to Fremont's report.

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On September 17, 1848, while Brigham Young was visiting at Fort Provo, a group of leaders gathered at Hunt's house in the evening to "converse about the southern country and the prospects of settling it. . . . Many questions were asked in regard to routes, traveling, locations, incidents, etc., and the prospects before the Saints caused quite a good feeling."21 During the late summer and fall of 1849, hundreds of emigrants on their way to seek gold in California poured into the Salt Lake Valley too late to make the trip westward across the Sierra Nevada Mountains before snow blocked the way. There was little food and the Mormons were not eager to have these people winter with them. The difficulty was solved by the offer of Captain Hunt to pilot them across the southern route.

Altogether there were about 125 wagons and 1,000 head of cattle. The Argonauts were a nondescript lot, everyone intent upon his own personal problems and not actuated by a common ideal as were the Mormons. They caused Hunt a great deal of trouble and even threatened his life over certain details of the trip. Dissensions arose which split the party several times. At last, near the rim of the Great Basin not far from the Mountain Meadows, most of them left him for a supposed cutoff via Walker's Pass in the Sierras. Hunt, in peace, safely piloted the remaining six or seven wagons to the coast. The party taking the cutoff ended in disaster in Death Valley. 21 Captain Hunt stayed in California more than a year and returned to Utah early in 1851.

In December, 1849, the General Assembly of the provisional State of Deseret commissioned a company already organized under the leadership of Parley P. Pratt, to explore the south and ascertain its possibilities for sustaining settlements.28 The expedition of nearly fifty men had left on November 25. They pushed south during the cold weather via the new settlement of Manti.

Following the Sevier River to Circleville Canyon, they turned up a defile to the southwest and followed it about twelve miles north of the Spanish Trail over the mountains into the Little Salt Lake Valley, December 21. Two days later they camped on Red Creek (now Paragonah) where they paused to recuperate among the excellent meadows, willows and bunch grass abounding there at that time. ^"Journal History," September 17, 1849.

B "L.D.S. Journal History," September 20 and October 2, 1849; Cf. W . A. Chaffant, Death Valley (Stanford University Press, 1939), pp. 17-22; R. G. Cleland, From Wilderness to Empire (New York, 1944), pp. 249-255; William Lewis Manly, Death Valley in '49 (New York, 1924), pp. 201-203. '"Report of the Southern Exploring Expedition submitted to the Legislative Council of Deseret by Parley P. Pratt, February 9, 1850 (original in L.D.S. Church Historian's Office).

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Here it was decided to divide the party, some to guard the recuperating cattle, while twenty of the men with horses and mules were to push the exploration southward. Those who remained moved their camp to Birch Creek (now Parowan) and while waiting explored the surrounding region. Some went up Parowan Canyon where they discovered accessible timber, plaster of paris (gypsum), water lime (limestone) and iron ore.

Between Jan. 2 and 6, 1850, a company of ten men explored west of Little Salt Lake, where they found many Indian pictographs on the rocks. A few miles west of the present site of Cedar City they came upon a "range of hills filled with iron ore of the richest qualityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;probably 75 per cent." Four Indians visited them and when told that the explorers were Mormons, they said . . . "Captain Walker had told them about us, that we were his friends.

They said they were our friends and would not kill our cattle or horses. Walker told them the Mormons raised Shaunt Tickup [lots of food] and they wanted us to come and raise it among them.

They said they loved the Mormons. They are very poor and have no horses or skins. They live upon rabbits which are plenty in their valley, now Cedar Valley, and clothe themselves with their skins."2* This party of ten rejoined the camp on January 6.

An exploring party of twenty went south on December 26, reached the rim of the Great Basin at the present site of Kanarra two days later, and then descended Ash Creek, as had Escalante in 1776 and Jedediah Smith in 1826 and 1827. They crossed the black volcanic ridge, probably camping in the vicinity of Pintura.

On December 31, 1849, Pratt summarized his impressions: From the Basin Rim 13 miles of rapid descent brought us to milder climate and first cultivation [Indian]. A mile or so farther brought us to the banks of the Virgin.

The great Wasatch range along which we had traveled our whole journey here terminates in several abrupt promontories [Kolob, La Verkin and Zion]. The country southward for 80 miles showing so signs of water or fertility; . . . a wide expanse of chaotic matter presented itself, huge hills, sandy deserts, cheerless, grassless plains, perpendicular rocks, loose barren clay, dissolving beds of sandstone . . . lying in inconceivable confusionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; . . . .

January 1, 1850, they continued down the fertile valleys of the Virgin River as far the Santa Clara Creek. Pratt says: The bottoms now expanded about one mile in width and several miles in length, loose sandy soil, very pleasant for farming, extremely fertile and easily watered and sometimes subject to overflow. No timber in the country u

Loc. cit.

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except large cottonwoods along the stream, sufficient for temporary building and f u e l . . . .

The country below [to the southwest, where the river cuts through a range of mountains] being of the most unpromising character . . . and our animals almost unable to t r a v e l , . . . it was thought imprudent to venture farther.

W e therefore turned to the north up the Santa Clara. . . .

The Indians were . . . well armed with bows and poison arrows and nearly equalling us in numbers. W e fed them, sung for t h e m . . . . The chief made us a speech, bidding us welcome to his country... . He strongly urged our people to settle with them and raise "tickup" [food]. They returned again next morning, piloted us all day. W e saw no appearance of women or children among them. They cultivate small patches only, raise good crops by irrigation.

W e gave them peas for seed, presents of dried meat. . . .

Following up the Santa Clara, they reached the new wagon road made by Captain Jefferson Hunt and followed it over the divide into the Great Basin, via the Mountain Meadows. Continuing on the Old Spanish Trail eastward, they also discovered the iron ore in the range of hills that the smaller party of ten had found a day or two previously. , Back at the base camp after they arrived, preparations were made for a big celebration on January 8,1850. Pratt further reported that a liberty pole was erected, and a flag marked with "one star and a great basin was hoisted together with a free soil banner."

A dinner was prepared and "all sat down to a most substantial public dinner, being the first celebration of the Peopling of Little Salt Lake Valley, which we hope will be celebrated annually around that Spot, 'till a hundred thousand merry hearts can join in the festival."

The trip home was a hard one. They followed the west base of the mountains, crossing Beaver Creek (Smith's Lost River), where they camped on the night of January 12. It continued to snow so hard that by the time they reached Rock Creek (now Fillmore), they decided (January 20) to winter there. Several, however, pushed on home, arriving about the end of the month.

The information thus brought to Mormon headquarters was encouraging and the early settlement of southern Utah was decided upon. The report of finding large quantities of iron ore west of the present site of Cedar City aroused considerable interest. During the summer of 1850 plans were laid for colonizing the newly created Iron County, the seat to be located at Center Creek, later called Parowan. After harvest in 1850, colonists were called by the Mormon leaders to settle that region. The

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"call"28 in this case was published in the Deseret News of November 16, 1850, and was a request for those listed to meet at Fort Provo as soon as possible to organize the expedition.

The group formed in mid-December under the leadership of George A. Smith and traveled south for nearly a month during the cold of late December and early January over a wretched road, in many places covered with snow. The leaders arrived at Center Creek on January 13, 1851, and immediately set out to explore the surrounding country. The next day one party explored Parowan Canyon, another party went up Summit Creek Canyon, a third re-explored the Little Salt Lake, a fourth went up Red Creek, while George A. Smith and more than twenty others went on southwestward to the region around Cedar Valley and Iron Springs.

On the way they met Captain Jefferson Hunt returning from California, and invited him to remain with them while his party went on to Center Creek. Around the camp fire on the night of January 15, they discussed the organization of a local government, appointed a committee to nominate the officers needed and decided to hold an election on January 17. Convinced that Center Creek was the proper place to establish their settlement, they held the election there as scheduled, and a pioneer celebration was staged.

John D. Lee describes this event as follows: At 10 oclock [a.m.], Thomas S. Smith, one of the judges of election cried three times in an audible voice, declaring that the polls were open and ready to receive votes. . . . At 3 o'clock [p.m.], at the sound of the trumpet, the people assembled around the public dinner, each man and his lady (that is those who had any) in their respective places as follows: The judge was placed at the head, then the gentlemen were seated on his left according to their rank and the ladies on his right facing their partners. Previous to sitting down. President George A. Smith, delivered an oration suitable to the circumstances of the citizens of Iron County in celebrating the day on which law and order was first established in that part of Utah. All the citizens of Iron County then sat down upon the ground around the public dinner spread upon buffalo robes; these were ""Call"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;The Mormons were a peculiarly close-knit harmonious group working cooperatively together. In order to make for efficiency in die social group, each one was expected to do voluntarily and with unquestioning obedience the part assigned by die leaders. Thus individuals were usually "called" to go on missions, to fill an office, to go as a colonist, to work on the temple or any other unusual problem. The "call," at least in the early days, was practically a command.

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placed next to the ground with clean and white table cloths on top upon which were spread a variety of the refreshments of life. . . . At 6 o'clock the polls were closed.20 Jefferson Hunt was elected representative. On January 18, after four days "residence" in Iron County, he went on with his party toward Great Salt Lake with his credentials in his pocket.

The settlers immediately set to work building a combined town and fort, making roads to the mountains for timber, clearing land for cultivation, digging irrigation ditches, setting up workshops and mills. On April 10-12, 1851, Parley P. Pratt, on his way to the Pacific Coast, passed through the settlement and found it in a flourishing condition.

By May, coal had been discovered in Cedar Canyon and its value in blacksmithing demonstrated. In the fall, after crops were harvested, a group of settlers moved from Parowan to the present site of Cedar City. The discovery of good coal deposits within a few miles of the iron ore aroused much interest among the Mormon leaders. The prospects for the development of an iron industry invited steps looking toward this. The word was dispatched to their representatives in Europe, Apostles Erastus Snow and Franklin D. Richards, then on missions in England, who organized the Deseret Iron Company in Liverpool in the spring of 1852, for the development of the Utah deposits.27 Steel and iron workers as well as coal miners among the English converts were encouraged to migrate to Utah to help in the iron industry. Snow and Richards returned to Salt Lake City in August, and in November, Snow went south to arrange matters on the spot. By the spring of 1852, two foundries were in operation.

E. H. Beale and G. H. Heap, California bound, passed through the settlements, August 2-4, 1853. Heap gives a vivid picture of that early life.28 His party came by the Sevier River over the Old Spanish Trail to Paragonah, Parowan and Cedar City on its way to the coast. Paragonah had thirty adobe houses arranged in the form of a quadrangle to form a fort. Outside the fort was an area of fifty acres enclosed by a single fence and cultivated in common by the inhabitants, a practice soon discontinued when the lands were divided into individual farms. The Indian W a r under Chief Walker, which had broken out in July 1853, farther north, had spread southward. Walker and his band had been harassing outlying settlements and stealing cattle ""Journal History," January 17, 1851.

"Ncff, History of Utah, pp. 302-310. ""Heap, Central Route to the Pacific, p. 95.

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and horses. Brigham Young sent one hundred and fifty men into action against him, declared martial law and ordered the people to concentrate in large communities. This order came to Paragonah while Heap was there. He says the inhabitants quickly began to move. Houses were demolished, windows, doors and furniture loaded into wagons, and they were soon on the road to Parowan.

Parowan was similarly organized but was much larger, having a hundred houses and a four hundred-acre field outside the fort. In describing Cedar City, Heap states that it was a place of even greater importance than Parowan, having extensive fields outside the fort abundantly irrigated. He writes: The inhabitants are principally foreigners, and mostly Englishmen from the coal districts of Great Britain. At the time of our visit, the place was crowded with the people of the surrounding country seeking refuge from the Indians, and its square was blocked up with wagons, furniture, tents, farming implements, etc., in the midst of which were men, women and children, together with every description of cattle, creating a scene of confusion difficult to describe. . . . Mounted men, well armed, patrolled the country, and expresses came in from different quarters, bringing accounts of attacks by Indians on small parties and unprotected farms and houses. In face of these reports. Walker sent a message to Colonel G. A. Smith, military commander at Parowan, telling him that the "Mormons were d fools for abandoning houses and towns, for he did not intend to molest them there, as it was his intention to confine his depredation to their cattle, and that he advised them to return and mind their crops, for if they neglected them, they would starve and be obliged to leave the country, which was not what he desired, for then there would be no cattle for him to take.28 The Indian war subsided in the spring of 1854 and the people were again free to attend to farming and mining, although, as a matter of fact, they maintained the military organization for many years thereafter, as long as the Indian menace persisted.

Despite their precaution in maintaining a military organization, the Mormons actually preferred a policy of peaceful penetration and directed positive efforts toward that end. They sent missionaries among the Indians, established missions among them, cultivated friendship with those around the settlements and bestowed gifts and goods upon them. It was easier to pene"Ibid.. p. 99.

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trate by feeding and friendship than by fighting; moreover, this policy was in line with the teaching of the Book of Mormon that the Indians (there called Lamanites) would be converted and absorbed and would become "a white and delightsome people."

This Mormon policy of keeping peace with the Indians smoothed the course of settlement and improved opportunities for expansion.

At first the iron industry showed considerable promise, but technical difficulties and the enormous cost of transportation without railroad facilities prevented its expansion. Jules Remy, a French observer who passed through the settlements in 1855, states that the mines, both iron and coal, were being worked and the foundries were turning out about a ton of pig iron per day.

This was obtained from ore yielding 25 to 75 per cent iron.*0 With the development of railroads across northern Utah, bringing in iron from elsewhere, the industry in the south languished. It had served, however, to accelerate the settlement of this region, and with its passing the pioneers turned to other occupations, especially to agriculture and stockraising, the foundation of the frontier communities.

Pushing South into Dixie In the fall of 1851, a party pushed southward from Salt Lake City under the leadership of John D. Lee with the intention of settling on the Virgin or Santa Clara rivers. In this, they were to be disappointed, for actual settlement had to wait upon a preliminary period devoted to missions. Thereafter, during the period of settlement, the Mormons were to maintain contact with the Indians on their southern frontier through the agency of missionaries who were to shoulder the lion's share of the burden of advance exploration, keep in touch with Indian movements and attitudes, designate routes of travel, report areas suitable for agriculture and grazing and act as emissaries to the Indians in times of trouble. This shift in policy is partly explained in a letter from John D. Lee published in the Deseret News.

Saturday, April 3, 1852: Mr. Editor: On the 4th of Nov. I safely reached the city of Parowan, without the loss of an animal or the break of a wagon in the whole company. W e then cheerfully went to work with all our might to arrange our affairs and situate our families in this city, that according to "Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley, A Journal of Salt Lake City; Being a Sketch of the History, Religion and Customs of the Mormons (London, 1861), 2 Vols.; Vol. II, p. 363.

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counsel we might leave them comfortable, while we would go and select a site and build a fort for our defense. The brethren that joined our company in Iron County sold out their improvements in full faith of helping to form another settlement south of the waters of the Santa Clara and Rio Virgin.

The severity of the weather and failure of the mill caused a detention of three weeks. The most of our wagons were loaded and ready for a start, when I received a letter from Pres. B. Young, advising us to tarry 'till another season, and thereby strengthen the settlements already planted. The policy was doubtless good, however revolting the disappointment may have been to my feelings; and past experience admonished me that to hearken was better than to sacrifice.

The Kanyons were now blockaded with snow and ice, which rendered the pass to the timber and poles difficult, if accessible at all for wagons. Under these considerations, I felt justified to spend a few days in exploring the country, believing that the time thus occupied, would be more conducive to the spread of the cause of Zion in the mountains, than to sit by the fireside, reading, or otherwise passing off the time of an inclement season.

Chafing under this restraint, Lee determined to explore the country regardless of Brigham Young's advice, and on January 27, 1852, led a party of twelve men,81 with four wagons, thirteen horses and fifteen days' provisions, leaving Parowan for the Virgin River region. He followed the route of the Southern Exploring Expedition down Ash Creek but being burdened with wagons had to be more careful in selecting the details of the route. Near the present site of Pintura he left the wagons. Lee further reports in his letter of that date that: . . . on foot and horseback [we] traveled down Ash Creek over sand hills the distance of twelve miles which brought us near its junction with the Levearskin River [LaVerkin] . . . Being unable to cross this stream, we ascended one of these mounds, from which we discovered a stream running a S W direction which we supposed to be the Rio Virgin; and from the shape of the country, we concluded that we could take our wagons to it: Feb. 2d. day, though in temperature more like May. T h e party included J. D. Lee, Chapman Duncan, John Steele, C. Y. Webb, L. and William Barton, J. and Miles Anderson, B. Jones, Zadock Judd, R. H. Gillespie, J. H. Dunton.

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T o the Grapevine springs 5 miles; these springs boil up at the foot of a large sand mound and moisten about one acre of land, which is completely interlocked with vines. . . . T o the Rio Virgin River 5 miles, mostly over yellow land; this stream is about 2 rods wide and 3 feet deep, narrow bottom, shut in on both sides with low mountains... . [About 3 miles above Berry Springs.]

To the Otter creek 3 miles; stream 13 feet wide, 1 deep; abundance of otter and beaver along these streams; as we descended this stream [the Virgin], the bottom continued to widen out, and the amount of timber increases affording land and other facilities sufficient in many places, to warrant small settlements. . . .

At the distance of 15 miles from camp we found ourselves in one of the most pleasant, lovely valleys that the mountains afford [Washington and Washington Fields]. It is about 5 miles in diameter. The soil is of a lively alluvial nature; and of a dark chocolate color, arid easily irrigated; banks of the stream low. The climate is of a mild temperature; the sun here rises without being hid behind the mountains so that its morning and evening smiles are fully appreciated by the favored vegetation of this valley.

Feb. 3d, the grapevines and cottonwood are almost leaved out; the dock and other early herbs are in bloom. . . . This valley lies rolling to the south with occasional springs of pure water breaking out at the distance of from 1J/2 to 1 mile from the river, converting that portion of the valley into a rich meadow and vineyard. . . .

T w o miles over a small range of mountains brought us in full view of the Santa Clara country and valley.

This valley is about the same magnitude as the one already described; . . . beautiful springs, grapevines and meadows not excepted.

The Santa Clara river is 1 rod wide and 20 inches deep, pure, clear water, rich bottoms, though narrow, and heavily timbered for the distance of 30 miles. On this stream we saw about 100 acres of land that had been cultivated by the Paiute Indians principally in corn and squashes. . . . This tribe is numerous and have quite an idea of husbandry. Through the day, we saw three of the natives who appeared frightened and fled at our approach. I called to them in their tongue and told them that we were their friends and would not hurt them; we gave them some bread, and told them to pilot us to their peup-capitan [big chief]; but fearing that six men might slay the nation, they took us some two

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miles above their settlement where we met in council with thirteen of their braves, who after an understanding of our business, received us friendly and expressed a desire to have us settle among them and be tue-geetickaboo, that is, very friendly. . . .

From the Virgin the six men went up the Santa Clara to the California road and followed it down to the Virgin below the Beaver Dam Mountains. Lee and-two others tried to make their way up the river to the mouth of the Santa Clara looking for a short-cut, but were disappointed to find the river flowing through a box canyon which Lee estimated at 4,000 feet in depth (in reality about half that). The trip was a difficult one; it rained incessantly for two days and they were often obliged to wade the river waist deep and were three days without food. They returned to Parowan on February 18. Writing to Brigham Young, March 17, 1852, Lee says: I am making ready to accompany you on your exploration when you come along. I have been gathering all the information that I could from the Spaniards and Walker [Indian Chief], and have taken a map from them. . . . Sometimes I think I am more anxious about the formation of new settlements south. But when I was there in the forepart of the month of February and saw the trees putting forth their green foliage and the herbs almost in bloom, the rich soil and abundant streams of pure water, . . . where we can raise cotton, flax, hemp, grapes, figs, sweet potatoes, fruits of almost every kind . . . I scarcely could content myself to stay . . . 'till another fall.82 In early June, 1852, the old Indian chief, Quinnarrah (Kanarra), requested the Parowan leaders to go over to Panguitch Lake to visit the Indians who had gathered there to the number of a hundred. J.C.L. Smith, John Steele, John D. Lee and three others made the trip, going eighteen miles up Parowan Canyon to the top of the mountain and descending nine miles on the other side. They met the Indians, explored the region around the lake, and garnered much information about the country farther east on the headwaters of the Sevier River, into which the lake drained. This information excited their curiosity and upon returning home from their three-day trip, they immediately organized another party to cover the region to the east beyond the mountains.â&#x201E;˘ M "L.D.S. Journal History."

"Deseret News, August 7, 1852. See also "Journal of Priddy Meeks," Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. X, 1942, p. 187.

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This party set out on June 12, 1852 and included the following: J. C. L. Smith, John Steele, John D. Lee, John L. Smith, John Dart, Solomon Chamberlain, Priddy Meeks and F. T . Whitney.

They went through Paragonah, up Little Creek Canyon (now Bear Valley route) and down into Panguitch Valley which they considered suitable for a settlement of fifty to one hundred families who could engage in lumbering, as there was excellent timber in the mountains nearby.

T w o days' travel up the Sevier River brought them to a place on Mammoth Creek with abundant timber, grass and water, suitable for a small settlement. From here they bent their course southeast to Fox Creek (now Asa Creek), passed through Pleasant Valley (Duck Creek), over a ridge into Strawberry Creek.

According to the report of this trip written by J. C. L. Smith and John Steele, they proceeded . . . thence on to the mountains which lie low and level, so that a team and wagon might be driven any place unto the highest mountains which are entirely covered with pine timber. [The mountains between Midway and Duck Creek east of Cedar Mountain].

W e traveled three days among this timber which is of the best quality and clear of underbrush; we then crossed again the divide and came into Skull Cap Valley and creek [now Swains Creek], which is about 10 feet wide and one deep; thence up that 8 or 10 miles, and crossed another ridge to the south, and came to the headwaters of the Levier Skin [sic] [now Long Valley Canyon]: thence down the Levier Sking [sic] about 50 miles. [To upper end of Parunuweap Canyon], There can be a good wagon road got from the Sevier country to this point. There are plenty of hops, and timber and handsome places for settlements in the narrow but fertile bottom of the stream [undoubtedly Long Valley].

W e have now to leave the stream on account of the driftwood and narrowness of the passage down through, and take to the mountains [to the south over Harris Mt. Pass]; here the chance for a wagon road ended and after considerable difficulty and winding around, we arrived upon the Virgin bottoms [now Canebeds] within one day's ride of the Colorado. Here a number of Indians came to us, who told us that Walker had told them of us, and they seemed very much pleased although somewhat afraid at first. Brother J. D. Lee gave them a talk, which pleased them very much, to think that we were not come to kill them.

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These Indians are very smart, quick and active, almost naked, with bright intellects. W e then proceeded along, followed by our friends, who would not leave us; showed us all the curiosities they could think of, amongst the rest, a weed that will quench the thirst [Bottlestopper, Eriogonum inf latum].

This is a fine country covered with verdure, although there are no streams at this point, but it has the appearance of raining a good deal. W e then got some Indian guides, who brought us to the jerks of the Virgin, Levier Skin [La Verkin] and Ash Creek [probably via Hurricane] where we found a number of Indians raising grain. Their corn was waist high; squashes, beans, potatoes, etc., looked well. They had in cultivation four or five acres; their wheat had got ripe and was out.

I looked around to see their tools, but could not see the first tool, only their hands to dig the ditches, make dams, or anything else. The Piute chief made us a speech showing us their destitute situation, without clothes or food. Brother Lee told them we would learn them to work and raise breadstuff, make clothing, etc., at which they were well pleased, and wanted us to come soon and make a settlement among them. This point is some 30 miles above where Brother Lee intends to settle.

W e then crossed over Ash Creek, took our old trail, and soon arrived at Parowan being gone 12 daysâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;having traveled 336 miles.

Sometime during the fall of 1852, John D. Lee and several others located on Ash Creek, about twenty-five miles south of Cedar City, at a place they called Harmony (near U. S. Highway 91, a few miles north of Ash Creek bridge). John D. Lee wrote to Brigham Young, March 6, 1853, describing the progress as satisfactory: I have built six houses for my family besides helping on every other building in the fort. . . . In the month of January, in company with Peter Schurtz, I rode over to the Rio Virgen country (or W a r m Valley as the Indians call it); we found the climate mild and pleasant. . . . Brother Brigham, If it is not asking too much, please drop me a few lines relative to your feelings of forming settlements south, and the probable time of settling the Warm Valley that I may be ready to meet your expectations. . . . Please make known thy will and with pleasure I will try to obey it.8* ""Journal History.''

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At the October, 1853 conference in Salt Lake City, a group of fifty families and missionaries under the leadership of Rufus C. Allen (who had been trained in missionary work under Parley P. Pratt in South America) were "called" to strengthen the southern Utah Mission and labor among the Indians. The settlers left immediately but the missionaries delayed until the next spring.

In the meantime, the additional settlers had strengthened Harmony and an Indian school had been established. W h e n the missionaries arrived, May 16, 1854, they found ten Indians in the school.86 Brigham Young visited Harmony on M a y 19 and while there inquired if a wagon road could be built to the Virgin River. He was given a discouraging reply.

A few days later, a number of the missionaries under Allen, pushed on to the south among the Virgin River Indians.80 On June 5, they descended Ash Creek and encountered a group of Indians near the present site of Toquerville. They made friends with the Indian Chief Toquer (meaning black, probably from the lava rocks) and bargained with him to send a runner to the neighboring Indians to arrange for a meeting with them. They moved on next day and met the other Indians at the present site of the old Washington Fields on the south side of the river.

These Indians were in a surly mood and had hidden their squaws and papooses; hence the Mormons were doubtful of their reception. However, one of them hunted up a hidden papoose and gave him a small pocket mirror which the child showed to the squaws. The trinket so pleased them that they all came out of hiding and quickly made friends with the whites. .

