Utah Historical Quarterly Volume 24, Number 1-4, 1956

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY A . R. MORTENSEN EDITOR

Vol. XXIV 1956

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY 337 STATE CAPITOL SALT LAKE CITY. UTAH

1956

COPYRIGHT 1956

Utah State Historical Society

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY VOL. XXIV CONTENTS ARTICLES

The Search for the Fabulous in the Settlement of the Southwest, by George P. Hammond _ Taxable Income in Utah, 1862-1872, by Leonard J. Arrington The History of Isaac Sorensen; Selections from a Personal Journal, edited by A. N . Sorensen An Historical Epilogue Bernard A. DeVoto; Recollection and Appreciation,

by Darrell J. Greenwell The President's Report, by Joel E. Ricks Centennials, by A. R. Mortensen _ Journals of the Legislative Assembly, Territory of Utah Seventh Annual Session, 1857-1858, compiled by Everett L. Cooley 107, 237, The Passing of the Streetcar, by C. W . McCullough Clarence King's Fortieth Parallel Survey, by Richard A. Bartlett The Driving of the Golden Spike The End of the Race, by Bernice Gibbs Anderson

1 21 49 71 81 85 105

339 123 131 149

The Proceedings at Promontory Summit, from the Deseret News, May 19, 1869

152

List of Persons Present, Promontory, Utah, May 10, 1869, by Hugh F. O'Neil

157

The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society in Pioneer Utah, by Leonard J. Arrington

165

A History of the Utah State Bureau of Criminal Identification, by Robert M. Gray

171

Mormons and Gentiles on the Atlantic, by Philip A. M. Taylor

195

Bibliographers' Choice of Books on Utah and the Mormons, by J. Cecil Alter

215

Salt Lake City in 1880: A Census Profile, by William Mulder 233 Orson Pratt, Pioneer and Proselyter, by T. Edgar Lyon...261 Utah Presidential Elections, 1896-1952, by Frank H. Jonas and Garth N. Jones 289 Handcarts to Utah, 1856-1860, by LeRoy R. Hafen 309 The Settlement of Cache Valley, by Joel E. Ricks 319 John M. Bernhisel and the Territorial Library _ 359 REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS HISTORICAL NOTES

88, 181, 274, 363 101, 189, 284

INDEX

370

ILLUSTRATIONS George P. Hammond

3

Warren Hussey, Joseph R. Walker, William Jennings, W. H. Hooper

29

Brigham Young, Alfred Cumming, John Taylor, Heber C. Kimball

107

J. Cecil Alter Joel Edward Ricks

215 „

319

T H E S E A R C H FOR T H E F A B U L O U S I N T H E SETTLEMENT OF THE S O U T H W E S T

BY GEORGE P.

HAMMOND"

I

T IS a very great pleasure to be your guest tonight, on the occasion of the annual meeting of the Utah State Historical Society; it has always been a joy for me to visit this state, in part for rather personal reasons, and in part for more general, historical reasons. T h e personal stems from the fact that the young lady who became my wife was born in Ogden, where her family had lived for some time—not exactly in the pioneer days, it is true, though Ogden then boasted of the overland railroad, the traffic it carried, the immigrants who followed its rails westward, and the people who gained employment from it.

For more general reasons, Utah is of interest to every historian of the west. Historically, it figured as the northern edge of the Spanish Empire, claimed but not explored till the Escalante expedition of 1776, and not yet occupied when the Mexican W a r severed it from its ancient roots in Mexico and Spain. Even before that war ended, however, it had become the mecca of the Mormon pioneers seeking a haven in the west; and it figured in the great Compromise of 1850, when the nation was on the verge of separating into two warring camps over the slavery issue. T h e compromise provided that the enormous piece of territory obtained from Mexico should be divided into two territories, Utah and New Mexico, without restriction as to slavery. That is, the people of each were to decide the question of slave or free status for itself. These two territories at that time did not resemble the present states, for the entire Mexican Cession, from Texas to the California border, was slit lengthwise, like a banana, from east to west, the southern half being called New Mexico and the northern half, Utah. *Dr. Hammond is director of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, California, and professor of history in that institution. He is the editor and author of many volumes dealing with the history of the great southwest The above was the principal address delivered at the fourth annual meeting of the Utah State Historical Society, October 22, 1955.

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These ideas suggest that two great streams of historySpanish from the south and Anglo from the east, met in this Rocky Mountain area; though dormant for so long, Spain's claim had extended indefinitely northward; then, in the nineteenth century, that spirit of manifest destiny which had propelled the American frontier relentlessly westward, caught up with Spain s declining power and swept the entire region, as the climax ot a war with Mexico, into its grasp.

But whether we think of Utah as a dormant and virtually unknown portion of the Spanish colonial dominion or as one of the newest members in the American galaxy of states, its peculiar characteristics of desert, mesa, mountain, and eroded rock, often colored with the hues of the rainbow, make it a part historically and geographically of what we call the southwest. And the vigor and independence of its people, no matter whence they may have come, reveal its true western pioneer spirit.

It is now more than thirty years since I came into this southwestern field of history, guided by a great teacher, Herbert Eugene Bolton. Into his seminar came students from all over the country, as many of you know, including many from the state of Utah. In my student days there were such men as Andrew L. Neff, for many years a professor at the University of Utah; William J. Snow, later, professor of history at Brigham Young University; LeRoy R. Hafen, long-time director of the Colorado State Historical Society; Thomas C. Romney, director of the Institute of Religion at the State Agricultural College at Logan; Leland H. Creer, professor of history at the University of Utah and head of the department. In the succeeding years there were many others. Some of them may be in this audience tonight. There were Milton R. Hunter, Gregory Crampton, Brigham Madsen, George Ellsworth, Dello Dayton, Richard Poll, Everett Cooley, and others.

It was a stimulating environment. Professor Bolton had that peculiar touch—almost a touch of genius—that convinced nearly every student that his particular contribution, no matter how small, was really the most important thing in the world.

W i t h some of that seminar enthusiasm, I took up the study of the founding of New Mexico, of which very little was then known. There were a few pages in Josiah Gregg's great work,

GEORGE P. HAMMOND

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The Commerce of the Prairies, published in 1844, relating to early New Mexico, based on a single document that he had found in the archives at Santa Fe, a document which has since disappeared from that archive. This was Juan de Onate's petition of October 21, 1595, in which he asked the viceroy, in the name of the king, for the position of governor and captain general of the new region, and stated in detail the conditions under which he proposed to make the conquest. This was an interesting document, a choice bit of source material, but where was the rest of the story? It was not to be found in general works on New Mexico; it did not exist in the Mexican archives, for which Bolton's Guide' was so adequate; but by good fortune the missing record did exist in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, Spain, where I was afterwards privileged to spend a year on a fellowship from the University of California, the Native Sons of the Golden W e s t Traveling Fellowship in Pacific Coast History.

Any discussion of the southwest, its exploration and settlement, brings to mind Spain's tremendous record in the New World in the sixteenth century. This century, as you will recall, had been Spain's Golden Age, the period of Cervantes' Don Quijote, the time of Ferdinand and Isabella's Conquest of Granada, bringing to a climax Spain's long fight against the Moor; it was the time also of organization of the national state under Ferdinand and Isabella, centralizing power in the Crown; it was a period of great religious fervor, when everyone must be brought to believe in the one true God, according to the Catholic dogma. Spain believed in these things. Thus, with church and state well organized, the Crown was in a position to exploit fully the discovery of America, which came, as if by divine favor, in the later years of the rule of this unique pair, Ferdinand and Isabella. Columbus' discovery in 1492 opened a new world, not only to Spain, but to all the world. But it was Spain's opportunity to exploit it before any other.

In the first half of the sixteenth century came the original occupation of the W e s t Indies Islands, immediately after the discovery of America by Columbus; then followed the explorax Herbert E. Bolton. Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico. Washington, 1913.

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tion of the northern coast of South America, the Florida area, the Caribbean Sea, and those celebrated voyages into the Gulf of Mexico that led to the expedition of Hernan Cortes and the discovery and conquest of the native civilizations of Mexico and Central America, an adventure story that has ever been one or die celebrated chapters of world history, a tale that makes Robinson Crusoe pale into insignificance by comparison. Cortes exploits were duplicated in a measure in Central America, where the noted Pedrarias conquered the natives widi a cruel and ruthless hand; in Guatemala, where Pedro de Alvarado subjugated a kingdom; in Peru, where Francisco de Pizzarro, descendant of a family so poor and lowly that he has been called the Swineherd of Estremadura, broke the power of the Inca Empire and reduced it to allegiance to Spain; in Chile, where Pedro de Valdivia began the conquest of the indomitable Araucanian Indians; or in New Granada (the modern Colombia), where Gonzalo Jimenez de Quesada established the power of the Spanish king in the fabled land of the Chibchas. 2 Here originated the tale of El Dorado, popularized by Adolph Bandelier as The Gilded Man, where, in a religious ceremonial, a native chieftain, bedaubed with mud and sprayed with gold dust, dived into a lake to wash of the golden dust and so propitiate the gods.

These events had come to pass by the middle of the sixteenth century. The second half was marked not only by further conquests, but by consolidation of what had been gained. Among the new areas that came into view was the distant New Mexico, of which marvelous tales had been heralded by frontiersmen and explorers for half a century, tales which envisioned lands to exploit and peoples to convert.

First of these storytellers was Cabeza de Vaca, a castaway of the Panfilo de Narvaez expedition to Florida. This Vaca had been stranded by shipwreck on the Texas Coast in 1528, lived among the Indians of the Gulf Coast till he made his escape and returned to Mexico in 1536 by way of Mexico's west coast, full of romantic stories of what had happened in that fabulous but dangerous frontier; and tales of the land and 2 See for example German Arclniegas. The Knight of El Dorado. New York, 1942. A delightful story.

T H E SEARCH FOR THE FABULOUS

5

its people, according to rumors he had picked up along the way, as well as to what he had seen. 3 W e shall never know all of Vaca's stories, for he told some to his barber and other gossips, and still others to the officials of the government, few of which have been recorded. W e do know what happened, however, and that was the sending, by the viceroy of Mexico, of Fray Marcos de Niza on a great reconnoitering expedition to the north to verify Vaca's reports and to search for the fabled Seven Cities, thought to exist in the north somewhere.

The legend of the Seven Cities, with all their gold, originated in medieval Europe. 4 W i t h the discovery of America, they skipped from place to place, from the W e s t Indies to Mexico, but always beyond the horizon, until Fray Marcos now sought to find them on this trip. As he plodded along with his guide Estevanico and some Indians in modern Sonora, he sent Estevanico on ahead to reconnoiter and arranged to communicate with him by signs. That is, if Estevanico found good news, he was to send back an Indian bearing a small cross; if more important news, a larger cross; and if he should discover a country richer than Mexico itself, a great cross. Lo and behold, four days later an Indian messenger brought Fray Marcos a cross "as high as a man" and urged die friar to push forward at once. Fray Marcos did so, and is supposed finally to have approached Zuni, in New Mexico, but to have seen the pueblo only from a distance, for the Zunians were hostile, had killed Estevanico, and his fleeing companions did not need to urge Fray Marcos to flee for his life. It may be that he had seen Zuni in a mirage, a common characteristic of the dry, mountain country, as all of us who have lived in it can testify. In any case, Fray Marcos, on his return to Mexico, gilded his narrative profusely with stories of rich cities. The Seven Cities, indeed, now were 3

One of the best known of the recent books on this adventurer is Morris Bishop. The Odyssey of Cabeza de Vaca. New York, 1933. More scholarly Is Cleve Hallenbeck. The Journey and Route of the First European to Cross the Continent of North America. Glendale, Calif., 1939.

Portuguese navigators sought these Seven Cities in the unknown Atlantic in the fifteenth century, without success, and also an Island called Antilia, supposed to be very rich. E. G. Bourne. Spain in America. New York, 1904.

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given the name Cibola, a new word which he had heard from the Indians. Ever since then it has been applied to Zuni and the group of pueblos that surrounded it in ancient times.

"The city," wrote Fray Marcos, "is larger than the city of Mexico . . . The doorways to the best houses have many decorations of turquoises, of which there is a great abundance." According to what the friar heard, "Cibola is a big city in which there are many people, streets, plazas, that in some sections of the city there are very large houses ten stories high . . . They say that the houses are of stone and lime . . . that the portals and fronts of the chief houses are of turquoise." 5 Let it be noted that the friar's excited listeners apparently failed to grasp the fact that while the friar had seen the town, he had not seen its riches. He had only heard about them from the Indians.

But such was the atmosphere of the sixteenth century, an atmosphere supercharged with dreams.—dreams of Indian souls to convert and Indian gold to exploit.

W i t h the return of Fray Marcos to Mexico, the viceroy lost no time in organizing and sending out the Coronado expedition the very next year, 1540. At Cibola, Spanish hopes were dashed.

Coronado himself, distinguished by a gilded helmet, was struck down by an Indian warrior from a terrace, though the soldiers soon captured the town. But it had no turquoise-studded doors, no ten-story houses; there were only adobe buildings, poor in Spanish eyes.

Now Coronado sent out his captains to explore, while he settled down with the headquarters detachment of his army at Tiguex, about twenty miles north of present-day Albuquerque.

They explored as far as the Grand Canyon of the Colorado on the west to Kansas in the east. They heard of numerous kingdoms, especially of golden Quivira—reputed to have so much gold that the ordinary dishes were made of "wrought plate," the pitchers and bowls of solid gold, and the chief of the kingdom slept under a tree laden with little golden bells that lulled him to rest during his siesta. W h a t a dream—Golden Quivira!

5 There are several translations of the Niza narrative, the most recent by George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey in Narratives of the Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. Albuquerque, 1940.

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This kingdom was sought for so long and was so well publicized that it became an established point on the maps of European mapmakers. They might locate it anywhere from Kansas to California, but there it was—a definite place on the chart. Elusive? Yes, indeed, but for future explorers a lodestone of magic power. 6 The Coronado venture was soon forgotten. Such forgetfulness was made easy by the colossal events about to be revealed as the curtain of history opened on another scene. This scene was played on Mexico's northern frontier, on the hills around modern Zacatecas, 150 miles northwest of Mexico City, then the home of hostile Indians, but where Spanish miners and cattlemen had begun to penetrate. In the conflict that ensued between white man and red, an Indian woman, so the story goes, who had been befriended by a Spainard, revealed the existence of a lode of silver ore. This was the famous Bufa at the top of one of the hills of Zacatecas. Here was treasure—treasure such as the Spainards had not yet found in Mexico, and miners flocked in.

All of northern Mexico came under the pick of the prospector.

The Indians were pushed back, or pacified and civilized, settlements followed, with cattle ranches and the usual accompaniments of a frontier society. Northern Mexico became famous for silver production. 7 Even today, promoters diligently invite people to invest money in Mexican mines-—there must be more where there was so much at one time!

The steady progression of settlements northward from Mexico City in search of silver and gold led more and more people into the new country, and soon more accurate information was available of what the land and its people were like. There came rumors, too, picked up in Chihuahua and reported to Mexico City, of more distant inland regions, where there were people who lived in houses many stories high, who wore clothes, who, in There are two translations of the Coronado documents. The first was George Parker Winship's, "The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542," in Fourteen^ Annual Report, Part I, Bureau of Ethnology. Washington, 1896; the other by George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, cited above.

7 H. H. Bancroft, History of Mexico (6 vols., San Francisco, 1883-89), II, chap. 26. For a recent study, see Philip W. Powell, Soldiers, Indians, and Stiver (Berkeley, 1952), chap. 1.

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short, must be rich and numerous and worthy of exploitation and civilizing.8 These rumors had reference to the Indians of die present New Mexico and Arizona, people who lived in great houses, in marked contrast to the wild and uncivilized Indians of northern Mexico. Now, at last, there seemed to loom up on the distant horizon another kingdom such as Cortes had found in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru. Today we recognize that to these men the wish was father to the thought—we know so much more about the southwest than they did. But the sixteenth century was not practical or scientific, but rather romantic and idealistic. Anything was possible. Had this not been proved by many, many conquerors—Columbus, Cortes, Pizarro, and others?

So when, in 1580, miners and slave hunters had reached modern Chihuahua—slaves were needed to work the mines— and the rumors of these new kingdoms persisted (just as they had in Coronado's day)'—plans were set on foot by a friar, Agustin Rodriquez, to investigate. Permission to make the exploration was obtained by the friar, and the soldiers went along for his protection; that is the official story. Practically we know that by the new laws of 1542 and the new regulations of 1573, the oldtime expeditions such as had been made by Coronado, De Soto, and many others, were no longer legal, and it became necessary to adopt different procedures to gain permission to visit the unexplored frontier.9 It was for this reason that all the expeditions after this date had a strong tone of religious leadership, although the presence of the soldiers and captains of industry made the search for new silver mountains, or new centers of Indian population, equally certain.

On this basis New Mexico, as this northern region was now being called, was rediscovered. In 1580-81, Friar Agustin Rodriguez, two other friars, and Captain Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado with less than a dozen companions, peacefully invaded New Mexico and visited all the pueblos before returning to report 8 An excellent summary of this movement is found in Herbert E. Bolton.

The Spanish Borderlands. New Haven, 1921.

9 Both of these codes were published in the Pacheco y Cardenas, Collection de Documentos Ineditos . . . de Indies, XVI. Madrid, 1871. Henry Stevens and Fred W. Lucas translated them in The New Laws of the Indies. London, 1893.

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on their remarkable discovery. T o them and their generation it was a discovery, for knowledge of what Coronado had done forty years earlier had been so thoroughly buried in government archives, in short, so completely forgotten, that now it was not even suspected he had been in this same land.10 The very next year, 1582, another expedition visited New Mexico. It was headed by Antonio de Espejo representing the military and Bernardino Beltran representing the church. The immediate reason for the trip was anxiety over the fate of two friars who had chosen to remain among the Pueblo Indians in order to begin the Chistianization of the people. Espejo, a merchant by profession, wanted to explore; and this he did, visiting the entire pueblo area from Pecos on the east to the Moquis on the west, and to Taos on the north. The reports of this band as to the wealth of the land and the many people who lived there were so encouraging that the Crown in Spain, by royal decree, authorized the "pacification and settlement" of New Mexico, and instructed the viceroy to find a suitable leader to carry it out. 11 Now followed a spirited contest for the position of "governor and captain general" of New Mexico. It might also be likened to the nomination of a presidential candidate by a political party in the United States today, as candidates tossed their hats into the ring. The final selection of the successful candidate was made by the viceroy of Mexico, who kept in close touch with the Council of the Indies and the Crown in such matters. But as the official who represented the king directly, he made the choice, and he issued the instructions for the conquest, in conformity with the laws regulating such matters.

T h e conquest of so rich a province demanded the attention of the highest officials, both of Mexico and Spain.

Eight or ten influential men offered to make the expedition, largely at their own cost: Lomas y Colmenares, a big cattle baron; Urdinola, a governor and military chief; Onate, 10 A member of the party, Hernan Gallegos, kept a diary of the expedition; published by the Historical Society of New Mexico, Santa Fe, 1927, translated by Hammond and Rey. ^Expedition into New Mexico Made by Antonio de Espejo. George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, tr. Los Angeles (Quivira Society), 1929. See also Herbert E. Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest (New York, 1916), 161-95.

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who had taken part in the subjugation of the wild Indians of Nueva Galicia and whose father and grandfather had opened up great silver mines around Zacatecas; ambitious soldiers like Hernan Gallegos, who had gone on the first exploration in 1581; and there was the merchant adventurer, Antonio de Espejo— who headed the expedition in 1582. But the man nominated was Juan de Onate of Zacatecas, whose family moved in the same social and political circles as the viceroy himself. In other words, Onate was not only a man of wealth and experience, but also had good connections, and the viceroy chose him to undertake the great adventure. 12 Onate's petition to the viceroy asking to be appointed governor and offering to do so largely at his own expense was drawn up in accordance with the laws and ordinances regulating new conquests, particularly the laws of 1573.

These laws had set an entirely new pattern of conquest.

Hereafter, any expedition that might be sent into the Indian country should seek only the conversion of the heathen, not discovery of mines or subjugation of the native people.

It shall not be my purpose on this occasion to dwell in detail on the events of the Onate expedition to New Mexico. This I have done in some published books, but I do wish to make a few general observations to illustrate the significance of the expedition and the importance attached to it by the Spanish government.

In my judgment, it would be a fair comparison to say that the Onate expedition was as important as that of Hernan Cortes which conquered Mexico in 1519. Cortes had set out to conquer new kingdoms, and had stumbled on the great Aztec society in the valley of Mexico. Onate had reports of kingdoms too, apparently verified by several reconnoitering expeditions. There was this difference: Cortes acted pretty much as a private entrepreneur, in the name of the king, whereas Onate went with the blessing of the Crown itself, and with the government paying the costs of the six friars who accompanied him, as well as 12 George P. Hammond. Don Juan de Onate and the Founding of New Mexico. Santa Fe, 1927. See also George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey. Onate, Colonizer of New Mexico. Albuquerque, 1953; and Charles W .

Hackett Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, I. Washington, 1923.

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of the cannon, quicksilver, lead, and certain other specialized goods. Onate promised to enlist not less than two hundred men, fully equipped, to provide food and supplies for the trip, to provide several thousand sheep, goats, cattle, and horses, and many other things, such as footgear, medicine, iron, cloth—all too numerous to mention here. Altogether it represented a tremendous investment, most of the cost shouldered by Onate and his friends and relatives.

With this force Onate took command personally on the northern frontier in Chihuahua, where his army was stationed, but he had to suffer nearly three years of delay before finally being authorized to proceed. These vexatious and cosdy delays were due to jealousy of others who sought to displace him, to official vacillation caused by a change of viceroys in Mexico late in 1595, after he had been appointed governor, and to the cumbersome nature of the Spanish administrative system itself. Nevertheless, he finally set out for the Promised Land, in 1598 with a reduced and somewhat bedraggled force (it had been held on the extreme northern frontier of settlement where supplies were difficult to procure), crossed the Rio Grande at modern El Paso, where he took possession of the land in the name of the Crown, and proceeded up the great river, visiting the Indian pueblos on the way.

In general, the natives were frightened of the foreign invaders.

At modern Socorro, where the Indians fled across the river in fear, Onate took a supply of corn from the homes of the Indians to feed his own men. The journey had been long, the supplies inadequate, and the men were starving. At Santo Domingo, half-way between Albuquerque and Santa Fe, he met the chiefs of seven pueblos in the kiva of the town, and there, on bended knee, they swore allegiance to the Spanish God and King, after having listened to a sermon on the benefits they would gain as subjects of Spain.

Shortly thereafter the Spanish forces set up headquarters at the pueblo which they christened San Juan de los Caballeros, modern San Juan, about thirty miles north of Santa Fe. Later they moved across the river to San Gabriel, where the ruins of the old pueblo may still be seen. This remained the capital until Governor Peralta established Santa Fe in 1610.

Now came Onate's exploration of New Mexico, the land that was supposed to rival Mexico in its riches. Within a few

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months he had toured the entire pueblo ar> a, visiting the Jumano pueblos at Abo and Gran Quivira in the Estancia Valley east of Albuquerque, those up the Rio Grande as far as Taos, the Jemez group to the west in the Jemez River Valley, and Acoma and Zuni still farther west. One of his captains, Marcos Farfan, vi td the Moqui pueblos and the Verde River region in search mines and staked out mining claims. Everywhere the picture vas much the same—a large Indian population living in houses of adobe, often built to a height of more than one story. But these Indians possessed neither silver nor gold, nor abundant or fertile farms, nor good mining prospects, though the soldiers did stake out quite a number of mining claims and boasted of their richness. Still, Onate considered New Mexico's prospects great, as shown by a letter of his to the king dated April 7, 1599, wherein he said: "I trust in God that I shall give your majesty a new world, greater than New Spain, to judge from the reports I have received and from what I have seen and explored, and I shall persevere in this effort to the end of my life."13 These reports probably referred to Quivira, news of which had been picked up in the exploration of the country. According to the Indian, Jusepe, who had visited this land some years earlier and who now was one of Onate's guides, it was a vast country with a great population and enormous riches. Such testimony was enough to set the imagination afire, and Onate made plans to visit and claim this fabulous land.

So in the summer of 1601, after he had received a reinforcement of eighty men, Onate went to Quivira, just as had Coronado sixty years earlier, and reached approximately the same place, beyond the great bend of the Arkansas, where it is joined by the Walnut River, not far north of the Oklahoma border.

He found the population very large, but some of the people were hostile, and he was forced to turn back for safety. The fertility of the land had impressed the Spaniards, however, and though they turned back, they hoped to return and conquer this wonderful country at some future date. 14 Full of hope and plans, Onate and his little force returned to their capital at San Gabriel. Not only had they found a land "Hammond and Rey, Onate, Colonizer of New Mexico, I, 492, "The report of this expedition is translated in ibid., 746-60.

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of surpassing fertility^and promise, but they had heard of other lands and kingdoms tarther on—mas alia—-as the Spanish reads —which could be explored from Quivira. All these hopes were dashed to bits on their return, for at San Gabriel most of the soldier-colonists had mutinied and abandoned the province. Only twenty-five or so, a mere remnant, remained behind. This was a disaster. At one blow Onate's dreams of further conquest had been shattered. 15 Indeed, his little force was in danger of attack and destruction by the Indians, who might seize the opportunity to wipe out the invaders. The malcontents, it was sure, would have other stories to tell than those sent out by Onate, a fact that he must have contemplated with chagrin. The situation was all the more serious from the fact that up till this summer of 1601, he had maintained a tight censorship, had not permitted any letters to be sent to Mexico by members of the colony, and his own letters had been tinged with a superlatively rosy hue that would now be denounced by the deserting colonists.

Indeed, this is just what happened. The deserters lodged grave charges against the governor, accusing him of misconduct, mismanagement, and even more serious offenses, while Onate accused them of the crime of desertion. The viceroy, in far-off Mexico, unable to sift fact from fancy in this fire of countercharges, refused to permit further reinforcements to be sent to the infant colony until the situation could be clarified. Onate, still powerful though at a disadvantage, struck back with all the resources at his command. Through friends and relatives in Mexico, he appealed to the viceroy and Audiencia; and through his brother, Don Alonso, and the poet-soldier, Gaspar de Villagra, whom he sent to Spain to intercede with the king and the Council of the Indies for support. 16 At the same time he made preparations for a final throw of the dice, for one more major exploration, in the hope of finding new riches and of impressing the government with his achievements. This exploration was aimed at finding the Pacific Ocean, or South Sea, as it was then called, and its reputed wealth in pearls, of discovering a sea15 The original documents telling of this catastrophe are given in ibid., 672-739. See also Hammond, Don Juan de Onate, 140-53.

16 ln Spain, Villagra wrote the famous Historia de la Nueva Mexico, published at Alcala in 1610, an historical poem glorifying the exploits of the conquerors of New Mexico.

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port that would be close enough to New Mexico to permit of easier introduction of supplies and reinforcements, and of prospecting for mines or new Indian populations that would restore royal confidence in him and confound his opponents and critics.

With but a handful of men, approximately thirty, Onate hoped to succeed, "to strike it rich," in this final gamble.

This journey he made in the winter of 1604-5, and it took him to the head of the Gulf of California, not to the Pacific Ocean proper. Of the events that took place en route we have an extraordinary diary by Father Francisco de Escobar, 17 extraordinary especially because of its tales of new wonders and Onate's signature in imperishable rock, chiseled on the overhanging cliff of Inscription Rock, near Zuni, on the return journey in April, 1605.

There it may still be seen, the oldest inscription ever found in the west. The site is now a national monument.

Onate's dreams of empire in the north foundered on the solid rock of fact, the fact that man would have to struggle in the sweat of his brow to wrest a living from its unwilling soil; that the line of communication and supply from the new land to Mexico City was too great; that there were no rich kingdoms to subdue and exploit, but rather innumerable people who required the white man's help to raise their standard of life. For a time the government seriously considered giving up New Mexico, but a few missionaries and a handful of settlers remained, waiting for the government's decision. The king's conscience finally decided the issue, for he was not willing to abandon the recent converts to relapse into heathenism. Then, in 1608, came the word that "seven thousand" Indians had been converted and that there were thousands more "ready unto the harvest," whereupon the government decided, somewhat reluctantly, to retain its foothold in New Mexico as an outpost at the cost of the Crown. As a consequence, a new governor was appointed, Onate was sent home and punished for his misdeeds, Santa Fe was founded as the new capital (to get away from San Gabriel in the Chama Valley, which lay on the route of the Navajo Indians), an escort of fifty soldier-citizens was main"Herbert E. Bolton, "Father Escobar's Relation . . . ," in Catholic Historical Review, V; also given in Hammond and Rey, Onate, Colonizer of New Mexico, 1012-31.

T H E SEARCH FOR THE FABULOUS

15

tained at the capital for protection, a handful of misionaries scattered among the chief pueblos, all at royal expense, and the northern frontier, purged of its dreams of finding another Mexico, settled down to a humdrum existence.

New Mexico was, in fact, one of the most isolated of Spain's colonies in North America, a situation that prevailed for two hundred years—or until Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike and frontiersmen from the new United States visited the province in the early 1800's. Throughout this two-hundred-year period the Spaniards had maintained New Mexico, in spite of die many threats of Indian uprisings and in spite of the successful Pueblo Revolt in 1680, when the Indians rebelled, killed four hundred or more Spaniards, and drove the rest out, a force of perhaps twenty-five hundred—but the Spaniards came back, regained control over the natives, and converted and civilized die populace to the best of their ability. 18 The process was naturally a twoway operation, for the Spaniards married Indian women and maintained something of a mixed society. But it was a Spanish— a European—society, which cultivated its inheritance of sixteenth century ideas in government, religion, literature, and speech, until its isolation was disturbed by invasion in the nineteenth century.

Though New Mexico was remote and cut off from its sister provinces in Mexico, its occupants continued to dream, and some of its governors played with the magic of finding new and rich kingdoms, long after the early rumors of Quivira had been so completely scuttled. One of these dreams was of a certain Sierra Azul, or Blue Mountain, apparently a mountain of silver.19 In the time of Governor Diego de Vargas, who reconquered New Mexico after the disastrous Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the viceroy of Mexico wrote him, in 1691, urging the discovery of certain quicksilver deposits, thought to exist in the form of small lakes and pools in the province of Moqui, according to information he had received. Vargas in turn did not fail to emphasize the possibilities of finding riches in the Sierra Azul, using this as a fulcrum to keep the royal officials interested in the 18 A good account of this period is Jose Manuel Espinosa's, Crusaders of the Rio Grande. Chicago, 1942.

"See "The Legend of Sierra Azul," New Mexico Historical Review, IX (April, 1934), 113-58.

1(

>

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

reconquest of New Mexico. In fact, one can hardly escape die conclusion that the bait of the Sierra Azul was tailored t° x the desires of the Crown, eager to re-establish Spanish c ° n ° over the revolted pueblos in New Mexico. The psychology o the times nourished such thinking. The Sierra Azul continued to dance about, like a distant mirage, every time an expe l on went out to explore. It did not vanish till a better knowledge of geography dispelled its attractive power in the nineteenth century.

These tales of elusive wonders in the west that have charmed man so effectively required some reference to Copala, as well as to Teguayo, of which one of the young scholars of your own state has written at some length. 20 The kingdom of Copala, marvelous to relate, was first heard of in the time of Diego de Ibarra, he who became one of the original millionaires on the discovery of mines at Zacatecas about 1545. Like Coronado's Quivira, Copala was just over the horizon. Francisco de Ibarra, nephew of the millionaire, was commissioned to find it, and did indeed make a tremendous exploration of the country north and west of Zacatecas in 1565. H e probably reached die Casas Grandes area of northern Chihuahua, may even have seen a part of southern Arizona, but found no kingdom of Copala, no rich Indian communities to conquer, only a wild country inhabited by nomadic tribes. 21 The lure of Copala persisted, however, and with the passage of the years, tended to vault over hitherto unknown regions only to appear again in some new place, conjured up, perhaps, by the vivid imagination of some captain, sitting around a campfire on the Indian frontier and listening to the tales of his scout and interpreter, who really understood neither what the Spaniard sought, his language, his customs, nor his peculiar fascination for gold and silver. Under the circumstances, the interpreter would naturally try to please his visitor, especially since it usually meant presents of food and some of the wonderful gadgets that 20 S. Lyman Tyler, "The Myth of the Lake of Copala and Land of Teguayo," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (October, 1952), 313-29.

21 The chief account of Ibarra's expedition was written by an old soldier named Baltasar de Obregon. It was published by George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey as Obregon's History of Sixteenth Century Explorations in Western America. Los Angeles, 1928.

T H E SEARCH FOR THE FABULOUS

17

the European brought along—perhaps a knife, a gun, or some other marvelous gift.

An illuminating example of this occurred on Onate's expedition to the Gulf of California in 1604, of which we have two accounts, one written by Fray Francisco de Escobar, who accompanied the party, and the other written by Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, who wrote about 1626. Escobar makes no mention whatever of a lake called Copala, or of having heard of it from the Indians, though he spins some fantastic yarns. Zarate, on the contrary, has a wonderful story, gathered, he says, while he was a missionary among the Jemez Indians, one of whom had actually visited the country. H e wrote that while among the Mojave Indians they heard of the lake called Copala, that here was the original home of the Mexicans, that the Indians spoke the name Copala very plainly, and that the said lake was situated a fourteen-days* journey to the west-northwest. 22 W h a t a wonderful story! Now, in 1605, we have Copala pictured as the mythical place of origin of the Mexican people, who had of course migrated from somewhere in the north. That is commonly accepted. But now we have the story of Lake Copala intertwined with other stories of the unknown. W i t h each advance of the frontier, that is, these kingdoms tended to disappear over the horizon. In this instance Copala did not find a fixed resting place till the Escalante expedition of 1776 into Utah, when it found lodgment in the valley of the Great Salt Lake.

A very likely place, indeed.

It remains to bring into this family of fabulous kingdoms still another—that of Teguayo, a relatively late entrant into this society of mythical wonders. But since it was to point toward the land of the Utah Indians, or perhaps to lands beyond, it has found a prominent place in the story of Spanish expansion in the southwest.

To the Spaniard, it should be remembered, distance meant but little. There was no boundary beyond which he could not go—except through the lands occupied by hostile people, and these he would consider proper subjects for conversion to his religion and submission to his government. Hence, Spanish 22 Zarate Salmeron's narrative was published in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 3rd Series. Mexico, 1856.

18

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

officials and friars alike were alert to the existence of such new people, for they might live on that renowned Strait of Anian, or Northwest Passage, thought to connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. Hence it was incumbent on every official on the frontier to be vigilant and to report new developments.

When, therefore, the kingdom of Teguayo was reported about the middle of the sixteenth century in New Mexico, it became an object of speculation and official concern, especially after Governor Don Diego de Penalosa, who had gotten into trouble with the church and had been humiliated by the Inquisition, fled to France and sought to interest that government in establishing a base on the Gulf of Mexico, from which France might conquer the interior of North America, and, in particular, acquire the wonderful kingdoms of Quivira and Teguayo! 23 This threat from an old enemy, France, called for action.

The viceroy of Mexico was instructed to investigate and report.

Fortunately, he had at hand the best-informed man, Fray Alonso de Posada, who had been a missionary in New Mexico for many years before retirement from the mission field. Posada gave a famous report of the northern country, about 1686.2* By this time Quivira had become firmly rooted northeast of New Mexico, and he placed Teguayo far to the northwest, beyond the lands of the Utahs. It was, he said, the same place as Copala, according to the Mexican Indians. He had obtained his information while a missionary among the Jemez Indians, one of this tribe having visited Teguayo and been made a prisoner there. Father Posada urged that an exploration be made, but he did not repeat the usual stories of great riches that had been current hitherto.

The exploration that Father Posada contemplated was not made for another seventy-five years, when a fortunate combination of circumstances—the right men in the right places—led finally to an exploration of these various mysteries to the north and west. This was of course the Escalante expedition, made in 1776, organized to explore the possibility of bringing reinforcements to the new and weak California missions by way of "Consult William E. Dunn. Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gull Region of the United States, 1678-1702. Austin, Texas, 1917.

24 See Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Don Diego de Penalosa y su Descubrimiento del Reino de Quivira. Madrid, 1882.

T H E SEARCH FOR THE FABULOUS

19

the Utah country instead of up the Pacific Coast or by sea.

The story of this expedition is probably known better in Utah than anywhere else. No less than three English translations of the diary have been published in this state, the latest, the work of Herbert E. Bolton in 1950 by this society.25 The Escalante expedition, which explored the mysterious Utah—or shall we say the kingdoms of Copala and Teguayo— in the very year that American patriots on the eastern seaboard declared their independence and organized to fight for their liberties—made known for the first time the real nature of this region and set at rest forever those rumors of reputed wealth that had buzzed about on the Spanish frontier since the days of Columbus and his successors.

In conclusion and by way of summary: These stories of the fabulous were an integral feature of the age of discovery of America and the conquest of its native peoples. The stories might be legion, but nature was perverse, especially in the southwest, and tolerated only rumors of kingdoms, not the substance.

In spite of the niggardliness of the soil, however, and the lowly stature of the people who inhabited it, Spain planted her culture, conquered and civilized its people, and held the land till another age. W h e n the Mexican W a r came and she had to give up the vast northern fringe of her territory, stretching from Texas through New Mexico and Utah to California, others were ready to make a reality of Spanish dreams. In the ancient Copala and Teguayo, the Mormon pioneers did so; in California, the discovery of gold drew thousands to that land of the wonderful; in New Mexico and Texas, other pioneers built on a similar scale. Throughout this region the great discoveries in our own day of gold, silver, copper, oil, uranium, and other riches proved that Spanish dreams had, after all, been founded on fact.

^Herbert E. Bolton. Pageant in the Wilderness. Salt Lake City, 1950; Herbert S. Auerbach, "Father Escalante's Journal with Related Documents and Maps," Utah Historical Quarterly, XI (1943); W. R. Harris. The Catholic Church in Utah. Salt Lake City, 1909.

T A X A B L E I N C O M E I N U T A H , 1862-1872

BY LEONARD J. ARRINGTON*

T

he American people have had three separate experiences with federal income tax laws. The first, which applied from 1862 to 1872, was originally devised as a means of raising revenue to fight the Civil W a r . The second, as passed in 1894 to meet depression deficits, was declared invalid by the Supreme Court before it had become fully effective. The third and present law followed ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1916.

A study of Utah's experiences under the first federal income law is now made possible by documents which are preserved in the Bancroft Library and the National Archives. These documents consist primarily of assessors' tax lists and official correspondence. While income tax returns did not always disclose the entire income of taxpayers, and while there were doubtless many cases of tax evasion through failure to report (particularly among those in the lower brackets) and tax avoidance (by those in the upper brackets), available documents reveal interesting and informative data in relation to the incomes declared by Utah's pioneer citizens and the income structure of Utah's pioneer economy.

As signed by President Abraham Lincoln on July 1, 1862, the first law required citizens of states and territories to file an annual return on all income over $600. 1 This income was subject to a tax of 3 per cent on all incomes from $600 to $10,600, *Leonard J. Arrington, Associate Professor of Economics at Utah State Agricultrual College, has been working on the economic development of Utah under the auspices of the Committee on Research in Economic History, Dr. Thomas G Cochran, chairman, and Dr. Artfiur H. Cole, editor. x Sidney Ratner, American Taxation: Its History as a Social Force in Democracy (New York, 1942), 65-99, 111-44; Kossuth Kent Kennan, Income Taxation: Methods and Results in Various Countries (Milwaukee, 1910), 237-56; Joseph A. Hill, "The Civil War Income Tax," Quarterly Journal of Economics, VIII (1894), 416-52, 491-98; and Edwin R. A. Seligman, 77ie Income Tax: A Study of the History, Theory, and Practice of Income Taxation at Home and Abroad (New York, 1911), 430-81.

22

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

while all incomes which were $10,600 or more were taxed at a rate of 5 per cent. To insure honesty and accuracy, the taxpayer was required to detail in the most complete fashion all of his sales, stocks of goods on hand, and other sources and indications of income. Income was defined as "the annual gains, profits or income of every person . . . . whether derived from any kind of property, rents, interests, dividends, salaries, or from any profession, trade, employment or vocation . . . •' " seems apparent that capital gains were to be taxed at the same rate as other income.2 Farmers were required to pay the tax on all their increase and gain, including increased value of livestock, grain, and other production, whether sold or on hand.

Only the flat $600 exemption for each income-earner was permitted; there were no additional exemptions for wives and children. However, the taxpayer was permitted to deduct national, state, and local taxes upon his property from his taxable income. H e was also permitted to deduct the amount actually paid for rent of a dwelling house or estate, and the cost of customary repairs.

Tax legislation in subsequent years raised the exemption from $600 to $1,000, and later, to $2,000; and the rates which applied in 1863 were changed somewhat. A "special additional tax," amounting to 5 per cent of all taxable income earned in 1863, was added in 1864 to pay for soldier bounties. Effective rates on 1863 income were thus 8 and 10 per cent on incomes below and above $10,000 respectively. The essential provisions of the tax laws adopted between 1862 and 1872 were as follows: Year Income Was Declared

Individual Exemption

Rate oi Tax

$ 600

3 per cent on taxable incomes up to $10,000. 5 per cent on taxable incomes of $10,000 or more.

1864 (special tax) 600

5 per cent on all taxable income

1864

2 Some of the provisions here described were not in force during all of the period 1862-72. To avoid detailed discussion of each of the revenue acts of the period, I have resorted to generalization.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

1865-1866

600

5 per cent on all taxable income up to and including $4,400 10 per cent on taxable income in excess of $4,400

1867-1870

1,000

5 per cent on all taxable income

1871-1872

2,000

iy2 per cent on all taxable income

23

Each person with an income in excess of $600 was required to file his return by May 1—later March 1—of the year following that in which income was earned. One method of preventing evasion and under-declaration was to encourage the publication of tax lists in newspapers and other media "that the amplest opportunities may be given for the detection of any fraudulent returns that may have been made." 3 These instructions were not countermanded until 1870. W h e n an assessor had reason to believe that a person's income was actually higher than his declared income, the assessor had the right to raise the assessment and levy a fine of 25 per cent (later 50 per cent) of the tax for "neglect," and a penalty of 50 per cent (later 100 per cent) in case of "willful fraud." Penalties of 5 per cent and up were required of delinquents.

There are a sufficient number of such penalties in Utah tax lists to indicate that the level of enforcement was pretty high.

Widespread evasion and fraud seem to have been more characteristic of the response to the tax in the larger cities in the east than in the territories of the west.* General Augustus L. Chetlain, who was Assessor of Internal Revenue in Utah from 1867 to 1869, later wrote that ". . . when the people of that Territory [Utah] made their returns to the United States Assessor they were, I believe, as fair and honest in making them as the people of any other state or territory." 6 3 George S. Boutwell, A Manual of the Direct and Excise Tax System of the United States (Boston, 1863), 259.

4 Frederic C. Howe, "Federal Revenue and the Income Tax," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, IV (1894), 566.

«A. L. Chetlain, Recollections of Seventy Years (Galena, 111., 1899), 122.

24

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Utah Territory comprised a separate revenue district for purposes of taxation, but the administrative machinery for collecting the income tax apparently was not set up in Utah until the spring of 1864 when returns were required on 1863 incomes.

The law was dien administered, with changing provisions, until 1873, when the last taxes were paid on the incomes earned in 1871, and on which declarations were filed in March, 1872. A s sessors in Utah were J. C. Little (1863-66), John E. Smith (1866-67), Augustus L. Chetlain (1867-69), and John P .

Taggart (1869-73). As near as can be determined, some eighteen assistant assessors were hired by the Utah office during one or more of the years the Civil W a r tax was in force.

Most of them were residents of the counties placed under their supervision. They included such locally-famous names as George W . Bean, James G. Bleak, George W . Bryan, William Budge, David Candland, Lewis S. Hills, John Kelly, Francis M . Lyman, W . B. Pace, J. M. Simmons, Arthur Stayner, and Walter Thompson. These assessors were also charged with collecting several excise and internal revenue taxes which were a part of the federal government's financial program. These included excises on spiritous and fermented liquors, tobacco, cotton, matches, and manufactures; licenses for the sale of liquor and tobacco; occupational licenses for physicians, lawyers, inn-keepers, and stallion-owners; taxes on the gross receipts of circuses, theaters, telegraph companies, railroads, and ferries; and taxes on bank deposits and note circulation.

The amount of personal income tax collected and assessed in Utah during the years the Civil W a r tax applied, and the total number of taxpayers, were as follows: Year Income Was Declared

Number of Taxpayers Declaring Incomes

467 1864 1864 (special tax) 517 756 1865 409 1866 275 1867 251 1868 1869

(283)ÂŤ

$

Amount of Tax Assessed

7,601 13,001 28,415 17,201 12,852 8,767 (18,235)"

Amount of Tax Paid During Calendar Year

$ 4,040 1,320 7,560 26,157 19,713 15,692 22,930

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

1870 1871 1872 1873 Total

Unknown" 97 162

Unknown11 10,030 24,176

25

9,596 9,409 19,236 6,506

($140,277)

"The number of income taxpayers and assessments for 1869 are taken from the Assessment Book of Richard V . Morris (MS, Bancroft Library), pp. 55 ff. These assessments include only Salt Lake County and vicinity, and are therefore incomplete. b The assessment lists for 1870 are missing from the collection in the Bancroft Library. They may turn up in the National Archives. c The incompleteness of the 1869 figure and the omission of the 1870 figure make the total assessments considerably less than they actually were. Normally, of course, assessments should total somewhat more than actual payments, due to removals, deaths, and various forms of delinquency.

•Source: The number of taxpayers has been obtained by actual count from U. S. Office of Internal Revenue, Utah District, Tax Lists, May, 1864, to April, 1873, Vols. II-V, VIII, MSS, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California. The amount of tax assessed is the tax levied on the basis of declared income plus penalties. It is based upon an analysis of the information found in the volumes referred to in the Bancroft Library. The amount of tax collected is reported in several documents, • and each seems to have different data. The amounts used here have been taken from Senate Executive Document No. 10, 53rd Cong., 2nd Sess., pp. 2-12. The amounts collected and assessed have been rounded to the nearest dollar.

Utah's taxpayers—that is, those with an income of more than $600—represented 1.3 per cent of the total population of the territory in the peak year of 1865, which was slightly more than the percentage for the nation as a whole. This declined to around

26

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

one-tenth of one per cent in 1871. Year for year, the percentage declaring incomes in Utah was about the same as for the nation, which indicates not only that the level of "cooperation" with the tax was about the same in Utah as in the nation, but also that Utah had about the same percentage of income-earners receiving less than the permitted exemption.

The small percentage of taxpayers demonstrates clearly that the tax applied largely on the wealthier persons in the various states and territories. Throughout the period 1862-72, more than 40 per cent of the total tax collected in Utah was paid by the ten largest income earners in the territory, and during the final year of the tax, 70 per cent of it was paid by the ten largest taxpayers.

Most of Utah's leading income-earners lived in Salt Lake City. Approximately 85 per cent of all tax payments made by Utahans were made by residents of Salt Lake City; the remaining 15 per cent was divided rather evenly between those living in settlements north and south of Salt Lake City. Next to Salt Lake County, Utah County had the largest number of persons declaring incomes. In the tax lists for May, 1865, for example, in which incomes for 1864 were assessed, 756 persons filed returns, of whom 215 were from Salt Lake County, 97 from Utah County, 89 from Sanpete, and the remaining 355 were, in order of importance, from Cache, Weber, Davis, Iron, Box Elder, Wasatch, Tooele, Washington, Beaver, Millard, Summit, Morgan, and Kane counties. In succeeding years, by far the greatest number of taxpayers resided in Salt Lake City. In 1872, the final year in which the tax applied, virtually all taxpayers were from Salt Lake City and Corinne.

The ten highest income-earners in Utah during the years 1862-72 are revealed by the tax lists to have been the following persons, listed in order of amount of taxes paid. 6 8 lt should be kept in mind that reportable income did not include: (1) dividends or bond interest received from banks, savings institutions, insurance companies, railroads, or canals, which were taxed at the source; (2) gains from the sale of real estate held more than one year (in 1864 and 1865) or more than three years (1866-71); or (3) interest on United States Government securities in 1862-63, which were taxed at a lower rate. Rufus S. Tucker, "The Distribution of Income Among Taxpayers in the United States, 1863-1935," Quarterly Journal of Economics. LII (1938), 561-62.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

27

1. B R I G H A M Y O U N G (1801-1877). Utah's pioneer religious, political, and business leader earned an average income of more than $32,000 during the years 1862-72, ranging from a low of $10,600 in 1863 to a high of $113,081 in 1870. Much of this income was from property held by Young in trust for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, so not all of the income should be considered as his personal income.7 Nevertheless, President Young received an above-average income from his farms, urban real estate, mills, and interests in Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution, the Deseret National Bank, and other Utah corporations. By the time of his death in 1877, he had been president and leading influence in Utah's most important railroads, banks, manufacturing companies, mercantile houses, and irrigation enterprises. He left an estate valued at $361,170.8 2. W A L K E R B R O T H E R S . Born in Yorkshire, England, Samuel Sharp Walker (1834-1887), Joseph Robinson Walker (1836-1901), David Frederick Walker (1838-19 ?), and Matthew Henry Walker (1845-1916), were brought to America in 1850 by their parents, who had earlier been converted to Mormonism. The death of their father in Council Bluffs, Iowa, forced them to make a living at an early age. Arriving in Salt Lake in 1852, they played a major role in the industrial and economic development of Utah during the last third of the nineteenth century. The four Walkers were in their twenties and thirties during the period of the Civil W a r tax, yet their collective incomes exceeded $300,000, for an average of more than $43,000 per year.

Until 1869 this income was derived almost wholly from merchandising, in which they had gotten a start with army contracts during the Utah W a r . After the completion of the trans7 In addition to his own personal income tax, Brigham Young was also assessed a tax for the years 1868-71 on his income as trustee-in-trust of the properties of the Mormon Church. This tax amounted to $834.45 on an income of $21,608.73. This assessment seems to have been clearly in violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of the revenue acts of the period, for the tax applied only to individual Incomes. ^Edward W. Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young (New York, 1876); M. R. Werner, Brigham Young (New York, 1925); Susa Young Gates and Leah D. Widstoe, The Life Story of Brigham Young (New York, 1931); Preston Nibley, Brigham Young: The Man and His Work (Independence, Mo., 1936); Milton R. Hunter, Brigham Young the Colonizer (Independence, Mo., 1945); Leonard J. Arrington, "The Settlement of the Brigham Young Estate, 1877-1879," Pacific Historical Review. XXI (1952), 1-20.

28

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

continental railroad in 1869, the Walker Brothers invested heavily in mining, including the fortunate purchase of a one-fourth interest in the fabulously rich Emma Mine for $30,000. This interest was sold to eastern capitalists in 1871 for $1,500,000.* Virtually all of their income in the early 'seventies, devoted toward building such imposing structures as the W a l k e r House (a hotel). Walker Opera House, and W a l k e r Bank, came largely from mining profits. T h e close union of the Walkers was dissolved in the 1880's, about the time of the death of "Sharp" Walker, who left an estate valued in excess of $396,000. "Rob" Walker then directed the manifold business and financial enterprises initiated by the brothers, giving financial support to the Liberal Party and other non-Mormon causes, as he had earlier given it to the Godbeite movement.10 At his death he left an estate valued at upwards of $616,000. David F . W a l k e r moved to California, while Matthew Henry became president and principal owner of the Walker Bank and other enterprises in Salt Lake City, leaving an estate at his death valued at $985,000."

"Robert J. Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah (Washington, 1941), 59-60.

10 The disassociation of the Walkers from the L. D. S. Church occurred in the 1860's, and was explained as follows in a statement prepared for H. H. Bancroft: ". . . the firm made money . . . after the U. S. Army left Utah, . . . without paying over to the Church . . . one-tenth of all their earnings . . . . For some length of time the firm gave donations to the Emigration Fund and the same were accepted by Brigham Young, until he decided that Walker Brothers should pay their tithing. The culmination came when the firm made a donation of $500 to the Emigrating Fund, a check was sent through a Bishop to Brigham [Young] in the spring of 1861 (?) In a day or two Brigham returned it with the imperative demand that Walker Brothers should pay their tithing or be 'cut off from the Church.

The issue was at once accepted and in the presence of the Bishop the check was torn up by one of the firm and the compliments of the firm sent through the Bishop to Brigham to go ahead and 'cut off and also with assurance that thereafter no more donations would be made and as for tithing none had been paid in the past and that none would be in the future, and assuring him that they were not believers in the Mormon doctrine . . . . Shortly after the check was returned, Brigham caused a meeting to be convened and in solemn conclave, the Walker Brothers were 'cut off from the Church of Jesus Christ (?) of Latter-day Saints and turned over to the buffetings of Satan for not paying tithing." "Biographical Sketch of the Walker Brothers," ca.

1885, MS, pp. 13-15, Bancroft Library. This and other Utah manuscripts in the Bancroft Library, University of California, are now available on microfilm in several research institutions in Utah, including the library of the Utah State Historical Society. For an annotated listing of these Utah manuscripts, see S. George Ellsworth, comp., "A Guide to the Manuscripts in the Bancroft Library Relating to the History of Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly (July, 1954), 123-247. ""Merchants and Miners of Utah: Biographies of the Walker Brothers 1884," and "Biographical Sketch of the Walker Brothers, 1885," MSS, Ban-

W A R R E N G. H U S S E Y (1836-1920) Early Utah banker and promoter, whose declared income in 1871 was $263,392.

J. ROBINSON WALKER (1836-1901) Influential co-founder of Walker Brothers wholesale and retail house and bank.

WILLIAM JENNINGS (1823-1886) Prominent pioneer merchant and "Utah's first millionaire."

W I L L I A M H. H O O P E R (1813-1882) Merchant, banker, and delegate to Congress.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

29

3. W A R R E N H U S S E Y (1836-1920). Born on an Indiana farm and educated in a country school, Warren Hussey went to Leavenworth, Kansas, at the age of nineteen to join one of Russell, Majors & Waddell's supply trains bound for Salt Lake City.

He left the supply train at Fort Kearny, Nebraska, and eventually landed in Denver, Colorado, where in 1861 he opened an office for the purchase of gold. In association with Charles Dahler, agent of Ben Holladay's Overland Stage Line at Denver, Hussey opened up a banking enterprise in Salt Lake City in 1865 which for eight years was Utah's leading financial institution. Hussey has the distinction of having received the highest income earned by any Utahan in any year covered by the Civil W a r tax. In the single year 1871, his declared income was $263,392. More than $100,000 of this large income consisted of dividends from his First National Bank of Utah, located in Salt Lake City. The remainder was partially earned on his branch banks at Ogden and Corinne, Utah, Virginia City and Helena, Montana, and at Denver and Central City, Colorado. Hussey also received a sizeable income from his investments in the Emma Mine and other mining properties. Although nothing approaching the 1871 figure, Hussey's income in other years, largely derived from banking, was substantial. His fortune was wiped out as the result of the panic of 1873 when his First National Bank of Utah failed. During the next few years Hussey alternated between Idaho, Colorado, Montana, and San Francisco, overseeing his branch banks and promoting mining development.

From 1880 to 1883 he lived in New York City, buying and selling stocks and promoting some of his Leadville, Colorado, mining properties. In 1883, he set out for the Coeur d'Alene area of Idaho, where a new strike had been made, and established a bank croft Library; Edward W. Tullidge, The History of Salt Lake City and Its Founders (Salt Lake City, 1886), Biographical Supplement, 52-58; Noble Warrum, ed., Utah Since Statehood (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1919), II, 7075, 90-95; J. Cecil Alter, ed., Utah, the Storied Domain (3 vols., Chicago, 1932), II, 300-04; H. H. Bancroft, History of Utah, 1540-1886 (San Francisco, 1889), 654 n; T. B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), 623-25, 644-45; Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1892-1904), IV, 626-27; Wain Sutton, ed., Utah—A Centennial History (3 vols., New York, 1949), III, 325-27; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine (3 vols., Salt Lake City, 1880-1885), II, 260-62; Papers relating to the Estates of Samuel Sharp Walker, Joseph Robinson Walker, and Matthew Henry Walker, MSS, County Clerk's Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in that frontier mining area. Called the Eagle City Bank, Hussey was its president, cashier, teller and janitor. T h e bank later became the Bank of Murray. W h e n new discoveries were made near Kellogg, Idaho, Hussey opened the Bank of Wallace in 1886. Sensing opportunities in the growing Inland Empire region, Hussey went to Spokane in 1886 and organized the Spokane National Bank, which went under during the panic of 1893. During much of the present century, he was in New York where he dealt in stocks on W a l l Street. All of Hussey's banking enterprises were primarily miners' banks, and Hussey himself could not refrain from dabbling in mines. It was thus that he made and lost two fortunes. In addition to his promotion of mining development, Hussey was also an energetic promoter of various civic, cultural, and business causes. In Utah, he assisted in founding the first non-Mormon (Episcopal) church, the first non-Mormon school (St. M a r k ' s ) , and the first hospital ( S t Mark's). 1 2 4. W I L L I A M J E N N I N G S (1823-1886). Utah's first bonafide millionaire, according to Edward W . Tullidge, was William Jennings. Son of a well-to-do Worcestershire butcher, Jennings left home in 1847 to seek his fortune in America. 13 Through an 12 I am indebted to Mr. Joel E. Ferris, president of the Eastern Washington Historical Society, and also president of the Spokane and Eastern Bank, and to the historical societies of Montana and Colorado, for historical research in connection with Warren Hussey. The following sources have been used: Northwest Mining Truth (Spokane, Washington), V (February 16, 1920), 41-42; Frank Hall, for the Rocky Mountain Historical Company, History of the State of Colorado (3 vols., Chicago, 1891), III. 188-89; Ralph T. Richards, Of Medicine, Hospitals, and Doctors (Salt Lake City, 1953), 24-26; Daniel S. Tuttle, Reminiscences of a Missionary Bishop (New York, 1906); U. S. Bureau of Internal Revenue, Utah District, Tax List for January, 1872; annual report of the Comptroller of the Currency, 1872 (Washington, D. G, 1872). According to Director Maurice Frink, twentyfour bank books of Mr. Hussey and a great deal of correspondence are in the possession of the State Historical Society of Colorado, Denver. Virginia Walton, librarian of the Historical Society of Montana, Helena, also states that the society has business letters, vouchers and drafts of the Virginia City and Helena branches of Hussey, Dahler & Co. "Jennings demonstrated speculative inclinations at an early age. Tullidge relates that when fourteen years of age, Jennings went to market to buy cattle for his father. He selected half a dozen head and asked the owner his price.

Thinking the whole affair was child's play, the farmer entered into the spirit of the thing and set a low price on the cattle. "I'll take them," said Jennings; the farmer, still in lest, concluded the sale. William then took out his scissors, Quickly cut the Jennings mark on each of the beasts, and paid the money. The joking farmer finally awoke to what was going on and

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

31

amazing twist of circumstances, he met and married a Mormon emigrant girl in St. Joseph, Missouri, and took her to Salt Lake City in 1852. In response to Brigham Young's invitation he supplied meat to mining camps in Carson Valley, Nevada, in 1856, and later established Salt Lake City's first large butcher shop.

A tannery and steam flour mill were later added to his enterprises, and in 1860 he acquired $40,000 worth of dry goods and entered into merchandising. In 1861 he contracted with the Overland Telegraph Company to supply poles for the line between Salt Lake City and Ruby Valley, Nevada. T h e same year he took a large contract to supply grain to the Overland Mail Company. 14 H e also secured most of the contracts for supplying Camp Douglas after it was established on the east bench overlooking Salt Lake City in 1862. Beginning in 1863, he carried on a banking and broker's business, being the first Salt Lake merchant to buy and ship Montana gold dust. 15 Using some of his earnings, Jennings built the Eagle Emporium in 1864, which was Utah's first large department store. In this, and five branch blusteringly tried to recede from the transaction; but the boy appealed to die bystanders, who sustained him in the fairness of his purchase. Somewhat taken back by the youth's pluck, the farmer was forced to surrender the cattle. Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 359.

14 The Overland Mail Company wanted 75,000 bushels of grain, which was about all the territory could supply, and bound Jennings to supply this amount, or forfeit $5,000. Jennings began to buy grain, but discovered that the company was buying also. Realizing that he would not be able to supply the contract amount because of the company's competitive buying, Jennings decided to obtain release from his contract by paying the $5,000 forfeiture. He now had 30,000 bushels of grain on hand, and used all the advantage of his territorial connections to acquire the remainder of the territorial product. The Mail Company, badly in need of the grain, ended up by having to buy most of the grain from Jennings, at a much higher price than the original contract price. Not only did Jennings recoup his forfeiture, but earned a handsome profit besides. Ibid., 425-26.

16 Jennings' chief competitor in the purchase of gold dust was W . L. Halsey, superintendent of Ben Holladay's express company and banking house. Disliking competition, and sensing the strength of his position, Halsey asked Jennings to retire from the business or be driven out. Jennings responded by raising the price paid for gold dust by twenty-five cents per ounce. Halsey then raised his price fifty cents. Salt Lake suddenly became the hottest market in the nation for gold. This competition continued until Halsey had been forced into offering an unbelievably high price. At that price, Jennings secretly sold all his gold to Halsey through a third party. Thinking that Jennings had given up the competition, Halsey reduced his price to a low figure; whereupon Jennings started to buy again, running the price up to a high level once more. Once again, he sold out to Halsey through a third party at the high figure. Halsey finally caught on to the trick and called the whole thing off. Ibid., 426.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

stores, he is reported to have sold $1,000,000 worth of goods in 1864.16 His business was absorbed into Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution in 1869, and he was made superintendent, and later vice-president of that firm. H e was also vice-president of the Utah Central Railroad, president of the Utah Southern Railroad Company, and president or director of many other Mormon concerns, including a tannery, woolen mill, bank, and cattle company. Always active in municipal and territorial affairs, he was mayor of Salt Lake City from 1882-84, and undoubtedly would have served longer had he not been disqualified as a polygamist under the Edmunds Act. He was reported to have been the largest tithepayer in the Mormon Church at the time of his death.

His reported income averaged more than $21,000 during the years of the Civil W a r tax. While most of this income was invested in "home industry," he devoted much of it toward the purchase and maintenance of Devereaux House, Utah's finest residence, in which such personages as President and Mrs. Ulysses S. Grant, Vice-President Schuyler Colfax, and Generals W .

T. Sherman and Phil Sheridan were entertained. H e left an estate of $838,000 upon his death."

5. W I L L I A M H. H O O P E R (1813-1882). Like Jennings, Hooper also was an "outside" merchant who wed a Mormon girl and subsequently associated himself with the Mormons. Originally from Maryland, his father died when he was but three years of age. A series of unfortunate family and business experiences finally led him to the Mississippi River where he became a steamboat captain. H e went to Salt Lake City in 1850 representing the important merchant firm of Holladay & Warner.

Shortly after his arrival he fell in love with a Mormon girl and decided to make his home in Salt Lake City. H e engaged principally in mercantile pursuits until 1859, when he was elected Utah's Delegate to Congress. Hooper served five terms during 18 Diary of Schuyler Colfax, as cited in Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah. 1847 to 1869, L. H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City, 1940), 781.

"William Jennings, "Carson Valley [Autobiographical sketch]," 1884, Bancroft MSS; Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, III, 772-77; Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, Biographical Supplement, 76-82; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 359-63, 422-27, 655-67; Bancroft, History of Utah, 764-65 n; Whitney, History of Utah, IV, 242-46; Appraisement of Estate, MS, Salt Lake County Clerk's Office.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

33

which he found time to invest in stocks of eastern merchandise which were retailed in Salt Lake City in partnership with Horace S. Eldredge. This business was exchanged for stock in Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution in 1869, Hooper becoming a vice-president, later superintendent, and in 1877 president of that institution. The firm of Hooper-Eldredge also initiated a bank in 1868 which eventually became the Deseret National Bank—an enterprise which in this century was acquired by the First Security System. He was also a director of the Utah Central Railroad. Hooper's income of a little less than $15,000 per year in the 1860's was considerably augmented by shrewd investments in Salt Lake City real estate in the 1870's. At his death his estate was valued at $277,000.18 6. J O H N B. KIMBALL ( -1871). N o relation to the prominent Mormon family of Heber C. Kimball, John B. Kimball was a friendly non-Mormon merchant in Salt Lake City. H e was a brother-in-law of Henry W . Lawrence, with whom he established a partnership under the name of Kimball and Lawrence.

This firm was reported to be selling $300,000 worth of commodities per year in 1865.19 Kimball's income averaged approximately $10,000 per year during the 1860's. He died leaving an estate valued at $175,000.20 7. W I L L I A M S. G O D B E (1833-1902). Son of a cultured London family, William Godbe bound himself to a ship's captain while still a boy and sailed to many parts of the world.

While completing his apprenticeship in Hull, England, he became converted to Mormonism, and worked and walked his way to Salt Lake City, where he arrived in 1851. In the 1850's and 1860's, while still a relatively young man, Godbe succeeded in establishing a prosperous commission business. Later he built an $80,000 wholesale and retail drug store in Salt Lake City and "Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1901-36), I, 724-26; Bancroft, History of Utah. 666 n; Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, Biographical Supplement, 83-85; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 369-73, II, 662-64; The Contributor (Salt Lake City, 1879-96), IV (1883), 194-96; Whitney, History of Utah, IV, 666-67; Appraisement of Estate, MS, Salt Lake County Clerk's Office.

19 Neff, op. cit, 781.

20 Appraisement of Estate, MS, Salt Lake County Clerk's Office. The writer has been unable to find a biographical sketch of John Kimball.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

established several retail outlets in nearby towns. In the transaction of his business, Godbe crossed the Great Plains twentyfour times before 1869. Although a religious man (he was a president of the seventies of the Mormon Church), a practicing polygamist, and a friend and protege of Brigham Young, Godbe eventually rebelled against the dictatorial manners and temporal interventions of the Mormon president, and was finally excommunicated in 1869. He thus became leader of the group of Mormon dissenters known as "Godbeites." This, and the commencement of the ZCMI Drug Store in 1869, cost him the patronage of his drug enterprises. After disposing of his business, he claimed to have been left with a debt of $100,000. Thereafter, he played an important role in the development of mining and smelting in Utah and surrounding states, by which he accumulated a modest fortune. He was a founder and leading supporter of The Utah Magazine, its successor, the Mormon Tribune (later Salt Lake Tribune), and the Liberal Party. During the 1860's, Godbe's mercantile profits were spotty, but his tax payments from Utah nevertheless ranked seventh. 21 8. H E N R Y W . L A W R E N C E (1835-1924). Lawrence was reared in a family which had been converted to Mormonism

by Joseph Smith and John Taylor, when on a mission to Toronto, Canada, in the 1830's. The family moved to Illinois in 1838, where the father died. In 1850 the mother and children crossed the Plains to Salt Lake City, where, in 1859, Lawrence associated himself in a mercantile business with his brother-in-law, John B. Kimball. The firm of Kimball and Lawrence, along with that of the Walkers, Jennings, Godbe, and Hooper-Eldredge, became one of the five most important mercantile enterprises in the territory. A devout Mormon at one time, a polygamist, a bishop's counselor and territorial marshal, Lawrence became a follower of William S. Godbe, and was similarly excommunicated from the church in 1869. Nevertheless, he remained in Salt Lake City, became a candidate for mayor, cooperated in forming Zion's 21 Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, ed.. Dictionary of American Biography (20 vols., New York, 1931), VII, 337; W. S. Godbe, "Statement," 1884, MS, Bancroft Library; Bancroft, History of Utah, 647-51; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 14-77; Tullidge, The History of Salt Lake City, Biographical Supplement, 50-52; Warrum, Utah Since Statehood, III, 754-60.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

35

Cooperative Mercantile Institution, engaged in mining activities, and continued with Kimball and Lawrence until the death of Kimball in 1871, after which he left ZCMI and Walker Brothers to divide between them the important mercantile trade of Salt Lake City. In 1890, he was appointed government receiver of the properties of the L. D. S. Church confiscated under die EdmundsTucker Act. Lawrence's reported income averaged approximately $8,700 per year during the years 1862-72.22 9. H O R A C E S. E L D R E D G E (1816-1888). Born in New York State, converted to Mormonism in 1836, Horace S. Eldredge joined die main body of the Mormons two years later in Far West, Missouri, migrated to Utah in 1848, and became a member of the First Council of Seventies of the Church in 1854—a position he held until his death. He served his church as purchasing and emigration agent in St. Louis for many years in the 1850's and 1860's; he likewise held a number of civic positions in Utah. His activities as church agent, which included purchases of livestock, machinery, supplies and provisions, gave him opportunities to invest, from time to time, in stocks of goods on his own account. He entered into a partnership with W . H. Hooper in 1859, and the two engaged in lucrative mercantile and banking operations in Salt Lake City in the 1860's. In 1865, Hooper sold his mercantile interests to H. B. Clawson, a son-in-law of Brigham Young, and the firm became Eldredge and Clawson. In 1869, this firm was absorbed into Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution, of which Eldredge became one of the original directors. Despite large losses in 1865 and 1867, Eldredge managed to earn an average income in excess of $7,500 during the period of the Civil W a r tax. In association with Hooper, he invested his earnings in urban real estate, Utah railroads, the Deseret National Bank, and other stable business properties. He left an estate of $542,000 at his death. Eldredge devoted most of the last years of his life to the service of ZCMI. He was its president 22 Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, Biographical Supplement, 50; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 81-82.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in 1873, and its superintendent from 1876 to 1881, and from 1883 to his death. 23 10. J O H N W . KERR (18 7-1893). Kerr had gone to Utah in the 1850's as a clerk for the prominent early merchandising firm of Livingston and Bell. That firm disbanded upon the outbreak of the Utah W a r in 1857, and Kerr remained to take over the business. In 1864 he added banking and the purchase of gold dust to his business, and in partnership with Charles W . Durkee, Governor of Utah (1865-1870), and William Kiskadden, uncle of Maude Adams, he opened the Miners' National Bank which was the first national bank in Utah. Kerr and Durkee also imported trains of merchandise annually into the territory valued at upwards of $130,000. While their losses were occasionally heavy, Kerr's reported income averaged almost $7,000 per year. 24 Largely deprived of profitable merchandising activity after the formation of ZCMI, Kerr, a non-Mormon, contracted to supply ties to the Union Pacific Railroad in 1869, dealt in livestock, and engaged in mining activities during the 1870's and 1880's. These appear not to have been particularly profitable. Kerr was one of many non-Mormon merchants who invested large sums in the development of Corinne as a possible business and political capital of Utah. He was president and a principal owner of the Corinne Mill, Canal and Stock Company, a $600,000 concern which owned, among other things, 90,000 acres of land, 26,000 sheep, 5,000 cattle, 1,000 horses, a ranch and a grist mill in the Bear River Valley. It was this company which contracted with James R. Bothwell to build the famous Bothwell Canal which irrigates much of the Bear River area. At 23 Jenson, Latter-day Saints Biographical Encyclopedia, I, 196-97; Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, Biographical Supplement; 65-75; Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 406-14, 430-32; Whitney, History of Utah, IV, 24650; Appraisement of Estate, MS, Salt Lake County Clerk's Office.

24 When the Mormon boycott of "unfriendly" merchants began in the late 'sixties, Kerr and Durkee had a large supply of merchandise which they were unable to move. In association with Alexander Toponce, diey traded these goods to merchants in central Utah for 6,000 head of cattle, trailed the cattle to the mining region of western Nevada, and sold them to freighters and butchers in the mining camps for almost $300,000. Kerr's share of the profits was $100,000. Needless to say, his tax return did not show this much income! Alexander Toponce, Reminiscences (Ogden, Utah, 1923), 152-59.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

37

his death in 1893, Kerr left an estate of $150,000 largely in various pieces of real estate. 25 If we can trust the Civil W a r income tax reports, these were the wealthiest people in Utah during the years 1862-72.

Not among this group was General Patrick Connor, the so-called "Founder of Mining" in Utah. Connor either reported from another territory; or, as is more likely, his losses from uneconomic mining activities left his income below the reportable figure. Also not among the group was Alexander Toponce, who boasted of having cleared more than $100,000 on three transactions in 1867, $100,000 in 1868, and large amounts in succeeding years. 26 Not among the group also were the various high officials of the Mormon Church. W i t h the exception of Brigham Young, much of whose declared income was from the church property listed in his name, not a single general authority of the Mormon Church was among the ten highest income payers in any of the years covered by the Civil W a r tax. 27 Of the twenty-eight separate persons who served as general authorities of the L. D. S. Church from 1862 to 1872, only two of them (Brigham Young and Lorenzo Snow) reported an income during each of the ten years; and only sixteen of them earned enough to pay a tax any single year out of the ten.28 Few of them left any sizeable property holdings upon their deaths. 29 "Ibid., H5A7, 152-59, 172-76, 184-85, 190, 217-23, 233-36; Appraisement of Estate, MS, Salt Lake County Clerk's Office. The writer has been unable to find a biographical sketch of Mr. Kerr. ™Ibid., \45A6, 152-59.

27 H. S. Eldredge was a president of the seventies, but that was not a policy-making position.

28 The leading income earners among high Mormon officials, and their average declared incomes (rounded), were as follows: Brigham Young, $32,000; Horace S. Eldredge, $7,500; Heber G Kimball, $3,000; George Q. Cannon, $2,200; Daniel H. Wells, $2,000; Orson Pratt, $1,800; Lorenzo Snow, $1,600; Edward Hunter, $1,300; Albert Carrington, $1,200. All other Mormon officials appear to have earned less than $1,000 per year on the average.

29 At the office of the Salt Lake County Clerk can be found appraised values of the estates left by fourteen of the twenty-eight general authorities of the L. D. S. Church from 1862-72. Only four of these left an estate valued in excess of $100,000. These were Horace S. Eldredge ($541,630); Joseph F. Smith ($415,180); Brigham Young ($361,170); and George Q. Cannon ($201,051). The median estate left by the fourteen was but $34,290.

The fourteen which are recorded are probably the largest estates. Undoubtedly, many of the remaining fourteen left no estates at all.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In studying the lives of those who did achieve wealth, a common social pattern emerges. All ten were what might be called "self-made men." None of them had very much schooling. All ten started to work at an early age, usually as the result of the death of the father or other desperate family circumstances. All ten were what might be called adventurers; their commercial success was a matter of taking advantage of fortuitous opportunities. At least four were born abroad—the Walkers, Jennings, and Godbe, in England; and Lawrence in Canada. Only Young, Hooper, and Eldredge were definitely Yankees. Seven of the ten—Young, the Walkers, Jennings, Hooper, Godbe, Lawrence, and Eldredge'—were or came to be Mormons, but only Young and Eldredge were regarded as strictly "orthodox." 30 Eventually, as noted, the Walkers, Lawrence, and Godbe were to apostatize from the faith they had earlier adopted. All ten leading income-earners were patrons of the arts and extremely proud of their cultural contributions. All of them were likewise interested in civic affairs, and held varying positions of responsibility in city, county, and territorial governments. Each leading income-earner seems to have had a high sense of responsibility toward his community and its citizens.

Of greatest significance, however, is the fact that virtually all of the leading income-earners were merchants. This reflects the failure to develop profitable industries in Utah. It also reflects the type of agriculture, which was based upon die small freehold, rather than on the plantation or ranch system in which large numbers of people worked for a few wealthy landowners.

A study of the source of the incomes of the merchants further indicates that their earnings came largely from profitable trade widi the mining camps opened up in the 1860's in Idaho, Montana, Colorado, and Nevada. Significant amounts of wheat, flour, dried fruit, butter, salt and merchandise were shipped by Salt Lake merchants to these lucrative "outside" markets. Indeed, most contemporary observers reported that the territories surrounding Utah were largely maintained in the 1860's by Utah's exports. ". . . the amount of money invested in this business," wrote Samuel W . Richards in 1865, "is vastly enriching many 80 However, Jennings, Godbe, and Lawrence, in addition to Young and Eldredge, contracted polygamous marriages.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

39

of our citizens, as well as merchants who deal in importation."

"There are many here," he continued, "who are able to pay Tithing on from fifty thousand to one hundred thousand dollars profit on one year's business; only one, however, has Tithed the latter amount to my knowledge, but many from the lesser amount upwards." 81 After 1869 and the coming of the railroad, of course, most of the large incomes were from mining. The importance of mining profits after 1869 can be gauged from the fact that in 1871 almost half of all the income earned by Utah's taxpayers came from mining operations. The major reason for the absolute decline of mercantile earnings after 1869 would seem to have been the organization of Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution, which absorbed the business of such Mormon merchants as Jennings, Hooper, Lawrence, and Eldredge, and virtually destroyed, temporarily at least, the earnings of the apostate firms of Walker Brothers and W . S. Godbe, and the nonMormon firm of Kerr and Durkee.

Many readers will be interested in comparing incomes in the 1860's and early 1870's with equivalent incomes in today's prices. It is well known that many prices today are considerably higher than they were ninety years ago. Just how much higher is subject to dispute, for comparisons of changes in the cost of living over such a long period are subject to a high degree of error. Not only do we consume many commodities which did not even exist in the 1860's, but the use made of commodities and their relative importance in the budget is vastly different. Studies that have been made of the national picture would seem to indicate that the nation's cost of living was about the same in 1913 as in the period 1862-72, and that the cost of living has risen about 271 per cent since 1913.82 Thus, one would be led to be31 Samuel W. Richards to the editor, December 3, 1865, Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star (Liverpool), XXVIII (1866), 76. Richards may have exaggerated earnings somewhat since he was writing for European consumption.

Of course tithing was usually paid on gross profits, and income taxes on net profits, and this may explain why tithed incomes were so much higher than declared incomes for tax purposes. The alternative explanation is that merchants were dishonest in making their reports on incomes for 1865.

32 The cost of living index' of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, with 1913 = 100, gives the index for 1863-71, Inclusive, as 95. Alvin Hansen, also with 1913 = 100, finds the 1863-71 index to be 136. W .

Randolph Burgess places the 1863-71 index at 98. For practical purposes,

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

lieve that Brigham Young's $10,000 income in 1864 would be equivalent to $27,100 today. This assumes, of course, that the cost of living in pioneer Utah was about the same as in the nation, which is not necessarily true. N o study has been made comparing the two, but there can be no doubt that the price of food and clothing was much higher in Utah than in the United States during the 1860's. On many items, Utah prices were more than double prices in the States. The price of flour in Utah, from 1862 to 1872, ranged from $6.00 to $15.00 per hundred; butter often exceeded $1.00 per pound; sugar ranged from 50 cents to $1.00 per pound, and coffee was almost always in excess of $1.00 per pound. Unbleached sheeting was almost $1.00 per yard, while broadcloth prints ranged up to 50 cents per yard. Coal— always a scarce item—was $50.00 a ton in 1865. Of course, rents in Utah were usually cheaper than the national average, as were the prices of vegetables. 83 O n the whole, it would seem to be a good guess that a $10,000 income in Utah in 1862-72 would be equivalent to no more than $20,000 in today's prices.

While the incomes of Utah's merchants and miners seem large by comparison with the bulk of Utah's pioneers (remember that more than nine-tenths of Utah's family heads received an income of less than $600 per year), they pale in comparison with those earned in the eastern part of the United States during the same years. According to Rufus Tucker, at least seventy-nine taxpayers in New York City reported 1863 incomes in excess of $100,000, as did sixteen in Boston. A. T . Stewart, owner of a dry goods store in New York City, reported an income of $1,843,000, while William B. Astor, Cornelius Vanderbilt, Moses

we may regard the cost of living during the period of the Civil War tax as about the same as 1913. In the new series of consumer price indexes, 1913 is 42.3, while 1954 was 114.8. See U. S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, 1789-1945 (Washington, 1949), 228-35; Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1954 (Washington, 1954), 330; U. S. Department of Commerce, Survey of Current Business, XXXV (February, 1955), back cover.

33 On prices in Utah in the 1860's, see Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints (New York, 1862), 320-21; Samuel Bowles, Across the Continent (Springfield, Massachusetts, 1865), 101-02; W. G Staines to George Reynolds, January 7, 1865, Millennial Star. XXVII (1865), 221; Hiram Rumfield to his wife, January 3, 1863, in Archer Butler Hulbert, ed., Letters of An Overland Mail Agent in Utah (Worcester, Mass., 1929), 57. Burton, Bowles, and Rumfield all stated that living expenses were much higher in Utah than in the United States.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

41

Taylor, and LeGrand Lockwood, all of the same city, reported incomes well in excess of $500,000.84 This was the same year that Utah's top individual income was William Jennings' $14,600!

And, of course, there were many equally high incomes reported from such centers of trade and finance as Boston and Philadelphia. The picture was the same in other years. In 1864, when Utah's top income was $29,646, the number in other parts of the nation reporting incomes more than $100,000 was higher in 1863. William B. Astor reported $1,300,000, and Cornelius Vanderbilt, Moses Taylor, and Simon Arnold all declared incomes in excess of $500,000.

Some observers have thoughtlessly referred to Utah's pioneer leaders as belonging to the same clan as the Robber Barons who strutted onto the national stage after the war between the states. 35 Viewing the incomes revealed by the Civil W a r tax returns, one is forced to conclude that Utah's merchant princes were mere pigmies by comparison. One did not become a Robber Baron on an income of ten, twenty, or thirty thousand dollars per year. Nor is there any hint of the manipulation of stocks, trading on fictitious values, corruption of the judiciary, speculative promotional schemes, and other devices which made the Robber Barons both wealthy and infamous. Merchandising in the west involved huge risks—five of the ten leading merchants received negative incomes during one or more years of the 1860's —and the assumption of those risks required the incentive of comfortable profits in good years.

The tax returns not only point to the chief income-earners, but also reveal considerable information about the income structure of pioneer Utah. In this as in all other conclusions, we depend, of course, upon the accuracy and honesty of the returns.

The following table gives the number of taxpayers in each of the income groups listed: 8

*Rufus Tucker, op. cit. 563-64.

The Robber Barons are discussed in Matthew Josephson, The Robber Barons: The Great American Capitalists. 1861-1901 (New York, 1934); Frederick Lewis Allen, The Lords of Creation (New York, 1935); Gustavus Myers, History of the Great American Fortunes (3 vols.. New York, 1910).

35

42

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Income Group

$

600- 1,000 1,001- 2,000 2,001- 3,000 3,001- 5,000 5,001-10,000 10,001-25,000 25,001-50,000 Over 50,000

1863

1864

1865

1866

1867

373 73 5 10 2 4 0 0

534 259 176 107 22 21 8 11 10 9 5 2 1 0 0 0

227 19 18 8 3 0 0

214 23 10 2 2 0 0

467

756

275

251

409

1870

1871

51 21 9 14

86 39 16 11 1 7 1 3

97

162

Source: U. S. Office of Internal Revenue, Utah District, Tax Lists, May 1864 to April 1873, Vols. II-V, VIII, MSS, Bancroft Library. Tax lists in which 1868 incomes are reported are given only for Salt Lake and Summit counties and are therefore omitted; lists declaring 1869 incomes are completely missing.

As the number of income-earners in Utah was approximately 8,000 in 1863, and grew to about 15,000 by 1871, one can say that about 9 5 % of Utah's income-earners received an income of less than $600 per year, excluding, of course, their own farm and garden produce consumed during the year. Of those 5% who were above the $600 level, more than 70%, on the average, received incomes of less than $1,000, and more than 90% earned less than $2,000. Thus, the number of persons in Utah who were in the middle and upper income brackets was limited to a mere handful. Only six persons received an income in excess of $5,000 in 1863; this number increased to sixteen in 1864, but dropped to eleven in 1865 and 1866. Only after the coming of the railroad in 1869, and the opening up of mining and manufacturing, did the number in the upper brackets increase significantly. Some thirty-seven persons received more than $5,000 in 1871. Thus, there was not much income differentiation in pioneer Utah until after 1869. While there were only thirty-seven Utahans with an income above $2,000 in 1867, there were 162 such persons in 1871.

A comparison of Utah's income structure with that of the national income structure in the same years reveals that the distribution of income in pre-1869 Utah was much more equal than

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

43

that of the nation as a whole. The following table gives a comparison of the distribution of income in Utah and the United States for the two years 1866-1867: Utah Income Group

1,000- 1,400 1,400- 2,000 2,000- 3,000 3,000-11,000 Over 11,000

Percent of Taxpayers

57 27 9 6 1

Percent of Income

34 22 10 18 16

United States Percent of Percent of Income Taxpayers

39 24 15 19 3

15 13 12 34 26

100 100 100 100 Source: For Utah, the same as for the preceding table. For the United States, the Annual Report of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue for the year 1872 (Washington, 1872), p. vi. In order to get comparable figures on per cent of income for Utah and for the United States, I have assumed that in both cases the average income in each class is the geometric mean of the limits of the class. The mean income of the group with an income over $11,000 is assumed to be $25,000.

Since the proportion of persons receiving incomes below $600 (later $1,000 and $2,000) was roughly the same in Utah as for the nation, the higher percentage of persons in the upper income groups for the nation reveals a more highly stratified income-earning population. This is to say, the wealthiest people in the nation received a larger share of the national income than did the wealthy group in Utah of Utah's income. The greater proportion of persons in the lower categories in Utah—in 1866-67, 93 per cent of all Utah taxpayers reported incomes of less than $3,000—indicates that the bulk of the people of the territory had similar incomes. Striking evidence of the greater equalitarian tendency in Utah is found by plotting the income structures of the United States and Utah in the form of a Lorenz curve (used by statisticians to compare income distribution).

The curve for Utah before 1869 shows much less concavity than that for the nation, thus bearing out the conclusion that there was less concentration of personal income in pioneer Utah than in the nation.

44

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The most accurate device used by statisticians in comparing income distribution, however, is the Pareto curve. The number of persons in each income class is cumulated on an or more basis, and an ogive is plotted on double logarithmic paper. 38 The steeper the slope, and the higher the figure giving the slope of the line, the more equal the distribution of income. Application of the method to United States and Utah data for the years 1866-67 results in a slope of 1.76 for Utah incomes, and a slope of 1.41 for United States incomes. Thus, the distribution of income was roughly one-fourth more equal in pre-railroad Utah than in the nation. Moreover, Utah's income was more equally distributed than the "Normal" posited by Pareto in his well-publicized "law." This law stated that the slope, at all times and places, will approximate 1.5.

The greater equality in the distribution of income in prerailroad Utah would seem to have been the result of the levelling influence of the frontier, and the social policies of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The lack of opportunities for gain, and the lack of accumulated property tended to reduce the great bulk of income-earners, not only in Utah but elsewhere in the west, to the common level of what they could earn with their own hands. Property incomes were rare and low. Moreover, the lack of accumulated capital caused most important enterprises, particularly in Utah, to be initiated and maintained on a group, church, or cooperative basis. The only exception to this was mercantile enterprises, and even these, after 1869, were largely cooperative in nature. Thus, if business profits were made, they tended to be divided among many persons.

Mormon land policy also tended toward small holdings which were limited in size to what a man could farm with the help of his own family or families. Likewise, the Mormon emigration program was equalitarian, causing much of the surplus capital earned in Utah to be used under church direction for the emigration of the poor in Europe rather than for private investment

36 Tucker, op. cit, 549 ff.; Simon Kuznets, "National Income," in Edwin R. A. Seligman, ed.. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (20 vols., New York, 1933), XI, 219-24; and N. O. Johnson, "The Pareto Law," in The Review of Economic Statistics, February, 1937, pp. 20-26. Professor Joe Elich, Utah State Agricultural College, assisted with the mathematics involved in obtaining the results given in this paragraph.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

45

in income-producing properties. Moreover, Brigham Young's home industry policy caused much of the earned surplus to be invested in industries which were, or came to be, uneconomic and financially unremunerative. Finally, the practice of polygamy tended to place families on a more equal footing, for a large proportion of Mormons in the upper income groups supported several families. Brigham Young, for example, with an average reported income of $32,000 per year in the 1860's, supported between fifteen and twenty families, with a total of between sixty and seventy wives and children. Thus the social policies of the dominant church tended to create an equalitarian society.

The coming of the railroad in 1869, however, set in motion forces which caused Utah's income distribution to become more unequal. While the distribution of income in the nation remained virtually unchanged, the very large incomes received by some Utahans from mining, smelting, merchandising and manufacturing caused the slope of the Utah curve to decline to 1.09 in 1871. This occurred because twelve people received half of all the income declared by Utah's taxpayers in that year. This does not mean, of course, that all of these high-incomes—all of these newly-earned profits.—were at the expense of the great mass of Utah's farmers and workers, for the number of persons in each income tax bracket actually increased. W h a t it does mean is that most of the new income created in Utah as the result of the railroad went into the hands of a dozen or so merchants and mine proprietors. Since Utah's greater concentration after 1869 resulted from legitimate business profits, rather than from speculation or plunder of the Robber Baron variety, it indicates the higher level of production and employment which the coming of the railroad made possible.

Despite the greater concentration of income in Utah after 1869, it seems quite likely that the concentration was less than would have been the case without the organization of Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution. Under church sponsorship, ZCMI virtually caused the abolition of all high individual mercantile profits in the territory by absorbing the important retail and wholesale merchandising activity of Salt Lake into a concern dedicated to "reasonable" pricing policies and support of terri-

46

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

torial industry. Perhaps the most interesting defense of this Mormon attempt to capture the mercantile trade of the territory was advanced by Mormon authorities in 1875. Regarding the events preceding the establishment of ZCMI and its string of local supporting cooperatives, church officials wrote: A condition of affairs existed among us which was favorable to the growth of riches in the hands of few at the expense of the many. A wealthy class was being rapidly formed in our midst from those of the rest of our community. The growth of such a class was dangerous to our union; and, of all people, we stand most in need of union and to have our interests identical. Then it was that the Saints were counseled to enter into cooperation. In the absence of the necessary faith to enter upon a more perfect order revealed by the Lord unto the Church, this was felt to be the best means of drawing us together and making us one. 37 Gentile and apostate merchants, of course, opposed this aggressive mercantile cooperative on the basis of immediate self-interest and libertarian economic philosophy. The ensuing dispute produced the Godbeite schism, the Liberal Party, and other divisive factions and interests. The important point to note here is the Mormon authorities were keenly aware of the growing inequality in income which the tax data evidenced, and ZCMI may have been conceived initially to check this trend. If it be remembered that the general authorities of the Mormon Church were not, as a rule, moneyed men, it becomes clear that one cannot interpret the Mormon-Gentile dispute of the late 'sixties and early 'seventies as simply a struggle for economic power between two opposing financial interest-blocs, each equally determined to eliminate the other as a commercial influence. Rather, the tax lists would seem to substantiate the thesis advanced by Edward Tullidge, "The issue of those times," he wrote in 1881, "was—Should she [the Mormon Church] hold her temporal power or lose it?— Should the vast money agencies which had grown up among S7 Circular to the Latter-day Saints . . . , signed by the First Presidency and Council of Twelve Apostles (Salt Lake City, July 10, 1875), Peirce Pamphlet Collection, Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

TAXABLE INCOME IN U T A H

47

her own people, in the country which she had settled, at length overwhelm her; or should she, by combinations of her own, place those agencies at her back and preserve her supreme potency?" 38 Whether or not this was Brigham Young's estimate of the situation is, of course, difficult to say. That "vast money agencies" were threatening to grow up in pioneer Utah does seem to be borne out. W i t h the establishment of ZCMI, however, the merchant, who appears to have dominated Utah's economy in the 1860's, was forced into a less influential position. In the decade after the coming of the railroad, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the more fortunate mining interests would appear to have assumed the leading role.

38

Tullidge's Quarterly Magazine, I, 363.

T H E H I S T O R Y OF I S A A C S O R E N S E N SELECTIONS F R O M A P E R S O N A L J O U R N A L EDITED BY A. N . SORENSEN*

INTRODUCTION

I

LIVED IN Mendon in what my generation calls its golden age, 1880-1900. Pioneer conditions prevailed for most of this period, and the struggle for subsistence continued. Few modern conveniences were at hand until the mid-nineties, when headers, steam threshers, the Jackson Fork, fancy and white-top buggies and riding plows eased the burdens of the men, who had begun dry farming. N o household improvements cheered the women until a decade or so later when waterworks and electricity ushered in the modern era.

The Mendon people were poor but happy, in a period when one of the tenents of the United Order, unity and friendliness, drew the residents together in a congenial bond of common interests. Young people associated in groups of the same age, about thirty in a group. In the summer-time we had frequent buggy rides, since the town was full of fine horses. It was also full of orchards, and all we needed for a good time was to meet under an apple tree and visit while we ate fruit that had not been visited by pests. In the many moonlit nights of summer we gathered on various lawns and sang or played games. Money was not half so important as was the hearty, friendly participation in all of our sports. Swimming was one. Blessed with radiant health and keen appetities, what mattered muddy roads or the never-ending chore of keeping the home fires burning.

W e knew everybody's dogs, horses, cows, chickens and sleighs,

* Isaac Sorensen was one of the pioneers and founders of the community of Mendon in Cache Valley. His "History" is, of course, in great measure the early story of that town. It is here presented as a feature in the centennial celebration of Cache Valley, which occurs this year. A. N. Sorensen, who has prepared this material, is the son of the journalist and was for many years on the faculty of the old Brigham Young College and the Utah State Agricultural College.

50

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

every room in every house, and called all the mothers, aunties.

W e were at home in any house.

During the winters merry sleigh bells jingled frequently on lively horses as big loads of us made the rides enjoyable.

Coasting and skating were popular also, and many Saturdays were spent on the large fields of ice below town. Dancing, of course, was high on our list of pleasures. Our townsman, H. T .

Richards, had built a dance hall of which we were proud and in which we danced with all the vigor of youth. In fact, all of our friendly "sociables" in homes always open to us were occasions lively and pleasant.

W e were close to pioneer days. W e knew all about feeding and milking cows, tending horses and hogs, and teaching calves to drink. W h e n we were little we held skeins of yarn on our arms while our mothers rolled them into balls; helped to make starch and soap and smoke meat; and stripped sugar cane for the molasses which was good on hot biscuits and better in the form of candy. Perhaps most of all we appreciated the roasts, puddings, pies and many other delicious viands our mothers drew from their ovens. W e fed well in those days.

W e went to school, attended all church organizations, sang in the choir and always defended the honor of our town, which changed little in the golden age. Henry Hughes and his counselors served for thirty years. Our Sunday school teachers worked for long periods. T h e Home Dramatic Company staged plays regularly. The musical Sweetens furnished organists and led a competent brass band. Our baseball team played a good brand of ball.

In this closely-knit town Isaac Sorensen served for twelve years as school trustee, fifty years as leader of the choir, and forty years as Sunday school superintendent. He was always a director of recreational activities. Interested in the town of his choice, he wrote a "History of Mendon," a copy of which is in the files of the Utah State Historical Society. In 1903 he wrote a "Personal History" for his family, from which I have taken the following account. Modernization at times in spelling and grammar and sentence structure have in no wise changed the intent or meaning. Brackets show my words.

HISTORY OF ISAAC SORENSEN

51

JOURNAL Isaac Sorensen, son of Nicoli and Malena Olsen Sorensen, was born in the town of Hengerup in the district of Soro, Island of Sjelland, Denmark, February 24, 1840.

My father was a farmer, also a wheelright. [As a young man he loved music and for a time played violin in the Tivoli Orchestra of Copenhagen.] He had a farm of 60 acres, quite large for a place near to Copenhagen, on which he employed workmen and a dairy maid. In addition to his farm he had a shop in which he admitted apprentices to do such work as repairing wagons and other farm implements then in use, making coffins, new wagons, sleds, spinning wheels, etc.

I was raised on the farm among the cows, horses, sheep and chickens and took much interest in the farm work. As a lad I herded cows, sheep and lambs, a rather tedious job, but necessary. Later I learned how to plow, harrow, mow hay with a sythe, and cradle wheat.

I started to school at age seven and went every other day until I was fourteen. I could read well before I started to school, and during my period of attendance I learned considerable history, wrote a fairly good hand, and could solve all ordinary problems in arithmetic. This was all the education I got. I was fond of amusements such as card playing, dancing, and baseball and participated in these sports with zest and relish.

W h e n I was fourteen years of age, Latter-day Saint elders came into our town, and [the purpose and aims of life we had followed were radically changed]. Our whole family of devout Lutherans embraced the Gospel, but not all at once. The boys in the family were named Peter, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Christian and Henry. The girls' names were Sophia, Christina, Marie, and Sena. Abraham and Isaac were baptized June 18, 1855, father, mother, and Marie in September, Jacob and Christian and Christina soon after. Sena and Henry were not old enough then.

Peter and Sophia were not converted yet. They lived away from our town and were exposed to the usual ridicule which was by no means lacking in our neighborhood. Still, by degrees, the whole family working faithfully on them, they accepted the gospel and longed to go to Zion.

52

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The time spent in Denmark after our conversion was the happiest of our lives. Father sold his place in the spring of 1856, but reserved the right to live in his workshop until April of 1857, when the family, excepting Sophia, left for Utah. Sophia and her husband, Andrew Andersen, promised to join them in Utah in 1858. [They kept their promise.] Andrew Andersen's brother was working for father, had joined the church, and father added him to our family, twelve in all.

W e bade farewell to uncles, cousins, aunts, friends, many of them, who seemed to feel very sorry for us, but we felt sorry for them who might, if they would, have believed our testimony and rejoiced in the glorious gospel, and been happy in leaving all for the same. W e were happy in leaving the fatherland and traveling over seas, railroads, plains, rocky mountains, sandy hills in all kinds of weather, braving the danger of Indian attacks, buffalo herds and much else in a wild wilderness. W e had great faith in the Lord and his prophets and inspired servants and on the 18th day of April, 1857, said a last farewell to dear old Denmark. Arriving at Liverpool, England, we embarked on die sailship Westmorland, and seven weeks later docked in the harbor of Philadelphia.

The tedium of crossing the ocean was relieved to some extent when we were not too seasick. W e danced on the deck. The captain amused himself by throwing small cakes on the deck and watching youngsters scramble for them. The saints on the ship were divided into four wards, each with a president. W e held ward meetings, also general meetings. W e often amused ourselves by watching the big fish and sea animals rolling in the water. Our worst trouble was that of appetite. Father was the only one of our family who could eat sea biscuits, so when we reached America we had lots of them. I think we sold them when we got ashore.

In Philadelphia it was awkward for us to do our trading because we could not speak English, but we bought a number of things. I got a new suit of clothes.

W e soon were on a train speeding west, and arrived in Iowa City seven or eight days after leaving Philadelphia, and were very busy picking out our outfits for crossing the plains. These outfits seemed wonderful to us, for many of us had never seen an ox before. The scenes to be witnessed the first few days

HISTORY OF ISAAC SORENSEN

53

are difficult to portray. You had to be there to appreciate them.

It was indeed comical as well as pitiful. Driving oxen must, like everything else, be learned, and mastering the art took time.

Sometimes the oxen would be piled up on top of each other in spite of the efforts of men on each side of them, for many of them had never been worked. However, we got along in a sure way. W e left the yokes on until we reached Florence three weeks later. N o one was hurt. There we found a handcart company and traveled with them most of the way to Utah, often camping with them for the night. W e soon learned to yoke and drive our oxen and I was picking up English expressions. After 9 or 10 weeks we arrived in Salt Lake City on September 15.

I was sick part of the way across the plains. I had chills and fever. In the hottest August days I lay in the wagon under the cover with a feather bed over me and would still shake.

W e saw many buffalo herds and sometimes killed a buffalo for meat. W e were fortunate in having no stampedes. Other companies had them. W e suffered no accidents, but we lost a number of oxen from poison alkali. Our best ox died and we had to buy a yoke of young oxen. Also we bought a cow that gave us milk.

Across Wyoming we often passed long freight wagon trains with ten yoke of oxen to a wagon. These were carrying provisions for the army on the way to Utah. Naturally we wondered what would happen to our people in Utah, and how we would figure in the outcome. But since we had braved much, but more because of our faith, we went on.

After arriving in Salt Lake City we moved south to Millcreek, and wintered on Big Cottonwood. The first winter was so mild that I worked all winter long husking corn. W e hauled logs out of Millcreek Canyon and built a house on a small farm we had rented.

On April 1, 1858 with a company of boys from Millcreek and Salt Lake City, I went out into the mountains to guard against a U. S. Army that had come out to set the Mormons right. W e went to Echo Canyon and from there to Lost Creek, where we made our camp and stayed for a month. W e had no skirmishes with the soldiers but other companies burned the feed, drove off beef cattle and burned 75 provision wagons on Sandy. Our company stood guard in half-night shifts. W e

54

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

were released at the end of the month and other boys from Millcreek took our places.

If Uncle Sam had taken a little forethought and had sent a commission to Utah and investigated the charges before he sent an army out here, he would have kept his army at home.

But the President and Congress listened to bad reports from judges who were sent east from here and on the strength of these false and wicked reports the army was sent. But it was, as it finally turned out, a blessing sent to the people of the valley, a beginning of prosperity, for much money was scattered among the people, good stores of merchandise were on sale, farmers sold grain and hay to the army, wood also, workmen made adobes, others worked on government buildings, and all in all, for a time, everybody had some money.

After I came back from Echo Canyon it was a short time before the move south commenced. This move included Salt Lake, Davis, Tooele, Weber, Box Elder and [Cache County] saints. All the counties south of Salt Lake were not asked to move. For some time before the move took place there was much talk of going far south into the W h i t e Mountains of Mexico. Even after their arduous trek to Utah, Mormons were willing to make a more hazardous journey to find liberty and peace. Nearly everyone was on hand to set fire to his hard earned home and go with die people of God wherever their lot might be cast. But this was not in the program. The saints had come to the tops of the mountains to build temples and make the wilderness blossom as the rose, and this move of the north counties south was all that was required of the people.

W e went south with all our possessions in the way of household goods and what flour we had. It took several trips for me to get everything moved. W e settled at Torrd [Pond] Town three miles south of Spanish Fork and some 70 miles from Salt Lake City. W h e n all was moved down there I went back to Millcreek to water the wheat and look after things. There was some one to look after most of the places, singlehanded, no families, so thoroughly was Brigham Young's counsel followed by his people. While on the place I was called to spend no little time in guarding Parley's Canyon at the mouth.

In the later part of the summer I paid a visit to Torrd [Pond] Town, and while down there the word came to move back to

HISTORY OF ISAAC SORENSEN

55

our homes. This was happy news, and at once we made ready for our return. Soon again the roads were lined with teams and travelers wending their pleasant way north, instead of to the W h i t e Mountains. After our return I cut our wheat with a cradle, Christina bound it, and she and I hauled it to the stack.

It was a fine stand of wheat, but more than half smut.

Father worked in Provo making spinning wheels for a man who cheated him out of most of his money. Later, this man apostatized and joined the foolish Morrisites who gathered on the Weber River. Father came back with me when I went for the last load. My brother Abraham was hired out to a man in Millcreek. Peter was married and living in Provo. Christina was working in Salt Lake. Father's money had all been spent in equipping his family and needy friends for the journey to Utah, the ship fares and the train fares.

Because I was the oldest boy at home, a good deal of responsibility rested on me at the age of eighteen, when we came back from the move. Father started a carpenter shop and made enough at that to get along during the winter of '58-'59.

In the fall of '58 my sister Sophia and her husband, Andrew Andersen, arrived in the valley and came out to Millcreek. During this memorable winter I suffered the worst physical setbacks of my life. First I was scalded with boiling water down my left leg, which laid me up for several weeks. Next, while in Millcreek Canyon getting wood, it snowed heavily and in the morning we were covered with snow and lying in water. From that I contracted a severe cold that turned to pneumonia. I had faint hopes of recovering, but I did through the blessings of the gospel.

The winter of '58-9 was extremely hard and long. The people in their worshiping meetings often prayed for sunny weather to make spring work possible, but for us and many more who intended to scout new frontiers and make new homes it was still more desirable to have congenial weather for traveling. The move south had prevented the cutting of hay, and consequently, our oxen were reduced to poverty and needed good roads for traveling.

W e had contemplated settling in the Provo Valley, now Heber, but the Hills and others from Millcreek voted for Cache Valley. Two Sorensen girls had married two Hill brothers, and

56

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

so we decided upon Cache Valley. Peter was still in Provo, and as usual with our closely-knit family, we wanted him to go with us. I went to Provo on foot to tell him about our decision.

I told him that, if he was willing he and I would take a wagon and two yoke of oxen, go to Cache Valley and start the home, and afterward return for the rest of the family. H e agreed at once, and next day we started for Millcreek.

The group leaving for Cache Valley included Alexander, James and William Hill, Andrew and Charles Shumway and families, Charles and Alfred Atkinson and families, Roger Luckham and wife, John Richards, Jr., Isaac and Peter Sorensen, Robert Sweeten, and Peter Larsen. W e spent nine days on the trip to Cache Valley because of rains and the poor state of our oxen. It was in the second week of May that we reached the site where Mendon now stands. W h e n we saw a clear stream of water, we unyoked our poor oxen and turned them out to pasture on the abundant grass, which waved on all the hills.

Lower down was fertile soil covered with wheat grass. Still lower and reaching to the river was a green section of meadow stretching for miles to the south and north. May flowers were in bloom, birds sang, the skies were blue in the clear sunshine, and I said in my heart "This is the place." And so it turned out, for I lived out my life in Mendon, as did nearly all of the Sorensens.

But the lateness of the season called for prompt action.

W e needed a crop of grain and after lunch the men walked up to the mountain and brought down enough material to make a three-corned drag or harrow for each family. Our oxen were too weak to pull a plow through the tough wheat grass. W e had to put four yoke of oxen on a small plow. T o do this we doubled with the Atkinsons. They plowed one day and we plowed the next, then we both harrowed the same day. Soon we had small fields of grain and we turned t i e water of the creek onto the thirsty soil.

On account of the danger of Indian raids, Peter Maughan asked the settlers to move to Wellsville, Maughan's Fort, for the summer. W e got out logs and in the fall built houses without lumber, excepting doors. All floors were of dirt.

The houses in all new towns were built in forts, for reasons of protection. Two rows of houses had a six-rod street between

HISTORY OF ISAAC SORENSEN

57

them and a street behind them. Next came the corrals, then the stackyards and finally the gardens.

In the fall of 1859 the town at first called the North Settlement began to function. The Sorensens were moved from Millcreek, Charles Bird came with a large family, seven or eight sons, most of them grown up. John Richards came with a large family. Ralph Forster and William Findlay and James G. Willie, [stalwarts in later history] came also. Andrew Andersen and wife, and Jasper Lemmon were there. So in its beginning, the fort had 25 families and several single persons. The houses were much alike. Logs for ten feet, a couple of windows, a lumber door, a 1/3 pitch roof thatched with willows and covered with soil, and of course, a big fireplace. W e spent the first winter in old southern states style. N o stoves of any kind were seen.

W e had bake skillets the same as we used in crossing the plains, and it is a fact that the bread thus cooked was sweeter than any that came out of an oven. One object was to get fires made, for matches were scarce. However, it was only a few steps to a neighbors and people were helpful. W e met together and thanked the Lord for all his blessings.

For a few months Mendon was known as the North Settlement, but in a meeting held in November in the house of Charles Bird, apostles Orson Hyde and Ezra T. Benson organized the ward. W h e n it was asked "By what name shall this settlement be known?" it was proposed that Elder Benson name it, then he said, "I will call it Mendon after the town in which I was born." W h e n the apostles asked whom we desired for our bishop. Sister Charles Atkinson nominated Andrew Shumway, who was sustained. [Democracy worked in Mendon.] At the same meeting I was chosen as music leader, a position from which I was never released. T h e ecclesiastical organization was simple in early times. There was a bishop without counselors, and next to him in authority was the president of the teachers quorum.

The winter of 59-60 was a busy one. Mendon was a recognized ward and raised to a ward standard. W e must have a meetinghouse, and we went out to get it. Some good logs were cut on the Mendon slopes, and hauled to Millville where there was an upright saw. Enough lumber for doors, window frames and a real floor was obtained. Men chopped logs in Millville Canyon in the cold of a hard winter, hauled them to Mendon,

58

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

and by early spring a new church graced the fort. It was a welcome change from the cramped quarters of a private house.

Religious services were enjoyed by devout persons seated on the hewed side of a log elevated to the proper level by sturdy props. These benches were moved around the edges of the hall to make space for dancers who moved willing feet to the call of the violin. Healthy, young and sociable they cast out thoughts of danger or difficulty and made merry. Happy in humble circumstances, they knew that Zion would become beautiful and be the glory of the earth.

In the spring of 1860 the Bakers, W o o d s and Gardners increased the population of Mendon, and took a very active part in ward affairs. A big piece of work was undertaken the same spring. Mendon residents knew that, in order to be safe, they should invite more settlers to their town. The problem was water, which could be had from Gardner Creek by budding a dam. Since the minority to use the water could not do the work alone, it was considered fair to ask all the men in town to participate. The men worked every other day, which gave them a chance to take care of their individual problems. Plows, wheelbarrows and small scrapers were all the implements they had for the project, but with spirit and energy they completed the dam and the three-mile ditch in time for watering. All felt joyful; all was well, when to the sad disappointment of men and women the dam broke in a weak spot. Like all good pioneers the men brushed off their tragic loss, rounded their shoulders and began once more, this time with success. The old dam still stands.

Little has been said so far about the Indians. For a number of years they were a troublesome nuisance, because they were running our stock away and eating them. Although we spent much time on guard against them we never in Mendon had any batdes with them. Instead of fighting them we did what Brigham Young always said to do. W e fed them. Many a beef creature was bought for them, flour and other things they needed were given and by adopting this course many lives were saved. Peter Maughan, president of Cache Valley, was a loyal friend to the Indians. On July 24, 1859, he and his people celebrated the great day. They built a bowery and served serviceberry pie, good bread butter and milk and great cuts of beef to Mendon

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and Wellsville people. After the whites had eaten 50 Indians ate all there was left. W h e n Peter Maughan died 200 Indians in gala dress attended his funeral. It did not take us long to develop a sympathy for the Indians. W e knew they were a remnant of the house of Joseph and sometime they would believe the gospel and do a great work in redeeming Zion. However, the settlers had much to contend with. Often it was necessary to go in groups, armed, to get timber. Once a group of young men, Alex. Hill, Joseph Baker, William Hill, Bradford Bird and others chased a group of Indians who had stolen horses and cattle up into the Malad Valley. They exchanged shots with the Indians, but the redskins were in the cedars and had the advantage. After Bradford Bird was shot in the leg the posse returned to Mendon without the animals.

In the years following the winters were spent in dancing in the old log meetinghouse, and indeed many a good time was enjoyed with tallow candles to give light and Ira Eames doing wonders with his violin. After Eames, came Winslow Farr and then Dock Walker. Lars Larsen, called Fiddler Larsen, was greatly appreciated. It must not be supposed that the brethren and sisters forgot their church duties. They were on hand for all calls and labors and were hopeful and contented.

In those days money was rarely seen. Tickets for parties were bought with wheat or flour. W e hauled our grain to Salt Lake for years and exchanged it for merchandise. Also, we took our grain to Brigham City to get our flour until mills were built in Cache County. Most of our income was from wheat we raised. There was no sale for butter or eggs, no market for stock except in exchange among ourselves. There was a demand for oxen. From two to 300 bushels of wheat was considered a good crop in those days.

Time passed. Father had a carpenter shop and spent time in die winter making chairs, ax handles, ox yokes and other articles. There was ball playing in the spring of the year, and I took great pleasure in the game. In '61 Mendon was two years old. The first team to leave Mendon for Omaha to bring back emigrants was driven by Amenzo Baker. He returned in the fall of '61 with his four yoke of oxen and a load of saints.

In that year one would find the spinning wheel turning from morning to night. After the yarn was spun, the next thing

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was to color it. Herbs and bark and curious mixtures were used.

As time went on improvements were made until some rather creditable dress patterns were shown by the women—not broadcloth, but better than at first. The winter '61-2 was long, hard, cold, wet, a test of patience and courage. Until the middle of January rain fell almost constantly. A cart loaded with wood would mire up on the bench. As to the houses, the dirt roofs leaked as constantly as the rain fell. Women and children sat in beds with umbrellas over them, and then couldn't keep dry.

1862 was a late spring and an eventful one for me. I was called as a teamster to go to Omaha after emigrants. I left Mendon on April 29. Our company waited in the Ogden bottom for eleven days for ferry boats to be budt to cross the river in the highest water year known in Utah. All the tributaries of Green River were fearfully high and we had trouble with all of them and the Green. After this we made 25 miles a day.

I encountered poison ivy on the Platte, and was a long time getting over it, but I got to Florence somehow. W e stayed there for a week or more. It was a stirring sight to see the hundreds of tents on the rolling hills. W e had brought flour from home and found ready buyers among traders and people aiming at California. I bought a fine buffalo robe which I brought home and used for many years.

W e loaded our wagons to the bows. Eighteen persons with their luggage was the apportionment for each wagon. The return trip was made with efficiency. I had the luck of having an increase in my wagon. Mother and boy did first-rate. This family and another came with me to Mendon, but moved to Clarkston.

The boy was named after me. I made two trips to Salt Lake after I got home. W e did not do our threshing, or chaff piling, until the spring of 1863.

In the fall of '62 a very sad event took place. James Graham and his son-in-law, Bishop Shumway, were down on Muddy River after willows, when Graham, coming to a thicket, was pounced upon by a fierce mother grizzly bear that killed him in a short time. Bishop Shumway, who was unarmed, drove back to the fort and called for help. All the men in the fort at the time drove down to the river to execute vengeance on the killer. She was hard to find, but at length was spotted in a tangled thicket. Dan Hill of Wellsville and James Hill of

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Mendon resolutely crawled into the thicket. The bear, seeing them, opened an angry mouth and came toward them. Dan Hill aimed his musket, which failed to go off. Calmly he shoved the barrel of his gun down the throat of the beast, which gave James Hill time to fire a true and killing bullet that finished off the bear. It was a frightful thing to look at good Brother Graham with his throat torn open and his chest and head mutilated. This is the only bear tragedy in the history of Mendon.

It was often talked about, but James Hill would never admit [that he was a hero once] neither would Dan Hill. [It was only in the line of duty.]

In this year as in other years, not however every year, we were short of wheat for bread, and the only way we could, or did, act was to go down to Millcreek where we lived before we came to Cache Valley and borrow wheat and have it ground into flour. Then, after our next threshing, we would haul the same amount back again, and pay a peck on each bushel for interest. Even then we did not pay the men who lent the wheat because ours was smutty, and continued to be until we learned how to use vitrol.

In 1863, in the beginning of winter, a troop of soldiers from Camp Douglas, part of General O'Connor's [Patrick Edward Connor] force, stayed in Mendon over night. They were on their way to the north end of the valley to fight a band, or perhaps parts of several bands of Indians. They located the Indians on Battlecreek, east from Weston a few miles. The soldiers attacked the Indians and killed most of them, including some chiefs. Some soldiers were killed and a considerable number were wounded. The weather was extremely cold, and when the same group of soldiers returned and stopped in Mendon, many had their feet frozen. Mendon people did all they could to aid the afflicted soldiers, who were suffering both from wounds and frozen feet. Chicken stew was the best food the Mendon women could produce. Some of the sisters were good nurses and won many thanks from the soldiers. This battle almost put an end to Indian depredations in Cache Valley. Still it was not safe for one family to live away from town, and the counsel was strongly against doing so. Mr. Thurston had a mdl on Gardner Creek and lived by the mill with his family.

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One day, when the children came in from play, one was missing, a sweet little girl. At first the parents supposed the child had fallen into the mill pond. A search of the pond brought no results. It developed that a man had seen two Indian squaws riding a pony with a shawl around the squaws. Then the family was convinced that the girl was stolen. Volunteers scoured the mountains but discovered no trace. The loss distracted the Thurstons so completely that they moved to California.

1864 is a memorable year. The old fort was abandoned, the town surveyed and each family was allotted a homestead of 1 1/4 acres. Four years of cramped living in a fort were enough, although the experience of such living brought the people together. Some of the residents moved their fort houses onto their new lots. Others built new log homes. W e got logs from the canyon and budt the house father and mother died in. This house had hewed logs, dovetailed corners, nice door panels and lumber floor, a beginning of progression. In this year father and I raised the best crop we had produced. Father owned 17 acres of farm land and 20 acres of hay land. I had a 15 acre farm and some hay land. In the beginning of the settlement of the valley this was the amount of land allotted, in order to make room for more settlers and more protection by number. W e were kept busy during the summer making new corrals and stables.

W e also set out some apple trees, which did well. In the fort days peach culture was tried, but the trees froze. Berries, plums, apples and pears did well, and in a few years everybody had fruit. Watermelons also did well in the virgin soil.

The mines in Idaho and Montana were developing at this time. Many miners were located there and they depended on Utah for their breadstuffs. This demand could have been a blessing to us had we listened to the counsel of our leaders, which was for us to stay home and let the miners come here and make their purchases. In this way we could control the prices.

But some were so anxious for quick gains that they started the shipping of grain and flour themselves, even hiring extra teams, and overstocked the market, thus bringing prices low. Some sustained heavy losses, scarcely having enough left to pay for the sacks after all expenses were met.

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Through 64-65 what at least at that time were considered improvements were in sight. Better log homes appeared, and some flowers here and there made places look more homelike.

T h e fact of moving out of the fort influenced the spirit of improvement. Five years had changed the first log meeting house from a [first rater to a relic]. Mendon deserved a better church building, and by unanimous vote work began on the stone building in the west-central part of the public square. Almost completed in '65 it got the finishing touches in '66, and once again Mendon could match its meeting house with the best in the valley.

1866 was an eventful year. After a period of peace with the Indians, fears began to spread, possibly because of trouble with Blackhawk in central Utah. However this may be, our leaders became anxious about the safety of Cache Valley towns.

Clarkston and Mendon were urged to move into larger towns.

Clarkston did move to Smithfield but Mendon chose to remain at home.

The home militia was fully organized and private as well as general drills were set up. Mendon soldiers marched to Wellsville and were put through rigid muster, or drill, once a week. The general muster for the valley lasted three days, the first one being held on the bench where the Logan temple now stands. Brigham Young was there to witness the maneuvers. A tall signal pole was set up on Temple Hill, from which signal flags could be seen on a clear day from Smithfield, Wellsville, Hyrum and Mendon. Carriers could carry the signals to places not able to see Logan. The militia was well organized, able men were officers, the regular men were well trained and in the event of an Indian attack we could defend our homes and families successfully. The Indians openly expressed resentment against the whites for helping the U. S. soldiers who had defeated them at Battlecreek, and they wanted to give us trouble. Mendon had received orders either to increase their numbers or move.

At a general town meeting the people decided to share part of their lands with newcomers rather than desert the homes they loved. At the same meeting the people decided that, in order to make themselves more secure in case of an attack, they would build a strong stone wall around the new meetinghouse, with port holes at regular distances. All the women and children

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would be inside the meetinghouse while the men, with supplies of ammunition would guard the wall. Accordingly, all our men went to work with a will, some hauling rocks, others sand and clay, the rest laying the wall. W e spent three weeks on this wall. After working three weeks on this wall right in July we began to worry about getting up our hay, which was more than ready. So the wall was left half completed and sythes began to mow the priceless hay. The way the sweat did roll off a fellow was a caution, for the July sun was hot. The brethren who had been factory workers in the Old World suffered much more than we who were experts with the sythe.

Well, we got up our hay, but the wall was never finished. However, the work was not all wasted, for later when we put the T on the meetinghouse all the rock was used. W e celebrated the Twenty-fourth in a very enjoyable manner in our new, convenient chapel.

Although the heavy Indian excitement of the forepart of the year had subsided, there was now on our hands another war •—a grasshopper war. The hoppers came in myriads and destroyed the late oats. Fortunately, the wheat and early oats had been harvested. I was still a soldier in the horse company.

General Ezra Taft Benson had ordered each horseman to have 300 rounds of ammunition, a gun, a revolver and a saddle. I paid 30 dollars for a gun, 35 for my pistol and the same for my saddle. I went to Clarkston and brought Andrew Andersen to Mendon where he has lived ever since.

1867 was an eventful year, for the hoppers had laid dieir eggs and they hatched readily in the spring. Nearly everybody in Mendon had some grain on hand, which was most convenient at this time. W e wondered whether to sow our land or not, but Brigham Young said to sow it all. This was a wise decision, for tilling killed the eggs. My brother Peter left a few acres to summer fallow, and on these acres enough hoppers grew to eat nearly all of his grain. Father and I were more lucky. W e raised 260 bushels.

This year was the greatest building year in the history of Mendon. About 40 new rock houses were erected, and they matched the best in the valley. In this year we put up father's two-story house. W e hauled 400 perch of stone, and timber both for lumber and shingles. At the same time we were haying

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with sythes and harvesting with cradles. [Young men are capable of anything.]

'67 passed, as other years had, in a spiritual way. There was never any slacking up in that, perhaps everything did not work as well as it should have done but we tried. Spiritual and temporal works were always taught to be necessary. I always tried to do my part and had much satisfaction in the work. W e now had a Sunday School completely organized. I was a teacher until I was chosen as superintendent.

1868. The great year in a financial way. Hoppers came flying in, but the wheat was too far along to be damaged much and we raised a fairly good crop. Oats and potatoes were damaged more. This was the railroad year. The U. P. and the C. P. were coming together. Workmen and teams were in demand and wages were $6.00 a day for men and $10.00 a day for man and team. I went out in the fall and worked on a rock job, blasting and hauling rock. During the winter much money was made by Mendon people who hauled hay and potatoes to the camps. W h e a t brought $4.00 a bushel, hay and potatoes big prices. For us who had seen precious little money for nine years the jingle of coins was stimulating. W h e n the gap between the railroads was completed we went out to see the Golden Spike driven in.

It would seem that, with so much money in circulation, improvements would be made correspondingly. But this was not the case. Whether it was because the people did not know how to use their money I cannot say, but there were few new wagons or harnesses in town.

1869 was a grasshopper year and we raised a half crop.

The tide of progress had brought in mowing machines and grain reapers or droppers, which were a blessed change from the sythe and cradle.

I had built a neat hewed log house with shingle roof, good floors and casings, and was ready for marriage to Mary Poulsen of Providence. W e went to the Salt Lake Endowment House, not in a nice buggy but in a lumber wagon with no spring seat.

I had a splendid team, Kate and John, and it took a good outfit to pass us. Father and mother went along with us and we had an enjoyable trip, one long to be remembered, when we traveled 100 miles and are united for time and eternity. Our wedding

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day was celebrated two weeks after returning from Salt Lake.

W e were married on November 15 in good weather, and came back under fair skies. W e had a big wedding dinner and a dance in the evening. Many of the guests stayed overnight.

My good friend Peter Maughan came to the wedding and danced with vigor.

At the time of writing, or compiling this history, 1903, we have eleven children all living. God has been good to us, our marriage has been entirely successful, for my wife is an exceptional woman.

I had been a school trustee for 4 years before 1869, and continued for 8 more years. W e assessed and collected taxes, and it was not always pleasant, but we got along pretty well in the old log meeting house. I taught school for a time. W e had to wait patiently for progress to inspire Mendon people to build a schoolhouse that our children deserved.

The W o r d of Wisdom was given to us in 1869 as a commandment, and all who would obey the commandment would receive the blessings promised. Many of the saints were diligent in observing the law, but many were careless, in their habits and continued in their old ways. It is a noticeable fact that those who observed the law had more faith and were blessed of God. I had used coffee, tobacco and some whiskey, but when the law was given I threw my vices away and have never tasted them since.

1870. Indian troubles were over, railroads had come, improvements in farm machinery. Mendon City was incorporated this year, and received a charter. George Baker was the first mayor. The reason for the incorporation came from the feeling that a railroad station in town would invite saloons and gambling houses, and that in an incorporated town ordinances could be passed to prevent such nuisances.

The spring of 1870 came early and much wheat was sown, but hoppers reduced the crop one half. The Utah Northern Railroad was started this year. The Utah Central from Salt Lake to Ogden was built the previous year. I worked on the Utah Northern from the beginning, because we could make big wages; that is, we thought we could. Our payments came mostly in stock, which declined in value terribly when the road, the rolling stock and equipment were sold to Jay Gould for $80,000. The

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return on my stock brought my pay to one dollar a day. However, the road was worth a good deal to us, and we finally saw a reward for our sacrifices. The railroad brought better prices for our grain, and also opened markets for butter and eggs.

True to say, those who did not take part in the work were considered weak in the faith.

The Mendon Coop Store, organized in 1869, was doing a good business in 1870. I had shares in it. The aim was to handle a considerable amount of merchandise at a profit of only 18% and pass on the benefits to the people. Housewives now could trade eggs and butter for groceries, and farmers could sell their products at home. W e received more for our wheat in Mendon than we used to get after hauling it to Salt Lake, and furthermore, the prices we paid for goods were far below those of Salt Lake merchants who had to have 100% profit.

I took part in recreational activities such as theatrical and concerts and various musical groups.

In 1871 after putting in my crops as I always did in the spring at that time, I worked on the Utah Northern over at Dewyville until along in June when I came home to water my grain. This was a good year. Rain fell in June. My grain was a foot high and I believe it would have matured without watering.

At this time our grain was harvested with droppers. These machines would drop the bundles and then men and boys would bind them. W e cut from four to seven acres a day.

Mendon had a sheep herd which was pastured on Threemile Creek in the summer. W e had from 20 to 50 sheep which furnished wool for household needs. The herder was paid so much a head.

Peter Maughan, president of Cache Valley, and the first settler in the valley, one of the staunchest pillars of this area, died in the spring of this year. He was greatly beloved by all, whites and reds. As proof of this there were at his funeral 200 Indians in their very best dress, who followed his remains to the grave, and a long train of vehicles, so long you couldn't see the end of it, drove to the cemetery. President Maughan was a careful leader, and saved more lives by his prudence than did any other leader in these parts. His plea was, feed them rather than fight them.

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At this time our people were not without their troubles. W e had as Supreme Judge of Utah, James B. McKean, who, in league with apostates and gentiles in Salt Lake, did all in his power to make trouble for the Mormons. He made unjust rulings, liberated criminals, and sanctioned many other wicked and unlawful things. He subjected Daniel H. Wells and others to imprisonment in Camp Douglas. An appeal from his rulings was made to the U. S. Supreme Court, which reversed McKean's ruling. Brigham Young was imprisoned in his own house and guarded by soldiers. W i t h some other brethren I went to Salt Lake during McKean's administration and took out my citizenship papers. W e stood the old man off very well.

In 1872 the Utah Northern reached Logan. A few months earlier, when it got to Mendon all the kiddies in town went up to the divide where a train stopped and gave them a ride to Mendon. There were dinners and dances in the settlements when the rails reached Logan. On to Franklin! was the slogan now. But it was harder to get men to work than it had been.

Men would say "The big fish will eat the little ones." But enough men volunteered to push the road to the terminus, Franklin.

I made a trip to Camas with a load of freight in September.

It was a very cold September, snow fell and a fire was needed.

1873 was a beautiful spring for cropping and farmers enjoyed it.

For quite a few years the people of the valley had military drills which lasted three days, and gave us a good time. Especially was it profitable for those who hated to get up in the morning, for at the call of the bugle all had to be on the ground to answer roll call. Governor Shaffer had issued an prder to discontinue the drills several years before '73, but the people here considered it necessary to show a front to the Indians, and did not obey it. Finis was written to it in 1873.

Winter opened in early November in 1874. It was a long, hard one, and feed ran out for many. Now President Brigham Young was always right, and always gave good advice. He told us to save our chaff for an emergency. I believed him and saved mine. So when the winter dragged on and people were in danger of losing their stock, I let them have chaff and straw,

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even the straw off my sheds, and the stock lived, thin as they were.

This spring the United Order was laid before the people in a serious way from St. George to Preston. A start was made, and in some places it continued for many years. Mendon took hold of it and all who wished to do so put their names and property in the order and never expected to get it back. From 10 to 20 teams would go plowing together. The time of each worker was kept, and at the end of the year each man was paid according to the work he had done. I was one of the directors who had many things to do. Every man had care of his cows and horses on the open range.

The Order had this organization: a president, two vicepresidents, a secretary, an assistant secretary and a treasurer.

My experience in two years of this work I will never forget.

Anyone who has labored in the spirit of the Order will know, to some extent, what United Order will be when it is finally established.

Those who owned more land than others had no advantage, since the reward came from the number of days worked. I figure that I lost nothing in the venture.

Only about one third of Mendon's people joined the Order.

Those who refused to join did not lose any of their fellowship.

It was a free will [democratic thing]. But it was plain to see, after two years, that the time was not yet ready for this order of things. But if the time should come, I think I would hail it with satisfaction. Before its close, the Order company worked in Paradise Canyon. They had the contract of hauling a large store of timber to Ogden Valley and from there to Ogden. Also they got out lumber and timber for building a cheese factory for the Order. The foundation was put in and much of the lumber got ready, but there it was left—never finished. The lumber was divided among the members of the Order later on.

1877. In this year the stakes of Zion were organized from St. George to Bear Lake. President Young traveled to all the places and accomplished this great task. He also organized wards or completed organizations. Up to this time the bishop of Mendon had served without counselors. Now Bishop Hughes was sustained as bishop, with Andrew Andersen and John Donaldson as counselors.

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In this same year the temple in Logan was located. I attended the dedication of the foundation corners on the 2nd or 3rd of May, after a heavy snowstorm. Brigham Young said it was as good as a coat of manure, although it broke limbs off the fruit trees. It was a very interesting occasion and I was glad I saw the laying of the cornerstone of a great edifice on which I would be permitted to work.

After completing all these labors President Young died in August of 1877. His death struck a blow to his people such as has not been experienced since. He was dearly beloved by the saints; had been their leader for 33 years, through the most trying scenes from Nauvoo to the present day. H e was a man of great and varied ability—a financeer, an organizer, a statesman, governor, president and was held in high repute by all.. The saints mourned with a sincere mourning. President George Q. Cannon was with him when he died, and was so deeply affected diat he exclaimed, " W h a t will we do now?" But it was whispered to him, "This is not man's but God's work."

A N H I S T O R I C A L EPILOGUE

O

n September 4, 1955, the Richard Fancher Society of America unveiled a monument to the memory of the victims and survivors of the Mountain Meadows massacre in 1857. A number of Fanchers were in the massacre, including Captain Alexander Fancher, sometimes referred to as Charles Fancher.

He was a grandson of Richard Fancher of the Revolution for whom the family organization is named. The Fancher family has held family reunions for a number of years, but the erection of the monument at Harrison, Boone County, Arkansas, made this year's gathering a very special occasion, attracting more or less national interest.

Chiefly responsible for the success of the reunion was the president, Mr. J. K. Fancher, of Connor, Arkansas. He had written hundreds of personal letters to family members, had followed up the business of collecting money and getting the contract for the monument, and then planned in detail the day's activity. As part of this, he had been in communication with the Utah State Historical Society, and invited both Dr. A. R. Mortensen, Director, and Mrs. Juanita Brooks to attend the ceremony. Through the efforts of Dr. Mortensen and the generosity of Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr„ Mrs. Brooks was able to goMrs. Brooks reports that the services were sacred in nature, though non-denominational, carefully planned in a spirit of tolerance and forgiveness. She was cordially received and her talk well accepted, with the reaction of many present that they were glad to know more of the background facts that led to the massacre.

Some of the Fancher family expressed a desire to hold memorial services at the Mountain Meadows in September, 1957. Mrs. Brooks assured them that they would have full cooperation from the people of southern Utah in helping to make the pilgrimage a success. Several who have already visited the site protested that there is no marker on the highway to direct those interested to the place, and that the side road to it is

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almost impassable, at least in wet weather. They felt they should like to cooperate with the Road Commission, the Trails and Markers Association, the Sons of Utah Pioneers or any other agency of this area to correct this condition.

The first two of the documents which follow constitute a significant portion of the ceremonies of September last. The third is a brief but powerful sample of the results of that affair, and its spirit is in sharp contrast to the century of silence, misunderstanding, and hatred which had gone before. It would seem that an episode of history, three generations later, is now complete.

SPEECH GIVEN AT THE DEDICATION OF A MONUMENT HONORING THE VICTIMS OF THE MASSACRE AT THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS

By Juanita Brooks

My dear friends: My text for today comes from Proverbs 4:7—"And with all thy getting, get understanding."

I should like to preface my remarks with an incident which will show why I selected this text.

W h e n I was in my eighteenth year, I left home to teach school. In the town where I worked was a fine old man who seemed to me to exemplify Old Age at its best. There was a dignity about him, an aura of wisdom, and with it all a gentleness. I used to wonder what he was like as a young man—how big and handsome he must have been who now was like a shock of grain, ripe unto the harvest.

One day as I closed my school he came to my schoolroom, and after the customary greetings, he said, "I have something I would like you to do for me. My eyes have witnessed things that my tongue has never uttered, and before I die, I want them written down."

I promised that I would do it; I really intended to. But as eighteen is more interested in young men than in old ones, I put it off. There were last-day-of-school programs and reports to attend to; there were dates and dances. Soon after school closed a neighbor came to say that my old friend was ill, and that he kept asking for the little school ma'am.

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I went at once and stayed by, the three days until he died.

It was the first time I had witnessed the passing of a human soul, and I was shaken by it, but more shaken by the last hours in which this ninety-two-year-old patriarch tossed in delirium. He sang bits of Indian songs, he preached in the Indian tongue, he mumbled incoherent bits. Once he opened his eyes wide to the ceiling and shuddered. "Blood! Blood! Blood!" he said, in a voice that made my hair crawl.

I turned to my uncle who stood by. " W h a t troubles him?"

I asked. "He seems to be haunted."

"Maybe he is. He was at the Mountain Meadows massacre, you know."

No, I didn't know. Nor could I understand how such a man could possibly have been involved in anything so horrible. Surely here was no man of violence, no murderer! It was my attempt to understand that led to research in this subject, and which in the end produced the book The Mountain Meadows Massacre.

The history of the west is so often marked by tragedy and death, death for individuals and for groups. W h e n we look back at them, we see how, by the slightest chance, each could have been avoided.

Take for example the Donner Party. W h e n they broke from the larger train of which they were a part on that July day in 1846, they thought they would save five hundred miles in distance and make the Hastings Cut-off the regular California route. Had they been a week earlier, they might have got through before the snows fell. Or had winter not been premature that year, they might have made it. Or, better still, had the letter written by Edwin Bryant warning all trains to avoid this route been delivered, they would never have gone at all.

But how idle now to speculate. The fact was that the company tried the new, direct route and were overtaken by winter in the mountain pass which now bears their name. Their suffering, their survival, is a story of horror which has no parallel in American history, a story of people forced to subsist upon human flesh, of parents devouring the bodies of their own children, of men casting lots for life. Of the 87 who took the Hastings Cutoff on July 20, 1846, only 47 reached their destination, and tiiey only because they were rescued by relief parties from the coast.

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A second example was the Sandwalking Train which left Great Salt Lake City on October 1, 1849 to follow the southern route, then only a faint trail. This company was loosely organized of a number of independent groups, among them the Jayhawkers, the Bug Smashers, the Wolverines, and others who were identified by family names such as the Bennetts and Wades.

They had hired Jefferson Hunt to pilot them through, but enroute someone produced a map of a direct route west to the coast. In vain did their captain tell them it was too good, too easy, that lines on paper meant nothing where country had not been explored. In vain did he remind them that only a few men had passed over the route they were following: Jedediah Strong Smith in 1826, John C. Fremont in 1844, and some of the returning Mormon Battalion men in 1847. At the last camp he told them to choose, each teamster, which way he would go.

As for himself he would take the beaten track though only one wagon went with him.

The next morning the Jayhawkers led out boldly for the short cut; wagon after wagon followed them, until of the total of 107 wagons that started, only 12 followed Captain Hunt.

Again the details do not belong here. Some of the wagons returned to the cross roads to follow the captain later, others made their way back to the road. Only O N E wagon of the 37 who went on finally reached its destination. And it was by diis group that Death Valley received its name.

But there has been no tragedy like that of the Fancher train.

Like the Donner Party, had it been a week or two earlier, it would have passed in safety, with supplies purchased from the Mormons. But after military law was declared and the people were told to prepare for war, possibly for a long seige, and not to sell a kernel of wheat to any passing emigrant train, complications set in.

In our effort to understand, let us pause here for a glance at Mormon history, for the dark happenings on the Mountain Meadows were made possible only by what had gone before.

The story of the rise of the Mormon Church is one of persecutions and drivings. Three times these people had been forced to leave their homes. There had been whippings and tar-and-feather parties, burning of homes and pillaging. At Haun's Mill in Missouri, a mob rode into the village; the Mor-

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mons took refuge in an old blacksmith shop, where they were killed like trapped animals, their bodies thrown into a dry well.

At last they established their city, Nauvoo, Illinois, where more than fifteen thousand of them gathered. This time their trouble grew into a local civil war, with both sides appealing to the government for aid.

Finally a truce was agreed upon, in which the Mormons were to evacuate Nauvoo in May, and their enemies were to leave them unmolested until that time. But the Missouri boys grew impatient, and in February began what they called "Wolf Hunts," or depredations of Mormon homes.

Now the Mormons were forced to leave before they were ready. On February 14, the first wagons crossed the river west, the thermometer fell to below zero and a heavy storm arose. In this first temporary shelter 19 babies were born in one night.

During the first season, 600 Mormon graves were left on the prairies of Iowa—600 victims of exposure and hunger and disease. ( W h e n Hitler was criticized by an American for his treatment of the Jews in Germany, he said nothing he had done could compare with the treatment given the Mormons in our land of the free. He insisted that neither in numbers moved, or in distance or suffering involved was his action as despicable as ours.)

Another thing which must be taken into account was the love of the Mormon people for their prophet, Joseph Smith.

W h e n he was killed in the jail at Carthage, Missouri, there were many young men who, viewing his dead body, promised God that if they ever had an opportunity to avenge his deadi, they would do it.

Now given this much by way of background, is it too hard to understand how men who had suffered repeatedly, whose brothers had been killed at Haun's Mill, who just ten years before had taken the vow of vengeance, should be glad when their leaders said, " W e will not run again! This time we will defend our homes!"

W o r d of an approaching army reached Utah on July 24; the Fancher train arrived in Salt Lake City on August 3 and 4. T o the Mormons, the army was only another armed mob.

They had learned by sad experience how far they could trust an army.

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As with the Donner Party and the Sandwalking Train, the Fancher group was composed of more than one unit. There was also the "Missouri Wildcats," often described as being rough and ready and fearless. Now for any man, even in time of peace, to come into a Mormon village and boast that he carried the gun that had "shot the guts out of old Joe Smith" was to invite Mormon retaliation. Now when the wave of patriotic fervor was at its height, it was doubly dangerous.

Another element in the situation which was most important in the final tragedy was the Indians. The oldest settlement in this area was but five years old; the youngest scarcely three. In the southern part of the state beyond Cedar City there were seventy-nine families widely scattered in eleven small villages.

Outnumbered more than two to one by the Indians, the Mormons had sought in every way to gain their friendship and confidence.

Now with war declared, they must have the natives for allies.

Here was a wealthy train which would mean loot and horses, both of which the Indians would be glad to have.

I shall not go into the details of the horrible affair. It would do none of us any good now. The Indians had gathered from miles around and were stirred up by the fact that some of their men had been killed. Like a fire started in a small patch of weeds may get out of control when a wind comes up, they posed a real problem. Some of the white men did not approve, but in the army who talks back to his commanding officer? Some, remaining silent, did not carry out the orders.

So there was carried out one of the most despicable mass murders of history. It was tragic for those who were killed and for the children left orphans, but it was also tragic for the fine men who now became murderers, and for their children who for four generations now have lived under that shadow.

Many of them moved away. Not that they feared the law, but that they could not face their neighbors. They wanted their children to grow up so far away that they would not hear of this or become connected with it. Within a year, the population of Cedar City had decreased almost half.

Nearly twenty years later one man was executed on the scene of the massacre. Some of you may know what it is like to hang the wrong man—it can so easily be done; it has been

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done in more places than one. This man chose to be shot, and took death voluntarily rather than involve anyone else.

Let me come back now to my text: "With all thy getting, get understanding." Many years before the Old Testament Prophet gave this advice, Socrates said, "To understand all is to forgive all." It is given to God alone to understand all, but as His children we may strive toward understanding, and that is our only purpose here today.

I am proud to be able to participate with you in these exercises, proud that it was my research which gave you the names on this shaft. I think it speaks highly of your character as Christians that you should invite me here to participate. Now I should like to extend an invitation to you to hold memorial services at the Mountain Meadows on the centennial of this event, September 11, 1957. I am sure that the people of southern Utah will treat you cordially and will do all that they can to help to make your program a success.

May God help us all as we strive for understanding and brotherhood, I ask in Jesus' name, Amen.

ACCEPTANCE SPEECH AT THE DEDICATION OF THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE MONUMENT ON SEPTEMBER 4, 1955

By Ralph R. Rea*

This is indeed an important occasion for the city of Harrison and for Boone County. It is important to all of us from a historical standpoint, and it can be of far greater importance to us from a spiritual standpoint.

W e of Harrison and Boone County are deeply honored that we should be chosen as the site for the erection of this beautiful monument. W e are further honored that so many distinguished guests are in attendance here. W e welcome all of you—relatives of these honored ones, public officials, and other friends and neighbors, and especially you, Mrs. Brooks, for coming this great distance from your native state of Utah. W e are most *Mr. Rea is postmaster at Harrison, Arkansas, historian, and author of the forthcoming book, Boone County and Its People.

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happy to have you, and we sincerely hope you find your stay here a pleasure that will long be remembered.

It is, I believe, quite appropriate that this monument be erected at this time and in this place.

Ninety-eight years ago today these people to whom we here pay tribute were moving slowly southward by wagon train from Salt Lake City toward Mountain Meadows and death. For that reason this ceremony is timely.

Some five months before that time the party had assembled in this very valley. Most of them, no doubt, by the springs some four or five miles south, but some, quite possibly, were, as historians contend, at the Stifler Springs near the present site of the Legion Hut and others by the Rush Spring which was just some two blocks southeast from where we now stand. At any rate we do know that they spent a week or more assembling in this general location, and that their journey began here. W e know that they trod this same valley and that their eyes beheld these same beautiful hills. N o doubt it was the vision of this valley and these hills that diey saw in the dying embers of their campfires when they sat at night on the lonely desert and thought of the home they had left behind. So it is proper that this memorial be placed here.

Before us we see a beautiful shaft of granite. Engraved upon it is the story of the ill-fated Fancher Caravan. Also engraved there are the names of some of those who died at the Meadows, and the names of the seventeen children who survived.

This monument is a tribute to the Fancher Caravan—the known and unknown—those who died and those who survived.

But in another sense this stone shall stand through the ages as one of the Memorials to our great pioneers, to men and women who bought a free nation for us with their labor and their lives. Let us here honor these brave men and courageous women who in their quest for freedom pushed their way westward from two tiny specks of humanity on the Atlantic Coastline to the Appalachian Mountains; thence west to the Mississippi; on into the vast Louisiana Purchase; and finally ended their westward trek only after they had crossed the burning deserts and the Rocky Mountains to the shores of the Pacific itself. Many

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of these people were in search of land and wealth. Some were seeking freedom. Still others were fleeing from persecution, and this was the case of the Mormon people who founded a land called "Deseret" which later became Utah. Yes, let this be a monument to all the brave men and courageous women who made our nation great.

But in still a greater sense let us see this monument as a symbol of Forgiveness—a memorial of Brotherly Love. Our nation has seen many unhappy divisions. It has seen brother arrayed against brother, father against son, and neighbor against neighbor. W e have shed the blood of our fellow Americans because of political, racial and religious differences. Let us here resolve, before God and in the shadow of this monument that never again shall the sword of intolerance and hatred be unsheathed. Let us here dedicate this monument to the concept that we are all one flesh and one blood as the children of God. Then let this stand through the ages as a monument to Forgiveness, Tolerance and Brotherly Love.

One morning, not so long ago, I stood in the pre-dawn blackness on yonder hill overlooking this valley, and I fancied that I saw below me the generations of men gone by. I saw the lights of the campfires in the valley and I could hear the groan of wooden axels and the sharp crack of bull whips. There was the lowing of herds and the shout of teamsters. Now and then I heard children's voices—happy voices as they sang "We're goin' to Californy!"

Came the dawn and with it I saw that the campfires were but the flickering lights in the windows below. I saw, instead of a caravan, a city with houses and bridges; instead of a dusty trail I saw paved streets and cars. I knew that this was a new day, far removed from a spring morning those long, long years ago. I thought then of the transitory nature of things and the eternity of God. I knew that there was a past that was dead and a future that would live on forever. I saw hatred, intolerance, murder, and all of man's inhumanity to his fellow men as but the acts of God's erring children. Then the words came to my heart: "Oh God, how can we be forgiven, except that we first forgive."

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Connor, Ark. 9-10-55 Mrs. Juanita Brooks St. George, Utah Dear Mrs. Brooks: Hope this finds you and yours and family well and happy.