The missionaries proceeded thence to the Santa Clara River by way of a trail north of the present site of St. George. Here they made friends with the Indians and laid the foundation for the establishment of a mission. The remainder returned to headquarters at Harmony, but Jacob Hamblin and William Henefer remained for some time on the Santa Clara working with the Indians and visiting others farther upstream. They did not reach Harmony until July.

T h e missionaries included die following: Rufus C. Allen, Pres.; Clark Ames, S. F. Atwood, T. D. Brown, clerk, Hyrum Burgess, Prime T. Coleman, Jacob Hamblin, Elnathan Eldridge, Augustus P. Hardy, Thales H. Haskell, William Henefer, Ira Hatch, Benjamin Knell, Samuel Knight, David Lewis, John Lott, John R. Murdock, Robert Richie, Isaac Riddle, Richard Robinson, Lorenzo W. Roundy, and Amos G. Thornton.

T h e original missionaries to the Virgin and Santa Clara Valleys in 1854, as reported in "Journal History," were: Jacob Hamblin, Samuel Knight, Ira Hatch, Richard Robinson, Amos G. Thornton, Prime T. Coleman, Benjamin Knell, Thales Haskell, Robert Dixon, Isaac Riddle, Robert Ritchie, David TulHs. Probably several others should be added to this list: Rufus Allen, A. P. Hardy, Nephi Johnson, William Henefer, Ira Hatch and perhaps others.

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On June 21, 1854, a party of six under the leadership of David Lewis went west from Harmony to Mountain Meadows, down the Santa Clara and thence back over the mountains. On the trip, they preached to the Indians and baptized one hundred and nineteen into the Mormon Church, advising them thereafter not to steal or fight, but to learn Mormon ways of living. Two Indians were sent as messengers to the Muddy River Indians in Nevada, "To tell them we would come among them if they wanted us." 8 ' The settlers at Harmony found a better location a few miles farther upstream on Ash Creek and during the summer of 1854 moved thither, calling it New Harmony. They built a fort there that fall. The missionaries in the Virgin and Santa Clara valleys found their remoteness inconvenient; accordingly a settlement was made on the Santa Clara where they could live among the Indians, and on December 1, Jacob Hamblin, Thales Haskell, Ira Hatch, Samuel Knight and A. P. Hardy established the nucleus of a permanent colony. T w o weeks later Rufus Allen and Hyrum Burgess left Harmony for Tonaquint on the Santa Q a r a near its junction with the Virgin River where they built three log cabins. The missionaries helped the Indians construct substantial dams and ditches for diverting irrigation water. The first dam across the Santa Clara Creek, built in 1855, was a feat which aroused much enthusiasm among the Indians, five hundred of whom gathered to watch its completion. W h e n the dam (100 feet long and 14 feet high) was finished and the water began to rise and run out, half on one side for the Indians and half on the other for the whites, a great shout of exultation went up from the dusky spectators.

The hard labor and poor nourishment which Jacob Hamblin had endured brought on a spell of sickness. To procure medicines and proper food for him, Gus Hardy went to Parowan.

While there, Mrs. Nancy Anderson, a southerner, asked him about the mission of the Santa Clara and learned of the long, warm growing season. Believing that the climate might be suitable for cotton, she gave him a quart of cotton seed which she had brought with her from her old home. The missionaries planted the seed on the Santa Clara and raised a crop during the summer of 1855: This cotton was carded, spun, and woven into cloth by the women at the mission. Some of this cloth was sent to Salt Lake City and aroused no little interest there. Samples of the cloth even found their way into England and were said to compare favorably with cotton grown elsewhere. This was the beginning of cotton culture there, which finally led to the fuller settlement of the "Utah Dixie" along the Virgin River, '"Journal History," letter of Richard Robinson, July 13, 1854.

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much as the iron industry had led to the development of Iron County, Moreover, like the iron industry, it answered a temporary need by supplying clothing when it was impracticable to import cotton.88 A sad mishap occurred at the mission late in 1855, when a young Indian living at the home of Thales Haskell, while examining a gun, accidentally shot the missionary's young wife, Maria Woodbury Haskell. The death, naturally, cast a pall of gloom over the mission.80 The missionaries continued their work with the Indians'and gained some ascendency over them. This served a useful purpose during the next few years in deterring or preventing Indian thievery and attacks on travelers on the Mormon trail along the upper part of the Santa Clara. Jules Remy, about to leave the Santa Clara on his way to the Pacific coast (November 10, 1855) says: "There was a log hut there made by the Mormon missionaries, who occasionally come to this place to teach the natives farming." Here a band of Indians crowded around Remy's camp, causing some alarm. Thinking to impress the Indians, Remy's party indulged in a little target practice and revealed some expert markmanship. The Indians, not to be outdone, gathered in a line to shoot at a target about a hundred yards distant. At a signal from the chief, the arrows were released in unison and flew to the mark. Remy noticed that even the youngsters were able to hit small birds flying close at hand. The Indians were not intent on injury, but merely on theft, and hoped by their numbers to distract the attention of the whites while they pilfered the camp.

The Frenchman, however, proved a match for them.*0 Another cotton crop matured in 1856. During that year there were further accessions to the missionary colony and a rock fort was built. Though the Indians as a whole were friendly enough, there was always danger lurking and the fort was at least a symbol of safety.

In the spring of 1857, twenty-eight families (160 persons), mostly converts from the South and experienced cotton farmers, were called to go to the Virgin River to undertake cotton culture on a larger scale. They were enthused with the prospect of a warm climate where cotton could be grown and fondly referred to the Virgin Valley as "Utah's Dixie." They arrived May 5, 1857, at the present site of Washington and immediately set to work diverting water for irrigation, clearing land, plowing and planting. Hopes of good crops were doomed, however, for the cotton was almost a complete failure. Some became disM Neff, 30

op. cit, pp. 290-292.

Cf. Juanita Brooks, ed., "Diary of Thales Haskell," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. XII, No. 1 and 2, pp. 70-98.

"Remy and Brenchley, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 388.

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couraged with the location and scattered, a few families locating at Tonaquint on the Santa Clara just above its junction with the Virgin.*1 This failure did not kill the idea of raising cotton in Dixie, but further experiments were necessary before the industry could properly expand. In January, 1857, a small company had been fitted out in Salt Lake City under Joseph H o m e to establish an experimental cotton farm on the Virgin River. They arrived in early February and located on the Virgin just below its junction with the Santa Clara. Dams and ditches were constructed and land cleared and planted by May 6. The crop was harvested and hauled back to Salt Lake City. The total cost of raising this first crop, including all expenses of the trip to and from Salt Lake City, was $3.40 per pound. A similar experiment the next season reduced the price per pound to $1.90.*2 In the meantime, other settlers had been looking enviously toward the warm semi-tropical lands of the Virgin Valley. As early as 1854, Brigham Young had inquired about the possibilities of building a road into the valley from Cedar City, but the cost of construction over "the black-ridge" barrier seemed prohibitive.

In 1858, with the advice and consent of Isaac C. Haight, bishop of Cedar City, six families moved down Ash Creek and settled Toquerville. These included Joshua T. Willis, John Willis, Samuel Pollock, William Riggs, Josiah Reeves and Willis Young, all of whom had been attracted by the stories of cotton-raising.

The movement had already received considerable impetus and the Mormon leaders desired more information about the possibilities of settlement. Nephi Johnson, a young missionary among the Virgin River Indians, and who had been Indian interpreter for many emigrant parties passing over the Mormon Trail, was called by Brigham Young to explore the Virgin River farther upstream and hunt for suitable places for settlement.

In the fall of 1858 he rode from Cedar City to Toquerville, where he fraternized with the Indians and persuaded them to guide him up the river. They led him over the Hurricane Fault which had hitherto blocked progress of the missionaries upstream.

He explored the upper Virgin River and thus was probably the first white man to enter both Parunuweap and Zion Canyons.

He says in his autobiography that' in September, 1858, he went into the upper Virgin River valley as far as the site of Shunesburg and reported that a settlement could be made where Virgin was later built.*8 He does not mention Zion Canyon, but his daughter, Lovina a Neff, op. cit.. p. 291.

"Ibid., p. 292.

"Original MS in possession of Lovina A. J. Farnsworth, Kanab, Utah.

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A. J. Farnsworth** relates that her father often told her of visiting it. According to her account, he followed the Virgin River with his Indian guide and reached Oak Creek, above the present site of Springdale, where the Indian stopped and refused to go any farther. Wai-no-pits, he said, might be found up there in the shadows of the narrow canyon. But the Indian agreed to wait there if Johnson insisted on going on, provided he returned before the sun (tab) went down. It is not known how far Johnson went up the canyon, but later, recalling his experience, he used to say that there were places where the "sun never shone" because the walls were so high and the canyon so narrow. He was gone much longer than he expected, and when he returned, the sun was setting and the Indian had his arm over the horse ready to mount and depart.

Back at Cedar City, Johnson was sent to found a settlement at Virgin. He gathered a small group together and set out in early December. On the 6th, they began building a road over the Hurricane Fault below Toquerville and drove their wagons into Virgin on the 20th, over a route since known as the "Johnson Twist."

In the fall of 1860, Philip Klingensmith led five other families from Iron County over the Johnson Twist, and passing up the Virgin River selected a spot two or three miles above Grafton where water could be diverted for irrigation, and founded a settlement called Adventure (between Grafton and Rockville).

In 1861, Brigham Young paid his first visit to the Dixie settlements. Leaving Salt Lake City on M a y 15, he reached Cedar City about the 22nd and followed the Mormon Trail westward to Pinto and the Mountain Meadows, then southward down the Santa Clara Creek. He left the trail where it struck over the hills toward the Beaver Dam W a s h , and followed the stream down to the Santa Clara mission, then comprising thirty-four men, thirty houses and two hundred and fifty acres under cultivation. Several orchards and vineyards were already producing apples, peaches, apricots, plums, nectarines, pears, quinces, almonds, figs, English walnuts, gooseberries, currants, and grapes of both Isabella and California Mission varieties. The cotton crop and casaba melons were flourishing.

The next day he drove to Tonaquint at the junction of the Santa Clara and the Virgin. This was the strategic point at which Jedediah Smith's two trips had forked in 1826 and 1827; where Parley P. Pratt's exploring party had turned homeward on January 1, 1850; and where John D. Lee's party on February 3, 1852, had halted in the exploration of the Virgin River. After Brigham Young left Tonaquint, a settlement of twelve families, "Interview at Kanab, Utah, August 11, 1931.

â&#x20AC;¢ THE THREE JOHNSON BROTHERS, SETH, SIXTUS AND NEPHI Nephi was the first white man to discover Zion Canyon (1858). All three were prominent in the development of Southern Utah.

Courtesy

JOSEPH S. BLACK Early Pioneer of Springdale. Said to be the first to explore the upper area of Zion, in 1861-62. His glowing accounts of the canyon led others to call it "Joseph's Glory."

Courtesy

of the Black

Family.

of the Johnson

Family.

WASHINGTON COTTON MILL (1866-1869) A reminder of the high hopes entertained for Utah's Dixie as a cotton-growing area.

Courtesy Mark Pendleton. Salt Lake City. Utah.

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he stopped his carriage near the center of the valley in which St. George was later located. As members of his party crowded around him, he seemed to envision the future. On his left, running north and south, was a black ridge. Three miles to the east was a parallel black ridge. Fronting him two miles to the north was a red sandstone bluff running east and west, down the face of which were streaks of vivid green vegetation marking springs or streams. The Virgin River behind him made the fourth side of the square. According to Bleak, Young prophesied: "There will yet be built between those volcanic ridges a city with spires, towers and steeples; with homes containing many inhabitants.""

The party then proceeded up the Virgin River via Washington, Toquerville and Virgin as far as Grafton. From here it retraced its steps to Toquerville and then started homeward via Harmony, Cedar City and Parowan, arriving in Salt Lake City on June 8, 1861.

The Cotton W a v e It was this trip to the Virgin River settlements that convinced Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders of the wisdom of pushing the settlement of Utah's southland. The outbreak of the Civil W a r may have clinched the argument. W h e n it became apparent that the cotton supply from the southern states would be cut off, the decision to advance the Dixie settlements with a view toward cotton culture was strengthened.

By this time moreover, there was sufficient evidence from settlers and the experimental farm to prove the practicality of cotton as a staple crop. During the summer of 1861, plans were laid for more extensive colonization. Heretofore, the settlements had been outposts of Iron County. Now the region was to come into its own as a separate colony with the central settlement to be located in the valley above Tonaquint, and to be named St. George.

At the general church conference in Salt Lake City on October 6, about three hundred families were "called" to the Dixie Mission to accelerate the cotton industry. Many of these people were abruptly informed of what awaited them when they heard their names read out, but most of them responded with good will.

The families were carefully selected in such a way as to insure balanced communities: farmers, businessmen, educators, carpenters,, masons, blacksmiths, entertainers; all in the proportions needed."

The colonists got under way in November with Apostles "James G. Bleak, "Annals of die Soudiern Utah Mission" (Ms. in files of Utah State Historical Society). ""Journal History," October 7, 1861.

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George A. Smith, Erastus Snow and Orson Pratt, as leaders. Towards the end of the month the vanguard stood at the forks of the road west of Toquerville at the parting of the ways up and down the river. The leaders had already traveled upstream looking over possible locations, going through the settlements of Virgin, Grafton, Adventure and up both forks of the Virgin River into Zion and Parunuweap canyons, investigating the agricultural lands along the way." How far they went up Zion Canyon is unknown. Erastus Snow later reported that ten miles above Grafton the mountains closed in, leaving but a narrow gorge, through which the east fork of the Virgin forced its way, allowing no room for the passage of man or beast. His factual report indicated no wonder at the marvels he must have beheld. The sense of awe awakened today by such inspiring spectacles of nature's handiwork appears to have been largely lacking in the hard-working pioneers who spent all their energy in wringing a meager existence from the wilderness.

At the forks of the road, the paths divided. A few went upstream with Orson Pratt, but the majority went down, arriving in early December at the site of St. George. Other settlements quickly sprang up along the length of the Virgin Valley wherever water could be diverted for irrigation. Thus the "cottonwave" ushered many pioneers into the Virgin River valleys and insured the growth of the area.

Settlement of Zion Canyon The cotton migrations were the prelude to the settlement of Parunuweap and Zion canyons. Because of a disagreement with Erastus Snow, Orson Pratt did not go to St. George, but led his group over the Johnson Twist up the Virgin River to the last outpost at Adventure (the lower end of the present Rockville fields), arriving in late November or early December, 1861. Here he paused long enough to gather information and make plans for settlement.

Coming up the river, Pratt undoubtedly conferred with Nephi Johnson and other settlers at Virgin, Old Grafton and Adventure.

Members of the expedition, of course, went scouting for themselves, but the advice of Johnson probably led some of them to decide upon Shunesburg, where on his visit in 1858 he had reported a settlement could be made.

Adventure was a small place with limited prospects for expansion but just above it was a much larger tract of land requiring more extensive irrigation. A townsite was selected on the bench T h e scouting party included Apostles George Albert Smith and Erastus Snow, Dr. James M. Whitmore, Horace S. Eldridge, Robert J. Golding and Isaac Stewart.

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high above the river, and at a meeting held at Old Grafton on December 13, it was decided to name the new townsite Rockville because of the many boulders along the foot of the hill where it was located.

Of those who went up the river above Adventure, three families stopped at the forks of the Virgin at a place afterward called Northrop, while six continued up the Parunuweap four or five miles to the farm of an old Indian named Shunes. They purchased the land for a trifling consideration, but the price proved to be only the first installment, for the old Indian continued to live in the vicinity for many years, working and begging for food from the whites to add to his native supply of seeds, lizards and wild game.

The settlers were hardly located when a stormy period began.

They were digging irrigation ditches and cutting timber for log houses, but were still living in their covered wagons when bad weather set in. Rain started on Christmas day, 1861, and continued for forty days. The Virgin became a raging torrent and, at least twice, great floods washed out the dams, filled the ditches, undermined banks, overflowed the plains and despoiled valuable farm lands. On January 8, the flood inundated the village of Grafton, the water rising suddenly during the night. As the waters swirled around the wagon box home of Nathan Tenney, several men picked it up with his expectant wife in it and carried it to higher ground north of the river, where a son was born. He was named, appropriately enough, Marvelous Flood Tenney.

After the floods subsided Old Grafton was abandoned and a new site was selected on the south bank on a higher bench a little farther upstream. The area was surveyed and laid off in town lots and fields. A new ditch costing $5,000 was dug within the next year. The new townsite of Rockville was similarly laid off into lots and fields during the summer of 1862, and an irrigation ditch was completed in time for use during 1863. In the meantime the settlers at Adventure continued to cultivate the land irrigated by their first ditch. At the forks of the river at Northrop, a ditch was built by James Lemon and others to irrigate a stretch of land below the junction of the two forks of the streams. At Shunesburg, the town and fields were surveyed and ditches constructed to divert the water from both Shunes Creek and the east fork of the Virgin.

The known settlers in Adventure included the following: Orson Pratt, Dr. S. A. Kenner, John C. Hall, Henry Stocks, William Ashton, and Elijah Newman. Those at Northrop included James Lemon, Isaac Behunin, and probably Joseph Black. The following went to Shunesburg, all of them having come together from San Pete Valley: Oliver DeMille, Hyrum Stevens, Alma Millett, George Petty, Hardin Whitlock and Charlie Klapper.

Whether anyone was located at Springdale at that time is de-

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batable. E. C. Behunin says that his father, Isaac, stayed at Northrop until after the flood and then moved to Springdale where others had already located. Nevertheless, it is the impression of several early pioneers of the region that Albert Petty was the first settler of Springdale in the fall or winter of 1862-3. It is related that he took his wife to the spot he had selected beside some large springs and asked her to name it. She called it Springdale. It is probable, however, that the lower Springdale irrigation ditch was taken out early in 1862. It is also probable that Joseph Black came with the main group in 1861 despite his journal date of 1862, written in his old age.*8 His parents came in 1861 and it is almost certain that he was with them. He is credited by three different sources with being the first to explore Zion Canyon after the settlers arrived, although he says nothing about it.*9 W h e n Albert Petty came to Shunesburg, he brought with him the rock grinding stones for a grist mill. Not finding a suitable ^nill site at Shunesburg, he and his son, George, moved to the newly surveyed town of Springdale where they set up the mill that served as a public utility in grinding the coarse flour for the settlers of the upper Virgin.

The fall of 1862 saw another influx of settlers. Another general "call" for 250 men to go south was issued Sunday, October 19, and many others volunteered to go to Dixie. Charles L. Walker describes the incident in his journal: Sunday, October 19, 1 8 6 2 . . . . W e n t up to the Bowery. . . . At the close of the meeting, 250 men were called to go to the cotton country. M y name was on the list and was read off the stand.

At night I went to a meeting in the Tabernacle of those who had been called. Here I learned a principle that I shan't forget in a while. It showed me that obedience is a great principle in Heaven and on earth. Well, here I have worked for the last seven years, through heat and cold, hunger and adverse circumstances, and at last have a home and a lot with fruit trees just beginning to bear and look pretty. Well, I must leave it and go and do the will of my Father in Heaven . . . and I pray God to give me strength to accomplish that which is required of me.

Monday, October 20, to Wednesday, October 22.

"Joseph Black, "Journal," in possession of his son, Peter Black, Delta Utah "Interview with E. C. Behunin by J. W. Thornton at Zion Canyon. ' Interview widi Ezra Stevens, at Mt. Carmel, Utah, August 14, 1933.

Interview with Peter Munk, at Manti, Utah, September 1, 1933.

SETTLEMENT OF ZION CANYON

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Not very well. Working around the home and fixing to dispose of my property.50 The spirit of "moving south" had been encouraged by the previous year's migration and many had become interested, some because of friends or relatives who had preceded them, others because of crop losses or because they were seeking better places to locate. John Langston, who came to Rockville at this time, says in his journal that he had tired of having his crops eaten up by crickets at Alpine, Utah County, so tried farming at Draper. His crops in 1862 were destroyed by flooding of the Jordan River, so he volunteered and was "called" on the mission to settle Dixie.61 These recruits enlarged the settlements even to overcrowding. Rockville suddenly expanded by the abandonment of Adventure and the influx of new settlers to a town of nearly thirty families.62 Shunesburg increased to fifteen or sixteen and the others in proportion.68 The townsite and fields of early Springdale were surveyed during the fall and winter of 1862-63, and a town of some twenty families was established, -with Albert Petty as presiding elder.6* "Charles L. Walker, "Journal" (copy in the files of the Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, U t a h ) . ^John Langston, "History of John Langston" (Ms. in files of Utah State Historical Society).

T h e settlers of Rockville included the following; beginning at west end on south side of street, Elijah Newman, a wheelwright from Parowan who had operated sawmills in Parowan Canyon and was well acquainted with Cedar Mountain; Mr. Frauschum, a jeweler from Provo; Mr. Scoggins, an Englishman; John C. Hall, a self-educated man from Salt Lake City; George Staples, farmer from Lehi; Albert and Edward Huber from France; Thomas Hall, a tinker from Salt Lake City; Joe and Jim McFate, farmers; Jacob E. and James P. Terry; and Mr. Coombs. On the north side of street beginning at west end, Samuel A. Kenner, doctor and journalist; Henry Jennings from Provo; William H. Carpenter, broom-maker; Hyrum and Ezra Strong, farmers; Henry Stocks from England, ironmonger by trade, who made die first molasses mill rollers in southern Utah and brought the mill to Rockville; William Ashton ("picked on" by the boys); William Crawford from Draper; John Langston from Draper; Daniel Q. Dennett, fifer in Mormon Battalion; T o m Flanigan, who sold out to W i l liam L. Draper a month later; and Asa York, carpenter; on land to the north; James Green stayed one summer. (Interview with James Jennings at Rockville, Utah, August 14, 1933).

B In the fall of 1862 the following came to Shunesburg: the mother of young Hyrum Stevens and his diree brodiers, Amos, Ezra and Charles; two uncles, Henry and Barney Stevens, each with two families; Albert Petty with two families, and John J. Allred. Charlie Klapper soon left and Albert and George Petty and Hardin Whidock moved over to Springdale during the winter of 1862-63. In the fall of 1863 came James Thaxton and Samuel K. Gifford, a chairmaker.

T h e first settlers of Springdale included: Isaac Behunin and sons, Albert Petty, George Petty, William Black and three sons, William, George and Joseph; Robert Brown, Newman Brown, Hardin (Howard?) Whitlock, Hyrum Morris, C. G. Averet, Mr. Powell, Mr. Davis, Mr. Norton and Joseph Millett.

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With crowded conditions and scanty food supplies, many became discouraged and some left Dixie. Most, however, proved faithful to the call" and remained to make the settlements permanent.

The settlements were still in a precarious state, the pioneers moving from place to place attempting to find suitable locations, some leaving and others coming, when, in 1864, a church census enumerated 765 persons (129 families), distributed along the upper Virgin River as follows: Virgin City Duncan's Retreat Grafton Rockville Northrop Shunesburg Springdale

Families 56 8 28 18 3 7 9 129

People 336 50 168 95 17 45 54 765

This indicates a considerable decline in population from the previous year. The settlers had come to Dixie filled with high hopes of raising cotton, had planted that crop to excess in 1862 and 1863 and had failed to raise enough foodstuffs. They were on famine rations during the winter of 1863-64 and were not relieved until summer. Moreover, the difficulties of hauling cotton to the northern settlements and exchanging it for foodstuffs had driven many of the settlers away; some returned to their former homes, while others sought opportunities elsewhere.

Enough cotton was now being grown to create a vexatious problem of marketing. Bleak records that in the spring of 1864, 11,000 pounds were hauled to California and estimated that 16,000 pounds were still in storage. Some was even hauled to the Missouri River where it brought a fair price because of the war shortage.

David Bullock and other men from Cedar City, traveling east for poor emigrants, started out loaded with Dixie cotton. It soon became necessary to set up machinery for ginning the cotton and weaving it into cloth. Gins were soon in operation in several places and hand looms and spinning wheels were found in many homes.65 In 1865, Brigham Young personally made plans for the construction of a cotton mill at Washington. The building was finished by December, 1866. Later it was sold to a cooperative concern, the Rio Virgin Manufacturing Company, and more up-todate machinery was installed, making it the most complete factory "James G. Black, loc. cit.

SETTLEMENT OF ZION CANYON

in Utah for the processing of cotton and wool. operate until the close of the century.66

155

It continued to

Parunuweap Canyon was fully settled almost from the start, but Shunesburg gradually declined until today there are but one or two small farms left. This is due primarily to the ravages of floods which washed away the good agricultural land. On the other hand, tillable land in Zion Canyon was not brought under cultivation for a dozen years or more.

Flat lands suitable for agriculture in Zion were found in two areas along the canyon floor, separated by a mile or more of rocky, steep-sided canyon difficult to travel. The lower area, in which Springdale was located, was a narrow valley less than a mile wide and four or five miles long separated from the Parunuweap fork of the river by a reef of Shinarump Conglomerate, more resistant to erosion than the overlying Chinle shales in which the valley had been cut. The upper area was an old lake bed filled by sediments. It extended from the old blockade in the river below the Court of the Patriarchs that had anciently produced the lake, nearly five miles upstream to the Temple of Sinawava. It was much narrower than the lower unit and the tillable land was scattered in narrow fields along the banks.

Joseph Black seems to have been the first to investigate the upper area, probably in the late fall of 1861 or 1862. The difficulties of reaching the upper part of Zion were too great, however, and he finally located in the lower valley. His descriptions of the canyon were such that the cynical referred to it sometimes as "Joseph's Glory." Nevertheless his stories were listened to and some scoffers remained to pray. E. C, Behunin says: It was Joseph Black who interested my father in Zion Canyon. Black had made a trip into the canyon before we came here and in talking to my father, he had praised it so highly that my father became interested and moved up into the canyon upon Black's advice and suggestion.