W e surely enjoyed having you with us at Harrison on the 4th. Everyone liked your fine talk. You commanded more interest than anyone on the program! You impressed the people most favorably, and your coming has done much to establish a spirit of love and forgiveness. The Mormon Church owes you much, because now the people in this section feel much better toward the Mormon people.

It would be very pleasing to me to have a copy of your fine address. I have one of Judge Fancher's and one of Ralph Rea's . . . .

Most sincerely your friend, / s / J. K. Fancher

BERNARD A. DEVOTO RECOLLECTION A N D APPRECIATION

BY DARRELL J. GREENWELL*

B

daughter, Barbara, lives with her husband and two young sons on a beautiful ranch on the Lemhi River, thirty miles from Salmon, Idaho, my wife and I. on each annual visit to the ranch, are steeped anew in Lewis and Clark history.

The reason is plain to every person who has visited the region.

Not far from the ranch is a monument marking the place where Lewis and Clark encountered the Lemhi and rejoiced over meeting, at last, waters flowing toward the Pacific Ocean. Also not far from the ranch is another monument proclaiming that Idaho's national heroine, Sacajawea, who helped guide the explorers, was born in the locality.

On leaving the Lemhi by way of the Missoula highway, one follows the route the explorers took toward the Lolo Trail.

In traveling toward Butte and Helena on the one hand, and toward Bozeman on the other, one is reminded, by the well written bulletins along the highways, of Lewis and Clark associations in the magnificent headwater Missouri River country.

Even persons of little imagination are bound to be stimulated by reading the descriptions of exploration episodes, and it is not surprising if the mind's eye envisions the expedition laboriously making its way westward by river valley and mountain pass. W h a t does surprise me, however, is that in my own vision I not only see Lewis and Clark but also none other than Bernard A. DeVoto, notebook in hand, tramping along with the others. My explanation for experiencing such an amazing vision is that DeVoto's writings and conversations about Lewis and Clark impressed me so much with their realism, attention to detail and intimacy, that I have been charmed into believing the narrator traveled with the party to provide me with a first hand account, told with the rare art of the born story-teller.

ECAUSE OUR

*Mr. Greenwell is associate editor of the Ogden Standard-Examiner. He was a life-long friend and fellow townsman of Bernard DeVoto.

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I am indebted to Bernard DeVoto because he made frontier and pioneer figures appear to me as the very real down-to-earth men they had to be, and undoubtedly were. Accordingly, their contributions seem the greater to me because they were the accomplishments of men and not of mere fabled figures.

My enthusiasm for DeVoto's literary works was slow in its development; yet, thanks to my acquaintance with him, I read him consistently from the beginning of his career.

Bernard became one of the best known pupils in Ogden High School immediately after he entered as a freshman in 1910, because he was a brash youngster who frequently debated with his teachers. He had a lot to say, and said it at .some length. He had read far more books than any of his teachers or his companions. He could talk about what he read and he loved to do it.

In the year DeVoto was a freshman I was a senior and editor of the school paper. Bernard talked to me occasionally about articles for the paper, but I recall receiving only one piece which was published. After I left school, I encountered him occasionally in a book store where he worked as a part-time clerk. I recall pleasant conversations with him in the summer of 1914 in the press box at the Union League Baseball Park in Ogden when I was writing baseball, among other things, for the Salt Lake Herald-Republican, and he was a temporary reporter for the Ogden Standard.

Our paths crossed again in Ogden in 1920 when he seemed to be in some doubt as to what he intended to do as a career. Our contacts were interrupted for years, and then in the depression years I talked with him on two occasions in Washington, D.C. I was in the capital on business connected with the W o r k Projects Administration in which I was the Utah Administrator, and he was a consultant giving aid and comfort to the Writers' Project. In recent years, I enjoyed two splendid visits with him in Ogden when his writing assignments brought him back to the old home town.

In view of school day and later associations, it was natural that I should read with some eagerness the first DeVoto novel, The Crooked Mile, which came out in 1924, but I was disappointed. The plot, I thought, lacked interest, and the characters didn't talk or act like real people. His later fiction, including his Saturday Evening Post stories, didn't satisfy me. I thought the

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output made difficult reading. I had about lost interest in DeVoto as a literary figure, but my attitude changed immediately upon reading his Mark Twain's America. Here, I felt, was a fresh approach to some aspects of American history and the development of our country.

My admiration for DeVoto, the historian, grew with my reading of Year of Decision which filled in so many low spots of my education about my own country and region that I shall always be grateful. Needless to say, Across the Wide Missouri and Course of Empire increased my appreciation as they improved my education.

The vast amount of work DeVoto did to provide so much fascinating information in those three classic volumes reflects his devotion to his art and testifies to his industry, thanks to which many of us who are far from being scholars benefit.

Many persons believe that DeVoto was most influential in his twenty years of writing for the "Easy Chair" department of Harper's, and I agree. As an editorial writer, I pay my respects to his readability and influence.

One aspect of the DeVoto career must not be neglected if this essay is to be realistic. Bernard possessed an ability to make enemies and to cause hurts. It was unfortunate, for the sake of the home town pride the communities like to have in the native sons and daughters who achieve fame in the great world, that some of those whose feelings he hurt were Utahans— offended because of his suggestions that their painting, music, literature and general culture were not as magnificent as most believed them to be. More recently he was assailed by Utahans for taking sides with those opposed to the construction of the Echo Park Dam in Dinosaur National Monument.

I am among those who say that some of DeVoto's early comments about his home state were needlessly made to sting and to offend. And I personally took issue with him on his Echo Park Dam position. Yet we can't praise DeVoto for his courageous articles promoting conservation of natural resources, and then criticize him when the identical enthusiasm for conservation, which inspired the articles we like, led him to resist any desecration (as he thought) of a national monument.

As we measure and assay the entire DeVoto, we discover that the elements of greatness and goodness far outweigh the

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faults which some of our fellow Utahans continue to see in his life and works. These should be forgotten or forgiven as we contemplate his influence on American life and thought, recall his pride in his country and in its people, and wonder at his admiration of our region, the history of which he has enriched widi his writings.

T H E PRESIDENT'S R E P O R T

BY JOEL E. RICKS*

I

N 1897 the founders of the Utah State Historical Society announced the broad and far-reaching purposes of the organization as "The preservation of manuscripts, papers, documents and tracts of value, the establishment and maintenance of a public library and museum, the dissemination of information and the holding of meetings for the interchange of views and criticism."

These announced purposes have been the goal of the Society ever since, and I believe we have made considerable progress toward the achievement of these objectives. Tonight we are holding a meeting for the interchange of views and criticism, and I hope that we may have much discussion at the conclusion of the splendid address which we shall soon hear.

W e have tried to disseminate information through the printing of our Quarterly. Our October issue, just off the press, some one hundred pages in length, combines source material on Utah history with excellent research articles. I believe we are publishing a good quarterly that presents essential and interesting history of Utah to the members of the Society.

W e have a public library of select books and manuscripts on Utah history. Our Librarian, Mr. John James, reports that this year we have added 480 books, including fifty gifts, twentyfive rolls of microfilm records, and are receiving one hundred periodicals and magazines. W e have a modest but choice library of books and manuscripts on Utah and other far western history.

Our library staff has undertaken a mammoth project—the preparation of a "Union Catalog of Published Works on Mormons and Mormonism." W h e n completed it will contain a complete list of every book and pamphlet dealing with the Latter-day 'President Ricks has been a member of the Board of Control of the Utah State Historical Society for about thirty years. He Is professor of history at the Utah State Agricultural College, and for many years was department chairman. This report was delivered at the fourth annual meeting of the Society, October 22, 1955.

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Saint Church, naming each book by author, title, year of publication, and indicating the location of each book in the various libraries of the United States. The value of such a work is beyond measure. W e acknowledge the generous gifts of books and funds from the following friends of the Society: Governor Charles R. Mabey, Mr. J. Cecil Alter, Professor Wilford Poulson, Mr. Stanley S. Ivins, Mr. Robert G. Dust, Mr. Raymond E. Nilson, and Dr. Joseph R. Morrell.

In July 1954, we received modest funds to begin our archival work with Dr. Everett Cooley as State Archivist. His report of September 20, 1955 shows remarkable achievement in the fifteen months since the beginning. Governor Lee transferred to our archives division, February 26, 1955, the records and correspondence of all our governors since statehood, except two. These have been inventoried and arranged for use by students of Utah history. The Secretary of State, Mr. Lamont F. Toronto, has entrusted to our care many valuable journals and ledgers dating from our territorial beginnings in 1850; among these are the Executive Proceedings of the Territory from 18501896. W e thank Governor Lee and Secretary Toronto for their assistance. W e are actively engaged in microfilming many valuable records, saving precious history which otherwise might be lost. W e have more than paid for the cost of the archives division. The mention of two items alone will illustrate this. In the destruction of public records of no historical value, we have saved the state of Utah $10,780.00 in filing cabinets. W e have also destroyed some twenty-five tons of non-record material.

Our archivist has visited twelve counties and advised the officials in regard to the preservation of historical records and die destruction of those of no permanent value.

W e have two local chapters of the Historical Society, the Cache Valley Chapter meeting in Logan, and the Utah Valley Chapter in Provo. Both have stimulated interest in the history of their respective valleys. The Cache Valley Chapter is sponsoring the writing of a volume on the history of that area for the centennial celebration next year. They also conducted two historic tours last summer. The Utah Valley Chapter has had an interesting year. Dr. Hafen delivered a lecture to them on "Explorers of Utah Before the Mormons," and they made a trek to old Camp Floyd.

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My fellow members of the Board of Control have worked unceasingly and vigorously to formulate a forward-looking policy to guide the Society. Their unselfish and intelligent service merits the plaudits of their fellow citizens. Our office staff, under the energetic and capable leadership of our director, Dr. A. R. Mortensen, has labored incessantly and ably to advance the historical interests of Utah. W e are sorry to lose two very efficient members, Mrs. Patricia Marti, and Miss Tula Murphy.

W e look forward to the future with great anticipation but with a sobering sense of responsibility. The state legislature in House Bill Number 225, provided that "The Utah State Historical Society is authorized to use the present official governors' residence and grounds for their offices." This happy legislation assures the Society ample space for building needs for some time to come. Also, Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, a member of our Board of Control, has pledged the money for the necessary repairs to place the mansion in splendid condition. W e are very grateful to the legislature, to Governor Lee, and to Mr. Morgan for providing an adequate home for our future needs. However, the securing of the mansion places additional responsibilities upon us, for the potentialities of our Society in the new environment are very great. If we have vision enough to see clearly the possibilities before us, then the golden age of our Society is at hand.

W e must think in terms of great historical achievement. The fine private libraries of our citizens may come to us as memorial gifts if we seek diligently, and we shall be able to house them in quarters that will do honor to the donors. Our new home should attract scholars of Utah, not only to do research in congenial environment, but also to discuss and plan further, the preservation and dissemination of Utah's rich history. I hope that we can rise to the occasion and take advantage of the great opportunities so that we can preserve and present objectively, the story of Utah's past.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee. 1848-1876.

Edited and Annotated by Robert Glass Cleland and Juanita Brooks. (2 vols., San Marino, The Huntington Library, 1955, xxvi + 824 pp. $15.00) It is a certainty that anyone who says anything about John D. Lee will not find universal approbation. Perhaps no man in Mormon history has been surrounded with so much rancor, misunderstanding, and mystery. But with the appearance of A Mormon Chronicle the man and his career can no longer be ignored. It is a tragedy that an understanding of the "life and times" of this man is colored and prejudiced by his involvement in the Mountain Meadows massacre. In a larger sense it is even a greater tragedy for a true understanding of the Mormon frontier in the far west. For here, his participation in the massacre notwithstanding, is a man who not only played a major role in the development of that frontier, but equally important for history, he recorded his manifold activities as well as those of his associates and contemporaries.

Anyone who reads the Lee diaries will be so impressed by the wealth of historical material contained therein and the skill of Lee as a journalist, that endless discussions will ensue with others who also have read the diaries. This reviewer was especially impressed by one competent observer who remarked: "Lee stands as the greatest of all the Mormon diarists. The more one knows of Mormon history, the more one can get out of his journals, and it is a salutary discipline for a scholar to return to his journals every year or two, and find out how much one has learned about the hidden complexities of Mormon history since reading them last, for one will always find new information and new insights in the Lee journals. Had it not been Lee's bad luck to be sent south to participate in the colonization of southern Utah (and thus be drawn into the tragedy which destroyed him), had he stayed close to the heart of Church affairs in Great Salt Lake City, and thus been able to write of the inner councils

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and developments as he did between 1846 and 1849, he would have another kind of fame in Mormon history entirely."

In any event these volumes show Lee as a competent observer of the world in which he lived. Of parallel importance is the insight his journals give into his own personality and that of his associates with whom he had close relations. Perhaps few men have rendered (to the bitter end) such loyalty and obedience to those in authority over them. The alacrity with which he obeyed his leader, at times seemed to border on the obsequious.

In turn he could be officious and critical towards those under him, and consequently was capable of making enemies by these and other undesirable personality traits. His relationship as the adopted son of Brigham Young and his close association with the upper eschelon of authority gave him an opportunity to observe and participate in many of the important decisions of pioneer Utah. Through his diaries the social customs, political activities and maneuverings, and religious philosophies and practices of the society in which he lived are revealed in detail as never before.

By contrast the Lee diaries, here brought to light for the first time, make other similar documents of the period pale into insignificance. They cover a period of nearly thirty years and an area truly empire in size. Emigration from the Missouri to the Rockies, taming of a virgin land, building of homes, establishment of government, and the further colonization of the Mormon southern frontier are all chronicled in great detail.

Some criticism should be said about the manner of publishing and editing of the diaries. There are the usual errors of fact and interpretation in the introduction and footnotes. The latter, lumped together at the end of each section, will irritate the student who will be the real reader of the volumes. More specific reference could have been made to parallel documents of the period, notably the journals of Hosea Stout and T. D. Brown. Likewise, the reader deserves to be told of the other Lee diaries known to be in existence, at least one of which has been published, in addition to those in the Kelly volume. In the main, however, the story which the diaries tell is a magnificent one, far better than the formal history or speech given with an

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eye or ear to its preservation in the printed page. It is a story scholars will be pondering and mining for generations.

Utah State Historical Society

A. R. Mortensen

Feud on the Colorado. By Arthur Woodward. Volume IV, Great Wesf and Indian Series. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1955, 165 pp. $4.75) The purchaser of this little volume may be misled by the title. With all the present-day controversy over water rights and storage projects on the Colorado River, one might be led to believe he is getting some additional information on this subject. If so he will be disappointed. The Feud in this book seems to concentrate on the question of who first guided a steamboat up the Colorado and what was the fartherest point reached.

Fort Yuma, Arizona, was founded in the fall of 1850. For two years the dwellers at the Fort experienced a rather precarious existence due to hostile Indians and lack of supplies. However, the site offered the most favorable crossing of the Colorado for those bound overland to California along the southern approach.

The unfriendly antics of the Yuma Indians required the stationing of troops to protect the ferrymen and the immigrants. But the lines of communication from the base of supplies at San Diego or Los Angeles were extremely difficult to maintain over desert wastelands. Not until December, 1852, when the troops were supplied via steamboats on the river was the Fort firmly secured.

Navigation of the Colorado beyond Fort Yuma was slow in coming, but was given added impetus when President Buchanan dispatched federal troops to "quell the rebellion" of Mormons against federally appointed territorial officials. The troops, halted in the Rocky Mountains near Fort Bridger during the winter of 1857-58, needed supplies. If the steamboats could carry supplies up the Colorado River into Utah, the long, arduous, and expensive overland supply line could be averted.

Although George A. Johnson, an old hand on the lower Colorado, had expected to obtain federal funds to pay the expenses of an expedition up the river, he was thwarted in his attempts. Whereupon, learning that Lieutenant Joseph C. Ives was being outfitted at government expense for a similar expedi-

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tion, Captain George A. Johnson with his own vessel, General Jesup, hurriedly departed Fort Yuma late in December, 1857, and sailed upstream some 320 miles above the Fort to a point about thirty-four miles above the Needles.

While at the northern-most point of navigation, troops from Fort Yuma aboard the General Jesup learned of activities of Mormon missionaries among the Indians. They were, presumably, trying to win the cooperation of the red men for the impending conflict with the U. S. troops, now camped near Fort Bridger.

Two months later when Lieutenant Ives navigated the same stream, but to a point about thirty-five miles farther up stream than Captain Johnson, the Mormon missionaries were very much in evidence. One of them, Thales Haskell, actually paid a visit to Ive's steamboat, the Explorer, to gain intelligence about the army's plans for invading Utah from the south.

No material benefits resulted from either the expedition of Captain Johnson or Lieutenant Ives. The most that can be said is that commercial navigation was never successful on the upper reaches of the river.

Feud on the Colorado has its points of interest, but there is too much digression from the central theme. The author becomes hopelessly involved with Indians and Indian genealogy.

The student of Utah history will learn with surprise that the pioneers "entered what is now Utah, in 1846" (p. 62), and will be amused at the over-simplification of the "Reformation" of 1856 and causes of the Utah W a r of 1857-58. (Chapter III.) Utah Historical Society

Everett L. Cooley

To the Rockies and Oregon, 1839-1842. With Diaries and Accounts by Sidney Smith, Amos Cook, Joseph Holman, E. Willard Smith, Francis Fletcher, Joseph Williams, Obadiah Oakley, Robert Shortess, T. J. Farnham. Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W . Hafen. Volume III, The Far West and the Rockies Historical Series, 1820-1875. (Glendale, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1955, 315 pp. $10.00) By the mid 1830's the great epic of the far western fur trade was rapidly coming to a close, but a new and equally exciting (and possibly more significant) epic—the great overland

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migration—was getting under way. Soon the Old Oregon Trail and other western routes would be crowded with the herds and wagons of thousands of frontiersmen bent on making the west coast their permanent homes and winning that region for the United States. To The Rockies and Oregon, 1839-1842 contains "journals," "diaries," "reminiscences," and "narratives" of nine men who participated in three westward treks that more or less launched the great westward migration. These contemporary accounts contain valuable information regarding Indians and mountain men, trading posts then in operation in remote parts of the west, modes of travel, routes followed, and general difficulties and pleasures experienced by these early overland emigrants.

The volume is divided into three major divisions. Part I, "The Peoria Party, 1839-40," contains accounts of a group of optimists from Peoria, Illinois, who carried the banner: "Oregon or the Grave." They reached the mountains by way of Bent's Fort, Brown's Hole, and Fort Davy Crockett. Part II, "The E. Willard Smith Journal, 1839-40," is the narrator's account of his tour among the trappers of the Rockies. This expedition also reached the mountains via the southern route. Part III, "The Joseph Williams Tour, 1841-42," is that chronicler's account of the first large emigrant train that brought covered wagons into the far west. In this company (at least part of the distance) were such well known figures as Father de Smet, Thomas Fitzpatrick, John Bidwell, John Bartleston, and Joseph B. Childes. Reverend Williams (our narrator) traversed the whole Oregon Trail from Independence to Oregon City then returned via Fort Bridger, Fort Robidoux, Taos and Bent's Fort.

Anyone interested in the great westward migration will appreciate the importance of the documents presented in this book. To read these accounts is to gain new understanding of, and appreciation for, the pioneers who opened the west under most trying circumstances. W e are indeed deeply indebted to Dr. and Mrs. Hafen for ferreting out these records and presenting them in such an interesting and scholarly fashion. The introductions provide the proper historical setting for each account; annotations are comprehensive and complete; the illustrations are of the highest caliber. The work is completely indexed and

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

93

contains a large two-colored folding map. In short, the volume measures up to the high standards we have come to expect from the Hafens.

University of Utah

David E. Miller

The King of Beaver Island. By Charles K. Backus. Foreword, Notes and Bibliography by Paul Bailey. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, cl955, 43 pp. $3.50) Volume HI of Westernlore Press's Great West and Indian Series is a reprint of Charles Backus' study of James Jesse Strang, American King, originally published in Harper's Monthly Magazine in 1882. After the death of Joseph Smith, Strang was one of the many who attempted to succeed him as president of the Mormon Church. W h e n his attempt failed, Strang led his followers to Voree, Wisconsin, forerunner of his Beaver Island Kingdom.

'This is Dinosaur; Echo Park Country and Its Magic Rivers.

Edited by Wallace Stegner. (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1955, 97 pp. $5.00) Dinosaur National Monument, that great natural curiosity in northeastern Utah which receives hundreds of tourists yearly, has been the center of national controversy for some time—should this beautiful scenic area be made into a great natural reservoir, or should it be preserved as a National Park? Though Mr. Stegner argues in favor of the latter viewpoint, readers on both sides of the fence should enjoy this volume at least for the beautiful illustrations, both color and black and white.

The Beast That Walks Like Man. By Harold McCracken.

(Garden City, New York, Hanover House, 1955, 319 pp. $4.50) Here, by one of the country's foremost naturalists and explorers, is the factual and legendary story of the mighty grizzly.

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No other animal has been more respected and feared dirough all the generations of red and white men who have known him; and none has been more mercilessly hunted to the point of nearly complete extermination. This book is well indexed and annotated, and any naturalist, sportsman, or historian should enjoy it.

Lord Grizzly. By Frederick K. Manfred. (New York, McGrawHill Book Company, Inc., cl954, 281 pp.)

As the author states, this book is a novel not a history. It is the story of Hugh Glass—his wrestle with the grizzly, his desertion by friends, his fabulous crawl, his vengeful chase after the deserters and its outcome. Names famous in the annals of the mountain men abound. Mr. Manfred stays close enough to historical fact to give the reader the feel of the era, though in some instances his accounts are on the "gorey" side.

History of Blanding 1905-1955. author, 1955, 101 pp.)

By Albert R. Lyman.

(The

In this little booklet is the simply told story of the faith, courage, and tenacity required of a people endeavoring to fulfil their mission—to carry the gospel message to the Indians and build homes in a barren wasteland. The unpredictable San Juan River forced the people to move from Bluff to Blanding, near the upper end of White Mesa. Here, too, the scarcity of water and the countless other privations and hardships diey endured tried the settlers to the utmost. Mr. Lyman, who participated in the mission from the beginning, has made a worthwhile contribution to Utah's local history in the writing of it.

Papa Married a Mormon. By John D. Fitzgerald. (New York, Prentice-Hall, 1955, $3.95) Unlike most of the novels dealing with this period in Mormon history, 1870's and '80's, it does not go into polygamy. The locale of the story is really a composite of all the rough mining towns

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

95

and "typical" Mormon villages in the territory. Therefore, the reader's urge to identify places remains unsatisfied, but he will enjoy the story.

Beyond the Cross Timbers; The Travels of Randolph B. Marcy, 1812-1887. By W . Eugene Hollon. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) The Book Lover's Southwest. By Walter S. Campbell [Stanley Vestal, pseud.]. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) Buffalo Bill: King of the Old West. By Elizabeth Jane Leonard and Julia Cody Goodman. Edited by James Williams Hoffman. (New York, Library Publishers, 1955) Custer's Luck. By Edgar I. Stewart.

Oklahoma Press, 1955)

(Norman, University of

Ephtaim's First One Hundred Years. Edited by Centennial Book Committee. (Ephraim, Utah, 1955) The Great Reconnaissance: Soldiers, Artists and Scientists on the Frontier 1848-1861. By Edward S. Wallace. (Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 1955) Heart of the Southwest: A Selective Bibliography of Novels, Stories and Tales. By Lawrence Clark Powell. (Los Angeles, Dawson's Book Shop, 1955) A History of the Oregon Trail, Santa Fe Trail and Other Trails.

By J. R. Gregg. (Portland, Binfords and Mort., 1955) Humboldt: The Life and Times of Alexander Von Humboldt, 1729-1859. By Helmut de Terra. (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1955) The Indian and the Horse. By Frank Gilbert Roe. University of Oklahoma Press, 1955)

(Norman,

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The Men and the Mountain; Fremont's Fourth Expedition. By William Brandon. (New York, William Morrow and Company, 1955) 100 Years West of 100 Degrees. A brief history of the mining development of western industry. (Pamphlet.) (Consolidated Western Steel Division, United States Steel Corporation, cl955) The Settlers' West. By Martin Schmitt and Dee Brown.

York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1955)

(New

The Sociology of Mormonism.

Four studies by Thomas F. O'Dea, including, "Mormonism and the Avoidance of Sectarian Stagnation; A Study of Church, Sect, and Incipient Nationality"; "Mormonism and the American Experience of Time"; "A Comparative Study of the Role of Values in Social Action in Two Southwestern Communities"; "The Effects of Geographical Position on Belief and Behavior in a Rural Mormon Village." (Cambridge, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1955) Utah.

Past and Present. By Willard Luce and Celia Luce.

(Provo, Utah Color, 1955)

Stewart Holbrook, " W h y Did They Go Away [from Vermont]?"

American Heritage, June, 1955.

George R. Stewart, "The Smart Ones Got Through" (story of Stevens and Donner parties), ibid.

William Brandon, "The Wild Freedom of the Mountain Men," ibid., August, 1955.

Harry M . Konwiser, "Utah Mail," The American June, 1955.

Philatelist,

Stewart Mitchell, "A Forgotten Exploration in Search of a Route Across the Sierra Nevada for the Pacific Railroad," California Historical Society Quarterly, September, 1955.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

97

Richard A. Bartlett, " T h e Hayden Survey of Colorado," The Colorado Quarterly, Summer, 1955.

Muriel Sibell Wolle, "God Goes W e s t , " ibid.

Randall Henderson, "Kelly of Capitol Reef," Desert November, 1955.

Magazine,

Nell Murbarger, "A Skeleton Guards the Lost Gold of Jarbridge," ibid.

Story and paintings by Christian Jensen, "The Ghost of the Overland Trail," Ford Times, August, 1955.

Franklin S. Harris, Jr., "Mormons in the Magazines," Improvement Era, June-July, 1955.

Archibald F . Bennett, "Solomon Mack and His Family," ibid., September, 1955.

Marba C. Josephson, "A [Swiss] Temple is Risen to Our Lord," ibid.

Preston Nibley, "Red Men and the Mormon Story," July, 1955.

Instructor,

Elaine Cannon, "[Lavina Christensen Fugal] America's Mother of 1955," ibid., August, 1955.

"Legend of Lopez Mine," Kennescope, August, 1955.

Roger V . Clements, "British Investment and American Legislative Restrictions in the Trans-Mississippi W e s t 1880-1900," 77ie Mississippi Valley Historical Review, September, 1955.

W.

Robert Moore, "Escalante: Utah's River of Arches," National Geographic Magazine, September, 1955.

William Swilling Wallace, "A Check List of Western Newspapers in the Mills Collection," New Mexico Historical Review, April, 1955.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Virginia Sorensen, "Where Nothing is Long Ago," New October, 1955.

Yorker,

Merle W . Wells, "The Idaho Anti-Mormon Test Oath, 18841892," Pacific Historical Review, August, 1955.

John S. Galbraith, "A Note on the British Fur Trade in California, 1821-1846," ibid.

Merle W . Wells, "Politics in the Panhandle" (opposition to die admission of Washington and North Idaho, 1886-1888, with references to the Mormon issue), Pacific Northwest Quarterly, July, 1955.

Norma Hope, "Utah Mormons Are Good Neighbors," 77ie Saints' Herald, May 16, 1955.

Elbert A. Smith, "Women of the Restoration; 'Our Ladies,' " ibid., June 20, 1955.

Elect

"Concerning Professor [Charles] Anthon," a sketch by Edgar Allen Poe, ibid., July 25, 1955.

Israel A. Smith, "Concerning Joseph Smith, the Prophet" (presidential candidate; his affiliation with Masonry), Saints' Herald, August 29, 1955.

Leonard J. Arrington, "Basic Economic Institutions of Pioneer Utah," SUP News, August-September, 1955.

David E. Miller, "Hole-in-the-Rock," a study of Utah history in the field, ibid.

William Mulder, "Anders Thomsen Strikes Root," ibid.

Juanita Brooks, "Fort Pierce," ibid., October, 1955.

Gustive O. Larson, "From Desert to Deseret," ibid.

William R. Palmer, "History for Someone to Explain," ibid.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

99

William Mulder, "Scandinavian Immigrant Vignettes," ibid.

Jesse P. Rich, "Spirit of Early Colonizers," ibid.

David James Harkness, "Literary Trails of the Western States" (including a chapter on U t a h ) , The University of Tennessee News Letter, July, 1955.

L. Victor Riches, "An Answer to ' W h a t Price Federal Reclamation?'" (Upper Colorado River Storage Project), Utah Economic and Business Review, May, 1955.

"Youth and Utah's Labor Market," ibid., June, 1955.

David K. Brown and Ray L. Sargent, "The Utah Sugar Beet Story," ibid., July, 1955.

"Can Utah Staff New Industrial Plants?" ibid., August, 1955.

David H. Mann, "Early-Day Utah Homes W e r e Well Built," The Utah Farmer, June 2, 1955.

"Monument to a Forgotten Horticulturist" (William C. Staines), ibid., July 7, 1955.

"The Utah Farmer Fostered State Horticultural] Society," ibid.

"Territory of Utah Held Its First Fair in 1856," ibid., September 1, 1955.

"Traffic Safety Problem in Utah," Utah Foundation Report No. 124, August, 1955.

Research

"Polygamy in Utah; A Westerner's Reappraisal. Professor Kimball Young of Northwestern University Addresses Annual Ladies Night Meeting on Subject of Mormon Wives," [Chicago] Westerners Brand Book, January, 1955.

"Frank Glenn of Kansas City Trails James Jesse Strang and the Mormons . . . , " ibid., April, 1955.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Leonard J. Arrington, "The Economic Role of Pioneer Mormon Women," The Western Humanities Review, Spring, 1955.

Stuart W. Hyde, "The Anti-Mormon Drama in the United States," ibid.

Shep Shepherd, "The Fantastic Canyons of Kanab," Westways, June, 1955.

HISTORICAL NOTES

T

HE FOURTH annual banquet and dinner meeting was held Saturday, October 22, 1955, in the Bonneville Room of the Hotel Newhouse. More than one hundred persons attended and enjoyed Dr. George P. Hammond's speech, "The Search for the Fabulous in the Settlement of the Southwest." W e were especially pleased this year by the presence of so many distinguished people of church and state and the world of scholarship.

For you who were unable to attend, we are publishing Dr. Hammond's speech and President Ricks's report in this issue of the Quarterly, Our director, Dr. A. R. Mortensen, attended the annual meeting of the American Association for State and Local History September 25-27, 1955, at Williamsburg, Virginia. W e are pleased and proud that our nominees for Awards of Merit from the west fared so well. An Award went to Utah's own Kate B. Carter who has probably done more to encourage, preserve, and develop interest in local history than any other person in the intermountain area, and possibly the entire nation. Nell Murbarger, nominee from Nevada, was a winner for her efforts in chronicling the history of ghost towns and mining camps of the west. As author of an outstanding book, Wallace Stegner, well-known to Utahans, received an Award for his Beyond the Hundredth Meridian; John Wesley Powell and the Second Opening of the West, and the Award in the magazine section went to Arizona Highways, Raymond Carlson, editor. Dr. Mortensen has been asked to serve for another year as chairman of the Awards Committee for the Intermountain Region. For the AASLH meeting in 1956, the historically significant Old Sturbridge Village, Massachusetts, has been selected.

W e mourn with his many friends and associates, the passing of John D. Giles, a man who though a maker of monuments left none of stone to himself. His record of love and service will live long in the hearts of all.

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As a publication item of interest, we are informed that an off-set reproduction of the entire twenty-six volumes of the Journal of Discourses is under way, in fact, we have already received the first three volumes. The DeMar Press of Murray, Utah, is undertaking the project with volumes to come out on a monthly schedule and be completed within the next two years.

Mr. Harold C. Syrett, executive editor of Columbia University Press, has asked us to run the following item: Columbia University is preparing for publication a new and complete edition of the papers of Alexander Hamilton. The editors of this edition wish to locate any letters to or from Hamilton and any other Hamilton documents that are in private hands. If anyone possesses such documents, the editors would greatly appreciate any information on their whereabouts and availability.

Interest in Archeology in Utah is growing by leaps and bounds as evidenced by the stimulated activity of the Utah Statewide Archeological Society. A newsletter, Utah Archeology, is now being printed and mailed to interested persons. For further information, write to James M. Gunnerson, editor, Department of Anthropology, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah.

Since we have not yet moved to our new home, the-Governor's Mansion, we are still "bursting at the seams." However, our collections continue to grow, and we appreciate the contributions from time to time of our many friends. W e want to thank the following for their gifts to the Society: James D. Wardle, Robert G. Dust, Mrs. Leslie P. Randall, Albert R. Lyman, Dr. Joseph R. Morrell, Blaine Winters, The Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Joel E. Ricks, Ambrose Call, Justin Bryan Call, M. W . Poulson, Lamont F. Toronto, J. K. Fancher, Mrs. M. L. Summerhays, C. Corwith Wagner, and Charles R. Mabey for his generous contribution to our Library Memorial Trust Fund.

On Tuesday, October 18, 1955, the Secretary of State, Lamont F. Toronto, the president of the Utah State Historical Society, Joel E. Ricks, and the director, A. R. Mortensen participated in the celebration marking the centennial of the completion

HISTORICAL NOTES

103

of the Fillmore State House. Mr. Toronto outlined the history of the building in a brief address, and prominent among the activities of the day was the dedication of a flag pole on the front lawn. At the base of the pole is a plaque inscribed with the words, "Dedicated to the Pioneers of the Old State House Museum, Fillmore, Utah, by Utah State Historical Society." Mr. Toronto presented both an American flag and the state flag to the Fillmore Chapter, Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Mary A. Dame, chairman, which operates the Old State House as a pioneer museum under the direction of the Utah State Historical Society.

President Joel E. Ricks gave the dedicatory prayer, and brief remarks were made by A. R. Mortensen, Preston Nibley, Mrs. Maude C. Melville, and Horace A. Sorensen, national president of the Sons of Utah Pioneers.

A member of the Society's Board of Control, Mr. Louis Buchman, retired vice-president and general manager of western mining divisions, Kennecott Copper Corporation, has been named recipient of the coveted Saunders Award in mining by the American Institute of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers.

RECENT ACCESSIONS

Berlin, C. Elliott. Abraham Owen Smoot, Pioneer Mormon Leader. (M.A. Thesis, Brigham Young University, 1955) The Book of Elias, or, The Record of John.

Aaronic Order, 1944.

Salt Lake City,

Illinois in 1837: A Sketch Descriptive of the Situation, Boundaries, Face of the Country . . . . Philadelphia, S. Augustus Mitchell, 1837.

Jenson, Andrew. Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia.

Volume I. Salt Lake City, Deseret News, 1901. (Photomechanical reprint, republished S U P Memorial Foundation, 1955) Journal of Discourses. Volume I. Liverpool, 1854. (Photomechanical reprint of the original edition of 1854. Republished by Gastera Trust, Schaan, 1955)

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Leatham, Louis S. The Letham or Leatham Family Book of Remembrance. Ann Arbor, Edwards Brothers, Inc., 1955.

Memory Book of Moroni Gerber and Emily Jane Jacob. n.d.)

(N.p.,

Rea, Ralph M. Death on the Meadows. An account of the Mountain Meadows massacre . . . The author, 1955.

Shaw, Reuben Cole. Across the Plains in Forty-nine. Edited by Milo M. Quaife. Chicago, The Lakeside Press, 1948.

Treasures of Pioneer History. Volume IV. Compiled by Kate B. Carter. Salt Lake City, Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1955.

CENTENNIALS

J

ULY, 1947, marked the first of Utah's great centennial celebrations. As all the world knows that month, a hundred years before, had witnessed the entry of the Mormon pioneers into the valley of the Great Salt Lake. Almost immediately expansion began to the north, south, east, and west, and within a very few years, settlements were scattered all over the Great Basin.

Beginning then with the great state-wide centennial in 1947, successive celebrations have been held throughout the state, and will continue to be held through the coming years until the cycle of bicentennials commences nearly a hundred years from now.

During 1956 Utah celebrates the one hundreth birthday of several counties, cities and smaller communities, and several institutions, some of which continue to prosper and serve the state.

During the winter of 1855-56, the first and only full session (fifth) of the territorial legislature to meet at Fillmore was convened. This session of the legislature, in acts approved in January created nine counties, only three of which still exist. The names and locations of the defunct counties, most of which never really existed except on paper, are quite interesting. Humboldt and St. Mary's occupied what is now the northeast quarter of the state of Nevada. Greasewood County occupied what would amount to the western half of the present county of Box Elder.

Malad, on the other hand, occupied a considerable portion of the northern part of Box Elder and extended over the present UtahIdaho line into the Malad River Valley of southern Idaho. Cedar County lay immediately to the west of present Utah County and eventually was absorbed by that county and Toole. Shambip lay immediately to the west of Cedar County and now forms a portion of Tooele.

Of the counties created in 1856 and still in existence, Cache County, practically co-extensive with Cache Valley, like several other Utah counties, was actually created before settlement took place. However, in September of 1856, Wellsville was established by a group of settlers under Peter Maughan, and soon thereafter other settlements sprang up throughout the county. On the other hand, Box Elder County, created this same year, already had communities which had been administered as a portion of the original Weber County. Beaver County also dates from

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

1856, along with its county seat, Beaver City. Other communities which reach the century mark during the coming year are Mapleton and Salem in Utah County, Charleston in Wasatch County, and Pinto and Washington in Washington County far to the south in Utah's Dixie.

The initial and somewhat tragic experiment with handcarts as a means of overland travel took place during the summer and fall of 1856. Of the five companies, numbering approximately eighteen hundred immigrants, the first three arrived safely in the valley of the Great Salt Lake in late September and early October. The fourth and fifth companies did not arrive until November, and then only after relief teams had been dispatched from the valley. Tragedy in the form of bitter cold and snow overtook the latter companies in the mountains and exacted a toll of more than two hundred lives. While some handcart travel was resorted to in the next few succeeding years to bring immigrating proselytes to Utah, the year 1856 marked not only the beginning, but the beginning of the end of this form of overland travel. " W i t h a view of promoting the arts of domestic industry, to encourage the production cf articles from the native elements in this territory: be it enacted by the governor and legislative assembly of the territory of Utah: that the 'Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society,' be formed and chartered as follows:" Thus reads section one of an act of the territorial legislature, dated January 17, 1856. This organization, since 1907 known as the "Utah State Fair," has had a long and honorable career and now is celebrating its one hundreth year of service to Utah and the intermountain west.

Looking backward merely for the sake of looking backward is of course pointless. But to examine the past is both desirable and necessary; that we might pay proper tribute to those who built our communities and commonwealth; that we might see where we have come, and thus be able to chart more intelligendy the road that lies ahead. Centennial celebrations therefore give excellent opportunities for self-examination, and enable us to stand at the crossroads and look backward, and forward into the future.

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

GOVERNOR BRIGHAM Y O U N G (1850-1S58)

GOVERNOR ALFRED CUMMING (July 11, 1857-1861)

During the period of the seventh annual session of the legislative assembly, Brigham Young acted as the "real" or de facto governor, while the legally appointed governor spent the winter in the vicinity of Fort Bridger.

JOHN TAYLOR Speaker of the House

HEBER G KIMBALL President of the Council

J O U R N A L S OF T H E LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY T E R R I T O R Y OF U T A H S E V E N T H A N N U A L SESSION, 1857-1858 COMPILED BY EVERETT L. COOLEY*

INTRODUCTION

I

N July 1857, the inhabitants of Utah, while celebrating their entry into the valley of the Great Salt Lake, received news that federal troops were enroute to Utah to quell a supposed Mormon rebellion against federal authority. The nearer the army approached Utah, greater grew the fervor of the Mormons to resist further maltreatment at the hands of gentiles*—be they armed mobs, state militias, or federal troops. Various schemes were planned, and a few effected, to prevent or at least delay the troops' entry into Utah Territory. Although the army did enter the territory, lack of supplies and severe winter weather prevented the troops from passing through the Wasatch Mountains into the centers of population.

Due to this mcmentous event in Utah history, variously known as "The Utah W a r , " "The Coming of Johnston's Army," or "The Utah Expedition," many of the normal functions of church and state were severely curtailed. The Utahans were living under martial law, so their activities were closely supervised.

Rather than peacefully submit to the domination by unfriendly forces, the leaders of the Mormon Church, who were in most cases also the elected officers of the territorial government, decided upon a scorched earth policy. At least this was their announced intent. Consequently, many families from the northern settlements were directed southward'—their ultimate destination they knew not where. Likewise, the only press in Utah— used to print the Deseret News—also was moved south. It was freighted to Fillmore and then farther south to Parowan, Iron County. 1 * Director of the State Archives, a division of the Utah State Historical Society.

1 For an interesting account of this ''move south" see Hosea Stout journal, September 27, 1857—July 10, 1867, in Utah State Historical Society library manuscript collection.

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The seventh session of the territorial legislature met in the Social Hall in Salt Lake City on December 15, 1857. It was in session until January 22, 1858. Its final action was a joint resolution "Changing the Seat of Government . . . from Great Salt Lake City to Iron County, and the Legislative Assembly [will] hold its next annual session in the Tabernacle in Parowan, or such other suitable place as may be provided for that purpose, under the direction of the Legislative Council." 2 The move never took place. Nevertheless, the general unrest and unsettled conditions prevented the publication of the laws passed at the seventh session, despite a resolution to the effect that the Acts, Resolutions and Memorials should be published "as soon as Practicable."

They remained unpublished in the territorial and state archives until an edition was brought out in 1919 by the Shepard Book Company of Salt Lake City. Neither were the Journals published in 1858. In 1919 they were either not found or were considered of insufficient value to warrant their printing. Douglas McMurtrie writing in 1931 on early Utah printing said: "An examination of the bibliography will show that no titles of any kind are listed for 1858. That was a year of troubles for the Mormons . . . .

There was no time or opportunity for other printing, even official.

Thus the journals and the acts of the seventh legislative assembly remained in manuscript for many years. The acts were finally put into type in an edition printed in 1919." 3 In the collection of state records microfilmed by the Library of Congress and the University of North Carolina, the Journals, Minutes and Proceedings section for Utah is complete with the exception of the fifth annual session (1855-56) listed as "not found" and for the seventh annual session (1857-58) also listed as "not found."* W h e n an inventory of vaults of the Utah Secretary of State was made in 1955, the unpublished copies of the "minutes" 2 Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, Passed by the Legislative Assembly, During the Seventh Annual Session for the Years 1857-58 (Salt Lake City, 1919), 20-21.

8 Douglas G McMurtrle, The Beginnings of Printing in Utah with a Bibliography of the Issues of the Utah Press, 1849-1860 (Chicago, 1931), 48-49. *A Guide to the Microfilm Collection of Early State Records (Prepared by the Library of Congress In association with the University of North Carolina, 1950), 270.

LEGISLATIVE JOURNALS

109

of the seventh session of the legislative assembly were uncovered.

They consist of twenty-seven manuscript ledger-paper documents.

They are now in custody of the the Utah State Archives, having been received from the Secretary of State. Their publication in the Utah Historical Quarterly constitutes the first printing of these territorial records. It was felt that they should be made available to scholars since they cover such an interesting period of Utah history and now complete the list of publications of the Utah Laws and Journals from 1852 to the present.

The reader's attention is directed to the sessions of the assembly. Separate meetings were the general rule, with only occasional joint sessions. However, after January 4, 1858, all actions of the legislative assembly were effected in joint session.5 It is of interest to note the areas represented in the legislative assembly. Salt Lake County was known as Great Salt Lake County (until 1868), Sanpete was spelled San Pete (until 1862), and several counties were represented which have since vanished from Utah's map—Green River, Malad, Shambip, and Cedar.

The very first act passed and approved in the seventh session disorganized Green River County and attached it to Great Salt Lake County "for election, revenue, and judicial purposes," and the representative apportioned to Green River was assigned to Great Salt Lake County. 8 This action was taken for a very definite purpose. Practically all the inhabitants had been evacuated from Green River with the coming of the army, 7 and with county government being discontinued and administration emanating from Salt Lake County, the gentiles (army personnel, terriB In this and other sessions there appears to be little differentiation between acts passed in joint session and resolutions passed the same way. The legality of such procedure was questioned by Utah's second governor, Alfred Cumming.

He was, therefore, directed to a law of January 19, 1854, which gave acts and resolutions equal validity. See, Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, Passed at the Several Annual Sessions of the Legislative Assembly, Utah Territory (Great Salt Lake City, 1855), 264.

"Acts, Resolutions and Memorials, . . . (Salt Lake City, 1919), 5.

'Hosea Stout journal September 27, 1857—July 10, 1867. Population was never large in the area as witnessed by election results. In the election held In Green River on Monday, August 3, 1857, John M. Bernhisel received thirtyseven votes for delegate to Congress and isaac Bullock received thirty-seven votes for member of the legislative assembly, "being all the votes polled In said county." See letter from Wm. A. Thompson, county clerk, to Hon. Wm. H. Hooper [Secretary of Territory pro tern] dated Fort Supply, August 5, 1857, found in Utah Territorial Executive Documents, 1856-58, MS, Utah State Historical Society, division of archives.

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torial officers, and camp followers) would not be able to gain control of county affairs. However, the newly appointed governor, Alfred Cumming, holding forth near Camp Scott in the disorganized county, took immediate steps to re-establish county government without waiting for action by the Utah legislature.

Cumming, finding that "the civil officers had abandoned their offices" commissioned David A. Burr as justice of the peace and William A. Carter as probate judge. 8 Judge Eckles, recendy appointed chief justice of the Territorial Supreme Court, set up court in Green River, where he proceeded to swear oaths and take depositions against the Mormons. 9 The whole question of office holders during this disturbed period is a most thorny and confused one. The 1919 printing of the laws for the seventh session lists "Alfred Cummings" [sic] as governor. This, however, does not give a complete picture of the situation. For although Alfred Cumming was appointed governor on July 11, 1857, to fill the unexpired term of Brigham Young, the latter continued to serve in the capacity of governor until late spring of 1858. Alfred Cumming made his way to Green River County, Utah Territory, where he spent the winter of 1857-58 with the army near Fort Bridger. In the capital city, the de facto governor, Brigham Young, called the territorial legislature into session, addressed that body as the governor, and as governor approved the legislative enactments. 10 The position of territorial secretary was no less confused.

This office was also "held" by two persons simultaneously. John Hartnett was appointed secretary August 6, 1857, with a reappointment on January 18, 1858.11 Meanwhile, William H. Hooper was officiating in the capacity of territorial secretary pro tern 8 Executive Proceedings 1850 to 1854 and Elections and Commissions, Book A, 119, MS; Executive Record 1852 to 1871, Book B, 82-83, 84, 86, MS; Utah Territorial Executive Documents, 1856-58, MS. 9 See depositions of John W. Powell, Samuel Gilbert, B. F. Ficklin, Craven Jackson, in Territorial Executive Documents, 1856-58, MS. 10 AIfred Cumming was reappointed governor by President James Buchanan on January 18, 1858. He took his oath of office before Chief Justice D. R. Eckles on February 2, 1858 at Ecklesville, Green River County, Utah Territory. See Executive Record, Book B, MS, 73 ff.

"Ibid., 75-76.

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under an appointment of Governor Brigham Young. 12 For the meeting of the seventh session of the legislative assembly, it was Hooper who performed the functions of secretary since John Hartnett did not come to Salt Lake until the summer of 1858.

Considerable correspondence passed between Utah and W a s h ington relative to the legality and the allowance of debts contracted by William Hooper acting as secretary. 13 In addition to the list of territorial and legislative officers, it was customary for the printed Journals to contain the message of the governor and such other documents submitted to the assembly upon its request. Both the sixth and the eighth session Journals contain the governor's message as well as other requested documents. However, the unpublished "minutes" do not include such items. Nevertheless, the message, pertinent correspondence, and related documents have been preserved for us since they were published in the Deseret News, copied into an Executive Record book, and copies made for the files of the Territorial Militia. These are available in the Utah State Historical Society.14 The message and one report are included in this printing of the Journal to make it as nearly complete as others of the period.

The contents of the Journals need but very little explanation; however, additional information is available regarding some actions by the legislative assembly. At the first meeting of the House on December 14, Mr. John P. Barnard's right to a seat was challenged. The matter was referred to the Committee on Elections. On Monday, December 21, the committee reported back that "he [John P. Barnard] has withdrawn his claim." A search has failed to uncover any information which could suggest 12 Ibid., 48; see also copy of letter of Governor Brigham Young to Wm. H. Hooper, Esq., November 6, 1856, p. 5. Hooper succeeded Almon W. Babbitt who was slain by the Indians in September, 1856.

13 See correspondence between Secretary John Hartnett and Treasury Department. Mr: W. Medill, Comptroller of the Treasury, informed Secretary Hartnett that a special act of Congress would be necessary to authorize payment of Hooper s contracted debts. Letter of November 6, 1858 in Utah Territorial Executive Documents, 1856-58, MS. "Executive Record, Book B; Nauvoo Legion Records, 1849-65, MS; microfilm of the Deseret News, Utah State Historical Society, division of archives and library. Much of the correspondence which was exchanged between Governor Brigham Young and the army officers at Camp Scott was reprinted together into one volume. See Utah Expedition, 35th Congress, 1st Session, House Executive Document 71, copy in library of the Utah State Historical Society.

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reasons for Mr. Barnard's withdrawing his claim to the seat.

However, a document was found which gives Mr. Barnard a strong claim to the seat he forfeited.

Among the executive records of Utah Territory appears the following certificate of election: 15 Bro. Hooper At an election held in Malad County on Monday, Augt 3rd, 1857, John P. Barnard Senr was elected representative for Malad Co by a Majority of Eleven Votes not knowing but that two Councilors had also to be Elected I have defered Sending the report untill this time.

Malad Valley Augt. 28th 1857

/ s / James Frodsham Clerk Malad Co

I certify that the above is a true copy of the original now on file in my office / s / James Frodsham County Clerk Malad Co A similar document of August 6, 1857 certifying the election of John M. Bernhisel for delegate to Congress contains one phrase which seems to indicate that Mr. Barnard had all die votes cast in Malad County. Bernhisel's certificate says he was elected by eleven votes, and that he was elected without opposition.18 Barnard received the identical number of votes. Nevertheless, he was denied his seat and Johnathan C. Wright represented Malad County in the seventh session. John P. Barnard was, however, elected to the probate judgeship of the county.

His holding this position would not have prevented his also becoming a member of the assembly. Several assembly members were simultaneously probate judges in their respective counties. 1 ' "Utah Territorial Executive Documents, 1856-58, MS. Ibid., letter from James Frodsham, County Clerk, Malad County to "Brother" Hooper [Secretary of Utah Territory].

"Johnathan C. Wright was elected to be probate judge of Box Elder County In 1856. The term of office was normally four years. le

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A few acts of the legislative assembly are worthy of special consideration. Joint Session Folio Number Thirteen, passed January 18, 1858, is one of these. This act repealed all territorial taxes. One can only guess at the motives which prompted such action. For the Mormons knew the executive and legal branches of their territorial government were about to pass into the hands of gentile officials now encamped with the army outside the capital gates. Could this be a means of preventing these officials from gaining control of the purse strings? It appears that this might be the possible explanation. The work normally carried out through tax funds was now to be accomplished by other methods. This was made known to, and agreed to, by some of the Utahans meeting in the tabernacle in Salt Lake City on Tuesday, January 19, 1858. The proceedings were recorded by one of the members of the legislative assembly and a participant at the tabernacle gathering, Hosea Stout. Following the gathering he wrote, "The territorial tax being abolished all public works was to be done on labor tithing and under control of the Bishops." 18 The next act passed by the assembly also merits attention.

Joint Session Folio Number Fourteen was an act entitled "Concerning appointees to office." Again with the gentile officials encamped near Fort Bridger in mind, the assembly passed this act. It required that all civil officers appointed for Utah Territory by the President must "take an oath or affirmation, before some Judge of Probate of this Territory, who may at the time be duly commissioned or qualified, to support the Constitution of the United States and the laws of this Territory . . . . " " Since the probate judge was elected to office by die territorial legislative assembly, office seekers must now take their oaths before Mormon judges. This was clearly intended to disqualify the newly appointed territorial officers and also prevent such action as that of Governor Cumming when he appointed gentile officers to fill vacancies in Green River County. 20 T h e next act approved by the assembly (J.S.F. No. 15) is also worthy of note. It was one which amended an act of 18 19

Hosea Stout journal.

Ads. Resolutions and Memorials, . . . (Salt Lake City, 1919), 8.

20 Supra., 110.

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February 10, 1851 passed by the legislature of the State of Deseret. 21 By this revision of the earlier law, control of the manufacture and sale of "ardent spirits" was made to remain in the hands of the same personage if not the same office. The words "Trustee in Trust of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints" were substituted for the one word "Governor," which appeared in the first act. The revision was obviously designed to prevent control of this commodity from passing to the gentiles.

One of the final actions of the legislative assembly was one changing the seat of government to Iron County, thus removing it beyond the reach of the invading army. The feeling of the legislators must have been summarized in the words of Hosea Stout when he moved for adjournment. His final journal entry concerning the legislative session was, "Thus ends the Seventh Session of Utah's Legislature. W h a t will be the Eighth and under what circumstances?" 22

21 The act of 1851 was actually "an Ordinance" of the State of Deseret.

However, all acts of the legislature of Deseret were made laws of the territory of Utah by one of the first actions of the territorial assembly when it first met in September, 1851. See Acts, Resolutions, and Memorials, passed by the First Annual, and Special Session, of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah . . . (Great Salt Lake City, 1852), 205.

22 Hosea Stout journal.

JOURNALS of the LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY of the TERRITORY OF UTAH during the SEVENTH ANNUAL SESSION for the years 1857-58 at GREAT SALT LAKE CITY

1 1 6

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Box Elder, Cache, Malad, and Weber Counties Lorenzo Snow, Lorin Farr.

Beaver and Millard Counties Lewis Branson.

Davis County Joseph Holbrook.

Great Salt Lake, Tooele, and Shambip Counties Heber C. Kimball, Daniel H. Wells, Albert Carrington, F. D. Richards, Wilford Woodruff.

Iron and Washington Counties George A. Smith.

Juab and San Pete Counties Warren S. Snow.

Utah and Cedar Counties Benjamin F. Johnson, Leonard E. Harrington.

MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE

Box Elder, Cache, and Malad Counties Johnathan C. Wright.

Davis County John D. Parker, Reddick N. Allred.

LEGISLATIVE JOURNALS

Great Salt Lake County John Taylor, W . W . Phelps, A. P. Rockwood, J. C. Little, Daniel Spencer, Alexander McRae, Orson Hyde, J. W . Cummings, Hosea Stout, S. W . Richards.

Joseph A, Young, H. B. Clawson.

Green River County Isaac Bullock.

Iron and Washington Counties Isaac C. Haight, John D. Lee. Juab County Jacob G. Bigler.

Millard and Beaver Counties P. T. Farnsworth.

San Pete County George Peacock.

Shambip and Tooele Counties John Rowberry.

Utah and Cedar Counties Aaron Johnson, James C. Snow, Preston Thomas.

Weber County Chauncy W . West.

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Monday, December 14, 1857.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Social Hall, Great Salt Lake City, Utah Territory, Monday, December 14, 1857. 10 a.m.

The Council met and organized by electing: Hon. H. C. Kimball, President of the Council, Geo. Hawkins, Secretary, John T. Caine, Assistant Secretary, Geo. D. Grant, Sergeant-at-Arms, Samuel S. Sprague, Messenger, John Sharp, Foreman, Cyrus H. Wheelock, Chaplain.

All the members present were then severally sworn by the Secretary of the Territory, Hon. W i n . Hooper.

All the officers present were sworn by the President of the Council.

The Council, being fully organized, was opened by prayer by the President.

On motion of Councilor Geo. A. Smith, a message was sent to the House of Representatives notifying them that the Council was organized and ready for business.

Hons. Orson Hyde and J. C. Little appeared as a committee from the House, acknowledging the receipt of the message from the Council, and announcing that the House was also organized and ready to proceed to business.

At 34 P a s t 11 a - m - the following message was received from the House: 11 a.m.

"The House have appointed Messrs. Orson Hyde and J. C. Little a committee, with a similar committee from the Council, to wait upon His Excellency the Governor, and inform him that the Assembly are organized and ready to receive any communication he may have to present."

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Whereupon the Hons. D. H. Wells and Albert Carrington were appointed a committee to confer with the House Committee to wait upon His Excellency the Governor, and a message was sent to the House notifying them of said appointment.

The Committee from the House having appeared, the Committee from the Council retired with them for conference.

The Committee returned and announced that His Excellency would meet with the Assembly tomorrow at 10 a.m. and recommended that when the Council adjourn it be to that time to meet in Joint Session.

The President then appointed the following Standing Committees : On Printing—Albert Carrington.

On Military—Daniel H. Wells and Franklin D. Richards.

On Elections Geo. A. Smith and Wilford Woodruff.

On Claims—Wilford Woodruff, Leonard E. Harrington, Benj. F. Johnson.

On Judiciary—D. H. Wells, Geo. A. Smith, Lorenzo Snow and Albert Carrington.

On Public W o r k s - J o s e p h Holbrook, Lorin Farr.

On Incorporations—Geo. A. Smith, Lewis Brunson, and Lorin Farr.

On Roads, Bridges and Ferries—Wilford Woodruff, Joseph Holbrook, Warren S. Snow.

On Education—Albert Carrington, Franklin D. Richards and Lorenzo Snow.

On Library—Daniel H. Wells, Lorin Farr.

On Engrossing-—Albert Carrington and Lorenzo Snow.

On Petitions—Geo. A. Smith and Leonard E. Harrington.

On Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures—Albert Carrington, Wilford Woodruff, Geo. A. Smith, Joseph Holbrook and Lewis Brunson.

On Revenue—Daniel H. Wells, Lorenzo Snow and Lorin Farr.

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On Counties—B. F. Johnson, Leonard E. Harrington, Warren S. Snow.

On Herding and Herd Grounds—Warren S. Snow, B. F. Johnson, and Lorin Farr.

On Territorial Affairs—D. H. Wells, Geo. A. Smith, W . Woodruff, A. Carrington and Joseph Holbrook.

On motion of Councilor Farr, the House concurring, one hundred copies of the names of members, officers and standing committees, were ordered to be printed for the use of the Assembly.

On motion of Councilor F. D. Richards, the Secretary of the Territory was requested to furnish each member and officer of the Council with a copy of the Laws and Journals of last session.

The minutes being called for, were read and accepted.

On motion of Councilor Geo. A. Smith, the Council adjourned to meet in Joint Session in the Representatives Hall at 10 a.m. tomorrow.

Benediction by Hon. D. H. Wells, HOUSE

Representatives' Hall Pursuant to law the members elect from the various counties of the Territory assembled in the Social Hall, in Great Salt Lake City, Great Salt Lake County, on Monday the 14th December, 1857, at 10 a.m.

The Secretary of the Territory, Hon. W . H. Hooper, called the members elect from the various counties, who having produced satisfactory credentials, were duly sworn by J. W . Cummings, Esq., and took their seats, The House then proceeded to organize by electing the following officers: John Taylor, Speaker, James Ferguson, Chief Clerk, Patrick Lynch, Assistant Clerk, William H. Kimball, Sergeant-at-Arms,

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Brigham Young, Jr., Messenger, William Derr, Foreman, Jesse Haven, Chaplain, who were also duly sworn by J. W . Cummings, Esq. On motion of Mr. Rockwood, Messrs. Hyde and Little were appointed a committee to wait on the Council and inform them that the House was organized and ready for business.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, a Committee was appointed to confer with a similar committee from the Council to wait upon His Excellency the Governor and inform him that the Assembly was organized and prepared to receive any communication he may have to present; whereupon the Speaker appointed Messrs. Hyde and Little said Committee.

Mr. Barnard having presented himself as a member elect from Malad County, on motion of Mr. Rockwood, the question of his election was referred to the Committee on Elections, when appointed.

The following messages were received from the Council: "I have the honor to inform you that the Council is organized and ready for business."

"The Hons. D. H. Wells and A. Carrington have been appointed by the Council a committee to confer with your committee and wait upon His Excellency the Governor and inform him of the organization of the Assembly, and that they are now ready to receive any communication he may have to present."

The Committee, appointed to wait upon the Governor, reported that it would be the wish of His Excellency to meet the two Houses in Joint Session in the Representatives Hall, tomorrow at 10 a.m. to receive his message.

Minutes read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, adjourned to meet in Joint Session tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

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Tuesday, December 15, 1857.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Social Hall, Great Salt Lake City, December 15, 1857.

Upon dissolution of Joint Session the Council convened in their chamber.

Councilor Wells then administered the customary oath to Cyrus H. Wheelock, Chaplain elect.

On motion of Councilor Wells, the Council adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by Chaplain.

HOUSE

Representatives' Hall, Tuesday, December 15, 1857,

\y2 p.m.

The House met pursuant to adjournment from Joint Session.

Quorum present.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, adjourned till tomorrow 10 a.m.

Benediction by Chaplain.

T H E P A S S I N G OF T H E S T R E E T C A R B Y C. W .

MCCULLOUGH*

O

N May 31, 1941, the last streetcar to operate over Salt Lake City tracks made its final run. Tracks were torn up and right-of-ways repaved. Thus closed an era of urban transportation of great local and national significance, one that Utahans may well consider with pride.

Although many of our younger generation have never seen a Salt Lake City streetcar, there is alive today another not insignificant age group who experienced the thrill of riding the first cars to operate on the streets of Utah's capital city. These latter saw the horsecar born in 1872 and saw it die with the introduction of electric trolley cars in 1889. They have lived to see these replaced by pneumatic-tired trolley buses and finally our presentday motor buses. Thus, the lifespan of a single generation of man has been greater than four generations of traction service and development.

To the oldsters of Salt Lake City the history of mass passenger transportation is a page out of the book of their lives. But to oncoming youth, the scrapping of outmoded rails and trolley poles and the healing of pavement scars conveys small hint of the drama of the trolley car's heyday and its earlier progenitor powered by horses and mules. So to the old who remember and the young who accept modern traction service as a matter of course, this brief retrospect is dedicated.

In common with the instigation of streetcar service throughout the world, Salt Lake City's first streetcars were dependent upon animal traction. For seventeen years, from 1872 to 1889, the lowly mule served as "horsepower" to operate the system that included some fourteen miles of track and a total complement of twenty-one cars. This was a one-street line, and a ten cent fare was charged. *Mr. McCullough is safety engineer for the United Park City Mines Company in Park City, Utah, and is the author of numerous articles on western subjects.

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Reflecting the progressiveness that has marked the development of local traction facilities, is the fact that the electrification of Salt Lake City's streetcar system began in 1889, just a year after the first successful operation of an electric carline in the United States at Richmond, Virginia. Local service was then in the hands of two companies, the Salt Lake Rapid Transit and the Salt Lake City Railroad Company. Competitors for eleven years, the two lines finally merged into the Consolidated Railway and Power Company. A third line, the Fort Douglas Rapid Transit, was organized in 1890, but was taken over by the Salt Lake Rapid Transit before operating.

The trolley cars of this era, while marking a definite advance over the slow-moving mule car, left much to be desired in the matter of service and comfort. Open cars were the rule rather than the exception, and no provisions were made for heating them in winter. As a concession to the danger of frost-bitten or chilblained feet in very cold weather, straw was spread deeply over the car floors. Thus in a few short blocks, a passenger's clothing might acquire the appearance to be gained from a day's visit to. the Ogden Livestock Show. Whether this lavish use of straw on the part of the operators is to be traced to leftover stocks from horsecar days, cannot be determined at this late date.

Roadbeds and trackage were not engineered to present-day standards of smoothness. The single track cars, then in vogue, had a disconcerting habit of centering themselves upon the all too prevalent humps in the tracks. Once stopped, the vehicles would refuse to stir until passengers and crew would unload and vigorously rock the balky thing over the hump. This detail of bouncing a homebound streetcar over a few bumps appears to have been listed among the stock excuses to which wives had to listen when hubby arrived late for dinner. Despite these and similar minor shortcomings, the trolley car met a definite need and was accorded general patronage. New lines and extensions were instituted to keep pace with the city's growth.

With the consolidation of the parent companies and the development of new routes, the convenience of transfer privileges entered the picture. In keeping with the nationwide practice of traction companies, these transfer slips bore the notation—"Not Transferable." Just how such, a restriction might be enforced has ever been a mystery to traction patrons. It is doubtful

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if such an interchange of transfers has ever become a widespread practice among streetcar riders or one that has caused any traction line a serious loss of revenue.

Of more interest than economic importance was the attempt of local traction officials to put teeth into this "Not Transferable" edict. Delving into early streetcar history, we find Salt Lake City transfer slips going "arty" with a rogue's gallery of seven faces, five of men and two devoted to the fair sex.* W h e n a patron requested a transfer, in addition to the usual time and place information, the conductor punched out the face that most closely answered the patron's appearance. Foolproof!

Only an identical twin could beat that game. Let us see!

The five man set-up should be of momentous historical value, depicting as it did the gamut of male facial adornment of that era. Perhaps it deserves a brief analysis— No. 1.

No. 2.

No! 3.

No. 4.

No. 5.

The Smoothie. "Little shavers" and close shavers qualified here.

The lip adorned. Pre-Hitler; mustaches leaned to the handlebar type.

Muttonchops, sidecurtains.

Uncle Ezra, feather duster on chin.

House of David, full crop of alfalfa.

Passing on to the ladies, we find emphasis turning to hats, the younger miss sporting a sailor, and madame a bonnet. This brings up the thought that times have changed. Imagine alloting the menfolk of our day five classes, while the ladies rate only two! And what a Solomon the modern conductor would have to be to distinguish between mother and daughter, for instance!

Transfers would need to assume the proportions of a round the world travel ticket to classify the range of zany hats to be seen on most any rush-hour trolley bus.

Rumor has it that all was not "hotsy-totsy" from either the company's or the patron's standpoint. Some of the more mature ladies of that time had young ideas and resented being relegated to the oldsters. And there were complications in the field of the male, it is said. Mr. Muttonchops thought he was pulling a fast one when he dashed into the corner barbershop and was clean-shaven "on his transfer/' Then again, there was the case *See back cover Utah Historical Quarterly. October, 1955.

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of the transfer holder who boarded a car and presented a transfer punched to provide free transportation to a smooth-shaven individual. The conductor regarded this and, in turn, the ample growth of stubble that adorned the man's face. W h e n confronted with the discrepancy, the passenger corroborated the first conductor's classification but insisted that he had waited so long for the car that his whiskers had grown in the interim.

Whether or not this latter incident is true, it appears that after a reasonable trial, Salt Lake City's "Keep 'em honest" transfer slips were abandoned. The transfers of today, however, still insist that they are "Not Transferable."

In step with the use of electricity for both power and illumination, the third era of streetcar development witnessed the consolidation of traction and lighting utilities in Salt Lake City and Ogden under one management, the Utah Light and Railway Company. This occurred in 1904. T w o years later, this company's entire holdings were purchased by E. H. Harriman and operated as a subsidiary of the Union Pacific Railroad until 1914, when the Utah Light and Traction Company assumed management. This organization, in turn, gave way in 1944 to the present operators, the Salt Lake City Lines.

The early phases of this era were characterized by a widespread extension of facilities and service. As was the case throughout the nation, these were the golden years of the streetcar. The automobile was yet in its infancy. Streetcars were the accepted means of urban travel. Young and old, rich and poor—"all God's children" rode the trolleys. Traffic justified the introduction of larger, heavier cars and the extension of lines into the rapidly growing suburban districts. At die peak of this period, trolley cars were operated over some 150 miles within the metropolitan area.

With the advent of the automobile, the tables were turned.

Trolley car patronage fell off in the same ratio as the use of private cars increased. The use of motor cars led to a widespread demand for paved roads, and this paving tended to follow die thoroughfares being used by the traction lines. Due to antiquated franchises under which the latter operated, formulated in a day that little dreamed of the motor car, one-third to one-half of such paving expense was assessed against the traction company. The speed and comfort of the automobile led streetcar patrons to de-

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mand faster and more luxurious trolleys. The growth of the city lent pressure for new lines and extensions that gave no promise of producing adequate revenues.

These were the years when the public mind was particularly antagonistic to great corporations and the utilities. "Down with the trusts!" "Soak the rich!" were popular slogans of the day.

W i t h city government and state legislatures generally unfriendly, the traction company could hardly look to these bodies for alleviation of these burdens which were rapidly driving operating costs into the red. Far-seeing officials could see the handwriting on the wall—the trolley car was doomed and other methods of transportation must be evolved if the utility were to continue functioning. At the same time, any plan which involved scrapping a tremendous corporate investment and the sinking of another fortune in experimental equipment was not to be assumed lightly by an organization that was struggling for its very existence.

The success of the automobile and the highway motor bus had inspired considerable fruitless pioneering to produce a rubbertired trolley bus. Those buses which had been put into operation were equipped with hard rubber or cushion-type rubber tires. The initial starting force of the high-torque railway type electric motors then in use tended to strip pneumatic tires from the wheels. The bodies were such as to be designated a "glorified truck," which, writers contend, in the light of modern truck development, to be an insult to the truck.

The possibilities of a pneumatic-tired traction bus offered transportation engineers many intriguing elements of advantage and superiority over track-type streetcars: 1. Cost of installation and maintenance of trackage and paving would be eliminated.

2. Operation would be quieter.

3. Maneuverability of vehicles would be increased.

4. Traffic capacity of streets would be increased.

5. Passengers could be picked up and unloaded at the curb.

6. Routing of buses could be changed at will to meet any emergency.

It should be a matter of particular local moment and pride to realize that the first successful pneumatic-tired trolley bus to operate over any city street in the world was engineered and

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developed by officials of the Salt Lake Traction Company, under the direction of Mr. E. A. West, general manager, and Mr. Jed F. Woolley, chief engineer. Their contribution to the advancement of mass transportation included many innovations that are still in use. But the basic feature of their revolutionary vehicle involved the development of a new type motor with a lower starting torque that permitted the use of pneumatic tires.

In this connection it is of more than passing interest that national traction engineers and financial backers were "sold" on Mr. Woolley's proposition by a photograph of a trackless trolley coach that never existed. As much as Mr. W e s t and Mr. Woolley believed in their dream trolley coach, they knew that hard-headed businessmen and financiers, experienced in many failures of similar types, would be difficult to convince. They knew how cold and uninspirational a set of blueprints might be.

There must be a. way to dramatize their vision. Put it across!

There was. A gasoline highway bus passing through the city at that time was pressed into service. The driver was induced to station his bus on South Temple Street, where the vehicle was photographed with the Mormon Temple as a background. Utilizing photographic artifices too detailed to enumerate here, trolleys were superimposed on the bus together with necessary appurtenances to achieve verisimilitude. The final result depicted an imposing example of an electric trolley bus operating on Salt Lake City streets—a vehicle luxurious, practical, and in.use, and one that would well compete with the automobile in comfort, maneuverability and rider appeal.

With this mythological photograph as Exhibit A, and the complete plans and specifications of a trolley coach, a contract was negotiated for the manufacture of a fleet of buses by the Vesare Corporation of Albany, New York. The Herculian aspects of this feat may be better understood when one stops to realize that it involved the underwriting by the manufacturers of an unproven and wholly experimental innovation in the field of urban transportation.

W h e n delivered and put into service in 1928, these buses focused the attention of the world upon Salt Lake City. Representatives from twenty-six states of the union and from thirteen foreign lands were sent here to study their design and operation.: The success of the trackless trolley coach was sensational. A

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new era in urban transportation was born. The streetcar was definitely on its way out.

But, the economic operation of local traction lines was only half solved by the introduction of the trackless trolley. There still remained the problem of service over very hilly routes and to outlying areas where patronage would not justify trolley wire installation and the use of expensive electric coaches. The gasoline motor bus appeared to be the logical answer, but there were inherent shortcomings and disadvantages to the front engine gas bus that rendered it unsuitable for city traction use.

Again Mr. Woolley worked out the details of a new type streetcar, a rear engine gasoline bus, and succeeded in finding a manufacturer who would pioneer its building. In 1933, Salt Lake City traction patrons were given a "first in the world" thrill for the second time, when rear engine gasoline motor buses were successfully placed in service locally.

The trackless trolley and the gasoline bus, in supplanting the streetcar, have proved themselves the essential mediums that enabled the local traction company to meet demands for better and more extensive service through the difficult years of the depression and the period of wartime growth that has followed.