Isaac Behunin had come to Dixie in the fall of 1861 and settled at Northrop until the flood in January, 1862, after which he moved to Springdale and built a home. In addition to farming in Springdale he visited Zion in the summer of 1863 and started some "Neff, op. cit. p. 908.

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operations there, building a one-room log cabin not far from where Zion Lodge now stands. 6 ' The cabin was a crude shelter used only during the summer, for the Behunins wintered in Springdale. It was built of cottonwood logs and the cracks were chinked with mud. The roof had a ridgepole to which ash and maple sticks were lashed on either side and covered with corn-fodder and dirt. The single room had a door and a window with glass panes. At one side was a fireplace, but the cooking was usually done on a stepstove outside.

The Behunins were real mountaineers, inured to the hardships of their life. T o make a wash basin, they cut down a cottonwood tree in the dooryard and scooped out a bowl-like depression in the top of the stump. A hole was bored in the bottom, downward and outward. This was stopped on the outside by a wooden plug. To wash, they dipped fresh water into the bowl.

The family included, in addition to the parents, five sons and one daughter. All except the daughter were confirmed smokers.

Indian tobacco grew well in Zion, Canyon in those days and at first they could gather their supplies from the wild plants. Indeed, their more censorious neighbors ventured the opinion that the wild tobacco was the inducement that led the Behunins into Zion Canyon. Later they introduced domestic varieties.

The cabin seems to have been completed late in the season after the corn had been harvested. There was no road into Zion Canyon at that time, but a heavy team had hauled in a plow and other necessities. An irrigation ditch was dug and the flats cleared of vines and rosebushes. By the next season several acres were under cultivation, and fruit trees, cane and garden stuff had been planted.

The Behunins also owned fifteen or twenty head of cattle all broken to work, including milk cows. They raised pigs on the surplus corn and did their own butchering and curing. James H. Jennings (born in 1853) tells of watching them slaughter thirteen hogs one day. They filled a shallow pool with water and heated it by dropping into it hot rocks from a nearby bonfire. W h e n the water was near boiling, they dipped the hogs in the pool to scald T h e r e is a difference of opinion as to the location of die cabin. O. D. Gifford placed it about 1/6 mile above the lodge, on a flat since washed away by the river. E. C. Behunin, after an absence of 57 years, placed it near the forks of the road that lead to the lodge and swimming pool. He was evidently mistaken, for his description of the location of his father's farm seems to indicate that Gifford's location is correct. He was certain that the old river meander just north of the lodge (now artificially filled in) was not there in the early days, but the physical evidences before straightening the river and building the permanent road definitely indicate that it was. Heap's farm, which he says was separated from his father s by the river, was above this meander. James H. Jennings, who owned the place afterward, says mat Behunin was mistaken. (Interview with James Jennings at Rockville, Utah, August 15, 1933)

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157

them and loosen the hair. The meat was cut up and salted to make old-style home-cured hams, shoulders and bacon.

Mrs. Eunice Munk of Manti, who as a girl of 12 or 14 spent more than a year in Springdale, recalled that in the summer of 1864 the Behunins told her that in Zion Canyon the chickens went to roost soon after sundown, but that the twilight was so long that they would get tired of waiting for darkness and come out again.

Within a few years, other settlers found their way into the canyon. William Heap took up a farm across the river from the Behunins at the mouth of Emerald Pool Canyon and built a log cabin on the west bank of the river north of the Emerald Pool stream. He planted an orchard and raised annual crops such as cane, corn, and garden stuff. John Rolf built his cabins above the Behunins. A polygamist, he needed separate dwellings for his families; one he located near the Behunins; the other on the site of the present grotto camp.

Protection was afforded by buck or rip-gut fences from cliff to river at each end of the farms. These were made of short poles set in the ground and pointed in various directions so as to effectively prevent large animals from breaking through.

Hand plows pulled by horses or oxen were used for turning the soil. Harrows were fashioned of, hewn timbers fastened together in a triangle. Sharpened pegs of oak were fixed in holes bored in the framework and turned downward so that they scratched the ground when pulled by a team. The first shovels were short-handled, but later they had what they called "lazy man's shovels," because the handles were longer and a man did not have to bend his back so much when working. The rakes were handmade of wood with sharp pegs for teeth. Scythe and cradle were seldom used since little hay or grain was raised.

It was about this time that the canyon received its name. The three settlers, hardy mountaineers though they were, nevertheless were of a devout and religious turn of mind. It seems to have been old father Behunin who proposed the name of Zion, to which the others agreed. Isaac Behunin had been with the Mormons ever since they left New York. He had helped build the Temple at Kirtland, Ohio, and had at one time acted as body-guard to the founder of the Church, Joseph Smith. He had been through all the "drivings of the Saints" in Missouri and Illinois and nourished the typically bitter resentment towards the "enemies" who had been responsible for such "atrocities." Here in Zion he felt that at last he had reached a place of safety where he could rest assured of no more harryings and persecutions. No wonder he proposed the name Zion, which implies a resting place. He went even further, maintaining that should the Saints again be harassed by their enemies, this would become their place of refuge.

On one of Brigham Young's visits to Springdale, probably in

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1870, he was told of Zion. He inquired how it came to be so named. The explanation, it seems, was not satisfactory to the Mormon leader after a toilsome journey into the canyon and he questioned its propriety, saying that "it was not Zion." Some of his more literal-minded followers thereafter called it "Not Zion."

The first settlers made their way into the canyon on horseback, using the river bed, crossing and recrossing the stream. It soon became necessary, however, to provide other means of transportation. A wagon road was no problem through the flats in both the upper and lower valleys, but the precipitous canyon between was baffling. It is related68 that Hyrum Morris, Shunesburg settler, and a companion were the first to enter the upper valley by means other than horseback. They hitched a yoke of oxen to the hind wheels of a wagon and lashed a plow and supplies on it. W h e n they entered the canyon, near the present site of the bridge, they climbed the west bank over the sand bench, down into Birch Creek and thence into the upper Zion Valley. This did not prove to be a practicable route, and no one seems to have followed it. Today one can hardly traverse the route on foot.

The remains of an old cart road which followed the east bank, high up opposite the sand bench, coming out into the upper valley about half a mile above the present Union Pacific garage, may still be traced. This route was used for some years, but was far from satisfactory. Other settlers from the towns below began to cultivate tracts in the upper valley and the timber resources of the canyon made a better road imperative. During the winter of 1864-65, a wagon road69 was built up the river bed, crossing the stream many times. This is the road which, with minor improvements, served as the main highway into Zion until the National Park Service built the road that first made it fully accessible to the public. This road in turn served until 1930, when the present well-graded highway was constructed midway between the river and the older road that it replaced.

It was while constructing this first wagon road on January 9, 1865, that George Ayers was killed. A short dugway was being graded on the slope above the river. W i t h no blasting powder, the men were excavating a large boulder, and George Ayers and Orson Taylor had stopped to rest in the shade of the huge stone, rolling cigarettes. Suddenly it began to move. A shout of warning came from Samuel Wittwer and Heber Ayers. Taylor was able to scramble out of the way but Ayers was squarely in its path and it fell directly upon him, crushing and killing him instantlyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; the first victim of Zion Canyon.

Indian troubles, treated in a later chapter, broke out in the spring of 1866. Martial law was declared and instructions were "Interview with O. D. Gifford at Springdale, Utah, September 6, 1925.

"Interview with O. D. Gifford at Springdale, Utah, September 6, 1925.

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159

issued from the military headquarters for the settlers to concentrate in towns of at least 150 families. It was at first decided to gather all the settlers of the Upper Virgin River at Rockville and Toquerville, and later, at Virgin. James Jepson00 recalls that his father had just moved his cabin from Virgin to Rockville when the revised decision reached him and he moved back to Virgin again.

This was the fifth time the cabin had been moved and his father dryly remarked that it was so used to the process now that all he had to do was throw the logs into the yard and they would fit themselves together.

This concentration order meant the abandonment of all smaller places: Duncan, Grafton, Northrop, Shunesburg, Springdale and Zion. Those who could not buy or rent a house simply dumped their belongings in the shade and set up housekeeping under the trees. Some moved their log houses with them, others made dugouts and still others built new log houses.

Although the outlying towns had been abandoned, the crops had been planted and had to be tended. Workers went in armed groups of ten, twenty, or thirty to the fields, usually remaining during the week in the more distant places and returning to Rockville on Sunday. In Zion, headquarters were at the Behunin cabin, where eight or ten men usually camped while working the crops.

In Springdale, they usually stayed at Albert Petty's home or nearby. Petty himself refused to abandon his ranch and stayed there throughout the Indian scare.

This concentration continued through 1867, but with the close of the "Black Hawk W a r " and the subsidence of troubles with the Paiutes, there was a general reoccupation of the villages except Long Valley and Kanab, abandoned during the Indian troubles.

This occasioned some shifts in the population; some returned to their former homes and lands, some stayed where they were, and a few moved elsewhere. Springdale was reoccupied by Albert Petty and several other families, but it did not regain its former size until about 1874. Shunesburg and Grafton also seem to have lost slightly in population in the reshuffling. T o Zion, however, the same settlers, Behunin, Heaps and Rolfs, returned and took up their usual tasks of raising crops and tending livestock.

The following years were prosperous and the settlements were greatly strengthened. Markets were established in northern Utah, at mining camps in southern Nevada, and even in California.

Commerce was restricted because of transportation difficulties but it was an important factor in helping to balance needs by exchange of livestock products and cotton for goods the settlers could not produce.

The national financial panic of 1873 gradually worked its "Interview at Hurricane, Utah, August 26, 1933.

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paralyzing effects into Utah and spread to the southern Utah colonies. The repercussions were not marked on the Virgin River, but Brigham Young was gravely concerned about the more general conditions in Utah when he came to St. George to spend his second winter there (November, 1873).

During the spring of 1874 he initiated near St. George a communistic movement known as the United Order. An experiment of similar nature had been tried by the Mormons in Missouri more than thirty years earlier. It was an attempt to combine cooperatively the efforts of the Saints, so that all might share the benefits in accordance with their needs. The scheme had been inaugurated in a few communities with encouraging success and it was now proposed to launch it on a large scale.01 In February, St. George, Price City, and Washington were all organized on this basis. Price City, near St. George, is reported as the first working farm community in which the combined farms were managed as a unit and the farmers lived as one large family. Some of the men were assigned to irrigation, some to raising hay, corn, cane, garden stuff, or other crops according to the estimated needs of the community.

Fuel was supplied seasonably by hauling wood from the scrub forests of the hills. The women were assigned as cooks, dish washers, baby tenders, clothes makers, and nurses. In Price and a few other places the settlers ate together, but in most of the communities each family had its own home.

On March 5, Brigham Young visited Virgin and Rockville and organized the United Order. During March and April, nearly all the settlements in Dixie fell in line and a confederation of all the settlements, known as the St. George Stake United Order, was set up to correlate the activities of the individual settlements.

During late April and early May, Brigham Young moved northward to Salt Lake City, initiating the novel movement in many of the towns along the way, including Cedar, Parowan, Beaver, Fillmore and Nephi. Upon reaching Salt Lake City, a general agency to correlate the stake activities, known as the "United Order for all the World," was established.

The movement enjoyed only a brief period of prosperity. The Utopian ideal encountered difficulties when it came to the division of benefits. Wages were assigned to each person and the benefits drawn were charged against each family. It was soon alleged that some were drawing more than their wages entitled them to, whereas others were not getting all that they felt they should.

In a few favored communities having access to large natural resources, such as abundant pasturage for livestock, either dairy or range, the produce was more than sufficient to pay the wages assigned and to build up a surplus capital. In most, however, "For a detailed account of this experiment, cf. Edward J. Allen, The Second United Order Among tha Mormons (New York, 1936).

(CABLE) T H E Z I O N CABLE Used after 1900 for lowering lumber from the forests over a 2700 foot cliff; occasionally served to carry human passengers.

Comtesy

D. D. Rust, Provo,

Utah.

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161

where agriculture was the chief dependence and products of the farms were insufficient to pay wages, stinting was inevitable. Under such conditions, there was general dissatisfaction with the cooperative scheme and more progressive individuals sought to withdraw.

Many settlements abandoned the experiment at the end of the first season. Such was the case at Rockville, but Shunesburg and Springdale held on for another year, through 1875. A new ditch on higher ground was dug at Springdale at this time and the town was moved to its present location, half a mile north of its old site. This offered opportunity for expansion. The Gifford family from Shunesburg and several families from Rockville came to join the United Order in 1875.

It seems to have been the United Order movement which depopulated Zion Canyon. In 1872, Isaac Behunin, getting old, sold out to William Heap for two hundred bushels of corn, and moved to Mt. Carmel, then beginning to be resettled, where he later died.

With the establishment of the United Order in Rockville in 1874, Heap and Rolf joined, turning over their property in Zion to the corporation. W i t h the collapse of the Order in the fall, they withdrew their share of the proceeds and moved to Bear Lake and later to Star Valley, Wyoming.

These families were the last to live regularly in Zion Canyon.

Farming, however, was still carried on by settlers living in the village below. Such names as Dennett, Gifford, Petty, Russell, Terry, Dalton, Crawford, Stout and Flanigan, recur as farmers in Zion in the following years. Oliver D. Gifford, long-time bishop of Springdale, related that about 1880 he was farming the land south of the river and west of the Great White Throne at the site of the grotto camp when the Great Red Arch fell out, the rock pulverizing and covering up a spring and large pine trees.

The Cable Zion, since its discovery, had been regarded as a blind canyon.

Even the Indian name, I-oo-goon (canyon like an arrow quiver), reflects this idea. Lee, Smith, Steele and their companions, who left Parowan on June 12, 1852, and explored the head-waters of the Sevier and Virgin, were balked by the Vermillion cliffs nearby, if not in Zion, in contemplating the possibilities of a road from the mountains to> the lower valleys.

The early settlers of Rockville, needing timber from the mountains, had explored the probabilities of a road through the canyon without success. James H. Jennings recalls hearing Elijah Newman, an early settler of Rockville, tell that a team could be driven from the head of Parowan Canyon over Cedar Mountain to the rim of Zion Canyon and that he believed that some day a way

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would be found through the cliffs so that timber could be hauled down from the mountain.

Brigham Young himself had encouraged the idea on one of his trips to the upper Virgin, probably in 1863. It is related that when the settlers were bewailing the lack of timber for flooring their cabins, he stated in public meeting that the day would come when hundreds of thousands of feet of lumber would be brought down the canyon. The wise ones shook their heads and remarked that their leader had missed it this time.

During the early seventies the mail from St. George to Kanab was routed via Shunesburg. It was lifted over the 1,500 foot cliff at the head of Shunesburg canyon on wires62 arranged in such a way that the man at the top bringing the mail from Kanab could exchange with the man below, carrying it down the river. This short-cut saved a day's travel over the road via Pipe Springs and the Arizona Strip.

It was not until the new century had dawned, however, that young David Flanigan, who was but a small boy in the days of the Shunesburg wire-pulley apparatus, conceived the idea of lowering lumber over the cliffs by means of cables. As a lad of 15, in the spring of 1888, he and three other boys hunting on the East Rim of Zion had seen a large grove of yellow pine sawtimber and had stood at the top of the cliff later known as Cable Mountain, where the precipice appeared to reach almost to the floor of the canyon. The problem of lumber remained as acute then as it was in the days of his parents.

Ten years later, needing lumber for himself, he was forced to go to the Trumbull or Kaibab mountains, a trip requiring a full week. The advantage of obtaining lumber nearer home on the rim of Zion thus impressed itself upon him. He advocated the idea of lowering it on a cable but found no supporters. Convinced of the practical wisdom of the idea, he undertook the work alone in 1900. He bought 50,000 feet of wire and stretched it around pulleys and drums at top and bottom making a circular series, half of which had three wires, and half five. The five-ply half was to run around the drum where the weight would be greatest.

After two or three years of experimenting with pulleys and wire tension, he finally perfected his device. T o cut the timber, he bought an old saw-mill in the summer or fall of 1904. Thus Flanigan's ingenuity made it possible for vast quantities of lumber to go down Zion Canyon. By Christmas, 1906, two hundred thousand feet of sawed lumber had actually been lowered on his cable.

It was during the summer of 1906 that the writer first visited Zion Canyon. From Orderville he faced a trip by horse to his home in St. George. Rather than retrace his steps by way of "Interview with B. A. Riggs, near Kanab, Utah, August 11, 1931.

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Kanab and Pipe Springs, he inquired about the short-cut via Zion and was directed cross-country to the head of the old East Rim trail, which John Winder had recently made barely passable. Belated, he reached the top of the trail at sundown, and familiar as he was with mountaineering, started unhesitatingly on the 3,000 foot descent. Darkness found him well along the trail which grew increasingly hard to follow. About half way down, he met Winder and some cowboys coming up. They described the trail and said they had just lost a pack horse which had rolled over the cliffs below and they had been delayed in retrieving the pack.

A full moon was just coming up over the cliffs at his back, throwing light into the dark recesses along the way. W i t h its help the steep, dangerous places on the trail were negotiated without difficulty. The dead pack horse was found beside the trail and the bottom of the canyon was reached about 11 p.m., when the full moon was shining into the depths of the canyon and towers and temples were illumined with snowy brightness. Camping there, he slept out the night in his saddle blankets under the enchanting witchery of the starry heavens between the brilliant walls that seemed to reach the sky.

In 1906 Flanigan sold out to Alfred P. Stout63 and O. D. Gifford. They replaced his wire cable with a heavier twisted rope cable, which served for many years and over which millions of feet of lumber were lowered into the canyon and hauled to the settlements farther downstream. Stout established a shingle mill in Zion Canyon about a quarter of a mile below the cable and near the foot of the northeast corner of the Great White Throne. At first, large cottonwood logs were cut for shingles, but as these proved of inferior quality, yellow pine logs were supplied via cable.

The shingle mill was washed away by floods two years later.

A sad accident occurred at the top of the cable on July 28, 1908. A party of. young people vacationing on the east rim went over to see the cable operate from the top. Three of them were standing in the box at the edge, directly under the cable, looking into the depths of the canyon, when a bolt of lightning struck the cable, killing Thornton Hepworth, Jr., and stunning Clarinda Langston and Lionel Stout. Miss Langston fell limp on the edge of the box where she was in imminent danger of plummeting down the cliff. Miss Elza Stout, uninjured nearby, rescued her from the precarious position, but before assistance could be rendered him, a second bolt struck the wire and killed Lionel Stout. Miss Langston recovered, but the bodies of the two boys were lowered into the canyon over the cable.

It was more than a year later when people started to "ride the cable." About the middle of September, 1910, soon after Zion "Interview with Mrs. Mary Jane Stout at Hurricane, Utah, August 25, 1933.

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had been proclaimed a national monument, some members of Scott P. Stewart's surveying party visited the top of the cable. They were told that a dog had been sent up from below and that he was nearly crazy when he reached the top. Quinby Stewart, a fearless youth, told them that if they would bring some watermelons up to the foot, he would go down on the cable and help eat them. True to his word, when the melons arrived he climbed on a load of lumber ready to be lowered, and holding to the cable, rode safely to the bottom. It was a swift flight of two minutes, and to a young man of his disposition a rousing thrill. Others followed suit, and after eating the melons, rode back to the top in the empty cage.

Riding the cable proved an attraction for those gifted with strong nerves. At a later date, Frank Petty came to operate the sawmill at the top of the cliff. He was a large man, weighing nearly 300 pounds, too heavy to travel comfortably up and down the trails, and the road around the Arizona strip to his home in Rockville being too long for convenience, he took to riding the cable.

On one occasion, as he started down, the lumber on which he was riding struck the top of the cliff and loosened the chain holding one end of the load. His son, Frank, operating the brakes at the top, seeing the mishap, applied the brakes just in time to prevent his father from falling down the face of the 1,800 foot declivity. With a few inches of the lumber still clinging to the edge and his father paralyzed with fear and afraid to move for fear of jarring it loose, Frank climbed underneath and re-fastened the chain. W i t h a sigh of relief, he then lowered his father in safety to the bottom.

Kane County and Arizona Just as the settlement of Iron County had provided a stepping stone to the exploration and settlement of the Virgin River Valley, so in turn, the latter served in like stead in opening up Kane County and the Kaibab National Forest of northern Arizona.

In the fall of 1858, after Albert Sydney Johnston's army had entered Utah, Brigham Young, still doubtful about the future, instructed missionaries under Jacob Hamblin's leadership to cross the Colorado River to the southeast and visit the Moquis or Town Indians with the object of exploring the possibilities of retreating with his people to this region should the difficulties with the army become unbearable."

Accordingly, Jacob Hamblin, one of the leading figures in Utah's southern frontier, left the Santa Clara on October 28, 1858, with a party of twelve, including an Indian guide, a Spanish interpreter, and a Welsh interpreter, the last because of wildly erroneous reports that the Moquis spoke a variant of that tongue.

The Indian led them through the Arizona strip via Pipe Springs "Creer, Utah and the Nation. 151.

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and Kaibab to the old Ute ford where Escalante had crossed eighty-two years earlier. The visit to the Moquis was brief, some of the men returning in November, the others later in the winter.

This expedition revealed the general topography between the Virgin and Colorado.

A second missionary expedition to the Moquis was undertaken in the fall of 1859, leaving the Santa Clara headquarters on October 20 and reaching the Moquis on November 6. Hamblin appointed Marion J. Shelton and Thales Haskell to remain there for the winter and returned home with the rest of the party.65 Friendship with the Moquis was cultivated by the missionaries, but this seems to have led to difficulties with the Navajo.66 When Jacob Hamblin led a third expedition across the Colorado River to reach the Moquis in the fall of 1860, he was met by a band of unfriendly Navajos who would not let the missionaries proceed and debated whether to kill them or let them go home.

With the Mormons were several Indians, including two squaws.

The Navajos offered to let the party go in peace if they would leave the squaws. This Hamblin refused to do, and an agreement was finally reached whereby the missionaries were allowed to return home in exchange for goods and ammunition.0' They camped that night on a table-rock mesa where there was only a narrow passageway which was carefully guarded. Next morning, November 2, 1860, while some were exchanging goods with the Navajos, others took the horses down to water. As they were returning, the saddle horse of George A. Smith, Jr., started off on a side trail and he went after it alone. He found two Indians leading his horse away. The horse was readily turned over and Smith started back to camp. One of the Indians rode up alongside Smith and asked to see his revolver. Suspecting nothing, Smith handed it over. The Indian, after examining it, passed it back to the other Indian a few paces behind, who' shot Smith three times. As he fell from his horse, the Indians dismounted and shot three arrows into his back.

The Indians then blockaded the trail to the Moquis towns, forcing the Mormons to retreat, who placed the dying man on a mule and started homeward with the Navajos in hot pursuit.

Traveling thus, it was nearly dark before Smith died. His body had to be abandoned as the Navajos seemed unwilling to give up the chase until they had taken his scalp. The balance of the party returned home safely.

Reporting the loss of George A. Smith, Jr., was a sorrowful "Juanita Brooks, "The Journal of Thales Haskell," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. XII, pp. 69-98. m Loc. cit. p. 81, 95, 96.

"Juanita Brooks, ed., "Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier,' Utah Historical Quarterly, Vol. XII, January-April, 1944, p. 42.

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duty for Hamblin. The young man's father was deeply shocked, but like a good Saint, consoled himself with the thought that the Lord wished his son taken that way. Brigham Young sent instructions for a company of twenty men to retrieve the remains. Despite the hardships of mid-winter, they gathered up the few bones that were left of Smith's body and returned with them for interment.

Several other trips to the Moquis by different routes resulted in detailed knowledge of northern Arizona and southern Utah.

Crossings of the Colorado were explored thoroughly and ferries were established at the south of the Virgin, at the mouth of the Grand W a s h (1862) and at the foot of Grand W a s h Cliffs about five miles upstream (Pearce's Ferry, 1863). These supplemented the old Ute ford in Glen Canyon. Further exploration did not reveal a more direct route until 1869, when the crossing later known as Lee's Ferry was discovered. These routes were so well explored that no better ones have been discovered since.

Stockmen began to graze their herds of cattle and sheep on the plains of the Arizona strip. Some time prior to 1863, W . B. Maxwell established a ranch at Short Creek; not long after, James M. Whitmore located ranches at Pipe Springs and Moccasin, and Ezra Strong of Rockville settled on Kanab Creek. In the spring of 1864, several ranches were established in the mountains and two settlements were started, one at the present site of Kanab, where a small fort was built, and another housing eight families at Berryville (later Glendale) in the north end of Long Valley. In the fall, Priddy Meeks located in the south end of the valley. He was joined the next spring (1865) by several settlers88 from the Virgin River, who brought livestock for the range and nursery stock for orchards. The new settlement was called Winsor (later Mt. Carmel).

In the autumn, with indications of an impending rift between whites and Indians, the Winsor settlers moved to Berryville and helped build a stockade for protection during the winter. In the spring they returned and planted crops, but during the summer settlement was again interrupted by Indian difficulties and had to be abandoned.

T h e s e included William J. Jolley, Henry B. M. Jolley, Silas Hoyt and Henry Gardner.

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Indian Troubles The period following early settlement was marked by Indian troubles with both Paiutes and Navajos. These are sometimes called the Navajo raids, and in part were an outgrowth of the "Black Hawk W a r " which broke out in Sevier Valley, central Utah, in 1865. The whites had brought with them their livestock, which they grazed upon the public domain, turning the cattle and horses loose and herding the sheep. These animals multiplied rapidly and quickly depleted the edible fruits and seeds upon which the Indians subsisted. Indian resentment not unnaturally was inflamed, and with starvation staring them in the face, there was little left for them to do but beg or steal.

The Indians had claimed the lands, the vegetation and the wild game, and although they had given the first white men permission to come, yet so many others had followed, like the proverbial camel's nose, that they were destroying the means of subsistence of. the Indians. Not only were seeds and fruits being eaten by the livestock, but game also was getting scarce and hard to find, due largely to encroachment of cattle and sheep which were taking the place of deer upon the range. The white man hunted the Indians' deer so why should not the Indian hunt the white man's cattle?

There was some compensation to the Indians, however; they could glean in the grain fields of the settlers and gather waste grain as easily as they could seeds, and pine nut crops were uninjured by the whites.

Gradually, friendly feelings of the Indians for the settlers began to deteriorate. Begging in the settlements and the depredations on the range increased. The Paiutes in some instances aided and abetted the raiding Navajos, but the majority sided with the whites. The Navajos were wont to cross the Colorado, scatter into small bands, make swift raids on the Mormon settlements, gather up horses, cattle and sheep, and flee back across the river before they could be overtaken.

From the beginning a military force had been held in readiness against any emergency. As the southern Utah settlements expanded, improvements in this organization became advisable. In May, 1864, the Iron Military District was recast to include Beaver, Iron, Washington and Kane counties and William H. Dame of Parowan was named adjutant. Nearly all the eligible men were enrolled and companies of fifty were organized in towns wherever that many were available. Companies consisted of five platoons of ten men each, the first platoon of each company often being cavalry, the balance infantry. Three companies made a battalion and about seven battalions made a brigade. The men were occasionally called together for inspection and drill and sometimes these included battalion or brigade reviews. Training was em-

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phasized during the Indian troubles between 1865 and 1869. On February 17, 1866, Erastus Snow, the Mormon leader at St. George, was elected Brigadier General and brigade headquarters were transferred from Parowan to St. George.

The Black Hawk W a r broke out in 1865 and was not settled until 1868. Nearly 3,000 men were enlisted and the cost was over a million dollars and at least seventy lives. This Ute unrest was contagious, and the Paiutes in turn were stirred into sporadic resistance.

Hostilities in the south began late in 1865, when, on December 18, a number of Paiutes raided Kanab and made away with some horses. During that winter Dr. James M. Whitmore and his son-in-law, Robert Mclntyre, were herding sheep in the vicinity of Pipe Springs. Soon after the first of the new year, a band of Navajos and Paiutes stole a herd of Whitmore's sheep. T h e next day the two men went in pursuit and failed to return. This was reported to St. George and a cavalry detachment was organized under Captain David H. Cannon. As his force appeared inadequate, he sent an appeal from Pipe Springs for additional support.

D. D. McArthur came from St. George to take charge and brought with him forty-seven men under James Andrus with wagons and supplies for an extended trip designed to drive the Navajos across the Colorado River. W h e n they arrived at Pipe Springs, the snow was two feet deep and no trace of the sheep or men could be found.

On January 18, they came upon the tracks of two Paiute Indians following a large steer, tracked them until sundown, and captured the Indians in the act of killing the beef.

After questioning and torture, hanging by the heels and twisting of thumbs, one of the Indians admitted that he had dreamed that Navajos had been there and then revealed the whereabouts of a camp of Indians about ten miles out. A detachment was sent and found that it had been moved another five miles. The militia overtook the camp about sunrise on January 20, killing two Indians and capturing five.

Third degree methods elicited information about the killing of Whitmore and Mclntyre. The captives led another detachment to the scene of the killings, where the posse crisscrossed the area on horseback, uncovering the arm of one of the victims in the deep snow. Both bodies had bullet wounds and were riddled with arrows. They had been killed on January 10.

A wagon was sent after the bodies. While the men were recovering the remains the other detachment with the five Indian prisoners arrived. These had in their possession much of the clothing and personal effects of the murdered men. The evidence of guilt seemed conclusive, so the Indians were turned loose and shot as they attempted to run. The Navajos who probably assisted in the killing escaped. The sheep could not be found and it was as-

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sumed the Navajos had taken them across the Colorado River. As pursuit was impossible because of the deep snow the party returned home. Charles L. Walker of St. George records in his diary: They were brought home in a wagon load of snow, frozen stiff and in a good state of preservation. I, with others, washed them and pulled out the arrow points from their bodies and dressed them in their burial robes. Also went to the funeral, which was attended by a large concourse of people.00 On February 19, 1866, two days after Erastus Snow was elected Brigadier General, Peter Shurtz, who had built a station at Paria and had kept about twenty Indians around him all winter, reported that he had lost his cattle and wished to move into the settlements. He also reported Navajos camped on Paria River about eight miles below his ranch where the Ute trail reached the stream.

Further information indicated that the Navajos were concentrated east of the Colorado at Cottonwood, intending to raid Kane County in force and that Captain James Andrus with thirty men had gone to Paria to get Peter Shurtz and his family and to reconnoiter. No report of this expedition is available, but a letter written by L. W . Roundy from Kanab on March 9, 1866, tells that Andrus had left Paria fourteen days earlier headed for an Indian camp twelve miles south.â&#x201E;˘ At Kanab, three Indians had attempted to kill Oren Clark in the bottoms near the fort and had started to drive off the livestock. Four men from the fort rushed in pursuit and after dark recovered about thirty head of cattle, but the Indians escaped with about an equal number.

The Indian menace was so serious by this time that Erastus Snow ordered all stock in the region south of St. George and the Virgin River as far east as Kanab removed to the north and west of the lines of settlements so that it would be easier to ward off Navajo attacks. This was a difficult task because the grazing was poor around the settlements and the mountains to the northwest were already filled with livestock.

The threat from the Utes in upper Sevier Valley also became acute. Menacing behavior of the Indians in this area and in the Kanab region led to an order from Utah headquarters to General Erastus Snow (March 15) to send a company of men from Beaver and Iron counties over to the Sevier River to build and man an outpost between Circleville and Panguitch. A company of 76 men led by Captain Silas S. Smith served here from March 21 to November 30, 1866. They established Fort Sanford about ten miles north of Panguitch and assisted settlers at Circleville to move to "Charles L. Walker, "Journal" (Copy in the files of the Utah State Historical Society).

"In files of the Adjutant General's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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safety. At Panguitch, they helped the settlers transform the town into a fort.

In the meantime, gathering the livestock from the exposed range was proceeding slowly. A party sent out from Rockville in April to round up the stock in the vicinity of Maxwell's Ranch, found the bodies of two men, a woman, and an Indian, killed a few days before. W h e n the bodies were brought in to Grafton, it was ascertained that they were young Robert Berry, his wife, Isabel, and his brother, Joe, who were coming home to Berryville in Long Valley via the Dixie settlements and the Arizona Strip (a roundabout way, but the only wagon route at the time). They had left the Maxwell Ranch on Short Creek on April 2, 1866 when some Indians (presumably Paiutes), ambushed them.

According to verbal reports, as related by Mrs. John Dennett of Rockville (then a girl living in Long Valley and who pieced her story from Indian and white sources), the Berrys fought for their lives. The Indians shot one of the horses, rendering the wagon useless. In the fighting, one Indian was shot. Joe Berry loosened the other horse and tried to escape but was killed in so doing. The Indians closed in and captured Robert and his wife. They tied Robert to a wheel where he was forced to watch them torture Isabel, who was an expectant mother. They shot arrows into her and laughed at her as she tried to pull them out. Then they shot him full of arrows. Mrs. Dennett said her father always felt that the Berrys had been killed in revenge for some Indians slain by Long Valley men who had found them roasting a beef. At that time three were slain: an Indian, a squaw and a papoose.

W h e n the Berry tragedy was reported in St. George, orders were issued forbidding travel unless in groups large enough to provide adequate safeguards. This led to the declaration of martial law. May 2, 1866, and to the issuance of instructions to concentrate the settlers in fortified places of at least 150 men. Patrols were ordered out in various directions, especially across the trails used by the Navajos in raiding the Mormon country and in contacting the rampaging Utes of Sevier County.

W h e n Silas S. Smith, stationed on the Sevier, heard of the Berry massacre, he found that the Paiute chief at Panguitch had known about it for five days without reporting it to him. Smith at once ordered pickets to bring in all passing Indians for questioning. Friendly Indians responded willingly enough, but when two strange Indians refused, a skirmish resulted in which one was killed and the other wounded.

Smith decided to disarm, the local Indians and surrounded one of their camps near Panguitch one morning before daylight and took their arms. Two visiting Indians were missing from the camp so he kept a guard awaiting their arrival. W h e n they came, they showed fight. One of them was killed, whereupon the other surren-

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dered. The next day Smith surrounded another camp soon after sunrise, but the natives had already fled. However, in the ensuing melee two more Indians were killed. T h e arms taken from them included several guns, many new arrows, and a peck of new arrow heads. Some escaped to Panguitch Lake and spread the alarm among the Indians there.

General Snow had a number of chiefs from Panguitch, Parowan, and Red Creek brought to Parowan for conference. He tried to pacify them with arguments and presents but insisted that they must not have arms or ammunition and must have passes in order to travel through the Mormon settlements. This aroused some resentment, but on April 25, 1866, they agreed to leave their weapons at Parowan as a token of friendship. Some of the Indians reported gunfire around Upper Kanab where Col. W . B. Maxwell was on lookout for Navajos.

With the declaration of martial law and the order to concentrate settlers in large towns, the outlying ranchers and people from the smaller villages began to move into Toquerville, Virgin and Rockville. In June, General Snow decided to abandon Long Valley. Mrs. John Dennett, who made the trek as a girl, recalled the line of wagons leaving Long Valley with armed guards in front and rear. While crossing the sand hills between there and Kanab, a small boy was run over and killed. A halt was made while the child was buried in the sand, but the exigencies of the situation forbade longer delay and the weeping mother was hastily torn from the fresh grave.

The settlers' train passed Kanab to the left and pushed on toward Pipe Springs. Near the mouth of Cottonwood Canyon (June 27) they ran into an ambush of Indians who, for some unexplained reason, failed to attack. J. M. Higbee reports n that they called to the Indians to come in and talk or be shot. They came in and talked. According to Mrs. Dennett, there were seven or nine Indians taken into Pipe Springs for a council of war. The wagons were driven into a large circle, as was customary in times of. danger, the Indians inside the circle in the center of the group of whites.

Higbee says the Indians were told that if any more were found along the route of the caravan they would be shot. Mrs. Dennett adds that some of the Indians had guns and clothes belonging to the Berry boys, which greatly enraged a brother of the dead men, who pleaded to be allowed to revenge his kin. After this, no more Indians were seen on the trip.

In the late summer of 1866, Captain James Andrus'" was "Letter of J. M. Higbee to W. H. Dame, July 10, 1866. Adjutant General's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah. . "Report of expedition by Franklin B. Woolley for James Andrus, September 18, 1866, at St. George, to Brigadier General Erastus Snow, Adjutant General's Šffice, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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ordered to investigate Indian routes crossing the Colorado River in the rough country between the Kaibab and the mouth of the Green River. A group of men was mustered into service from the Virgin River settlements at Gould's Ranch, twenty-six miles east of St. George, August 16, and moved on to Pipe Springs two days later, where final preparations were made. On the 21st, forty-six mounted men, each equipped with a rifle and two pistols, and with a pack horse bearing forty days' rations for each pair, started northeast toward the rough country. They went via abandoned Kanab and Scutumpah to the Paria River six miles above Paria settlement where they met another contingent of their party. Two days later, Joseph Fish with eighteen men arrived from Iron county.

They located the Ute trail which passed down the Paria to the Colorado. Elijah Everett, sent back with some of the surplus animals, was killed by Indians in the hills west of Paria.

On August 29, the main party went northeast through the hills south of the Aquarius Plateau into> a valley where they found wild potatoes growing (hence named Potato Valley, now Escalante Valley). They climbed the Plateau and looked off into the wild country stretching to the mouth of the Green River. Convinced that there was no use in going farther, they retraced their march on September 2, traveled to the northwest corner of the plateau, descended to the Sevier River Valley and reached Circleville. They had been pathbreakers from Paria to this point. From here they returned via Parowan and Cedar City.

The settlements were now prepared for attack. An Indian raid was made on John D. Lee's ranch near Beaver on October 23, 1866, and in November, General Snow learned that the Navajos were concentrating east of the Colorado for new raids on Kane County.

Soon a friendly Paiute reported that the Navajos were nearing Pipe Springs.

The crops planted in Long Valley had been left in the care of friendly Paiutes when the settlers left. In the fall, the Berry boys and others went back to harvest the best crop that had yet been grown there. It took several trips to haul the produce to the Dixie settlements. During their last trip, Snow received a report of an attack of sixteen Navajos on three white men at Maxwell's Ranch, in which Enoch Dodge was wounded. Snow sent men to Long Valley and instructed A. P. Winsor to throw an intercepting force between the settlements and the fords of the Colorado, to recover lost stock and find out whether the raiders were Navajos or Paiutes. He was promised that other men would be held in readiness if needed.

While this force was on the road, the Long Valley party started home with a wagon train. On October 31, when the teams were spread out doubling up Elephant hall, about nine miles south of Mt. Carmel, Indians attacked near the summit and shot Hyrum Stevens.

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The pioneers abandoned the train and left everything in the hands of the Indians. Stevens was taken with the others on horseback (with a man behind to hold him in place) around the head of Zion Canyon on a three-day trip over the Old Indian Trail and down over Kolob to Virgin. He survived the ordeal and returned to his home at Rockville, where he lived to a ripe old age.

When a rescue party under Captain Sixtus E. Johnson arrived a week later, November 5, they found the wagons unattended, tongues broken and contents scattered. The Indians had taken five yoke of oxen, eleven horses and everything they could carry, including harness, flour and wheat. Four Paiutes, however, had pursued the Navajos and recaptured the cattle and harness.

Finding the teamsters gone, Johnson gathered up the livestock that had scattered back along the way to Long Valley. Then a second rescue party under Major Russell from Rockville arrived with the Paiutes who had retrieved the harness and cattle. They took the caravan into Virgin, arriving November 11.

On November 26, Major John Steele reported signal fires on the mountain south of Virgin City and General Snow issued an order to establish posts at the mouth of (Black) Rock Canyon sixteen miles southeast of St. George and near Gould's Ranch, eight miles south of Virgin City.78 The men at these posts were to- serve as guards as well as herders of livestock and were to build stone quarters; the "house to be covered with stone flagging or earth in a manner that it cannot be fired from the outside, with but one door and that heavy and strongly barred, so that one or two men, well armed, may defend themselves against any number of Indians."

Despite these precautions, the Navajos scattered in small bands, easily passed through the military posts, and hid in the mountains north of St. George. On the evening of December 28, word reached Harrisburg from local Paiutes that some Navajos had killed and dried three beeves between Grapevine Springs and Toquerville. Captain J. D. L. Pearce, with fifteen men from W a s h ington, at once took up their trail along Harrisburg Creek toward Pine Valley Mountain but failed to overtake them.

In the meantime, on December 28, near Pine Valley, Cyrus Hancock saw three Indians skulking on the range and called to them. The Indians proved hostile and tried to capture him. One seized his horse's bit and another tried to shoot him with an arrow.

He slid off his horse and ran toward Pine Valley, the Indians in pursuit. One of them shot him in the arm with an arrow. He stumbled and fell as they yelled in triumph, but he regained his footing and outran them into the valley. These Indians were thought to have been hiding around the town for two or three days, quietly "Order No. 16, November 29, 1866, by General Erastus Snow, Adjutant General's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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gathering stock. As soon as discovered, they left with about thirty horses and passed down the Black Ridge between St. George and Middleton on the night of December 28, gathering more horses at both places and hastening southwest via Fort Pearce W a s h .

Col. D. D. McArthur immediately ordered out all available cavalry in pursuit of the thieves, who had an entire day's start. An expedition of thirty men headed by Lt. Copelan followed the Indian trail from the Washington Fields past Fort Pearce, through Black Rock Canyon and out toward Pipe Springs where it met another detachment returning from an Indian encounter.

Captains J. D. L. Pearce and James Andrus were at Harrisburg on the evening of December 29, when an express carrying instructions to Colonel Winsor at Rockville arrived. Upon reading the instructions they started for Rockville and arrived at dawn.

Thirty men gathered and pushed on to Maxwell's ranch where they arrived that evening. After resting an hour, they hastened on to Cedar Ridge and five miles southeast of Pipe Springs. Sixtus E. Johnson spotted the smoke of Indian fires curling up in the distance, about half a mile from the place where Whitmore and Mclntyre had been killed. The men slipped into a wash and kept out of sight until within gunshot of the Indians, when they made a dash to get between them and their horses. Firing opened and the Indians took to the rocks. The skirmish lasted nearly an hour and covered a rough area half a mile wide and three miles long. The thirteen Navajos in the band refused to yield even when cornered, and several died fighting. During the fray an arrow aimed at Captain Andrus struck his horse in the forehead, saving the rider. One mortally wounded Indian continued to shoot until he fainted. Another, wounded in both legs, fired until his arrows were spent and then kept twanging his bow as if shooting as long as the fray lasted.

W h e n all was quiet the whites gathered together and found that none was injured. T w o Indians who had escaped came out on a hill some distance away where they felt safe and slapped their seats in derision and yelled "Squaw! Squaw!" in defiance A man named Warren, from Pine Valley, who had an extra long range breechloading gun took a chance shot and brought one of them down. The other fled.

Of the thirteen Indians, four were killed, seven wounded and two escaped, only one on horseback. Three horses were lost, but the balance and the thirteen cattle we're recovered and brought back. Copelan's party returned on January 1, 1867 but Pearce and Andrus tarried two or three days longer. General Snow was in Salt Lake City at the time and his responsibility fell largely upon Captain J. D. L. Pearce and Adjutant Henry Eyring, his assistant.

The concentration in the larger towns and the military control of the movements of people in the region tended to reduce the danger to the settlers. Tension with the local Paiute Indians was

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gradually eased, although the Navajo raids continued for several years. Jacob Hamblin, Utah's "Leatherstocking," played an important role in quieting the Paiutes. In the fall of 1867, he was instructed to keep in touch with the Indians and do his best to pacify them. He went to Kanab, where he helped them plant corn and vegetables and had peace parleys with them, urging the Paiutes to cooperate in preventing Navajo raids by watching the fords of the Colorado and the trails leading to the settlements.

In November, 1868, a band of about thirty Navajos crossed the river on foot on a marauding expedition. They divided into squads of two or three and worked at night in different quarters so rapidly as to baffle the pickets. They got away with some stock, although twenty-seven horses were recovered from them on the 25th at Black Canyon, by Andrus and his command.

Notice of their presence came on Nevember 22 from Henry Jennings to Erastus Snow at St. George. The next day local Indians reported tracks around St. George, and General Snow ordered the livestock along the Virgin gathered together and herded under armed guard. He placed pickets along the river for fifteen miles and sent Col. J. D. L. Pearce with a company of cavalry to guard the rough country passes from Black Rock Canyon (25 miles southeast of St. George) to Pipe Springs. Two days later, word came from Washington that the Navajos had made off with a band of horses via Black Rock Canyon. On the night of the 26th, a party of these Indians with about twenty horses eluded the guards not far from Pipe Springs and made their way eastward. A detachment under Captain Willis Copelan started in pursuit. He chased the Navajos and was about to overtake them, but before he attacked, some friendly Paiutes encountered the Navajos, gave battle and killed two. They recovered the horses and willingly turned them over to Copelan on his arrival. The Paiutes were rewarded with suitable presents.

By December 1, 1868 Pearce concluded that the Navajos had decamped, and started home, moving from Pipe Springs to Cedar Ridge. On that same day, however, Erastus Snow received word from J. W . Young on the Muddy River in Nevada, sixty miles below St. George, that the Navajos had run off with eighteen horses and mules. Snow sent word to Pearce to be on his guard. A posse of whites and Paiutes set out in pursuit from Mesquite. The Indians overtook the Navajos and recovered eleven of the horses.

The messenger carrying this news reached Col. Pearce at Cedar Ridge at 4 a.m., December 2, and at daybreak scouts were sent out. Captain Freeman found their trail and started after them with several men, being joined by Captain Copelan. They sighted the Navajos' dust, but could not overtake them and the chase had to be abandoned.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A raid in February 1869 caused such concern that another expedition (February 25 to March 12) of thirty-six men, under the leadership of Captain Willis Copelan was sent out to deal with it'* As usual, the Navajos struck swiftly and fled before the expedition arrived. At Pipe Springs, Copelan watched the passes, hunted the surrounding region for the raiders and found they had gone east. On March 1, with twenty men he started in pursuit of the raiders. About eight miles out he struck a trail where the Indians had been driving about fifty head of cattle. During the next five days he followed the trail around the north end of Buckskin Mountain (Kaibab) across Paria and W a r m Springs Creek to the old Ute ford on the Colorado River. Finding the quarry had escaped, he returned home, arriving at St. George March 12.

During the fall, fresh raids by the Navajos created yet another scare. A band raided settlements north of St. George and drove off stock. This time Colonel James Andrus was detailed to lead a foray against the marauders. He started up the Virgin River gathering fourteen recruits. Then he went to Pipe Springs where he received word that another band of Navajos had raided near Pinto.

He hastened toward Pinto to intercept them, passing via Kanab and Scutumpah. Near Paria, he found a trail where some Navajos had escaped with an estimated eighty head of livestock. Here Andrus learned that the Paiutes had attacked and wounded a Navajo in a running fight, and that other raiders were on the way back from, Pinto.

Andrus and his men waited until November 10 and finding no signs of the Indians, started home. The detachment had not gone far when they encountered a fresh Navajo trail made by an estimated twelve horses and two men. They caught up with the Indians early the next day just as they were passing into a narrow gorge of the Paria canyon. There were actually eight Indians with twelve horses, traveling leisurely. Under the detachment's fire, two Navajos fell; the rest disappeared into the narrows. A few minutes later they re-appeared on the canyon cliffs on both sides of Andrus' force. Bullets from the Indian rifles soon convinced Andrus that discretion was the better part of valor and he retired.

The Navajos were adroit raiders. In rounding up stock they would often camouflage themselves with bush foliage, crawling past the unsuspecting guards to stampede the herd. Or they would skin a young steer, leaving hoofs and horns in place and throw the hide over a brace of Indians, who would steal to the corral under cover of darkness, let down the bars, and quietly drive the stock away.

These raids were costly. Not only did the settlers live in con"Copy of the journal of a scouting expedition against marauding Navajo Indians, February 25 to March 12, 1869 by Edwin G. Woolley, Adjutant, filed in Adjutant General's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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stant fear, but a heavy toll of livestock, estimated in 1869 at 1200 horses and cattle, was taken. Men had to be continually on the alert and peaceful pursuits were interrupted to furnish posses to chase the Indians. W h e n Major J. W . Powell of the U. S. Geological Survey was exploring the Kanab region in 1870, he expressed grave concern about the losses the Mormon settlers were suffering because of the raids.76 In October, Jacob Hamblin decided to accompany Major Powell on a peace mission to the Navajos when the latter was leaving to return to Washington, D.C.76 They reached Fort Defiance in eastern Arizona at a time when 6,000 Navajos were gathered there for their annual allotments from the Federal government.

All the Navajo chiefs but one were present and met in council to consider Hamblin's proposal. Powell introduced Hamblin by saying that he represented the Mormons from the other side of the Colorado River who were helping to pay the taxes from which the annual allotments to the Navajos were made. Hamblin, in turn, pointed to the disastrous consequences of the war and the advantages of peace. Through war the Navajos had lost twenty or thirty men; with peace they could herd their livestock in distant places where forage was good without fear of molestation. He proposed, in place of war, a peaceful settlement of difficulties and trade with the Mormons.

After several days of consultation, peace was agreed upon.

The council appointed one of the chiefs, Hastele, who lived near the Colorado River, as negotiator who ended by saying, " W e hope we may be able to eat at one table, be warmed by one fire, smoke one pipe and sleep under one blanket." Thus was peace promised, though it was soon again to be put in jeopardy. Hamblin reached Kanab with the good news about December 11, 1870."

Within a few weeks, a group of eighty Navajos arrived at Kanab on a trading expedition. They came on foot and brought all the Navajo blankets they could carry. They scattered among the settlements and traded their blankets for horses and returned well satisfied with the experiment.

Peaceful trading continued until the winter of 1873-74, when a party of four young Navajos was caught in a snowstorm near a ranch in Grass Valley, Sevier County. They made themselves at home at the ranch and even killed a small animal for food. The owner of the ranch, said to be a non-Mormon, learned of their presence and gathered some of his friends to go with him to investigate. At the ranch, they shot and killed three of the Indians and â&#x201E;˘Cf. J. W. Powell, ed., The Colorado River (Washington, D.C, 1875), pp.

128-132.

"James Little, ed., Autobiography of Jacob Hamblin (Salt Lake City, 1909), p. 106. (Hamblin erroneously dates the peace trip 1871.)

"Little, op. cit.. p. 110.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

wounded the fourth, who escaped and after painful hardships made his way home.'8 His story inflamed Navajo vengefulness and disquieting reports reached the Mormons of threatened reprisals. Brigham Young asked Hamblin to visit the Navajos again and satisfy them that the Mormons were not involved in the outrage. Bishop Levi Stewart of Kanab, however, tried to dissuade Hamblin and even sent a messenger to induce him to return after he had started, urging that the risk was too great.

Firm in his purpose, Hamblin went his way and met the Navajos east of Moencopi, about January 29, 1874. Hastele, the representative appointed by the Navajos, was not there, but other influential Indians considered Hamblin's statement. T h e war council was held in a Navajo hogan, to which there was but one entrance opposite Hamblin and his two companions, while two dozen Navajos occupied the space between.