Salt Lake City coaches and buses travel 12,000 miles daily over 154 miles of streets. An average of 16,000,000 passengers are carried annually with an amazing factor of safety. Although well over a billion people have ridden the trolleys and busses of the several traction companies, statistics reveal that there has never been a passenger fatality on the Salt Lake City lines.

Today, Utah's capital city enjoys mass transportation as modern as any in the nation. Literally, "its line has gone out unto the ends of the earth," for the imprint of its pioneering is to be seen in cities all over the world.

C L A R E N C E KING'S F O R T I E T H PARALLEL S U R V E Y

BY RICHARD A. BARTLETT*

I

N T H E years 1867 through 1879 four geographical and geological surveys of the American W e s t were conducted under the auspices of various branches of the United States Government. Commonly known as the Great Surveys, they are best known individually by the names of their leaders—the Hayden, King, Powell, and Wheeler surveys. 1 The first, and apparently least known of these surveys, was the King Survey, officially known as the United States Geological Survey of the Fortieth Parallel. Its leader was the sauve and cosmopolitan Clarence King, close friend of Henry Adams; a man whom, it may be recalled, Adams had considered an outstanding success in 1871, but a failure in 1893.2 Whatever the extent of his later failure, there can be no doubt that King's United States Geological Survey of the Fortieth Parallel was a really great achievement. This project originated with King, was led by him for twelve years, and was brought to a successful completion through his efforts. In any history of American civilization, this survey deserves more comment than a casual sentence in the text or a footnote at the bottom of the page.

King's Fortieth Parallel Survey materially improved the reputation of American science abroad, and set an example of accuracy and scholarship at home at a time when such an example was sorely needed. That such a survey should have taken place in an otherwise corrupt and barren era in our national life (1867-79) *Dr. Bartlett has done considerable work on the Great Surveys of the American West. He is presently a Florida State University resident professor at Tyndall Air Force Base, Panama City, Florida.

1 For the complete list of publications of these surveys, see Laurence Frederick Schmeckebier, Catalogue and Index of the Publications of the Hayden.

King, Powell, and Wheeler Surveys (Washington, 1904).

2 Henry Adams, 7Vie Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (Boston, 1918), 346.

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is also of some significance. Finally, as a personal achievement, the Fortieth Parallel Survey ranks as a project that only a man of unusual vision, talent, and tenacity could have completed.

The story of this scientific endeavor begins on top of one of the high peaks of the Sierra Nevada, east of the Yosemite Valley, in the year 1866. King and his close friend, James Terry Gardner, had been working for the California Geological Survey under the direction of Josiah Dwight Whitney—King since 1863, Gardner since 1864.3 While thus employed the two young men, both graduates of the Sheffield Scientific School at Yale, had mastered many of the problems of frontier surveying and geologic work. Now, in the summer of 1866, King had just received word of the death of his stepfather. 4 This left the young geologist—he was only twenty-four—confronted with the problem of supporting his mother and her three young children. His salary on the California Survey was insufficient to meet such obligations. W h a t could he do?

From their perch in the high Sierra, Gardner and King could look far out upon the Great Basin. Save for Virginia City, Austin, and a few other nondescript mining camps, a few miners and a few begging Indians, the dried-up wastes of Nevada stretched onward toward and beyond the horizon—a vast unknown, barely scarred by the white man's trails. Soon, however, the transcontinental railroad would be pushing across the great desert barrier, joining the East and West. But who knew what lay along the line of the railroad, geologically? W h o knew of the flora and fauna along the route, of the potentialities for investment and settlement? It was as a result of these questions that King and Gardner from their perches on the "high peaks of the Sierra . . . worked out the general outlines of the Fortieth Parallel Survey work." 5 They envisaged a survey across the entire West, from the crest of the Sierra Nevada to the western slope of the Rockies, which would remove the geologic and natural history 3 Edward Tenney Brewster, Life and Letters of Josiah Dwight Whitney (New York, 1909), 237. *Samuel Franklin Emmons, "Biographical Memoir of Clarence King," Biographical Memoirs (Washington, National Academy of Sciences, 187719--), VI (1909), 35.

B Letter from Rossiter W. Raymond in "Biographical Notice," Clarence King Memoirs (New York, 1904), 332-35.

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mysteries from the region of the main line of the transcontinental railroad.

Armed with this grandiose project King headed eastward, appearing in the winter of 1867 in Washington, D. C. He found a city full of ex-soldiers seeking appointments, of get-rich-quick schemers and influence peddlers; but if the twenty-five-year-old geologist from the high Sierra was aware of the barriers that stood before his goal, he certainly did not let them deter him.

He had obtained letters of recommendation from influential people,6 and he used the letters and made the rounds. His remarkable personality and grandiose, but apparently practical plan, combined to bring him success. King got his survey, with himself as geologist in charge, subject only to the administrative supervision of the Engineer Department of the U. S. Army under the command of General A. A. Humphreys. 7 The object of the exploration [the orders ran] is to examine and describe the geological structure, geographical condition and natural resources of a belt of country extending from the 120th meridian eastward to the 105th meridian, along the 40th parallel of latitude with sufficient expansion north and south to include the lines of the "Central" and "Union Pacific" railroads, and as much more as may be consistent with accuracy and a proper progress, which would be not less than five degrees of longitude yearly. The exploration will be commenced at the 120th meridian where it will connect with the geological survey of California, and should, if s practicable, be completed in two years 6 Among those recommending King were James D. Dana, Benjamin Silliman, George F. Brush, and Josiah Dwight Whitney. They all spoke very highly of King. The National Archives, Record Group 77, Office of Chief of Engineers, Letters Received, third and fifth division, file number Secretary of War, 245. National Archives Record Groups will hereafter be referred to as R.G. followed by the number of the group.

7 James D. Hague, "Memorabilia," in Clarence King Memoirs, 385. "When the Secretary.of War handed King his letter of appointment [recalled Hague], immediately after the accomplishment of the first necessary legislation, authorizing the work, he said, 'Now, Mr. King, the sooner you get out of Washington, the better—you are too young a man to be seen about town with this appointment in your pocket—there are four major-generals who want your place.' " 8 R. G. 57, "Letters to King," Volume I, Humphreys to King, March 21, 1867.

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The orders further described the duties of the survey. It was to examine— all rock formations, mountain ranges, detrital plains, coal deposits, soils, minerals, ores, saline and alkaline deposits . . . collect . . . material for a topographical map of the regions traversed, . . . conduct . . . barometric and thermometric observations [and] make collections in botany and zoology with the view to a memoir on these subjects, illustrating the occurrence and distribution of plants and animals. 9 King set to work at once. He planned to leave for San Francisco by way of Panama by May 1, 1867. As early as April 3, he had written to all the assistants he hoped to employ, and James Terry Gardner, first topographical assistant, had already accepted. 10 Next to join the staff in the position of first geological assistant was James D. Hague, who had been educated at Harvard and in the German Universities of Gottingen and at Freiburg, and was associated with the Institute of Technology at Boston when King offered him the job. "He has been a wide traveler, a superintendent of extensive mining operations, and is considered by Dana and other eminent men as very able," King wrote General Humphreys. 11 For second geologic assistant, King chose James' brother, Arnold Hague, who had been a fellow student of King's at Yale, and subsequently had studied abroad. A Swiss named H. Custer, who had previously served on the Northwest Boundary Commision and was highly recommended by General G. K. Warren, was chosen as second topographical assistant, 12 and a third topographical assistant, F . A. Clark, also joined the party. 13 For his photographer King made the wise choice of Timothy mid. ioR. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York City, April 3, 1867. All the letters from King to Humphreys, which constitute the principal source of information for this paper, are embodied in a Letter Book In die National Archives, R. G. 57.

"R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, April 6, 1867.

"Ibid. " R . G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, April 7, 1867; R. G. 57, Humphreys to King, April 18, 1867; R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York, May 10, 1867.

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H . O'Sullivan, a former student of die Civil W a r photographer, Matthew Brady." As botanical collectors, King chose a W .

W . Bailey and, without pay, Sereno Watson, the latter of whom became a famed botanist; and as zoologist, he chose the seventeen-year-old Robert Ridgeway, who was thus beginning a notable career as an ornithologist. Samuel Franklin Emmons also joined the expedition as a geologist without pay. 15 The professional personnel consisted in all of at least three geological and three topographical assistants, a botanist or two, a zoologist and a photographer; possibly there were one or two others.

About half of the personnel left New York on May 1, but King, who was ill, did not leave with the remainder of the expedition until the eleventh. 16 Early in June, King and those who accompanied him arrived in San Francisco where they were joined by the rest of the party.

By river steamer they progressed to Sacramento where they set about accumulating their camp equipment. The president and directors of the Central Pacific Railroad called on the party and prevailed upon King to let B. R. Crocker, who fitted out trains for the railroad exploration and construction parties, to help outfit the Fortieth Parallel Survey. King purchased horses, mules, and wagons, and, after two hundred miles in the saddle, he judged that Crocker had outfitted him fairly, reasonably, and well. The wagons, however, were expensive and not so good as their eastern counterparts. 17 On July 3, 1867, the U. S. Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel started over the high Sierra. The party consisted of eleven mounted men,18 two freight wagons, and one thorough-brace wagon. It took them eleven days to cross into western Nevada via the Donnor Pass, at the summit of which the snow was still eight feet deep. In spite of the hardships resulting from an unusually severe winter, the expedition reached ÂŤR. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York, April 22, 1867. For biographical information about O'Sullivan, see Robert Taft, Photography and the American Scene (New York, 1938), 283-88.

1B R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Newport, Rhode Island, May 8, 1867.

16 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York, May 10, 1867.

17 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp on Truckee River, July 26, 1867.

"Camp men and teamsters, probably as many as fifteen or twenty of them, completed the make-up of the expedition at this time.

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the lower edge of the Great Meadows of the Truckee "near the entrance of the canon which the river has cut across the Virginia Range of Mountains," by the fourteenth of July. Camp number ten was some thirty miles east of Pyramid Lake and about the same distance from Carson City, and there—at camp number ten—active operations began. On the seventeenth of the month twenty mounted cavalrymen joined the group, and, being "decidedly above the average of regulars," were found useful to the expedition in many ways. 19 In general the survey was conducted by means of several small parties "working-up" a given large area, meeting at a prearranged rendezvous within twenty-four or thirty-six hours of each other, although they may have been separated for several weeks. 20 The topographers and the geologists often helped each other, and a general esprit de corps, a recognition of what was to be done and the need for harmony in accomplishing it, appears to have permeated the King Survey from start to finish.

If the survey worked with a harmony of personalities, the unpredictable that can foul up the best laid plans of such an expedition had a heyday of it in 1867. The winter, spring, and summer of that year were abnormally wet in the Great Basin, and the greater portion of King's personnel fell dangerously ill with malaria. By early September, conditions had become so bad that King moved his camp from Wright's Canyon to Unionville, Nevada, "in order," he informed Humphreys, "to place sick men, who at this time numbered about three-fourths of our whole party, under shelter, for the barometer had indicated the approach of a great storm." 21 King later told Humphreys that "at one time we had out of fifty but three available men." 22 Yet there was a schedule to be maintained, and King (who for once was not stricken) and topographer Clark and one 19

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Truckee River, Nevada, August 3, 1867.

At least twice does King mention these close connections: R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia City, Nevada, June 4, 1868; and R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, camp near Ruby, Nevada, August 13, 1868.

21 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, December 18, 1867.

King points out that even mining operations in some areas were curtailed due to this miasma. A great flood in the spring had left a vast amount of stagnant waters which received much of the blame for the malaria.

22 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, February 14, 1871.

20

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soldier, plus "Son," Chief of the Humboldt Paiutes, headed for the mountain range west of Reese River.

On the 22nd [King narrated] we climbed "Job's Peak" reaching the summit as a thunder cloud drifted toward the mountain top. After adjusting my theodolite, I set the cross hair on the initial signal, and as I was about to observe angles, a sudden electrical flash came (apparently) through the instrument, striking my right arm and side. I was staggered and my brain nerves severely shocked. The theodolite was thrown and badly injured. Mr. Clark and I hastened back to our camp in Salt Valley. In the course of a week the effects of the stroke wore off. I was able to work all the time, although distressed at times by the stoppage of circulation in the right side . . . . 2S Nevertheless King and Clark kept up their work, and within three weeks had completed the Silver Hill and East Humboldt Range. Moreover, as soon as other members recovered, they were sent back into the Sinks of the Carson, Humboldt, and Quinn rivers, from which they had been driven by miasma. W h e n Custer, one of the topographers, suffered a relapse, Gardner stepped in to continue his work. 24 "By tremendous effort," as King described it, the survey "completed the proposed areas for the year by remaining in the field until the middle of December, the last parties coming into . . . winter quarters at Virginia City through two feet of snow on the day before Christmas." 25 Thus ended the first season of the work of the Fortieth Parallel Survey. W h a t had King accomplished? The survey had covered a block of country from the boundary of California ( 1 2 0 째 W ) as far east as the second Humboldt Range (about 117째30') with the southern boundary being latitude 39째30' N. and the northern boundary latitude 41 째N. "This," King emphasized, "is in every way the most difficult and dangerous country 23

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, December 18, 1867.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, December 18, 1867.

2B R G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, February 14, 1871.

24

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to campaign in I know of on the Continent." In spite of the hardships the entire block had been covered with a series of triangles and, for accuracy, the angles had been observed at least eight times. For signals, monuments of rocks had been built on the summits of many stations. Average error was two seconds to the angle. Then, within the primary points, secondary points had been located with an eight-inch theodolite, and between the interior points the topography had been "well fitted in" by gradienters. In the realm of geology a collection of two thousand specimens, illustrating every rock formation in the section surveyed, had been gathered. About three hundred barometrical stations had been observed and over two thousand observations made in the department of meteorology. "The party," King concluded, "are all well and united by a healthy esprit de corps." 26 The winter of 1867-68 was spent in quarters at Virginia City and at Carson, thirteen miles away. 27 The personnel was kept busy, the topographers plotting their field notes and the geologists beginning a "detailed study of the great silver region of the Washoe." O'Sullivan, the photographer, took flash pictures underground in the Comstock Mine. 28 In the middle of April, 1868, the survey took to the field again. The professional personnel was the same, save that S. F. Emmons and Sereno Watson were put on the payroll, they having previously served gratis. 29 The survey was divided into three divisions which would separate, meet and separate again throughout the season. Places with such names as New Pass, Shoshone Mountains, Reese River, Toyabe Range, Carico Lake, Fort Ruby, W h i t e River Mining District, the Overland Road, Redding Springs, Salt Lake Desert, Don Don Pass, Antelope Pass, and Clear Valley were explored and surveyed. "I am pushing forward as rapidly as possible," King declared. " W e are in 28

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, December 18, 1867.

Ibid. King housed his topographers at Carson, where prices were half as high as at Virginia, but due to his study of the Comstock Lode, the geologists remained at Virginia City. *ÂťR. G. 57, King to Humphreys, February 14, 1871. Some of O'Sullivan's photographs are In the Still Pictures Division of the National Archives, and some are Intact in the Library of Congress.

29 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Virginia, Nevada, January 8, 1868.

27

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the saddle generally by six a.m. and work till sunset." 30 By midOctober, 1868, the season's endeavors were ended and the Great Salt Lake had been reached, 31 despite hardships brought on by the dazzling brightness of the desert sun and the shortage of water. 32 One so-called "desert coal field" had been demolished as a figment of someone's imagination, and the survey had demonstrated that the so-called Goose Creek Coal Region was also a "humbug." 33 The season over, camp men were discharged and equipment stored at Camp Douglas near Salt Lake City. After eighteen months the men were leaving the west for the civilized east. On October 20, 1868, King was in Washington, D. C. 31 In two season's work nearly five hundred miles of country, in a strip a hundred miles wide, had been surveyed and explored scientifically, "The facts and collections we have," stated King, "are of great importance in a scientific sense as proving for the first time a geological unity of structure in the whole zone of ranges west of Salt Lake." The men had worked well, and the escort had done excellent service, especially after two deserters had been captured. 35 Winter quarters were set up in a brick building at No. 294 " H " Street in Washington, and the results of the previous season's work were plotted, classified, and written up according to plan.86 But winter, although important, was just an interval before the advent of another field season. On May 15, 1869, when King arrived at Salt Lake City, the exploration was already in advanced stages of preparation for what was at that time felt to be the last season of the survey. By the twenty-fifth all was ready and the campaign began. The eastern goal had been fixed at the Green River Divide, about thirty miles to the west of Green River. Operations followed the same pattern as in pre30 31

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp near Austin, Nevada, July 10, 1868.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Newport, Rhode Island, November 14,

1868.

32

33

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp near Austin, Nevada, July 10, 1868.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Newport, Rhode Island, November 14,

1868.

8

*R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, February 14,

1871.

35

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Newport, Rhode Island, November 14,

1868.

38

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Washington, D. G, December 1, 1868.

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vious years, with several parties disbursing, working up a given area, and then meeting briefly at a prearranged place; then into the field again. In this season such geographical names as the Promontory Range, the Tangent Range, the Wasatch Mountains, the Provo Region, the White River, and Bear River, and the Green River, received considerable mention.37 One party with a particularly difficult assignment was the topographical group under R. Davis, a newcomer to the survey. Their job was to survey Salt Lake. In view of the fact that since the first survey

by Captain Stansbury in 1849-50 a rise of nine feet in the lake had entirely changed the shoreline and had added about six hundred square miles to the area, the task was very much like breaking entirely new ground. Twice the Salt Lake party had been capsized, and had narrowly escaped death. 38 King hoped to complete operations to the Green River Divide

by August 20. "East of there," he concluded in words that he was to retract, "it is not worth while to work, as neither topography nor geology warrant the expenditure of further money."39 By late in August the surveyor's transits had been in Echo Canyon, in the Uinta Mountains, at Kamas Prairie, in the valley of the Provo, or Timpanogos, and to the headwaters of the Weber River. In the Uintas; King found the evidences of "immense glacier systems and the geological evidence of synchronism with the great European Mountain chains." 40 All but a skeleton staff entrained for the east by early September, and so advanced were plans for the ending of the survey that an auction was held at Salt Lake City and about half of the entire survey outfit was sold; the remainder would subsequently be sold at Virginia City, Nevada. 41 Odds and ends of work still remained to be completed, however, and King, who never seemed to be completely satisfied with his investigations, spent September and part of October with a few of his aides 37 R. G. 57. King to Humphreys, Salt Lake City, June 17, 1869; R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp in Wasatch Mountains, July 15, 1869.

**Ibid. <">Ibid. *°R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp In Parley's Park, Utah, August 26, 1869.

41 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp near Argenta, Nevada, October 1, 1869.

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reviewing in the field much of what they had done since 1867 and bringing up-to-date recent changes in mining communities.

This review was climaxed by a march "in general" along the Central Pacific Railroad to Reno, which King reached on November 2. "The party and animals have suffered extremely from cold, and alkaline water," he reported. While the animals rested he spent additional time in the area south of there. 42 By the twenty-eighth of December, however, he was finally back in Washington. Offices were established at 252 " G " Street, 43 and by mid-April of 1870 the volume. Mining Industry

by James D. Hague and the volume, Botany by Sereno Watson were ready to be submitted to General Humphreys for criticism and suggestions. 44 On June 1, the survey moved its offices to New Haven, for there was an excellent library of geology there. 45 At some time during this period King must have received an inkling that the Army Engineers hoped to put his survey into the field again. Nothing appears, however, until a telegram sent to Humphreys on July 25: "Did your friends carry the hundred thousand for reconnaissances? Please answer." 46 Bearing the same date is a copy of a telegram from J. B. Wheeler (an officer in the Army Engineers): "The appropriation of one hundred thousand has passed. You will take the field without delay. By command of General Humphreys/' 4 : 7 King's protests, that to take the field so late in the season would be a waste of time and would delay completion of the volume of Mining Industry, were ignored. 48 Instead, a short campaign to study the problem "of the sources of the lava flows which have poured eastward from the axial line of the Sierra Nevada and the Cascade Ranges into the Great Basin" was launched. 49 King intended to examine the exterior volcanic and 42

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Reno, Nevada, November 2, 1869.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Washington, D. G, December 28, 1869.

"R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Washington, D. G, April 22, 1870. *5R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Washington, D. G, May 11, 1870.

48 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Telegram, New Haven, Connecticut, July 25, 1870.

47 R. G. 57, King Survey, Letters to King, Volume II, July 27, 1870.

48 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, July 27, 1870. *aR. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, February 14, 1871.

43

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lava fields from Lassen's Butte northward and into Oregon, consuming two or three months. By September he was at Mount Shasta, California, equipped from army supplies through the aid of General Schofield. The aridity of the Nevada side made an approach from the California side more practical. 50 Writing from Chico, California, on October 10, King told of laboring at altitudes of 11,000 to 14,000 feet, and of completely upsetting the ideas of Humboldt and Fremont concerning Lassen's Peak.

Furthermore, he had made the "somewhat startling discovery of immense existing glaciers. This [King declared] is the more surprising when we consider that Whitney, Brewer, Dana and Fremont, all visited the Peak without observing them; and that Whitney, Dana, and Agassiz have all published statements that no true glaciers exist in the United States." 51 By the end of the campaign (November 2, approximately), King reported that the brief season's field work had "been an entire success, and for scientific interest of results is decidedly the most profitable of the three years." 52 In 1871 King hoped to continue his study of vulcanism, to which had been added the study of glaciation, even to a trip to Mount St. Elias in Alaska. 53 To this proposal Humphreys refused, and when the survey again left its New Haven offices for the field, it was to take up the work where it had left off in 1869, some thirty miles west of Green River, and to work eastward, "quite across the Rocky Mountain System, ending at about the longitude of Cheyenne, the southern boundary of the work to be the 40th parallel, the northern boundary a line one hundred miles north of the 40th parallel." On May 11, King was at Fort Bridger in Wyoming Territory, material was being assembled, and he had already split the personnel into two divisions, one under James T. Gardner with headquarters at Cheyenne, and the other under Samuel Franklin Emmons at Fort Bridger. 04 B0 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp at Mount Shasta, California, September 2, 1870. ÂŤR. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Chico, California, October 10. 1870.

B2 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, no address, November 2, 1870.

53 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New Haven, Connecticut, January 23, 1871.

"R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory, May 27, 1871.

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In this season, operations thus consisted of two rather widely separated parties. Emmons in southwestern Wyoming had the more fascinating area, geologically. He would have occasions when the deep gorges of the Green and the Yampa rivers would challenge the geologic curiosity and topographic know-how of his men, while Gardner, working eastward and southward as far as Long's Peak, would still be in challenging, beautiful Rocky Mountain country. King traveled first with one, then with the other group, climbing Long's Peak with the Gardner group and then joining Emmons' further westward. 55 W h e n Gardner had completed the Black Hills (of Wyoming), the Laramie Range, and the front wall of North Park in Colorado, he was sent to California where he was to spend a "month or so in locating the new towns and settlements for our already engraved gradecurve map." Settlements were springing up faster than they could be accurately marked on maps. 50 Emmons and his party set out late in August to work up more of the Uinta Range, and King, leading Gardner's group far to the eastward, led them into Colorado's North Park and toward the remote Elk Head Mountains. Both parties, however, were hampered in their topographical work by "extensive fires which raged throughout the entire Rocky Mountains, filling the air with such volumes of smoke as to altogether stop topographical work." Both parties therefore resorted to geological work until, early in October, a heavy snow storm prevailed over the mountains, clearing the air of the haze and smoke. By this time the constantly moving King had returned to Emmons' party in the Uintas. 57 Despite their knowledge of the dangers of the winter in the wilderness, the survey remained in the field endeavoring to comB5 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory, August 18, 1871. King points out that the railroad map of eastern Wyoming was fifteen miles off in latitude, with the result that the survey was pushed northward fifteen miles. Long's Peak, which is as far south as the survey worked, is actually about fifteen miles north of the fortieth parallel.

It was during this period that King first met Henry Adams. Henry Adams, op. tit., 311-13.

56 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Fort Bridger, Wyoming Territory, August 18, 1871. " R . G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp in Eastern Uinta Mountains, October 3, 1871.

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plete topographical work. The inevitable happened. While in the upper altitudes of the Escalante Range in northwestern Colorado, King and Emmons' parties were trapped by a terrific snow storm which shut them in for five days. "The temperature," King reported, "was commonly in the neighborhood of zero, and a gale blew nearly all the time." They saved their mules by feeding them some barley they had along, and, when the storm was over, set out to go south along the Bear [Yampa] River. For two days they trudged along its rim before they were able to find a crossing, where the Snake joins the Yampa. Several days later, "while in a waterless desert country south of Bitter Creek," King wrote, "we were again shut in by snow, and were for about a week on very short rations of flour eked out by what game we could kill." On November 2, the party reached Fort Bridger.

The Gardner party to the eastward had experienced similar conditions with the snow, and had come into Fort Sanders at about the same time. The entire survey then went into winter quarters, this year at San Francisco. 58 It had been the " m o s t extended and arduous" field campaign for topographical work in King's experience. "Drought, forest fires, canons, remote supplies of forage, and general absence of grass, lofty snow-clad ranges, and wide plain regions through which artificial signals have to be used, and most of all an almost [un] interrupted atmosphere combinfed] to give us constant trouble," King wrote his chief.59 Although King hoped to go down the Green River in boats, in order "not to be outdone by Powell," 60 Humphreys kept him to the fortieth parallel, so that the year 1872, the sixth year of survey operations, would this time be, save for some re-examinations, the last year in which field parties would be sent out.

Fresh and rested after a vacation to the Hawaiian Islands, 61 King pitched into a vigorous last campaign. By the time the field work ended in November, Emmons (writing in King's behalf) was able to state that between "May 1st and November 15th the entire region covered by the Exploration from the 105th to the 120th 58 R. 69

G. 57, King to Humphreys, San Francisco, December 16, 1871.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp on Henry's Fork of the Green River, October 8, 1871.

60 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, San Francisco, December 18, 1871, 61 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, San Francisco, April 3, 1872.

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meridian west of Greenwich, on a belt about 100 miles wide, always including the Pacific Railroad, had been re-examined by Mr. King, Mr. Hague, and myself jointly . . . ."82 Additional new work was done in the region north of the Humboldt River in Nevada, 63 and King had done extensive work on problems of glaciation and vulcanism in the high Sierra. The artist, Albert Bierstadt, had accompanied him in this work. 64 Gardner, working in Colorado, had simultaneously tackled the Rabbit Ears Range, the Medicine Bow Range, and had gone down the Cache la Poudre Canyon onto the plains and to the very eastern limits of the survey. 65 Finally, as a fitting conclusion to six long field seasons along the fortieth parallel, King, Emmons, Gardner and a few other members of the survey rode into the remote area of northwest Colorado and, in spite of the lateness of the season (it was November), searched for, located, and exposed a gigantic hoax in which two uncanny characters, Arnold and Slack, had deposited rough cut gems, mostly diamonds, on a barren half-acre of land and had duped some of San Francisco's best financial talent into believing their story. By exposing this fraudsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;probably the most ambitious fraud ever perpetrated in the American Westâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;King saved thousands of investors from losing their money, and greatly enhanced public confidence in government sponsored surveys. 86 The office work now began, with rooms taken in New York City. In 1873 King did some additional field work, first in May and June, then from September until December. It was during the latter period that he climbed the true Mount Whitney, his earlier claims to having climbed it having been proved in error. 67 82

R. G. 57, S. F. Emmons to J. G. Foster, Washington, D. G, February 20, 1873.

88 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Fort Fred Steele, Wyoming, July 3, 1872.

64 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, Camp on Humboldt River, Nevada, August 14, 1872. <">Ibid.

68 R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, San Francisco, November 27, 1872; see also Frank Hall, History of the State of Colorado (4 vols., Chicago, 1889), II, 126-45. For the story of the Diamond Hoax see, Asbury Harpending, The Great Diamond Hoax, James H. Wilkins, ed. (San Francisco, 1913); George D. Lyman, Ralston's Ring (New York, 1937). <"R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York City, December 17, 1873.

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In the succeeding years, until early in 1879, King labored at completing the final reports of the survey. "The day has passed in Geological science," he wrote, "when it is either decent or tolerable to rush into print with undigested field observations, ignoring the methods and appliances in use among advanced investigators. It is my intention to give to this work a finish which will place it on an equal footing with the best European productions, and those few which have redeemed the wavering reputation of our American investigators . . . ." 88 Some of King's actions during these years would seem to bear out his announced intentions. For example, in May 1874, he sent S. F. Emmons to Germany "to examine the collections of the Surveys of Germany, France, and England, and to establish a connection and common nomenclature between European and American rocks." Emmons was also to purchase "books that are necessary for the completion of our work," and he was to bring back with him Ferdinand Zirkel, "the great German authority on rocks who is to enrich our report with a short memoir."89 W h e n Clarence King wrote his final official letter to General Humphreys (January 18, 1879) 70 six volumes and a geological and topographical atlas had been issued, and the seventh volume, Marsh's monograph on Odontorniths, was ready for publication and would be out in 1880.71 There is not space here to appraise each work individually, but what of the whole? W a s it worth the six hundred thousand dollars that it had cost the government? 72 It is safe to say that the published reports raised 68

R. G. 57. King to Humphreys, New York City, February 25, 1874.

R. G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York City, April 22, 1874. â&#x201E;˘R. G. 57, Washington, D. G " T h e seven volumes and atlas are listed as follows: Vol I: Clarence King, Systematic Geology, 1878; Vol. II, Arnold Hague and S. F. Emmons, Descriptive Geology, 1877; Vol. Ill, James D. Hague, Mining Industry, 1870; Vol. IV, Part I, F. B. Meek, Palaeontology, Part II, James Hall and R. P. Whitfield, Palaeontology, Part III, Robert Ridgeway, Ornithology: Vol. V, Sereno Watson, Botany, 1871; Vol. VI, Ferdinand Zirkel, Microscopical Petrography, 1876; Vol. VII, Othniel Charles Marsh, Odontorniths: A Monograph on the Extinct Toothed Birds of North America, 1880; Geological and Topographical Atlas, 1876. The entire set is listed as Professional Papers of die Engineer Department, U. S. Army, No. 18, under the direction of A. A. Humphreys, Chief of Engineers (Washington, 1870-80). " R . G. 57, King to Humphreys, New York, March 20, 1878. King here gives a cost of $523,851.90 as a total figure, but he does not include 1867 or 1879. $600,000.00 would seem a logical approximate cost of the entire survey.

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the reputation of American science among European scientists.

King's own contribution. Systematic Geology served for years as a model of geological investigation and reporting, and was assigned as additional reading to geology students for years to come. Moreover, of the four surveys (Hayden's, King's, Powell's, and Wheeler's), King's Survey was the original one that was imitated in scope by Hayden and Wheeler, and partly by Powell.

King planned a geographical and topographical atlas; Hayden copied King's idea even to similarity in format and organization of the Hayden Atlas of Colorado, and James T. Gardner and A. D. Wilson, who worked for Hayden, had previously worked for King. Both Wheeler and Hayden were inspired in the presentation of materials by King's masterful plan of seven final volumes to cover the natural sciences and geology. Wheeler's final reports are strikingly similar in plan to those of the Fortieth Parallel Survey. Nor was it until several years of topographical work had been accomplished by King, that Powell conceived the plan of mapping the Great Plateau. In view of the fact that King began large scale operations several years before any of the others entered the field extensively, it becomes apparent that King led the way, and the others followed.

Yet, the Fortieth Parallel Survey had one great failing.

However grand and logical the idea of a survey of a one hundred mile strip of land, always including the Pacific Railroad may have been, the fact remains that actual settlement did not occur along that strip in spite of the railroad. W h e r e deserts lay, men stayed away. Settlement went elsewhere, and all the work done along large areas of fortieth parallel land by King's Survey was quite scientific, but, unfortunately, in a practical sense quite useless.

Lastly, what did this twelve-year-endeavor do for King's career? He never succeeded again. It should be remembered, perhaps, that it is never easy for a man of thirty-seven (as King was in 1879) to re-enter a competitive world after spending twelve long years on a grand project. King's failures, 1879-1900, may have been partly due to the twelve years of his life that were spent dedicated to pure science and to the very wonderful, but poor paying, government of the United States of America.

T H E D R I V I N G OF T H E G O L D E N SPIKE T H E E N D O F T H E RACE

BY BERNICE GIBBS ANDERSON*

T

of the Golden Spike at Promontory Summit on May 10, 1869 was the consummation of thirty years of planning and six of actual construction. Two rival companies, starting at opposite ends of the line, pitted blood against blood, thrusting the road forward two, five, seven, and finally ten miles in a day. Over eleven hundred miles of double track were laid by hand in thirteen months on the Pacific Railroad at a time when the entire United States contained but one hundred and forty miles of experimental line built over a period of two years.

Ground was broken at Sacramento in January, 1863, by the Central Pacific, now Southern Pacific Company, almost a year before the Union Pacific broke ground at Omaha. In the next six years nearly eighteen hundred miles of road were built at a cost of about $181,000,000.00.

The Civil W a r , just ended, had demoralized and almost bankrupt the nation; money was scarce and labor more scarce.

Congress was more or less hostile to the plan, and opposition was rising from the stage lines, telegraph lines, and steamship companies whose enormous business would vanish. And topping all other obstacles, the blazing desert, teeming with the hostile Sioux, and the mighty frozen mountain slopes flung a heart-breaking challenge to the "Big Four"—Stanford, Huntington, Crocker and Hopkins of the Central 1 and the Ames brothers, Durant, Dillon, General Dodge and the Casements of the Union Pacific.

H E DRIVING

*Mrs. Anderson has worked untiringly for many years to make the site of the driving of the Golden Spike a National Monument. She also has written numerous articles on the building of the railroad and the early history of Corinne.

J lt is one of the ironical twists of fate that the brilliant, dedicated, railroad engineer, Theodore DeHone Judah—the man who dreamed, engineered, surveyed and figured out the means of financing the transcontinental railroad— did not live to see his dream materialize, and neither he nor his heirs realized a profit on the millions of dollars that were later made by the "Big Four."

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It was nineteen thousand miles by ship around Cape Horn to San Francisco from the east coast, and the dangerous journey overland took from three to five months. California was threatening to secede from the Union because of the lack of transportation and communication, and without the transcontinental railroad the nation would probably have been divided.

The Credit Mobilier, pushed through Congress by the faith of the builders, financed the road, along with the personal fortunes of many of these men. Bond-aided by the government, the companies were later given huge land grantsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;every alternate section of land for a strip ten miles wide on either side of the track, and later increased to twenty miles.

The Union Pacific had visions of reaching California. The Central Pacific, aiming for the Salt Lake Valley, sent their survey crews to the head of Echo Canyon and moved in with grading crews from the Mormon settlements. Whereupon the Union Pacific surveyed to Humbolt Wells and laid a parallel grade for 225 miles. Some of our state and national highways through this region now are built upon parts of this grade.

Eighty-three years ago the nation's interest was sharply focused on this now almost forgotten site. Here the climax of a great dream was reached, for it was here they drove the Golden Spike.

The original date of the driving of the Golden Spike was scheduled for May 8, 1869. On May 1, a mere fifty-eight feet separated the two ends o' track. T o the west the iron trail stretched 690 miles to Sacramento, to the east it ran 1,086 miles to the Missouri River.

The final act of the great drama was to be enacted, the uniting of the two lines. The end had come so swiftly that the two forces were dazed. The U. P. was discharging men rapidly in order to lessen the payroll. They moved their construction camp from waterless Promontory to the border of the lake below, south from Blue Creek Station where there were springs. Promontory Camp and Blue Creek brimmed with idle graders and tracklayers. The gambling tables, bars, guns, and fists were busy while the workers waited for the last scene in the great railroad drama.

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T h e Central also sought water, but maintained a large camp some distance from their end o' track and well removed from turbulent Promontory.

The flame of interest in the race between the two companies was burning brightly, fanned by the newspapers of the country, while a nation stood on tip-toe to watch the finish.

The Stanford Special from California arrived at Promontory on the afternoon of Friday, May 7. No preparations for the event were in sight. The Ogden office of the Union Pacific stated that it was impossible for the U. P. delegation to arrive before Monday. Heavy rains had washed out the tracks east of Ogden. President Stanford telegraphed the unwelcome news back to Sacramento and San Francisco informing them of the change in program. He was answered that it was too late to alter the plans for the festivitiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there would be celebration anyway.

And so there wasâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for three days!

Rain was falling at Promontory Summit. Stranded and dampened, the Central's official party were finally taken to Ogden as guests of the Union Pacific, returning Saturday night to the Stanford car, which withdrew to Monument Point on the west side of Promontory.

San Francisco and Sacramento were trying to curb the spirits of their hundreds of visitors. On Promontory the rain poured down, drenching the plateau, the huddled, muddy town, and the construction camps. The outlook was dismal.

The Union Pacific's section men worked hard to repair the washed out tracks and closely watched the Devil's Gate bridge.

On Sunday night the clouds broke. The construction force of the Union Pacific heard a rumor that the Central was planning to sally forth in the morning and extend its spur, temporarily laid, into a complete siding, thus establishing a claim to Promontory as a Central terminal.

General Casement hustled his gangs and with Engineer Dodge worked all night. At daybreak they had finished their own sidings, and Promontory was a Union Pacific terminal. The ten miles of track the Central had built in a day was not such a bitter pill for the Irish now.

May 10 broke cold and clear. Promontory Town, a single street lined with canvas and board shacks, was arrayed in her

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festal clothes. For one brief day she took the center of the national stage and acted as hostess to giants of finance and industry. It was her hour, and no other spot could ever rightfully claim the enactment of the last scene in the great transcontinental railroad drama—"The Driving of the Golden Spike."

THE PROCEEDINGS AT PROMONTORY SUMMIT [From the Deseret News, May 19, 1869.]

Promontory Summit, via. Ogden, May 10. — The last tie has been laid; the last rail placed in position, and the last spike driven, which binds the Atlantic and Pacific oceans with an iron band. The electric flash has borne the tidings to the world and it now devolves upon us, the favored eye-witnesses of the momentous feat, to enter our record of the facts. The meridian hour has come and on the expansive and lofty plateau, at the summit of the Promontory, a scene is disclosed in the conception of which every exultant element of humanity is revivified.

Never before has this continent disclosed anything bearing comparison with it. The massive oaken-hued trains of the Central lie upon their iron path, confronted by the elegant coaches of the Union Pacific. A thousand throbbing hearts impulsively beat to the motion of the trains as the front locomotives of each Company led on majestically up to the very verge of the narrow break between the lines, where, in a few moments, was to be consummated the nuptial rites uniting the gorgeous east and the imperial west of America, with the indissoluble seal of interoceanic commerce . . . .

The programme of ceremonies, which was read by Edgar Mills, Esq., was as follows: —1st. The dedicatory prayer, by the Rev. Dr. J. Todd, of Pittsfield, Mass., of which the following is a report: "Our Father and God, and our father's God, God of creation and God of Providence, Thou hast created the heavens and the earth, the valleys and the hills; Thou art also the God of all mercies and blessings. W e rejoice that Thou hast created the human mind with its powers of invention, its capacity of expansion, and its guerdon of success. W e have assembled here, this day, upon the height of the continent, from varied sections

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of our country, to do homage to Thy wonderful name, in that Thou hast brought this mighty enterprise, combining the commerce of the east with the gold of the west to so glorious a completion. And now we ask Thee that this great work, so auspiciously begun and so magnificently completed, may remain a monument of our faith and of our good works. W e here consecrate this great highway for the good of T h y people. O God, we implore Thy blessing upon it, and upon those who may direct its operations. O Father, God of our fathers, we desire to acknowledge T h y handiwork in this great work, and ask Thy blessing upon us here assembled, upon the rulers of our government and upon T h y people everywhere; that peace may flow unto them as a gentle stream, and that this mighty enterprise may be unto us as the Atlantic of T h y strength and the Pacific of T h y love, through Jesus, the Redeemer. Amen."

2d. The presentation of spikes. Dr. Harkness, of the Sacramento press, presented to Governor Stanford a spike of pure gold and said: "Gentlemen of the Pacific Railroad, the last rail, needed to complete the greatest railroad enterprise of the world, is about to be laid; the last spike, needed to unite the Atlantic and Pacific by a new line of trade and commerce, is about to be driven to its place. T o perform these acts the East and the W e s t have come together. Never since history commenced her record of human events has man been called upon to meet the completion of a work so magnificent in contemplation, and so marvelous in execution. California, within whose borders and by whose citizens, the Pacific Railroad was inaugurated, desires to express her appreciation of the vast importance to her and her sister States, of the great enterprise which, by your joint action, is about to be consummated; from her mines of gold she has forged a spike, from her laurel woods she has hewn a tie, and by the hands of her citizens she offers them to become a part of the great highway which is about to unite her in closer fellowship with her sisters of the Atlantic. From her bosom was taken the first soil, let hers be the last tie and the last spike, and with them accept the hopes and wishes of her people that the success of your enterprise may not stop short of its brightest promise."

The Hon. F. A. Fryth, of Nevada, offered a silver spike to Dr. Durant, with the following sentiment:â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"To the iron of

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the east and the gold of the west Nevada adds her link of silver to span the continent and wed the oceans."

Governor Safford of Arizona, in offering a spike composed of iron, silver and gold, said: "Ribbed with iron, clad in silver, and crowned with gold, Arizona presents her offering to the enterprise that has banded the Continent and directed the pathway to commerce."

3rd. The response by Governor Stanford in behalf of die C. P. R. R.: "Gentlemen, the Pacific Railroad Companies accept with pride and satisfaction these golden and silver tokens of your appreciation of the importance of our enterprise to the material interests of the whole country, east and west, north and south. These gifts shall receive a fitting place in the superstructure of our road and, before laying the tie and driving the spikes in completion of the Pacific Railway, allow me to express the hope that the great importance which you are pleased to attach to our undertaking may be in all respects fully realized. This line of rails, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific, and affording to commerce a new transit, will prove, we trust, the speedy forerunner of increased facilities. The Pacific Railroad will, as soon as commerce shall begin fully to realize its advantages, demonstrate the necessity of rich improvements on railroading, so as to render practicable the transportation of freights at much less rates than are possible under any system which has been thus far, anywhere, adopted. The day is not far distant when three tracks will be found necessary to accommodate the commerce and travel which will seek a transit across this continent. Freight will then move only one way on each track, and at rates of speed that will answer the demands of cheapness and time. Cars and engines will be light or heavy, according to the speed required, and the weight to be transported. In conclusion I will add that we hope to do, ultimately, what is now impossible on long lines,â&#x20AC;&#x201D;transport coarse, heavy and cheap products for all distances at living rates to the trade. Now gentlemen, with your assistance we will proceed to lay die last tie and last rail, and drive the last spike."

4th. The response of General Dodge, in behalf of the U. P. R. R.:â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"Gentlemen, the great Benton proposed that, some day, a giant statue of Columbus should be erected on the highest

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peak of the Rocky Mountains, pointing westward, denoting this as the great route across the continent. You have made that prophesy, to-day, a fact. This is the way to India."

5th. The presentation, to Governor Stanford, of a silver spike maul, by Mr. Coe, of the Pacific Union Express Company.

6th. The laying of the last tie, upon which meet the C. P. and U. P. rails. The superintendent of construction of the U. P. handling the south end, and J. H. Strobridge, Esq., the north end, laid the tie in position. This tie, of California laurel, an elegant wood scarcely inferior to mahogany, was French polished, and on its face a silver plate, bearing the inscription "The last tie laid on the completion of the Pacific Railroad, May 10th, 1869; presented by W e s t Evans, manufactured by Strahle & Hughes, San Francisco." On this plate were also engraved the names of the directors and officers of the C. P. R. R. 7th. Driving the last spike: Superin-Hibbard, having the wires of the Western Union Telegraph so attached to the mauls in position as to announce the blows as they fell, Governor Stanford, with the silver maul, standing upon the south side of the track, and Dr. Durant on the north, at a given signal, drove the spikes. Instantaneously the electric current flashed the tidings east and west, that the work was done, and the same electric flash sent the reverberating discharge of 220 guns from the batteries of San Francisco.

The excitement at this moment of victory was intense, cheers were given for the officers of the Central, followed by cheers for the officers of the Union Pacific; cheers for the "Star Spangled Banner," for the President of the United States, for the engineers and contractors, and for the laborers that have done the work. Upon a momentary subsiding of the cheering Mr. Mills read the dispatches to President Grant and the associated press, announcing the completion of the Pacific Railroad. The reading had but concluded, when the following responsive telegram was received from prominent Californians in New York: "The Presidents of the Central Pacific and Union Pacific Railroads at the Junction:â&#x20AC;&#x201D;To you and your associates we send our hearty greetings upon the great feat this day achieved, in the junction of your two roads, and we bid you God speed in your best endeavors for the entire success of the Trans-Atlantic

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highway between the Atlantic and the Pacific, for the New World and the Old." Upon the gold spike was engraved, "The Pacific Railway, first ground broke Jan. 8, 1863, and completed May 10th, 1869.

May God continue the unity of our country as this railroad unites the two great oceans of the world. Presented by David Herves, San Francisco." On the head of the spike was inscribed "the last spike." This spike was made of twenty-three twenty dollar gold pieces, and is worth $460.

A half hour longer sufficed for the photographers to take views of the scenes from every available stand point. They will be much sought after. Each company had four locomotives on the ground, "Jupiter," the C. P. engine, in front, George E. Bond, Esq., conductor; this locomotive was elegantly decked with flags and streamers. B. S. Mallory, Esq., conductor of the U. P. excursionists, brought up the most elegant train and largest number of passengers yet taken over the road. Four companies of the 21st U. S. infantry, Col. Cogswell, were also there. The music of their brass band was truly enchanting, as it echoed upon the mountain breezes of that beautiful day. The thermometer stood at 69 degrees in the shade of the S. P. telegraph car. The point of junction is exactly 1,085 4-5 miles from Omaha, and 690 east of Sacramento. The succeeding moments, prior to six p.m., were vigorously applied to refreshment, hilarity and social pastimes.

Dr. Durant's palace car was the scene of mirth and good humor, in which the two Casements vied with each other in fun making.

Champagne was quaffed, which even the telling future may never reveal. The General's first fall-back speech, on this great day, will undoubtedly place him among the Ciceros of modern date:â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"the government subsidy was really done brown." The separation of the U. P. and C. P. trains, as they receded on the declining grade to the East and West, was as expeditious as the occasion was auspicious. Hail to the day thus commemorated and immortalized by the completion of the Pacific Railroad.

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LIST O F P E R S O N S P R E S E N T , P R O M O N T O R Y , U T A H M A Y 10, 1869

By Hugh F. O'Neil* Of the large number of persons who were present at the driving of the last spike for the first transcontinental railroad at Promontory on May 10, 1869, the names of only a comparative few are known. These consist of railroad officials and their guests, excursionists, employees, and spectators. The crowd has been variously estimated at six or eight hundred, eleven hundred or fifteen hundred, and one account gives three thousand.

The first of the estimates is probably more nearly accurate.

The following tabulation is made from original sources, histories, news reports, and relations by individuals who were in the group. ' Curiously, some of the sources include names of persons who it is definitely known were not present.

The principal sources of the list are: Whitney's History of Utah; General G. M. Dodge's How We Built the Union Pacific Railway; report of a Chicago Tribune representative who was present; C. R. Savage's diary; and a relation by L. O. Leonard, a Union Pacific historian. The "Key to Portraits" in Thomas Hill's painting, "The Last Spike" is not reliable, as it was evidently a symbolic representation, and personages were included by the artist who were not present at the driving, and one of whom (Judah) had died several years previously. Other sources are the Salt Lake City Deseret News of May dates in 1869; the San Francisco Alta California of May 11, 1869; the Sacramento Union of May dates in 1869; and the San Francisco Chronicle of May 11 and 12, 1869.

CENTRAL PACIFIC REPRESENTATIVES

Leland Stanford, president. Ex-governor of California.

Charles Marsh, director.

John Corning, assistant general superintendent.

John H. Strobridge, superintendent of construction. *Mr. O'Neil is an employee of the Southern Pacific Railroad In Ogden, Utah. During the depression he was supervisor of the Utah WPA Historical Records Survey.

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S. S. Montague, chief engineer.

G. E. Gray, consulting engineer.

E. B. Ryan, Governor Stanford's private secretary.

H. H. Minkler, track foreman.

Alfred A. Hart, photographer.

F. L. Vandenburgh, superintendent of telegraph.

George Booth, engineer of engine 60, the "Jupiter." (Amos Bowsher, who was at Promontory as general foreman of telegraph construction for Central Pacific, reported Bill Sippy as the engineer on the "Jupiter," but Bowsher is the only source to mention Sippy, and it could have been that Sippy was on some other engine at Promontory on that day.)

R. A. Murphy, fireman.

Eli Dennison, conductor. (L. O. Leonard says the conductor was George E. Bond.)

Howard Sigler, telegraph operator.

Louie Jacobs, according to Bowsher, telegraph operator.

William C. Kessell, in later years living at Milwaukie, Oregon, was a brakeman, then a fireman on the Central Pacific, and witnessed the ceremonies on May 10, 1869.

GUESTS FROM NEVADA, CALIFORNIA, AND ARIZONA

J. W . Haines (or Haynes), Nevada.

F. A. Tritle, Nevada. Tritle is credited in most accounts with presenting the silver spike on behalf of Nevada at the ceremony. However, the Deseret News states: "The Hon. F. A. Frythe, of Nevada, offered a silver spike to Dr. Durant."

William Sherman, San Francisco. U. S. Commissioner of Inspection.

Hon. Thomas Fitch, M. C , of Nevada.

S. W . Sanderson, judge of California Supreme Court.

Edgar Mills, of D. O. Mills and Company, Sacramento.

J. F. Houghton, surveyor-general of California.

E. H. Peacock, Sacramento.

Dr. T. D. B. Stillman, San Frandsco.

S. T. Game, Virginia City, Nevada.

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Mr. Phillips (and wife) of Nevada.

A. P. K. Safford, governor of Arizona.

L. W . Coe, president. Pacific Union Express Company.

Mr. Gates, Nevada.

Robert L. Harris, of the California Pacific Railroad Company.

UNION PACIFIC REPRESENTATIVES

Dr. T. C. Durant, vice-president.

Sidney Dillon, director.

John Duff, director.

Major General Grenville M. Dodge, chief engineer.

General S. B. Reed, general superintendent and engineer of construction.

H. M. Hoxie, assistant general superintendent.

D. B. Warren, superintendent Utah Division.

Colonel Hopper, superintendent, Laramie Division.

J. W . Davis, tie contractor.

L. H. Eicholtz, bridge engineer.

General Ledlie, bridge engineer.

General J. S. Casement, and brother, Daniel T. Casement, track-laying contractors.

Michael Guilford, track-laying foreman.

James A. Evans, division engineer of construction.

Silas Seymour, consulting engineer.

Marshall Hurd, assistant engineer.

Thomas B. Morris, assistant engineer.

James Maxwell, assistant engineer.

Dyer O. Clark, coal department.

John N . Stewart, telegraph lineman.

Scott Davis, construction employee. Davis in later years "rode shotgun" on the Deadwood Stage Line, and subsequently was for some years livestock agent for the Union Pacific at Denver.

Theodore Haswell and O. H. Henry, partners in a small grading sub-contract. Haswell afterward lived at Millville, Florida.

H. W . Cossley, steward.

A, J. Russell, official photographer, from New York.

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Sam Bradford, engineer on engine 119.

Benjamin S. Mallory, conductor.

Cyrus A. Sweet, fireman (on the 119?). Sweet died at the age of ninety-nine years, on May 30, 1948, at East Douglas, Massachusetts.

David Lemon, fireman on engine 117.

Thomas O'Donnell, laborer, Omaha.

R. V . Grewell, laborer, York, Nebraska.

W . A. Strange, La Cygne, Kansas.

J. W . Mallory, McClouth, Kansas.

Thomas Lowery, Omaha.

REPRESENTATIVES FROM SALT LAKE CITY

Bishop John Sharp of the L. D. S. Church.

William Jennings, vice-president of the Utah Central Railroad.

Colonel F. H. Head, Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

Colonel Feramorz Little.

General R. T. Burton.

Hon. Charles Durkee, governor of Utah.

C. R. Savage, photographer.

Joseph M. Toombs.

REPRESENTATIVES FROM OGDEN AND CACHE VALLEY

F. D. Richards.

Lorin Farr.

C. W . West.

Ezra T. Benson.

TELEGRAPH

W . B. Hibbard, superintendent, Western Union Telegraph Company.

W . N. Shilling and W . E. Fredericks, operators from the Ogden office.

Amos L. Bowsher, general foreman, telegraph construction, Central Pacific.

The Chicago Tribune mentions an operator by name of P. Kearney, but this is not elsewhere verified. In the transmission of the announcement of the driving of the last

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spike over the telegraph wires, the instrument was handled by Operator Shilling.

MILITARY

General P. Edward Connor, commanding, district of Utah.

T h e Chicago Tribune mentions General T . Thrie and a Colonel Drew "late of the U. S. Army." Many sources mention a Major Milton Cogswell (Brevet rank of Colonel) as being present, however, an examination of the records of the Adjutant General's Office (R.G. 94) in the National Archives discloses that Major Cogswell was with his regiment at the Presidio in California during the month of May, 1869.

NEWSPAPER REPRESENTATIVES

Acording to Whitney, the following news reporters were present: Frederick McCrellish, of the Alta California.

T . O. Leary, Sacramento Bee. Mr. Howard, Omaha Herald. ( F . E. Calvin, research man for DeMille in the filming of the story of the Union Pacific, refers to Assistant Editor Foote. Neither of these names can be verified. The issues of the Omaha Weekly Herald of May 12 and 19, 1869, make no mention of its representative or representatives by name.)

B. W . Miller, New York City Press (Express?).

G. F. Parson, San Francisco Times.

A. D. Bell, San Francisco Bulletin.

T. Clapp, Springfield (Massachusetts) Republican.

Rev. John Todd, Boston Congregationalist and New York Evangelist.

Dr. Adonis, San Francisco Herald.

H. W . Atwell, San Francisco Chronicle.

E. L. Sloan, Salt Lake City Deseret News. The San Francisco Chronicle gives J. McKnight as the representative of the News.

T. B. H. Stenhouse, Salt Lake Telegraph.

A person by the name of Barbardi of the Cheyenne Argus.

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Dr. H. W . Harkness of the Sacramento press.

To this list Whitney added "and others." The Chicago Tribune was represented as well as Frank Leslie's illustrated newspaper and the Associated Press. Possibly one or another of the men named performed for these publishers.

GUESTS AND EXCURSIONISTS FROM THE EAST

Governor John A. Campbell of Wyoming Territory.

Major Bent.

Edward Creighton of Omaha.

Alexander Majors of the freight firm, Russell, Majors & Waddell, Nebraska City.

G. C. Yates.

J. G. Megeath.

J. M. Ransom.

C. T. Miller.

Colonel Henry of Wyoming.

Ex-Mayor George B. Senter of Cleveland.

Henry Nottingham, president, Michigan Central and Lake Shore Railroad.

Charles C. Jennings of Painesville, Ohio.

R. Hall of the Firm, Hall & Casement.

W . H. House of Pittsburg.

Colonel Lightner.

E. B. Jones and Samuel Beatty, mail agents.

J. A. Green of Green & Hill.

Guy Barton of the firm of Woolworth & Barton, Omaha.

D. S. Chamberlain, afterward president of the Chamberlain Medical Company, Des Moines, Iowa.

C. P. Fogelstrom, blacksmith in the construction crew, later lived at Junction City, Kansas.

WOMEN

Sabin's work asserts that Mrs. J. H. Strobridge and Mrs. Ryan were the only women "from the outside" who were present. This seems to be erroneous. First, he refers Mrs. Ryan as the wife of the Central Pacific station agent at Ogden. The Central Pacific had no station at Ogden at the time. If a Mrs. Ryan were present, she

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was probably the wife of Governor Stanford's private secretary, E. B. Ryan. W i t h Mrs. Strobridge were her two adopted children, Julia, age ten and Samuel, age seven. L. O. Leonard records from personal conversation with Mrs. Fred Bennitt of Joilet, Illinois, that she (Miss Anna Reed as a child) was present with her mother, Mrs. S. B. Reed, and her mother's sister, Miss Minerva Earll.

Mrs. Phillips, of Nevada, has been mentioned as among the visitors. Miss Wealthy Ann Reynolds (later Mrs. Annie Brown) of Ogden was present. Whitney states "a number of ladies and a few children" were among the spectators. The Chicago Tribune report mentions Mrs. E. P. North, Mrs. Clapp (probably the wife of the representative of the Springfield Republican), Mrs. O. C. Smith, Miss Kellogg, and Mrs. Stanton, the wife of the master track-layer.

(Mrs?) Bernetta Alphin Atkinson in an article written for the Salt Lake Tribune of May 6, 1919 said that, as a child, she was living with her parents in Promontory.

Mrs. Atkinson stated in the article "there were covered wagons filled with men, women, and children; buggies, ox teams, spring wagons from the ranches, and men and women on horseback."

MEN PROMINENT IN THE UNION PACIFIC AND CENTRAL PACAFIC ORGANIZATIONS NOT PRESENT AT PROMONTORY,

MAY 10, 1869 C. P. Huntington, vice-president, Central Pacific, was in Washington or New York City.

Charles Crocker, general superintendent of construction.

Mark Hopkins, treasurer.

Oliver Ames, president, Union Pacific.

Oakes Ames, director.

C. S. Bushnell, director.

Brigham Young was not present. Whitney says he was absent in southern Utah.

None of the reporters or historians mention as among the visitors the following persons depicted in Thomas Hill's painting:

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A. P. Stanford, brother of Leland Stanford. He was grand marshall of the parade in San Francisco on May 8.

David Hewes. If he had been at Promontory on M a y 10, his presence surely would have been recorded.

E. H. Miller, Jr., secretary, Central Pacific.

C. N . West.

W . E. Brown.

L. M. Clement.

Charles Cadwalader.

A. N. Towne. Towne was a former officer of the Burlington Railroad and had not joined the Central Pacific organization in 1869.

Judge E. B. Crocker, attorney and general agent.

Hon. Milton S. Latham.

Hon. T . G. Phelps.

Hon. A. A. Sargent.

T H E DESERET A G R I C U L T U R A L

AND

M A N U F A C T U R I N G SOCIETY I N PIONEER U T A H B Y LEONARD J. ARRINGTON*

T

HE GOAL of Mormon agricultural policy in pioneer Utah was expansion and complete self-sufficiency: Territorial occupancy and self-sufficiency as a minimum; maximum utilization of local water supplies and community self-sufficiency where possible; and family self-sufficiency when practicable. An attempt was made to facilitate family self-sufficiency by allotments of irrigated land sufficiently large to permit each family, whether farmers, craftsmen, or factory workers, to raise its own fruits and vegetables. These were intensively cultivated and took the place of specialized truck farms in the Mormon economy. Many families were saved from starvation by these gardens in years when field crops failed from lack of water, pests, or other calamity.

For the benefit of immigrants from the Northeast and Europe who did not have the understanding or background to make the best use of their water and family plots, Mormon authorities delivered a recurring series of "Agricultural Sermons" in which instructions were given in the use of water and the management of crop and livestock enterprises.

The twin goals of territorial expansion and self-sufficiency were plugged in four ways: (1) By an internal improvement program which centered attention on the construction of canals and irrigation works intended to assure maximum use of available water resources throughout the region; (2) by encouraging in various ways the production of certain critical items, such as tobacco, flax and hemp, sheep and wool, and silk; (3) by the Cotton Mission, which was intended to supply the territory with cotton, grapes, raisins, olive oil, wine, and other semi-tropical products; and, above all, by (4) sponsoring and supporting the Deseret Agricultural Manufacturing Society. * Professor Arrington is one of the most indefatigable investigators of Utah's economic history and a many time contributor to this journal.

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The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society is of particular interest in 1956 because of its founding one hundred years ago. It is also significant as an organization dedicated to the goal of agricultural improvement and "self independence."

Finally, it proved to be the parent of a large number of organizations established to gather and dispense information and promote improved practices in agriculture and other fields.

The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society was incorporated by an act of the territorial legislature on January 17, 1856.1 Its stated purpose was to "promote the arts of domestic industry, and to encourage the production of articles from the native elements" in Utah Territory. The act of incorporation specified that the society was to hold an annual exhibition at Great Salt Lake City and at other places in the territory as deemed appropriate.

The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society occupied a semi-official status, both with respect to the territorial government and with respect to the church. The territory made regular appropriations to the society for payment of premiums and other purposes, which varied from one thousand dollars to more than ten thousand dollars annually. 2 The responsibility for the gathering of the agricultural statistics of the territory was invariably lodged with the officers of the society. The president of the society was directed to appoint an agent for the territory to receive and dispose of the titles to the public lands apportioned to the territory by the Morrill Act of July 2, 1862, for the purpose of establishing an agricultural college and experiment station. 3 The society was also the designated recipient of the seeds and plants distributed by the U. S. Patent Office, and, later the Department of Agriculture. Finally, when the territorial assembly wished to promote a particular industry, as in the case of wool-growing, appropriations were made to the society to be expended by them in behalf of the particular industry singled out for assistance.

Resolutions, Acts, and Memorials, . . . (Great Salt Lake City, 1855 [1856]).

2 Some of the non-Mormon governors of the 1870's and 1880's, being imbued with a laissez-faire conception of government responsibility, vetoed appropriations to the society. See, for example, Deseret News, May 12, 1887.

3 Approved January 20, 1865. Acts, Resolutions and Memorials . . . (Great Salt Lake City, 1865). 54-55.

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Along with its unique status in the government of the territory, the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society was also a creature and instrument of the Mormon Churchâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;at least for the first twenty or thirty years of its existence. In the general conference of the church following the incorporation of the society, virtually an entire session was devoted to a reading of the act of incorporation and the by-laws of the society, and to an "agricultural sermon" explaining its plans and purposes. 4 During the membership drive which followed the conference a message was sent to all the bishops appointing them and their counsellors to be agents of the society, asking them to urge members of their ward to join, and authorizing them to collect two dollars in dues. 5 Teams of members made annual visits to each ward and stake for a number of years to plead the cause of the society and advertise the fair. These visits were usually timed to coincide with regular Sunday services.

The first president of the society was the Presiding Bishop, Edward Hunter, who continued to serve until 1862, and was replaced by Apostle Wilford Woodruff, who served until 1877.

John R. Winder, a member of the Presiding Bishopric, and later a member of the church First Presidency, succeeded Woodruff. The presidents and directors for many years at least, appear to have been selected by, or submitted for the approval of, Brigham Young, 6 and officers served without pay, as was the case of all church functionaries.

As president of the church, moreover, Brigham Young showed no hesitancy in requesting the society to carry out specific tasks in the church's economic program. W i t h his approval, for example, "companies" of members were formed to supply the Utah market with such products as sugar, molasses, tobacco, and hemp. 7 The society also provided information and assistance to the cotton and silk missions during the 1860's. A perusal of the minutes of the society indicates that all major decisions were submitted to Brigham Young for his counsel. W h e n given, his *"Minutes of the General Conference," Deseret News, April 9, 1856.

Hbid., June 18, 1856.

"Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (hereafter referred to as JH), April 15, 1864, Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

7 Ibid., January 28, 29, 1859.

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advice was invariably accepted. 8 When, for example^ the officers of the society were negotiating in 1872-73 for the purchase of land for a race track, the president called on Brigham Young to ask "if it was for the best advancement of the kingdom of God to have a race track." Young replied that "he did not consider that the advancement of the kingdom of God required any such thing, but that it would be playing into the hands of gamblers, and blacklegs to have a race track." W h e n this was made known to the society, they promptly dropped the whole idea.9 The annual territorial fairs sponsored by the society also had religious significance. Most of them were held on the tithing grounds or other church properties. They were invariably held to coincide with the October general conference of the church, thus making the annual fall excursion serve both God and Mammon. The diplomas awarded for prize exhibits in each field of agriculture, manufacturing, and handicraft contained the Allseeing Eye, with the inscription, "Holiness to the Lord." The territorial emblem, the beehive, was also on the diploma, as well as a background consisting of a perspective view of the Salt Lake Temple as it would look when completed.10 As president, Brigham Young took a personal interest in these fairs, and made suggestions for their improvement. For example: President Young visited the Fair today. He said he wanted to see the Fair kept open a week next year and he wanted the Society to fence off a square on the west side of the city and build pens and stalls for animals and a home for the productions of agricultural, arts and 8 On August 13, 1864, for example, a committee was appointed to visit President Young "and learn his mind about holding a fair." On the next day they reported that "The President said that he would do nothing about a fair for this year." So, on the motion of one of the directors, the committee's report was received, "and the holding of the fair was dispensed with for this year." Other problems were handled similarly. The church president was asked what they should do with their money, whether they should hold a stock fair or a general fair, and the hours at which the fair should be open.

"Minutes of the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, 1863-1874," typescript, Church Historian's Office, entries for August 13, 14, 1864; April 7, 8, 16, 1865; June 30, 1869; May 6, 1873. The original Minute Book is in the Archives Division, .Utah State Historical Society.

Hbid., March 22, 1873. ao Desere< News, November 21, 1873.

D. A. & M.

SOCIETY

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manufactures so that they would be all together, also lay off a race course for the trial of the speed of horses, and if they would build a pen to try the strength of bulls in, he would assist them to fit up the Fair grounds. 11 In addition to its sponsorship of the territorial fair, the socjety held monthly meetings at which lectures were delivered on the culture of different tree and row crops and breeding of livestock.12 There were also many talks on "home industry," and the necessity of providing a market for agricultural products by establishing and patronizing manufacturing enterprises. The meetings were always opened and closed with prayer, as was true of all church meetings.

Beginning in 1861, the society acquired a piece of ground in Salt Lake City to serve as an experimental garden. Seeds, roots, and cuttings received from the federal government and other sources were planted on this plot.13 This was the first public experimental garden in the territory, and may have been the first in the west. It was originally called Quarantine Farm, and later, Deseret Gardens.

As a part of the same project, officers of the society participated in a meeting of the bishops and leading farmers of Salt Lake County to take steps to prevent the adulteration and mixture of seeds. In one instance a resolution was passed "that the persons present at the meeting . . . would not cultivate broom or coffee corn on the lots in this city, and the Bishops were instructed to use their influence with the members of their wards to exclude these productions from their lots." 14 In another instance, bishops in other parts of the state were urged "to dictate in their wards the sowing of seeds, the planting of sugar cane, broom corn, etc., so as to procure the purest quality of seeds of all kinds and prevent their hybridization and deterioration." 15 A similar meeting of bishops and others, a year later, 11

JH, October 4, 1859.

"Minutes of the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society," passim. ••'••• • • 13 Deseret News, March 20, April 3, 1861; JH, April 4, 1861. ^Deseret News, April 27, 1868. ' 15 JH, August 18, 1868.

12

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adopted measures to prevent overgrazing of the Salt Lake City Herd Ground. 16 The society also attempted in various ways to improve the quality of die livestock in the territory. In 1869 it succeeded in getting the legislature to appropriate $5,000.00 to be expended in importing improved breeds of sheep.17 The sheep were to be sold and the proceeds go into a fund for the continual importation of improved varieties. 18 Three years later, the society imported about $12,000.00 worth of breeding cattle. 19 Some of this represented an investment by the society, and some was advanced by private interests. The society also invested in a fish farm, and introduced the "Cachmere" or Angora goat into Utah.

After Utah became a state in 1896, the organization came under the direct control of the state government. The president and members of the board were appointed by the governor, with the consent of the legislature, and the annual fairs became official "State Fairs." In 1907 the name of the society was changed to the Utah State Fair Association, which is its present name. Its sole function since then seems to have been the sponsorship of the annual fair.

u Deseret 17

News, May 4, 1869.

Approved February 3, 1869. Acts, Resolutions and Memorials . . . (Salt Lake City. 1869), 2.

18 See also Deseret News. March 4, 6, 1869.

"Ibid., February 16, 1872.

A H I S T O R Y OF T H E U T A H S T A T E B U R E A U OF CRIMINAL IDENTIFICATION A N D INVESTIGATION

BY ROBERT M.

GRAY*

T IS a long step from the first efforts of fingerprinting in the state of Utah, thirty-eight years ago, to the established Utah State Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation of today. The Utah Bureau is primarily the result of the efforts of Richard H. Wootton and the Utah State Police Association.

Wootton directed the operations of the bureau from its founding in 1923 until he retired in March, 1949.

Richard Wootton was born December 20, 1881, in Midway, Wasatch County, Utah, where he lived many years. After completing high school, he worked on his father's farm during the summer months and hauled lumber and worked on railroad construction during other months of the year.

In 1912 he joined the Ogden City Police Department where he worked as a patrolman for eight months. He was then made a plain-clothesman and soon rose to the rank of detective. While in this position, he obtained a ninety-day leave of absence and went back to railroading. It was during such a leave that a close friend was elected sheriff of Weber County. At the request of the sheriff, Wootton joined the staff in January, 1917, and remained there for the next four years. This period covered the years of World W a r I, and it was an incident which occurred during this time that gave Wootton an incentive to study fingerprinting.

A young man dressed in a United States Army uniform was brought into the sheriff's office suffering from loss of memory.

He could neither talk nor write. He had no dog-tag or other means of identification on his person. The young man received medical treatment at the Dee Hospital in Ogden for the next four or five weeks, and then it was decided to send him to the

I

*Dr; Gray is teaching in the Department of Sociology, University of Utah.

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Utah State Mental Hospital. Wootton was assigned to take the young man to Provo, and while on the way he became interested in the case. Six months later, the unknown man died and was buried in the cemetery of the mental hospitalâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;his identity still unknown. Wootton was saddened by this incident, and he promised himself that such a thing would never happen again if it were possible for him to prevent it.

Through visits to some of the larger police departments in the United States, Wootton gained some knowledge of fingerprinting. He became avid for information and sought out and read everything he could find on the subject. Thus he learned of the University of Applied Science of Chicago, which was, and still is, a leading identification school in the United States.

He completed their correspondence course, received his degree, and all the while gained practical experience in the Weber County Sheriff's Departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;later in the Ogden Police Department, and still later as deputy warden of the Utah State Prison.

Wootton organized and put into operation the first fingerprint identification division in the state of Utah in the Weber County Sheriff's Department in 1917. Upon returning to the Ogden Police Department in January, 1921, he organized and put into operation the second fingerprint identification department.

By 1920, he had aroused the interest of the law enforcement officers throughout Utah in the idea of establishing an association of peace officers on a statewide level. In 1921, he was successful in getting such an association organized and he became its first president. This organization is now known as the Utah Peace Officers Association.

In 1925, at the request of the governor and prison officials, Wootton accepted the position of deputy warden at the Utah State Prison, where he immediately established the prison identification system. While at the prison he was able to further his research and widen his interest in the field of fingerprint identification.

In connection with his varied activities, Wootton visited and studied the California State Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation, and was quite impressed with its methods, scope, and functions. Though only four other highly populated states had bureaus at this time, Wootton decided that a bureau would be very valuable to the law enforcement officers of Utah.

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In his report of his visit to the California Bureau at the next meeting of the Utah Peace Officers Association, he convinced the members of the need for a central department for keeping recOrds and co-ordinating identification and investigation work throughout the state. As a result, the association appointed a legislative committee to prepare a bill for introduction into the next session of the Utah State Legislature, and, encouraged by the progress and results being shown by other state bureaus, the association lobbied for passage of a bill to create a Utah Bureau.

House Bill 62 was passed March 10, 1927, and was approved by the governor March 16, 1927. The bill entitled, "Creating a State Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation," provided for its organization, defined its powers and duties, and made an appropriation to carry out the provisions of the law.

Mr. Wootton was appointed director, and he, with a typist, organized the newly created bureau.

It was decided that the fingerprint file at the prison should form the nucleus of the state bureau and that they should be transferred to offices in the Capitol. Unfortunately, however, there was no space in the building at this time, and a meager budget would not permit rental of office space. The problem of where to set up the office was given to Mr. Wootton. He had to act quickly! Results had to be shown in order to convince the governor and the legislature of the feasibility of operating for the next biennium. It was decided to search the State Capitol in hopes of finding some spot which could be used. A site in the basement was selected as suitable under the circumstances, and, along with the custodian, Wootton cleaned and converted a dark hallway into an office. The problem of supplying furniture and office fixtures, with no money in the budget for such necessities, was faced; but discarded furniture was repaired, and soon the office was furnished and functioning well, considering the outlook a few days previous. The board of managers left Mr. Wootton plenty of lee-way to act as he saw fit in organizing the bureau. After a few weeks of organizing office procedures, making contacts with other agencies, classifying, indexing, and cross-indexing of fingerprints, the bureau started to show results.