Hamblin's explanation of the killings was at first rejected on the ground that it was he who had invited the Navajos to come into the Mormon country to trade, with the result that three of their good young men now lay on the ground "for the wolves to eat." The interpreter told Hamblin his companions could go home, but he must die. The moment was tense. His companions refused to leave him. Without arousing suspicion, Hamblin passed several revolvers to his friends, saying as he did so, "These are in my way." The men behind unobtrusively readied them in case of emergency. Hamblin reminded the Indians of. his many friendly acts, of his willingness to come into their midst to settle the matter, and told them it was not right to kill him for the acts of strangers for whom he was not responsible. The wounded Indian was brought in. A stirring appeal for revenge was made by a young warrior, who demanded that Hamblin be the victim.

The Indians, however, after the excitement subsided, offered to settle for three hundred and fifty horses and cattle. Hamblin deliberately refused. One of them remarked that he would agree after he had been stretche3 over the hot coals of the fire. The interpreter asked if he were not afraid. "No," he said, "my heart has never known fear. W h a t is there to scare me?" " T h e Navajos," was their answer, to which he replied that he "was not afraid of, his friends." Mollified, the Indians finally agreed to leave the matter to be settled by Hastele after an investigation.

Late that spring, Hastele and his party visited Kanab and were piloted to Sevier Valley where their findings convinced them that the Mormons were innocent. Thus ended the last threat to peaceful relations with the Navajos. Thereafter, both groups traded on good terms largely due to the outstanding bravery and cool judgment of Jacob Hamblin.

"Ibid. p. 119.

EXPANSION IN KANE COUNTY

179

Expansion in Kane County Re-settlement of Long Valley and Kanab does not seem to have been attempted until 1870, although Kanab and Paria were occupied by missionaries under Jacob Hamblin in 1867 as frontier outposts. At Paria a strong guard house and corral was built and some land was cultivated, beginnings out of which the settlement grew with the accession of several families in 1872 and 1873.

Kanab was similarly restored. The necessity of a fort there was impressed upon the whites by the continued Navajo raids.

Five stone masons were sent from St. George in 1869 to construct the fort. They reached Kanab on August 28 and worked until early in September, when John R. Young told them they had finished their mission and could go home.

This building expedition brought new settlers to Kanab, for John Mangum (or Mangram), his brother, James, James Wilkins, and George Ross, moved there soon after. Nate Adams, who visited Kanab in September, 1870, and who moved there March 14, 1871, says the first three were in hiding and that John D. Lee, also in hiding, took up Scutumpah Ranch and explored Lee's Ferry in 1869. Several missionaries were sent to aid Hamblin about the same time. They were fencing and cultivating land when Brigham Young made his first visit to the Kanab country about the 1st of April, 1870. George Albert Smith wrote of this visit: At Kanab we met Brothers Jacob Hamblin and Jehiel MacConnel [McConnell], and several other missionaries, who were engaged in teaching the Indians how to cultivate the soil and to obtain a living by peaceful pursuits. W e were much pleased with the country. . . . As soon as measures shall be taken to prevent the annual raids of the Navajos, this land of Canaan will be re-occupied by the Saints and become a valuable acquisition to our southern settlements.â&#x201E;˘ A pioneer Salt Lake photographer, C. R. Savage, took many pictures along the way, including one of Brigham Young and his party on the Colorado at the mouth of the Virgin, and several of Zion Canyon.

Upon his return to Salt Lake City on April 16, 1870, Brigham Young sent a group of fifty-two people led by Levi Stewart, to re-settle the Kanab country. They went down through the Dixie ""Journal History," Letter dated April 5, 1870.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

settlements and reached Pipe Springs on June 1. They remained there and at Moccasin Springs several days while exploring the region.80 On the 14th they moved over to Kanab Creek and joined Jacob Hamblin at the old fort, now too small to house so many.

Brigham Young manifested much interest in the success of the colony. He promised Stewart that he would visit him in the fall and asked him to find a more direct route to Kanab from the north that would obviate the long roundabout approach through the Dixie settlements and the Arizona strip. Stewart sent out two expeditions, the second of which found a road from the head of the Sevier River through Upper Kanab and Johnson W a s h .

Brigham Young started for Kanab on August 26, 1870. Accompanying him from Parowan was the intrepid explorer and topographer of the U. S. Geological Survey, Major J. W . Powell, who had already made one trip through the Grand Canyon and was returning to make plans for further geological studies and his second trip through the canyon. 81 In attempting to follow Stewart's directions, the party lost its way and wandered into the Paria River valley and thus went many miles out of its direct route.

According to Nate Adams,82 "old Humpy Indian" guided the company safely into Kanab on the evening of September 9, 1870.

While there, a townsite and fields were surveyed east of the fort beyond the path of the canyon winds. Brigham Young returned to Salt Lake City via St. George and the Dixie settlements.

Three months later, on December 14, 1870, six lives were lost in a fire at the fort. These included Bishop Stewart's wife, Margery, and three of his sons.83 Brigham Young made a special trip to Kanab from St. George, where he was wintering, to comfort the bereaved families. Soon after, the settlers began to build their homes on the townsite. Within a few years, the fort was deserted but it was maintained for some time for use in case of emergency. Dellenbaugh, a member of Major J. W . Powells party, thus describes his visit to Kanab in the early 70's: • • • Nigger, [a white mule] went along very well and I was in Kanab by three o'clock. The village which had been started only a year or two, was laid out in the characteristic Mormon style, with wide streets and regT h e s e included, in addition to Levi Stewart, Moses M. Farnsworth, Allan Frost, Edward A. Noble, John Rider, John Morgan, William Thompson, Edward Cooke, Caleb D. Brinton, Mr. Burt, and families.

"Letter from A. Milton Musser, September 10, 1870, published in Deseret News, and collated in L.D.S. Journal History." ^Interview at Kanab, Utah, October 21, 1933.

K* raTheDLife of Levi Stewart," biographical sketch by his granddaughter, Margery Browne Cottam (copy in files of A. M. Woodbury).

EXPANSION IN K A N E COUNTY

181

ular lots fenced by wattling willows between stakes.

Irrigating ditches ran down each side of every street and from them the water, derived from a creek that came down a canyon back of the town, could be led into any of the lots, each of which was about one quarter of an acre; that is, there were four lots to a block. Fruit trees and vines had been planted and were already beginning to promise near results, while corn, potatoes, etc., gave fine crops. The original place of settlement was a square formed by one-story log houses on three sides and a stockade on the fourth. This was called the fort and was a place of refuge though the danger from Navajo attack seemed to be over and that from any assault by the Paiutes certainly was past. One corner of the fort was made by the walls of the schoolhouse, which was at the same time meeting-house and ball-room. Altogether there were about 100 families in the village.

The houses that had been built outside the fort were quite substantially constructed, some of adobe or sundried brick. The entire settlement had a thrifty air, as is the case with the Mormons. Not a grog-shop, or gambling saloon, or dance-hall was to be seen; quite in contrast with the usual disgraceful accompaniments of the ordinary frontier towns. A perfectly orderly government existed, headed by a bishop appointed by the church authorities in Salt Lake City, the then incumbent of this office being an excellent man, Bishop Stewart.8* After the Navajo peace settlement many of the places abandoned in 1866 were reoccupied and within a few years further expansion filled most of the remaining areas suitable for settlements or ranches. In Long Valley, Berryville (now Glendale), and Winsor (Mt. Carmel) were revived in 1871. Johnson was settled in the spring of the same year by five brothers, Joel, Benjamin, Joseph, George and William Johnson, on the site of Scutumpah, formerly John D. Lee's ranch. In 1872, Graham, on the headwaters of Kanab Creek (upper Kanab), was reoccupied and the settlers engaged in dairying and lumbering.

The upper reaches of the Paria, however, attracted settlers from the north. Panguitch was re-founded in March, 1871 under George W . Sevy and counted seventy-five families the next year. Joel H. Johnson and George D. Wilson established a sawmill in 1871 near the present location of Hillsdale, and were soon joined by twenty families, including those of Nephi and Seth Johnson. Other cattlemen located farther up the Sevier, where *F. S. Dellenbaugh, A Canyon Voyage (New York, 1908), pp. 166-167.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Meltiar Hatch founded the village bearing his name. Nephi Johnson, discoverer of Zion Canyon, was made bishop of Hillsdale in 1874.

Attention was then focused on the upper Paria. The first settlers, David O. Littlefield and Orley D. Bliss, located near the present site of Cannonville on Christmas Eve, 1874. Early the next day eight other families arrived, who built log houses at a place called Clifton and began farming along the Paria and on Henrieville Creek. Ebenezer Bryce, from Pine Valley, selected a place farther upstream, a mile or two east of the present site of Tropic near the mouth of Bryce Canyon. Bryce used the famous canyon for a cattle range, and thus immortalized his name.

Clifton was not well located and in 1877 some settlers moved to a new townsite called Cannonville, in honor of George Q. Cannon, high Mormon official who had taken a special interest in their affairs. Other settlers moved over to Henrieville Creek to be near their farms, and thus the town of Henrieville (named for James Henrie, president of Panguitch Stake) was born.

In 1879 Daniel Goulding settled near Bryce's ranch. Seeking water for irrigation, he and Bryce devised a scheme to divert water from Pine Creek in the Great Basin by means of a canal over the divide. This they finished, but upkeep was expensive, their crops were poor, and Goulding lost about five hundred fruit trees from drouth. Bryce became discouraged and left for Arizona in 1880 and Goulding moved to Henrieville in 1883. Bryce, unimpressed by the beauty of the canyon, considered it "awful hard to find a cow that was lost" in the intricate maze of its pinnacles.

Seth Johnson and several others located in 1886 on Yellow Creek (Kane County) about three miles southwest of Cannonville and named the settlement Georgetown, in honor of the same man for whom Cannonville was named.

In 1890 the two Ahlstrom brothers built homes on the present site of Tropic and with several others began a second and more ambitious attempt to divert water from the East Fork of Sevier River over the divide into Paria Creek. This time the project succeeded. Tropic townsite was surveyed in 1891 and settlers began to flock there and prepare homes and lands in anticipation of the coming of the water. A fitting celebration was staged on May 23, 1892, when the water was turned into the canal.

By this time, most of the suitable valleys and canyons had been occupied. Erosion, however, caused trouble at Kanab.

From 1883 to 1890, floods presumably resulting from overgrazing tore out dams and ditches and gutted the canyons and valleys with deep washes. W a t e r arose in the bottom of the washes and that in Kanab W a s h (below Kanab) was diverted about 1886 onto a new townsite just beyond the state line in Arizona, called Fredonia, which later served as a refuge for a number of

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EXPANSION IN KANE COUNTY

183

polygamous wives during the Federal offensive against the practice.85 While southern Utah was thus growing, a new movement was developed. In 1879, the Mormon Church leaders called for eighty men from the Southern Mission to establish an outpost for the purpose of "cultivating and maintaining friendly relations with Indians whose homes were near the point where the state of Colorado and the Territories of Utah, New Mexico and Arizona come together." Twenty-five men, including Kumen Jones, went out to investigate routes and locations. They traveled via Lee's Ferry, Tuba City and Monument Valley to the San Juan River as far as Four-Corners, spent about three months exploring the region, and then returned home via a northern route, past the sites of Monticello and Moab. 80 While they were away, another party set out from Escalante seeking a short-cut to the San Juan country. A route much more direct than that mapped by the first party was reported, apparently on imperfect observation. It was, however, accepted, and

by October the party was on its way. It passed through Escalante and reached Forty-mile Spring where it was held up by excessively rough country, while snows in the mountains blocked retreat.

Three scouts were sent ahead to investigate some of the wildest and most rugged scenic areas of America. The three returned in disappointment; one held the route feasible, another positively rejected it, while the third thought it might be possible to get through with special help. Envoys were sent to Salt Lake City to appeal for assistance, which was given in the form of a legislative appropriation for blasting a way through.

It took fifty days to get eighty-two wagons through Hole-inthe-Rock and down to the Colorado River and ninety days to reach Bluff on the San Juan River where the first settlement was made. Three babies were born on the way and the hardships endured form a Western epic.87 The story of Orderville has been left for the last. The United Order88 was organized at Mt. Carmel, March 20, 1874, Tredoniaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Suggested by Erastus Snow, allegedly from "free" and "dona" (Spanish for lady or woman), thus, "free woman." Actually, the name is simply a variant of "freedom," invented shortly after 1800 by a certain Dr. Charles Mitchell, according to George R. Stewart, Names on the Land (New York, 1945), p. 173. ^Kumen Jones, "First settlement of San Juan County, Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. II, No. 1 (January, 1929). ""Journal of Josephine Catherine Chatterly W o o d , " Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol, X, pp. 128-136.

K Mark A. Pendleton, " T h e Orderville United Order of Zion" and Emma Carroll Seegmiller, "Personal Memories of the United Order of Orderville," Utah Historical Quarterly. Vol. VII, 1939.

184

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

by John R. Young, at which time one hundred and nine members were listed. One summer of the United Order was enough for most members. Bishop Bryant Jolley, with his numerous family and relatives, formed the core of the dissenters. T o avoid contention, those who wished to continue with the Order sold their holdings and moved in a body two miles above Mt. Carmel where title to all land was vested in the group and where they set up the town Orderville, under the leadership of Howard O . Spencer.

The new town was surveyed February 20, 1875.

The first building was a hotel where all ate together in the large dining hall, from July, 1875 to May, 1880. As time passed, living quarters were provided for each family and work was divided into more specialized fields.

During the hey-day of the Order, around 1880, it numbered nearly six hundred adherents and there were some twenty-eight specialized departments of work which included most of the various activities that go to make up a simple community. The Order made great progress and acquired property rapidly. Farming lands were expanded to include areas scattered through Long Valley and at Kanab.

The growing power of the Order created jealousies, but disintegration came from internal dissension. The idea of giving everyone an equal reward regardless of ability or accomplishment tended in many cases to lessen effort and brought charges of laziness and carelessness.

Gradually, more and more individual property was assigned to each home; farmers were given a share of their own produce and livestock and sawmills and freighting were operated under lease or contract. Matters were hastening toward dissolution when, in 1885, polygamy troubles began. Fear that the Federal government might confiscate the goods of the Order forced the final dissolution of most of the property, and farming lands, livestock, ranches, tannery and sawmill, were all sold to members.

The woolen mill alone was kept and intermittently operated until 1900. In that year the United Order of Orderville was officially dissolved, twenty-five years after its incorporation.

ZION CANYON

185

Zion Canyon "In an instant, there flashed before us a scene never to be forgotten. In coming time it will, I believe, take rank with a very small number of spectacles each of which will, in its own way, be regarded as the most exquisite of its kind which the world discloses. The scene before us was the Temples and Towers of the Virgin." Thus prophetically wrote Captain Clarence E. Dutton of the U. S. Geological Survey in a report published in the year 1880.

Dutton was following up the geological work begun by Major J. W . Powell ten or twelve years earlier when the latter started out to explore the Colorado River and made his two memorable trips in boats down the river through the Grand Canyon. The geological problems encountered were so extraordinary that Dutton was detailed to further investigation and encountered problems that have engaged the attention of scientists to this day, particularly the eminent geologist, Dr. Herbert E. Gregory.

Following the line of Vermillion Cliffs from Kanab westward, Dutton came to the pass between Eagle Crags and Smithsonian Butte when suddenly, startlingly, there lay before him to the northward the valley of the Virgin River in all its grandeur.

Few have seen Zion as Clarence Dutton saw it. From a high pass, in late afternoon, with the sun on his left, he looked into that vast panorama of the Vermillion Cliffs of Zion and Parunuweap and those flanking the Great W e s t Canyon as wellâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; a twenty-mile stretch in one sweeping view. The setting sun cast shadows that made the turrets and towers stand out in bold relief, while the light reflected from one wall upon another intensified the tints and shades of the reds until they stood out in striking contrast with the vivid green of the vegetation and the higher cliffs. No wonder the cold scientist broke down and described in emotional terms this superb panorama.

Forerunners of Dutton had visited Zion, but none had penned such eloquent praise. Major J. W . Powell and two companions, Stephen V . Jones, one of his topographers, and Joseph W . Young, a Mormon, left Long Valley on September 10, 1872s" and started down through the Parunuweap on foot. They came out next day before noon and spent another day visiting Zion Canyon. Of this trip, Powell says of the Parunuweap: At noon, we are in a canyon 2500 feet deep and we come to a fall where the walls are broken down, and the huge rocks beset the channel, on which we obtain a foothold to reach a level two hundred feet below.

"Powell, op. cit, p. 110.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Here the canyon is again wider and we find a floodplain on which we can walk.

Next day of the Mukuntuweap Canyon, he writes: Entering this, we have to wade up the stream; often the water fills the entire channel, and although we travel many miles, we find no floodplain, talus, or broken piles of rock at the foot of the cliff. T h e walls have smooth, plain faces, and are everywhere very regular and vertical for a thousand feet or more, where they seem to break in shelving slopes to higher altitudes; and everywhere as we go along, we find springs bursting out at the foot of the walls.00 Jack Hillers, a photographer from Powell's party, spent some time during the summer of 1873 taking pictures in Zion Canyon.

These are on file in the U. S. Geological Survey Office and have been often used in publications. For a long time, however, this material and Zion Canyon were largely forgotten. The local course of development continued placidly for many years. Only occasionally a hardy traveler, hearing of the beauties of the region, had courage enough to brave the rocky, dusty roads to enjoy the scenic splendors. One was Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, who had accompanied Powell on his second trip down the Grand Canyon.

In the summer of 1903 he found his way into Springdale, where he made his headquarters with Bishop O. D. Gifford, visited Zion Canyon, made some oil paintings to be exhibited at the World's Fair in St. Louis the next year, and wrote an article, " A New Valley of Wonders," which appeared in Scribners' Magazine for January, 1904. In this article, describing his first view of the W e s t Temple, he wrote: One hardly knows just how to think of it. Never before has such a naked mountain of rock entered our minds. Without a shred of disguise its transcendent form rises pre-eminent. There is almost nothing to compare to it. Niagara has the beauty of energy; the Grand Canyon of immensity; the Yellowstone of singularity; the Yosemite of altitude; the ocean of power; this Great Temple of eternityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;"The Titan fronted blowy steeps, that cradled Time."

Grafton has a situation that must some day make it famous, yet one dreads to think of this land being overrun by the ennuied tourist. But with an altitude of only 3,000 feet, a superb, dry climate, mild winters, magnificent environment, and a supply of delicious fruits it "Ibid., p. 111.

ZION CANYON

187

cannot long remain unvisited if a railway ever is built within easy reach.

The Zion pictures at the fair created a great deal of interest.

A young Mormon missionary, David Hirschi, who had been reared at Rockville and knew every foot of the Zion country, visited St. Louis on his way home from Europe and found them to be a center of attraction in the Utah section. He was surprised and delighted, but was put on his mettle when he heard skeptics remark that there couldn't be such a place. He informed them that there certainly was, that he knew its every hill and cliff, and to prove it, he pointed to his buckskin shoelace and showed the hill in the picture where he had killed the deer from which they had been made. A great crowd gathered to listen and an interesting discussion followed. Undoubtedly the pictures and magazine article were important factors in arousing a widespread interest in Zion Canyon. The time was approaching when its superlative beauty would be recognized by the national government.

The national conservation program inaugurated by President Theodore Roosevelt and Gifford Pinchot produced a bill (June 8, 1906) empowering the president to set aside certain lands particularly valuable for scenic, scientific or historic purposes, as national monuments. Many were created during the next few years and among them was the Mukuntuweap National Monument.

During the summer of 1908, Leo A. Snow of St. George, a United States Deputy Surveyor, was detailed to survey in southern Utah, Township 40 South, Range 10 W e s t from Salt Lake City. The party, of which the present writer was a member, in executing the survey covered the upper part of the Zion gorge.

Triangulation was used in measuring the gorge from the east to west. W h e n the report and map were submitted that part of the canyon was described as unsurveyable. In his report, Snow stated that from a certain place (now Observation Point): A view can be had of this canyon surpassed only by a similar view of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado.

At intervals along the west side of the canyon streams of various sizes rush over the edge of the chasm forming water falls from 800 to 2000 feet high. The stream in the bottom of the canyon appears as a silver ribbon winding its way among the undergrowth and occasionally disappearing from view. In my opinion this canyon should be set apart by the government as a national park.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The report was dispatched to Washington, June 25, 1909.

A little more than a month later, July 31, the Acting Secretary of the Interior recommended to the President the creation of the Mukuntuweap National Monument. President Taft signed the proclamation on the same day. This act was primarily a withdrawal from entryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a method of holding land for national purposes and preventing it from passing into private ownership.

There was no active administration of the area at first. The farmers still cultivated the land, the stockmen continued to graze their cattle in the canyon and the sawmill owners to lower lumber over the cable. The canyon was still inaccessible to automobiles and the roadway for wagons or buggies was such that few people cared to drive over it for pleasure.

Wesley King, of the Salt Lake Commercial Club, was an early exception. Poor roads could not thwart his desire to see the scenic beauties of which he had heard from E. D. Woolley, a prominent leader of Kane County. He and his wife traveled by train to Marysvale where they obtained a team and buggy and started south. A report of this trip appeared in The Salt Lake Tribune, November 12, 1911. King wrote: W e crossed the divide . . . and began our descent into and upon one of the most scenic portions of America. . . . I do not believe there is anything on the globe like the canyon of the Rio Virgin, or to compare with the Vermillion cliffs....

Our admiration for this people was aroused. . . .

They can only market such products as can be driven across the mountains, while freighting of goods southward presents obstacles that would baffle the stoutest hearts. Here and over in the Dixie Land to the westward, the people live a simple, healthy life, unspoiled by the world and its vagaries. Children of the soil . . . of one faith and with a singleness of purpose. . . .

W e lost our way and our tempers getting over the Sahara bordering Kanab. A lone sheep herder saved us on the second morning out and we floundered into Kanab over twenty-four hours late, just as Uncle " D " Woolley was starting a posse of Indian Scouts after us.

The Kings took Dave Rust for guide and went over to Zion Canyon. On the brink above Rockville, they "hesitated for awhile in an effort to comprehend the grandeur of the 'Great Temple' and its score of lesser temples and towers, brilliant in the glow of the setting sun." King's story continued:

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W e found the Parunuweap Canyon impassable, so we spent the day in the dark recesses of the Mukuntuweap, speechless with wonderment, except for an occasional "awe" or an "absolutely wonderful." This panorama had a deeper, a more wonderful effect upon us than anything our eyes had ever b e h e l d . . . .

Garfield, W a y n e and Kane counties are sparsely settled, and until permanent roads are constructed into them, they will remain so. Washington and Iron counties have great natural resources and wonderful possibilities which will blossom into realities only when the transportation problem has been solved. Each county can do little by itself in road building. It is a state problem and must be worked out by our state officials.

Times, however, were rapidly changing. The automobile was displacing the horse and the demand for good roads for auto traffic was being met by ever larger road appropriations by the state and the nation. However, the opening of the scenic areas of southern Utah and northern Arizona to the touring public is largely a story of highways.

The Kaibab and North Rim North of the Colorado River and south of the Utah line lies that variegated country known as the Arizona Strip. T o the west lie the Parashont and Trumbull Mountains. T o the east, the Kaibab Plateau, locally known as the Buckskin Mountains, rears its summit to 10,000 feet in a long level line that stretches southward to the north rim of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River. Information concerning this region began to seep in from outposts during the early 60's. There is little doubt that Whitmore and Mclntyre at Pipe Springs, L. W . Roundy at Kanab, and Peter Shurtz near Paria, all knew something about its general characteristics, for it could be observed from all three places.

The expedition led by James Andrus in the spring of 1866 to rescue Peter Shurtz must have explored the region south of Paria.

Roundy said the expedition started south from Paria to investigate an Indian smoke and was gone fourteen days (February 23 to March 9), but no further record is available, except that Nate Adams, who moved to Kanab in 1871, stated the expedition went over the Kaibab.

Jacob Hamblin doubtless became well acquainted with the Kaibab after he went to Kanab in 1867 to live among the Indians. John D. Lee took up a ranch at Scutumpah (on the Andrus route of 1866) in 1869, explored the lower Paria, and located the site for a ferry at its mouth (later Lee's Ferry). Lee and Hamblin must have explored a good deal of the region together for they built a six room adobe house with sod roof at Jacob's Pool (lake) in north Kaibab

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soon after. W h e n they divided their property a little later, Lee took the ferry and Hamblin the pool and Kane Springs in Houserock Valley.

In 1870, Brigham Young sent a portable steam sawmill to Kanab and Levi Stewart installed it near Scutumpah and the next year moved it to Big Springs on the Kaibab. Many years later, it was moved farther south to Castle or Rigg Springs.

In 1872, Major Powell's party centered its work around the Kaibab. Part of the time, this party camped near the Levi Stewart ranch and sawmill.01 At that time Eight-Mile Spring, Jacob's Well (Pool or Lake), Oak Spring, Pine Spring, and Stewart's ranch were all being used as grazing headquarters. During that summer, Powell and a friend of his from Illinois, Professor Harvey C. DeMotte, explored the roof of the Kaibab and bestowed the name DeMotte Park upon the main valley (sometimes called V T Park).

In 1873, Thomas Moran, the well-known Western artist who had been commissioned by the Federal government to paint the Grand Canyon, made a trip by mule team from Salt Lake City to the Kaibab, where Major Powell suggested the vantage from which he produced the canvas of the Grand Canyon now hanging in the National Capitol.

The use of the Kaibab for grazing gradually increased. In 1877 the United Order of Orderville acquired most of the holdings on the northern Kaibab and controlled the range for about ten years, after which time lands and stock passed into private ownership.