Fortunately, Utah managed to escape one of the hazards which nearly wrecked earlier state bureaus, for at the suggestion of the California Bureau, the legislature was urged to pass a law

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making it mandatory for all local police departments to co-operate.

Records from the State Prison, along with the hundreds sent in by identification bureaus and local police departments, gave the bureau around 10,000 criminal records. These records were accurately and systematically classified, indexed, and crossindexed in a manner that when filed they were easily and readily accessible.

From within the state during the first year, 2,569 fingerprint cards were received, and of these, 505 were identified and a report quickly sent back to the waiting police agency. During the same period, 1,619 fingerprint cards were sent into the bureau from out of state agencies. Of these, 98 were positively identified.

At the end of the first year the bureau had on file 16,755 nameindex cards and 2,987 criminal record cards on persons who had been arrested more than once. Already one of the principles upon which the bureau was formulated was manifesting itselfâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;three-fourths of all criminals arrested were of the habitual type, operating within a limited environment.

Early success had made it likely that the bureau would stay in operation as a permanent state department. Many police officials welcomed the assistance offered them, and new co-ordination and co-operation between most local departments developed because of this service.

Wootton made recommendations to the governor, which, if put into operation, would have provided other services to the local police officer. It was proposed that professionally trained criminal investigators be hired, these men to confine their efforts entirely to the investigation of major crimes committed in the state. These investigators would assist municipalities and counties in their pursuit of criminals. It was argued that many of the smaller police departments were unable to cope with the specialized and organized criminals who operated in their districts from time to time. Still further, the state investigator would be backed by the organized asistance of all the police agencies of the state, which was not the case of the independent department.

Another recommendation was that a scientific laboratory be attached to the state bureau, wherein all problems referable to the chemical analyst and ballistic expert might be quickly reported to the waiting police department. This service was needed by the police officers of the state, and many of them

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urged the governor to put this into law. Unfortunately, due to a lack of funds, neither of these recommendations was carried out and the bureau was compelled to carry on as best it could with the limited resources.

By 1930 the bureau had grown considerably from its meager beginnings in 1927. Appropriations had been raised from $12,000.00 to $15,750.00, which allowed the bureau to operate on a wider plane. It was now possible to subscribe to a few pertinent publications and periodicals. Likewise, it was possible to expend funds in traveling to the various police departments in the state, thus co-ordinating the services of these departments.

The bureau received a total of 12,420 fingerprint cards during this period, and of these, 2,161, or a little more than 17 per cent were identified as persons having a prior criminal record. Some of these persons were wanted as escapees, parole violators, or fugitives from other states. These men were sent back to their own state and the savings to the state of Utah amounted to several thousand dollars.

The statistical section of the bureau was organized in 1929.

The function of this department was to gather and systematize statistics on crime in the state. One of the first duties of the new division was to obtain the co-operation and assistance of the local police agencies. Shortly, most of the city and county departments were sending in monthly reports of all offenses committed in their districts. The reports were then consolidated and prepared into statistical graphs and charts showing crime trends in the state. This material was sent to the various local police agencies, and they in turn used this information in their attack on crime in their locality.

The bureau was growing rapidly, and its position as a permanent state function was established. However, certain things still threatened the continued existence of the bureau. Among these negative influences were the limited budget and the poor co-operation of some sheriff and police department factors. This information was brought to the attention of the Police Chiefs Association, and they at once undertook an educational program aimed at interesting these few departments in the value of scientific identification. This was quite successful, and a large percentage of the non-co-operating departments soon were sending in reports and using the services of the bureau. The second

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notable weakness was overcome when the state legislature, in 1931, recognized the growing value of the Utah Bureau to the people of the state by increasing its appropriation for the' next biennium to $17,000.00. This meant that a number of improvements could be made.

With the advent of the year, 1938, the Utah Bureau was functioning on an effective level, but was far from the standards being maintained by bureaus in more progressive states. Mr. Wootton, as superintendent, repeatedly made requests for new servicesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;equipment, trained investigators, better co-operation with local officers, etc., which would bring the Utah Bureau on a par with most other state bureaus. Being denied many of these requested services, Wootton chose to put into operation a few of them on a very limited scale. The bureau likewise continued operating a few of the other services, which had been in operation before the depression, on a skeleton basis. The limited operations of the laboratory were continued. It was possible to make simple testsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to identify bullets, to take latent fingerprints, to identify firearms, and to do photographic work.

Due to personnel shortages the statistical division was compelled to continue with the limited system then in operation, which consisted of recording the number of fingerprint cards and other identification data received and sent out. There was little value in this activity to the law enforcement officers of the state, but bureau personnel were being adequately trained so that if added funds were at sometime in the future a reality, extended operations could be quickly adopted.

The 1941 state legislature appropriated $19,000.00 for the bureau, which was a marked improvement over the previous years. T h e bureau was now receiving and processing more records than ever before, and in addition to this extra work there were the many records already on file which had to be continually processed in order to keep the bureau up-to-date.

During this period, 40,530 fingerprint cards were received, which, added to the 196,126 already on file, made a total of 236,656. This figure is remarkable when one considers the population of the state of Utah and the surrounding states. Widi these fingerprints, the Utah Bureau was able to identify 21 per cent as persons having a prior criminal record. The index division received and processed another 44,781 cards, and when

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added to the 242,315 on hand, made a t o t a l o f 268,096. The criminal record division received 5,554 cards which raised the number of criminal record cards to a new total of 40,974. The photograph division added 5,554 photographs, to make a total of 48,040 criminal photographs on file. From the Identification Division of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 9,571 criminal record reports or notifications of prisoners wanted, were received.

Other state bureaus sent in 2,748 notifications, which, when totaled together, made a total of 12,519.

World W a r II brought additional work. It also meant that the bureau would be in a position to offer a valuable service to the nation during this time of emergency. Federal agencies and defense plants immediately started to ask for reports on their personnel. The United States Army, Navy, Coast Guard, Marine Corps and the Merchant Marine sent in reports on all subjects enlisting from the state of Utah. The bureau co-operated with these agencies and identified a number of their personnel as being ex-criminals.

The FBI received copies of all fingerprints received at the Utah Bureau. These, together with those records sent in by the other state bureaus, literally swamped the national bureau. Thus, the state bureau proved to be a highly important agency in wartime.

Congress in 1943, received and took into consideration two bills which were sponsored by state identification bureaus. The first bill would require all citizens over the age of sixteen to be fingerprinted and to carry an identification card. This bill, H. R. 6256, along with the other bill, H. R. 6258, would require all aliens to be fingerprinted. Neither of these bills was passed.

During the two years, 1943 and 1944, the bureau received 44,741 fingerprint cards. The total number of records received on criminals was considerably less, due to the fact that so many of the men were in the armed services, and others held high-paying jobs in war industries. Of those individuals arrested for criminal offenses, twenty-three percent were identified, which is an even higher percentage than the previous twenty-one per cent.

The bureau had purchased a number of scientific tools in order to provide a greater service to the police agencies of the state. This crime detection equipment permitted the identification expert to aid the small police department in combating crime

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on a plane similar to the highly organized department. Yet, the bureau still did not have the facilities necessary to do the work in the manner desired. They needed laboratory equipment, facilities for microscopic and chemical analysis, firearm examination material and equipment necessary for other investigations.

During the next two years, 1945 and 1946, practically the same conditions prevailed in that much of the work was in connection with the various war agencies throughout the nation.

It included the classifying and filing of fingerprints of persons entering the armed forces and co-operating with federal, state, and local agencies in making certain that persons holding responsible positions were of suitable character.

Wootton, a leader in the attack on crime in the intermountain west, recognized and brought to the attention of the police officers of the state the number of violent crimes being committed. His assumption at this time was that the aftermath of the war would result in a still larger number of this type of crime, and he urged the state police officers to prepare for this increase. Such information was brought to the attention of all police officials in the state through a monthly publication put out by the Utah Bureau.

In addition, Wootton gave a number of talks on the subject and urged the state to be prepared for the critical period after the war.

Mr. Wootton brought out the fact that many of the local police agencies of the state were unable to cope with the problems they were now facing, let alone the expected increase. He proposed a solution which would give Utah a first-rate police set-up far superior to the one in operation. This was to establish, in addition to the existing services, some type of central state law enforcement agency, the duties of which would be to co-operate with and co-ordinate the services of all the local departments in the state. The proposed central agency would also give the local departments the benefit of trained investigators and modern up-to-date equipment for conducting scientific investigations.

The Utah Bureau started preparing for the anticipated increase in crime, and at the same time urged the state police officials to support such a program as Wootton had suggested. However, the Utah State Legislature in 1945 saw fit to by-pass this recommendation, and the new program was not put into operation. They did, however, increase the appropriations to the bureau, giving them a sorely needed shot-in-the-arm. The appro-

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priation of $29,150.00 was the highest figure yet given to the state bureau, and during the next two year period, 1946 to 1948, the bureau received new increases in the number of records on file in each division. The state met the problem of the anticipated increase in crime as best it could, each individual agency working on its own cases and using the facilities of the Utah Bureau and the FBI. Though a budget cut was threatened after the 1948 election, the bureau managed to receive an appropriation of $35,000.00 for the 1949-51 biennium. Mr. Wootton retired in March, 1949, and James Faust took over as temporary director of the bureau.

Mr. Faust had been the assistant director for a period of fourteen years and was an important factor in the progress of the bureau.

Governor Lee appointed Peter Dow, former head of the Utah State Highway Patrol, as director of the Utah State Bureau of Identification on April 1, 1949. Mr. Dow took office and promptly went to work adding to the services organized by Wootton and bureau personnel. Because of his affiliations with the State Highway Patrol, Dow was well acquainted with police officials throughout the state. They appreciated his work while on the state patrol and co-operated well with him in working out the most satisfactory organization. Governor Lee has taken an interest in the bureau as manifested by his many meetings with Mr. Dow and his repeated visits to the bureau office.

A new automobile has been added to the facilities of the bureau, and it is now possible for bureau personnel, without driving their own cars, to visit local police departments throughout the state. These visits will serve the purpose of increasing the co-ordination and co-operation of all police agencies of the state, and at the same time, will give the bureau an opportunity to widen its service to many departments not now co-operating in the program. The future seems to favor continuing success for the Utah State Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS The

West of Philip St. George Cooke, 1809-1895. By Otis E. Young. (Glendale, Arthur H. Clark Company, 1955, 393 pp. $10.00)

"Despite his achievements, he is today practically forgotten."

So Dr. Young introduces Philip St. George Cooke, native Virginian, graduate of W e s t Point, and pioneer frontier army officer.

Consistent with the title, the book emphasizes Cooke's service in the W e s t from 1827 to the Civil W a r . Here is a graphic, detailed, always interesting and sometimes exciting portrayal of Cooke's numerous marches in the comparatively unexplored transMississippi region, his Indian campaigns and his outstanding contribution to the founding and development of the United States Cavalry.

This part of the book deserves high commendation for the author's manifestly thorough research, skillful evaluation of material and readable presentation of the facts. Especially meritorious is his reliance on original sources, found in the old W a r Department records of the National Archives and on Cooke's own journals, reports and published writings. Strangely enough, however, he does not mention the three principal historical collections in the far west, the Bancroft Library of the University of California, the Huntington Library at San Marino and the archives of the Church Historian's Office of the L. D. S. Church.

The remainder of the volume covers Cooke's role in the Civil W a r and subsequent assignments until his retirement in 1873. Making due allowance for the controversial nature of this subject matter, Dr. Young's treatment of it appears hurried and undiscriminating.

He characterizes Cooke as a "romanticist," eccentric, petulant, a master of cavalry drill ground tactics, but lacking knowledge of the higher strategy of warfare. The simple refutation of this appraisal is found in the author's own excellent account of Cooke's command of expeditions, when, on his own, he displayed , conspicuous initiative, vision, sound judgment and professional skill. Moreover, there are still vigorously alive many retired Regular Army officers who served in the cavalry before horses were replaced by motor vehicles. They will give little

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assent to the author's views on the purpose and function of cavalry.

General Cooke was an important figure in Utah military history. He commanded the Mormon Battalion on its remarkable march from Santa Fe to San Diego. Dr. Young's account, although necessarily short, is fair and accurate. Cooke reached Utah in 1858 with the Utah Expedition, but remained only a few months at Camp Floyd. He returned in August, 1860, as Commanding Officer of the Department of Utab; renamed the post Fort Crittenden; and in a published letter announced he would remain loyal to the Union. On this topic the author limits himself generally to Cooke's own activities, but lowers the standard, of his scholastic impartiality by the interjection of extraneous, nonprobative matters, as, for example, that Brigham Young, although "a forceful and gifted executive," nevertheless established "an unfettered theocracy" by the use of "the Danltes, or secret police" under "Porter Rockwell," "expelled the Federal officials from his territory by intimidations or force," and was guilty of "acquiescing to such a pointless and damaging atrocity as die Mountain Meadows Massacre." As a matter of logical proof, none of these topics are relevant to Cooke's biography.

As to Utah history, Dr. Young cites Stenhouse, Tullidge and Neff, but not Bancroft, Whitney, Creer or Dwyer.

The book fully measures up to the high standards of workmanship of the Clark Company, publishers.

Salt Lake City, Utah

Hamilton Gardner

The Nez Perces: Tribesmen of the Columbia Plateau. By Francis Haines. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955, xvii + 329 pp. $5.00) ""''\ In this attractive and readable book, author Haines accomplishes the purpose stated in the preface: to treat the : Nez Perces as people, not as stereotyped Indians. As in most accounts of the Nez Perces, they emerge as an excellent and at times noble little nation. In contrast to most of the writings about them and:their war with the soldiers in 1877; this one deflates the legend of Chief Joseph as a military strategist. As.MeWhorter has pointed out in Hear Me. My Chiefs, Joseph had little part in planning or directing the zig-zag flight into and across Montana." But

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it is this reviewer's guess that the legend will, thrive as always; people enjoy believing that Joseph was a military genius. This study in no way "debunks" Joseph himself. It. does make clear how the legend grew up, with Jdseph the only one letft a t t h e Bear Paw field with autiiority to surrender, and with his admirable behavior in the years that followed.

Among many excellences in this book is the superior treatment given to the geographical environment of this tribe. The opening chapters beautifully picture the Nez Perce country, and introduce the people into it most suitably for the purposes of the account. Despite the many chances for geographical error in a story of this kind, only two minor slips were noted. The Big Hole Battle occurred at die junction of Trail and Ruby creeks, not on the banks of the Big Hole Rivet; and Lolo Hot Springs is not exactly the "Traveler's Rest" of Lewis and Clark, who gave that name to the spot where Lolo Creek joins the Bitter Root River.

There are three maps, but one always wishes for moreâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; in this instance, one to clarify the movements just before and after the White Bird Battle. A comprehensive bibliographical essay is provided, and a good index. An object of great satisfaction is the footnotes, located on the page where each citation applies, not buried in an appendix. These notes reflect a solid basis of competent authority for each phase of the story. Reference to correspondence in the Lapwai Agency files is a notable instance.

One unreconciled discrepancy concerns the time the Nez Perces began to go into Montana to hunt buffalo. On page xv these trips are said to date from the acquisition of the horse, but on page 36 the visit of Lewis and Clark is credited with the same effect. On page 250, association with the Crows in southern Montana is said to run back some one hundred years before 1877.

The story of abuse and mistreatment closes on a fine note of retribution, as the now-enfranchised Indians get revenge on their white oppressors by voting the county "dry" under local option.

This volume takes a worthy place as number forty-two of Oklahoma's Civilization of the American Indian series.

Hamilton, Montana

Stanley R. Davison

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The Indian and the Horse. By Frank Gilbert Roe. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955, xvi + 434 pp. $5.00) Pedestrians before Columbus, the American Indians became equestrians afterward as the horses the white men brought with them were dispersed through the New World. The transformation thus brought in the Indians' way of life has been the basis for a good many generalizations which have little foundation in fact. As an example, it has been easy, in some cases, to assume that the Indian stock stemmed from strays lost by early Spanish explorers, when actually it was acquired directly from Spanish sources or by careful propagation and commerce. One of the difficulties has been the lack of an adequate history of the subject as a whole, which deficiency, Mr. Roe, a western Canadian, has set about in this volume to remedy in some measure.

With his emphasis upon western North America, he has drawn together the diverse literature of the field, and drawing heavily on earlier investigators like Wissler, Dobie, Denhardt, and Haines, to show when, where, and particularly how, the Indian obtained the horse. This is not a complete tribe-by-tribe history, for, as Roe says, in most cases there simply is little if any definite knowledge as to when and how any one tribe actually acquired its first animals. Less is known of the horse history of the Utes and Great Basin tribes, for example, than that of the Indians of the Southwest and the Great Plains, where the historical record is fuller, where there has been more research, and where, possibly, the horse was of greater importance.

W i t h the available, often fragmentary evidence, and demolishing the "stray" legend enroute, the author traces out the movement of horses northward from Mexico through the western United States and Canada. A map illustrating the approximate dispersion routes chronologically reflects that, from Spanish New Mexico, horses had reached the Indians in the approximate vicinity of the Four Corners area by 1659, and were found among the Indians of southern Idaho by 1690. Roe shows that the Indians were competent horse-breeders, particularly, the Nez Perces who produced a new strain, the Appaloosa. He has two interesting chapters on coloration where the pinto or paint horse, which was such a strong favorite among the North American Indians, is discussed. It is suggested, by reference to the prevalence,of

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the "white stallion" tradition, that the spotted Indian pony derived from some common ancestor, although it was probably produced by selective breeding, as evidence presented in the appendix more strongly suggests.

More than half of the book is taken up with the effect of the horse upon the Indians' way of life, once acquired. W i t h reference to the Plains tribes of the United States and Canada, the "buffalo Indians," the author treats of this influence on nomadic life and migrations, warfare, horsemanship, economic and social factors, and tribal psychology. Roe concludes, in opposition to some anthropological opinion, that the acquisition of the horse by the Plains Indians did not radically alter their way of life, but "merely widened the stage on which the Indian had always moved, and enabled him to do more easily the things he had always done."

Although not all of his conclusions will find ready acceptance, Roe has performed a valuable service to scholarship by bringing together a mass of evidence on a broad and important topic. W e learn from him that ready conclusions about the profundity of the influence of the horse upon the cultural development of the American Indian will have to be used and accepted with caution.

The book has a number of well-chosen photographs and illustrations, and an index and bibliography. It is a worthy addition to the distinguished list of titles in the publisher's Civilization of the American Indian series.

University of Utah

C. Gregory Crampton

Arizona the Grand Canyon State. Compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program of the W o r k Projects Administration in the State of Arizona. Completely revised by Joseph Miller.

Edited by Henry G. Alsberg. American Guide Series.

(New York, Hastings House, 1956, 532 pp. $6.00) Everything that makes Arizona one of the most dramatic of all states is described and illustrated in this book. A whole library of information is contained between its coversâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;stories of the sunburned W e s t of yesterday as well as statistics on the irrigation projects that are making it a vast garden to feed the country, early pick-swinging miners, and contemporary dude ranch cowboys. T h e history, geography and archeology, people

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and culture are all described; and there are chapters on agriculture, industry and commerce, newspapers and radio; architecture, and folklore and folkways. In addition, there are 64'pages of beautiful gravure illustrations, many of historical interest. The pictures and text together make an indispensable introduction and guide for those who would like to know Arizona, its' deserts and mountains, its canyons, modern cities and fertile farms. In the last section of the book which is devoted to "Tours" the many road and city maps, and suggested trips and tours will answer problems of the traveler.—where to go, what to see, why and how.

The Law or the Gun (The Mormons at F a r W e s t ) . By Frank B. Latham. (New York, Aladdin Books, 1955, 191 pp. $1.75) Frank Latham has woven skillfully together the story of Alexander Doniphan, destined to become die hero of the Mexican W a r , and an incident in the epic of the Mormons' long search for a home to make an interesting tale. Though diis is a youth book, and the story is presented through the eyes of young Clancy Tolbert; the Mormon situation and the sympathetic treatment of them by many fine people "not of the faith" is graphically portrayed. Doniphin of Missouri is a hero to the author's taste, and Latham was fortunate in having access to letters and diaries of the Mormons and their leader, Joseph Smith.

Daylight and Dark. By Agnes Adams Fisher. (New York, Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1955, 275 pp. $3.75) Daylight and Dark is a novel rich in its characterizations of the people around the central figures, and sympathetic in its scrutiny of the uses men and women make of a religious belief that is central to their lives. The story is written from the point of view of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, and a comparison of the differences and similarities— though in a novelized form—will be interesting to the reader.

The Pony Express. By Lee Jensen. (New York, Grosset and Dunlap, 1955, 154 pp. $2.50) Out of the great mass of fiction and romance that has grown up around the Pony Express, this book attempts to sift Ohe resi-

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

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due of fact«7rwhich is no less exciting than the fiction. Here is the panoramic sweep of the great W e s t seen as if through the eyes of the saddle-hardened young men who rode the ponies.

Here also is the fascinating behind-the-scenes story of the setting up of this bold enterprise, and the story of its operation is detailed from the beginning until the last act of this great American adventure. To complement the authenticity of the story, illustrations from the actual period of the Express have been assembled from original ,sources, and the chapter, openings have been decorated with original drawings by Nicholas Eggenhofer, one of the foremost artists of western Americana.

Cattle and Marir By Charles W . Towne and Edward N . W e n t worth. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) The Columbia. By Stewart H. Holbrook. (New York, Rinehart Company, 1956) The Denver Westerners' 1954 Brand Book. Volume X. Edited b y Earl H. Ellis. ( D e n v e r / T h e Westerners, 1954) Las Vegas: Playtown, USA. By Katharine Best and Katharine Hillyer. (New York. David McKay, 1955) The Life of Lorenzo. Snow. By Thomas C. Romney. (Salt Lake . City, S U P Memorial Foundation, 1956) Saddles and Spurs. By Raymond W . Settle and Mary Lund Settle. (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, the Stackpole Company, ^ . 1955> ' Nell Murbarger, "Land of the Goshutes," Desert Magazine, March, 1956.

Theodore L. Cannon, "The Instructor Becomes Ninety," Instructor; January, 1956.

Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., "Abraham, Lincoln and the 'Mormons,' " ibid., February, 1956..

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Fred W . Foster,/'The-Beaver Islands: A Study of Isolation and Abandonment [Strangite] "Michigan History, December, ' 1955. "'*;"' ' ' ' ' ; , '. , "';.',.

Henry Kraus, "Patchyncig's .Ailiiig, Island [Strangites on Beaver ,„( Island]/', ibid,-^,,. .;;,,.',.;• .^ .,c-rx::,:i • ••••.•.•.•..-•,.•:;

188

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Robert R. Hubach, "Unpublished Travel Narratives on the Early Midwest, 1720-1850: A Preliminary Bibliography," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, December, 1955.

Norman B. Wiltsey, "Jim Bridger, He-^Coon of the Mountain Men," Montana, The Magazine of Western History, Winter, 1955-56.

John D. Hicks, "The Third American Revolution," History, December, 1955.

Nebraska

Albert H. Schroeder, "Fray Marcos de Niza, Coronado and Yavapai," New Mexico Historical Review, October, 1955.

Leonard J. Arrington, "Economic History of a Mormon Valley," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, October, 1955.

Victor Fisher, "God's Chosen Witnesses [David WhitmerJ," Saints' Herald, January 23, 1956.

Weldon F. Heald, " W h o Discovered Rainbow Bridge," Sierra Club Bulletin, October, 1955.

Leonard J. Arrington, "Solving the Basic Economic Problems in Pioneer Utah," SUP News, November, 1955.

William Mulder, "Those Cooperative Scandinavians," ibid.

Lamont F. Toronto, "Utah's First Capitol," ibid.

A. R. Mortensen, "The First Christmas in Utah," ibid., December, 1955.

James P. Sharp, "Injun Bill [of Woodland, U t a h ] , " ibid., January, 1956.

Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., "Bryant S. Hinckley," ibid.

William Mulder, "Little Denmarks [in U t a h ] , " ibid.

William Mulder, "Mother Tongue, 'Skandinavisme,' and 'The Swedish Insurrection' in Utah," The Swedish Pioneer Historical Quarterly, January, 1956.

Ray R. Canning, "A Lady's View of Utah and the Mormons, 1858: A Letter from the Governor's Wife [Elizabeth R. Cumming]," Western Humanities Review, Winter, 1955-56.

HISTORICAL NOTES

T

of the driving of the Golden Spike on May 10, will take place again this year. W e are told that the last few miles of the road from Corinne to the monument is now paved, thus eliminating the dust problem. The attendance at this ceremony, which is authentically staged and presented in costume, is growing every year with hundreds of people expected to be present this year. The local residents of Corinne, Brigham City, and Box Elder County are to be commended for their efforts directed toward making this historic site into a national monument.

H E RE-ENACTMENT

This year being the centennial year for the State Fair, the fair board members are making extensive plans to commemorate the event. Plans are still in the embryonic stage, but tentative ideas are that there will be a pageant, special displays, and other activities high lighting this important anniversary.

Beaver City has had the "kick-off" celebration in its yearlong program of centennial events. February 4 and 5 marked the opening of the gala affair, complete with a memorial program, crowning of a queen and her attendants, and a greeting committee to meet former residents and illustrious sons and daughtersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; among whom are Philo T. Farnsworth, inventor of television, Abe Murdock, former United States Senator, and Mabel Pearl Frazer, artist. Mrs. Dorothy Reese Williams was honored appropriately as the only surviving original pioneer of Beaver.

Special events are scheduled for each month in the year, and as is stated on the Beaver City Centennial Program: "You are invited to visit Beaver City during her centennial year. Special effort will be made to assure you that your stay will be enjoyable.

Descendants of Beaver City's pioneers, all former residents and their families and friends are cordially invited to visit anytime during the year. It is urged that family reunions be planned at Beaver. . . . It will not happen again; so come one and all; let's make this a grand celebration!"

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The Cache Valley CentenniaL Commission has outlined aft extensive schedule of events for their one hundreth birthday celebration. The program commenced in January with the crowning of the centennial queen. During February and March several ice and snow carnivals and winter sports events were featured.

The calendar is full, with plans fpr parades, floats, drama-musicdance festivals, fairs and exhibitions recognizing every community. Some of the high lights will include the centennial celebration in Logan, July 4; the centennial celebration in Hyrum, July 24; the national encampment of the S U P , Logan, Jury 27, 28, 29; Idaho day, Franklin, Idaho, June 15, 16, and Franklin County Fair, Preston, August 30, 31, September 1; and at Wellsville, the site of the first settlement, centennial founder's day, September 2, 3.

A most ambitious plan, however, has been the writing arid publishing of a book on the history of Cached Vajley. T h e president of this i&ociety, Joel E. Ricks, is serving as editor-in-chief of die project, assisted by Leonard J. Arrington, S- George Ellsworth, Merlin Hovey, Eugene Campbell, Gunnar Rasmuson, A. N. Sorensen, William Peterson, and J. Duncan Brite.

It is urged that all who have lived in Cache Valley plan to hold family reunions there sometime during the year. . All in all, this should indeed be the greatest year in the history of beautiful Cache Valley.

An anniversary of note is the ninety-fifth birthday (November 4, 1955), of Nevada's famous newspaper, die Territorial Enterprise, published in Virginia City. Though Utah's oldest newspaper, the Deseret News, is older by a few years than this paper, the Enterprise is noted for its colorful editors, among whom Were Mark Twain, C. C. Goodwin, Dan DeQuille, and today Lucius Beebe. C. C. Goodwin, later, was editor of the Salt Lake Tribune. Another western newspaper to celebrate an anniversary (centennial) is the Call-Bulletin of San Francisco.

Whitney R. Cross, assistant professor of history at- West Virginia University, died September 22, 1955. His book; The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History df Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800+1850 was pubi

HISTORICAL N O T E S

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lishedrin 1950 .and deals with that section of the country which gave birth to the Mormon Church. Many Utahans will remember him as he was on the faculty of the Utah State Agricultural College, Logan, Utah, during the summer of 1954. H e also lectured in.Provo and Salt Lake City while serving in that capacity.

A new building is in the offing for the California Historical Society. Due to crowded and cramped conditions the Society has moved from 456 McCallister Street/San Francisco, its home since 1938. At present it is located in the Flood Building, 870 Market Street, San Francisco, California.

A Beaver Island Historical Society has been organized to preserve the printing shop of the Strangites. A granddaughter of "King" Strang has promised to give them a copy of the Book of the Law of the Lord. ' Distinguished members of the Society continue to contribute to the cultural and scholarly activities of our state and nation.

Dr. C: Gregory Cfampton recently received a commemorative medal from the University of Panama in recognition and appreciation for his excellent services as an American exchange professor.

The award was presented to him by Jaime De La Guardia, president of the institution. The Western Humanities Review (April) will carry an article written by Dr. Crampton dealing with his experiences there.

Honors have been accorded Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Srâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; Society board member. At a meeting early in January of the Salt 'Lake S U P Luncheon Club, Mr. Morgan was presented a scroll, sighed by the mayor of Sparta, offering him honorary citizenship in that city. H e also was given a bronze plaque by the King and Queen of Greece. The presentation was made as a token of appreciation for Mr. Morgan's sponsorship of the heroic statue of lycurgus, ancient Spartan lawgiver, which was presented by the' people of Utah to the city of Sparta.

From a bulletin of the Department of the Interior Information Service, we learn of the appointment of Dr. Arthur A. Baker as associate director of the U. S. Geological Survey. Though not a native; of Utah, Dr^ Baker is a member of the Historical Society.

Professionally, he is the author of several geologic reports, and

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has been active in regional mapping of large areas of Utah. His reports have been used widely in recent years in the exploration for uranium and petroleum.

Bishop Robert J. Dwyer, Bishop of Reno and a former member of the board of control of the Historical Society, has been visiting and speaking in Salt Lake City. Bishop Dwyer was the first native Utahan to attain the status of Bishop in the Roman Catholic Church.

There has been more than the usual activity in the offices of the Society in the past few months. W e are gratified to note that the membership for 1956 over 1955 has increased about twenty-five per cent. In fact the January issue of the Quarterly was out of print within a week or two after its publication, and additional copies had to be printed.

John James, librarian, has compiled a bibliographical check list of books on "Utah and the West." The State Board of Education has found it most helpful for teachers of all phases of Utah and western history. Mr. James is continuing work on a compilation of theses from the state universities as part of our bibliographical series on "Utah, the Mormons and the West."

Through the intercession and help of Mrs. Bernice Gibbs Anderson, the Archives Division of the Society has filmed die first council minute book of Corinne, Utah. As this is written, it appears likely that the archives will obtain permanent possession of this very rare record book.

You will note that the first portion of the Journals of the Legislative Assembly, 1857-58, are published in this issue of the Quarterly. It will be continued in July and concluded in October; at which time, through the encouragement and co-operation of Mr. Lamont F. Toronto, Secretary of State, separately bound reprints will be available. Undoubtedly this will prove to be valuable source material for that period in Utah's history.

The office of the Secretary of State recently presented to the Archives Division material valuable for the student of politics.

The material includes correspondence of the Secretary of State, Board of Examiners, and many documents relating to elections for the period, 1938-48.

HISTORICAL N O T E S

193

In 1947-48 under a project sponsored by the State Historical Society, William R. Palmer, former board member, microfilmed county records in several Utah counties. At that time negative microfilm copies were made. Dr. Cooley reports that by co-operation between the L. D. S. Historian's Office and the Archives Division of the Society positive film has been made of these county records and they are now available for use by the public.

Director Mortensen's calendar has been full of late. As a former staff member of the Provo High School, he participated in a "This is Your Life," program held in Provo late in February.

In addition he has been called upon to speak at numerous civic club luncheon meetings, S U P chapter meetings, and church special interest groups. However, the activity which is proving most stimulating is the increasingly popular television showâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;"This is the Place." The panel members serving with Dr. Mortensen are: L. H. Kirkpatrick, librarian of the University of Utah and a man exceptionally well-versed in Utah history; Olive Burt, wellknown newspaper woman and author of many books dealing with Utah and western history; and Dan Valentine, popular columnist, radio and T V personality who can always throw his own "weight" around. W e have more appreciation for the far-reaching effects of television since a letter addressed to Dr. A. R. Mortensen, Channel Four, made its way unerringly to the offices of the Society, State Capitol Building.

W e wish to thank the following friends of the Society for their generous gifts: Mrs. Bernice Gibbs Anderson, Audrey Boyd, Ruth M. Jones, Everett L. Cooley, E. G. Titus, Leonard J. Arrington, W a y n e D. Handy, William Mulder, Laurence E. Baty, A. S. Crofts, and the L. D. S. Church Historian's Office.

Special thanks are due M. W . Poulson for his generous gift of books and pamphlets, and Jacob Heinerman for his gift of a Ludwig Constat Portable Printer which is most useful for rapid copy service and fascimile reproductions.

194

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY AMONG RECENT ACCESSIONS

Aldrich, Lewis Cass and Holmes, Frank R. History of County, Vermont. Syracuse, New York, 1891.

The American Almanac

Windsor

. . . /or the year 1839. Boston, 1839.

The American Almanac . . . /or the Year 1841. Boston, 1841.

Bailey, Paul. Deliver Me from Eva. Gee, Inc., 1946.

Hollywood, Murray and

Blair, Walter and Meine, Franklin J. Mike Funk, King of Mississippi Keelboatmen. New York, Henry Holt & Co., 1933.

Coman, Katherine. Economic Beginnings of the Far West.

York, The Macmillan Company, 1912.

New

Cook, Thomas L. Palmyra and Vicinity. Palmyra, New York, Press of the Palmyra Courier-Journal, 1930.

Day, Arthur Grove. Coronado's Quest.

California, 1940.

Fisher, Vardis. The Mothers. cl943.

Berkeley, University of

New York, The Vanguard Press,

Lambourne, Alfred. A Lover's Book of Sonnets.

1917.

Salt Lake City,

Lyman, Amy Brown. A Lighter of Lamps; The Story of Alice Louise Reynolds. Provo, 1947, Neuberger, Richard L. Our Promised Land.

Macmillan Company, 1939.

Shook, Charles A; Cumorah Revisited.

Publishing Company, 1910.

New York, The

Cincinnati, The Standard

Wilbur, Ray Lyman and Ely, Northcutt. The Hoover Documents. Washington, D. C , G.P.O., 1948.

Dam

Williams, Elizabeth Whitney. A Child of the Sea; And Life Among the Mormons. Brooklyn, New York, J. E. Jewett, 1905.

M O R M O N S A N D GENTILES O N T H E A T L A N T I C

BY P H I L I P A. M.

TAYLOR*

emigration of Mormons from Europe to Nauvoo and Salt â&#x20AC;˘*- Lake City made up only a small fraction of the movement of people from the Old World to the United States in the nineteenth century. But just as the Mormons were convinced that their emigration was divinely inspired, so they never ceased to claim that the details of its organisation possessed unique merit. In 1849 an editorial in Millennial Star exclaimed:

TPHE

O! W h a t a wide difference there is between the emigrating Saints and other emigrants! W i t h the one there is union, harmony and order, with prayer and thanksgiving and songs of rejoicing; while with the other there is disorder and confusion, with cursing and bitterness and every evil passion, that not only renders themselves miserable, but any other well-disposed person that perchance may be found among the wretched list.1 Ten years later, Mormon superiority was claimed even more confidently: Yet the English Government, coupled with the Brights and social reformers of the nation, who have seen in emigration the door of emancipation for down-trodden and distressed people, have not been able to grapple with emigration policy in that masterly manner which has been shown in the emigration operations of this Church.

In those operations, under the chief directorship of Brigham, and carried out by his agents on behalf of the Church, the Saints have outdone a powerful Government backed by a host of reformers belonging to a nation of boundless wealth and professed philanthropy. Such facts may surely give cause to the Saints to be proud of what they have done. 2 *Dr. Taylor is a British student of American history with special emphasis on the Mormon emigration from Great Britain. See his earlier article, "Why British Mormons Emigrate," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXII (July, 1954), 249-270. barter Day Saints' Millennial Star, XI (February 15, 1849), 57.

Hbid.. XXI (September 10, 1859), 589-90.

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To some extent, such claims were supported by Gentile contemporaries. In 1855, when the ship S. Curling reached New York, a reporter wrote: The vessel was the cleanest emigrant ship we have ever seen; notwithstanding the large number of passengers, order, cleanliness and comfort prevailed on all hands, the between-decks were as sweet and well-ventilated as the cabin . . . It would be well if the packet ships that ply between this port and Liverpool were to imitate the system of management that prevailed on this ship. 3 Four years later the master of the William Tapscott declared that of all the ninety thousand emigrants he had carried across the Atlantic, this Mormon company had given him the least trouble.* It is the purpose of this article to show in what manner, and to what extent, the Mormons improved upon the current methods of transatlantic migration, and to discuss the extent to which the system they adopted resulted from a conscious attempt to correct existing abuses, or, on the contrary, from factors embedded in the general principles of Church organisation.

In the period of large-scale Mormon emigration, from 1840 to the early 'eighties, there were in force, though sometimes only for a year or two each, eleven British and eight American statutes of major importance, as well as state laws and British Orders in Council, concerned with emigration on the Atlantic. No attempt will be made here to examine these in detail or to provide pedantically minute documentation. W h a t has to be understood is simply the aim of the legislation, the main provisions as they were consolidated in 1855, the machinery of enforcement, and the effectiveness of the whole effort to guarantee the emigrants' safety and welfare.

The aims of the laws were, first, to prevent fraud at the ports and, second, to ensure safety and a minimum of comfort at sea. One official statement of 1842 summarised the matter thus: To regulate the number of passengers in each ship and to provide for their proper accommodation on board; to 3

New York Tribune, May 23, 1855.

'New York Herald, May 14, 1859.

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ensure a proper supply of provisions and water for their use; to provide for the seaworthiness of the vessels; to protect the emigrants from the numerous frauds to which their helplessness and inexperience expose them. 5 Against the drawing up of a comprehensive code were ranged both general laissez-faire prejudice and the clear understanding that each regulation would tend to drive up shipowners' costs to the point at which poor people would be unable to afford a passage. 6 Even on paper, therefore, the scope of the protective effort was limited.

At the port of embarkation, the law provided for the licensing of passenger brokers by justices of the peace, and later required them to find sureties for good behavior. In 1855 licensing was extended to runners, who brought the brokers their business and charged a commission for doing so, just as the brokers received a commission from shipowners. 7 It was therefore possible to exercise some control over the issue of tickets, and to minimise the risk of theft of baggage, fraudulent sale of provisions and rent of lodgings, and similar crude forms of exploitation. To enforce these and other aspects of the law, there existed from 1833 at the principal British ports emigration officers, usually retired naval lieutenants or even captains; from 1840 these men were responsible to the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners in London. Often these officers could get aggrieved emigrants' money refunded without court action, and at other times the magistrates' court would leave to them the assessment of compensation to emigrants. 8 They did much to deserve their early 6 Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, Parliamentary Papers 1842, X X V , 69.

6 Report of Emigration Committee, Parliamentary Papers 1826, V, questions 329, 600. Speech by Lord Mounteagle in 1848, Hansard, Third Series XCVII, column 536. Dr. MacDonagh has described the development of the Passenger Acts, as an example of the breach in laissez-faire doctrine brought about by inescapable practical problems, in his valuable article, "The Regulation of the Emigrant Traffic from the United Kingdom, 1842-55," Irish Historical Studies, IX (September, 1954), 162-89. ' T h e commercial system at Liverpool can be found described in the evidence of shipowners and others given to the Select Committee on the Passengers' Acts, Parliamentary Papers 1851, XIX, and to the Select Committee on Emigrant Ships, Parliamentary Papers 1854, XIII. 8 Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, Parliamentary Papers 1845, X X V I I , 98-99. Liverpool Mercury, June 14, 1850; November 22, 1853. Fred H. Hitchins, 77ie Colonial Land and Emigration Commission (Philadelphia, 1931), 141, 145, 152, 155.

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appellation of "the appointed poor man's friend." 9 But their effectiveness was limited by the size of their job. They had to enforce laws in a great variety of technical detail; yet, at Liverpool they numbered only five, at a time when a dozen or more ships carrying three thousand emigrants might sail in a single day. 10 There is some evidence in the years around 1850 that the stipendiary magistrate at Liverpool supplemented the work of the emigration officers by displaying conspicuous zeal in protecting emigrants. Mr. Rushton dealt with failures of owners to provide alternatives for ships that did not sail; with thefts of baggage; with brokers acting without licence; with extortion in selling stores; with taking on board excess passengers after lawful clearance. Licences were declared forfeit; fines of ÂŁ5 or ÂŁ10 were imposed; three months' imprisonment was the sentence on an old offender found among emigrants' baggage. 11 The emigrants also had to be protected at sea. Surveys were made of the ships. Details were laid down for the construction of decks and for ventilation. The amount of space to be provided for each passenger was defined so that each ship had a maximum lawful complement. To serve as a check on this, passenger lists early were required. Rations came to be specified in increasing detail. While in 1849 Earl Grey had been able to say that the acts merely ensured a reserve "in case of the passengers' own provisions failing them," 12 by 1855 all the essential rations were to be provided by the ship, with regular distribution, and cooking where appropriate. 13 As for emigrants' health, inspection before embarkation was intended to ensure that no one went on board ill, to start epidemics during the voyage. But an observer 9

Report of Agent-General for Emigration, Parliamentary Papers 1837-38,

X.L, 9.

10 The point was made forcefully in the House of Commons in 1852, Hansard, Third Series, CXXII, column 69.

"Liverpool Mercury, January 12, 1849; December 20, 1850; September 10, 1852; November 22, 1853; June 23, 1854. These are but a few examples from the mass of evidence in this newspaper, even for 1848-54, the years studied.

"Hansard, Third Series, CVI, columns 382-83. ls Ships were required to carry stores for a voyage of about double the average length. But although the 1855 act prescribed even sugar, butter and condiments, emigrants were always advised to take smoked ham, pickles, beef tea, lime juice, etc., as supplements. Wiley and Putnam's Emigrants' Guide (London, 1845), 22-27. R. Druitt, Medical Hints for Emigrants (London, 1850), 1-4.

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in 1850 said that the procedure was extremely casual: " W h a t ' s your name? Are you well? Hold out your tongue. All right.""

On board, a medicine chest had to be supplied. There was no possibility of finding enough doctors to man each ship. But the British act of 1855 required a doctor in any ship carrying more than three hundred passengers; even before that date some shipowners had been offering free cabin passage to medical men.18 By the early 1850's, too, the laws came to require the separate berthing of single men, families, and single women. Supplementary Orders in Council ordered parties of men to be detailed for cleaning ship, and exhorted everyone to good behaviour. 16 It is hard to decide how far these regulations were effective.

The haste with which officials had to do their work, legal technicalities, the inability of emigrants to use their legal rights to the fullâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all combined to place obstacles in the way of enforcement of laws which themselves, for reasons already stated, were slow in becoming even approximately comprehensive. The ordinary procedure of prosecution could be applied, and as has been seen was applied, when offences against British law were committed on British soil, in British ships, or in any ship in British waters.

In practice, however, foreign ships could not be proceeded against in this way for offences committed on the high seas. It is true that masters and owners of ships, whatever their nationality, had to enter into a bond, ÂŁ2,000 in 1855, to comply with the provisions of the Passenger Acts. But on arrival in the United States, any emigrant who had been victimised was too eager to begin his new life to launch proceedings by which the bond could have been put in suit. Indeed, only his return to Britain would have sufficed, since no diplomatic procedure was worked out by which American courts or British consuls could certify that an offence had been committed, in such a way that a British court would act i*Vere Foster's description after a voyage in the steerage, Parliamentary Papers 1851, XL, 434.

"Hansard, Third Series, XCIV, columns 276-78. Liverpool Mercury, April 28, 1848; January 3, 1851; January 7, 1853. Wiley and Putnam's Emigrants' Guide, 58-59, assured its readers that "captains of the better class of ships are quite good medical men."

"Colonisation Circular, August 1848, 17. An abstract of Acts and Orders in force had to be displayed on board, while a still shorter version appeared on the Contract Ticket issued to each passenger.

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upon it when the ship had recrossed the ocean.17 American laws existedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and in some years were more stringent than the Britishâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and American courts might enforce them, but such evidence as is available suggests that rather little was done. 18 No doubt this was due in part to the same unwillingness of the emigrant to begin legal proceedings; but in part it was due to lack of jurisdiction when, due to the Civil W a r , British ships came to dominate the North Atlantic emigrant traffic. The Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners summed up: "The result is that . . . where there is jurisdiction there are no witnesses, and . . . where there are witnesses there is no jurisdiction." 19 In practice, emigrant conditions at sea showed a very slow improvement in the era of the sailing ship. It was accepted that because of the number of ships involved and the shortage of suitable men, it was impossible to introduce on the Atlantic the admirable system adopted in the government emigration to Australia, in which the key figure was a surgeon-superintendent responsible for discipline as well as health. 20 Provision for welfare at sea was therefore rudimentary, and emigrants had to rely on their own efforts or on the benevolence of individual ship's captains. Precise evidence is regrettably scanty. Stories of gross abuses tended to reach newspapers or official documents; for normal conditions it is very hard to make a fair assessment. Few emigrants kept diaries, and their letters described the strange sights of the New World rather than the conditions of the voyage. Cabin passengers, who wrote books, paid little attention to the steerage of the ships in which they travelled.

It seems that, even before the 1855 act made it compulsory, passengers sometimes formed messes so as to organise distribution and cooking of their food. Some captains made regulations and appointed constables. Passengers might be encouraged to "Hansard, Third Series, CXX, column 869. Reports of Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, Parliamentary Papers 1854, XXVIII, 29-32; 1854-55, XVII, 13, 27; 1868-69, XVII, 135-37.

18 J. F. Maguire, The Irish in America (London, 1868), 211-12, quoting the Report of the Commissioner of Emigration, February, 1866. A report printed in 1873 is in Senate Executive Document No. 23, 43 Congress, 1 session, 11-12, 68-72, 78.

"Parliamentary Papers 1868-69, XVII, 135.

20 Report of Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, Parliamentary Papers 1842, XXV, 81. The Australian regulations appear in full in Colonisation Circular. 1847, 18-19.

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elect a steward, cleaning squads, and committees to supervise the rations. But beyond that, little was done. 21 W h e n steam superseded sail on the North Atlantic in the later 'sixties, the resulting improvement in conditions probably was greater than all the laws had been able to achieve. "Steerage passage," as one advertisement put it, "includes an unlimited supply of provisions cooked and served up by the company's stewards." 22 Some improvement took place in privacy, with partly or wholly enclosed berths, in ventilation and sanitation, in cleaning and in regular feeding. Observers agreed that steerage conditions, including food, were crude, though some of them thought that the poorer Europeans were better off during the voyage than at any other time of their lives.23 Most important of all, the voyage now lasted ten or twelve days instead of thirty-five or more.

On arrival at the American port, emigrants came within the scope of a further series of American laws. The states were concerned mainly with regulations to avoid pauperism. New York State centralised a system of protection from 1847, with compulsory disembarkation at Castle Garden from 1855. There, emigrants found facilities for buying railroad tickets, changing money, meeting relatives, learning of lodgings and jobs without being exposed, at least until they reached the streets outside, to the exploitation of runners. From 1892, the federal installation 21 Select Committee on Passengers' Acts, Parliamentary Papers 1851, XIX, questions 1466, 3330, 4476-78, 4599, 4996-98, 5306-7, 7355. Committee on Emigrant Ships, Parliamentary Papers 1854, XIII, questions 1496, 5836. Some captains may have taken as a model the regulations proposed by the Commissioners in 1843, but never adopted; see Colonisation Circular, May, 1844, 13-14; 1848, 17.

22 Liverpool Daily Courier, July 13, 1870, an advertisement for the Guion Line, on which the Mormons were then travelling. T h e annual reports of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners show that in 1863, 45.85% of passengers crossed the North Atlantic by steamship, while in 1870 the proportion was 95.77%.

23 Conditions in and immediately after the 1870's are described in three sources: Senate Executive Document No. 23, 43 Congress, 1 session; Report on Emigrant Ships by the Sanitary Committee of the Lancet (London, 1873); Board of Trade Inquiry into Accommodation for Emigrants on Atlantic Steamships, Parliamentary Papers 1881, L X X X I X . Reports of the years just before World W a r I seem to show worse conditions. I cannot be sure whether this resulted from more accurate observation, the more humane standards of the investigators, or an actual worsening of conditions in years of exceptionally heavy emigration. See the Report of the Immigration Committee, X X X V I I , Steerage Conditions, Senate Executive Document No. 753, 61 Congress, 3 session; and Stephen Graham, With Poor Immigrants to America (London, 1914), 9-40.

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of Ellis Island provided similar facilities for all who landed at New York, as well as an increasingly rigorous—though not by modern standards very rigorous—system of inspection.24 The inland transport and distribution of emigrants, even in the early twentieth century, was wholly unregulated.

W h a t has so far been said shows that the law provided least protection, and that enforcement of such laws as existed was least effective, on the high seas. Yet, in conditions of overcrowding, with seasickness, monotnous diet, lack of exercise and occupation, any measure of order would have been immensely valuable—whether in ensuring cleanliness, guaranteeing regular hot meals, defeating die petty tyranny of the worst officers and crews, or merely in keeping up the emigrants' spirits. Organised self-help would have been indispensable, for the captain and crew, however well-disposed, were fully occupied in sailing the ship. It was precisely here that the Mormons were to organise so effectively.

Mormon organisation began long before the emigrants arrived at Liverpool. Early each year, Millennial Star carried detailed instructions inviting applications and deposits of £1; describing the total fare and the scale of rations; giving information on the permitted amount of baggage; and offering advice regarding bedding, utensils, and other necessary equipment for the voyage. 25 Local leaders were urged to explain these articles, especially to those Church members who could not read. 26 Mormons who decided to emigrate could then make individual bookings by applying to Church headquarters at Liverpool. Increasingly, there grew up the practice of block-bookings from Conferences.27 If large numbers travelled to the port from a single Conference, the president, or some other officer even if not 24 Castle Garden is well described in New York Herald, July 12, 1866; July 7, 1867. For Ellis Island, see Edward Corsi, In the Shadow of Liberty (New York, 1935), 72-81.

25 Among many examples, see Millennial Star, XVIII (January 12, 1856), 24-27. ™lbid.. XII (November 15, 1850), 347.

27 Thls was probably a result of schemes of financial assistance developed by the Church. In 1850, 96 from the Merthyr Tydfil Conference sailed in the Josiah Bradlee and 167 in Joseph Badger; in 1863, 170 from Manchester in the Antarctic and 234 from London in the Amazon. These and many other examples are in the Church Shipping Books (unpublished, Church Historian's Library, Salt Lake City).

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himself emigrating, might accompany them. This was especially common in groups of Scandinavian Mormons who made the journey from Copenhagen or beyond, through Hamburg and Hull, to join the main migration at Liverpool.28 T h e emigrants often found that the Church authorities had chartered the entire steerage accommodation of a ship. An official of a shipping company stated in 1851: The Mormons have the greatest objections against going in any ship carrying other passengers than themselves; and when such is the case, they invariably stipulate that a partition shall be erected across the ship's lower decks, so as to separate them from all other passengers. 29 This should not be accepted as a completely valid generalisation.

When steamships carrying more than a thousand passengers came to be used by the Mormons in the late 'sixties, the Church could hope to fill only a portion of the accommodations. Even in sailing ships separation could not always be achieved in the form of physical barriers, but it will be seen that when this was so, special precautions were likely to be taken.

It should not be thought that at Liverpool, any more than at sea, Mormon organisation allowed the emigrants to escape all difficulties, nor that Church policy was always smoothly successful. Year after year the emigrants embarrassed the leaders by the amount of baggage they desired to take, baggage for which, in the United States, the owners might prove unable to pay excess freight charges. 30 Despite the detailed instructions, moreover, the Mormon emigrants were still people unaccustomed to travel and were likely to find the journey more than a little 28 For British groups, see Appleton Harmon's "Journal" Part II, (typescript in library of Utah State Historical Society); "Journal of Archer Walters," Improvement Era, XXXIX (Salt Lake City, 1936), 483; James Linforth, Route from Liverpool to Salt Lake Valley (Liverpool, 1855), 17. For Continental Mormons, Millennial Star. XV (September 3, 1853), 587; XVII (February 3, 1855), 70-71; XXIV (June 7, 1862), 365.

29 Henry Mayhew, The Mormons or Latter Day Saints, Charles Mackay, ed., (London, 1851), 251-52; Millennial Star, XXIX (August 3, 1867), 495; this shows segregation in the steamship Manhattan. mbid.. XIV (October 2, 1852), 498; XXIV (April 26, 1862), 264-67; XXVI (March 26, 1864), 200-02; XXXI (July 17, 1869), 468. The Church itself encouraged emigrants to take many articles which might be of value to the struggling economy of Utah.

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frightening. In 1855 Reuben Hedlock can be found writing to Brigham Young: There is much to do when a vessel is preparing to sail for some days; from ten to twenty emigrants coming to the office; one wants this and one wants that, and the third wants to know where he shall sleep all night, with a dozen or more women and children in the office to run over; one wants tin ware, another is short of cash and their children are hungry. 31 Even after much further systematising, an element of such confusion was likely to persist.

Once on board, the emigrants were organised under a president and two counsellors, and from the beginning these men were appointed by the presidency of the British Mission. Even in 1840, the first year of the emigration, Brigham Young records that "Brother Kimball and I met the brethren about to embark for America, and organised the company." 32 From 1855 it seems to have been the invariable practice for the British presidency to go aboard, make the principal appointments, and deliver speeches of instruction and exhortation. Sometimes the appointments were sustained by vote. 33 Later, and often after the ship had set sail, the newly-appointed leaders divided the company into wards, each under a president. 34 This was done on board the Swanton as early as 1843, and became the rule from 1848.

The ward presidents kept lists of the people in their charge, arranged for prayers, supervised conduct, and reported to a council of leaders which met daily to lay down rules and "to provide for any contingency that might arise, and to continue "British Mission History (unpublished. Church Historian's Library, Salt Lake City), January 16, 1844.

32 Millennial Star, XXV (November 21, 1863, part of the serial History of Brigham Young), 743. The organisation was effected even in the Neva in 1855, carrying only 13 Mormon emigrants.

33 Ibid., XIX (April 11, 1857), 233-34; XXIV (May 3, 1862), 284; XXX (July 25, 1868), 473. Of 130 ship's presidents who can be identified, 59 had been presidents of Districts or Conferences in the British Mission Immediately before sailingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an analysis based on Millennial Star and on Andrew Jenson, Latter Day Saints' Biographical Encyclopedia (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1901-1936).

3i Millennial Star, XXIII (July 27, 1861), 475, among several examples.

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to arrange for order, comfort and cleanliness."

In the larger ships, organisation was quite elaborate: in 1851 the Ellen, with 466 Mormons on board, had twelve wards for the steerage, grouped in two larger divisions; one for the second cabin; while the priesthood was separately organised. In 1862, the William Tapscott, with 807 emigrants, had nineteen wards. 36 A guard was set up, under a captain or marshal. These men made sure that no lights were left burning at night, kept order and took charge of lost property. But above all they preserved Mormon separation if other passengers were on board, and they prevented unlawful movement by night, especially by sailors among the women. By such precautions "some that might have fallen have been preserved." 37 There were buglers, and there were squads for cleaning ship. In 1855 men on board the Juventa began cleaning at 4:00 a.m., "so as to allow the females to get up at 6." 38 Cooks and stewards were sometimes found among the emigrants, to be rewarded either by taking a collection for them or by refunding their passage money. 39 No amount of careful planning could make conditions perfect. Although ample rations were usually carried, and one ship that sailed from London can be found taking on fresh provisions from small boats off the Isle of Wight, yet food sometimes ran short. Nor could such an event be avoided as was recorded in one emigrant's diary: "as much bone as beef to-day." 40 Like *Hbid., X X V I I (June 24, 1865), 399. See also ibid., X X V I (August 20, 1864), 540; and Linforth, op. cit., 25. T h e president of the Horizon reported: "I make it my business to visit every part of the ship six or seven times a day," Millennial Star X V I I I (June 28, 1856), 411.

3e Ibid., XIII ( M a y 15, 1851), 158; X X I V (May 31, 1862), 348. One cannot be sure how many Mormons travelled in the better accommodation, but the Passenger Lists (Microfilm, from National Archives, Washington, D.C.) of 33 ships give details of accommodation, and members of the ship's presidency, identifiable by name, travelled Cabin in 14 and Second Cabin in two.

37 Millennial Star, X V I I (May 12, 1855), 303; XXIII (July 27, 1861, 475.

33 Ibid., X V I I (June 16, 1855), 374.

39 The fact that the Church Shipping Books carry these names suggests that the people applied in advance for the jobs. Seventeen ships had 12 cooks, 13 stewards and one stewardess. T h e collection is reported from the Amazon.

Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, October 4, 1863, Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City.

"Journal of Archer Walters, loc. cit., 574. Journal History, October 4, 1863. Linforth, op. cit, 20. Millennial Star, X V I I (May 12, 1855), 301-02.

A very sensible comment is the following: "It is not to be expected that several hundred emigrants huddled together in one vessel, and tossed about upon the billows of the deep, will relish the coarse food such as is usually furnished b y the law."â&#x20AC;&#x201D;ibid., XI (January 1, 1849), 8.

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all emigrants. Mormon emigrants suffered from the discomforts and dangers of heavy weather: , . . wave lashed on wave, and storm on storm, every hour increasing; all unsecured boxes, tins, bottles, pans, etc., danced in wild confusion, cracking, clashing, jumbling, rolling, while the vessel pitched, and tossed, and bounced till people flew out of their berths on the floor, while others held on with difficulty; thus we continued for eight days—no fires made nothing cooked—biscuits and cold water; the waves dashed down the hold into the interior of the vessel, hatchway then closed, all in utter darkness and terror, not knowing whether the vessel was sinking or not; none could tell—all prayed—an awful silence prevailed—sharks and sins presented themselves, and doubts and fears; one awful hour after another passing, we found we were not yet drowned; some took courage and lit the lamps; we met in prayer, we pleaded the promises of our God—faith prevailed; the winds abated, the sky cleared, the fires were again lit, then the luxury of a cup of tea and a little gruel. O! how ungrateful we are for our mercies, because they are so common.41 Nor could the Mormons avoid their share of accident and death.

For about 41,000 of the more than 52,000 British and Continental Mormons who crossed the Atlantic up to 1870, the general mortality rate was 1.09%. By using passenger lists rather than Millennial Star reports, it is possible to break down the figures into age-groups for nearly 12,000 of the emigrants. It is then found that the rate for adults was 0.36%, for children 2.92%, and for infants 7.70%. 42 A similar difference between age-groups can be seen in the Australian emigration, for which detailed figures are available. Comparisons with the total North Atlantic emigration from Britain are more difficult to make. At first sight. Mormon mortality seems much higher. Thus, omitting the cholera years, British emigration mortality ranged from 0.23% "Letter from Ann Pitchforth to friends in the Isle of Man, ibid., VIII (July 15, 1846), 12-13.

42 Remember that these figures would have to be multiplied by about ten to make an annual death-rate. The infant death-rate becomes about five times the very high rate for the Britain of that day, the adult rate perhaps twice.

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to 0.05% for sailing ships and steamships combined, 1854-62; from 0.73% to 0.05% for sailing ships only, 1863-70; and from 0.13% to 0.04% for steamships only, 1863-70. The Mormon range for the whole period, mainly sailing ships, was 1.86% to 0.42%. Several qualifications are necessary, however. The ships carrying the other 11,000 Mormon emigrants may have had a low mortality. Some of the Mormon percentages are for such small numbers that the effects of an epidemic might be exaggerated. The Mormon emigration almost certainly contained a far higher proportion of children and old people than did the general emigration. Most important, there is every reason to believe that the published figures of mortality for British emigration as a whole are grossly understated. They were compiled mainly from reports from shipowners; and although the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners professed themselves satisfied with them, it can be said that when the official figure can be compared with the Mormon for the same ship, the former is often highly inaccurate, and almost always on the side of understatement. T o sum up, it may be said that such investigation as is possible is more damaging to the general statistics than to the record of Mormon emigration; but that the organisation devised by the Church did not succeed in keeping mortality down to what the modern student would regard as a tolerable figure.43 In many ways, the Mormons enjoyed better conditions than the main body of emigrants. Not only was their more thorough organisation a guarantee of that standard of cleanliness which the New York reporter observed, but it was found possible to master even the difficult problem of cooking. Until the 1850's, ordinary emigrants were left to do their own cooking at only one or two stoves. Even if bad weather did not intervene, it was likely that some would fail to get even one hot meal a day, though the stoves were in continuous use. Ship's cooks took tips from the passengers, either to cook for them or to give them preference 43 Mortality figures reports of the Colonial mentioned. Full official aries thought mortality attracted publicity.

for British emigration as a whole are in the annual Land and Emigration Commissioners for the years figures are not available for the 1840's. Contemporin that decade very high, but only the worst ships

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

at the stoves. 44 An observer in 1853, in a ship carrying Mormons and other emigrants, stated: "I do not believe that the Queen, with her Privy Council and the House of Lords and Commons put together, could have legislated successfully for it," and a later writer said that the siege of the galley was fiercer than that of Sebastopol. 45 In time, the Mormons adopted the system of securing regular volunteer cooks and of establishing a strict rotation among the wards for cooking meals.46 This system, indeed, continued long after the law required preparation of meals by ship's cooks. On board the Monarch of the Sea in 1861 a meeting of the priesthood resolved: "That the English have a fire at the cooking galley to themselves, and the remaining three fires be kept for the Danes, Norwegians, Swedes and Germans. 47 The journal of the Be//e Wood, four years later, records: To supply the Saints with regular meals, an organisation of brethren for cooking was formed. Elders Shaw and Holt were appointed superintendents to preside alternately. . . . The Saints were notified to prepare their dishes, which were brought to and taken from the galley by brethren appointed for that purpose from each ward.

The wards cooked in rotation. 48 Prayer meetings were often held daily in each ward, sacrament meetings at frequent intervals, though rough weather could interrupt either. In 1863, there took place simultaneously one Sunday a meeting on the lower deck, one on the upper, one in the second cabin, and one in the "batchelors' hall," i.e., the separate accommodation for single men.49 On board the Belle Wood: Our first Sunday meeting was held on the quarter deck, where the mate, Mr. Grayson, had prepared a sort of 44 Vere Foster's report in Parliamentary Papers 1851, XL, 436. Select Committee on Passengers' Acts, Parliamentary Papers 1851, XIX, questions 1103, 1117, 1155, 1158, 1859-61, 2686, 6181-85. Committee on Emigrant Ships, Parliamentary Papers 1854, XIII, questions 5509-11. Rebecca Burlend, A True Picture of Emigration (first edition 1848, reprinted edition, Milo M. Quaife, Chicago, 1936), 11. Wiley and Putnam's Emigrants' Guide, 54-55.

British Mechanics' and Labourers' Handbook and True Guide to the United States (London, 1840), 38-39. Robert G. Albion, Square-Riggers on Schedule (Princeton, 1938), 249^an extract from an emigrant's journal of 1842.

"Linforth, op. cit, 25. Millennial Star, XVIII (June 28, 1856), 412.

"Ibid., XII (June 15, 1850), 185; XVI (July 15, 1854), 447; XXIV (May 31, 1826), 349.

"Ibid., XXIII (July 27, 1861), 475.

"Ibid., XXVII (June 24, 1865), 397.

"Journal History, October 4. 1863.

MORMONS ON THE ATLANTIC

209

pulpit by spreading the union jack on the harness cask, and had also arranged seats for the accommodation of the Elders. The ship's bell was tolled for half an hour previous to each meeting.60 Provision was made for those who for linguistic or other reasons might be expected to experience special difficulties.

"President Woodard exhorted the English Saints [of the Monarch of the Sea] to patience and kindness to the Danish, Norwegian and Swedish Saints." An address by Woodard was interpreted by Elder Wilhelmsen. Separate wards were provided for the Scandinavians, and separate meetings were held for them and for the Germans and Welsh. 5 1 Often, too, the president's counsellors were appointed from among the Continental elders.

Partly for the same reason, education was taken seriously by some Mormon companies. Not only were classes in English held for foreign emigrants, but classes for Mormons' and other passengers' children were held on board the Olympus in 1851; and examples can be found of lectures on geography, astronomy and agriculture, as well as discussions on more general topics.52 Committees were sometimes appointed for special duties. On board the Belle Wood, in 1865, "The number of the aged, feeble and sick rendered it necessary to appoint some persons whose special business it should be to attend to them. Accordingly, Elder William Willes, and a Female Sanitary Committee, . . . were appointed to that important labour of love," and three men were appointed a committee "to make arrangements for social parties for the recreation of the Saints." 53 The Belle Wood's amusements included a ship's newspaper edited by Elder Sims, and a "small band, assisted by one or two good violinists, also by a flute and clarionet, made sweet melâ&#x201E;˘Millennial Star, XXVII (June 24, 1865), 397. The report adds that the officers "maintained strictest order and decorum among die crew." This attitude was not always displayed. Writing of the John J. Boyd, C. R. Savage stated: "Our captain got superstitious on account of the long passage, and ordered that there should be no singing on board; the mate said, that all ships that had preachers on board were always sure of a bad passage." See ibid., XVIII (March 22. 1856), 206. ^Ibid., XXIII (June 27, 1861), 475-76.

"Ibid., XIII (June 15, 1851), 189-90; XIX (July 11, 1857), 446; XXIII (June53 27, 1861), 475.

Ibid XXVII (June 24, 1865), 399. A health committee was set up on board the S. Curling also, ibid., XVII (July 7, 1855), 423-24.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ody." 54 At its best, then, the voyage might approximate to the peace and order complacently described by John Jaques in 1856: The crew occasionally, by way of variety, give us some of their characteristic songs, while at their work. The children make themselves happy, both above and below deck. Marbles, skipping ropes, and all the available paraphernalia of childhood's games are called into request. The older boys amuse themselves by tugging at the ropes with the sailors. So merrily we live together.

W e want but the stalls and ginger-bread to give our deck the appearance of an English country fair, barring the drunkeness, quarrelling, profanity and obscenity which generally characterise such assemblies.55 Although exceptions can be found, relations with the captain were usually good. This is scarcely surprising. Mormon organisation made the work of a conscientious captain far easier, just as it helped to make the emigrants independent of one less welldisposed. Captains attended Mormon concerts, a wedding, even preaching, while in 1868 the captain of the Constitution invited the elders to a Fourth of July dinner. 56 The captain of the Charles Buck gave President Ballantyne charge of the medicine chest; the captains of the Carnatic, Hudson and Belle Wood sent food from their own galley for sick emigrants, while the captain of the Kennebec gave President Higbee a bottle of wine for a sick woman. 57 As a result, it was quite common at the end of the voyage to present a written testimonial to the captain, to which he sometimes made a formal reply. 58 Of relations with the crew there is less evidence. Some conversions are recorded: in 1853 the captain, two mates, and eighteen sailors of the International were baptised. But a Mormon writing to England a year later advised caution in dealing with such manifestations, since, he alleged, sailors had been known to be baptised "merely s*Ibid., XXVII (June 24, 1865), 399. See also, for a band, Journal of Archer Walters, loc. cit, 484, 545. ^Millennial Star, XVIII (June 28, 1856), 413. â&#x201E;˘lbid., XVII (June 16, 1855), 374; XXV (August 29, 1863), 556; XXIX (July 27, 1867), 474; XXX (September 5, 1868), 572.

"Ibid., X (July 1, 1848), 203; XVII (May 12, 1855), 301; XXVI (August 20, 1864), 540; XXVII (June 24, 1865), 398. British Mission History, January 10, 1852. ^Millennial Star, XI (June 15, 1849), 186; XVIII (June 7, 1856), 355.

There are many other examples.

MORMONS ON THE ATLANTIC

211

to assist them in designs against the honour of our sisters." 59 Like other emigrants, the Mormons changed to steamships in the later 1860's. Apart from very small companies, agents or missionaries, the first example was in 1867, and in the next year the Constitution was the last sailing ship to be used. From the beginning all the steamships were of the Guion Line, and this connection seems to have been maintained until that line disappeared in 1894.60 Like other emigrants, too, the Mormons speedily became conscious of the improvement in conditions which resulted. 61 At New Orleans, Boston, Philadelphia or, invariably from 1859, New York, the voyage ended: Within the last half hour there has been a terrific commotion in consequence of the appearance in prospect of the pilot boat. "The pilot! the pilot!" was cried abroad, and the cry was taken up between decks, followed by a tumultuous rush up the hatchway, and folks lined the bulwarks immediately, to await the pilot's arrival. Dinners were abandoned for the time, and a general holiday all over the ship appeared to be in full enjoyment, the excitement being intense. 62 A guard was mounted on the baggage. Meat, flour and sugar were served out to help the poorer emigrants of the Amazon on their rail journey across the United States. Advice was given as to procedure on landing, "and no blessing to any that disregarded that council [sic]." 6 3 Such precautions may have sufficed to protect the emigrants from exploitation at a port where, in 1842, Brigham Young had said the runners were like so many pirates. Like other emigrants the Mormons found the medical inspection perfunctory. The doctor took "about fifteen minutes" over his inspection of the Enoch Train, which carried 534 MorMlbid., XV (June 4, 1853), 358; XVI (July 15, 1854), 477.

Jenson, op. cit., I, 170. Frank C. Bowen, A Century of Atlantic Travel (London, 1932), 108, 111, 175, 209. The ownership of vessels identified as carrying Mormon emigrants can be traced in the Liverpool Customs Bills of Entry, printed chronologically and bound annually, in the Picton Library, Liverpool. ^Millennial Star, XXXI (September 18, 1869), 610.

32 Ibid., XXVI (July 23, 1864), 478.

63 Journal of Archer Walters, loc. cit, 574. Journal History, October 4, 1863. Millennial Star, XXIII (July 27, 1861). 476.

60

212

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

mons.64 Doubtless, however, they worried little about that, for it was the journey into the American interior which filled their minds.

It remains to examine how far this Mormon system was specifically designed to remedy existing defects of shipboard organisation on the North Atlantic, and how far it was based on a study of conditions and contemporary methods. It seems fair to say that no very detailed evidence of such study is needed.

The Mormon leaders were at Liverpool, in the midst of the world's largest migration traffic. Not only was such a newspaper as the Liverpool Mercury full of emigration news, including reports of court proceedings, but there existed, at London and elsewhere, a considerable specialist press, dealing exclusively with emigration problems. Such papers as the Colonial Magazine and East India Review, the Colonial Gazette, the Emigration Record and Colonial Journal and, best of all, the short-lived Sidney's Emigrants' Journal, were readily available to anyone interested in the subject. So, too, were the Colonisation Circulars, published irregularly but frequently by the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners.65 In 1849, however, Orson Spencer wrote to Orson Pratt: "The system by which the British emigrants to Australia are conducted is the best I have yet seen. I should like to see a revision of that system by your fruitful mind." 66 The implication is clear that some study had been made of contemporary systems. It is rather less clear that this date can be said to have inaugurated any radical change in Mormon practicethough it roughly corresponded to some considerable elaboration •—or that such study was the single cause of the system which came to prevail. Other factors may have been important. The number of Mormon emigrants became far larger from about 1848, and a more complex system would have been appropriate. The leadership of the British Mission was of far higher quality than in the days of Reuben Hedlock. The entire Church had just found a new stability under Brigham Young in Utah after the conflicts and disasters at Nauvoo. All these developments might have been expected to produce new standards in the organic/fed., XVIII (June 7, 1856), 355.

These rare publications were all consulted In the British Museum, London. ™lbid.. IX (June 15, 1849), 183. e5

MORMONS ON THE ATLANTIC

213

sation of the emigration movement.

Whatever the exact balance of these several factors, it is certain that the Mormons enjoyed great advantages in their search for improved methods. Their Church structure and the management of emigration were permanent, so that experience could be handed down from year to year. Apart from personal contacts and such letters as may not have survived, the files of Millennial Star constitute a veritable encyclopedia of Mormon emigration practice. Moreover, we know that very detailed information on conditions at the ports, and even on individual ships and the character of captains, was included in the reports submitted by ship's presidents, or by agents in the United States, to Liverpool or Salt Lake City. 67 T o sum up, under such a permanent organisation sound methods could become standard rather than exceptional.

The Mormon emigration was not, however, only another system of organisation among others. By those who took part, it was regarded as a religious "mission." Utah was not just an area of the United States suitable for colonisation, an area to be developed by the hit-or-miss methods of the contemporary Far West. It was "Zion," the true home of all converts to the new Gospel. It was to be built up by the meticulous planning of an inspired Church leadership to be a perfect society, acceptable as the headquarters of the millennial rule. As such, it was to Utah that converts should "gather," and "gathering," so prominent in Mormon writing, could fairly be called a doctrine.

This conception affected both the rank-and-file and the leaders of the migration. Discipline in the ship's companies was of course not perfect. The report on the Swanton in 1843 says: "Some have been disposed to murmur," though the report goes on, "yet those spirits have been subdued by the authority of the holy priesthood." 68 Still, the Mormon emigrants were likely to display a certain singleness of purpose, with far more patience, and far more willingness to submit to authority, than those who, as individuals, went to the United States from motives of economic betterment. Their leaders had a double duty. They had indeed to ensure the health and safety of those in their charge.

67 Favorable reports have already been cited. Severe criticism is in ibid., XI (February 15, 1849), 54; XII (July 15, 1850), 217. <*Ibid.,\V (May, 1843), 15.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

They had also to keep them, all the way from their homes to their final settlement in the valleys of Utah, loyal to the purposes of the Church. But they had also a double authority. They were not overseers elected from among their own number by the emigrants, or appointed by a well-meaning captain. They were not even appointed, like the surgeon-superintendents on the Australian ships, by some agency of a secular government. Rather they were organisers appointed by the Church. They were priests, often eminent in the hierarchy. They were engaged in a "mission" of the highest spiritual as well as worldly importance.

W h e n this is understood, many of the details of the Mormon organisation on shipboard become clearer. A Mormon emigrant company was in fact organised as a branch of the Church, exactly equivalent to a Conference on land. There were the same religious services, the same minute supervision of daily life by officers, even the same ceremonies of "sustaining" the authorities of the Church throughout the world.

In examining Mormon claims to superiority, most of our evidence has come from Church sources. Some of these, like the Jaques article cited earlier, were no doubt intended to encourage emigration by converts still in Britain. But mistakes were admitted, and no attempt was made to conceal the high mortality figures. In other words, many of the records have the objectivity of working administrative documents. Remembering, too, the positive evidence of the New York witnesses, and what hostile critics tried to do to every other aspect of Mormon belief and organisation, it is perhaps permissible to conclude that the emigration system on board ship was pretty much beyond reproach.

The Mormon system supplemented admirably the official framework of protective laws, and this was especially true of the Atlantic crossing itself. While this was to a degree intentional, being based on a study of contemporary emigration conditions, this is only a part of the truth. Much of the Mormon system was simply the extension, into one more area of activity, of that meticulous thoroughness which the Church tried to bring to its daily life, whether it was the organisation of a Mission in a new country, the building up of a new settlement in Utah, or the working out of methods of guaranteeeing emigrants' welfare on the high seas.

J. CECIL ALTER

BIBLIOGRAPHERS' CHOICE OF BOOKS O N U T A H A N D THE MORMONS

BY J. CECIL ALTER*

A LL research writing is a form of collaboration between the **â&#x20AC;˘ writer and his authorities. The more authentic and exhaustive the sources utilized, the more reliable and useful the resulting treatise. It is an axiom in irrigating that no stream can rise above its source, but historical writers are expected to add new materials and fresh perspective with clarifying discussion and emphasis, if not revised conclusions.

A formal bibliography is often appended to the work to indicate its scope, give it prestige, and to acknowledge obligations.

It is a list of previously published books and features and sometimes of unpublished materials relating to the subject, and usually actually utilized in the new study. It thus identifies the writer's silent collaborators or associates, and is a sort of " W h o ' s W h o " and " W h a t ' s W h a t " in the particular field.

Likewise, the credibility of the sources tends to acquaint the reader with the character and the moods and methods of the writer himself, especially his ability to express himself and perform fittingly in team harness. It, therefore, may indicate some of the causes for mortalities and for immortalities among writers.

It depends on what they bring, how they share it, and how acceptably the thesis is presented.

If there are no authorities to cite, perhaps the writing is pure opinion, or creative writing in fiction form, if not about the * Prior to his retirement in 1948, Mr. Alter was intimately associated with the Utah State Historical Society in many capacities. For twenty years he was a member of its board of control. He served as its secretary-treasurer from 1928-36. He was the first editor of the Utah Historical Quarterly, and continued in that capacity through the first thirteen volumes. He is the author of numerous volumes, among which are Early Utah Journalism; James Bridger; Through the Heart of the Scenic West; and Utah the Storied Domain. Innumerable articles, which appeared in many magazines and newspapers, have also come from his pen. Though presently living in California, he still serves the Society, and its library is the richer for his many gifts. By unanimous vote of its board of control, Mr. Alter was made an honorary life member of the Society in 1955.

(This piece is the fourth item in the series, "Utah, the Mormons, and the West: a Bibliography." For other articles, see the Quarterly for July, 1954, January, 1955, and July, 1955.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Editor's note.]

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

authorities themselves. The best way to have a treatise rate highly in a utilization or popularity contest, is to put plenty of source material into it; reproduce every suitable document and statement of report in fac similie or its entirety; and cover as many separate phases of the subject as feasible, holding back nothing for another book.

Too many book reviewers are saying of too many books: "It adds nothing to our knowledge of the subject." This in spite of the fact there are still a good many ways of "adding," say from the files of newspapers, governmental archives, and family treasures. These are yielding to such indefatigable persistence, infallible instinct, and historical-source yearning as Dale L. Morgan takes into his work. There are also field researches, which may still "add" plenty through the research adventures of a J. Roderick Korns, an Irene D. Paden, or an Edgar M. Ledyard.

The most intimate bibliography may be the unlisted one, woven into the author's text and given frank and frequent mention as if the collaboration were a consulting reality. William Clayton's Journal discussed John C. Fremont's maps and reports in some such fashion. Almost equally creditable is bibliographical material that is scattered through the footnotes, often with quotes and comments. William A. Linn in The Story of the Mormons approaches this category.

Several such bibliographies have been compiled by me for this present study that were not actually so listed by the authors.

It was merely standing them up to be counted more conveniendy.

And that launches the explanation of this particular piece. The bulk of my own work hereon has been the more or less tedious tabulating of all the titles listed in all western bibliographies. To satisfy the leading requirements of my own project, they must be western writings; and at least the spirit of every work listed must be reflected in the accompanying text.

This approach was quite necessary, if I were to tally and compute totals for the whole number of times each title or item was actually found acceptable and was cited and utilized by research or creative writers. A good farmer may raise a few weeds.

So may a cautious writer be led unwittingly to follow a few "phony" sources. In this manner some lame or spurious works

BIBLIOGRAPHERS' CHOICE

217

have received a modicum of acclaim in this count of the tallies or ballots. In numerous instances a pretty good job of book reviewing was required to compare the scope and content of the text, with the bibliography serving as a kind of index.

Lengthy bibliographies are sometimes inserted by authors merely as suggestive of supplemental reading, having nothing to do with the text in hand. These, like the formal compiled bibliographies, such as Charles W . Smith's Pacific Northwest Americana, were excluded from my count. In rare cases, an author (or publisher) with a stable of books may "plug" his own or give honorary mention to a friend in a compiled bibliography.

Such listings were counted only if clearly reflected in the accompanying text.

Many of my deletions from author's lists were the duplicated titles that have been reprinted, some of them several times, with a new title for each reprint but using the same text. Edwin Bryant's celebrated What I Saw in California was very popular also as Rocky Mountain Adventures, printed from the same plates. Other exclusions were items covering special phases of the subject clearly not contemplated in the new treatment. One historical fiction work, squarely based on four standard authorities, splashes more than a hundred titles in an unused bibliography.

To me the remaining titles have been participants in a sort of popularity contest, the selecting committee of judges being the actual users or consumers. My own opinion could not and did not enter the tabulation. In a manner then, this count gives an impartial appraisal of worth, if not the actual market price of an item, as established numerically by usage or by neglect. It is not, in any other sense or extent, a definitive exhaustive bibliography in which are listed all titles on a subject. It is, instead, a weighted list with an index figure showing its comparative importance.

The tabulation or index of usefulness just grew out of itself; and for that reason is probably more symmetrical, more properly shaped mathematically, than any designed, prepared, or personally picked bibliography. There are many items in existence, some in every state, region, and subject category that are not mentioned in any bibliography. They were not so much as nominated by

218

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

getting a single selective ballot. And, in the case of the Mormons, strictly doctrinal titles were of course out of place in a list of Western Americana.

In progressing with the count or tabulation, occasional items were encountered which were at the time not known to be ephemeraâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that is, pamphlets, magazine articles, speeches or home town newspaper notices. In this way the compilation came to include a considerable number of items not on the book shelves, but they have entered the count only as far as they have been sponsored by one or more bibliographers. The responsibility for them rests solely on the author-bibliographer.

If there are worthy titles that are not included, it is because not one of the hundreds of bibliographer-judges has mentioned them. In rare instances this may be because the item is as new as this piece of mine. It may even be because it is suspicously scarce; that is, so scarce no one will check any reference to it.

All these considerations tended to diminish the work of tallying, if not the task of readying the data for the tabulation.

True inspiration is supposed to bring with it the power to perform. But after two or three years of tedious tallying and bibliography weeding, I conclude I must have misunderstood the little matter of just who was to furnish the power and the persistence for the job. My one and only resort to "escape" reading is when engaged on some such never-ending chore as this, and only the Bible, or some other spiritual aid, could ever provide complete "escape." Fortunately, the Los Angeles Public Library has on its wonder-filled shelves the great majority of the books I have needed.

Random sampling is a statistically sound procedure for many purposes, such as public opinion or preference polls, and for crop, livestock, standing timber and other production estimates. However, I had not gone far in this direction before concluding I should go all the way. And now, at long last, I have terminated the analysis of the great majority of all existing bibliographies relating to the western half of the country from the later 1700's to 1955.

This particular segment of the job, on Utah and the Mormons, is concerned only with those works which have either Utah or the Mormons as a major theme. The books with only

BIBLIOGRAPHERS' CHOICE

219

incidental chapters or references relating to these subjects are grouped with their primary subjects.

W e are not herein awarding an "adjective" rating or other qualified indicator of approval or disapproval. Every title is allocated in this compilation exactly where its users (of record) have established it. In appraising any highly controversial material, an objective, impersonal approach such as this is especially appropriate. It acts in the capacity of an applause meter gauging the power and influence on the audience of the performer, be he Republican, Democratic, or Totalitarian.

Here then, we present Utah and the Mormon authorities, not to say the "General Authorities." Sixty-three bibliographies in strictly Utah and Mormon works are the main sources of the tabulation presented herewith, though all citations by whomsoever made have been duly credited to the proper title. Fourteen of the sixty-three are dated before 1899. The earliest formal lists were compiled by Remy & Brenchley and Richard F. Burton, both in 1861. Twelve of these bibliographies were published in the first thirty years of this century; ten of them to 1939; eighteen to 1949; and nine to 1954.

In this particular tabulation (Utah and Mormon) there are 221 titles, with a grand total of 2,297 votes or recommendations. Bancroft's Utah, the old stand-by, tops the list with 92 citations or votes; but Captain Stansbury's Explorations and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, 1849-1850 is a close second with 90. Next comes Burton's City of the Saints with 69; and Whitney's four volume History of Utah, 56. Linn's Story of the Mormons is the next popular item with 51; and Tyler's Mormon Battalion, 46. Simpson's Explorations Across the Great Basin of Utah in 1859 and William Clayton's Journal share like honors with 43 votes apiece; while Gunnison's History of the Mormons is close with 42; and Stenhouse's Rocky Mountain Saints and Carvalho's Incidents of Travel (with Fremont) each have 41. Egan's Pioneering in the West rates 36; Beckwith's Pacific Railroad Surveys, Vol. II, 35; "Escalante's Journal" (all full editions), 34; Tullidge's History of Salt Lake City, 33; and Kelly's Salt Desert Trails and the Journal of Discourses (LDS) each title, 32. John D. Lee's Confessions or Mormonism Unveiled, Little's Jacob Hamblin, and Remy-Brenchly's Journey,

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

had 27 each; Roberts' Comprehensive History of the Church.

26; James S. Brown's Life of a Pioneer, and Chandless' Visit to Salt Lake, Golder's March of the Mormon Battalion, and Linforth-Piercy's Route from Liverpool to Great Salt Lake had 25 each; Hickman's Destroying Angels and P. P. Pratt's Autobiography had 24 each. Creer's Utah and the Nation had 23; Kelly-Howe's Miles Goodyear, 22; Ford's History of Illinois and Toponce's Reminiscences, 21 each; Werner's Brigham Young, 20; Beadle's Life in Utah, Clayton's LDS Emigrants' Guide, and Jenson's Church Chronology and Historical Record, 19 each; Gove's Utah Expedition, 18; Ferris' Utah and the Mormons, Jones' Forty Years Among the Indians, and McClintock's Mormon Settlement in Arizona, 17 each; and Cowley's Wilford Woodruff and Dean Harris' Catholic Church in Utah, 16 votes.

Seven titles received 15 votes; three received 14; three received 13; four received 12; five received 11; seven received 10; seven received 9; thirteen received 8; twelve received 7; nine received 6; eight received 5; seventeen received 4; twenty-three received 3; twenty-three received 2; and thirty-six titles received one vote each. For good measure there is a list of fifty additional titles (not printed herewith), including such fairly well-known works as: Barclay's Mormonism Exposed (1884), Bradford's Origin and Fate of Mormonism, Brown's "Utah Expedition," (1859), Dougall's The Mormon Prophet, Lambourne's The Old Journey, McGavin's Nauvoo The Beautiful, Palmer's Pahute Indian Legends, Richards' Hill Family History, and Wilford Woodruff's Leaves From My Journal, not noticed or mentioned by any other bibliographer.

This, then, is strictly a statistical record which must speak for itself. It is expressed in a sort of universal language and indulges in few controversies. (Though nobody ever forgets the antique that "Figures don't lie; but liars can figure"). A few valued books are not flattered by this tabulation. But, happily, the details will afford a much larger number a much greater benefit in the book selecting and distributing services alone, The details of the tabulation become a sort of readers', consumers', or collectors' guide or monitor, indicating, with little question, the comparative standing of the most used, most influential, and most representative books in the field. It may even

BIBLIOGRAPHERS' CHOICE

221

contain a beckoning green "go" light for the hesitating reprint man. My earnest hope is that the study may prevent someone from buying or using a "dud" or an "outlaw"; or from seeking out at much loss of time and effort some chimerical item with only its elusiveness to commend it. High time, indeed, it is that we all learn that price is usually only an index to the scarcity of an item, howsoever this scarcity occurred or was artificially brought about; and that the principal index to a book's usefulness is its intrinsic worth.

LIST OF BOOKS ON UTAH AND THE MORMONS SHOWING NUMBER OF TIMES EACH TITLE WAS CITED AND USED BY LEADING WRITERS

Adams, George J. A Few Plain Facts. Bedford, England, 1841 _ Adams, John Q. The Birth of Mormonism. Boston, 1916 Alter, J. Cecil. Early Utah Journalism. Salt Lake City, 1938.... . Utah: The Storied Domain. 3 vols. Chicago, 1932....

Anderson, Nels. Desert Saints; The Mormon Frontier in Utah. Chicago, 1942 Ashton, Wendell J. Voice in the West; Biography of a Pioneer Newspaper. New York, 1950 ~ Babbitt, Charles H. Early Days at Council Bluffs. W a s h ington, 1916 _ Bailey, Paul D. Jacob Hamblin, Buckskin Apostle.

Los Angeles, 1948 . Sam. Brannan and the California Mormons. Los Angeles, 1943 _ _ Walkara, Hawk of the Mountains. Los Angeles, 1954 Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Utah. San Francisco, 1889 Bartlett, Daniel H. C. The Mormons, or Latter-day Saints.

London, 1911 Baskin, Robert N . Reminiscences of Early Utah. Salt Lake City, 1914 Beadle, J. H. Life in Utah; or, The Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism. Philadelphia, 1870

1 1 8 15 13 1 2 2 1 4 92 1 11 19

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Polygamy; or. The Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism. Salt Lake City, cl905 2 Beardsley, Harry M. Joseph Smith and His Mormon Empire. Boston, 1931 _ _ 7 Beckwith, E. G. Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Railroad . . . (Vol. II), Washington, 1855 35 Belisle, Orvilla S. The Prophets; or. Mormonism Unveiled.

Philadelphia, 1855 _ 1 Bennett, Fred E. A Detective's Experiences Among the Mormons. Chicago, 1887 _. 1 Bennett, John C. The History of the Saints; or. An Expose of Joe Smith and Mormonism. Boston, 1842 _ 15 Bernheimer, Charles L. Rainbow Bridge. New York, 1924 3 Birney, Hoffman. Zealots of Zion. Philadelphia, 1931 14 Bonney, Edward. The Banditti of the Prairies. Chicago, n.d. 10 Bonwick, James. The Mormons and the Silver Mines.

London, 1872.

10 Brodie, Fawn M. No Man Knows My History. New York, 1945 5 Brooks, Juanita. Dudley Leavitt. Salt Lake City, 1942.

4 . Mountain Meadows Massacre. Stanford, 1950.

3 Brown, James S. Life of a Pioneer. Salt Lake City, 1900 25 Brown, John Z. Autobiography of Pioneer John Brown, 1820-1896. Salt Lake City, 1941 _..._ 4 Burton, Richard F. The City of the Saints. London, 1861.. 69 Cameron, Marguerite. This is the Place. Caldwell, Idaho, 1939 2 Campbell, Alexander. Delusions; An Analysis of the Book of Mormon. Boston, 1832.

Cannon, A. H. A Hand-book of Reference to the History, Chronology, Religion and Country. . . . Salt Lake City, 1884 1 Cannon, Frank J. and Knapp, George L. Brigham Young and His Mormon Empire. New York, 1913 8 Cannon, Frank J. and O'Higgins, Harvey J. Under the Prophet in Utah. Boston, 1911 _ 2

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St. Louis, 1848 . William Clayton's Journal. Salt Lake City, 1921 Codman, John. The Mormon Country. New York, 1874 Conybeare, William J. Mormonism. London, 1854 _ Corbett, Pearson H. Jacob Hamblin, Peacemaker. Salt Lake City, 1952 _ _ Corrill, John. Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints. St. Louis, 1839 Cowley, Mathias F. Wilford Woodruff. Salt Lake City, 1909 Creer, Leland H. The Founding of an Empire. Salt Lake City, 1947 . Utah and the Nation. Seattle, 1929 Crocheron, Augusta Joyce. Representative Women of Deseret. Salt Lake City, 1884 Dickinson, Ellen E. New Light on Mormonism,. New York, 1885 Dutton, Clarence E. Geology of the High Plateaus of Utah.

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Ferris, Mrs. Benjamin G. The Mormons at Home. New York, 1856 â&#x20AC;&#x17E; Ferris, Benjamin G. Utah and the Mormons. New York, 1854 Ford, Thomas. History of Illinois. Chicago, 1854 _.

Frere, John. A Short History of the Mormonites. London, 1850 Froiseth, Jennie Anderson. The Women of Mormonism.

Detroit, 1882 _ Fuller, Metta Victoria. Mormon Wives. New York, 1856 Gardner, Hamilton. History of Lehi (Utah). Salt Lake City, 1913 _ Gates, Susa Y. and Widtsoe, Leah D. The Life Story of Brigham Young. New York, 1930 Geddes, Joseph A. The United Order Among the Mormons.

Salt Lake City, 1924 Gibbs, Josiah F. Lights and Shadows of Mormonism. Salt Lake City, 1909 . The Mountain Meadows Massacre. Salt Lake City, 1910 Gilbert, Grove Karl. Geology of the Henry Mountains.

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Goodwin, Samuel Henry. Mormonism and Masonry. Salt Lake City, 1925, 1927, and 1938 Gottfredson, Peter. History of Indian Depredations in Utah.

Salt Lake City, 1919 Gove, Jesse A. The Utah Expedition, 1857-1858. Concord, N.H., 1928 Graham, Jared B. Handset Reminiscences. Salt Lake City, 1915 Green, Nelson Winch. Fifteen Years Among the Mormons; Being the Narrative of Mrs. Mary V. Ettie Smith. Hartford, 1870 Greene, John P. Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons from. Missouri. Cincinnati, 1839 _ _ Gregg, Thomas. The Prophet of Palmyra. New York, 1890....

Grey, Zane. Heritage of the Desert (fiction) . Rainbow Trail (fiction) _ . Riders of the Purple Sage (fiction) _ Gunnison, John W . The Mormons or Latter-day Saints.

Philadelphia, 1852 _

42

Harmon, Appleton Milo. Appleton Milo Harmon Goes West. Maybelle Harmon Anderson, ed. Berkeley, 1946....

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Hyde, John. Mormonism; York, 1857

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James, George Wharton. Utah: Land of Blossoming Valleys.

New York, 1922 _ Jarman, William. Uncle Sam's Abscess. Exeter, England, 1884 _ _ Jensen, J. Marinus. History of Provo, Utah, n.p., 1924 Jenson, Andrew. Church Chronology. Salt Lake City, 1898, 1905, 1914 . Historical Record. Salt Lake City, 1886, 1887, 1888, 1889, 1890 Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia.

Salt Lake City, 1901 Johnson, Don Carlos. Brief History of Springville, Utah.

Springville, 1900 Jones, Daniel W . Forty Years Among the Indians. Salt Lake City, 1890 Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London, Liverpool, 1854-1886.

Kane, Elizabeth D. W . Twelve Mormon Homes Visited.

Philadelphia, 1874 Kane, Thomas L. The Mormons. Philadelphia, 1850 Kaufman, Ruth and Kaufman, Reginald Wright. The Latter Day Saints. London, 1912 Kelly, Charles and Birney, Hoffman. Holy Murder. New York, 1934 Kelly, Charles and Howe, Maurice L. Miles Goodyear. Salt Lake City, 1937 Kelly, Charles. Salt Desert Trails. Salt Lake City, 1930 Kennedy, J. H. Early Days of Mormonism. New York, 1888.

Kenner, Scipio A. Utah As It Is. Salt Lake City, 1904 _ Kidder, Daniel P. Mormonism and the Mormons.

New York, 1842 Kimball, Heber C. Journal of Heber C. Kimball. Salt Lake City, 1882 Kinney, Bruce. Mormonism: The Islam of America. New York, 1912 Korns, J. Roderic. West from Fort Bridger. (Utah Quarterly. X I X ) . Salt Lake City, 1951

8 3 8 19 19 9 1 17 32 2 7 4 5 22 32 9 2 6 3 4

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Lambourne, Alfred. Our Inland Sea. Salt Lake City, 1909 . The Pioneer Trail. Salt Lake City, 1913 La Rue, E. C. The Colorado River and Its Utilization.

W a t e r Supply Paper 395. Washington, 1916 Layton, Christopher. Autobiography of Christopher Layton.

Salt Lake City, 1911 Lee, John D. The Journals of John D. Lee. Charles Kelly, ed. Salt Lake City, 1938 _ . Mormonism. Unveiled.

[Including Life and Confessions]. St. Louis, 1891 _ Lever, William H. History of Sanpete and Emery Counties, Utah. Ogden, Utah, 1898 Lindsay, John S. The Mormons and the Theatre. Salt Lake City, 1905 Linforth, James and Piercy, Frederick. Route from Liverpool to the Great Salt Lake Valley, Utah. Liverpool, 1855 Linn, William A. The Story of the Mormons. New York, 1902 Little, James A. Biographical Sketch of Feramorz Little.

Salt Lake City, 1890 _ . From Kirtland to Salt Lake City. Salt Lake City, 1890 Little, James A., ed. Jacob Hamblin. Salt Lake City, 1909 Littlefield, Lyman O. Reminiscences of Latter Day Saints.

Logan, Utah, 1888 Lyford, C. P. The Mormon Problem. New York, 1886 McClintock, James H. Mormon Settlement in Arizona.

Phoenix, 1921.

McGavin, E. Cecil. U. S. Soldiers Invade Utah. Boston, 1937 Martin, Stuart. The Mystery of Mormonism. London, 1920....

Mayhew, Henry. The Mormons or Latter-day Saints.

Charles Mackay, ed. London, 1851 â&#x20AC;¢. The Mormons or Latter-day Saints. London, 1852. ... . The Religious, Social, and Political History of the Mormons. Samuel M. Smucker, ed. New York, 1881

227

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Merkley, Christopher. Biography of Christopher Merkley.

Salt Lake City, 1887 Miser, Hugh D. The San Juan Canyon (S.E. U t a h ) . W a s h ington, 1924 Morgan, Dale L. The Great Salt Lake. Indianapolis, 1947 . "The State of Deseret." (Utah Historical Quarterly, V I I I ) , Salt Lake City, 1940 — Musser, A. Milton. Fruits of Mormonism. Salt Lake City, 1878 Neff, Andrew L. History of Utah. Salt Lake City, 1940 Nibley, Preston. Brigham Young, The Man and His Work.

Salt Lake City, 1936 „ „.

Nicholson, John. The Martyrdom of Joseph Standing. Salt Lake City, 1886 Pratt, Orson. "Journal of, 1846-47," (Millennial Star, XIXII, 1849-50) Pratt, Parley P. The Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt.

Chicago, 1874 Pyper, George D. Romance of an Old Playhouse. Salt Lake City, 1937 Quaife, Milo M. The Kingdom of Saint James. New Haven, 1930 — — Remy, Jules and Brenchley, Julius. A Journey to Great Salt Lake City. London, 1861 Richards, Claude. /. Golden Kimball. Salt Lake City, 1934— Riley, I. Woodbridge. The Founder of Mormonism.

York, 1902 Roberts, Brigham H. A Comprehensive History Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Salt Lake City, 1930 . The Life of John Taylor. . The Mormon Battalion.

1 9 3 1 12 9 1 8 24 6 7 27 1

New 6 of the 6 vols.

26

Salt Lake City, 1892

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I

8

Salt Lake City, 1900. ... 1

Salt Lake City, 1919

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Robinson, Philip S. Sinners and Saints.

11

Salt Lake City, 1900.

Boston, 1883

_

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Scott, Reva. Samuel Brannan and the Golden Fleece. New York, 1944 „ Scoyen, Ivind T . Rainbow Canyons. Stanford, 1931 — Shook, Charles A. Cumorah Revisited. Cincinnati, 1910 . The True Origin of the Book of Mormon. Cincinnati, 1914 Simpson, J. H. Explorations Across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah . . . in 1859. Washington, 1876 Sloan, Edward L. Gazetteer of Utah for 1874. Salt Lake City, 1874 . Salt Lake Directory and Business Guide [or 1869.

Salt Lake City, 1869 Sloan, Robert W . Utah Gazetteer and Directory of Logan, Ogden, Provo and Salt Lake City. Salt Lake City, 1884....

Smith, Eliza R. (Snow). Biography and Family Record of Lorenzo Snow. Salt Lake City, 1884 Smith, George A. The Rise, Progress and Travels of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City. 1869 _....

Smith, Joseph. History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Period I. 6 vols. B. H. Roberts, ed.

Salt Lake City, 1902-1912 Smith, Joseph Fielding. Essentials in Church History. Salt Lake City, 1922 _....„ . The Life of Joseph F. Smith. Salt Lake City, 1938. ...

Smith, Lucy M. Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith, the Prophet, and His Progenitors. Liverpool, 1853 Spaulding, Solomon. The Manuscript Found. Lamoni, Iowa, 1885 „ Spencer, Clarissa Young and Harmer, Mabel. Brigham Young at Home. Salt Lake City, 1947 . One Who Was Valiant. Caldwell, Idaho, 1940.

Stanley, Reva, (pseud.). A Biography of Parley P. Pratt; The Archer of Paradise. Caldwell, Idaho, 1937 Stansbury, Howard. Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah. Philadelphia, 1852

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1

6 8 1 15 4 3

3 90

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Stegner, Wallace. Mormon Country. New York, 1942 7" Stenhouse, Fannie (Mrs. T. B. H . ) . Tell it All [including her previous books]. Hartford, 1874 14 Stenhouse, T. B. H. The Rocky Mountain Saints. New York, 1873 41 Stookey, Walter M. Fatal Decision. Salt Lake City, 1950— 1 Talmage, James E. The Great Salt Lake. Salt Lake City, 1900 1 —. The House of the Lord. Salt Lake City, 1912 2 Tanner, J. M. A Biographical Sketch of John Riggs Murdock. Salt Lake City, 1909 2 Toponce, Alexander. Reminiscences of Alexander Toponce.

Ogden, 1923 ,.

21 r Tucker, Pomeroy. Origin, Rise and Progress of Mormonism.

New York, 1867 10 Tullidge, Edward W . The History of all the Northern, Eastern and Western Counties of Utah. Salt Lake City, 1889 15 . The History of Salt Lake City and Its Founders.

Salt Lake City, 1886 _ _ 33 . The Life of Brigham Young. New York, 1876 15 . Life of Joseph the Prophet. Salt Lake City, 1878. _. 3 . The Women of Mormondom. New York, 1877 8 Turner, J. B. Mormonism in All Ages. New York, 1842... „ 7 Tyler, Daniel. A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War, 1846-1847. Salt Lake City, 1881 46 Utah. Historical Records Survey. A History of Ogden.

Ogden, 1940 _ 1 Utah. Writers' Program. Provo. Pioneer Mormon City.

Portland, 1942 _ 4 Utah. Writers' Program. Utah, A Guide to the State. New York, 1941 14 Waite, Catharine V. The Mormon Prophet and His Harem.

Chicago, 1857; and Philadelphia. 1867 13 Ward, Austin N. Male Life Among the Mormons; or. The Husband in Utah. New York, 1857 , 8

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W a r d , Maria. Female Life Among the Mormons.

New York, 1855 _ 6 Warner, Matt. The Last of the Bandit Riders. Caldwell, 1940 „ 3 Warrum, Noble. Utah Since Statehood. 4 vols. Chicago, 1919 I Waters, William E. Life Among the Mormons and a March to Their Zion. New York, 1868 8 W e b b , Robert C. Joseph Smith as a Translator. Salt Lake City, c 1936 2 . The Real Mormonism. New York, 1916 3 Werner, M. R. Brigham Young. New York, 1925 20 West, Franklin L. R. Life of Franklin D. Richards. Salt Lake City, 1924 2 Whipple, Maurine. The Giant Joshua. New York, 1941 _ 2 • •. This is the Place. New York, 1945 3 Whitney, Orson F. History of Utah. 4 vols. Salt Lake City, 1892-1904 56 • —. Life of Heber C. Kimball. Salt Lake City, 1888 9 . Popular History of Utah. Salt Lake City, 1916 5 Widstoe, John A. Discourses of Brigham Young. Salt Lake City, 1925 _ 11 . Dry Farming. New York, 1911 1 Wilson, Elijah Nicholas. Among the Shoshones. Salt Lake City, 1910 7 . The White Indian Boy. New York, 1919. _ 6 W y l , W . Joseph Smith, the Prophet, His Family and His Friends. (Mormon Portraits). Salt Lake City, 1886 5 Young, Ann Eliza. Wife No. 19. Hartford, 1875 10 Young, John R. Memoirs of John R. Young, Utah Pioneer.

Salt Lake City, 1920

_

Young, Kimball. Isn't One Wife Enough?

7 New York, 1954.... 4

Young, Levi Edgar. Chief Episodes in the History of Utah.

Chicago, 1912 . The Founding of Utah. New York, 1923

2 12

S A L T LAKE C I T Y I N 1880:

BY W I L L I A M

A C E N S U S PROFILE

MULDER*

H E A D I N G United States Census reports is not exactly my idea **• of summer entertainment, but one of these fat and forbidding volumes caught my eye recently: a compilation of the Tenth Census (1880) called Social Statistics of Cities. "Utah Territory—Salt Lake City" is the last entry. Moved by a curiosity about the past which always seems keener in July (the spirit of '47, I suspect), I read the description and found the vital statistics of seventy-five years ago still vital. One line sounded like prophecy: "Of late years the houses have crept up the foot of the spur on to the bench, as it is called." Today the Ensign Flats development rises high above the old watermark.

The young and growing city had its problems, some of them painfully familiar: "Salt Lake City has no sewers, nor has it yet adopted any plans looking to the early construction of sewers." Outside the business center "the houses are detached" and "the sanitary regulations of compactly built cities have not, to the present time, been found necessary here"—a euphemistic way of saying plenty of outhouses dotted the landscape.

W h a t distinguished the city's sanitary arrangements were the "irrigation water-channels that run through all the streets."

Property owners were enforced by municipal authority to keep the channels cleaned out. And the city council had a right to levy a ditch and water control tax, no doubt needed in a day when canyon streams still freely traversed the town. Irrigation water, by the way, gave Salt Lake City a municipal office peculiar to itself—the water-master, "who regulates and distributes the water flowing into the city and adjudicates difficulties in the distribution of the supply in the several wards."

In 1880 the city's inhabitants numbered 20,768, including "179 colored, 82 Chinese, and 11 Indians." The population had nearly doubled since the previous census. There were nearly

*Dr. Mulder is assistant professor of English at the University of Utah, managing editor of the Western Humanities Review, leading authority on Mormon Scandinavian immigration, and co-author with A. R. Mortensen of an Alfred Knopf book soon to appear, entitled: "Among the Mormons: Historic Accounts of Contemporary Observers."

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1,000 more females than males (10,815 as against 9,953). Over a third of the residents were foreign-bornâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;7,673 to be exact, most of them from Scandinavia and the British Isles.

Described, not inaptly, as an irregular and broadfaced " L " hugging the western spur of the "Wahsatch," the city was divided into five municipal wards and subdivided into twentyone "ecclesiastical or bishop's wards." "Localities are better known by the ecclesiastical than by the municipal title." In town, each bishop's ward was a uniform square of nine blocks; outlying wards were irregular and larger. Below Ninth South was farmland where the soil was "black loam of great fertility." At the city's northern border from the mountain spur emerged a warm spring with a temperature of 100 degrees Fahrenheit considered therapeutic, site of the W a r m Springs Bath. One and a half miles to the northwest were still hotter springs, temperature 128 degrees, which formed Hot Springs Lake, a shallow lake covering two square miles extending from the base of the mountains to the Jordan River.

The city's trees were already "rendering it a conspicuous contrast with the surrounding country." Gaslights illuminated the central blocks but East Temple Street (now Main Street) and some of the stores used "several electric lamps, on the Brush system."

Salt Lake City, known until 1868 officially as Great Salt Lake City, was not yet calling itself the heart of the scenic West, but economically it was a regional capital, the hub of supply for a wide agricultural and mining domain, a fact made graphic by the railroad lines radiating from it like so many spokes: the Utah Central to Ogden, connecting there with the Central Pacific to San Francisco, the Union Pacific to Omaha, and the Utah Northern into Idaho; the Utah Western to a terminus thirtyseven miles distant; the Utah Southern to Frisco, Utah. The tourists were still to come, but the completion of the railroad in 1869 had brought an influx of mining and business men. And Mormon immigrants to the territory, from the States, from Europe, from Australia, numbering one thousand to six thousand a year, always came to the city first.

By 1880 Salt Lake had suffered its calamities: three floods (1850, '53, '62), three prolonged periods of drouth (1848, '55,

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'79), and seven onslaughts from destructive insects (1848, '54, '55, '67, '68, 7 0 , 7 3 ) . And it had seen a good deal of history: it outlived the state that incorporated it, the provisional State of Deseret,. which was succeeded by the territory of Utah in 1851.

For a time Salt Lake had yielded the seat of government to Fillmore, Millard County, which was nearer the geographical center of the territory, but the capital was moved back after five years, in 1856, to be at the center of the population, if not the map. Salt Lake had once been completely deserted in a mass evacuation known as the "Move South," when in 1858 Brigham Young hoped to forestall the occupation of the city

by Johnston's Army, sent to quell an alleged "Mormon rebellion."

Economically, too, the city by 1880 had had its ups and downs. Old settlers remembered a freak flush timeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the passage through the city of thousands of gold-seekers in 1848-50 who, stripping for the race to the coast, eagerly bartered away their goods, supplying Salt Lake, at a cost below that in the Atlantic states, with many needed articles as they disposed of teams, wagons, clothing, and oxen to obtain pack-horses or mules to make better time. The occasional arrival of gold dust from California helped business too. But provisions went soaring.

In the early summer of 1850, flour sold for $1.00 a pound, even bringing $25.00 per 100 after harvest time. The city's five mills were besieged by emigrants begging for enough flour to carry them through to the new El Dorado.

The evacuation of Salt Lake City in 1858 meant for the merchants "a special business depression," of course, but the location of the soldiers, several thousand of them, about forty miles southwest of the city at what was first Camp Floyd and later Fort Crittenden, made business lively through the demand for supplies and later, with the breaking up of the encampment in 1861, through the forced sale of large amounts of provisions and equipment.

The development of gold mines in Montana and Idaho in 1863 and the years following increased business and raised prices in the city, wheat selling for $5.00 or $6.00 a bushel, and other things in proportion.

The construction of the Union and Central Pacific railroads, completed in 1869, followed closely by the discovery and

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development of valuable silver and lead mines in the territory, introduced a "notable era" of prosperity. Real estate in the city went up to "almost fabulous prices." Shades of the present!

But the city suffered with the rest of the country during the financial depression of 1873-79.

Merchants doing business in the more hopeful days of 1880 remembered too that before railroad days every winter brought Salt Lake City a business depression, a cycle inherent in frontier conditions. Ox teams, which brought the merchandise from the Missouri River, 1,000 miles to the east, could travel only in the summer. Most of the staples were generally sold out by Christmas or soon after, leaving the market bare until fresh supplies came through the next summer.

A table on "Manufactures" in the special census report of 1880 may be translated into an interesting image of the city's work life: of 166 establishments classified as "mechanical and manufacturing industries," boots and shoes led all die rest with 19, followed by blacksmithing with 12, and saddlery and harness with 11. It was a horse and buggy era all right. Salt Lake supported five carriage- and wagon-making shops. Printing and publishing, the intelligentsia will please note, represented the largest capitalization ($154,660.00), followed by malt liquors ($100,500.00, no comment). Oddly enough, "mechanical dentistry" qualified as an industry; Salt Lake had five such establishments.

Together, the city's "manufactures" employed 696 male hands above 16 years of age, 114 female above 15, and 118 children and youths. Their average wage? $458.55 a year.

In 1880 things were looking up for Salt Lake City, long the "half-way house in the wilderness" and always a national attraction: "The present year, owing to the general revival of business throughout the country, with the projection or extension of several railroads in the vicinity, as well as the prospects of a bountiful harvest, promises to be very prosperous."

Maybe that was the year your granddad made his fortune.

J O U R N A L S OF T H E LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY T E R R I T O R Y OF U T A H S E V E N T H A N N U A L SESSION, 1857-1858 (continued from April issue) COMPILED BY EVERETT L. COOLEY JOINT SESSION

Joint Session, Representatives' Hall Tuesday, December 15,1857. 10 a.m.

The two houses met in Joint Session as per previous arrangement.

Called to order by the President of the Council, Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

On motion of Mr. Jas. W . Cummings, James McKnight was elected Public Printer.

On motion of Mr. A. P. Rockwood, one hundred copies of the daily minutes were ordered to be printed for the use of the members and officers of the Assembly.

His Excellency, the Governor then appeared, and after a few remarks, presented his annual message, which was read by Mr. James Ferguson, Chief Clerk of the House.

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives: T h e people, for the promotion of whose advancement in correct government you are now assembled in a legislative capacity, are so remote from the high wrought excitement and consequent entangling questions common to the populous marts of national and international commerce, are so little prone to deem mere property, rank, titles and office the highest prizes for human effort, and through enlightened choice are so invariably peaceful and law-abiding, that your duties partake but in a small degree of that varied, perplexing and intricate description of the legislation of most if not all other communities. But however orderly

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and upright are a people, the changes and experience incident to transpiring circumstances and consequent new views and events, afford ample scope for the exercise of that candid deliberation and prudent forethought without which legislation is liable to be far more detrimental than beneficial.

Those unparalleled habits of industry, sobriety, order, and respect to the just rights of all, which so pre-eminently distinguish the occupants of a region uninviting to dwellers in more favored climes, have continued in a rapidly increasing ratio to advance Utah to a position in social and political progress worthy of the highest commendation. During the past year, for reasons well understood, our progression has not been so particularly marked by improvements under appropriations from the Territorial treasury as it has by unostentatious, persevering, and skillful individual efforts most successfully applied to extending the area of our tillable land; to the gradual introduction of a more economical, systematic, and judicious cultivation of the various products adapted to our soil and climate; to the requisite care and improvement of stock; to the erection of more commodious private dwellings; and to a large and highly encouraging increase in domestic manufactures. These pursuits and their results in the comparatively humble, limited, and tardy mode as yet compelled by the time, thought, and means that can be devoted to their conduct and attainment are tame and uninteresting to those who dwell amid the whirl of mental and physical energies constantly taxed to their utmost tension in the selfish, unsatisfying, and frenzied quest of worldly emolument, fame, power, and maddening draughts from the syren cup of pleasure; but they are laying for us and our children a foundation broad, deep, strong, and durable, upon which, through the blessings of our God, to rear a superstructure for the temporal well-being of ourselves and the thousands upon thousands who will seek unto us for sustenance and the enjoyment of the inalienable rights of civil and religious liberty.

Whether our agricultural interests, though so broadly underlying and essentially upholding all other avocations, require at present the further aid of special legislation may well be questioned, since private enterprise has accumulated individual means until our agriculturists and graziers are abundantly able, either

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singly or by the combination of a few of the more energetic, to procure those approved labor saving machines and import those kinds and numbers of domestic animals that their ripening experience may dictate. And aside from that constantly increasing experience and ability, and a higher tone of energy in their application, the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society have, through the appointment, from time to time, of lectures upon these and other practicable branches of industrial pursuits, and the annual distribution of prizes for the best specimens of home products, diffused a laudable emulation for attaining superior excellence in every department pertaining to our temporal advancement, insomuch that with the facilities as yet at our command it would appear advisable to still leave those and kindred interests to the able management and fostering care of that society. True, their recurring annual Fair, held in this City in October last, owing to circumstances beyond their control, was by no means so fully attended nor the articles in exhibition so numerous and varied as would otherwise have been the case, still the most casual observer could but note and be gratified with the abundant evidence of the industrial prosperity of our Territory.

The mechanical skill of our artisians, so far as material would permit, has also been assiduously applied to the home supply of those necessaries and comforts so essential to well-ordered civilized society, thus freeing us in a goodly degree from the heavy tax of imported goods; yet there is an ample and ever increasing demand for the products of their labor at very liberal rates of compensation, which will doubtless afford all necessary inducement for home manufacture to the full extent of the raw materials in our possession, except, perhaps, in the article of iron. They also, in common with all other classes of our producers, share proportionally in the benefits arising from the annual exhibition of their handiwork in our Fairs.

In some instances, especially so in relation to the sugar cane, cotton, wool and dye stuffs, the want of the raw materials has been a serious drawback, it therefore affords me the greater gratification to be able to inform you that there is a fair prospect, at an early date, that our wants in those particulars will be amply supplied, independent of the burdens of importation. The Sor-

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ghum or Chinese sugar cane has been generally and successfully cultivated in small patches in a great variety of soil throughout many of our settlements, and has been proved to be well adapted to a wide latitude of our climate. This plant is an almost invaluable acquisition, being singularly prolific in seed as well as in a large amount of most excellent forage, and affording a remarkably large proportion of juice, highly charged with saccharine matter, which can easily be manufactured into a syrup almost if not quite equal to the far-famed golden syrup of the sugar refineries, thereby relieving us from the necessity of submitting to a burdensome drain of our circulating medium or the deprivation of a healthful article of diet. A small crop of a very good sample of cotton was successfully cultivated in our southern settlements during the past season, also a few stalks of indigo, and preparations are being made in that region for the production of cotton and indigo to supply our demands, as speedily as indigo seed can be procured in sufficient quantity. Madder can be raised in all our settlements, and it is a matter of astonishment that no seed of so useful and easily cultivated a plant has ever been brought into this Territory, so far as I am informed, and it is to be hoped that our friends abroad will take the earliest steps to supply this want. Our quantity of wool is still far short of an adequate supply, chiefly caused by a measurably culpable inattention to the care of so valuable a class of stock as are our sheep, and to depending too much upon foreign supplies which are at any time liable to be beyond our reach. Your influence, counsels and example can do much towards encouraging the production of wool and flax, that our spinning wheels and looms be not compelled to stand idle, and the people caused to suffer through their own improvidence in affairs within their reach and comprehension.

The manufacture of iron has not been prosecuted with that success so fondly anticipated and so much desired, but an engine having been furnished to the company it is expected that all compatible attention will be given to supplying an article which enters so largely into our various daily operations. In fine, there is no known limit to the resources kindly provided in the elements surrounding us, no trammel upon the skill and energies of the people, to hinder any from putting forth their talents to

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the fullest stretch for enriching, beautifying and making heavenly the mountain and desert regions in which our lot is cast.

Our schools, to those unacquainted with the facts and circumstances connected therewith, may seem not to have received that attention which their importance demands, at the same time each ward throughout the Territory has provided one or more comfortable schoolhouses commensurate with the number of pupils to be accommodated; and proportionately more has been done in Utah for the true enlightenment of the rising generation, than has ever been accomplished under like conditions in any other portion of the Union. And aside from the stated hours and exercise of schools, education is constantly attainable from books, from conversation, from reflection, at home, abroad, in highways and by ways, and as its developments implant the desire for still higher attainments, academies, colleges and universities will arise at the summoning wand of increasing wealth and leisure for learned acquirements until, ere long, we shall as far outstrip the world in every branch of true science as we now do in that knowledge which savoreth of eternal lives. In this great cause, also, your influence and example can be made productive of much good, even though your judgment should lead you, during your present session, to waive direct legislation upon this subject.

Reports from the Auditor and Treasurer, which I have the honor to herewith transmit, will furnish you the requisite information touching the condition of the financial affairs of the Territory.

The Parent Government exercises a general supervision over the aborigines within its borders, yet a brief allusion to the red men within and around Utah may not here be inappropriate, the more especially since the expense of their care and support has, from the beginning, fallen almost exclusively upon us, and from present appearances bids fair to do so altogether; and still, after we have invariably fed and clothed them and treated them with the utmost forbearance, in proper consideration for their degraded condition, if we do not turn out and safely and without charge escort to their destination those passers-through who have cheated, and then poisoned and wantonly slain untutored savages, lying and corrupt presses throughout the Union will send forth against us a united and prolonged howl of base slander

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and false accusations, charging upon us all the murders and massacres occurring between the Missouri River and the Sierra Nevada Mountains, with the sole intent to excite to frenzy a spirit for our extermination. However, much we may be disposed to deplore that savage usage which wrecks indiscriminate vengeance, we still more deeply deprecate that double-dyed villainy of fiendish editors and their lie-loving readers, who willfully suppress and falsely color facts and subvert truths for the sole purpose of raising an unhallowed hue and cry against an innocent people, for those editors and readers have been better taught; and suggest that if all such characters would organize themselves into patroling Vigilance Committees for the purpose of restraining the cruel and outrageous conduct of a portion of the annual passing emigration, they would soon learn that the Indians are far oftener, if not always, when difference of education and habits is included, "more sinned against than sinning," that the most forbearing will not forever patiently endure a continued tirade of unjust threats, abuse and vituperation, that kindness is much more winning than severity, and that the inhabitants of Utah, as ever, are at home noiselessly pursuing their peaceful avocations and struggling to mete out even-handed justice to all, irrespective of creed or party. But however Government may neglect, and however enemies may rage and falsely accuse, the experience derived from a long observation of the yearly improvement in some of the most degraded Indian tribes upon the continent, strongly prompts me to again recommend the continuance of that humane policy so uniformly pursued by Utah towards her wild denizens, gradually leading them like children in the rudiments of civilization, which has so often resulted and will ever result in saving lives that would otherwise have been and otherwise will be destroyed, and which my judgment dictates to be the wisest, most humane, and even cheapest policy that can as yet be adopted.

You are already aware that upon examining the bids for carrying the mail on the route between this city and Independence, Missouri, in the fall of 1856, the contract for that route was awarded to Mr. Hiram Kimball, a citizen of this Territory, in compliance with a rule requiring the acceptance of the lowest responsible bid. You are also aware that the requisite service

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began to be put upon that route so early as February last, upon the first unofficial intimation of the acceptance of the bid, and several weeks before the arrival of official notification, the letter containing that notification having wintered at the Devil's Gate in care of a mail conductor in the employ of the former contractor.

So soon as that notification came to hand, arrangements were entered into for the services of the requisite number of trusty and efficient men to transport the mail and select station points at convenient distances and erect suitable buildings and provide grain and forage thereat; animals and vehicles were rapidly forwarded throughout the whole length of the route, and with such liberality and energy were these proceedings conducted that, instead of occupying and often exceeding the schedule time of thirty days, as had heretofore been the custom in the most favorable seasons of the year, the trips were performed in a less and still lessening number, until Mr. John R. Murdock and company took the July mail through in the unprecedented short time of fifteen traveling days, with every prospect for even that brief period being still further shortened. This prompt, safe and reliable service, attained by the expenditure of upwards of $125,000 in a few months, was well understood in the Post Office Department in Washington, but instead of even making punctual quarterly payments at the low contract rate of $23,000 a year and extending every legal facility and encouragement in their power to the contractor, that Department, taking an unjust and altogether unwarrantable advantage of a clause wisely designed for the protection of public rights, tyrannically disannulled the contract, alleging, as cause for such outrageous usurpation, naught but a failure in commencing the service at the time required, when they well knew that service was put upon the route weeks before the arrival of the acceptance of the bid, unduly detained through the fault of their pet contractor, and bolstering that allegation with the false and slanderous assertion, "the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake rendering the mails unsafe under present circumstances." T o all human appearance such conduct could only have been actuated by the fell design to prevent Utah from receiving a single dollar of public money for the performance of public service honorably contracted for, even though that service were performed in a praiseworthy manner hitherto

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unexampled, and to deprive us, if possible, from becoming acquainted with the exterminating plans concocted in Washington against the most loyal Territory known since the days of the Revolution. Would they have dared to thus treat any state or any other territory, or to have even suggested such treatment?

Everyone knows that they would not. W h a t is obviously the only inference to be drawn from such tyrannical usage by so important a department of the general government? That a deep settled and pre-determined plan has been agreed upon to deprive us of every vestige of Constitutional rights, for that usage accords only with the cry constantly reiterated throughout the states, "destroy the inhabitants of Utah," thereby compelling a numerous portion of the citizens of our boasted republic to fall back upon the indefeasible right of self-defence and adopt lawful measures for their own protection.

It is a matter of deep regret that officers of a government, founded at so great a sacrifice by our forefathers upon "a land choice above all other lands," have become so sunken in degradation as to have utterly lost sight of those pure and just principles embodied in the constitution, and prefer, in the mad pursuit of low, grovelling and selfish aims, to adopt and carry out that suicidal policy, a persistence in which can but end in rending to pieces a nation that otherwise might become the happiest and most powerful on the globe. Reckless office-holders and officeseekers have their poisoned fangs so deeply buried in the vitals of the body politic and are so thoroughly organized and drilled in defence and attack of the spoils, while the tradesmen, the mechanics, the husbandmen and the humble laborersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the real virtue and sound intelligence of the Republicâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;are so busily occupied in their daily toil and, except here and there a few, are so little aware of the dire portent of the future and of the measures necessary for insuring public tranquility, that it is a discouraging task to attempt arresting the turbid current of official corruption that would sweep every vestige of truth, virtue and human rights from our happy country, but the crimsoned satellites of plunder, oppression and usurpation may rest assured that every friend of liberty will resist their destructive progress and stand fast by the Constitution and all laws conformable therewith.

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True, all human instituted governments contain more or less of the weakness pertaining to imperfection, and to this law our government is by no means an exception, still I am not acquainted with any man-made form of government in which are sown so few of the seeds of its own dissolution. Lovers of justice as were the revolutionary patriots, endowed as they were in their deliberations and acts with a goodly portion of that wisdom which cometh from above, and wielding an influence seldom attained by so small a number, yet they were unable to devise a republican form of government without a system of checks and balances, dividing the federative power into three distinct branches controllable only by the will of the sovereign people. Their former experience makes it a matter of no surprise that in their deliberations and acts they leaned so strongly to the side of the largest degree of individual freedom, nor, having suffered so sorely under the cruel rod of religion, established by secular power, that they so clearly and strenuously guarded and guaranteed the widest scope to freedom of conscience and consequent right of worship in accordance therewith. But with the sound judgment and experience possessed by those great statesmen, it is only another evidence of the weakness incident to humanity, even when acting under the best of motives, that after having so long groaned under the bitter oppression of British colonial rule and successfully struggled for the establishment of the inherent right of each and all to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," with the positive guarantee that everyone should be privileged with and protected in the blessings flowing from a republican form of government, whose characteristic consists solely in the well-defined and well-understood fact that the rulers and laws shall proceed only from the election and consent of the governed, they should in April, 1784, pass resolutions, and in July, 1787, over two months previous to the adoption of the Constitution, pass an ordinance specially legislating for American citizens residing on public domain, directly contrary to the very genius of the Articles of Confederation by which they had mutually pledged each other they would be guided. And that very legislation, contrary as it was to the authorities and limitations of the Articles of Confederation existing at the time of the passage of the celebrated Ordinance of '87 and to those of the Con-

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stitution adopted in the same year, as well as to the great truth embodied in the Declaration of Independence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, could be and was endorsed by Americans so long as the usurped power was exercised in justice; and the portion of that illegal legislation copied into "Organic Acts" for territories could still be endured, were it not so grievously abused, as is the case when officers are attempted to be forced upon a free people contrary to their known and expressed wishes. Still, looking as our patriot fathers measurably did to the governmental experience and example of the mother country, and surrounded as they were by so many conflicting views and entangling questions, it is not a subject of so much surprise that they inadvertently took so illegal a course, as it is that an early Congress under the Constitution continued to perpetuate and endeavor to make legal that which neither was nor ever could be law, without first destroying or remodelling the very Constitution from which Congress derives its power to act. And, again, the course of that Congress is by no means so surprising as that Congress after Congress, with a lengthening experience in the workings of the governmental machinery and a boasted increase of enlightenment, should still continue to fasten a portion of that unconstitutional relic of colonial barbarism upon American citizens, whenever a laudable spirit of enterprise induces those citizens to lawfully occupy and improve any portion of the public domain. And it is most surprising of all, that Americans occupying public domain in territories have so tamely submitted to such long continued and obvious usurpation.

Even since the more odious features in the Ordinance of '87 have been omitted in the Organic Acts more recently passed

by Congress for territories, which acts are but illegal patterns after that unconstitutional ordinance, officers are appointed to rule over American citizens in territories and to have a voice in the enactment, adjudication and execution of territorial laws; and worse still, those officers are frequently appointed from a class well-known through the rightfully expressed wishes of large majorities, to be justly objected to by those whom they are appointed to govern. Call you that republican? It is British colonial vassalage unconstitutionally perpetuated by tyranny and

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usurpation in the powers that be. It is difficult to conceive how a people so enlightened as are Americans, should for so long a period have suffered themselves to be measurably disfranchised by usurpations curtailing their rights when passing an air line from a state into a territory, more especially when that changing of locality is to result in the improvement of regions that would otherwise remain waste.

It is foreign to my present purpose to detail that policy which should have governed from the beginning in relation to enlightened residents in our territories, a policy that would not have curtailed them in the least constitutional right, and would thereby have utterly excluded that odious and suicidal inconsistency existing from the first until now between the form and the administration of our government, and would have caused the administration, as does the form, to guarantee equal freedom to all, in territory as well as state, but will merely remark, in passing, that the continued practice of that wretched inconsistency has done and is doing much to undermine the fair fabric of American liberty.

Utah also, like other territories, saw fit to waive those constitutional rights so illegally denied to citizens who cross certain air lines of a common country to extend the area of civil and religious liberty, and an act organizing our territorial government was passed on the 9th of September, 1850. Fortunately for us a wise and good man then occupied the executive chair of our nation, a statesman whose sound judgment and humane feelings prompted him to extend to us our rights, so far as the "Organic Act" and hungry office hunters would permit. He appointed a part of the customary appointees in accordance with the wishes of the people, and no doubt thought that he had appointed good men to fill the remaining offices, but in this he was partially disappointed, being deceived by the foolish although very common habit of recommending men who are not worthy. I am also confident that his successor endeavored to make as good appointments for us as circumstances and unwise counsels and recommendations would allow, but during his administration prejudice began to set in strongly against Utah, and he was so unfortunate as to appoint, at the instigation and solicitation of a then influential senator in Congress, a person who proved to be as

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degraded as his capacity would admit, and who it is reported came, acted, left and still acted in accordance with the instructions from the senator who procured his appointment, but in a manner outraging morality, justice, humanity, law, and even common decency.

The members and officers of the last legislative assembly, familiar with the evils visited upon the innocent by the miserably bad conduct of certain officials heretofore sent here by government, knowing that all republican governments, which both our general and state governments are in form, are based upon the principle that the governed shall enjoy the right to elect their own officers and be guided by laws having their own consent, and perfectly aware that by the Constitution residents in territories are guaranteed that great right equally with residents in states, (for Congress has not one particle more constitutional power to legislate for and officer Americans in territories than they have to legislate for and officer Americans in states) respectfully memorialized the President and Senate to appoint officers for Utah in accordance with an accompanying list containing the names of persons who were her first choice for the offices placed opposite those names, but if that selection did not meet with approval, they were solicited to make the appointments from a list containing other and a larger number of names of residents who were also the choice of the people, and if that selection was also rejected, to appoint from any part of the Union, with the simple request, in such event, that the appointees be good men. In this matter of appointment of officers, what more rights could the most tyrannical in a republican government ask a territory to waive? Yet up to this date no official information concerning the action, if any, taken upon that memorial has ever reached us.

Time glided by, and travelers and newspapers began to confirm the rumor that the present executive and a part of his cabinet had yielded to the rabid clamor raised against Utah by lying editors, corrupt demagogues, heartless office hunters and the ignorant rabble, incited by numbers of the hireling clergy, and were about to send an army to Utah with the sole and avowed purpose, as published in almost every newspaper, of compelling American citizens, peacefully, loyally and lawfully occupying

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American soil, to forego the dearest constitutional rights, to abandon their religion, to wallow in the mire and worship at the shrine of modern civilization and Christianity, or be expelled from the country, or exterminated. W h e r e now are constitutional rights? W h o is laying the ax at the root of the tree of liberty?

W h o are the usurpers? W h o the tyrants? W h o the traitors?

Most assuredly those who are madly urging measures to subvert the genius of free institutions and those principles of liberty upon which our government is based, and to overthrow virtue, independence, justice, and true intelligence, the loss of either of which, by the people, the celebrated Judge Story has wisely affirmed would be the ruin of our republicâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the destruction of its vitality. And ex-President James Madison, among other purposes, declared it to be the purpose of government "to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction."

Has Utah ever violated the least principle of the Constitution, or so much as broken the most insignificant constitutional enactment? No, nor have we the most distant occasion for so doing, but have ever striven to peacefully enjoy and extend those rights granted to all by a merciful Creator. But so unobtrusive and wise a course does not seem to please those who live and wish to live by office, and those who make and love lies, and since those characters are numerous and also powerful through well disciplined organization, and since Utah has yielded right after right, for the sake of peace, until her policy has emboldened the enemies of our Union, it must needs be that President Buchanan, if he has ordered an army to Utah as reported, for he has not officially notified me of such a movement by his order, has at length succumbed, either of choice or through being overcome, to the cruel and nefarious counsels of those enemies, and is endeavoring to carry out a usurpation of power which of right belongs only to the people, by appointing civil officers known to be justly objectionable to freemen and sending a so-called army under mere color of law to force those officers upon us at the point of bayonet, and to form a nucleus for the collection and protection of every gambler, cut-throat, whoremaster and scoundrel who may choose to follow in their train. Such a treasonable system of operations will never be endured, nor

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even countenanced, by any person possessed of the least spark of patriotism and love of constitutional liberty. The President knew, if he knew the facts in the case, as he was in duty bound to do before taking action, that the officials hitherto sent here had been invariably received and treated with all the respect their offices demanded, and that a portion of them had met with far more courtesy than elsewhere would have been extended to them, or their conduct deserved; he also knew, or had the privilege of knowing, that the memorial of the last assembly, as already stated, respectfully informed him that Utah wished good men for officers, and that such officers would be cordially welcomed and obeyed, but that we would not again tamely endure the abuse and misrule meted by official villains, as were some who have formerly officiated here. Such being a few of the leading facts, what were the legitimate inferences to be drawn from the rumors that the President had sent a batch of officials with an army to operate as their posse? That he had willfully made the official appointments for Utah from a class other than good men, and placed himself, where tyrants often are, in the position of levying war against the very nation whose choice had made him its chief executive officer.

Fully aware, as has been justly written, that "patriotism does not consist in aiding government in every base or stupid act it may perform, but rather in paralyzing its power when it violates vested rights, affronts insulted justice, and assumes undelegated authority," and knowing that the so-called army, reported to be on its way to Utah, was an undisguised mob, if not sent by the President of the United States, and if sent by him, in the manner and for the purpose alleged in all the information permitted to reach us, was no less a mob, though in the latter event acting under color of law, upon learning of its near approach I issued, as in constitutional duty bound, a proclamation expressly forbidding all bodies of armed men under whatsoever name or by whomsoever sent, to come within the bounds of this territory.

That so-called army or, more strictly speaking, mob refused to obey that proclamation, copies of which were officially furnished them, and prosecuted their march to the neighborhood of Forts Bridger and Supply (which were vacated and burnt upon their approach) where it is said they intend to winter. Under

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these circumstances I respectfully suggest that you take such measures as your enlightened judgment may dictate, to insure public tranquility and protect, preserve, and perpetuate inviolate those inalienable constitutional rights which have descended to us a rich legacy from our forefathers.

A civilized nation is one that never infringes upon the rights of its citizens, but strives to protect and make happy all within its sphere, which our government, above all others, is obligated to accomplish, though its present course is as far from that wise and just path as the earth is from the sun. And under the aggravated abuses that have been heaped upon us in the past, you and the whole people are my witnesses that it has more particularly fallen to my lot and been my policy and practice to restrain rather than urge resistance to usurpation and tyranny on the part of the enemies to the Constitution and constitutional laws (who are also our enemies and the enemies of all republics and republicans) until forbearance under such cruel and illegal treatment cannot well be longer exercised. No one has denied or wishes to deny the right of the government to send its troops when, where and as it pleases, so it is but done clearly within the authorities and limitations of the Constitution, and for the safety and welfare of the people; but when it sends them clearly without the pale of those authorities and limitations, unconstitutionally to oppress the people, as is the case in the so-called army sent to Utah, it commits a treason against itself which commands the resistance of all good men, or freedom will depart our nation.

In compliance with a long established custom in appointing officers not of the people's electing, which the Supreme Court of the United States would at once in justice decide to be unconstitutional, we have petitioned and petitioned that good men be appointed, until that hope is exhausted; and we have long enough borne the insults and outrages of lawless officials, until we are compelled in self-defence to assert and maintain that great constitutional right of the governed to officers of their own election and local laws of their own enactment. That the President and the counselors, aiders and abettors of the present treasonable crusade against the peace and rights of a territory of the United States, may reconsider their course and retrace their steps is earnestly to be desired, but in either event our trust and

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confidence are in that Being who at his pleasure rules among the armies of heaven and controls the wrath of the children of men, and most cheerfully should we be able to abide the issue.

Permit me to tender you my entire confidence that your deliberations will be distinguished by that wisdom, unanimity and love of justice that have ever marked the counsels of our legislative assemblies, and the assurance of my hearty co-operation in every measure you adopt for promoting the true interests of a territory beloved by us for its very isolation and forbidding aspect, for here, if anywhere upon this footstool of our God, have we the privilege and prospect of being able to secure and enjoy those inestimable rights of civil and religious liberty, which the beneficient Creator of all mankind has, in his mercy, made indefeasible, and perpetuate them upon a broader and firmer basis for the benefit of ourselves, of our children and our children's children, until peace shall be restored to our distracted country.

Brigham Young On motion of Mr. Stout, one thousand copies of the message were ordered to be printed for use of the Assembly, and the editor of the Deseret News requested to print it in that paper.

On motion of Mr. Stout, a Joint Committee was appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of the Assembly, concerning the message and official course of His Excellency, Governor Young.

Councilor D. H. Wells and Geo. A. Smith, and Messrs.

Orson Hyde, J. W . Cummings and Hosea Stout were appointed said Committee.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

On motion of Councilor Wells, the Joint Session dissolved.

Wednesday, December 16, 1857.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Social Hall, Great Salt Lake City, December 16, 1857. 10 a.m.

Council convened pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President.

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Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

On motion of Councilor Smith, the freedom of the Council Chamber was tendered to Mr. John P. Barnard of Malad, the Probate Judges of the Territory, Gen. C. C. Rich, Cols. N. V .

Jones, R. T. Burton, and Thos. Callister, Messrs. Edwd. Hunter, E. Snow, John Young, Joseph Young, Phineas H. Young, John Smith and Isaac Morley.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

On motion of Councilor Carrington, the Council adjourned till Monday 21st inst. in order to give the committees time to report.

HOUSE

Representatives' Hall, December 16, 1857. 10 a.m.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, the rules of last session were adopted for the regulation of the House.

The following committees were appointed by the Speaker: Military Affairs—J. C. Little, A. P. Rockwood, I. C. Haight, H. B. Clawson, J. W . Cummings.

Elections—W. W . Phelps, J. C. Snow, Preston Thomas.

Claims—Daniel Spencer, H. B. Clawson, C. W . West, and J. C. Wright.

Judiciary.— Orson Hyde, Hosea Stout, Aaron Johnson, J. W . Cummings.

Public Works—C. W . West, John D. Parker, I. C. Haight, J. G. Bigler.

Appropriations—A. P. Rockwood, Aaron Johnson, A. McRae. Incorporations—Isaac Bullock, A. McRae, Geo. Peacock.

Roads, Bridges and Ferries—Aaron Johnson, Daniel Spencer, John Rowberry.

Education—W. W . Phelps, J. C. Wright, Hosea Stout.

Indian Affairs—Hosea Stout, Isaac C. Haight, John D. Lee.

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Engrossing, Printing, and Library—Joseph A. Young, H. B. Clawson, J. C. Snow.

Petitions and Memorials—J. W . Cummings, J. C. Snow, J. G. Bigler.

Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures—Orson Hyde, J. C. Little, Daniel Spencer, Preston Thomas, J. A. Young.

Revenue—J. D. Parker, R. N . Allred, P. T . Farnsworth.

Counties—J. Rowberry, P. T . Farnsworth, R. N . Allred.

Herding and Herd Grounds—Isaac Bullock, John D. Lee, Geo. Peacock.

Territorial Affairs—J. W . Cummings, A. P. Rockwood, J. C. Little, C. W . West.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, 100 copies of the list of Standing Committees were ordered to be printed for the use of the House.

Minutes read and accepted.

Adjourned until Monday 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Monday, December 21, 1857.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Great Salt Lake City, Monday, December 21, 1857. 10 a.m.

Council met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

On motion of Councilor Wells, a message was sent to the House requesting them to meet in Joint Session immediately.

The Sergeant-at-Arms of the House appeared and announced that the House was ready to meet the Council in Joint Session, upon which the Council repaired to the Representatives' Hall.

1 1/2 p.m.

On dissolusion of the Joint Session, the Council convened in their Chamber.

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The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

O n motion of Councilor Smith, the Council adjourned till Wednesday 23rd inst. at 10 a.m.

HOUSE

Representatives' Hall, Monday, December 21, 1857. 10 a.m.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

Mr. Phelps, on behalf of the Committe to whom was referred the claim of John P. Barnard to a seat in the House, made the following report: "The committee who were appointed to examine the claim of John P. Barnard to a seat with this body beg leave to report that they have conferred with him, and he has withdrawn his claim.

W . W . Phelps, Chairman."

On motion of Mr. Cummings the report was received.

Mr. J. C. Snow presented a petition from the citizens of Payson City, praying for an extension of their Corporation boundaries.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the petition was referred to the Committee on Incorporations.

The following message was received from the Council: "You are respectfully requested to meet with the Council in Joint Session immediately."

On motion of Mr. Snow, the request of the Council was concurred in, and the House adjourned to meet in Joint Session.

1 1/2 p.m.

House met pursuant to adjournment from Joint Session.

Roll called, quorum present.

On motion of Mr. Hyde, the liberty of the House was granted to Gen. C. C. Rich, Erastus Snow, Bishop Hunter, Gen. Lewis Robinson, Col. J. M. Simmons, Col. R. T. Burton, Col. N. V . Jones, Col. Thos. Callister, Col. J. P. Harmon, Danl. Cam, Edwin D. Woolley, and such others as the Speaker may think proper to invite.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the minutes were adopted.

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Representatives' Hall, Great Salt Lake City, Monday, December 21, 1857.

The Assembly convened in Joint Session as per previous arrangement.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Councilor Wells in behalf of the Joint Committee to whom the subject was referred, reported: Resolutions expressive of the sense of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah, concerning the message and official course of His Excellency, Governor Brigham Young, which were read, and on motion of Mr. W . W . Phelps, the Resolutions were received and read the first time, and taken up on their second reading.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the Resolutions were adopted, and ordered to be signed by the members of the Assembly.

Mr. Ferguson, Chief Clerk of the House, in behalf of the officers of the Assembly asked that the officers be permitted to sign these Resolutions.

On motion of Councilor Carrington, the privilege was granted.

Councilor Carrington presented: J. S. F. No. 1. "An Act Disorganizing and Attaching Green River County."

On motion of Mr. Bullock, the bill was received and passed its first reading.

The bill passed its second reading.

The bill was read the third time, and on motion of Mr. Hyde, the bill passed.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

On motion of Councilor Wells, the Joint Session dissolved.

Wednesday, December 23, 1857.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Social Hall, Wednesday, December 23, 1857. 10 a.m.

Council convened pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President.

LEGISLATIVE JOURNALS

257

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

T h e President then administered the customary oath to W a r r e n S. Snow, Councilor elect from Juab and San Pete Counties.

On motion of Councilor Carrington, the matter in the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th paragraphs of the Governor's message was referred to the Committee on Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures; that in the 7th paragraph to the Committee on Education; that in the 8th paragraph to the Committees on Revenue and Public Works; that in the 9th, to the Committee on Military; that in 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd, to the Committee on Territorial Affairs.

The report of the Auditor of Public Accounts being called for, was read.

On motion of Councilor Smith a message was sent to the House, notifying them that it was the intention of the Council to adjourn till Monday, January 4, 1858, and asking their concurrence.

The following message was received from the House: "You have the concurrence of the House in your adjournment till January 4. The House will follow your example."

The minutes being called for were read, and on motion of Councilor Farr, accepted.

On motion of Councilor Smith, the Council adjourned till Monday, January 4, 185b.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

HOUSE

Representatives' Hall, Wednesday, December 23, 1857.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by Chaplain.

Mr. Lee presented: Petition from John Rowberry and others praying for a Herd Ground and grass land in Tooele County.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the petition was referred to committee on Herding and Herd Grounds.

The Speaker introduced a variety of questions on the subject of wool, flax and Home Manufactures, which being read,

258

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

on motion of Mr. Rockwood, the subject was referred to the Committee on Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures.

The following message was received from the Council: "The Council desire to adjourn to Monday, January 4, 1858.

Have they your concurrence."

On motion of Mr. Young, the following resolution, passed by the Council, was concurred in by the House: "That the matter in the 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th paragraphs of the Governor's Message be referred to the Committee on Agriculture, Trade, and Manufactures; that in the 7th paragraph, to the Committee on Education; that in the 8th paragraph to the Committee on Revenue and Public Works; that in the 9th, to the Committee on Military; that in the 10th, to the Committee on Petitions; that in the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd, to the Committee on Territorial Affairs.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the minutes were read and adopted.

On motion of Mr. West, the House adjourned till Monday, January 4, 1858. 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Monday, January 4, 1858.

COUNCIL

Council Chamber, Social Hall, Great Salt Lake City, Monday, January 4, 1858. 10 a.m.

Council met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

On motion of Councilor Farr, a message was sent to the House requesting them to meet in Joint Session this morning.

The following message was received from the House: "The House is ready to meet the Council in Joint Session immediately."

On motion of Councilor Johnson, the Council adjourned to meet in Joint Session in the Representatives' Hall.

LEGISLATIVE JOURNALS

259

HOUSE

Representatives' Hall, Monday, January 4, 1858. 10 a.m.

House met pursuant to adjournment.

Roll called, quorum present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

The following message was received from the Council: "You are respectfully requested to meet the Council in Joint Session this morning."