During the late 80's, John W . Young (son of the Mormon leader), representing the Mormon Church in England, conceived a grandiose scheme for interesting English aristocracy in the Kaibab as a private recreation area. He acquired the major holdings there and stocked it with cattle and horses. Dan Seegmiller of Kanab was placed in charge of operations. Young's scheme fell through, but he was not discouraged. He enlarged his plan for making the Kaibab a great hunting ground and center of tourist travel with hotels and lodges for the English nobility. Some interest was shown, and several British sportsmen decided to investigate.

"Buffalo Bill" Cody was in England at the time with his wild west show, and was anxious to dispose of his animals there and recruit his stock in the United States. Young induced him to replenish in the Kaibab and to act as guide for the English representatives. Junius Wells went as Young's agent. The trip was made in the summer of 1891. Dan Seegmiller took wagons to Flaqstaff, Arizona on the railroad, to meet Buffalo Bill and the Englishmen. He had with him Bill Crosby, Nate and Orza Adams and

Q J " / f v o . E i x % T p p e V 9 D 2 ! a r y °f A- H' T h ° m p s o n •- Ut»h

HistM

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Brig Young (son of John W . Young). They returned via Lee's Ferryto Houserock Valley and the Kaibab.

The party included Junius Wells, Buffalo Bill and his crack rifle-shot, John Baker and the Englishmen, Major McKinnon, Lord Ingram and Lord Milmey. They were entertained by the local cattlemen, including Anthony W . Ivins, E. D. Woolley, Ed Lamb, Jr., Walter Hamblin, Alex Cram, Ebenezer Brown and Al Hunt-: ington. The British agents, however, decided the Kaibab was too far away and too' hard to reach. The party went out through Kanab where the presence of English lords and Buffalo Bill proved almost too much for the inhabitants.

The failure of the deal left John W . Young in difficulties. To clear the situation, the Kaibab Land and Cattle Company was orianized and money borrowed from New York bankers. A little ater, Cannon, Grant and Company of Salt Lake City took over the mortgage and Anthony W . Ivins became field manager. By skillful husbandry, Ivins redeemed the mortgage and tax sale. In 1896 he moved to Mexico and the Kaibab holdings and property were sold to Murdock and Fotheringham of Beaver, who soon sold out to the B. F. Saunders cattle outfit. He in turn, later sold to the Grand Canyon Cattle Company ( E . J. Marshall Co.), still in control at the time the Kaibab National Forest was established (1908).

It had been set aside as a national forest reserve in 1893.

Dan Seegmiller's close association with the Kaibab and North Rim impressed him with its outstanding importance as a national vacation-land, a view shared by many. He continued, as long as he lived, to advertise its merits. About 1896, three years before his death, he drove a white top buggy from Kanab to Milford, picked up a New York party and escorted it over the Kaibab to the North Rim and back. After his partner's death, E. D. Woolley began taking parties into the Kaibab and North Rim. H e was the most prominent man- of the Kanab region and logically the one to take the lead in its development from the north side of the Colorado River.

Despite his zealous interest, difficulties of transportation, poor roads, distance from the railroad, slow method of travel, all conspired to prevent significant development. Woolley finally conceived the idea of making a trail from the South Rim (rail terminal) across the Grand Canyon via Bright Angel Creek. For this purpose, he organized the Grand Canyon Transportation Company.

The members included himself, T. C. Hoyt, Thomas Chamberlain, Jim Emett, E. S. Clark, and later (1906) D. D. Rust. A permit was obtained from Arizona to construct a toll trail across the. canyon. Governmental regulations forebade tolls, however, and they had to limit their revenue to charges for transportation and guide services.

E. D. Woolley and Jim Emett began the trail in 1901. It proved

S

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an expensive undertaking and in 1908 Jesse Knight invested $5,000 to help it along. A cable car was installed for crossing the river.

The car was suspended from the cable track by pulleys and pulled back and forth by a propeller cable wound on drums. This route proved to be an important inlet to the North Rim and Kaibab. The total traffic, however, was relatively small and remained so until better transportation facilities became available.

One of the chief events of those days was an expedition engineered by E. D. Woolley in September, 1905, in which a party consisting of Senator Reed Smoot, T . C. Hoyt, E. D. Woolley, E. G. Woolley (nephew), Graham McDonald, James Clove, Lewis T. Cannon and Congressman Joseph Howell traveled leisurely by team from Salt Lake City through the state, holding political rallies as they went. At Kanab (September 26), schools were dismissed and a gala holiday declared. The expedition moved on to the Kaibab and North Rim where the distinguished visitors enjoyed the scenery and hunted deer on Greenland Peninsula. The trip provided conspicious advertising for the Grand Canyon.

On November 28, 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt established the Grand Canyon National Game Preserve and thereafter deer were protected and predatory animals hunted. Government hunters of the U. S. Biological survey were employed for that purpose from 1906 to 1923. During that period, more than eight hundred cougars, thirty wolves, nearly five thousand coyotes and more than five hundred bobcats were removed.

One of the interesting characters among these hunters was "Uncle" Jim Owen, who with his hounds took about six hundred cougars from the Kaibab and one hundred and thirty from regions to the north and west. He had previously been a member of the Jesse James gang and when intoxicated was a man to be avoided.

At El Tovar, one night, he took a dislike to the clerk, tried to shoot him, and filled the room so full of holes it cost the party $100 to settle the damages.

D. D. Rust was a school teacher at Fredonia during the winter of 1905-6. During the following summer, he joined the Grand Canyon Transportation Company and was employed for many years thereafter as a guide for tourist parties. Zane Grey, the famous Western novelist, came in April, 1907, and Rust took him over to the North Rim to hunt mountain lions (cougars). Zane was then a tenderfoot who slept with a six-shooter under his pillow, a practice he abandoned as he became hardened. He returned later in the season to hunt with Col. C. J. Jones (Buffalo Jones), Grant Wallace, a journalist, and Jim Emett, local cattleman. On this hunt, Wallace captured alive the big king lion of Bright Angel Canyon. Incidentally, Zane Grey built his novel The Heritage of the Desert around Emett's trial at Flagstaff in April, 1907. Emett,

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whose headquarters were at Lee's Ferry, had been accused of rustling by the B. F. Saunders' outfit.

On January 11, 1908, the President issued a proclamation creating the Grand Canyon National Monument and separating it from the Kaibab National Forest. During the summer of 1908, Rust took Nathan Galloway, a trapper from the Uintah Basin, from whom he had learned the Canadian method of shooting rapids, into the Markagunt Plateau to hunt grizzly bears.

Buffalo Jones came back again in early August, 1909, with a party of Bostonians to hunt cougars with Jim Owen. After five days, Buffalo Jones bagged a live lion to take home with him. On that day, the hounds struck another cougar trail and led the party backward six or seven miles until the trail got cold. Then it was discovered that "Old Pot," the reliable hound, was missing. They retraced their trail and found him, with a "treed" cougar about a half mile in the opposite direction from where they had started.

Buffalo Jones went up the tree with a rope and a stick. The lion saw Jones coming and started down the tree toward him. Jones backed down slowly and stopped. The cougar stopped, too, glared at the man and backed up on his limb. Jones crept slowly up again until he could reach the cougar with his stick and poked a noose over the lion's head. W h e n the rope was pulled, the beast jumped the wrong way and crashed through the limbs chewing at the rope.

On the ground the dogs pounced on him and Jones roped the hind legs while others manned the rope around the neck. They stretchecl him out, tied him alive on the back of a burro, and carried him across the Grand Canyon to the railroad. Motion pictures of this hunt were taken by Jones.

It was in June, 1909, that the first automobiles were driven through the Kaibab to the North Rim. This was a stunt engineered

by Edwin Gordon Woolley, Jr., of Salt Lake City. W i t h his wife and brother-in-law, D. A. Affleck, he took two autos, a Locomobile and Thomas Flyer, and arrived at Kanab on the fifth day. Here they were joined by E. D. Woolley and Graham McDonald from Kane County. It took three days more to reach the North Rim at Bright Angel. At the time this was a real feat. Gasoline had been distributed in advance by team, ten gallons every thirty miles. They carried with them tools and equipment for car repairs and road making, as well as canvas for use in sand and extra water for overheated engines. They had to remove high road centers, fill up washes, level off sideling dugways and cut timber falls out of the wagon roads. Indians came to> Kaibab from miles around to see their first "devil wagons," which they were loath to believe could run. At the end of the trip, it was found that nine new tires valued at $80 each had been worn out. These were exhibited by the U.S. Rubber Company to demonstrate the wonderful performance of their product.

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The advent of automobiles on the Kaibab and North Rim opened up new vistas of development. Woolley began to envision the time when the construction of good roads would permit easy access to visitors and when the scenic features of the Grand Canyon and the deer herds of the Kaibab would attract attention and induce many to come. His vision was to be realized before many years had passed.

Modern Development of Zion, Bryce and North Rim At the beginning of the second decade of the 20th century, a few individuals here and there in the state were beginning to grasp the potentialities of southern Utah as a scenic mecca. Throughout the United States, agitation for better roads gained ground as the automobile assumed a larger place in our national consciousness. The first transcontinental auto trip was made about 1900 and much difficulty was experienced in finding passable routes.

The old pioneer wagon roads, disused since the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869, had fallen into disrepair and were obliterated or washed by erosion in many of the desert and mountainous areas so that they were often forgotten and nearly impassable.

After the first trip, however, other autoists quickly followed and there was a loud demand for logs and guide materials\4uring the next decadeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a demand which leading Utah newspapers attempted to supply. The first quarter of the century may be characterized as transitional from wagon and train to automobile.

Roads had to be redesigned on the basis of alignment instead of grade control and reconstructed into highways, destined to become not only supplemental feeders of railroads but also competitors.

This movement led to the establishment in 1909 of the Utah State Road Commission, empowered to develop state roads and with the avowed intention to build a two million dollar highway through the entire state from Logan to St. George. It took several years for this program to reach southern Utah and by that time road building was beginning to be affected by modern methods of highway construction.

Occasional trips into the scenic southland continued, some primarily for enjoyment, others for publicity or promotional purposes, all of which served to focus public attention more and more on the area. Public pressure was brought to bear not only on the road commission, but also on the governor and eventually on the Federal government.

Governor William Spry of Utah (1908-1916) made at least three trips into the region (1912, 1913, 1916). During September, 1912, he visited the Dixie Fruit Festival at St. George then

HOW EARLIER GENERATIONS EXPLORED THE KAIBAB White-topjjuaaies, pack train and the first automobile driven by E. G. Woolley and party, 1909.

Courtesy

D. D. Rust.

Piovo.

Utah.

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went to Kanab and northward through the State prospecting the route now followed by highway 89.

During the following winter, a group of convicts from the Utah State Penitentiary was put to work building roads in W a s h ington County between Cedar City and Toquerville. They improved the bad roads of the time, but the route was poorly chosen and was replaced several years later by a well-planned highway. The convicts continued to be employed in Washington County for several winters.

During the summer of 1913, E. D. Woolley and others urged the State Road Commission to take over the task of building an auto road southward from Salina to the state line on the route to North Rim. That fall, the U. S. Forest Service started construction of a permanent boulevard (?) from Jacob's Lake to North Rim with a total allotment of $2750! The result was a road which when compared with highways of today, illustrates the revolutionary changes in standards of road making.

In July and August, 1913, ex-President Theodore Roosevelt took a party into the Kaibab from South Rim and spent three weeks hunting lions. They captured three and took one alive across the canyon. Roosevelt reported the trip in an article in theOut/ooAr.82 During that same summer, J. Cecil Alter, director of the U. S. Weather Bureau at Salt Lake City and editor of this Quarterly, made a leisurely trip southward with his wife and two companions in a white top spring wagon, via Marysvale, Panguitch, Kanab and Jacob's Lake to the Kaibab, North Rim and over the Cable Crossing to El Tovar. Returning, he traveled via Ryan, Pipe Springs and Rockville to Zion, then out via Toquerville, Parowan, Circleville and Marysvale. He reported the interesting aspects of his trip in The Salt Xake Tribune on August 31, 1913, and January 4, 1914. The enthusiasm of the Tribune was aroused and the paper sponsored a "pathfinder" tour under the leadership of W . D. Rishel to log the road to Grand Canyon.

It left Salt Lake City on September 6, visited the canyon and paused a day at Kanab on the return trip.

On the occasion of Governor Spry's first visit to Zion in October, 1913, the people along the Virgin River declared a holiday and accompanied his party almost en masse into Zion, where a picnic was enjoyed at the foot of the cable. T o thrill the governor, a man was lifted to the top of the cliffs on the cable and brought back a few minutes later. The party rode horseback into the Narrows and was much impressed by the experience.

Governor Spry was thoroughly convinced of the importance of ""Cougar Hunting on the Rim of the Grand Canyon," The Outlook (London, England, October 4, 1913), pp. 259-266.

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national recognition and thereafter earnestly pressed for its realization.

From Rockville, the party took spring buggies for Kanab with extra teams to negotiate the hills. The idea behind the trip seems to have been to investigate the possibilities of tourist travel from some point on the Salt Lake Route Railroad to Zion and Grand Canyon. Douglas White, writing in The Arrowhead for July 1917, said that as a result of this visit, Governor Spry "decided that the highway division of his administration should accomplish the construction of a highway to the border of the National Monument."

By 1914, the local people of Dixie no less than the governor, were awakening to the scenic potentialities of their homeland.

It had taken five years to sell the idea of Zion Canyon as a national mecca to the people living near it. The Grand Canyon Highway Association was organized with David Hirschi as president, and a five-county (Washington, Kane, Iron, and Beaver in Utah and Coconino in Arizona) road convention was called for July in Hurricane. U p to this time no auto had yet been driven from Toquerville to Zion Canyon.

The first problem was to make the roads passable by removing high centers, reducing grades and filling washes. A campaign was launched locally to secure subscriptions for road improvement. Hurricane pledged $2,000, La Verkin $500, Toquerville $1,500 and Cedar City $1,200. During the winter the road from Toquerville to Hurricane and the dugway up the Hurricane Fault to the east toward Kanab were improved.

In 1916, political pressure had reached Washington. Senator Reed Smoot responded and planned to ask for federal assistance in road making. This dovetailed with a national movement which culminated that year in the first federal aid road act. Smoot called upon the Department of the Interior for information concerning the Mukuntuweap National Monument. Horace M. Albright, a youthful assistant to Secretary Franklin K. Lane, furnished the data. Senator Smoot inserted in a deficiency appropriation an item reading as follows: For a proportionate share of the amount required to construct an inter-state wagon road or highway through the Mukuntuweap National Monument, Utah, approximately fifteen miles for the fiscal year 1917, $15,000. [Approved September 8, 1916. 39 Stat. 801818].

The U. S. National Park Service was authorized by Congressional Act of August 25, 1916, but it was not actually established until May, 1917. Ever since the passage of the National

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Monument Act of June 8, 1906, national monuments had been accumulating without adequate supervision. The need for an agency to handle national parks and national monuments was becoming urgent. The bill, as passed, created the National Park Service "To promote and regulate the use of the Federal Areas known as National Parks, Monuments and Reservations by such means and measures as conform to the fundamental purposes of said parks, monuments and reservations, which purpose is to conserve the scenery and the natural and historic objects and the wild life therein, and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such manner and by such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations."

Albright had joined Secretary Lane's staff in 1913 and had been assigned to deal with the parks and monuments. W h e n the National Park Service was established, Stephen T. Mather of California was appointed director, April 19, 1917 and Albright was named his assistant. Because of illness, Mather did not assume his duties until March, 1918, and Albright served as acting director.

In the meantime, The Salt Lake Tribune had sent another auto pathfinding tour led by W . D. Rishel to the Grand Canyon, starting August 6, 1916. It reached Kanab in two days and spent three more going to North Rim and back to Kanab. From here, it headed for Hurricane and Zion. At Pipe Springs, the cavalcade met a railroad party in a large W h i t e bus going to North Rim (August 13). This party included representatives of the Union Pacific and the Oregon Short Line railroads, together with those of other travel agencies. The expedition shortly preceded the consolidation of the two railway systems represented, and the agents were scouting the possibilities for railroad traffic in the region. They had left the railroad at Lund by bus and traveled via Hurricane to Pipe Springs where they met Rishel's jaded eight-car cavalcade.

The next day they drove through the Kaibab to Bright Angel Point on the North Rim; spent the following day sight-seeing and then drove back to Kanab, Hurricane and Rockville (August 16), where they held a meeting in the evening. The youngsters of Rockville saw their first auto bus and many of them had a ride.

As on Governor Spry's first visit to Rockville (October 12, 1913), the local people took a holiday and many accompanied the party next day into Zion Canyon. After visiting in the canyon until noon, the party drove to St. George where they enjoyed a feast of Dixie fruit. The next day they held a meeting in Cedar City and then returned to the railroad at Lund.

D. S. Spencer, Union Pacific Railroad Passenger Agent, informed the writer that the trip had been sponsored by the railroads and that Governor Spry and Road Commissioner Lunt had

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been induced to go along for consultation on road development.

Governor Spry promised all possible support if the railroads would undertake tourist traffic development. Spencer further explained that the Union Pacific had profited from the experience of Edward H. Harriman, the noted railroad capitalist, who had built a spur to W e s t Yellowstone, thereby greatly increasing his long-haul traffic to San Francisco. Carl R. Gray, Harriman's successor as president of the Union Pacific, recognized similar possibilities in tourist traffic to Zion and Grand Canyon.

Sometime that fall, Douglas White designated the route from Los Angeles to Salt Lake via Las Vegas, St. George and Cedar City, now generally traversed by Highway 91, as the Arrowhead Route. The next year, Charles H. Bigelow of Los Angeles, was instrumental in organizing the Arrowhead Trail Association with J. H. Manderfield of Salt Lake City as president, and Joseph S. Snow of St. George, vice-president. It functioned for many years to promote road development.

Frederick Vining Fisher, a Methodist minister of Ogden, Utah, came to Salt Lake City in 1915 to lecture and show slides of California to advertise the Panama Pacific International Exposition. He had ministered in Ogden for some years prior to 1912, but his attention had never been called to Zion Canyon. One day at lunch at the University of Utah, a student said to him, "Mr. Fisher, your pictures last night were fine, but you have not seen the best." Surprised, Fisher then wormed the story of Zion Canyon out of the lad. He was at once eager to visit the canyon, and in September, 1916, while traveling to St. George with Apostle Anthony W . Ivins, of the Latter-day Saints Church, to attend a local conference, visited the scenic area, took pictures and made slides^which he thereafter used in lectures throughout the country.

Afterwards, Fisher induced W a r r e n Cox, hotel proprietor of St. George, to take him to the Grand Canyon at the lower end of Toroweap Valley, Mt. Trumbull, where he took interesting pictures. Then, as Fisher recalls, Cox dared him "to cross the untrod wilderness one hundred miles" to Kaibab and North Rim. After they had explored the Kaibab with its endless herds, they camped with Jim Owens, U. S. Government hunter, for three days, vacationing and taking pictures. From North Rim, they went to Cedar City where they met Ivins, who in the meantime had obtained a team from his Enterprise ranch and who took Fisher up Cedar Canyon to Cedar Breaks where more pictures were taken. Upon returning to Cedar City, Cox accompanied Fisher to Rockville where he left him.

Bishop David Hirschi's son, Claud, took Fisher and a friend, Bingham, up Zion Canyon where Fisher got the greatest thrili

THE GREAT W H I T E THRONE So named by Frederick Vining Fisher, one of Zion's first enthusiasts. It measures some 2200 feet from base to summit.

Courtesy U. S. National Park Service.

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of his life. They decided to name the scenic points as they went along. Three peaks that Hirschi thought looked like Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, they called the Three Patriarchs. The boys of the party stopped at the big loop in the river and looked at the pillars of rock on the inside point. W h e n Fisher asked why they were delaying the boys replied they were waiting for an organist to play the Great Organ. They coined several other names not now in use, but after reaching the Narrows and starting back, Hirschi espied a great white precipice gleaming in the afternoon sun, framed by the pass between Angels Landing and the Great Organ. He said, "Oh, Doctor, look quick, what is that?" Overwhelmed, Fisher replied, "Never have I seen such a sight before.

It is by all odds America's masterpiece. Boys, I have looked for this mountain all my life but I never expected to find it in this world. This mountain is the Great W h i t e Throne." 08 The money appropriated September 8, 1916, for a wagon road in Zion had to be spent before July 1, 1917. An engineer, W . O. Tufts, was dispatched from Washington, D.C. to look into the matter. After preliminary exploration, a survey was made, plans outlined, material procured and workmen engaged.

By November 1, construction on the road was begun, starting at the boundary and working up the canyon. About the same time, convicts were building a road from La Verkin to Springdale By the summer of 1917, a passable road led into Zion Canyon.

Douglas White, zealous promotor of Utah's scenic riches, urged Albright to come west and visit Zion Canyon with him in the summer of 1917. In September, he met him in Los Angeles and they went to Lund, Utah, by train and over to Cedar City by auto, where they met Road Commissioner Henry W . Lunt and Mr. R. A. Thorley, a Cedar City stockman. The next morning Albright, White and Thorley, in a touring car driven by Chauncey Parry, started south over the "perfectly terrible roads" and reached the Wylie Camp in Zion in the afternoon. At Rockville, they met David Hirschi, bishop of the village. The next day, in the words of Albright: W e went as far up Mukuntuweap Canyon as possible. W e watched the cable operate from the rim of Zion to the floor. W e hiked through to the Narrows and back again. That night we saw a full moon light up the canyon and the next morning I was up early enough to see the sunlight creep down from the top of the domes and spires to the valley floor. I was overwhelmed by the loveliness of the valley and the beauty of the canyon walls and was sure that the area was of national park caliber.

"Letter of Frederick Vining Fisher to the writer, September 22, 1933.

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Albright faced two troublesome local problems: elimination of grazing in the canyon and keeping narrow-tired wagons off the new road. He conferred with Bishop Hirschi, who suggested a conference with the local people concerned. At the conference; Albright recorded: . . . cooperation of the local people was cheerfully extended, and the orders were issued soon after and were generally obeyed, with the result that the grazing was stopped and the shrubs and wild flowers in the canyon began to come back. I shall always remember with keenest delight my early association with those good Mormon people, who, without knowing what a national park was, cooperated so fully in executing orders that brought them real hardship."

After the contractors finished the Zion road, equipment and other government property was left in care of Walter Ruesch of Springdale, whose home had been used as headquarters by Tufts. Albright interviewed Ruesch and retained him in charge.

This led to Ruesch's appointment as first custodian of the Monument and later as first acting superintendent of the Park. Albright enjoyed recounting his first introduction to Ruesch by Bishop Hirschi, who told him "what a fine character Mr. Ruesch was and how hard he worked, but cautioned me that he had one terrible habit. Over and over again he emphasized the habit. Finally, almost terror-stricken, I asked him what the bad habit was, and he said, 'He swears.' " W h e n Horace Albright and Douglas W h i t e left Zion, they called upon the new Governor (Simon Bamberger), whom they asked to continue the convict labor on the road from Cedar City to Zion. The story goes that the Governor had driven over this road and found it pretty rough. Besides, the dugway up the Hurricane Fault had cost much more than he had expected. The proposals of W h i t e and Albright aroused his wrath. Jumping to his feet, the Governor pounded his desk and shouted, "I build no more roads to rocks!" As a matter of fact, road improvement was interrupted for the time being; W o r l d W a r I was on and interest lagged, not to be revived until 1920, when it was nearly time for a new governor to take over the state administration.

From Salt Lake City Albright wired Director Mather, who was still in California and had not yet assumed office, urging him to visit southern Utah, and giving him a glowing account of what he had seen. Mather did not reply at once but later wrote "Memorandum of Horace M. Albright, August 4, 1933, in files of A M Woodbury. ' â&#x20AC;˘

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that he thought Albright must have fallen into the hands of some chamber of commerce directors or had been given some very potent drink, for he had never heard of such a country and found it difficult to believe it existed.

During the next winter in Washington, D . C , Albright toyed with the idea of changing the name of the monument from Mukuntuweap to Zion and was urged to do so by Douglas White.

Secretary Lane approved and the Utah congressional delegation concurred. Albright prepared a proclamation changing the name and enlarging the monument to one hundred and twenty square miles, which President Wilson signed March 18,1918.

Other Utah scenic areas, including Cedar Breaks, Bryce Canyon and W a y n e Wonderland, all profited by the publicity accorded Zion and the Grand Canyon. S. A. Halterman of Parowan, Utah, took the first automobile to Cedar Breaks via the wagon road in Parowan Canyon. In 1920, he piloted Senator Smoot and others over the same route to see the Breaks. By 1921, he was planning regular weekly trips for tourists during the summer. Iron County spent about $12,000 that year to improve the road.

On August 25, 1918, Oliver J. Grimes of Salt Lake City, published an article in The Salt Lake Tribune, describing "Utah's New Wonderland, Bryce's Canyon," which stimulated additional interest in southern Utah's scenic wonderland. During that summer, LeRoy Jeffers, an eastern writer, visited Bryce Canyon and published an article entitled, "The Temple of the Gods in Utah" in the Scientific American of October 5, 1918. He approached Bryce from North Rim of Grand Canyon, from which he says, "we made a rapid run through the yellow pine and aspen forest of the Kaibab Plateauâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;crossed the burning sands of the Kanab which nestles verdantly among the vermillion cliffs of southern Utah. W e had come eighty to eighty-five miles before sundown and were ready for a similar trip to Panguitch on the following day." He gave directions for reaching Bryce via Marysvale and Panguitch; described the wonders of the scenery and published four pictures.

W h e n Albright read the article, he recalled that he had heard of Bryce Canyon when he was at Zion and made inquiries about the feasibility of establishing it as a national monument.

He was temporarily blocked because it was a part of a national forest. However, it was placed on the agenda for later consideration. Albright later made up his mind that Bryce Canyon belonged in the National Park System, but Director Mather did not at first agree and toyed with the idea of a system of state parks to supplement the national system. B r yce, he considered, would make a keystone around which other state parks could be clustered. However, when the Utah governor and state legislature rejected his

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

view and insisted that Bryce Canyon, Cedar Breaks and W a y n e Wonderland were of national park caliber, he yielded and when later he saw these marvels, was delighted that he had done so.

Cedar City was preparing to cope with the growing traffic.

It was apparent that the town was the strategic point for those wishing to visit southern Utah via the railroad and auxiliary bus lines. Randall L. Jones returned to his native Cedar City in 1912 as an architect, and drew plans for a modern hotel, later called El Escalante. The local chamber of commerce backed him and work was started in 1918. It was, however, a major undertaking for a small community and was not completed for several years.

His wide travel experience and his realization of the necessity of good highways as well as good hotels in the development of scenic attractions, made him the logical choice at a later date as liaison officer for the Union Pacific Railroad.

Mather and Albright were both in the W e s t during the summer of 1919, but neither had opportunity to visit southern Utah. However, Albright had conferred with Senator Smoot several times on the question of creating Zion Canyon a national park. Mather finally yielded to their persuasion even though he had not yet seen it. Albright went ahead with plans, drafted legislation, prepared reports and presented arguments to the congressional committees. Boundary lines of the park were based upon information furnished by Richard A. Thorley of Cedar City and Leo A. Snow of St. George.

Smoot had previously introduced a bill in the Senate (S. B. 8282) to change the name of Mukuntuweap National Monument to Little Zion National Park, but no action was taken. On May 20, 1919, he introduced another bill (S. B. 425, Vol. 58:9640) to establish the Zion National Park in the State of Utah. It passed the Senate a month later and was sent to the House Committee on Public Lands the next day. It was reported in the House, August 26, after which amendments delayed its passage until October 6. The bill was finally signed in the House, November 15, and in the Senate, Nevember 19, 1919, and sent to the President, who signed it that same day.

Mather was in Denver at the time of its passage, attending a conference of national park superintendents, at which Walter Ruesch was also present as custodian of Zion National Monument. W h e n word reached him, Mather immediately decided to make his long delayed visit to Zion. His enthusiasm was immediate and thereafter he gave personal attention to its affairs.

The dedication took place, September 15, 1920, in the presence of a large assembly. St. George and Cedar City bands furnished music. Speakers included Director Mather, Senator Reed Smoot, ex-Governor William Spry, C. Clarence Neslen, mayor of Salt Lake City, and Heber J. Grant, president of the Mormon

MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF ZION, BRYCE AND N O R T H R I M

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Church, representing Governor Simon Bamberger. Mather reviewed the history of the Park, Mayor Neslen foretold its future, and other speakers promised support for its development.

Travel into Zion was slowly increasing. The number of people entering in 1920 nearly doubled that of the previous year (from 1914 to 3692). By 1930 it had increased to more than 55,000 and for a decade thereafter registered proportionate gains.

Governor Bamberger in 1920 sent Randall Jones to Denver as Utah's delegate to the Park-to-Park Highway conference, where plans were laid to coordinate the local movements for good roads into a park-to park system.

Among the interesting parties that came in 1921 was a tour sponsored by the Brooklyn Eagle, which took in the scenic loop to Bryce Canyon as a side trip. Mather came again, bringing with him Emerson Hough, eminent novelist, and Edmund Heller, naturalist. During that year a road passable for autos was built from Cedar City up Cedar Canyon to the Breaks, but it was excessively steep and dangerous.

In response to pressure from Utah to undertake development of the scenic south, in 1921 Carl R. Gray, president of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, determined to investigate personally the agricultural possibilities of contributing areas. His party left Lund and examined the farming areas around Cedar, Parowan and Fillmore and interviewed farmers and livestock men. Mr. Gray was favorably impressed with the stability of the communities and the quality of the people. As a result, a railroad spur was built to Fillmore a year later.

The following summer Gray and his party made the rounds of the scenic areas. The Union Pacific was preparing to take over the Salt Lake Route and was further investigating the resources of the area. According to Randall Jones, Gray offered to buy the El Escalante Hotel in Cedar City and the next year a spur of the railroad was run from Lund to Cedar City, justified on the basis of anticipated traffic from livestock, agriculture, iron ore and tourist travel.

W i t h a rail-head at Cedar City, June 27, 1923, the Union Pacific organized a subsidiary Utah Parks Company, took over the El Escalante Hotel, set up a large bus station at Cedar City, purchased the Wylie tourist camp interests in Zion Canyon and the Parry transportation route from Cedar City to Zion. In 1917 under National Park permit to the National Park Transportation and Camping Company, W . W . Wylie, who formerly operated in Yellowstone Park, had set up a tent camp in Zion Canyon and North Rim in cooperation with two of the Parry Brothers, Gronway and Chauncey, who had undertaken to provide transportation for visitors. The Parry Brothers closed in 1918 at the time of World W a r I, resumed business in 1920 and worked out a ten-day round

204

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

trip for visitors from Cedar City via Zion, Kaibab, North Rim, Bryce and Panguitch back to Cedar City. This round trip with variations was maintained until 1923, when the Utah Parks Company acquired part, and in 1927, all of the Parry and Wylie interests.

Southern Utah scenic attractions were spotlighted with the visit of President W a r r e n G. Harding to Zion Canyon, June 27, 1923, en route across country toward Alaska, a journey from which the President was not to return alive. The report of his trip was spread throughout the nation. Everything had been planned in advance. A group of seventy-five local Paiute Indians in gaudy attire was conspicuously at hand. The party was transferred from the station to twenty-four automobiles and started south over the newly smoothed earth and gravel roads leading to Zion Canyon. The caravan, including the cars of many local leaders, stretched out at least five miles and the dust much farther.

A stop was made at Anderson's Ranch where the best of the Dixie peaches and other fruits were sampled. At Toquerville hundreds had congregated to honor the first President of the United States to visit their section of the country. Harding spoke from a flag-draped platform and then the procession went on, passed through Rockville, where the streets were lined with onlookers, to Springdale where it was welcomed by a fife and drum corps led by John Dennett and O. D. Gifford playing many of the tunes they had once used to welcome Brigham Young on his journeys.

At the entrance to the Park, they were welcomed by mounted rangers and by an orchestra and chorus from Dixie College at St. George. At the Wylie Camp, they were cheered by five hundred local people and tourists and serenaded by the college musicians during lunch. After the meal, the caravan proceeded to the end of the road at the Grotto campground, and twenty-four men, including the President, went horseback two miles farther to the foot of the cable. The caravan then retraced its route to Cedar City, where in the evening, both President and Mrs. Harding gave short talks to the assembled multitude before bidding farewell and boarding their train. The trip had been unmarred by trouble of any kind and seemed to have been immensely enjoyed.

Before leaving Washington, President Harding had signed a proclamation making Bryce Canyon a national monument, but had left it under the direction of the U. S. Forest Service in the Department of Agriculture. The transfer to the Department of Interior was to come later. The Forest Service went ahead with plans for its development.

By 1923, passable auto roads reached Zion, Kaibab, North Rim, Bryce Canyon, and Cedar Breaks, but some of the routes were circuitous and it required a great deal of extra travel to

MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF ZION, BRYCE AND N O R T H R I M

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make the loop. Thus the road from La Verkin to Zion had to be retraced in order to go from Hurricane to Pipe Springs, while to reach Cedar Breaks a special side trip was necessary from either Parowan or Cedar City, and to get back to Cedar City from Bryce required a routing through Panguitch and Paragonah. Popular demand was growing for shorter and more direct routes as well as for better roads.

During Governor Bamberger's administration, (1917-1921), a bond issue of $6,000,000 was earmarked to build a concrete highway south to St. George, but funds were exhausted before Provo was reached. Under Governor Charles R. Mabey (19211925), gravel roads were stressed in place of the more expensive concrete, and a gasoline tax to replace state and county road taxes was enacted into law, but the road to St. George had never been completed. A solution was proposed in 1924 at a meeting attended by G. G. Armstrong, Lafayette Hanchett, A. W . Ivins, George A. Smith, W . J. Halloran and Randall Jones, altruistic Utah citizens. The scheme proposed that each of the southern counties be given a quota of $5,000 and Salt Lake City, $10,000, to be raised through the chambers of commerce. This money was used by the State Road Commission to match federal funds for building the road over the black ridge between Ash Creek and Pintura in Washington County.

Federal aid for roads had been available since 1916, but complications between state and federal rights and prerogatives delayed cooperation. By 1923, the Federal Bureau of Public Roads and the State Road Commission were both studying the problem of linking the scenic points of southern Utah and northern Arizona. B. J. Finch of the Bureau of Public Roads and Howard C. Means, Utah State Road Engineer, investigated the possibilities of a short-cut from Zion eastward toward Mt. Carmel or Kanab. In early June, 1923, they arrived at Orderville and rode horseback with two local guides along the east rim of Zion seeking a possible outlet. From study of topographic sheets, they had already conceived a possible route up Parunuweap Canyon. Failing here, they drove around to Zion Canyon via Kanab, Pipe Springs and Hurricane. W a l t e r Ruesch, acting Superintendent of Zion, suggested that they confer with John Winder, the man best acquainted with the "lay of the land" who already had ideas on the subject.

In 1880, when only ten years old, Winder had climbed the old Indian trail out of Zion where he later (1896) built the first East Rim Trail. He remembered that "old man Newman" of Rockville had always contended that timber could be brought down from Cedar Mountain if a road could be bored through the cliffs of Zion. Winder had explored every outlet and was convinced that there was only one possibility: a road up Pine

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Creek to the cliff and a tunnel opening in the Great Arch and coming out into the canyon above the cliff.

Means and Finch found Winder running logs down the cable. He immediately suggested the Pine Creek route and tunnel. The next day, the three men studied Pine Creek and the possible route up to the Arch. W i n d e r then took them horseback to his ranch on the East Rim, via East Rim Trail. They walked down Pine Creek afoot to the top of the cliff. Encountering difficulties of grade and outlet at the top, they studied alternative possibilities and finally evolved the route now followed by the present road and tunnel.

The Salt Lake Tribune (June 25 and 26, 1923) published a sensational report of their investigations, but there was much skepticism in and out of official circles. In the end, however, the Pine Creek route was finally selected because it traversed the National Park, where federal funds would be available without being matched by the state.

Congressman Louis C. Crampton of Michigan, chairman of the House Committee for the National Park Service, took a personal interest in the route and tunnel and sponsored the appropriations that made it possible. During the planning and construction of this superb highway, which was to become an attraction second only to the canyon itself, Crampton made several trips to the park to watch its progress.

Since it was realized that the Pine Creek route would be years in building, several short-cuts were provided. A road connecting Cedar Breaks with Highway 89 on the summit between Hatch and Glendale was opened in 1923 so that parties making the loop could return to Cedar City via Cedar Breaks instead of Panguitch and Paragonah. In 1924, another cutoff was made from Rockville to the plains leading to Pipe Springs, thus eliminating the long trip down river to Hurricane and back. This road was partly financed by a contribution of $5,000 from Stephen T. Mather.

In the Park itself, a road was surveyed from the cable upcanyon and was finished to the Temple of Sinawava in the spring of 1925. From that point on to the Narrows where the walls close in to leave room only for the river, a foot path, one mile in length, was constructed. Simultaneously three other trails were constructed: one to the W e s t Rim, one to the top of Lady Mountain (Mount Zion) and one along the east bench under the cliffs from Wylie Grove in both directions. The next year, a trail to the top of Angel Landing was constructed and two suspension bridges across the river were installed and the trails opened to Emerald Pool.

W h e n the Utah Parks Company took over the Wylie camp in Zion, it was planned to construct a large hotel, but Director

MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF ZION, BRYCE AND N O R T H R I M

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Mather firmly refused permission. He finally agreed to the lodge and cabin system, now serving the Park tourists. El Escalante Hotel in Cedar City was ready by the season of 1924. New accommodations were under construction in Bryce Canyon and Cedar Breaks. Reports from elated visitors, improvement of roads and accommodations and consistent advertising all resulted in vastly increased travel. The tourist traffic jumped from 8400 in 1924 to 16,817 in 1925. About half that number visited North Rim and presumably Bryce and Cedar Breaks. The tide was in full flow. For the season of 1925 new tourist busses with demountable tops for viewing the spectacular canyon walls were purchased. Busses, however, served only a small part of the traveling public, for America was on wheels and the roads were now such that auto traffic could roll in easily. The Grotto Campground was enlarged, equipped, and supplied with water. The survey of the Pine Creek road and tunnel was completed and Wayne Wonderland was dedicated.

Richard Evans was borrowed from the U.S. Geological Survey and served as acting superintendent during the tourist season for two years, while W a l t e r Ruesch remained in charge during the balance of the year. T w o permanent park rangers assisted Ruesch, Donald J. Jolley, appointed August 1, 1920, and Harold Russell, who had worked summers from 1920 to 1923 and who received permanent appointment in October of the latter year.

All three were closely associated with developments and improvements in the canyon. In 1927, E. T. Scoyen was appointed permanent superintendent.

The Nature Guide Service in Yosemite and Yellowstone had proved so successful that it was decided to extend such services to other parks. It was initiated in Zion by the writer, June 19, 1925, and continued to mid-September. There was no precedent to follow, but the work gradually grew through succeeding summers into the Naturalist Service. During the next five summers, museum collections of natural history specimens, pioneer relics, and library books gradually accumulated and a museum was established in 1928. Information concerning the history, flora, fauna and geology of the canyon was collated. Lectures at the camp ground, at the Lodge, and the guided trips along the Narrows trail were developed and pictures and lantern slides were shown.

In 1929, a mimeographed publication, the Zion-Bryce Nature Notes, was undertaken and a Natural History Association was organized to handle publications.

In 1926, daily bus service was established from Cedar City around the loop to Zion, North Rim and Bryce. The East and West Rim trails were reconstructed with better grades and locations. The W e s t Rim Trail was dedicated at a ceremony held

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

at the time of the visit of Crown Prince Gustavus and Princess Louise of Sweden, on July 11. A new road was constructed between Rockville and the Park boundary and the proposed Parunuweap road was surveyed.

In 1927, the Utah Parks Company took over the Wylie Camps at North Rim and the bus service from the Parry Brothers, and a lodge and cabins were constructed on the brink of North Rim at Bright Angel Point, so arranged that the Great View into Grand Canyon could be seen from the windows. This was completed in 1928.

In the meantime, Bryce Canyon was being developed by the Utah Parks Company under the direction of the Forest Service, in the expectation that eventually it would be transferred to the Park Service. The lodge and cabins were built some distance from the rim so that the beauties of the canyon could be preserved to best advantage. W h e n Mather yielded to pressure to allow Bryce Canyon to become a national park if all private holdings were eliminated, Congress passed a bill, June 7, 1924, providing for the establishment of a Utah National Park upon the fulfillment of Mather's conditions. The principal difficulty was that the State of Utah owned a section of land at a strategic point on the rim of the canyon. It took four years to fulfill the conditions, and before they were arranged Congress passed a revised bill, February 25, 1928, nearly doubling the size of the area and changing its name to Bryce Canyon.

W h e n it became certain that the conditions would be fulfilled, the Union Pacific arranged for a large excursion (September 1417, 1928). The party included: Carl R. Gray, president of the railroad; Stephen T . Mather, Director of the U. S. National Park Service, and Horace M. Albright, his assistant; Henry H. Blood, Chairman of the Utah State Road Commission (later Governor of Utah, 1933-1941); Congressmen Don B. Colton from Utah, and Philip D. Swing of California; Mayor John F. Bowman of Salt Lake City; Charles F. Burke, U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Thomas H. McDonald, Chief of the U. S. Bureau of Public Roads; Heber J. Grant, President of the Mormon Church, and his counselor, Anthony W . Ivins; representatives of the press, chambers of commerce and other organizations, and a host of lesser officials and advisers, including the writer.

After spending the first night in Zion, the party journeyed via Pipe Springs to the Kaibab and North Rim, where on September 15, 1928, the new Kaibab Trail and the Grand Canyon Lodge were dedicated. The next day the visitors reached Bryce Canyon where similar services were held in the evening. Congressman Don B. Colton formally presented deeds of the private land to Director Mather, who declared that the conditions having been fulfilled, Bryce Canyon had become a National Park.

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MODERN DEVELOPMENT OF ZION, BRYCE AND N O R T H R I M

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Thus the great scenic areas of southern Utah had finally been established as national parks and monuments, adequate roads and travel accommodations had been provided, and efforts had been made to give the casual tourist a deeper appreciation of the natural treasures at his disposal. Within the next few years many of the immediate projects for facilitating travel through the Park area were completed. The bridge across the Marble Gorge of Grand Canyon, a few miles below Lee's Ferry, was dedicated June 15, 1929.

The next year saw the official opening of the Zion-Mt. Carmel highway, one of the most spectacular engineering feats in the history of road-building. From the canyon floor the road turns to the east up Pine Creek Canyon and spirals upward on a four-mile roadway to a tunnel paralleling the face of the vertical cliffs for 5,613 feet. Five galleries cut from the tunnel to the canyon wall offer the motorist vantage points for viewing the awe-inspiring scenery.

Construction within the National Park cost $2,000,000; from the Park to Mt. Carmel a state and federal project, also cut in great part from solid rock, cost in excess of $500,000. Still later the road up the floor of Zion from the checking station on the main highway was reconstructed and made a modern oil-surfaced highway. Thereafter, until America's entry into World W a r II, each summer brought greater throngs of visitors into the wonderland.

At long last the nation had awakened to the greatness of the gift nature had bestowed upon it, and in future years unnumbered generations will come to marvel at the wonders of the country which is southern Utah and at the austere majesty of the Great White Throneâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;generations free from the dread and superstition that made primitive races fear its unimagined heights no less than its long shadows and dazzling brilliance in the sun.

Symbol of God's handiwork this central and most magnificent of Zion's features still hears the distant footfall of Spanish padre and American frontiersmen passing unwittingly by its dooryard; it is mindful of the day when the first Mormon pioneer lifted uncomprehending eyes to the solitude of its summit, and of that other day when religious fervor called it Zion, the dwelling place of peace. Men have come, cutting their trails, building their roads, roofing their shelters, dreaming their dreams. The human tide around its base has ebbed and flowed, according to human wont, but it remains serene, aloof, alone. It will be so a thousand years from now.

INDEX B Adams, Nate, 179, 180, 189, 190 Orza, 190 River, 127, 128 Adventure, Utah settlement, 148, 150, 151, 153 Affleck, D. A., 193 Agave, (yont), food, 119 Agriculture, 138, 148 Indian, 117, 118 Ahlstrom, brothers, 182 Albright, Horace M., 196-197,199, 201, 208 Allen, Rufus C , 144, 145 Allred, John J., 153 Alpine, Utah, 153 Alter, J. Cecil, 195 Amelanchier, (sarvis berries), 120 Ames, Clark, 144 Anderson, J., 139 Miles, 139 Mrs. Nancy, 145 Anderson's Ranch, 204 Andrus, James, aids against Indians, 168, 169, 171, 174-176 rescue expedition, 189 Animals, predatory, hunted, 192 Argonauts, 132 Armstrong, G. G., 205 Arrows, 118, 119, 121 Arizona, Northern, colonized, 166 explored, 164-166 Strip, 189 Army, Johnston's, marches to Utah, 131, 164 Arrowhead Route, 198 Trail Association, 198 Asa Creek, 142 Ash Creek, 117, 124, 127, 133, 139 Ashley, General (Wm. H.), 126 Ashton, Willams, 151, 153 Atkin, Grace, 111 Atwood, S. F., 144 Auerbach, H. S., 123, 128 Automobile roads to Southern Utah Parks, 204, 205 Averet, C. G., 153 Ayers, George, 158 Huber, 158

Baker, John, 191 Bamberger, Governor Simon, 200, 203, 205 Bancroft, H. H., 127 Barton, L., 139 William, 139 Battalion, Mormon, 153 Beale, E. H., 121, 136 Bear Valley, 128 route, 142 Bears, grizzly, 193 Beaver, 140 County protected by militia, 167 Creek, 134 Dam Wash, 127, 128 River, 127 Behunin, E. C , 112, 152, 155, 159 Isaac, 151, 155-157, 161 Berberis, fremonti, (weump berries), 120 Berry, Isabel, 170 Joe, 170 Robert, 170 Berryville, Utah, 166, 181 Bigelow, Charles H., 198 Big Springs, 190 Birch Creek, 133 Black, George, 153 "Black Hawk War," 159, 167 Black, Joseph, 151, 152, 153 explores Zion, 155 Peter, 152 Rock Canyon, 175 Rock Springs, 123 William, 153 William, Jr., 153 Bleak, James G., 149 Bliss, Orley D., 182 Blood, Henry H., 208 Bolton. H. L., 123 Bows and arrows, 118, 119, 121 Bowman, John F., 208 Bread meal, 119 Brenchley, Julius, 138 Bright Angel Point, Grand Canyon, 197, 208 Brinton, Caleb D., 180 Brooks, Juanita, 146, 165

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U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Brown, Newman, 153 Robert, 153 T. D., 144 Bryce Canyon, 201, 202 bus service to, 207 dedicated, 208 lodge and cabins built, 207, 208 made National Monument, 204 modern development of, 194-209 named, 182 publicized, 194 Bryce, Ebenezer, 182 Buckskin Mountains, 189 Bullock, David, 154 Burgess, Hyrum, 144, 145 Burial customs, Indian, 120 Burke, Charles F., 208

Cabin, log in Zion Canyon, 155, 156 Cable car across Colorado River, 192 Cable, in Zion Canyon, 161-164 mail, 162 Mountain, 163 Cactus, food, 117, 119 "Call," the, 135 Camp, Charles L., 128 Canebeds, 142 Cannon, David H., 168 George Q., 182 Grant and Company, 191 Lewis T , 192 Cannonville, Utah, 182 Canyons (see names of) Carpenter, William Hâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 153 Castle Springs, 190 Cattie ranches, 166 Cattle, stolen, 167-179 Cedar Breaks, 201, 203, 207 Cedar Canyon, 136 Cedar City, Utah, 127, 136, 160 described, 137 prepares for tourists, 202 railroad built to, 203 Toquerville road, 195 Cedar Valley, 135 Celebration, 134 pioneer, 135 Census of Southern Utah communities.