On motion of Mr. Clawson, the Council were notified that the House were prepared to meet them in Joint Session.

Minutes read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. Young, adjourned to meet in Joint Session.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Great Salt Lake City, Monday, January 4, 1858. 10:30 a.m.

The Assembly went into Joint Session, according to previous arrangement.

Mr. McRae presented: Petition of James Worthington, Harrison Severe, Emery Barras and James M. Worthington for a herd ground in Ibapah Valley, which was read, and on motion of Mr. W . W . Phelps, was referred to the Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds.

Mr. Jos. A. Young presented the Annual Report of the Librarian, and J. S. F. No. 2. "An Act Appropriating Means to Repair Books Belonging to The Utah Library," which was read, and on motion of Mr. Rockwood, was referred to the Committee on Appropriations with instructions to incorporate the amount in the General Appropriation Bill.

Mr. James W . Cummings presented: Territorial Road Commissioners Annual Report, with a bill for services rendered during the past year.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, the bill was referred to the Committee on Claims.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the Report was referred to the Committee on Roads, Bridges and Ferries.

260

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

On motion of Councilor Wells, His Excellency, Governor Young was respectfully requested to lay before the Legislative Assembly the correspondence between himself and the invading army now menacing this Territory, with a view to its publication; and also any documents, or other information which he may have received from the President of the United States, or any other department of government, in relation to their sending officers or an army to this Territory.

Mr. Stout presented: Code Commissioners' Bill for services compiling from the U. S. Statutes at large, all laws applicable to Utah Territory agreeable to the acts passed by the last session of the Legislative Assembly.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the Bill was received and referred to the Committee on claims.

The Honorable W . H. Hooper, Secretary of the Territory, asked permission to sign the Resolutions expressive of the sense of the Legislative Assembly relative to the message and official course of His Excellency, Governor Brigham Young.

On motion of Mr. J. C. Little, permission was granted.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the Committee on Elections were instructed to report to the Legislative Assembly at their earliest convenience the number and kind of offices to be filled by the joint vote of both houses of the Legislature.

Mr. J. G. Bigler moved that a committee be appointed to wait upon the Hons. John Taylor and George A. Smith requesting them to report to this Assembly at their earliest convenience the situation of affairs at Washington City, as also the manner in which the petition of the people of this Territory asking for admission into the Union as a free and sovereign state, was received.

Seconded and carried unanimously. Whereupon, the President appointed Councilors D. H. Wells and Albert Carrington, and Messrs. C. W . West, J. W . Cummings and Joseph A. Young said committee.

The minutes being called for, were read, and on motion of Mr. Phelps, accepted.

On motion of Mr. Joseph A. Young, the Assembly adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

[Journal to be concluded in the October issue]

ORSON PRATT PIONEER A N D PROSELYTER B Y T . EDGAR LYON*

/ ^ \ N September 19, 1811, Orson Pratt was born at Hartford, ^ ^ Washington County, New York. He was converted to the Mormon faith by his brother, Parley P. Pratt, and was baptized into the Church on his nineteenth birthday. From then until his death at Salt Lake City, fifty years later (October 3, 1881), he was one of the most energetic missionaries, theologians, and writers that the Latter-day Saint Church has produced. The varied activities of this talented man can be grouped under eight headings: 1. Proselyting.

2. Developing Latter-day Saint doctrines. He was foremost in formulating: a. The "Gathering," b. Plural marriage, c. Pre-existence, d. Eternal progression.

3. Developing a basic "Mormon" philosophy.

4. Pioneering in the West.

5. Scientific speculations.

6. Educational endeavors among the L.D.S. people.

7. Legislative interests.

8. Historical activities.

This paper will be limited to portions of three of these areas, namely: his pioneering, the doctrine of "Gathering," and proselyting. *Mr. Lyon is associate director of the L.D.S. Institute of Religion at the University of Utah. His Master's Thesis at the University of Chicago concerned itself with the life of Orson Pratt. He is currently completing his Ph.D. in history at the University of Utah.

[See Philip A. M. Taylor, "Mormons and Gentiles on the Atlantic," pp.

195-214, for a parallel and complementary discussion of British Mormon proselyting and emigration.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;Editor's note.]

262

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

During the trek of the vanguard of the Mormon Pioneers to the Salt Lake Valley in the summer of 1847, Orson Pratt played an important role. He was commissioned to make the scientific observations of the expedition. He kept a journal of these activities, from which many writers among the pioneers drew the information which they incorporated in their journals and publications. He was often a day or more ahead of the pioneer vanguard, making his observations, recording his findings, locating camp sites and exploring interesting natural phenomena of the country through which they were passing.

While encamped on the Bear River on July 13, 1847, Orson Pratt was appointed by the other members of the Council of the Twelve Apostles to go ahead and find the route into Salt Lake Valley taken by the Reed-Donner party of the previous year. 1 He left camp that day with a party consisting of twenty-three wagons and forty-two men, going through Echo Canyon, the Weber Valley, to Henefer; thence across to East Canyon, Mountain Dell and Emigration Canyon. He attempted to find a better road than the emigrants of 1846 had taken, but in nearly every case found their road the best.2 W i t h Erastus Snow, he entered Salt Lake Valley on July 21, 1847, but returned in the evening to his company which was camped a few miles up Emigration Canyon. Again on July 22, he entered the valley, and on the 23rd, as the senior member of the Apostles then in the valley, he dedicated the land for the gathering of the saints. He described the event in these words: . . . after dedicating ourselves and the land unto the Lord, and imploring his blessings upon our labors, we appointed various committees to attend to different branches of business, preparatory to putting in crops, and in about two hours after our arrival we began to plough, and the same afternoon built a dam to irrigate the soil . . . which was exceedingly dry. 3 W h e n Brigham Young arrived in the valley on the afternoon of the twenty-fourth of July, he made no attempt to 1 Pratt refers to it as the party of "Mr. Reid." See Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star. XII (Liverpool, June 1, 1850), 164, 165.

"Ibid.. 164-66, 177-79.

Hbid., 178, 179.

ORSON PRATT

263

change the site selected by Pratt. Thus it was Pratt, not Young, who selected the location of future Zion and who also dedicated it as the gathering place of the saints.

During the succeeding weeks, Pratt directed the surveying of the proposed city, with its streets, blocks, and city lots. But more important than this physical accomplishment was his contribution in the form of a new religious interpretation. The literalism of Mormon biblical exegesis taught that in these "Last Days" a new Zion would be built upon this continent, prior to the apocalyptic return of Jesus. In 1831, the location of Zion had been designated as lying within Jackson County, Missouri. 4 The saints were exiled from this location, and also driven from their chosen site at Far West, Missouri, after which they settled in Nauvoo, Illinois. Many assumed that this would become their Zion, but this location was also abandoned under public pressure.

As early as 1842, Joseph Smith had directed his thoughts toward a settlement of his people in the Great Basin so that the westward movement of the Latter-day Saints in 1847 was a continuation of his plan.

The difference in outlook between Brigham Young and Orson Pratt is nowhere more clearly seen than in an analysis of the sermons they delivered during their short sojourn in the Salt Lake Valley in the summer of 1847. Young devoted his public utterances almost entirely to practical affairsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;timber, land and water policies; fencing; housing; farming; adobe making, etc. Pratt had traveled the same route as Young, but he had been studying the scriptures as he traveled slowly westward and had reacted in a religious rather than economic manner to the new situation. His creative mind saw in the settlement within these mountain valleys the fulfillment of the Old Testament prophecies concerning Zion. The first Sunday in the valley, Brigham Young called on Pratt to address the assembled pioneers.

He took for his text, "How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings . . . for they shall see eye to eye, when the Lord shall bring again Zion" (Isaiah 52:7, 8).

The following Sunday he elaborated this theme, weaving 'Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (all editions), 57:2,3.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

into it texts from Isaiah 2:2,3; 11:11,12; 42:12; 32:15,16; Genesis 49:22-26, and a number of others. H e argued that the seed of Joseph (and he proceeded to validate the belief that the Mormons were the seed of Joseph) had been promised a greater land than that of any other Israelitish tribes who were to inherit the land of Canaan. Joseph's land should extend to ". . . the utmost bounds of the everlasting hills. . . ." By astute reasoning, it was explained that this Great Basin area must be that land and hence the place where ". . . the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the tops of the mountains." Here the new Zion would be built by the saints as the latter-day world capital, from which should go forth the law of the Lord to all the world, as would the word of the Lord from Jerusalem.5 Although Pratt further developed this thesis in the following years, it was in these early sermons that he gave it its fundamental explanation. The importance of this point of view must not be underestimated in any study of Mormon history, expansion and colonization. H e did more to popularize it than any other Church leader. It soon became one of the Mormon doctrines, especially in the poverty-stricken cities of Europe, and made a powerful appeal in the conversion of thousands to Mormon beliefs. It furnished the motivation behind the desire of thousands of the saints throughout the world to emigrate to Zion.

It gave them courage to endure the difficulties of the journey from distant lands and the hardships of the pioneer life that followed, as they felt they were actually building "God's Kingdom." This ideal became the crucible in which the religious, theological and economic life of Mormonism were united into a successful pioneering achievement.

The trip to the Great Basin had not only impressed Brigham Young with the vastness of the uninhabited West, but also with the possibility of settling hundreds of thousands of people there to create a great commonwealth. Regardless of whether his motives in this matter were altruistic or designed to make himself master of a great theocratic inland empire, it is certain that he carefully planned every movement. Since 1840, England had been the most fruitful field for gaining proselytes to Mormonism. Realizing that the success of this new enterprise called "Contributor, XII (Salt Lake City, 1891), 203, 204.

ORSON PRATT

265

for a great number of people, among them craftsmen and mechanics of every sort, Young turned his attention toward England. He wanted an able, energetic man to take charge of the Church in the British Isles, to convert and send thousands to the mountain valleys. The choice fell upon Orson Pratt, and it proved to be a wise one. Pratt was not by nature especially suited to the rigors of pioneering, but he had great ability as a speaker and writer, and these were the qualities most needed in proselyting activities of the Church.

Leaving Winter Quarters in May 1848, he arrived in Liverpool on July 28 and a few days later assumed the presidency of the Church in the British Isles, which numbered approximately 17,000 members. 8 For the next twenty-nine months he was dominated by two ideasâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to convert people to Mormonism and to have them migrate to the new Zion. At a general conference of the Church, held at Manchester on Sunday, August 13, 1848, he presented to the saints an account of the westward movement of the Church, showing that it was done in fulfillment of prophecy. He used Isaiah 40:9 as his text: " O Zion, that bringest good tidings, get thee up into a high mountain; O Jerusalem, that bringest good tidings, lift up they voice with strength; lift it up, be not afraid; say unto the cities of Judah, Behold your God." He then discussed his text by asking three questions: (1) " W h o were the people that the prophet here addresses as Zion?" By an array of texts, chiefly from the Psalms and the Doctrine and Covenants, he showed that the Latter-day Saints were intended. (2) " W h a t is the nature of the good tidings which Zion shall bring?" This he showed to be the restored gospel, as preached by the Latter-day Saints. (3) " W h y is Zion commanded to Get up into the high mountains'?" By use of Old Testament prophets he showed that it would be the duty of the saints to build a city in the mountains, where the God-fearing of all nations might assemble in safety and build a temple to their God, in preparation for the apocalyptic reappearance of their Lord.

This sermon set the saints on fire with a new zeal. It was printed in the Millennial Star,7 and later expanded and distri'Ibid., 275, 276; Millennial Star, X (August 1, 1848), 253.

7 lbid.. (September 1, 1848), 262-66.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

buted widely throughout the British Isles, the Scandinavian countries, Germany, and the Netherlands. 8 On August 15, 1848, Pratt published a "General Epistle to the Saints," in which he emphasized the necessity for an immediate emigration of all those able to migrate to America. 9 He wrote: Let the presiding elders of all the conferences throughout this island and adjacent countries, see that the Saints are thoroughly, wisely, and judiciously instructed in all points in relation to the gathering. The gathering of the Saints is a very important item of our faith. It is founded upon divine revelation, both ancient and modern. . . . It seems to be a theme upon which all the prophets of the Old Testament dwelt with peculiar interest. 10 The Gathering was thus made a test of religious devotion and loyalty to the Church. Even though their finances were not sufficient to take them beyond Council Bluffs, or some other point where they could secure work to provide for themselves and obtain an outfit to proceed to the Great Basin, they were urged to start the journey without delay. The epistle is exceedingly strong in its millenarianism and forecasts a terrible day of judgment on the nations of the earth and all those who remain in "Babylon." 11 The following extracts are indicative of the warning it contained: W e have now sought out a resting place in the solitary valleys of the great interior of the western continent. There, in the deep and lonely recesses of the "everlasting mountains" we hope to hide ourselves for a small moment, while the indignation of the Almighty is poured upon the nations. There we hope to rear a house unto the God of Jacob. . . .

None of the Saints can be dilatory upon this subject, and still retain the spirit of God. T o neglect or 8

Issued under the title "The New Jerusalem," Liverpool, 1849.

'Millennial Star, X (August 15, 1848), 241-47.

"Ibid., 242, 243. " I n early Latter-day Saint literature the word "Babylon" is used to refer to all parts of the world outside of "Zloc"

ORSON PRATT

267

be indifferent about gathering, is just as displeasing in the sight of God as to neglect or be indifferent about baptism for the remission of sins. . . . Let all the Saints who have property in houses, or in lands, or in goods, or in tenements, or in banking institutions, or in any other incorporations or companies, or in merchandise, or in manufacturing establishments, or in any other circumstances or conditions, immediately set themselves at work, with all wisdom and prudence and with much prayer, to dispose of their property, to wind up, arrange, and bring to a close their business, to collect together all of their riches, and go forth to the mountains of the Lord,—to the valley of the Great Salt Lake—with their gold and silver, and wearing apparel and precious things. . . . Now is the day of deliverance! The sword is now unsheathed! It hangs glittering over the nations! It will soon fall and devour much flesh! . . . . O save us!

O deliver us! O bring us to the mountains of thy holiness, and not suffer us to perish in the day of thy fierce wrath when thou arisest to take vengeance—to overturn governments—to destroy kingdoms—to lay waste the nations.

Awake, then, O ye Saints, awake! set your faces Zionward . . . for the day of evil is at hand . . . it shall come from all quarters, like the rushing together of adverse elements—like the whirlwind in its fury . . . O, then, where will be safety? It shall be in mount Zion.

There only shall the daughter of peace select her habitation. . . Make good your retreat before the avenues are closed up. 12 The epistle then laid down twelve rules to govern the saints in arranging their sailing reservations, payments for passage, embarkation precautions, and similar helpful directives. Arrangements were set in order whereby Pratt secured a license as a ship broker and the Church headquarters in Liverpool became an emigrant shipping office.13 By chartering a vessel to sail from Liverpool to New Orleans, Pratt was able to offer passage "Millennial Star, X (August 15, 1848), 24M7.

"Ibid., (November 1, 1848), 331.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

from about £3, 5s, upwards (about $15.40), with children from one to fourteen years for about ten shillings ($2.40) less, and infants under one year free.

It was announced that deck passage on river steamers from New Orleans to St. Louis could be had for about 10s, 4 d,14 but this was later raised to 16 or 17 shillings.15 Still later, the entire trip from Liverpool to Council Bluffs was listed as £6 for adults and £4 for children from one to fourteen, with 10Q pounds of luggage carried free for each fare.10 To assist the emigrants Pratt operated a store at mission headquarters in Liverpool, where straw mattresses and the necessary tinware that each passenger must provide for the voyage could be procured at rates below the customary market price.

It was announced that each transatlantic fare, regardless of the price, would include the following provisions for each passenger over twelve months of age, as specified by law: Good navy bread about _ -..

—33 Rice -10 Oatmeal : 10 W h e a t flour 10 Peas and beans 10 Potatoes 35 Vinegar 1 Fresh water ~ 60 Salted pork, free of bone _ ~ 10 And a sufficient supply of fuel for cooking17

lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. pint gallons lbs.

Pratt recommended that, in addition to these staple foods furnished by the chartered ship, the saints should take the following items for each person, to relieve the monotony of the voyage: 10 lbs. of the best biscuits @ 3d per lb 2 lbs. rice @ 3d per lb _ 4 lbs. sugar @ 3-1/2d per lb „ 1/2 lb. of tea @ 2s Od per lb 2 lbs. of coffee @ 6d per lb "Ibid., XI (January 1, 1849). 7.

"Ibid., (June 15, 1849). 185.

"Ibid.. XII (July 1, 1850), 194.

"Ibid., X (August 1, 1848), 245.

£ 2 6 6 1 2 6 1 0

ORSON PRATT

4 4 3 3

lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs.

of treacle @ 2-1/2d per lb of raisins or currants @ 4-1/2d per lb of butter @ Is Od per lb of cheese @ 8d per lb

269

1 0 1 6 3 0 2 0 ÂŁ 0 13 0 These items were all for sale by Pratt at the store operated at Church headquarters. 18 After some months of experimentation, Pratt decided to include these luxuries in the shipping fare so that each person received them at the time of embarkation.

The first shipment of saints for Zion, under Pratt's direction, sailed from Liverpool abroad the Erin's Queen on September 15, 1848, carrying 269 passengers. 19 A second, the Sailor Prince, sailed on September 24, with 311 souls aboard. 20 Regular sailings were scheduled and the response to his appeal was great.

In one four-week period in January and February, 1849, he sent five ships to New Orleans, carrying 1,239 saints destined for Zion. 21 During a twenty-seven-month period he sent more than 5,500 saints Zionward. 22 It must be remembered that his notification of the organization of the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company did not reach Liverpool until the spring of 1850. He had organized this vigorous work more than eighteen months before he learned that Brigham Young had instituted an organization to assist in the migrations.

The British saints responded to Pratt's appeal so enthusiastically that he was able to comment on their response as follows: The spirit of emigration has seized upon the Saints, and we are glad to see it. How true are the words of the prophet Isaiah; he informs us that "in that day" not only the "deaf shall hear the words of the book," but that the poor among men shall rejoice in the Holy One of Israel." If the poor of England can by any means get sufficient means to emigrate to a land of plenty, they will greatly better their condition. W e verily believe that the Lord will open a door in due time, that the poor, "Ibid., 245, 282.

"Ibid., 281. â&#x201E;˘lbid., (October 15, 1848), 311. nibid., XI (February 15, 1849), 56, 57, 71.

22 Ibid., XIII (February 1, 1851), 43, 44.

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as well as all others, may emigrate. Will they not rejoice then in the Holy One of Israel? Their temporal condition will be incalculably better than in this country, to say nothing of their spiritual condition. W e hope to see a nation of English Saints formed in the great interior of North Americaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all under the government of a celestial law. W e hope to see the poor riding in their fine carriages in the high places of the earth. W e hope to hear the mountains, and the hills, and the valleys reverberating with their songs of joy.23 Although some wealthy people were converted to the Church in England, the majority appear to have been drawn from the class commonly referred to as "the poor." T o save sufficient money to migrate would be a task of a lifetime for many of these "poor." As colonists were needed immediately in the Rocky Mountain valleys, President Pratt taught, in his First General Epistle, that concession should be made to them respecting the law of tithing, as follows: The law of tithing was given by revelation several years ago. . . . By this law, one tenth part of your property is required; and ever after, one tenth part of your annual income must be given in. In this country there are doubtless many Saints who cannot comply with this lawâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;who are dependent upon their daily labor to procure the scanty morsel of coarse food, which is barely sufficient to keep soul and body together. Of such, it is not to be expected that one tenth will be required; for in so doing they would distress themselves and their families perhaps beyond endurance. It would be better for. some one to give to them, than for them to give.

There are others, who, though not suffering, can barely procure sufficient to sustain themselves, and perhaps lay by one, two or three shillings per week, so that in case of sickness, the want of employ, or some other unforeseen circumstances, they may not be entirely destitute. They hope by this slow process to eventually procure enough to emigrate to a land of plenty. W e do 23

Ibid., X (September 1, 1848), 269-70.

ORSON PRATT

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not require tithing of such. There are others whose circumstances are some better, and who can, without distressing themselves or families, or without hedging up the way of their emigration, pay in their tenth; and of them it is required. . . .24 Elder Orson Spencer, who had presided over the British Mission prior to the arrival of Orson Pratt in July 1848, remained in England until January of 1849. He was appointed to visit the various congregations of Mormons and collect their tithing, that he might take it with him to Utah when he emigrated, to assist the Church in its pioneering endeavors. 25 It appears, however, that even the wealthier Saints took advantage of Pratt's suggested exemption and Elder Spencer wrote to him from W o o l wich in November that he was meeting with poor response in his collections. Pratt wrote in an editorial the following justification for this exemption he had allowed: . . . in America the poor as well as the rich pay tithingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a tenth being required of all Saints. But here the situation of the poor is very different from what it is in a land of plenty. Wisdom would seem to dictate that the poor should use every laudable exertion to extricate themselves from starvation, and, if possible, emigrate to the Pottawattomie county [Winter Quarters and Council Bluffs area], where their temporal condition will be bettered at least a hundred fold; and where they can do more in two weeks in the form of tithing than they could in this country in a whole year. 26 This statement, however, apparently failed to produce the much needed and greatly desired tithing revenue. In an official announcement under date of December 15, 1848, Pratt fixed the tithing exemption with the following statement: "Every person who has ÂŁ9 [$43.92] per head for himself and family, or over that sum, should pay one-tenth part thereof as tithing. He will then have enough left to emigrate with his family to Council Bluffs."27 Throughout this period the eschatological elements of the 2 'lbid., 2

(August 1, 1848), 245, 246.

Hbid., (November 1, 1848), 330. mbid., (December 1, 1848), 359-61.

27 lbid., (December 15, 1848), 373.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

"Last Days" were stressed on the pages of the Millennial Star.

Under two captions, "Varieties" and "Signs of the Times," news items were culled from the press of the world, relating to earthquakes, floods, fires, wars, rebellions, disasters at sea, etc. The moral was always attached that these were signs of the coming destruction and the Saints must flee from Babylon if they were to be safe. For example, Pratt wrote the following: W a r , that fatal curse of fallen beings, has not yet ended its ravages . . . The United States, now a flourishing and great nation, shall feel its direful ravages. The North and the South shall unsheath the glittering sword, and in the heat of their anger rush headlong into the opening vortex that has swallowed up nations and generations. While the nations of the Old World will catch the fatal spirit, and drench the soil of Europe with the blood of millions, Asia shall rise up and go forth to the valley of slaughter, where many nations and kings shall perish in one day. W a r , dreadful war, awaits all nations! Zion alone shall escape! There in her peaceful habitations shall the righteous dwell! W a r shall not disturb her quiet resting places. 28 In similar fashion, announcements that could be used to explain biblical predictions made their appearance. The Millennial Star of November 1, 1848, announcing the discovery of gold in California, made this statement: The discovery of gold on the branches of the Sacramento river seems to be confirmed by many witnesses. It is found in pieces of different sizes, from that of small dust to quantities as heavy as an ounce. From 10 to 100 dollars per day is the amount frequently collected.

It is reported that this discovery was made by the Mormons, probably by Brannan's company, who were, we believe, the only settlers in the gold country. . . . Let not the Saints be astonished, for the Lord, speaking by the mouth of Isaiah concerning the riches and glory of wibid., (November 15, 1848), 345-46.

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273

the Latter-day Zion says, "For brass I will bring gold."

(Isaiah LX:17) 2 9 There was much unemployment in Britain at this period and wages were low. America held out a great economic incentive to immigrants, as wages were high and land was cheap. Europe was war-torn and politically upset by the revolutions of 1848. The establishment of the French Republic in 1848 led some radicals to agitate a similar change in Britain. T o the religiously inclined these events were forebodings of God's coming judgments. It is, therefore, not surprising that Pratt was able to capitalize on this latent millenarianism. He rallied thousands of converts behind his drive, and fed a steady stream of artisans, farmers, business men, and laborers into the valleys of the Great Basin. His part in making the desert "blossom as the rose" was not inconsequential.

2

*lbid.. (November 1, 1848), 330.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS Saddles and Spurs. The Pony Express Saga by Raymond W .

Settle and Mary Lund Settle. (Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, the Stackpole Company, cl955, ix + 217 pp. $3.75) At last somebody has dug under the grass roots of the Pony Express saga, distinguished between fact and fancy, and given us a well-documented story of this great Western adventure.

W h e r e possible the debris of conjecture has been cleared away after diligent search in the available records of nearly a century ago. Many of the myths of the firm of Russell, Majors & Wadded are dispelled and the three partners come out of the investigation with reputations untarnished. At the outset two of these men felt that the enterprise might fail financially; yet, they all threw themselves into it with vigor, and the Pony Express was born. As a demonstration that the mail could push through to the Pacific Coast by the direct route, the undertaking was a success; as a flourishing business, it was a failure. The partners in this firm should be numbered among the great men who participated in winning the West. They furnished the brains and the money.

The riders, because of the nature of their work, received the lion's share of the glory. But the keepers of the stations had the more hazardous job and received little public acclaim. The horse that carried the mail could outrun marauding Indians, but the stations, when attacked, were defended usually by two men who had to win or die. They could not gallop away to safety.

Some fifty photos and drawings adorn the volume. These are mostly of riders. W h e r e possible, biographies have been obtained and written into the work.

Again the question bobs up: " W h o rode first?" Many names are submitted and commented upon but no definite person is chosen and the query, " W h o rode first?" still remains a mystery.

This mystery has been brought up in every volume the reviewer has read on this subject. Perhaps it will never be solved. After all it is not so important. There was little danger in making the start either from the East or the West. The most important thing is that all who rode, rode well. And the man who galloped over terrain infested by Indians, or in weather as bad as nature

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

275

is able to cook up, with the unquenchable courage to see that the "mail went through"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;to him is awarded the palm.

Dwellers in the Great Basin region might wish that more had been written about events that occurred in its borders, since it was the chief platform on which the drama was played. However, this must not be taken as a criticism as the history is a well-developed and balanced narrative.

Saddles and Spurs is a must for any library or home that lays claim to interest in the development of the Great West.

Bountiful, Utah

Charles R. Mabey

Cattle and Men. By Charles Wayland Towne and Edward Norris Wentworth. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955, xiii + 384 pp. $4.00) In their book. Cattle and Men, Towne and Wentworth write exclusively of beef cattle and the meat-producing qualities of the more adaptable breeds. N o mention is made of dairy cattle or the dairy industry. In the words of the authors, "it is the aim of this book to trace the progress of the ox from the prehistoric times down to the moment it leaves the modern packing house in the form of a prime rib roast or a soup bone. It does not aspire to be a history, an encyclopedia, or a textbook. It hopes to tell a story." In the main, intentionally or unintentionally, the writers have included most of the above elements in this volume. The book is a history of the evolution of beef cattle. It does tell a good story, but impresses the reviewer as being somewhat encyclopedic.

Chronologically, the narrative begins with prehistoric times when man, the roamer, was striving to achieve mastery over the animal world and, more important, through certain animals, to promote a more sedentary and stable existence. In the latter respect, cattle have proved invaluable. They have provided him with food, clothing, shelter and draft power. Nor have their contributions been economic only. They have enriched his religious rites and folklore and added to his amusements. John Gibson of the famous nineteenth century cattle breeding family once wrote: "It is impossible to overestimate the services rendered by the ox to the human race. Living, it ploughs the owner's

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

land and reaps his harvest, carries his goods or himself, safeguards his property values, helps him fight his battles. . . . W h e n dead, its flesh forms a chief source of animal food; its bones are ground into manure or turned into numerous articles of use or adornment; its skin is made into leather; its ears and hoofs into glue; its hair is mixed with mortar; and its horns are cut and moulded into spoons and other useful articles."

"Men and cattle developed together; each had a powerful influence on the life of the other." The main theme of the book emphasizes this close connection and interpendence of the two and points up what cattle did for man and what man did to cattle.

Generally, the book reads well although the casual reader is likely to find that the multitude of Latin names detracts somewhat from the readability of the first four chapters. The portion of the book dealing with the "traditional" cattle industry of Texas, New Mexico, Wyoming and Montana is, of necessity, brief but well done. It is brief because the account of the open range cattle industry is only part of the over-all treatment of the subject. The final chapters relating to breeding and cross-breeding, feeding, showing, slaughtering and commercial utilization of by-products are excellent. Most accounts of the cattle business end when the steer reaches the sale yards. It is most refreshing to find an interesting and informative account of its progress from an occupant of a cattle car into a cutlet.

Montana State College

Alton B. Oviatt

Up Home. By Ardyth Kennelly. (Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1955, 376 pp. $4.00) Up Home, as was Ardyth Kennelly's Peaceable Kingdom, is the story of a Mormon plural marriage, the Ecklund family.

Olaf Ecklund is torn between his responsibilities to his two households; his first wife Sigrid, and Linnea, wife number two. But life is never dull in the Ecklund household, and readers will welcome the opportunity to share again that life which, with all its difficulties, is still harmonious and compounded of affection, security, optimism and humor.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

The Land Grabbers. By John S. Daniels.

Lippincott, 1955, 222 pp. $2.75)

277

(Philadelphia, J. B.

This book is a novel of the Old W e s t faced with the impact of the new. It is a tale of the 1880's when the U. S. Government, under pressure from homesteader groups is forcing the reluctant Ute Indian tribes from their ancestral lands in Colorado to a new reservation in Utah. Gunplay and hand-to-hand fighting spice this portrayal of a dramatic crisis in the Indian-versus-squatter wars of the late nineteenth century.

Lost Treasure Trails. By Thomas Penfield. (New York, Grosset and Dunlap, cl954, 153 pp. $2.50) Thomas Penfield has written a unique book, not only about the early seekers for gold—the Spanish conquistadors, pirates of all nations, and the westward moving pioneers, but about presentday ones too—and not only about what they found, but what they didn't find that yet awaits the finder. Among the fascinating chapter titles which stir the imagination are'—"Buried Treasure"; "Treasure Trove Law"; "Lost Mines"; "Burnt Wagons and Buried Treasure"; "Treasure Code and Signs"; and "Guide to Hidden Treasure in the United States and its Waters." The book is vividly illustrated by Robert Glaubke, and young and old will enjoy it.

The American Cowboy: The Myth and the Reality. By Joe B. Frantz and Julian Ernest Choate, Jr. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) Ahselm Weber, O.F.M.: Missionary to the Navaho 1898-1921.

By Robert L. Wilken. (Milwaukee, The Bruce Publishing Company, 1955) Charles F. Lummis: Editor of the Southwest.

By Edwin R. Bingham. (San Marino, Huntington Library, 1955) Civil War on the Western Border, 1854-1865. By Jay Monaghan. (Boston, Little, Brown and Company, 1955) Culture on the Moving Frontier. By Louis B. Wright. ington, Indiana University Press, 1955)

(Bloom-

278

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Empire on the Pacific: A Study in American Continental Expansion. By Norman A. Graebner. (New York, Ronald Press Company, 1955) The Fullmer Family. Compiled by Raymond E. Nilson.

Lake City, multilithed, 1956)

(Salt

The Great Plains in Transition. By Carl Frederick Kraenzel.

(Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) Index (Pony Express Courier, June 1934 to May 1944 and The Pony Express June 1944 to May 1954). (Sonora, California, The Pony Express Publishers, cl955) Journal of a Trapper. By Osborne Russell. Edited by Aubrey L. Haines. (Portland, Oregon Historical Society, 1955) Land of Their Choice: The Immigrants Write Home. Edited by Theodore C. Blegen. (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1955) Maude Adams: An Intimate Portrait. By Phyllis Robbins. (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1956) Men and Trade on the Northwest Frontier, as Shown by the Fort Owen Ledger. Edited by George F. Weisel. (Missoula, Montana State University, 1955) Mineral Resources, Navajo-Hopi Reservations, Arizona-Utah.

By George A. Kiersch. (Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1955) Mormon Country (A Survey of Utah's Geography). By H. Bowman Hawkes. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Department of Geography, 1955) Park and Recreation Progress, 1955 Yearbook. Compiled by National Conference on State Parks. (Washington, D.C., 1955) Peter Pond, Fur Trader and Explorer. By Henry R. Wagner.

Yale University Library Western Historical Series, No. 2.

(New Haven, Yale University, 1955) Presidential Ballots, 1836-1892. By W . Dean Burnham. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1955)

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

279

The Reasons Why Place Names in Arizona are so Namedl By Charles H. Newton. (Phoenix, Charles H. Newton Publishing Company, 1954) Strangers in the Land: Pattern of American Nativism, 1860-1925.

By John Higham. (New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1955) Trailing the Cowboy: His Life and Lore as Told by the Frontier Journalists. Compiled and edited by Clifford P. Westerneier.

(Caldwell, Idaho, The Caxton Printers, 1955) Uranium Mining on the Colorado Plateau.

U. S. Bureau of Mines, n.d.)

(Washington, D. C ,

Whoop-up Country: The Canadian American West, 1865-1885.

By Paul F. Sharp. (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1955) Writings on American History 1951. Volume II American Historical Association Annual Report, 1953. (Washington, G.P.O., 1956) Wyoming Pioneer Ranches. By Robert H. Burns, A. W . Gillespie and Willing G. Richardson. (Laramie, Wyoming, Top of the World Press, [1955]) Harry H. Crosby, "The Great Utah Diamond Fraud," American Heritage. February, 1956.

Richard G. Beidleman, "The 1859 Overland Journal of Naturalist George Suckley," Annals of Wyoming, April, 1956.

Maurine Carley, "Oregon Trail Trek No. Two (October 25, 1953)," ibid.

Ray

H. Mattison, History," ibid.

"Devils Tower

National

Monumentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;A

F. H. Sinclair, "Plains History Revitalized," ibid.

Raymond Carlson, "Guest Book in the Valley [Mr. and Mrs. Harry Goulding in Monument Valley]," Arizona Highways, April, 1956. . "The Valley that Nobody Knows," ibid.

280

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Allen C. Reed, "Ceremony in the Valley; a Navajo Girl Blossoms into Womanhood," ibid. , "John Ford makes Another Movie Classic in Monument Valley," ibid. , "Mission in the Valley ibid.

[Seventh Day Adventist],"

F. P. Rose, "Butterfield Overland Mail Company," The Arkansas Historical Quarterly. Spring, 1956.

Merrell Kitchen, " O n the Spelling of Kearny," The Iron (Los Angeles Westerners), March, 1956.

Branding

Madge Wolfenden, "John Tod: Career of a Scotch Boy [Hudson's Bay Company Fur T r a d e ] , " British Columbia Historical Quarterly, July, October, 1954.

Robert W . Johannsen, "Edward O. C. Ord on Frontier Defense," California Historical Society Quarterly, March, 1956.

Nell Murbarger, "In the Land of the Pronghorn," Desert zine, April, 1956.

Maga-

Walter Ford, "Las Vegas Spring," ibid.

Anson P. Call, "High Priests to Fix up Old Cemetery [Hebron, U t a h ] , " Deseret News (Church News), May 12, 1956.

William Mulder, "Half-way House in the Wilderness (Salt Lake City in 1880)," Deseret News, March 17, 1956.

W . H. Cadman, "Conference in Monongahela, Pa." [The Church of Jesus Christ], The Gospel News, May, 1956.

"Historical Monuments and Plaques in the State of Wyoming," The Historical Landmark Commission of Wyoming Biennial Reports, 1947-1954.

Doyle L. Green, "Los Angeles Temple Dedication," Improvement Era, April, 1956.

Meflo J. Pusey, "Ezra Taft Benson; A Living Witness for Christ," ibid.

Albert L. Zobell, Jr., "President David O. McKay is honored for 50 Years of Devoted Service," ibid,

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

281

Richard Hirtzel, "The Story of B Y . U . Leadership Week," ibid..

May, 1956.

Artel Ricks, "Hyrum's Prophecy [Kirtland, Ohio]," ibid.

William R. Palmer, "He Lives on in Their Hearts [Jacob Hamblin]," The Instructor, March, 1956.

Jack Sears, "A Sacred Witness to all Men [Millard F. Malin and the Angel Moroni for the Los Angeles Temple]," ibid.

Matt Lagerberg, "The Bishop Hill Colonists in the Gold Rush" (Jonas W . Olson's journal of an overland journey in 1850 through Salt Lake City), Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Winter, 1955.

Ralph Thomson, "Kirkpatrickania," Quarterly, May, 1956.

Mountain-Plains

Library

Eugene H. Wilson, "The Mountain-Plains Library Association Region: Its Nature and Future," ibid.

Donald F. Danker, "The Nebraska Winter Quarters Company and Florence," Nebraska History, March, 1956, Lloyd E. McCann, "The Grattan Massacre" [caused by a Mormon cow], ibid.

Robert G. Athearn, "The Education of Kit Carson's Son," New Mexico Historical Review, April, 1956.

Frank D. Reeve, "A Letter to Clio" [a lengthy essay on Paul Horgan's great river, the Rio Grande], ibid.

Alexander E. Jones, "Albert Pike as a Tenderfoot," ibid.

C. Gregory Crampton and Gloria G. Griffen, "The San Buenaventura, Mythical River of the West," Pacific Historical Review, May, 1956.

John D. Hicks, " W h a t ' s Right with the History Profession," ibid.

Donald W . Meinig, "Research in Railroad Archives," Pacific Northwest Quarterly, January, 1956.

Samuel Roskelley, "Cache Valley in 1855," The Roskelley Record, March, 1956.

Family

282

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

"General Conference Issue" [Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints], Saints' Herald, April 30, 1956.

E. M. Axtell, "How Best to Help the Indians," ibid.. May 14.

1956.

"The Name of the Church" [Reorganized CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST of Latter Day Saints], ibid.

"John Wickersham Woolley," Srar o/ Truth, May, 1956.

David E. Miller, "John Baptiste, Grave Robber," SUP March, 1956.

News,

James P. Sharp, "Porter Rockwellâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;A Gun and a Moral," ibid.

"Revolution, Not Revolt (Agriculture and Ezra Taft Benson)," Time. May 7, 1956.

Everett Bair, "Queen of the Utes [Chipeta]," True West, April, 1956.

Norman B. Wiltsey, "World's Greatest Slaughter [buffalo]," ibid. , "The Rifle That Opened the West [Hawken]," ibid., May-June, 1956.

Sam Dicke, "Know the Truth about Indians," ibid.

"Uranium: 1956," ibid.

"The Deseret News and Polygamy," Truth, March, 1956.

Gale Rose and Howard R. Hardy, "Look into Utah's Future," Utah Educational Review, March, 1956.

Edwin V. Rawley, "Nutria," (Utah) Fish and Game Bulletin, April, 1956.

"Utah's Accidental Animal [the moose]," ibid.

Joy Anderson, "On Having a Book in Mind," Utah Library Association Newsletter, Spring, 1956.

Olive Burt, "Murder is a Minstrel," ibid.

L. H. Kirkpatrick, "Having a Brain Child," ibid.

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

283

Virginia Sorensen, "World in a Closet," ibid.

"The Saints at Nauvoo, Illinois, 1840-1846," The (Chicago) Westerners Brand Book, August, 1955.

Leonard J. Arrington, "Objectives of Mormon Economic Policy," Western Humanities Review, Spring, 1956.

Robert Lee Cook, "Hyacinths and Primroses in the Dead United States," ibid.

C. Gregory Crampton, "Professor at Panama," ibid.

Marvin Lewis, "James W . Gaily and Frontier Culture: A Forgotten Representative," ibid.

Jonreed Lauritzen, "The Mustangâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Freedom's Horse," Westways, March, 1956.

Philip Johnston, "When the Pueblos Rebelled," ibid.. May, 1956.

David Morgan Roderick, "The Great Coin Confusion," ibid.

"Report of the 1956 Conference [Church of Christ (Temple Lot)]," Zions Advocate, May, 1956.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

W y H E Board of Directors of the California Historical Society ••• is pleased to announce the acquisition of the Whittier Mansion as a permanent home for the Society at a cost of $75,000.

Located in San Francisco's Pacific Heights on the northeast corner of Jackson and Laguna streets, this 19th century red sandstone building overlooks California's Golden Gate, historic scene of activity from Spanish times through the Gold Rush era to World W a r II. The residence represents one of the state's few examples of Victorian elegance remaining unchanged through the years. Careful consideration has been given to its interior plan. It will adequately house the library, exhibits, and social functions of the Society and yet permit the retention of the original period design and atmosphere. For the Society's purposes, there are more than 3,500 square feet of usable area on each floor, exclusive of the ballroom. Removal of the Society to its new address will occur in the fall of 1956. At that time, a gala reception and open house will inaugurate this permanent home and a new era in the Society's history."

The California Historical Society should be congratulated on the acquisition of a new and permanent home for their priceless historical collections. W e would be remiss in our duty if we did not take advantage of this announcement to remind the world that we too will have a new home in the not too distant future. By act of the legislature, we are to move into the mansion built by the late Thomas F. Kearns, and used, since the late 'thirties, as a residence for the governors of the state of Utah.

Without having seen the Whittier Mansion, it would appear that the future home for this Society will be larger, more commodious and palatial. It is also a building of considerable historical significance, not only for the man who built it and who served this state as United States Senator in the early years of this century, but it too represents a prime example of the architecture of the late Victorian period.

Dr. William Mulder, distinguished member of the Society, has been named to deliver the twenty-first annual Reynold's

HISTORICAL NOTES

285

Lecture in January, 1957, at the University of Utah. He is, perhaps, one of the youngest professors ever to have been so honored. T h e purpose of the annual award is to honor an outstanding faculty member whose research or creative work merits public attention. A student of western culture, particularly that of Utah, Dr. Mulder will speak on some aspect of this field. A member of the University staff since 1946, Dr. Mulder is managing editor of the Western Humanities Review and has contributed articles on literature, history, and religion to Harvard Theological Review; South Atlantic Quarterly; Church History; Mississippi Valley Historical Review; Pacific Historical Review; Improvement Era; Salt Lake Tribune; and is a frequent contributor to this magazine.

In 1948, a trip to Scandinavia was awarded Dr. Mulder for a prize essay in the national Swedish Pioneer Centennial contest. The Pacific Coast Branch, American Historical Association, in 1951, presented him with an award for the "most deserving contribution to the Pacific Historical Review." The Cache Valley Chapter of the Utah Historical Society was most fortunate on April 25, last, for on that date Dr. Mulder was the guest speaker at their regular monthly meeting, the subject of his talk being, "Scandinavian Contributions to Cache Valley and Utah."

Recognition, in the literary field, is being accorded two other members of the Society. Virginia Sorensen, author of several novels with Utah, the Mormons, and the W e s t as her central theme, has won the 1955 Child Association Award for her "juvenile" Plain Girl (Harcourt, Brace, 1955); and Paul Bailey's story of Sam Brannan, The Gay Saint (Murray & Gee, cl944), is soon to be made into a movie.

Mr. M. A. Hortt, Society member and former Utahan (born in Orderville), was honored recently for his service to the community of Fort Lauderdale, Florida. As a pioneer in that area, Mr. Hortt's success story is typically "Horatio Alger." The small amount of money he was able to invest in real estate has literally turned to gold. He bought and developed properties in the Fort Lauderdale area, and is now recognized as one of the foremost realtors in the South as well as one of its wealthiest

286

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

men. Mr. Hortt maintains a lively interest in historical matters and is an ardent supporter of the Historical Society.

Along with his many friends and associates, the Society feels a loss at the passing of Mark A. Pendleton, a well-known author in early days. He was an assayer in Silver Reef years ago, and his "Memories of Silver Reef," and "Naming Silver Reef," were published in early issues of the Quarterly.

"A most significant collection of American studies," the papers and manuscripts of the late Bernard DeVoto has been acquired by the Stanford University Libraries. The purchase, including more than five hundred volumes, was made possible by a gift to Stanford from Edward H. Heller, San Francisco stock broker and a regent of the University of California.

Manuscripts of DeVoto's published works, as well as manuscripts of some work in progress at the time of his death, are included. Also included is his vast correspondence for the past thirty years with leading literary figures. Publication rights to the letters are with Houghton Mifflin, and some of the letters will be withheld from public use while persons mentioned are still living.

An early printing press, used for the printing of early Mormon and Utah papers, is preserved in the S U P Museum. In 1848 Orson Hyde printed the Frontier Guardian on this press at Kanesville, now Council Bluffs, Iowa, and later in Utah at Spring Lake Villa the Farmer's Oracle was published, and still later at St. George, Our Dixie Times, the Rio Virgin Times, The Cactus, the Utah Pomologist, the Silver Reef Echo and the Silver Reef Miner.

In line with publication notes of interest, the monthly magazine Truth, published for twenty-one years, has discontinued publication with the May issue.

The two lead articles in Nebraska History (March, 1956), published by the Nebraska Historical Society, are of particular significance to Mormon and Utah history. "The Grattan Massacre," by Lloyd McCann develops the thesis that the ghastly affair was predicated on a "Mormon cow." "The Nebraska

HISTORICAL N O T E S

287

Winter Quarters Company and Florence," by Donald F. Danker is a scholarly article outlining the history of Florence, which, as is stated, "is closely bound to that of the Mormon emigration through Nebraska."

T h e promoters of the town, built upon the site of the Winter Quarters, sought to renew the interest of the Mormon leaders in the area as a staging place for the converts on their way to Utah. In this the Mormon leaders probably were influenced in their decision to comply by their familiarity with the area and by its historic connection with their movement. The handcart expeditions of 1856, 1857, 1859 and 1860 made ready for their journey at Florence. But the year 1863 was the last year that the Mormons staged there. The next year, Wyoming, a village in Otoe County about forty-five miles below Florence, was chosen as the new starting point for the emigrants. Among several factors contributing to the failure of Florence to meet the expectations of her founders as The City of Nebraska, the author concludes that the loss of the Mormon trade was an important one.

Dr. Joel E. Ricks wishes to announce that A History of a Valley, the history of Cache Valley which is to be published by the Cache Valley Centennial Commission, will go to press early this summer.

Somewhat different from the usual run of pioneer observances is the "Mormon Battalion Trek to Fort Moore and the Old California Gold Fields," scheduled by the Sons of Utah Pioneers for the week of July 1-8. The affair is planned for the dedication of the Fort Moore Memorialâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and a most interesting itinerary is outlined for the lucky couples who are able to go.

A private foundation, the Eugenia Clair Smith Foundation, Incorporated, has filed for incorporation papers with the Secretary of State of our neighbor state, Nevada. The purpose of the foundation is to secure data on the history of Nevada from persons now living in the state. Such data as is gathered will be correlated, edited and filed with the State Museum in Carson City, the Nevada Historical Society, the Bancroft Library in San Francisco, the University of Nevada, the Smithsonian Insti-

288

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tute in Washington; and will be made available to researchers, schools and chambers of commerce. Tape recordings of the interviews with oldtimers in the state, still pictures, and motion pictures of the entire state will be taken and made available.

Mr. Edgar N . Carter of Burlingame, California, has made a scale model of Fort Bridger and presented it to the Fort Bridger State Museum. Mr. Carter is the son of Judge William A. Carter who, in 1857, came with Johnston's Army as post sutler to Fort Bridger and remained there for many years. Young Edgar grew up in the fort and he has supplemented his memory with intensive search in archives and government documents until he has produced a replica of the old officers quarters, the barracks, the guard houses, hospital, bandstand, Pony Express stable and sheds, milk house, and all the buildings used by Johnston's Army one year after they had arrived in Fort Bridger.

This model, which took Mr. Carter eighteen months to construct, will be of great value to students of the historical background of the area.

The library of the Society has copies of the following for sale: Archeological Investigations at Paragonah Utah, by Neil M. Judd; John Rocky Park in Utah's Frontier Culture, by John Clifton Moffitt; Origins of Utah Place Names (Third Edition), compiled by the Utah Writers' Project; Provo, Pioneer Mormon City, compiled by Workers of the Writers' Program. And for welcome additions to the library we wish to thank the following for their gifts: Josie Moore Crum, Philip A. M. Taylor, Laurence E. Baty, L, R. Kendrick, Jacob Heinerman, Lawrence Clark Powell, Raymond E. Nilson, L. H. Kirkpatrick, Richard B. Pyke, M. Wilford Poulson, Ivard Rogers, William Mulder, and Adolph M. Reeder, and William A. Dawson.

U T A H P R E S I D E N T I A L E L E C T I O N S , 1896-1952

BY FRANK H. JONAS AND GARTH N. JONES*

T N observing voting habits in Utah politics, it has become axioâ&#x20AC;˘*â&#x20AC;˘ matic to say that as the nation goes, so goes the state. For example, one observer in 1940 stated that "voting in Utah since statehood has been mainly along national lines." 1 Omitting 1896, he summarized that "from 1900 to 1916, the state voted Republican; and from 1932 to 1940, Democratic." He noted, howlican; and from 1932 to 1940, Democratic." He noted however, that "in 1912, though the United States elected Woodrow Wilson, the state remained Republican." 2 To bring these sweeping summaries up-to-date, one must add that the state continued to vote with the nation from 1940 to 1952, Democratic from 1940 to 1948, and Republican in 1952.

Voting statistics in Utah elections for the president and the vice-president of the United States from 1896 to 1952, presented here for the first time, with percentages showing the margins between the two major parties, as well as the results for third parties, reveal that there have been two significant deviations from this pattern. 3 In 1896 William Jennings Bryan, although losing the presidency to William McKinley, the Republican candidate, by less than one percentage point,4 overwhelmed his opponent in Utah by winning 82.7% of the vote.

By 1900 Utah had slid barely over into Republican ranks, *Dr. Jonas is on the staff of the political science department at the University of Utah and is a student and writer on Utah politics. Dr. Jones teaches in the department of political science at the Brigham Young University. x Frank H. Jonas, "Utah: Sagebrush Democracy," in T. C. Donnelly, ed., 2Rocky Mountain Politics (Albuquerque, 1940), 36. lbid.

3 From statehood (1896) to 1948 only the names of the party presidential electors were on the ballot. The names of the presidential nominees were secured from the Senate Manual Containing the Standing Rules and Orders of the U. S. Senate (Washington, 1953), 651-88; World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1953 (New York, 1953), 77; Who's Who in America (Chicago, 1932, 1936) and John Kieran, ed., Information Please Almanac, 1949 (New York, 1949), 133.

From statehood to 1944 the Utah law provided for the casting of votes directly for party presidential electors. The statistics in this report are an average of the votes cast for each party slate of electors. The election data were compiled from the Biennial Reports of the Secretary of State, state of Utah,4 Salt Lake City, Utah.

Bryan received 49.4% of the popular vote in the nation.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Bryan's percentage having dropped to 4 8 . 1 % and McKinleys having increased from 17.2% in 1896 to 50.7% for his second term. In the nation McKinley received 52.3%, while Bryan dropped to 43.4%. By 1908, the third time Bryan tried for the presidency, he had dropped to 3 9 . 1 % in the nation but still managed to secure 43.4% of the Utah vote.

In 1904, Alton B. Parker, the Democratic candidate for the presidency, secured only 32.8% of the Utah vote and 37.6% of the nation's popular vote. It is evident that Bryan had a personally popular following in Utah beyond the strength of the Democratic party generally. Throughout the period from 1896 to 1912 Utah elected only Republican governors and Republican state administrations.

In 1904 President Theodore Roosevelt swept the state with the high percentage of 61.4. In 1908 Taft received 56.2% of the Utah vote. In 1912 Utah remained with Taft, although his percentage in the state dropped to 37.4, while the once popular Roosevelt dropped to 21.5%. For the presidency Woodrow Wilson glided past both Roosevelt and Taft, who had become bitter political enemies. Including the vote for third party candidates on the national ticket, Wilson received only 38.5% of the total popular vote in the nation, while Roosevelt received 25.2% and Taft 21.3%. Utah's pluarality of 37.4% for Taft hardly followed the national result in this election, although the state did remain consistently with the Republican ticket. Together Taft and Roosevelt secured almost 60% (58.9) of the Utah vote.

Although complete analyses for the two exceptions to the pattern that Utah follows the nation are lacking, some reasons may be advanced to account for them. Between 1890 and 1900 Utah was undergoing a change in political and economic character. Utah's economic life, dominated by the Mormon Church and its doctrines and practices, was submerged in the dominating capitalistic pattern in the country as a whole and in the entire Western world. At best, Mormon economic life had not developed much beyond that prevalent in the United States during the 1830's. It had been influenced greatly by the idealism of a communal form which emerged at various places in Western nations, and then colored by the authoritarianism of an Old Testament theocracy, and, finally, made possible by the free land and isolation of the American frontier.

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291

T h e Mormon Church became capitalistic in the 1890's. It was almost solely responsible for beginning and developing the sugar beet growing and sugar manufacturing industry. Several high Church officials had entered the mining field, a form of economic life denied previously by the Church administration to the members.

T h e main body of L.D.S. Church membership and the majority of its leaders had been Democratic before 1890.5 Gradually through the influence and activity of several strong leaders, Reed Smoot, George Q. Cannon, Lorenzo Snow, Joseph F . Smith, Francis Lyman, John Henry Smith, among others, it became Republican.

T h e silver platform of the Democratic party, with the Populist party joining forces with it in the 1896 election, together with the traditional Democratic voting habits in territorial days, accounted for the high Bryan vote among the Mormons. T h e Mormon Church had already borrowed money in the eastern market.

The non-Mormon members of the Republican party and the former members of the anti-Mormon Liberal party, organized in 1869 to fight the Mormon Church in elections, were influenced by the silver issue, which in a sense, was only a symbol for the 5 Although he had no "concrete" evidence to prove that Brigham Young, John Taylor and Wilford Woodruff, successive presidents of the Mormon Church, were Democrats, Stewart Grow believed that "excerpts from their speeches would certainly indicate they were not happy with the Republicans."

Letter dated February 8, 1955. Dr. Grow wrote his doctor's dissertation on this period of Mormon history, "A Study of the Utah Commission, 188296" (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Utah, 1954). More emphatically he reported that the Mormons were overwhelmingly Democrats during territorial days.

Janosik has summarized the Democratic and Republican successes at the polls in terms of the number of years representatives have served in Congress.

All Peoples' party (Mormon) candidates listed themselves in the Congressional Directory as Democrats, with the exception of George Q. Cannon.

"Aldiough Cannon never listed his political affiliation, his opponent, Baskin, was known to be a Republican. Brigham H. Roberts said the popularity of the Democratic party in Utah could, among other reasons, be attributed to the fact that the Republicans had initiated the anti-Mormon legislation, passed

by Congress, while Democrats in both the House and the Senate had been the only ones to offer such objections as were made to this type of legislation."

G. Edward Janosik, "The Political Theory of the Mormon Church" (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1951), 53. George Q. Cannon, however, sat on the Democratic side of the House. See Frank J. Cannon and Harvey J. O'Higgins, Under the Prophet in Utah (Boston, 1911), 117. "When we organized a Republican Club at Ogden, Ben E. Rich and Joseph Belnap were the only Mormons, so far as I know, who joined me in becoming members. Outside of us three, I did not know of another Mormon Republican in the whole territory."

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

entire mining interests of the state, since silver is mined only in conjunction with other metals. 6 Non-Mormon and Mormon interests were merged in the common issue of silver and then in that of the tariff, which was to take on added meaning for the Mormons through their numerous participations in sheep and cattle raising.

In spite of the efforts of western mining interests, the Republican party came into power in 1896 on a platform opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world. Finding little interest abroad, particularly in England, the American government soon abandoned any attempt to bring about such an agreement. 7 The gold standard was solidly entrenched in the nation's economy and identified with the current prosperity. Silver continued as a symbol in Utah politics until the elections of 1932 and the Silver Purchase Act of 1934, with some pressure group representatives and politicians raising their voices, often with tongue in cheek, for a double monetary standard. The tariff remained as a basic issue in Utah politics until 1932, and after that reappeared in other forms of protectionism or federal aid. The Republican party inherited this trend, and dominant Mormon and non-Mormon elements with identical economic interests acknowledged the inheritance and associated themselves with the Republican party.

Then, too, the state and particularly the officialdom of the Mormon Church succumbed from 1896 to 1900 to the booming 6 In 1896, Senator Arthur Brown spoke in the old Salt Lake Theatre in behalf of silver and protectionism, as did Senator Thomas Kearns in an address in Ogden the same year. Brown stated that "protection and free silver should go together . . . to make this nation great enough to have a financial system of its own," which would "make it great enough to manufacture everything we need ourselves." Salt Lake Tribune, October 30, 1896.

Kearns, a Catholic, advised the election of Bryan and the keeping of the Republican doctrine of protective tariff. Ibid., August 2, 1896.

7 See Tyler Dennet, John Hay (Boston, 1933), 183-84. Dennet reported that in the ". . . repeal of the silver act at the special session of Congress in 1893 Henry Adams thought he saw an American revolution. The American people, by the adoption of the single gold standard, had surrendered to capitalism. 'He had known for years,' Adams wrote, 'that he must accept the regime, but he had known a great many disagreeable certaintiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;like age, senility, and deathâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;against which one made what little resistance one could.' "

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nationalism and expansionism. 8 This was one of those cosmic tendencies which sweep national leaders in the wake of a popular tide which no man seems capable of changing and into which are swept even leaders against their own convictions.9 The Mormon Church was finally swimming with the stream of history, instead of trying to turn the clock back to ancient ways or to realize an idealistic form of isolated communal life, which had been out of step with the times and had run against the tide.

Milton Merrill, in his dissertation on the political career of Reed Smoot, puts the result of the state abandoning the Bryan heresies in 1900 in a more realistic political style. The reversal, Merrill reports from his evidence, was attributed to the dominant Church. 10 He states that it was commonplace among politicians and editors that the "Republican National Committee, operating under the astute direction of Mark Hanna, had made a deal with its president Lorenzo Snow." 11 Merrill further states that: The quid pro quo of the deal was never fully specified, nor the charges corroborated by substantial evidence, but they were repeated in all parts of the country and quite generally believed in Utah. Perry Heath, their First Assistant Postmaster General and Secretary of 8 "From such unexpected quarters as Mormon and Theosophist publications came endorsements of the expansionist policy. The Mormon Improvement Era in April, 1898, remarked 'that a divine Providence watches over the affairs of nations, guides their destiny and appoints to each its mission,' and went on to point out that Spain's failure in colonial administration was about to be rewarded with the loss of her last colonial possession. The United States, by the same token, was to receive wider responsibilities." Quoted in, Julius W. Pratt, The Expansionists of 1898 (Baltimore, 1936), 312-13.

In 1900, Senator Thomas Kearns stated in Eureka that "the People of the Nation must go on record for expansion. Providence has decreed it."

Salt Lake Tribune, November 1, 1900.

Even Theodore Roosevelt appealed to a sensitive spot in Mormon history and found a favorable reception. Giving speeches in Utah and through the western states, he appealed to the pride of the pioneers and cited the fact that if it were not for the American tradition of expansion, the people he was addressing would not be there.

9 "No man, no party can fight with any chance of final success against a cosmic tendency; no cleverness no popularity, avails against the spirit of the age." Quoted from John Hay, U. S. Secretary of State under presidents McKinley and Roosevelt See Dennet, op. cit, 276.

10 MiIton Merrill, "Reed Smoot: Apostle in Politics" (Ph.D. Thesis, Columbia University, 1951), 7-8.

"Ibid.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the National Committee, was reported to be the intermediary. He is said to have offered the Church assurance that there would be no constitutional amendment directed against polygamy, or adverse legislation otherwise. In return the Church would bring Utah into the Republican column, and wield as much influence as possible in the same direction in surrounding states. The disappearance of Bryan's 1896 majority, a total shift of 53,000 votes, was incontrovertible evidence of Mormon Church political control, in the opinion of the critics.

Defenders of the Church pointed to the Republican margin of 1895, when Heber M. Wells, Republican candidate for governor, had almost the identical margin he secured in 1900. Moreover, the Church leaders, whose political views were known, had been gold standard men in 1896 and had been properly appalled at the silver sweep. 12 The Taft vote in 1912, also attributed to the Mormon Church, is otherwise a little more difficult to account for. Utah had been kept in the Republican ranks from 1902 to 1912 principally by the political leadership of Reed Smoot, with President Joseph F . Smith of the Mormon Church at his side. Republicanism and Mormonism in Utah during this period were hardly to be disassociated.

Utah had finally slipped into the Republican column in 1900 and 1902, in both years by slim margins. This was achieved, Merrill states, by the cooperative effort of all the diverse elements included in the Republican party, aided "slightly," he adds, "by certain non-partisan forces in the Mormon Church." 13 Without explaining what he meant by "non-partisan forces in the Mormon Church," he proceeds by saying that the KearnsSmoot feud seriously threatened this limited advantage. In the following account there is a strong hint as to the reason for the break between Smoot and Roosevelt and for Smoot's and the Mormon Church's support of Taft: "Ibid. When asked about the facts later, Senator Reed Smoot, although acknowledging that the rumor of a deal had been widely published, asserted characteristically that the "whole thing was based on falsehood," prefacing his assertion by saying that this "goes without saying."

"Ibid., 218-19.

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W h e n Kearns in 1904, smarting and seething from his intra-party defeat, left the Republican ranks and formed the American party, the immediate future of the Grand Old Party in Utah was not auspicious. It was in such circumstances that Smoot, aided by his loyal and capable assistants, demonstrated his quality as a politician. His program was to hold enough Gentiles within the Republican party to win elections. He also believed that his responsibility required the annihilation of the American party, with a consequent return of threefourths of its membership to the Republican fold. It is fortunate for his political career that he viewed his assignment in these larger terms. Just as Gentile-Mormon unification was being achieved the Republican party was shattered by the Roosevelt-Taft struggle. A Gentile-Mormon division in addition to a progressive-standpat split would have thoroughly wrecked the party for years in Utah. 14 Most differences between national and local election results, when these are opposite in terms of the success of a party, can be explained usually by factors in local politics. The Republican party in Utah was in trouble from 1902 to 1912 after it had succeeded in winning the majority of the electorate in 1900 and 1902. Statistics in the national elections from 1890 to 1895, when Utah was still a territory and elected only a territorial representative to Congress, reveal that the anti-Mormon Liberal party vote went over to the Republican party. The story of politics in the years from 1890 to 1902 is the joining of strong antior non-Mormon segments in the Liberal party with those portions of the People's party, the Church party, who were persuaded or directed by Church leadership to identify themselves with the Republican party. W h e n Kearns left the regular Republican party organization, he drew off some of the non-Mormons from Republican ranks. In the meantime, Smoot was solidifying himself with the national Republican leaders, including principally President Theodore Roosevelt, to whom more than to any one person is attributed the fact that Smoot was able to "Ibid.

296

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

retain his Senate seat after he had been under fire from a Senate investigating committee from 1903 to 1907."

Smoot not only solidified himself with important elements in the national Republican party organization, but he made every effort to wean non-Mormon elements into the Utah party ranks.

The Catholic Kearns not only feuded with the Mormon Smoot, he was also at odds with the Protestant George Sutherland.

Sutherland probably had no great liking for either Smoot or Kearns, for he, like his two rivals in the party, was sparring for power. Sutherland did not bolt the party, however, and instead, he went along with Smoot. Smoot used the patronage game and his influence with President Roosevelt to win Sutherland adherents, and politically speaking, Sutherland himself.16 It is doubtful if Smoot had too much affection for President Roosevelt.17 Smoot wanted to run for the Senate in 1900, 15 "Theodore Roosevelt and the Republican party were the principal reasons for the favorable vote on Reed Smoot." Ibid., 101.

"There was no question in his mind about who had saved Smoot. It was Roosevelt." Ibid., 118.

16 "During the summer and fall Senator Kearns had been defeated by the Smoot forces in Utah, and he had bolted the Republican party, at least on the local level, and had taken the lead in the formation of the American party. He had used every resource, but he had never been able to make an agreement with Joseph F. Smith, and he now faced the end of his term without the slightest hope of re-election. Naturally he was saturated with venom for Smoot and all he represented. Smoot possessed two advantages: he had won a smashing victory in Utah, and his great and good friend Theodore Roosevelt was securely ensconced in the W h i t e House." Ibid., 69-70.

"Former territorial governor, Arthur Thomas, was postmaster of Salt Lake City, and a Sutherland Gentile, although he probably would have preferred the appellation, Thomas Gentile. He had opposed Smoot's election.

There had been a shortage in his accounts, discovered by Kearns' allies, and the Postmaster General recommended his dismissal. Appeal was made to Smoot. It was an excellent opportunity which he embraced with enthusiasm.

He went directly to the President, made his appeal, and without neglecting the political elements in the situation. Roosevelt then held up the dismissal order and requested Thomas to report to him directly. T h e former governor did so and was exonerated by the President and reinstated. It was a most fortuitous transaction. It enraged Kearns, delighted Sutherland and his cohorts, and solidified Smoot with his own followers." Ibid., 111.

17 In truth, it may be ventured that the Church leaders, including Apostle Smoot, never had any affection for Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt could have been blamed for having delayed Smoot's candidacy for several years and for having approved of the Smoot investigations in the first place. For example, Judge William H. King was confident in 1904 that the state would go solidly for Parker and that "Immediately after Mr. Roosevelt's nomination the Mormons commenced to organize secretly to insure his defeat as a motive for revenge and it has been effected so systematically that Democratic success in the state is now a certainty." He stated further that "Mormons have become so incensed as a result of the treatment of Smoot that they will leave no stone unturned to defeat the Republican candidate for the presidency as they hold him principally responsible for the whole affair." Salt Lake Tribune, September 11. 1904.

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but he was dissuaded from his course by vice-president Hobart, Kearns reportedly had made a deal also with President Lorenzo Snow of the Church for Mormon support. He failed to make a similar deal with Snow's successor, Joseph F. Smith, and this failure caused his break with the Church and Smoot, who in 1902 became United States Senator. Reportedly Roosevelt had also been one to dissuade Smoot from seeking this high office at an earlier date. After he became Senator, Smoot knew that he had to win Roosevelt's support in order to remain in Washington, and he knew he had to maintain control of the Republican party in Utah to keep Roosevelt and Republican support in Washington.18 By 1908 affection for President Roosevelt had increased to the point that Rudger Clawson, a member of the Quorum of Twelve and subsequently for many years its president, considered the "close link between the President of the United States and the President of the Church . . . a miracle," and "a miracle that meant much to the Church of God." 19 President Joseph F. Smith, using the medium of the Improvement Era, as he did on several occasions, to express the official position of the Church on politics, ordered the editor "to go the limit in the support of the Republican party because that party had been loyal to the Church, particularly during the Roosevelt administration." Smith declared further that "our people must be true to their friends."20 Smoot, however, did not remain loyal to his great friend, Theodore Roosevelt; neither did President Joseph F. Smith.21 ls " H i s philosophy was succinctly stated in a letter to President Smith in 1904, when the Senator was using all of his power and influence in Utah to secure a Roosevelt delegation to the National Convention. 'A Senator in Washington is respected for just what political power he can wield, and just as soon as he fails to control the political organization in his own state, they have no use for him. He immediately becomes a "has been".' " Reed Smoot to Joseph F. Smith, February 5, 1904, cited in Merrill, op. cit, 103.

19 Based on a letter from Rudger Clawson to Reed Smoot, March 16, 1908, and cited in ibid., 146.

20 James Clove to Reed Smoot, January 10, 1908, ibid.

21 The Sail! Lake Tribune referred to "mystery" in the political situation in Utah, calling upon Colonel Roosevelt to clear it up. Smoot owed his seat in Congress to Roosevelt, it said in a lengthy editorial, September 13, 1912, but now he is his greatest enemy. T h e Tribune criticized the Deseret News, "Smoot's mouth," for its vile and vindictive language in attacking the former president; at least it could be courteous and observe "ordinary decency."

Smoot was known for his sharp tongue and bitter words, even when he did not have to employ them. His own Republican Mormon supporters were

298

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The 1912 election came at a time when the American party was taking its last political breath. Smoot thought in terms of party regularity; he could not afford to introduce at this time another break into the Utah Republican party organization, particularly at a moment when a serious local break was being patched up

by Mormons and non-Mormons alike. Joseph F. Smith, in a long editorial in the Improvement Era instructed the Saints to vote for Taft. 22 He stated that: no responsible citizen who has investigated the political situation, with a view to learning the true status of the claims set forth by the various political parties, can in any way justly find fault with the present administration. President William H. Taft has met the just needs of the people and the economic demands of the country with steadfastness and wisdom . . . Should the people call him once again to the presidential chair, it is not likely that they will regret it, but on the contrary will find their action wise, sensible and sound.

Smoot was by personal inclination a straight party man, and local politics, in terms of his own interests as a politician, dictated that he remain one.

After the 1912 election Utah consistently followed national trends in presidential elections. There were some deviations during the off-year congressional elections, but these, as well as the differences between the state and national elections, when Utah produced comparable pluralities for president and vicepresident to those for the nation as a whole, can be reviewed better when the election figures for state offices will have been recorded at a later date.

In addition to the election of a Republican governor, Heber Wells (in 1895), when the state overwhelmingly voted for Bryan for president in 1896, and to that of William Spry, a Smoot and Taft Republican, when Roosevelt out-distanced Taft often shocked by his attacks on his opponents. The Tribune opposed Roosevelt and supported Taft editorially for re-election.

When Roosevelt spoke in Ogden the evening of September 13, he left the names of the Utah congressional delegation ' unmentioned," but referred to what they did at the Republican convention as having sanctioned "theft" and "rascality." Salt Lake Tribune, September 14, 1912. ^Improvement Era, XV (October, 1912), 1120-21.

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in the final national elections and Wilson won the presidency, Utah elected a Democratic governor in 1924 when the entire national ticket and all other state elective officers remained Republican, and a Republican governor in 1948 when all other elective offices, both national and state, went Democratic.

Third party candidates on the national ticket have never received much support from Utah voters. Eugene Debs, perennial candidate for president of the Socialist party, appeared on the ballot five times, in the years 1900, 1904, 1908, 1912, and finally in 1920. Beginning with a paltry .107% of the vote in 1900, he descended to a mere .086% in 1908 and reached his high of 8% in 1912. A. L. Benson, Socialist candidate in 1916, did not fare better with 3 . 1 % of the Utah vote. Debs lost ground for his party in 1920, and Norman Thomas, who succeeded Debs as the perennial Socialist candidate, was hardly more successful. Thomas was a candidate in the years from 1928 to 1944, reaching a high of slightly less than 2 % of the vote in 1932. The Socialist-Labor party entered the balloting in 1916 and persented only an electoral ticket, securing a meagre .101% of the vote.

Communists have been on the national ticket in the four elections from 1928 to 1940. They reached their high in Utah in 1932 with less than one-half of one per cent (.455), but fell to their second highest figure in 1936 with only .128%.

These two discouragingly low figures, high for the Communists, coincided with the only two elections, 1932 and 1936, in which they secured a gubernatorial candidate by petition on the ballot.

Socialism of any kind has never gained a foothold in Utah.

During the emergence of socialist parties in the nation, Utah was still primarily an agrarian state with no large urban centers.

Mining communities offered some fertile ground for the planting of socialist seeds, but many of these soon became ghost towns.

Other factors, old country traditionalism, the influence of the Catholic and Mormon churches, reform legislation to secure safety and health of the miners, and even some enlightened company policies tended to take the wind out of the socialist and communist sails. Any new movement would have had to penetrate the conservative ideology and middle class social structure of the state.

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Utah did follow the nation in giving Robert M. LaFollette of the Progressive party 20.8% of the vote in 1924, the largest percentage ever given to a third party candidate. The Democrats received only 29.8%. It was the Progressive party vote that was to go over into the Democratic ranks in 1928 and in 1932 when the Democrats received 45.8 and 56.5 per cent of the vote, respectively. The Republican vote remained relatively consistent from 1924 to 1932, with Coolidge receiving 77,149 of the popular vote in 1924; Hoover 94,688 in 1928; and Hoover again 84,588 in 1932. In this period the Democrats increased their totals from 46,479 in 1924 to 116,502 in 1932. The Socialists had voted with the Progressives in 1924, but in 1932 both voted with the Democratic party.

Another third party result is of interest to Utah citizens because of the religious climate in the state. Mormons accept a principle called the W o r d of Wisdom which prohibits them from drinking alcohol in any form. The Utah electorate never supported the Prohibition party. It came on the ballot in 1900, when it secured approximately two-tenths per cent of the vote, and appeared again in 1912, when it raised its percentage almost to a bare five-tenths. In 1916, when it even failed to put up an electoral ticket, it attracted little attention. Senator Reed Smoot did not become interested in the prohibition issue until after his close call to hold his seat in 1914. William Jennings Bryan similarly became belatedly interested in the issue. Only when it became politically expedient, did the politicians get on the band wagon. The Republican party picked up the issue in Utah during this period and kept it close to its bosom, going down with it in 1932, even when many Mormon officials voted for repeal of the eighteenth amendment.