154 Center Creek, 134 Chaff ant, W . A., 132 Chamberlain, Solomon, 142 Thomas, 191

Chinle shales, 155 Chittenden, H. M., 127 Circleville Canyon, 132 Clark, E. S., 191 Oren, 169 Clayton, William, 131 Clear Creek, 127 Cleland, Robert Glass, 127, 132 Clifton, Utah, 182 Cloth, cotton made, 145-147 Clove, James, 192 Coal industry, 136 Cody "Buffalo Bill," 190, 191 Cooke, Edward, 180 Coleman, Prime T , 144 Colorado River, 127 crossed by cable car, 192 crossings established, 166 Colton, Don B., 208 Communication in Zion Canyon, 161 Com-o-it Indian tribe, 116, 117 Conservation program instituted, 187 Convicts build road, 195 Copelan, Willis, 174-176 Corn, 143 Corn Creek, 127 Cottam, Margery Brown, 180 Cotton, grown, 145-150 mill, 154 wave, 149-150 Cougers killed, 192 "Court of the Patriarchs," Zion Canyon, 155 Cove Fort, 127 Cox, Warren, 198 Coyotes killed, 192 Cram, Alex, 191 Campton, Louis C , 206 Crawford, family, 161 William, 153 Crickets eat crops, 153 Crosby, Bill, 190 Crops, 148 Indian, 120 "Crossing of the Fathers," 125 D Daines, Franklin D., 130 Dale, H. H., 127 Dalton family, 161 Dame, William H., 167 Dams, 145 Dart, John, 142 Death Valley, disaster in, 132

INDEX Dellenbaugh, Frederick Sâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 180, 186 DeMille, Oliver, 151 DeMotte, Harvey C , 190 Park, 190 Dennet, Daniel Q., 153 Dennett, family, 161 John, 99, 112, 122, 204 Mrs. John, 170, 171 Deseret, Iron Company, 136 State of proposed, 131 Disease brought to Indians, 122 Ditches, 145, 151 Dixie, 137-150, 152 Fruit Festival, 194 Dixon, Robert, 144 Dodge, Enoch, 172 Dominguez, Father, 123 Douglas, Stephen A., 131 Draper, Utah, 153 Draper, William L., 153 Duck Creek, 142 Duncan, Chapman, 139 Retreat, Utah, census 1864, 154 Utah, abandoned, 159 Dunton, J. H., 139 Dutton, Capt. Clarence E., 185

Eight-Mile Spring, 190 Eldridge, Elnathan, 144 Horace S., 150 Election, pioneer, 135 El Escalante Hotel, 202, 207 Emerald Pool Canyon, (Zion), 157, 206 Emett, Jim, 191, 192 Emigrants, gold, 132 English aristocracy urged to use Kaibab for sport, 190, 191 Erigonum inflatum. 143 Erosion at Kanab, 182 Escalante, Desert, 124 expedition, 123-126 Fray Silvestre Velez de, excerpt from journal of, 114, 117, 118, 120, 123-126, 128 Valley, 172 Evans, Richard, 207 Everett, Edward, 133 Elijah, 172

213

Expedition, against Indians, 174-176 to Zion Canyon, early, 123 Explorations of Southern Utah, early, 123-130 Mormon, 130-149 Eyring, Henry, 174

Fair, World's at St. Louis, Zion pictures at, 186, 187 Famine in "Dixie," 154 Farish, T. E., 127 Farm implements, pioneer, 157 Farming, community, 160 Farms, Indian, 117-120, 140, 141, 143 of Zion Canyon, 155 Farnsworth, Lovina, 147 Moses M., 180 Ferries established on Virgin River, 166 Fifer of Mormon Battalion, 153 Fillmore, railroad to, 203 Utah, 134 Financial, panic, effect on Utah, 159 Finch, B. J., 205, 206 Fire at Kanab fort, 180 Fish, Joseph, 172 Fisher, Frederick Vining, 198 Flag raised, Mormon, 134 Flanigan, David, 163 family, 161 Tom, 116, 153 Floods, 151, 153, 182 Forest, Kaibab National, 189-194 Fort, 145 at Kanab, 180, 181 Pearce, 124 Sanford, 169 Forts, built in Kane County, 179 Fox Creek, 142 Frauschum, Mr., 153 Fredonia, Arizona, 182, 183 Freeman, Capt., 175 Fremont, Capt. John C , explorations of, 128-130 report of, 131 Frost, Allen, 180 Fruit orchards, 148

Gallatin, Albert, 127 Galliego, Jose, 121

214

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Galloway, Nathan, 193 Game, conservation of, 192 Indian, 119 Garcia, Arzo, Expedition, 126 Gardner, Henry, 166 Georgetown, Utah, 182 Gifford, family, 161 Oliver D., 112, 156, 161, 186, 204 Samuel K., 153 Gillespie, R. H., 139 Glen Canyon Ford, 166 Glendale, Utah, 166, 181 Golding, Robert J., 150 Gould, Samuel, 133 Goulding, Daniel, 182 Gould's Ranch, 172 Grafton, Utah, 151, 154, 159 Graham, Utah, 181 Grapes, wild, 120 Grapevine Springs, 140 Grand Canyon, Cattle Company, 191 Highway Association, 196 Transportation Company, 191 Grand Canyon of the Colorado, 124, 125 artist assigned by U. S. Government, to paint, 190 auto pathfinding trip to, 193, 195, 197 bridge in, 209 bus service to, 207 Jacob's Lake Highway, 195 Lodge dedicated, 208 modern development of, 194-209 National Game Preserve, 192 Monument established, 193 Nordi Rim, early history of, 189194 publicized, 194 surveyed, 185 trail built across, 191, 192 visited by J. C. Alter, 195 West Rim Trail, 207 Grand Wash Cliffs, 166 Grant, Heber J., 202, 208 Gray, Carl R., 198, 203, 208 Grazing, in the Kaibab, 190 in Zion Canyon stopped, 200 Great Organ, Zion Canyon, 199 Great Red Arch, Zion Canyon, 161 Great White Throne, Zion Canyon, 161, 163, 199, 209 Green, Sam, 116

James, 153 Greenland Peninsula, 192 Gregory, Dr. Herbert E., 123, 185, 190 Grey, Zane, 192 Grimes, Oliver J., 201 Grist mill, 152 Grotto campground, Zion Canyon, 204, 207 Guards against Indians, 173 Guide, tourist, 192 Gunnison River, 123 Gustavus, Crown Prince, 208 Gypsum, 133 H Haight, Isaac C , 133. 147 Hall, John C , 151, 153 Thomas, 153 Halloran, W. J., 205 Halterman, S. A., 201 Hamblin, Jacob, 144, 145, 164-165 aids against Indians, 175 holds peace conference with Navajos, 177-179 in Kaibab region, 189 missionary among, Indians, 179 Hamblin, Walter, 191 Hanchett, Lafayette, 205 Hancock, Cyrus, 173, 174 Hanna, P. T , 127 Harding, President Warren G., visits Southern Utah Parks, 204 Hardy, Augustus P., 144, 145 Harmony, Utah, 143 Harriman, Edward H., 198 Harris, Mountain Pass, 142 W . R., 123 Harrison, Peter (Indian), 122 Harrows, 157 Harry, Philip, 123 Haskell, Maria Woodbury, 146 Thales H., 144,146,165 Hastele, (Indian), 177 Hatch, Ira, 144, 145 Meltair, 182 Utah, 182 Heap, G. H., 121, 136 William, 157 Heap's farm, 156 Hediondilla, (creosote bush), 124 Heller, Edmund, 203 Henefer, William, 144

215

INDEX Henrie, James, 182 Henrieville, Creek, 182 Utah, 182 Hepwordi, Thornton, Jr., 163 Hewlett, Sylvester, 133 Higbee, J. M., 171 Highway 89 prospected, 194 Highway 91; 196, 198 Logan to St. George, 194 Highways built to Southern Utah Parks, 194-209 Hillers, Jack, 186 Hillsdale, Utah, 181 Hirschi, Claud, 198 David, 186-187, 196 Hogs slaughtered, 156 Hole-in-the-Rock, 183 Home, Joseph, 147 Horses stolen, 121, 167-179 Hotel El Escalante, 202, 207 Hough, Emerson, 203 Houserock Valley, 191 Houses, adobe, 136, 189, 190 Howell, Joseph, 192 Hoyt, Silas, 166 T. C, 191, 192 Huber, Albert, 153 Edward, 153 Hunt, Capt. Jefferson, expedition, 131, 132, 135, 136 Hunting, 192, 193, 195 Indian, 118, 119 in the Kaibab, 190-193 Huntington, Al, 191 Hurricane, Fault, 124 Utah, road convention at, 196 Hyde, Orson, 131 I Implements, Indian farming, 120 Indian, baskets, 118 burial customs, 120 camps, 118 chief, 121 contribution to present culture, 113 cooking, 119 depredations, 129, 159, 165-179 force concentration of pioneers, 159 food, 117-120 grinder, 119

law, 116 moccasins, 118 myths, 112, 113 ornaments, 118 pictographs, 133 raids, 166-179 robes, 118 school, 144 squawsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;work of, 120 sugar, 119, 120 superstitions re: Zion Canyon, 112-113, 148 trading expedition, 177 treatment of the infirm, 120, 121 tribes, extinct, 122 water jugs, 118 weapons, 118, 119, 121 Indians, baptized, 145 disarmed, 171 Ingram, Lord, 191 Iron Company, Deseret, 136 Iron, County, colonized, 134 protected by militia, 167 industry, 135, 139 Military District, 167 Springs, 135 ore, 133, 134 Irrigation, 182 Indian, 120 I-u-goon, derivation of word, 115 Ivins, Anthony W., 191, 198, 205, 208

J Jacob's Lake, 189 Pool, 189 Jeffers, LeRoy, 201 Jepson, James, 159 Jennings, Henry, 175 James H., 153, 156, 161 Johnson, Benjamin, 181 George, 181 Joel H., 181 Joseph, 181 Nephi, 144,147,150,151,182 Seth, 181, 182 Sixtus E., 173 "Twist," 148 Utah, 181 William, 181 Johnston's Army, 131, 164 Jolley, Bryant, 184 Donald J., 207

216

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Henry B. Mâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 166 William J., 166 Jones, Col. C. J., (Buffalo Jones) (Buffalo Bill) 139,192, 193 Kumen, 183 Randall L., 202, 203, 205 Stephen V., 185 Jordan River, 153 Judd, Zadock, 139 K Kaibab, Indian derivation of name, 114 Land and Cattle Company, 191 National Forest, 164, 189-194 buggy driven to, 191 established, 191 stocked with cattle and horses, 190 used by English aristocracy, 190, 191 Plateau, 189 tribe, (Indian), 117 Kaibabit Indians, survivors of, 122 Kai-ne-sava, Indian spirit, 112, 113 Kanab, Creek, 166 fort, 180, 181 Indian derivation of name, 114 Trail, dedicated, 208 Utah, 166, 180, 181 erosion at, 182 raided by Indians, 168, 169 region explored, 177 resettled, 179, 180 Wash, 182 Kanarra, Indian chief, 141 source of name, 114 Utah, 133 Kane County, expanded, 179-182 explored and settled, 164-166 protected by militia, 167 Kane Springs, 189 Kenner, Dr. S. A., 151, 153 King, Wesley, 188 Klapper, Charlie, 151, 153 Klingensmith, Philip, 148 Knell, Benjamin, 144 Knight, Jesse, 192 Samuel, 144. 145 Knives, skinning, 118 Kolob Promontory, 133

Lady Mountain, Zion Canyon, 206 Lakes, (see names) Lamb, Ed., Jr., 191 Lances, Indian, 121 Lane, Franklin K., 196 Langston, Clarinda. 163 John, 153 LaVerkin Creek, 124, 128 promontory, 133 Leany, Hyrum, 119 Lee, John D , 135, 148, 179 in Kaibab region, 189 leads exploration of Virgin River, 139-141 leads southern settlement, 137-144 ranch, 181 raided, 172 setdes at Ash Creek, 143 Lee's Ferry, Arizona, 166 Lemon, James, 151 Levearskin (LaVerkin) River, 139 Lewis, David, 145 Liberty pole, 134 Limestone, 133 Lion, mountain, captured, 192, 195 Little, James, 177 Littlefield, David O., 182 Little Salt Lake, 135 Livestock, in Kaibab Forest, 190, 191 stolen by Indians, 166-179 Logan-St. George highway, 194 Long Valley, 142, 166 abandoned, 171, 172 Canyon, 142 Utah, 179, 181 Louise, Princess, 208 Lost River, 127 Lott, John, 144 Lumber transported, 161-164 Lumbering, 142 Lunt, Henry W., 197-199 M Mailcable, 162 Malse, 117, 118 Mammoth Creek, 142 Manderfield, J. H., 198 Mangum, John (Mangram), 179 Manly, William Lewis, 132 Manti, Utah, 132 Marble Gorge Bridge of the Grand Canyon of Arizona, 209

217

INDEX Marysvale Canyon, 127 Marshall, E. J., Co., 191 Massacre, 170 Mather, Stephen T , 197, 202, 206, 208 Maxwell, W . B., 166, 171 Maxwell's ranch raided, 172 Mabey, Charles R., 205 Mayo, Tommy (Indian), 114 McArthur, D. D., 174 McConnell, Jehiel, 179 McDonald, Graham, 192, 193 Thomas, 208 McFate, Jim, 153 Joe, 153 McKinnon, Major, 191 Mclntyre, Robert, 168-169, 189 Means, Howard C , 205, 206 Measles among the Indians, 122 Meeks, Priddy, 142, 166 Merriam, C. H., 127 Mestes Expedition, 126 Mexican W a r , 130 Mill, cotton, 154 flour, 152 molasses, 153 saw, 181 steam, 190 shingle, 163 Military posts established in Southern Utah, 173 Militia, in Southern Utah, organized against Indians, 137, 167-176 Millard County, 115 Millett, Alma, 151 Joseph, 153 Milmey, Lord, 191 Minerals, iron, 133 Mission sites located by Escalante, 125, 126 Missionaries, Mormon, 144-149 Missionary expedition, between the Virgin and Colorado Rivers, 164-166 Mitchell, Dr. Charles, 182 Moccasin, Arizona, 166 Springs, 180 Moencopi, 178 Molasses mill, 153 Monument, National, Act, 187 Zion Canyon made, 164 Monuments, National, 187, 191, 193 Moqui Indians, mission to, 164-166

Mojave Desert, 127 Moran, Thomas, 190 Morgan, Dale L., 131 John, 180 Mormon, Battalion, 131, 153 missionaries among Indians, 144149, 179 policy re: Indians, 137 settlement, early, 130-151 Trail, 131 Mormons, colonize Southern Utah, 135 effect of upon Paiute government, 122 explore Southern Utah, 130-149 Morris, Hyrum, 153, 158 Mountain Meadows, 128 visited by Fremont, 129 Mountains, (see names of) Mt. Carmel, Highway, 209 Utah, 166, 181 Mount Zion, 206 Muddy River, 128 Mukuntuweap, (see Zion Canyon) Munk, Mrs. Eunice, 157 Peter, 152 Murdock, and Fotheringham, Beaver, Utah, 191 John R., 144 Museum at Zion Canyon, 207 Musser, Milton A., 180 Mustache, Frank, (Indian), 114, 115 N Names, place, in Zion, 199 National Monument Law, 187 National Monuments, 191, 193 Zion Canyon made, 187 National Park Transportation and Camping Company, 203 Naturalist Service, 207 Navajo Indian, depredations, 167-179 hold peace conference, 177 raids, 166-179 Navajo Indians unfriendly to missionaries, 165 Neff, Andrew L., 131 Neihardt, J. G., 127 Neslen, C. Clarence, 202 New Harmony, Utah, 145 Newman, Elijah, 151, 153, 161

218

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Noble, Edward A., 180 North Rim of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado, early history of, 189-194 Highway in, 195 Northrop, Utah, 151, 154, 159

O Oak Creek, 148 Oak Spring, 190 Observation Point, Zion Canyon, 18/ Occupations, pioneer, 138 Old Grafton, Utah, abandoned, 151 Old Spanish Trail, established, 126, 128 Ookie berries, 120 Orderville, Utah, 183 Otter Creek, 140 Otters, 140 Owen, Jim "Uncle," 192, 198

Pah-Utah Indians (Paiute), 121 Pahvant Valley, 115 Paiute Indians, cultivation, 140, 141 depredations, 167-179 legends, 113 Mormon effect upon, 122 territory occupied by, 113, 114 mode of life, 115, 116 Palmer, William R., 114, 116, 117 Panguitch Lake, 141 Utah, 128 fortified, 170 re-settled, 181 Valley, 142 Paragonah, Utah, 128, 132, 136 Parashont Mountains, 189 Parks, Southern Utah, history of, 184209 Park-to-Park Highway conference, 203 Paria, (Pahrea) Indian derivation of name, 114 River, Lee's Ferry at, 189 Utah, 114, 179 Parowan, Canyon, 135, 141 Utah, 134, 137, 171 Par-roos River, Indians of, 117 Parrusis Indians, 117, 118 Parrusit Indians, habits and customs, 115-122 survivor of, 122 Parunuweap Canyon, 147 Indian derivation of name, 114 settlement, 155

Parry, Chauncey, 199, 203 Gronway, 203 Pathfinder tour to Grand Canyon, 195, 197 Peace council, Navajo, 177 Pearce, J. D. L., 173-175 Pearce's Ferry, 166 Pendleton, Mark A., 184 Peopling of Little Salt Lake Valley, celebration, 134 Petty, Albert, 152, 153, 159 Frank, 164 Frank, Jr., 164 George, 151 Photographer, pioneer, 179 of Zion, (Major J. W . Powells Exploration Party), 186 Phragmites (Indian sugar), 119, 120 Pilar River, 117 Pinchot, Gifford, 187 Pine Creek route road, 206 Pine nuts, 120 Pine Spring, 190 Pioneer, farm instruments, 157 occupations, 138 wagon raided by Indians, 172, 173 Pipe Springs, Arizona, 166, 180 council of war at, 171 Place names, Indian, 114, 115 in Zion Canyon, 199 Spanish, 128 Pleasant Valley, 142 Plows, hand, 157 Pollock, Samuel, 147 Polygamy, 183 Potato Valley, (Escalante), 172 Powell, Maj. J. W., 114, 177, 180, 185, 186, 190 Pratt, Orson, 131, 150, 151 Parley P., 132, 136, 144, 148 exploration of Southern Utah, 133-134 Prunus, (choke cherries), 120

Quinnarrah, Indian chief, 141

Railroads, built in Southern Utah, 203 developed in Northern Utah, 138

INDEX Railroad officials visit National Parks, 197 Red Creek, 132, 135 Red Desert, 124 Reeves, Josiah, 147 Remy, Jules, 138, 146 Richards, Franklin D., 136 Richie, Robert, 144 Riddle, Isaac, 144 Rider, John, 180 Rigg Springs, 190 Riggs, B. A., 162 William, 147 "Rio de Los Angeles," 128 Rio del Pilar (Ash Creek), 124 Rio Virgin Manufacturing Company, 154 Rishel, W . D , 195, 197 Rivers, (see names) Road, Commission, Utah State established, 194 Commissioner, Utah State, 199 concrete, 205 convention, 196 through Zion Canyon, 158, 162 wagon, 134, 194 Roads, to Southern Utah Parks, 204, 205 constructed, 194-209 Federal aid for, 204, 205 Robinson, Richard, 144-145 Rock Creek, 134 Rockville, Utah, 116,151, 153, 154, 171 Rolf, John, 157, 159, 161 Roosevelt, President Theodore enacts National Monument Act, 187 in Grand Canyon, 195 Ross, George, 179 Roundy, Lorenzo W . , 144, 169, 189 Rubus, (raspberries), 120 Ruesch, Walter, 200, 202, 205, 207 Russell, family, 161 Harold, 207 Major, 173 Rust, David D., 188, 191, 192, 193

Salina Canyon, 128 Salt Lake Tribune sponsors auto pathfinding tour to Southern Parks, 195, 197 San Juan, County explored, 183

219

River settlements, 183 Santa Clara Creek, 127, 133 dam, 145 Santa Clara, Indian Reservation, 122 Mission, 148 River, 128, 140 route used by Jedediah S. Smith, 127 Valley, 140 Saunders, B. F., 191 Savage, C.R., (pioneerphotographer), 179 Sawmill, 164, 181, 190 Scoyen, E. T , 207 Scutumpah, Utah, 181 Seegmiller, Carol, 184 Dan., 190, 191 Emma, 184 William W., 114 Sevier River, 127, 128, 132, 141 country raided, 169 Sevy, George W . , 181 Sheep stolen, 167 Shelton, Marion J., 165 Shin-na'wav (Indian Spirit), 112, 113 Shingle mill, 163 Shivwits Indians, 112, 117 survivors of, 122 "Shunes" (Indian), 151 Shunesburg, Utah, 150, 151, 153-155, 159 derivation of name, 114 Shurtz, Peter, 143, 169, 189 Silver Reef, Utah, 122 Skins, used for clodiing, 118 Skull Cap Valley, 142 Slavery, Indian, 121 Smith, George A., 135, 150, 205 visits Kanab, 179 George Albert, Jr., 165 J. C. L., 141 Jedediah Strong, 117, 128, 148 expedition, 126, 127 John L., 142 Joseph, 131, 157 Silas S., 169, 170 Thomas S., 135 Smoot, Reed, 192, 196, 202 Snow, Erastus, 136, 150, 167 General of Militia, 173, 175 Joseph Sâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 198 Leo A., 187,202 Soap Creek, 114 Southern Utah,

220

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

and Arizona Parks linked by road, 204, 205 colonized by Mormons, 135 early explorations of, 123-130 early Mormon settlement in, 130151 Indians, 111-123 martial law declared in, 170 Parks, history of, 184-209 Parley P. Pratt's exploration of, 133-134 roads constructed in, 194, 209 settlements, abandoned, 159 Spanish Fathers' explorations, 123-126 Spanish place names, 128 Spanish Trail, Old, established, 126, 128 Spencer, D. S., 197 Spencer, Howard O., 184 Springdale, Utah, 151, 153, 154, 159, 161 Springs, hot sulphur, 124 Spry, Governor William, 194, 197, 198, 202 Squashes, 117,143 Staples, George, 153 State of Deseret proposed, 131 Steele, John, 139, 141, 173 Stevens, Amos, 153 Barney, 153 Charles, 153 Ezra, 152, 153 Henry, 153 Hyrum, 151, 153, 172 Stewart, George R., 182 Isaac, 150 Levi, 178-180 ranch and sawmill, 190 Margery, 180 Quinby, 164 Scott P., surveying party, 164 St. George, Utah, setded, 149 Dixie Fruit Festival at, 194 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Logan Highway, 194 Stockraising, 138 Stocks, Henry, 151, 153 Stout, Alfred P., 163 Eliza, 163 family, 161 Lionel, 163 Mrs. Mary Jane, 163 Strawberry Creek, 142 Strong, Ezra, 153, 166

Hyrum, 153 Sullivan, Maurice, 117, 127 Sulphur Creek, 128 River, 124 Summit Creek Canyon, 135 Surveying, expedition to Zion Canyon, 187 party in Zion Canyon, 164 Swains Creek, 142 Swing, Phillip D., 208

Tamarisk trees, 124 Taylor, Orson, 158 "Temple of Sinawava", Zion Canyon, 155, 206 "Temples and Towers of die Virgin", Zion Canyon, 185 Tenney, Nathan, 151 Terry, family, (John R.) 161 Jacob E., 153 James P., 153 Thaxton, James, 153 Thompson, William, 180 Thorley, Richard A., 199, 202 Thornton, Amos G., 144 J. W., 152 Three Patriarchs, Zion Canyon, 199 Tillohash, Tony, (Indian) 112, 115 Tobacco, wild, 156 Tonaquint, Utah, 145, 147, 148 Tonaquintit Indians, 117 Toquer, Chief, 144 Toquerville, source of name, 114 Utah, setded, 147 setders, move to, 171 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Cedar City road, 195 Tourist busses, 207 guide, 192 travel in Parks, 207 Trail built across Grand Canyon of die Colorado, 191, 192 Mormon, 131 Old Spanish, established, 126, 128 Trails in Zion Canyon, 206 Trappers, 126, 128 Transportation to Zion Canyon, mode of, 158 Travel in Parks, 207 Tropic, Utah, 182 Trumbull Mountains, 189 Tufts, W . O., 199 Tullis, David, 144 Tunnel in Zion Road, 206 Tut-se-gavits, Indian chief, 121

221

INDEX U Uinkarets Indians, 117, 122 Union Pacific Railroad, 197, 198 excursion to Bryce Canyon, 208 expands in Southern Utah, 203 United Order, for all die world, 158 United Order, Beaver, Utah, 160 Cedar City, Utah, 160 Fillmore, Utah, 160 Mt. Carmel, Utah, 183 Nephi, Utah, 160 Orderville, Utah, 183 Parowan, Utah, 160 Price City, Utah, 160 Rockville, Utah, 160 St. George Stake, 160 Springdale, Utah, 161 Virgin, Utah, 160 Washington, Utah, 160 Ungatuweep, (derivation of word) 114, 115 U. S. Biological Survey, hunters for, 192 Forest Service builds road, 195 Geological Survey of Grand Canyon of the Colorado and Zion, 184, 185 National Park Service established, 196 "Utah Dixie" developed, 145-147-150 Utah Lake, 123, 127 Utah, Parks company, 203, 206, 208 National Park, 208 Southern, explored by Mormons, 130-149 State Penitentiary, 195 State Road Commission established, 194 Ute ford, Glen Canyon, 166 Indians, 130 depredations, 167-169 organization of Ute Nations, 115

V "V. T. Park," 190 Vermillion cliffs, Zion Canyon, 161 Virgin City, Utah, 154, 171 Virgin River, Indian name for, 114 Spanish name for, 128 discovered by Escalante, 124, 127 explored, 133, 139-141, 147 ferries established on, 166 guards placed on, 175 Indians, 117

route taken by Fremont, 128, 129 traveled by Jedediah S. Smitfi, 127 used for irrigation, 151 Virgin, Thomas, 128 Utah, 147

W Wadsworth, William, 133 W a g o n roads in disrepair, 194 W a g o n trains raided by Indians, 172, 173 Wai-no-pits, Indian spirit, 113 Walker, Charles L., I l l , 152 diary of, 168-169 Chief, 130 W a r , 136, 137 Wallace, Grant, 192 War, Black Hawk, 159, 166, 167 Indian, 136, 137, 159, 166, 167 Mexican, 130 W a r m Valley, 143 Wasatch Mountains crossed by Escalante, 123 W a s h basin, pioneer, 156 Washington, County, protected by Militia, 167 roads built in, 195 Fields, 140 Utah, 154 W a y n e Wonderland, 201, 207 Weather, 133, 139 Webb, C. Y., 139 Wells, Junius, 190 W e s t Rim Trail, 207 W e s t Temple, Zion Canyon, 186 W e u m p berries, 120 White, Douglas, 196, 198, 199 Whitlock, Hardin, 151, 153 Whitmore, Dr. James M., 150, 166, 168, 169, 189 Whitney, F . T., 142 Wickiups, 118 Wilkins, James, 179 Willis, Joshua T , 147 Wilson, George D., 181 Pres. Woodrow, 201 Winder, John, 163, 205, 206 Winsor, A. P., 172 Utah, 166, 181 Wittwer, Samuel, 158 Wolf-god, (Indian spirit), 112, 113 Wolfskill, William, 128 Wolves killed, 192 Woodbury, Dr. Angus M., sketch, 111, 127

222

U T A H STATE HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Woolley, E. D., 188, 191-193 Edwin G., 176, 192, 193 Franklin B., 171 Wylie, Camp, 199, 204 Grove, Zion Canyon, 206 W. W., 203

York Asa 153 Young, Brigham, 131, 147, 148, 157, 158, 160, 179-181, 191 John R., 184 John W., 175, 190 Willis, 147 Yount, George C , 128 Yubincariri Indians, 117

"Zionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Bryce Nature Notes", 207 Zion Canyon (see Mukuntuweap) abandoned, 159 agricultural development of, 155 cable, 161-164 dedicated, 202 early history of, 185-209 first passable road to, 199 first settler in, 155, 156 first white man to enter, 147, 158 first white man to explore, 152 geological formation of, 155

grazing stopped in, 200 highway constructed in, 205-209 horse and buggy trip dirough, 188 Indian name for, 114, 115, 161 Indian superstitions re: 112-113 last families to live in, 161 lodge and cabins built in, 155, 156, 206, 207 mail service, 161, 162 modern development of, 194-209 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Mt. Carmel Highway, 209 museum, 207 named, 158 name changed, 201, 202 National Monument, 187 Naturalist Service, 207 paintings exhibited at World's Fair, 186, 187 promontory, 133 publicized, 194 roads in, 158, 162, 188, 189, 196, 199, 200, 205, 207 scenic points named, 199 settlements of, 150-161 superintendents and rangers appointed, 207 surveyed, 164, 187 trails built in, 206 travel increases, 203 visited by Brigham Young, 157, 158 visited by Governor Spry, 195, 196 visited by railroad officials, 197