Other third parties have drawn little interest from the electorate. In 1900 the Peoples party nominated the same candidate as the Democrats. The Independence party in 1908 drew less than one per cent (.086) of the electorate to the polls.

Actually there have been three different progressive parties on the ballot. The Roosevelt Progressive party broke up in 1916,

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securing only 111 votes in Utah. 23 LaFollette's Progressive party never survived, on a national scale, the death of its leader. In 1948 another Progressive party, Communist inspired, with Henry A. Wallace for president and United States Senator Glen H. Taylor of Idaho for vice-president, made a ripple in Utah political circles, securing less than one per cent of the vote.

In 1948 the names of the vice-presidential candidates began to appear separately on the Utah ballot. No special significance need be attached to this fact and to the different results for presidential and vice-presidential candidates. Republican vice-presidential candidate, Earl Warren, received almost two thousand more votes than Thomas Dewey, but Democratic vice-presidential candidate, Alben Barkley, fell almost two thousand votes behind President Truman. There might be some correlation between the relative popularity of these candidates in the state, due to their personal visits. Warren made an excellent impression when he opened his campaign in Salt Lake City, as did President Truman when he rode with Democratic leaders and workers through the state and spoke in the Salt Lake Mormon Tabernacle. Dewey worsened his chances by his appearance. Some state Republican leaders detested him; they said he was arrogant and egotistical. Barkley did not appear in 1948. In 1952 President Eisenhower secured about four hundred more votes than his running mate, Richard Nixon, but Adlai Stevenson secured almost the same margin over his vice-presidential nominee, Senator John Sparkman.

In recent years it is most interesting to note that, while the Democrats from 1936 to 1948 have leveled off at around 149,000 votes in the state, the Republicans, who hit a low in 1936, have steadily increased the presidential vote totals, which would seem to indicate that they have been getting the new vote. Franklin Roosevelt received 116,502 votes in 1932 and 150,032 in 1936. His percentage shot up in these elections from 23 Theodore Roosevelt declined the nomination of the Progressive party, and on June 26 the party voted to support the Republican ticket. A convention of radical members of the party was held on August 3, in which it was decided to put up an electoral ticket and nominated John M. Parker as vice-president Parker accepted the nomination on October 14. In not more than a half dozen states did the Progressive electors appear on the ballot independently of other party tickets. See Frank Moore Colly, ed.. The New International Year Book. 1916 (New York, 1917), 714-46.

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56.5 to 69.3. W i t h the exception of the extraordinarily high percentage of Bryan in 1896, 82.7, Roosevelt's 1936 percentage is the all-time high for presidential candidates. Although President Eisenhower received the highest total of votes, 194,190, ever cast for a presidential candidate in the state, his 1952 percentage was 58.9. President Roosevelt topped this percentage in 1940 and 1944, but dropped in these years from his 1936 record to 62.3 and 60.4 per cent. While his percentages remained high in spite of significant declines from 1936, Roosevelt's total number of votes remained around 150,000 or within 4,000 votes for the three presidential elections from 1936 to 1944. The amazing victory of President Truman in 1948 was won with 149,151 votes or 53.9 per cent. His success obscured what was happening in Utah voting trends.

With die exception of 1948 when Dewey dropped slightly from his 1944 figure, the Republicans increased their total from 64,489 in 1936 to 194,190 in 1952. In 1948, however, the Republicans gained the governor's chair, and their congressional vote in this year was higher than Dewey's.

Many reasons have been cited for the Republicans securing the new vote. They themselves would claim, characteristically, that they had the superior candidates and the more acceptable issues to the voter who steps alone into the ballot booth for a moment's sober reflection in his temporary position as a king or queen in full sovereignty for a fleeting moment. But the analysis of what has happened may go deeper than this rationalization. It used to be said in Utah that a large turnout at the polls was an advantage to the Democratic party, which was supposed to be the harbor for the lower income, and therefore the more numerous, group of citizens. This theory certainly has been exploded by a study of the accompanying election figures.

Actually in Utah there has been not only a substantial increase in the population, but there has been a significantly large and rapid turnover. More of the population is mobile, if not actually transient, than the leaders would like to admit. This mobility has been due to the growing industrialization and the influx of federal installations during and since the war, with the attendant flow of those persons formerly dependent on agriculture to the rapidly growing urban centers between Provo

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and Ogden. In spite of the increasing industrialization, the basic characteristic of the population has remained middle class. State politics has been dominated by legislatures representing overwhelmingly the agrarian interests of the outlying counties and the business interests of the metropolitan areas, with historically known agricultural areas becoming urbanized between the squeeze of industrial and trade centers.

Steady employment has kept the worker busy and prosperous, T V and automobiles have kept him amused, prosperity has kept him bound to a middle class, albeit a lower middle class, outlook.

In the meantime, the Republicans have employed the public relations man with his technical skill in the use of words and the mass media of communication, to scare the stay-at-home voter out of his easy chair in front of the T V to save the economy from the Communists. True, the Democrats have insisted on presenting candidates with long records in office, overlapping the New Deal days and the friendly days with Soviet Russia during World W a r II, making them susceptible to the Communist gimmick and the corruption game. Republicans will say that the Democrats have had access to the same services and the same techniques. The facts are that the Democrats have found it more and more difficult to find financial resources among local business men and wealthy groups; in fact, these sources are almost closed off to them. They simply do not have the local financial resources available to the Republicans to use the expensive T V shows, radio broadcasts, and large newspaper advertisements. Most large sums of money the Democrats receive come from outside the state, from labor organizations and minority groups, but these sources are not always sufficiently reliable to ensure adequate campaign planning.

Whatever the reasons, it would seem that since 1936 the Republicans have been securing the new vote; not only the independent vote, estimated by politicians at about 35 per cent in Utah, but also the new vote which comes from the natural increase in the population and the immigrant vote from elsewhere in the United States and from abroad; above all, they have managed to secure the traditional non-voter or stay-at-home voter.

PRESIDENTIAL VOTE IN UTAH, 1896-1952 1952 OFFICE

PARTY

VOTE PER CEN

Adlai E. Stevenson Dwight D. Eisenhower

President

Democrat Republican

135,364 194,190 329,554

41.075 58.925

John J. Sparkman Richard M. Nixon

V. Pres.

Democrat Republican

135,156 191,254 326,410

41.417 58.593

NAME

1948 Harry S Truman Thomas E. Dewey Henry A. Wallace Farrell Dobbs

President

Democrat Republican Progressive Socialist

149,151 124,402 2,679 73 276,305

53.980 45.023 .969 .028

Alben W. Barkley Earl Warren Glen H. Taylor Grace Carlson

V. Pres.

Democrat Republican Progressive Socialist

145,568 126,253

53.057 46.017 .899 .027

2,468 70

274,359

1944 Franklin D. Roosevelt Thomas E. Dewey Norman Thomas

President " "

Democrat Republican Socialist

Harry S Truman John W. Bricker Darlington Hoopes

V. Pres. " " " "

Democrat Republican Socialist

149,895 97,603 335 247.833

60.482 39.382 .240

153,829 92,588 199 188 246,804

62.328 37.514 .088 .080

1940 Franklin D. Roosevelt Wendell Wilkie Norman Thomas Earl Browder

President " "

Democrat Republican Socialist Communist

Henry A. Wallace Charles McNary Maynard C. Krueger James W. Ford

V. Pres. " " " " " "

Democrat Republican Socialist Communist

UTAH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

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1936 OFFICE

PARTY

VOTE PERCENT

Franklin D. Roosevelt Alfred M. Landon Norman Thomas Earl Browder William Lemke David Leigh Colvin

President

Democrat Repubhcan Socialist Communist Union Prohibition

150,032 64,489 453 279 1,118 43 216,414

69.326 29.798 .209 .128 .516 .023

John N. Garner Frank Knox George Nelson James W . Ford Thomas C. O'Brien Claude A. Watson

V. Pres.

Democrat Republican Socialist Communist

116,502 84,588 4,081 936 206,107

56.525

80,897 94,688 951 43 176,579

45.813 53.623 .538 .026

46,479 77,149 32,514 156,142

29.767 49.410 20.823

NAME

Prohibition

1932 Franklin Herbert Norman William

D. Roosevelt C. Hoover Thomas Z. Foster

John N. Garner Charles Curtis ames H. Maurer ! ames W . Ford

President

V. Pres.

Democrat Repubhcan Socialist Communist

41.040

1.980 .455

Democrat Republican SociaUst Communist

1928 Alfred E. Smith Herbert C. Hoover Norman Thomas William Z. Foster

President

Joseph T. Robinson Charles Curtis James H. Maurer Benjamin Gitlon

V. Pres.

n it \i

it

it

it

it

it

n

Democrat RepubUcan SociaUst Communist Democrat Republican SociaUst Communist

192-3 John W . Davis Calvin CooUdge Robert M. LaFollette

President

Democrat RepubUcan Progressive

Burton K. Wheeler Charles G. Dawes Burton K. Wheeler

V. Pres.

Democrat RepubUcan Progressive

it

306

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

1920 NAME Tames M. Cox Warren G. Harding Eugene Debs P. P. Christensen

OFFICE President

FrankUn D. Roosevelt Calvin Coolidge Seymour Stedman Max S. Hayes

V. Pres. a II

VOTE PERCENT PARTY 38.860 56,566 Democrat 81,397 55.925 Republican 2.162 3,149 Socialist 3.053 Farmers-Labor 4,448 145,560 Democrat RepubUcan Socialist Farmers-Labor

it

it II

1916 Woodrow Wilson Charles Evan Hughes

President it

H

A. L. Benson

It

J. Frank Hanly

tt

Thomas Riley Marshall Charles W. Fairbanks John M. Parker G. R. Kirkpatrick

n

v. Pres. tt

M

a

n

it

it

it

ft

Ira Landrith

n

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84,501 Democrat 54,340 Republican 111 Progressive 4,457 Socialist Socialist-Labor 145 Prohibition 143,554 Democrat Republican Progressive Socialist Socialist-Labor Prohibition

58.863 37.853 .079 3.104 .101

Democrat Republican Progressive SociaUst Prohibition

36,579 42.013 24,179 8,999 510 112,280

32.578 37.418 21.534 8.014 .456

42,601 61,165 4,890 92 108,748

39.174 56.244 4.496 .086

1912 i

Woodrow Wilson William H. Taft Theodore Roosevelt Eugene V. Debs Eugene W. Chafin

President »

Thomas Riley Marshall Nicholas M. Butler Hiram W. Johnson Emil Seidel Aaron S. Watkins

v. Pres.

M tt it

»

it

tt it it

Democrat RepubUcan Progressive SociaUst Prohibition

1908 William J. Bryan William H. Taft Eugene Debs Thomas L. Hisgen

President

John W. Kern James S. Sherman Benjamin Han ford John T. Graves

V. Pres.

it

Democrat Republican Socialist Independence Democrat Republican Socialist Independence

UTAH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

307

1904 OFFICE

PARTY

VOTE PERCENT

Alton B. Parker Theodore Roosevelt Eugene Debs

President

Democrat RepubUcan Socialist

33,413 62,446 5,767 101,626

32.878 61.446 5.676

Henry G. Davis Charles Warren Fairbanks Benjamin Hanford

V. Pres.

Democrat 44,611 Republican 47,073 Socialist-Labor 717 Prohibition 206 Peoples (PopuUst) 102 92,709

48.123 50.775 .773 .222 .107

NAME

H

//

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11

It

Democrat Republican Socialist

1900 William William Eugene John G.

J. Bryan McKinley Debs Woolley

Arthur Sewall Garret A. Hobart Job Harriman Harry B. Metcalf

President it tt

a a V. Pres.

II

II

ft

It

ft

II

tt

II

Democrat Republican Socialist-Labor Prohibition Peoples (PopuUst)

1896 William J. Bryan William McKinley

President

Democrat Republican

Arthur Sewall Garret A Hobart

V. Pres.

Democrat Republican

//

II

64,367 13,448 77,815

82.717 17.283

H A N D C A R T S T O U T A H , 1856-1860

BY LEROY R.

HAFEN*

HP HIS year, 1956, marks the centennial of what was perhaps the •*• most remarkable travel experiment in the history of Western America. The past hundred years have witnessed an interesting evolution of overland transportation—pack-horse train, ox-drawn wagon, stagecoach, pony express, railroad train, motor car, airplane—each in turn. And interspersed with these more common conveyances have appeared unusual or freakish devices, ranging from wheelbarrow to camel caravan. But only at one period, 1856-60, was the handcart employed for mass migration.

The genesis of this unique travel plan is to be seen in the Mormon proselyting system and its marked success. Zion, as a gathering place for the faithful, was proclaimed early, and "gathering to Zion" became a cardinal principle of doctrine.

Mormonism, a missionary religion from its inception in 1830, at first confined its proselyting to the United States; but in 1837 ardent missionaries went to England. Here the response was immediate, for the new gospel offered both spiritual and temporal salvation in America. Within eight months, two thousand British converts were baptized.

W h e n the Mormons finally established themselves in the Great Basin, the need for more settlers to develop the new country stimulated the proselyting urge. Utah was now proclaimed the "gathering place," and missionaries in Britain preached the necessity for coming to the new Zion. Clamor for emigration became almost unbounded. A large proportion of the converts were from the underprivileged classes, whose means were insufficient to pay for an overseas voyage and a long journey to the far interior of a distant land. To assist these, Brigham Young insti-

*For many years Dr. Hafen has been an outstanding writer and editor of western history. Currently, he is working on the fifteen volume. The Par West and the Rockies Historical Series. 1820-1875, which is being published by the Arthur H. Clark Company. For thirty years he was state historian and director of the Colorado Historical Society. At present he is on the faculty of the Brigham Young University.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tuted in 1849 the Perpetual Emigration Fund. 1 Since this revolving fund proved unequal to the calls for help, President Young finally announced a plan that he had been considering for some years. In a letter of September 30, 1855, to Franklin D. Richards, president of the European Mission and director of Mormon emigration, he wrote: I have been thinking how we should operate another year. W e cannot afford to purchase wagons and teams as in times past, I am consequently thrown back upon my old planâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to make hand-carts, and let the emigration foot it, and draw upon them the necessary supplies, having a cow or two for every ten. They can come just as quick, if not quicker, and much cheaper . . . ?

President Young's letter was published in the Millennial Star, Mormon organ at Liverpool. A long editorial in the same issue endorsed the project and amplified its advantages; observing, "The system of ox-teams is too slow and expensive, and must give way to the telegraph line of handcarts and wheel barrows." Official approval of the scheme was announced in the General Epistle of the Church authorities of October 29, 1855; The P. E. Fund is designed to deliver the honest poor, the pauper, if you please, from the thraldom of ages, from localities where poverty is a crime and beggary an offence against the law, where every avenue to rise in the scale of being to any degree of respectable joyous existence is forever closed, and place them in a land where honest labor and industry meet a suitable reward, where the higher walks of life are open to the humblest and poorest, . . . let them come on foot, with a For a good treatment of the Perpetual Emigration Fund and emigration in general, see Gustive O. Larson, Prelude to the Kingdom (Francetown, New Hampshire, 1947).

A book manuscript by LeRoy and Ann Hafen on the handcart migration was recently completed, and is referred to for a detailed presentation of the subject. Therefore, this short summary will be given without extensive annotations.

2 PubUshed in the Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star, XVII (December 22, 1855), 813-14.

HANDCARTS TO U T A H

311

hand-carts or wheel-barrows; let them gird up their loins and walk through, and nothing shall hinder or stay them.3 Plans developed rapidly. Sailing vessels were chartered; Church agents were sent to the frontier to procure handcarts and supplies for the on-coming emigrants. About nineteen hundred persons sailed from Liverpool in the spring of 1856, intending to cross the plains and mountains to Utah with handcarts. T h e emigrants were to land at Boston or New York, and travel by train to the railhead at Iowa City, Iowa.

The Saints who were to comprise the first three handcart companies sailed in good time, arrived at the outfitting place in due course, and were able to set out on their overland trek in June. They were organized into companies, with four or five persons to a handcart, twenty persons to a large round tent, and one wagon and ox team to twenty carts. Each individual was allowed seventeen pounds of baggage. Extra provisions were hauled in the wagons. The light wooden carts, constructed with little or no iron, carried clothing, utensils, and some food.

The first stretch of the journey, across Iowa, was through partially settled country, with farms and towns along the route.

The weather was hot, the road dusty, and the ordeal exacting.

A number found the journey too difficult to be endured, and dropped out by the way; but the great majority reached Florence (old Winter Quarters) on the Missouri River. The agent there announced arrival of the first two caravans on July 17 "in fine health and spirits." They were singing the chorus of the Handcart Song: Some must push and some must pull As we go marching up the hill, As merrily on the way we go Until we reach the Valley, oh!

"One would not think that they had come from Iowa City, a long and rough journey of from 275 to 300 miles, except by their dust-stained garments and sunburned faces."4 3 Ibid., XVIII, 52, 54. * J. H. Latey, writing from Florence, August 14, 1856, published in The Mormon and reprinted in ibid., (October 4, 1856), 637.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In reading the excellent diaries or reminiscent accounts, one is impressed with the difficult labor, the fatigue, discouragements, and sometimes despair that dogged the journey. But after the trip was completed and the ordeal was over, then the achievement could be viewed in a more favorable light. It was in this happier vein that the Church leaders looked upon their cherished experiment.

W h e n the first two handcart companies trailed down Emigration Canyon in late September, 1856, they were welcomed by Church officials, a brass band, lancers on horseback, and most of the inhabitants of Salt Lake City. Wilford Woodruff jubilantly expressed the satisfaction of the Mormon leaders: One of the most interesting scenes that was ever witnessed in our Territory, was the arrival of two of the handcart companies, on the 26th i n s t . . . . I must say my feelings were inexpressible to behold a company of men, women, and children, many of them aged and infirm, enter the City of the Great Salt Lake, drawing 100 handcarts, (led by Brother Ellsworth, who assisted in drawing the first hand-cart), with which they had travelled some 1,400 miles in nine weeks, and to see them dance with joy as they travelled through the streets, complaining of nothing, only that they had been detained by the ox teams that carried some of their provisions, . . .

Yes, our hearts swelled until we were speechless with joy, and not with sorrow. As I gazed upon the scene, meditating upon the future results, it looked to me like the first hoisting of the floodgates of deliverance to the oppressed millions. W e can now say to the poor and honest in heart, come home to Zion, for the way is prepared. 5 The Third Handcart Company, made up of over three hundred Welsh converts, began the pedestrian tour on June 23, 1856, and pulled their creaking carts into Salt Lake City on October 2. Thus far, results of the experiment had been gratifying; the companies had come through as well and as fast as ox trains.

5

Letter written September 30, 1856, and published in ibid., 794-96.

HANDCARTS TO U T A H

313

But tragedy lay ahead. Emigrants that were to comprise the last two companies of 1856 were unduly late in sailing from England. Some left Liverpool aboard the Thornton on May 3; others, on the Horizon, not until May 25. A number of causes were responsible for the delaysâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an unprecedented clamor for passage to Zion, the difficulty in procuring ships, and various disappointments and miscalculations. As matters eventuated, the failure to meet the planned schedules and the subsequent delays that would occur at Iowa City and at Florence were to be nothing short of tragic. Furthermore, the earliest winter in years was to complete the disaster.

It was June 26 when the first group reached Iowa City; and the second came in twelve days later. Upon arrival, they found that the handcarts were not yet ready. Whether this failure was due to lack of timely advice from England as to the number needed; to inability to get the required help or materials for construction; or to a belief that the Saints could better afford to help make the carts than to pay for their manufacture, can hardly be determined.

The Fourth Handcart Company (Captain Willie's), comprising five hundred emigrants, was not able to leave Iowa City until July 15, being detained nineteen days. The Fifth Company (Captain Martin's), with 576 members, departed on the twentyeighth, after a wait of twenty daysâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;precious time that could have seen them far along their perilous journey.

Across Iowa, the trip was accomplished without unusual difficulties. Upon arrival at Florence further time was consumed in the repair of their flimsy vehicles. Now the question was raised whether the emigrants could safely continue their journey so late in the season. A large meeting of Willie's Company was held and the matter debated. A few missionaries in the company and some Mormon leaders at Florence were the only ones who had ever been over the route. The majority of these were confident that the humble and faithful Saints who were enduring so much for the Gospel's sake would merit special divine favor.

Levi Savage, the one elder who spoke out vigorously against continuing the journey, was out-voted. So Willie's Company set out from Florence on August 17.

Martin's party did not leave the Missouri until the twenty-

314

U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

seventh of August. Franklin D. Richards and other Mormon leaders who had directed the emigration from Britain had reached Florence just in time to help Martin's Company pull out from that point. Joined there by other emigration officials, Richard's party, with light wagons and good teams, hurried on to Utah, to report the late companies and request that teams and supplies be sent east to help them.

This express party reached Salt Lake City just as the General Conference of the Mormon Church was about to convene. President Brigham Young was shocked to learn that a thousand handcart emigrants were still enroute to Zion, presuming that the officials would "consider their late arrival in America and not start them across the Plains until another year." 6 The practical president saw the likelihood of grave suffering and with characteristic vigor met the situation. He immediately interrupted regular Conference activity to recruit and organize relief parties, to assemble and forward food and clothing.

In the meantime the two belated handcart companies made their way up the valley of the Platte River. As they reached the higher altitudes beyond Fort Laramie, their supplies ran low and individuals began to weaken and die. Then the companies were caught in the claws of early and severe winter blizzards. Struggling caravans were brought to a complete standstill in the midst of the white desolation. Their pitiful sufferings and numerous deaths from hunger and cold cannot be related or described here.

To save these thousand souls stalled in the snow, more than three hundred miles from any settlement, was staged the most heroic mass rescue the frontier ever witnessed. The volunteer relief trains from Utah picked up the freezing handcart pilgrims east of South Pass. Without this timely assistance, it is doubtful if there would have been any survivors. Carried in the rescue wagons, the Fourth Handcart emigrants reached Salt Lake City on November 9; the Fifth, on November 30. Willie's group is reported to have suffered 67 deaths; Martin's Company, 135â&#x20AC;&#x201D; together, the most appalling migration tragedy in the history of the West.

The ill-fortune of the belated companies could not but affect the general attitude toward travel by handcart. Though the 8

Young's letter of October 30, 1856, in ibid., XIX, 99.

HANDCARTS TO U T A H

315

success of the first three companies was overshadowed by the sufferings of the fourth and the fifth, the Mormon authorities still endorsed and advocated the plan. "Hereafter," commanded President Brigham Young, "there must be no late starts from Missouri."

A dramatic and successful demonstration of the efficiency of travel by handcart was needed. Accordingly, in the spring of 1857 a company of seventy missionaries set out from Salt Lake City with handcarts, unaccompanied by wagons. They made the trip to Florence in forty-eight days, resting seven and one-half days of that number. They averaged twenty-seven miles per day on the road from Fort Laramie to the Missouri.

Compared with travel of the preceding year, the westbound emigration to Utah in 1857 was small. This was largely a result of the depletion of the Perpetual Emigration Fund. Two companies, however, without financial assistance, were organized by Church officials and supplied with carts to cross the plains.

Numbering together about 480 persons, they made the journey successfully and reached Salt Lake City in mid-September.

The coming of Johnston's Army and the difficulties associated with the "Utah Expedition" interrupted Mormon emigration in 1858. But the next year saw a resumption of handcart travel.

Because of the great "Pike's Peak or Bust" gold rush to the Colorado region in 1859, there was an exceptional demand for equipment and supplies, which brought a consequent rise in prices for the Mormon westbound emigrants. The heavy traffic along the road made the journey more difficult for the handcart company of this year. However, the 235 Saints with their 60 carts and 6 wagons, reached their destination in safety, despite their suffering from shortage of food.

The year 1860 saw the last of handcart travel to Utah. That year saw also the inauguration of the famous Pony Express.

Quite in contrast were these two contemporary institutions, the patrician and the plebian of western transportation in the days before the railroad. Ten days were required by the Ponies to race their eighteen hundred mile course from St. Joseph to Sacramento. Eighty days were occupied by the emigrants in the last of the handcart companies, as they walked the one thousand mile stretch from the Missouri to Salt Lake City.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In the last two companiesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;350 persons with 65 c a r t s there were fewer deaths than on any previous journey. Robinson's Company (the ninth) had but one death enroute; Stoddard's (the tenth) had none. Consequently, they can be rated as the most successful travel journeys by handcart.

My own mother, as a little Swiss girl, was in the last company. She recalled: "There were six to our cart. Father and mother pulled it; Rosie (two years old) and Christian (six months old) rode; John (nine) and I (six) walked. Sometimes, when it was down hill, they let me ride too." 7 W h y was the handcart plan, once so highly lauded, so soon abandoned? Brigham Young himself engineered the change.

By 1860 the Mormons had a surplus of livestock in Utah. In that year, an experimental ox train made a trip from Salt Lake to Missouri and back, proving that the round trip could be made in a single season. Thereafter, companies were formed in Utah in the early spring, and as they traveled eastward they deposited supplies at convenient points enroute. At the Missouri River they picked up the waiting emigrants with their freight, and transported them to Utah before the snows fell. Experienced drivers insured dependable transit, and supply depots provided food. Until the coming of the railroad, the Utah teams continued to convey the hopeful emigrants to Zion. The handcart was thus displaced.

To recapitulate: From 1856 to 1860 ten handcart companies crossed the plains to Utah. Nearly three thousand persons traveled with 662 carts, bringing their earthly possessions and their hopes to the new Zion. Most critics, in looking at the handcart experiment, remember only the tragic misfortune of those belated companies of 1856, a pitiable episode indeed. But taken in its normal operation, with adequate preparation and proper scheduling, the handcart plan was an economical, effective, and rather beneficent institution. It enabled hundreds, who otherwise could never have come to America, to emigrate and become productive United States citizens.

True, the majority of the men who traveled by handcart were uneducated peasant farmers, coal miners, factory workers, 7 Mary Ann Hafen, Recollections of a Handcart Pioneer of 1860 (Denver, 1938), 22.

HANDCARTS TO U T A H

317

whose economic opportunities were greatly enhanced by migrating to the New World. Since hard work and simple fare were not unknown to them, they did not hesitate to undertake a type of travel demanding strenuous labor and subject to unpredictable fates. At best, handcart travel was an exacting ordeal for both the body and the spirit. Concern for material welfare alone would never have produced the handcart migrations. It took unfaltering religious faith to sustain these western pilgrims on their footsore journeys.

The womb of the handcart has produced a numerous progeny.

From less than three thousand emigrants who pulled or trailed a cart some hundred years ago, have come a half million Americans, who well may cherish their unique heritage.

D R . JOEL EDWARD RICKS

T H E S E T T L E M E N T OF C A C H E VALLEY

BY JOEL E. RICKS* D E A U T I F U L L Y situated between the Bear River Range on the *J east and the Wasatch Mountains on the west, the mountain girt, well-watered, almost level Cache Valley varies from five to seven miles in width and is over fifty miles long, from Avon on the south to Swan Lake on the north. The Bear River enters the valley from the north through the Oneida Narrows, runs southwest past Preston and Amalga, and in the vicinity of Benson receives the waters of the Little Bear River which include Blacksmith Fork and Logan rivers. Many creeks, as well as Cub River, are tributaries of the Bear River. The major streams flow from the Bear River Mountains, while a few small streams meander from the Wasatch Range. The trappers first called it "Willow Valley" because of the dense growth of willows, and later, when large "caches" of furs were stored there, it was known as "Cache Valley." It was a favored rendezvous of the fur men, and Brigham Young, speaking in Richmond in 1860, said: " N o other valley in the territory is equal to this."

THE BEGINNING OF SETTLEMENT

The settlement of Cache Valley played a significant part in the tremendous efforts of Brigham Young to occupy and develop an extensive commonwealth in the Far West. As he led his tired but hopeful pioneers into the valley of the Great Salt Lake in 1847, it did not seem likely that one of America's greatest colonial enterprizes was in the making. While directing the settlement of Salt Lake City, he planned a Mormon kingdom covering a vast expanse of territoryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;from the Oregon country on the north to the Gila River on the south, and from the Colorado Rockies westward to the Sierra Nevada and the Pacific. He envisioned this incredibly large area filled with numerous communities peopled by his followersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;all united by bonds of religious *Dr. Ricks has been president of this Society since 1949 and a member of its board of control for more than thirty years. He is professor of history at the Utah State Agricultural College, and for many years was chairman of the Department of History at that institution. He is the general editor of The History of a Valley, the recently pubUshed centennial history of Cache Valley.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

solidarity. The northern portion was cool enough to satisfy the host of converts from Scandanavia, Germany, Switzerland, and the British Isles, while the gentler climates of the south attracted settlers from the mild islands of the Pacific. A large area was required because of the anticipated rush of converts and because the small stream flow would satisfy only a small number of people in the arid valleys. A land of vast and different resources was needed to make his people economically self-sufficient since the centers which could supply needed manufactured commodities were too distant.

While migration still "rolled" westward, Brigham Young sent men to examine all the valleys in this large area and to select sites for settlements. Companies were formed for the founding of Ogden in 1848; Provo in 1849; and Brigham City, Manti, Fillmore, Parowan at the portals of the iron country, and San Bernardino in the Cajon Pass fronting the Pacific, in 1851. The successful establishment of these centers brought Brigham Young to an eminence seldom reached by great colonizers. As Captain Stansbury wrote of him: . . . he held an unrivaled place in their [his people's] hearts . . . he combined in his own character the triple character of confidential advisor, temporal ruler and Prophet of God. W h y did Brigham Young delay the settlement of promising Cache Valley? The stories of the killing frosts told by the fur traders and Captain Stansbury caused the Mormon leader to pause. However, he had need to test the grazing possibilities of the northern frontier in 1855. That year a great drought devastated most of the valleys of the territory, drying up the grasses and causing the death of many animals. Because of this emergency, he sent twenty-five hundred cattle and horses from the church and private herds to Cache Valley. The first animals reached the area in July, 1855. A field of one hundred acres was enclosed, several cabins constructed, and tons of wild hay stored. In November heavy snows and blizzards engulfed the valley, and the hardier animals were driven to Box Elder and Weber valleys, many perishing on the way. About half of the cattle froze to death.

T H E SETTLEMENT OF CACHE VALLEY

321

As Brigham Young sadly reflected over these losses, he was confronted even more urgently with the necessity of finding more suitable land for colonization. From Tooele in 1856, Peter Maughan went to the Mormon leader and described the desolation in Tooele. Successive years of drought, saleratus, and grasshoppers had destroyed the crops of the settlers, and the Indians had stolen many cattle. Some of the settlers lacked food, and many faced starvation.

Peter Maughan wanted to go to a more promising region to settle, and Brigham Young was faced with a dilemma. He weighed in his mind the dry regions in the south with their milder climates, but disheartening droughts, against the rich grasslands of the north with their devastating winters. Might not new settlers on the northern frontier suffer the same fate which overtook the cattle the year before, or might they not face massacre by the Indians? But the people of Tooele must have relief, and, as Peter Maughan wrote in his journal: On the 21st of July 1856 I was sent by President Brigham Young to pick out a location in Cache Valley for a settlement. Brother Z. Riggs, G. W . Bryan, William Maughan, J. Tate, M. Morgan and myself started and made a choice of the south end of the valley for our location.

W h e n Peter Maughan reported his explorations to the Mormon leader, he received permission to lead a party of volunteers to settle in Cache Valley. Late in August, a small group left Tooele bound for the northern country. They were: Peter Maughan, G. W . Bryan, John and William Maughan, Zial Riggs, Francis Gunnel, D. Thompson, William Hamblin and probably Tom Wright. Seven of them were accompanied by their families.

They traveled through Box Elder Canyon and went through Sardine Canyon to the valley. In her journal Mary Ann Weston Maughan, who drove the first wagon to the site of the new settlement, wrote: W h e n we got to the mouth of the canyon we stoped to look at the Beautiful Valley before us, my first words were, O W h a t a beautiful valley. W e drove on to the creek near where Bro Bankhead's home now stands,

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

here we camped on the 15th day of September 1856 . . . [the brethren] have put up sufficient hay then they mead corrolls for our stock then some log cabins for us to live in, mine was small . . . the houses were in two rows north and south, the ends beind open.

The arrangement of houses, close together two rows facing each other, was known as "fort style," and almost all the first settlements followed that pattern. Tragedy came to the small colony that first winter. Young John Gardner "mushed" through the snow from Brigham City, but was frozen to death before he reached Maughan's Fort. The young man had lost his way and life trying to deliver the mail. However, spring finally came, a canal was dug, and crops were planted. Francis Gunnel wrote in his journal: . . . by the blessings of the Lord we raised a good crop after it had been prophecied by many we could not raise any grain on account of the severe Winters and frost during the Summers; by being blest with an abundant harvest we were greatly encouraged, we continued persevering doing the best we could during the winter of 1857.

This harvest of 1857, with an excellent one in 1858, did much to overcome the stories of the severity of the climate of Cache Valley, and was in pleasing contrast to the drought in the south in 1855 and 1856.

The heroism of the pioneers that first winter defies description. They manifested resolute courage and great industry.

Not only did they face a severe winter that almost overwhelmed them with its fury, but they located on the hunting grounds of the Shoshoni Indians, challenging hundreds of red men who might at any time destroy this handful of settlers who remained stubbornly in their unprotected houses.

The "Utah W a r " interrupted, temporarily, Brigham Young's plans of colonization. In 1857 President Buchanan, hearing stories of Mormon defiance from disappointed non-Mormons, dispatched an army to Utah to install the newly appointed governor, Alfred Cumming, as successor to Governor Brigham Young. T o Brigham Young and the Mormon people, the coming

T H E SETTLEMENT OF C A C H E VALLEY

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of the army was serious. It appeared to them that the persecutions which caused them to leave Missouri and Illinois were to be continued in the distant west. The Mormon leader determined to gather his people south of Salt Lake and defend his land by force, if necessary. Thus, at his request, in March, 1858, the pioneers of Maughan's Fort abandoned their houses and promising crops and moved to the southern settlements. The men returned that year only long enough to harvest their crops.

Fortunately, through the intercession of Thomas L. Kane and through the willingness of Governor Cumming to come to Utah for a conference without the army, peace came to Utah, and the troops marched through the streets of Salt Lake City and southwest to a barren area where they built barracks and named their post Camp Floyd.

The termination of the bloodless "Utah W a r " accentuated the importance of Cache Valley as a promising area for settlement. San Bernardino was abandoned, as were the Mormon outposts east of Utah. The settlements were overcrowded, and immigrants who had waited in the East for peace now came in large numbers to Utah.

More land was needed for colonization. Promising stories of the rich soil and extensive grasslands of Cache Valley brought a rush to Cache Valley in 1859 and 1860. The Maughans returned to their house in April, 1859, and soon were followed by their neighbors and many others. That summer, Peter Maughan was busy providing temporary shelter for new immigrants and directing them to promising areas. He was anxious to keep the settlers in the southern portion of the valley to avoid arousing the Indians to warfare. But, adequate land had to be provided. Under his direction Providence, Mendon, and Logan were settled in the spring, Richmond in the summer, and Smithfield in the fall of 1859. All but Mendon and Wellsville were at the base of the Bear River Mountains where streams issuing from the canyons gave promise of adequate water to mature crops. Logan was especially fortunate with the Logan River for culinary and irrigation water. Thus, by the close of 1859 five new settlements had been added to Maughan's Fort, which also was much increased by the new migration. All but Smithfield built their cabins close together in two rowsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;"fort style."

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An Indian attack on the Smithfield settlers in 1860 caused those pioneers to move their cabins close together for protection, l h e total population of the valley by the close of 1859 was one hundred and fifty families, and the largest settlements were Maughan s Fort, renamed Wellsville, and Logan. Fortunately, the Indians were peaceful that year.

For Cache Valley, 1860 was the boom year. Both Brigham Young and Peter Maughan spoke and wrote glowingly about the great possibilities of the area. T o those crowded in the towns in the south and to the immigrants from populous Europe, these stirring descriptions indicated a land of promiseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an earthly Zion. Swiss settlers of 1859 wrote to their countrymen describing the similarities of Cache Valley to Switzerland, and the large unoccupied areas available. Pioneers from the British Isles described it as a land of opportunity, and settlers from the areas south of Salt Lake invited their former neighbors to join them in the rich northland. In a small way, the "Cache Valley fever" of 1860 was a replica of the "Ohio fever" which brought thousands of people to the Ohio country following the war of 1812. So Mormon converts from Europe, from the East, and from Utah came to swell the flood of settlement on Utah's northern frontier in 1860. These newcomers not only added to the population of the towns already settled, but resulted in the colonization of Hyrum, Millville, and Paradise in the south, and Hyde Park and Franklin in the north. By the close of 1860, the census listed 510 families, totalling 2,605 persons, as living in Cache Valley.

EARLY LIFEâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;FORT STYLE

While the threat of Indian attacks, as well as the necessity for unity, caused the first settlers to live close together in the early years, the menace of the red men did not prove as great as in many other Utah communities. There were several reasons for this. Peter Maughan followed closely the admonitions of Brigham Young that "it is cheaper to feed the Indians than to fight them." His wisdom was shown in the Franklin affair.

Hundreds of Indians, many drunken with liquor obtained from the settlers, threatened to destroy the northern settlement. A messenger carried word to die southern towns of the danger, and three hundred minute men, under the command of Major

T H E SETTLEMENT OF C A C H E VALLEY

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Thomas E. Ricks, rode during the night to relieve Franklin. Peter Maughan secured the release of a white hostage held by the Indians. Washakie, in conference, told the Mormon leader that the whiskey sold by two Franklin settlers caused the trouble.

Peter Maughan agreed to give the Indians two yoke of oxen, and the men who sold the whiskey were required to provide the oxen. James H. Martineau, one of the minute men, wrote: Just as the head chief [Washakie] was departing, he said to Bishop Maughan "we have acted badly but we don't want you to talk to the Great Spirit about us.

Don't tell him to do anything to us, don't tell him what we have done." The Bishop answered that he talked to the Great Spirit every day, and could not make the promise desired. The chief urged his request again and again, but being firmly denied, went his way with a downcast look. Two days afterwards the chief sent back a hundred horses that they had stolen from the range, but kept as many more stolen from the valley, saying they needed and must keep them.

Then, too, most of the red men were friendly. It was only when they were hungry that they were in an ugly mood. Only a minority proved unfriendly. Pocatello and Bear Hunter led raids into Cache Valley, principally to steal horses, but war was averted by the alertness of the minute men and militia in defending the towns when the Indians appeared dangerous.

The settlers of the first eleven towns lived close together from the beginning until 1864, not only because of the need of protection, but also because of the difficulty in construction of canals and because of the desire to worship together. Their spiritual and temporal welfare was maintained by the able leaders.

Until 1860, Peter Maughan directed the religious as well as the material development of the people. In 1860, Apostle Ezra T. Benson came to live in Logan and to direct religious affairs.

From that date these men worked together to colonize the territory, to form wards, to name towns, and to nominate bishops whom the people voted to sustain. Peter Maughan also was chosen the first probate judge, and he administered the law in the valley. In each community a bishop was chosen, and he

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rendered justice and led the people in economic activity as well as in religious affairs. He was in reality the "father" of his ward.

The proximity of the settlers to each other, their confidence in their leadership, their facing of common dangers, and their dependence upon one another gave solidarity to these settlements of Cache Valley. In a sense a town was like a family.

Joys and sorrows were shared alike. As the diarists of the settlements recorded the passing of a townsman, one detects the same sadness that is felt when a close relative dies. Together they went to the mountains to cut logs to build meetinghouses and schoolhouses; together as minute men or militia they united to defend their own and other communities. Men helped their neighbors plow their fields because it often took two yoke of oxen to plow the stubborn land; their neighbors in turn aided them. They gave part of their carefully hoarded food to pay teachers so that their children would not remain in ignorance.

They learned well, in those early years of hard experience, the lessons of cooperation. In their limited way they were trying to build up their "Kingdom of Heaven on Earth" within their small improverished settlements. They were democratic because they were equal. As Isaac Sorensen, one of the pioneers of Mendon, recorded: . . . All were about alike and of a truth it was so. The people danced togather, prayed togather, sang togather and worked togather, an came togather in meetings, and listened to and bore strong testimonies of the future greatness and glory of Zion they were as sure that it would come as they were that they existed. W i t h poverty, Indians to contend with, a new country to be subdued, thier own clothing to manufacture, from wool and some flax, and very many other inconveniences and hard obstacles to contend against, they were in no wise discoraged but on the contrary they were encouraged although only 15 or 20 Acres for thier farms they felt well, it was thier own and they worked and looked forward in the future for many good things in thier beautiful Valley, and they were not disappointed.

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Their description of Mendon during "fort style" days is quite typical of all the settlements in the valley then. Besides Indians, grasshoppers, droughts, frosts, and plant diseases such as smut which limited their production, they, raising only the barest necessities and lacking surpluses to trade for badly needed manufactured articles, had to "live within themselves." It was a hard struggle for existence; but, hopefully in 1864 when the greatest Indian dangers were over, as the surveyors "chained" their city lots and farmlands, they moved to their town lots, moving or rebuilding their log houses. There they prepared for more abundant life; they planted fruit trees, erected more substantial barns and stockyards, raised a few sheep and cattle, and became comparatively prosperous. Because of its central location geographically, its site as the county seat, and its religious position, Logan grew rapidly and assumed first place in respect to population and business. On the other hand the smaller communities, such as Mendon, did not grow rapidly, but retained the unity and neighborliness which characterized the life of the town when people lived in "fort style."

EXPANSION OF SETTLEMENT

In 1864 the Cache settlements extended in a great arc from Mendon on the southwest through Wellsville, Hyrum, Millville, Providence and Logan on the east. Only Paradise lay outside this arc. Northward along the foot of the Bear River Mountains the towns extendedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;first Hyde Park, then Smithfield, Richmond and Franklin, which was on the dangerous northern flank with its cabins huddled close together to meet the last great Indian menace. W h e n the settlers moved to their city lots in 1864, they found their fields limited, and many of them sought "broader acres" or "greener pastures." Fathers of large families sought larger farms or more abundant ranges where they could "settle their families around them," where they could secure a more abundant living.

SETTLING THE WEST SIDE

Northwestward across the Bear River were large and inviting areas, though limited in stream flow since the waters of the Bear River could not be controlled for use. The Indians, however, hoped to keep this area for their own hunting ground.

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However, the people needed land and were willing to occupy the region in spite of the menacing red men. Caution was needed, and it was thus necessary to follow the Mormon practice of colonizing with organized groups under leaders who were "called." This was quite different from the voluntary rush to Cache Valley in 1860. In 1864 and '65 three settlements were thus formed in northwestern Cache Valleyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Clarkston in Utah, and Oxford and Weston in Idaho. First the area was explored

by Mormon leaders. Apostle Ezra T. Benson came from Logan in 1864, accompanied by James H. Martineau, to explore the Clarkston area, to survey a townsite, and dedicate it for settlement.

The same year Bishop Marriner W . Merrill of Richmond led a party to explore the region north of Clarkston; they examined the area where Weston, Clifton, and Oxford were founded later.

Apostle Ezra T. Benson "called" Israel J. Clark and pioneers from Logan and southern Cache Valley to found Clarkston in 1864. The same year settlers largely from Franklin occupied a site on Oxford Creek, and in the spring of 1865 a small Franklin group settled just south of Oxford and named their settlement Clifton. In 1865 Weston, between Clarkston and Oxford, was founded by a party of Richmond settlers looking for more farmlands and cattle ranges. These settlements were all abandoned, temporarily in 1866, the pioneers returning to the older towns of Smithfield, Richmond, and Franklin. However, the Indian dangers were soon over, and by 1869 the settlers returned to their cabins and dugouts, though they lived close together for protection. They built dams and dug canals to bring water to their crops.

The method of building a dam on Weston Creek was unique.

Lars Fredickson, one of the pioneers, wrote in his journal: . . . [the] men started to put in willows, dig sods, and carry them onto the dam. They had to carry all the dirt because they had no other way. They made a rack with two poles and wove it in with small willows so it would hold dirt, load that up, then a man to each end to carry the load over on the dam and unload, then repeat. That was the only kind of wheel scrapers they had. The creek was full of Beavers, so that as soon as the Beavers understood that there was going to be a dam

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built, they would work at nights. They would cut willows into three or four foot lenths, sometimes longer, weave them together in the water where the dam was to be, and plaster the whole thing up with mud; the beaver run the night shift, so they were a great help to the settlers, so in about four weeks they had the water out and getting their grain irrigated and growing fine.

Because of the lack of water the size of the farms on the West Side was limited. This was compensated partially in the 1870's by "dry" farming. In 1878 and 1880, the bishop of Clarkston, gave twenty-acre lots of dry land to each of the members of his ward. Then wheat was grown on the dry farms and alfalfa on the irrigated land. Thus, early the people of the area combined wheat raising and dairying and improved materially their standard of living.

One of the problems of these pioneers was to secure necessities. The open fireplaces, where the meals were cooked, were irksome to the pioneer housewife who had to kneel down to cook meals. The completion of the western railroad in 1869 and the founding of Corinne opened a lucrative trade to the Montana and Idaho mines by means of wagon trains drawn by horses and mules. Thus a demand existed in Corinne for oats and hay. The people of W e s t Side raised some surplus oats and took them to Corinne, sold them, and bought needed commodities. Mr. Fredrickson sold a wagon load of oats there for forty dollars, bought a stove and a pair of shoes for his wife. Others followed his example. W h e n the bishop of Weston chided his followers for trading with the Gentiles and asked them to repent, they stoutly defended their actions. Christen Christensen said, "I cant say I feel sorry because I feel pretty good, my wife dont have to set on her knees and cook; so she can stand up straight so I feel pretty good."

Despite the loss of crops because of grasshoppers and other pests and diseases, many of the settlers maintained a certain optimism. Mr. Fredrickson wrote: One day Peter Bendixon came home from the field where his wheat land looked as bare as the road. He went onto his lot and looked at his potatoes. They were

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growing nicely, and he had two cows that gave a bucket of milk each. Then he said "Chee hee now it will be potatoes and milk." He allowed that he would not starve as long as he had that much.

Oxford had it golden years beginning in 1879 when the Utah and Northern Railroad reached there, and a branch of the United States Land Office was established at that place.

The city "boomed," the non-Mormon population equalled the Mormon, a rarity in Cache Valley. Soon, however, the railroad continued northward, the land office was removed, and Oxford's day of glory was over.

From these W e s t Side towns and from older settlements, settlers went forth seeking more land on the small streams. Five miles north of Weston, Joseph Chadwick from Franklin settled in 1867 on Five Mile Creek. He was followed by others, and the cluster of cabins was called Dayton. Northward, pioneers settled in 1868 Treasureton on the east fork of Battle Creek.

In each case one or a few families moved to these sites which never became more than small villages.

Not only from the W e s t Side, but from Franklin and other settlements, small groups of settlers ventured forth, led by visions of "greener pastures."

They erected cabins on small streams where they could cultivate ampler farms and feed cattle on more luxuriant grasses.

Franklin may be called the "mother" of settlements in that area since so many of her "sons" were among the first to settle from Nashville to Oxford on the northwest and from Mapleton to Riverdale on the northeast. Northeast of Franklin, Worm Creek rises and comes from Worm Creek Canyon into Cache Valley, running southwest several miles west of Franklin and entering Cub River just south of the Utah line. The basin of this creek was very important to the people of Franklin since the rich grassy meadows along the banks of the stream offered good grazing, and wild hay could be cut there. It was a small enough stream to use to irrigate alfalfa and wheat lands. As early as 1866 William Head built a cabin on a spring nearby, and in 1867 John W i n n built a herd cabin west of Worm Creek in the area later called Preston. At the close of the 1860's, Whitney just southeast of Preston was settled, while Mink Creek northeast

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of Preston was founded by the Kellers in 1871; Mapleton at the mouth of Cub River by Joseph Perkins in 1874; Nashville west of Franklin in 1875; and Riverdale northeast of Preston on the Bear River just below the "Narrows" in 1878 by the Nelsons; and Glendale, nearby, in 1884.

Newton, the most southerly of towns on the W e s t Side, was colonized in 1869. Since the snows were heavier around Clarkston than on the sunny slopes to the south, some Clarkston settlers thought they should settle the more desirable lands and use the meadows for pastures and the hilly land for dry farming. The townsite was selected, five- and ten-acre lots were surveyed, and settlers moved to their lots. However, most of the Clarkston people remained in Clarkston. In the summer of 1870, Brigham Young visited both settlements and suggested that they both be maintained as there were sufficient resources for each. W . F. Rigby was released as bishop of Clarkston and sustained in the same position in the new settlement. The waters of Clarkston were divided, but most of the water allotted to Newton never reached there, and the crops suffered. Not till the people of the new town built a reservoir was the problem of irrigation settled.

As Logan grew rapidly after 1864, many of its pioneers, as well as settlers from the nearby towns, sought land near springs, or on the banks of streams, or in areas where canals could be brought to the farms. In 1867 Sylvanus Collett settled on a small spring near the Bear River and became the pioneer of Petersboro. In 1870 a small group of Logan and Hyde Park residents built cabins on the Bear River Bench, several miles northwest of Logan, and named their townsite Benson. In 1883 Ralph Smith built a rock house just west of the mouth of Green Canyon, and soon others joined him to found the small town of North Logan. South, just across the Logan River, several immigrants occupied in 1882 a dry bench of Lake Bonneville, and named the area River Heights.

The founding of College W a r d was unique. W h e n Cache Valley was settled, Brigham Young retained nearly ten thousand acres of rich land which was known as the Elkhorn or Church Ranch. The Mormon leader kept a few cattle there, but it was used mostly as a cattle range by the settlers of Millville

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and Providence. In 1877, just two months before his death, Brigham Young gave the land to a board of trustees to establish a collegeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Brigham Young College. In 1878 the local church authorities rented the land to prospective settlers, and in 1890 it was sold outright to a group who named their area College W a r d . In 1880 Avon, some ten miles south of Logan, which had been settled earlier and abandoned because of Indian dangers, was reoccupied. Several miles north of Richmond, a small cove almost surrounded by mountains was settled first in 1862 by Goudy Hogan who erected a grist mill, and when he left, Mrs. Elizabeth Allen, her six sons, and Robert Gregory became the first to farm in the area and name the settlement Cove.

The year 1870 marked the beginning of the application of the Homestead Act to Cache Valley, and from that time most of the new lands settled were acquired under the terms of that act. Although the act was passed in 1862 and provided one hundred and sixty acres for each homesteader after he had resided on or cultivated the land for a term of five years, for seven years Utah was denied the benefits of the law. The lands were not surveyed, nor was a land office established in the territory until 1869. Prior to that time, the settlers in Cache Valley were squatters who held the land which was allotted to them by the bishops.

In 1867, however, the federal government passed an "Act for the Relief of Inhabitants upon the Public Lands," and in 1869 the territorial legislature took action fixing conditions for acquiring the townsite, and the people soon acquired title to their town lots. The surveys of Utah lands and the establishment of a branch of the land office enabled the people of Utah to acquire more land, as well as secure legal title to their holdings.

The first application of the Homestead Act in Cache Valley was in the settlement of Lewiston in 1870. Four young men from Kaysvilleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Peter and Everett Van Orden, John M. BernSisel, and Robert Wall, after examining the new lands in northern Cache Valley, came to the site of Lewiston just south of the Idaho line. They selected four quarter sections of land and filed upon them in the land office in Salt Lake City. This procedure was new, and the Richmond settlers with their twentyacre farms not only resented the newcomers securing such large farms, but were angered at the loss of these grasslands which,

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through use, they regarded as their own. However, they were soon apprised of the law and reconciled to their new neighbors.

Later, some of the Richmond people homesteaded in the Lewiston area.

Homesteading now began in earnest. From 1870 till 1910, when most of the remaining Cache Valley land was occupied, areas formerly used for grazing now were filed upon for farming. Just north of Lewiston, P. D. Griffith located a claim on the Bear River and erected a cabin in 1870. This was the beginning of Fairview, just north of the southern boundary of Idaho.

W e s t of the Bear River, east of Clarkston, and from Idaho on the north to Newton on the south, lay a comparatively large grassy region which today includes Trenton, Cornish, and Amalga. A few springs, near the west hills, made it a desirable area for cattle, but the limited water supply, since the Bear River was too large to dam, would not permit the establishment of a substantial town. It was called the "Big Range" and cattle and horses from Logan, Smithfield, Hyde Park, Weston, Clarkston, and Newton fed during the summer on the thick grasses. Town herds of sheep also used the area. In the 1870's, 1880's, and 1890's settlers came to homestead the land. Andrew McComb came to the area first in 1870 as a squatter. In 1871 the Dave Reese bridge was built across the Bear River, and the region was more accessible. Almost every section of the Trenton area was filed upon by 1876. The area was organized as the Trenton W a r d in 1885, and the northern part was formed into the Cornish W a r d in 1905. Just west of the Bear River and east of Trenton was an extended farming area sloping westward from the Bear River Bench. Though this area, called Amalga, was occupied by a squatter in 1869, it was first homesteaded in the 1880's and permanently settled in the 1890's and organized as Amalga W a r d in 1918. One of the greatest difficulties confronting the settlers of the Trenton-Amalga area was need of culinary and irrigation waters. Not till the W e s t Cache canal was constructed, was sufficient water secured to meet the needs of the people.

The four principal sections, which now form the main part of the city of Preston, were on the dry bench east of the Bear River and west of Worm Creek. It was avoided by the early settlers who preferred the grassy banks on Worm Creek to the

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more arid land to the west. However, as Baltzar Peterson, historian of Preston, wrote: "The coming of the railroad ushered in a new era, work was made available for those who were in need of such even if the wages were meager . . . many new residents came to the community with the railroad."

The railroad came in 1878, and between 1870 and 1890, the four sections which now form the main portion of the city were filed upon as sixteen homesteads. Much of this land was later sold to permanent settlers. Although the railroad gave impetus to settlement, the lack of water delayed it. Not till the decade between 1880 and 1890 were a sufficient number of canals built to furnish adequate water for a substantial population. In the 1890's the "rush" to Preston began.

Some six miles northwest of Preston and northward to the borders of Cache Valley, lay an uninviting benchland known as "Poverty Flat." It was "covered with sage brush and jack rabbits" and was passed by, most settlers seeking less arid regions.

The northern part had been the tented city of Dunnville in 1878, but as this railroad terminus became a ghost town, the region reverted to sage brush. The southern portion of the "Flat," now known as Winder, was homesteaded between 1890 and 1900.

Most of the residents lived in the older settlement and came to their dry farmlands long enough to "prove up" on the land or to plant, cultivate, and harvest their crops of wheat and oats.

The first comers came principally from Preston, Hyde Park, and Fairview where they maintained permanent homes. Not till irrigation canals came, did the people live there permanently.

North of Winder, to the Bannock County line, "Poverty Flat" continued. Though a few settlers lived temporarily in the area before 1900 and a few raised crops there between 1900 and 1910, the real settlement of the region took place between 1906 and 1910. During these years thirteen young married couples, with no economic prospects elsewhere, moved to "Poverty Flats" determined to develop homes and live there permanently.

They were economically about equal, their children were of the same age, they liked to be together, and they worked unitedly to make the settlement of Banida a pleasant place in which to live. Their unity brought them the organization of a ward before their population justified it, and their insistence upon irrigation

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brought the early development of well-watered farms and pleasant houses.

The news of the richness of Cache Valley attracted many settlers, most of them with large families, in the first generation from 1859 to 1890. This rush also brought perplexing problems which come with the overpopulation of a frontier. Even this inviting valley did not possess land enough to satisfy eager young men who found the paternal homestead, divided among numerous offsprings, too small to satisfy their ambitious desires.

Men with large families could not secure land enough to "settle their sons around them." Thus, in the latter years of this first generation, many of Cache Valley's sons sought lands outside for new and more abundant homes and farms. In the early 1880's Thomas E. Ricks led a group of Cache Valley people into the upper Snake River Valley where they founded Rexburg and Rigby. Many other young men from the valley followed these first settlers. In the 1890's Charles O. Card led a group of Cache Valley residents to the province of Alberta, Canada, where they founded Cardston and other Mormon settlements.

Many other young men followed the first settlers ambitiously seeking more extensive farm and range lands. George Lake from Oxford and Lorenzo Hatch from Franklin began the "trek" to Arizona. The McCombs and the Barbers and others found rich range land in Star Valley, Wyoming. Others moved into a valley closer to the homeland such as March Valley and northwestern Box Elder.

As Cache Valley was occupied by new settlers in the generation before 1900, not only were new towns founded, but also the size and importance of the early settlement changed markedly.

Some of the smaller towns such as Mendon, Paradise, Avon, Cove, and Riverdale were limited in farming areas and were not located on the main highways. Their population, after a few years, either remained stationary or declined. However, several towns more centrally located and more favored with water and other resources grew rapidly.

From 1860 Logan, because of its central location in the county and its political and religious position, grew most rapidly as its trade increased. Many people went there to trade, to conference, to transact business at the court house, or to enjoy

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the varied amusements which the growing town offered. From two rows of cabins facing each other, three blocks south along the present Center Street from the Tabernacle Square in 1859, Logan emerged rapidly, so that in 1890 a reporter wrote to the Deseret News, describing Logan as follows: In comparison with ten years ago Logan has made great material advancement. In the city there are imposing edifices such as the Tabernacle, a substantial stone building, the B. Y. College, Thatcher Brothers Bank and other structures of brick. The dwelling houses are generally neat, and some of them are handsome in design and appearance. Most of them are rustic, lined with adobe, for until the past three years, brickmaking has not been successfully carried on. But it is now an established industry, the Agricultural College being built of Logan brick, and many dwelling houses are being constructed with the same material . . . . Logan has an electric light works, and a few electric lights . . . . One excellent feature was the providing of a city park of seventy acres in the south part of town . . . . nearby are the fairgrounds.

In the northern part of the valley, Preston grew rapidly at the turn of the century. The town possessed the advantages of being centrally located in the north. As Battle Creek and Dunnville vanished, Preston became the railroad as well as business center of the northern region. By 1890 a rapid growth which was soon to make it the religious and business center had started. Even in 1890, as Andrew Jenson wrote to the Deseret News: It contains 106 families belonging to the church most of whom live in a scattered condition on the farms and ranches within a scope of country about four miles square, extending east of the mountains, south to the Whitney W a r d , west to the Bear River and north to the Riverdale W a r d . The townsite of Preston, is on the Utah Northern Railway . . . . It contains sixteen ten acre blocks, and is perhaps as beautiful a townsite as can be found in southern Idaho. It is being built up quite fast,

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and fine shade trees are planted along the sidewalks of the principal streets. A Stake Academy building is also in the course of erection . . . . The soil within the limits of the ward is rich and productive, the farm lands are irrigated from Worm Creek . . . and Cub River.

In a sense the settlement of Cache Valley was similar to that of other areas during the lifetime of Brigham Young. But there were some differences. The fertile soil and seemingly plentiful water supply attracted people, and the valley was populated more quickly than in more arid regions. However, on the northern frontier in extreme northern Utah, the area did not attract industry as readily as did the more centrally located valleys of Salt Lake, Weber, and Utah. But, the valley did develop a culture of its own.

W h a t was it that transformed the huddled groups of unsightly cabins with dirt roofs and dirt floors, leaky dugouts, muddy trails, and brush and willow covered land into pleasing towns or cities with substantial houses, with pure drinking water from cold springs, paved streets, imposing churches, and welllighted streets marked with rows of stately poplar trees and shrubs, with irrigation streams for crops of golden grain and green alfalfa? It was the spirit of religious devotion and unselfish cooperation; it was the sharing of one's meager store of flour and meat with the Indians, not only to protect themselves from attack, but also to feed their fellow men who were hungry. It was the minute men rushing through the night to save Franklin and other settlements from destruction by the Indians; it was the herculean labor to dig ditches to bring water to save their crops and save loved ones from hunger; it was the Christen Christensens buying stoves so their wives would not have to kneel in ashy fireplaces to cook meals. It was the sacrificing of one's labor, needed to plant crops, to build lovely churches or impressive school buildings for the benefit of future generations as well as their own children. Among so many of these pioneers, cooperation was a religion which was practiced to make a most beautiful Cache Valley.

J O U R N A L S OF T H E LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY T E R R I T O R Y OF U T A H S E V E N T H A N N U A L SESSION, 1857-1858 (conclusion) COMPILED BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

Tuesday, January 5, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Great Salt Lake City, Tuesday, January 5th, 1858. 10 a.m.

Joint Session met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Mr. Woodruff, Chairman of the Committee on Claims, made the following report: "The Committee on Claims, to whom was referred the Code Commissioners' Bill, for compiling from the U. S. Statutes at large all laws applicable to Utah Territory, agreeably to the Acts passed at the last session of the legislative assembly, and the Territorial Road Commissioners' Bill, would respectfully suggest the reference of said bills to the Committee on Appropriations, with instructions to incorporate the several amounts in the Territorial Appropriation Bill."

Which was read, and on motion of Mr. Phelps, the report was received and referred accordingly.

Mr. Woodruff, Chairman of the Committee on Roads, Bridges and Ferries, made the following report: "The Committee on Roads, Bridges and Ferries, to whom was referred the Annual Report of the Territorial Road Commissioner, would report that they have examined said report, and consider legislation thereon unnecessary."

Which was read, and on motion of Mr. Phelps, accepted.

Councilor Wells presented a Memorial to the President and Congress of the United States, which was read, and Mr. J. C. Little moved that the Memorial be accepted and signed by the members and officers of the Assembly.

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Seconded and carried unanimously.

On motion of Councilor Smith, that a special committee be appointed to take this Memorial into consideration, engross and prepare it for signature immediately, the President appointed Councilors Wells, Carrington and Smith said Committee.

The Committee requested leave of absence, which on motion, was granted, and the Committee retired.

Mr. Parker presented: J. S. F. No. 3. "An Act Granting unto Joseph A. Allred and Others, Round Valley for a Herd Ground and Other Purposes."

Which was read, and on motion of Councilor Smith, was received and referred to the Joint Committee on Herding.

Agreeable to the motion of yesterday, His Excellency, Governor Young, presented the correspondence between himself and the invading army now menacing this Territory, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Spencer, the Assembly heartily concurred in the sentiments expressed by His Excellency in the correspondence, and it was ordered to be published in the Deseret News.

Mr. Rockwood presented: Petition of Thomas Box and Benjamin S. Clapp for a herd ground in Rush Valley, which was read, and, on motion of Mr. Stout, was received and referred to the Joint Committee on Herding.

Mr. O. Hyde, Chairman of the House Committee on Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures, presented a report, which, on motion of Mr. Phelps, was referred back to the Joint Committee on Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures, for further consideration.

The minutes being called for, were read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. Haight, adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council.

Wednesday, January 6, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Wednesday, January 6, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

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341

(J.S.F. No. 3) An Act granting unto Joseph A. Allred and others a herd ground in Round Valley, was read.

Mr. Parker, the presenter of said bill, asked and obtained leave to withdraw it.

Councilor Woodruff moved, that the Hon. John Taylor be respectfully requested to furnish this Assembly with his correspondence with Captain Marcy, with a view to its publication in connection with Governor Young's correspondence.

Seconded and carried unanimously.

Mr. Parker presented: J. S. F. No. 4. An act amending an act entitled, "An Act to Repeal an Act Concerning Fortifications," which was read, and on motion of Mr. Stout, the bill was received, and passed its first reading.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, the bill was referred to the Joint Committee on Revenue.

Agreeably to the request of the Assembly, Hon. John Taylor presented his correspondence with Captain Marcy, which was read, and on motion of Councilor Smith, was ordered to be published.

Mr. Cummings presented: Preamble and Resolutions, which were read, and on motion of Councilor Farr, were received and referred to the Joint Committee on Territorial Affairs.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. McRae, the Assembly adjourned till Friday the 8th inst. at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council, Friday, January 8, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, G. S. L. City, Friday, January 8th, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly convened pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the Speaker of the House.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the Council.

Councilor Warren S. Snow, in behalf of the Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds, made the following report: "Your Committee to whom was referred the petition of John Rowberry and others for a Herd Ground in Tooele County, beg

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leave to report the following, 'An Act Granting unto John Rowberry, Thomas Atkin, and Hezekiah Mitchell a Herd Ground in Tooele County.' Also on the petition of James Worthington and others praying for a grant of Ibapah Valley for a Herd Ground, 'An Act Granting unto John Rowberry and Others, Ibapah Valley for a Herd Ground and other purposes.' Also on the petition of Benjamin S. Clapp and Thomas Box, praying for a Herd Ground in Rush Valley, unfavorable to granting said petition," which with the accompanying bills were read, and on motion of Mr. Rockwood, the two firsts clauses of the report were received, and the third referred back to the Committee for more mature consideration.

Mr. Bullock, in behalf of the Joint Committee on Incorporations made the following report: " W e , your Committee to whom was referred the petition of the citizens of Payson, Utah County, for the extension of their corporation boundaries, beg leave to report the accompanying Act, 'An Act to Establish the Boundary Line between Payson and Spanish Fork Cities, ' " which was read, and on motion of Mr. Phelps, the report was received.

J. S. F. No. 7. "An Act to Establish the Boundary Line between Payson and Spanish Fork Cities," was read, and on motion of Mr. J. C. Snow, the bill passed its first reading.

The bill was taken up on its second reading. On motion of Councilor Wells, the bill was referred back to the Committee with instructions to report a more definite boundary.

J. S. F. No. 5. "An Act Granting unto John Rowberry, Thomas Atkin and Hezekiah Mitchell a Herd Ground in Tooele County," was read, and on motion of Councilor Johnson, the bill passed its first reading and was taken up on its second reading.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, Mr. Clark of Grantsville, who was present, was requested to inform the Assembly whether or not the passage of this bill would interfere with the rights of the citizens of Grantsville.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the bill was amended by inserting the name of Orson Pratt, Sen., before that of John Rowberry.

On motion of Councilor Johnson, the bill was further amended by inserting the name of Ezra T . Benson after that of Orson Pratt, Sen.

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On motion of Councilor Wells, the bill passed its second reading.

T h e bill was read the third time, and on motion of Mr. Bullock, the bill passed.

J. S. F. No. 6. "An Act Granting unto John Rowberry and Others, Ibapah Valley for a Herd Ground and Other Purposes," was read and taken up on its first reading.

On motion of Mr. Joseph A. Young, the bill was amended so as to readâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;brigham Young, Sen., and those he may associate with him, instead of John Rowberry and others.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the bill was amended so as to read Ivenpah, instead of Ibapah.

The bill passed its second reading.

The bill was read the third time, and on motion of Mr. Stout, the bill passed.

The minutes being called for were read, and on motion of Mr. Cummings, accepted.

On motion of Mr. Little, the Assembly adjourned till Monday at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the House.

Monday, January 11, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, G. S. L. City, Monday, January 11th, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly convened pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the Speaker of the House.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Mr. Rowberry presented a petition from Thomas Atkin and seventy-five others, praying for the removal of the County Seat of Tooele County from Richville to Tooele City, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Peacock, the petition was received and referred to the Joint Committee on Counties.

Mr. Joseph A. Young presented a memorial to His Excellency, James Buchanan, President of the United States of North America, which was read, and on motion of Mr. J. W . Cummings, the Memorial was received and adopted, and ordered to be prepared for the signatures of the citizens of the Territory.

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On motion of Mr. Little, the Memorial was referred to a special Committee for that purpose.

The Speaker appointed Councilors D. H. Wells, Geo. A. Smith and A. Carrington, and Mr. Joseph A. Young, said Committee.

On motion of Mr. Snow, the Joint Committee on Territorial Affairs were instructed to report at their earliest convenience on the state of the Territorial Treasury; the expediency of establishing a Territorial Mail; the taxes of 1857, how disposed of, and what amounts to be appropriated, if any, to the several military districts, who were called into service during the Eastern Expedition. As also on a circulating medium for the convenience of the citizens of this Territory.

The minutes being called for, were read and accepted.

On motion of Councilor Wells, the Assembly adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Tuesday, January 12, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Tuesday, January 12, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Councilor Woodruff presented the annual report of the "Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society," accompanied by the report of the Treasurer of that institution, which were read, and on motion of Mr. Cummings, the reports were received.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the reports were referred to the Joint Committees on Agriculture, Trade and Manufactures.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the Joint Committee on Judiciary were instructed to take into consideration the propriety of reporting an Act for the benefit of Notaries Public, similar in power and effect to the act of Congress for such purposes "Approved September 16th, 1850," now in full force in many of the States and Territories.

Mr. Rockwood presented a petition of Joseph Young, Sen.,

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and Jacob Gates, praying for a Herd Ground in Big Kanyon, Great Salt Lake County, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Rockwood, received and referred to the Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds.

The minutes being called for, were read, and on motion of Mr. Snow, accepted.

On motion of Councilor Woodruff, the Assembly adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council.

Wednesday, January 13, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Wednesday, January 13th, 1858. 10 a.m.

Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by John T. Caine.

Mr. Little presented a petition of Lorenzo Snow, J. C. Wright and Samuel Smith for a Herd Ground in Box Elder County.

On motion of Mr. Cummings, the petition was received and referred to Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds.

Councilor W . S. Snow, Chairman of the Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds, presented the following report: "Your Committee to whom was referred back the petition of Thos. Box and B. S. Clapp, beg leave to present, 'An Act Amending the Act Granting unto Seth M. Blair & Co. a Herd Ground in Rush Valley,' as a substitute. Also on the petition of Joseph Young, Sen., and Jacob Gates for a Herd Ground in G. S. L. Co., the accompanying Act granting unto Jos. Young, Sen., and Jacob Gates a Herd Ground in G. S. L. Co., Utah."

On motion of Mr. Haight the report was received.

J. S. F. No. 8. "An Act to Amend an Act Granting unto Seth M. Blair & Co. a Herd Ground in Rush Valley," was read, and on motion of Mr. Haight, the bill passed its second reading.

On motion of Mr. Peacock, the bill passed.

J. S. F. No. 9. "An Act Granting unto Joseph Young, Sen., and Jacob Gates a Herd Ground in Great Salt Lake County,

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U. T.," was read, and on motion of Councilor Wells, the bill was referred back to the Committee with instructions to take into consideration whether or not it conflicted with "An Act to Incorporate Big Kanyon Road Company, Approved January 19th, 1855."

Councilor D. H. Wells, Chairman of the Committee appointed to wait upon the Hons. Geo. A. Smith and John Taylor, Delegates to Congress from the Convention for forming a State Government, presented Report from those gentlemen, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Stout the Report was received.

REPORT By the Convention Delegates to the Honorable the Council and House of Representatives of the Territory of Utah: Gentlemen :In response to a Resolution passed by you, requesting us to report to the Assembly the reception we met at Washington, as bearers of the Memorial of the inhabitants of the Territory of Utah praying for admission into the Union as a Sovereign State, we respectfully submit the following :W e proceeded to Washington as soon as practicable, and conferred with our Territorial Delegate, the Hon. John M. Bernhisel, upon the subject of the presentation of our Memorial and Constitution. He expressed his unqualified disapprobation to our presenting the Memorial to Congress, urging that it would not only be totally rejected, but would be the means of raising obstacles to the admission of Deseret, which might be troublesome hereafter.

As the Republican party had made opposition to "Mormonism" one of the principal planks in their political platform, in their own words, "opposition to slavery and polygamy, twin relics of barbarism," in the then pending presidential campaign, and that party being the majority in the House of Representatives, had all the advocates of "popular sovereignty" been united in our favor, our Memorial would have been defeated; but in addition, our Delegate assured us that we had nearly as much opposition to expect from the Democrats as from the Republicans.

W e conferred with prominent members of both Houses of Congress and of the various parties, and fully satisfied ourselves

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that Mr. Bernhisel's opinion of the subject was strictly correct.

W e also conversed with the Hon. S. A. Douglas, Chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, who was the champion of the rights of the people in Territories to regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, and he told us that it would be better to burn our Memorial and Constitution and return home, than to present them under the present hostile state of feeling in Congress and throughout the country; and that if any man attempted to advocate our admission, the measure would be voted down, twenty to one, by the whole people; and, moreover, that Mr. Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, a member of the Senate Committee on Territories, had prepared a bill for dividing Utah in four parts, making the corners in our Temple, and attaching one portion to Oregon, another to Nebraska, a third to New Mexico, and the fourth to California; and he assured us that such a bill would pass the Senate in five days should we present our Memorial.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;He also remarked that our policy should be to hold still, until the doctrine of "popular sovereignty" was thoroughly established, for to agitate the question at present, July, 1856, would be to bring the hostility of the entire country upon us at a time when not only their hostility to us as a people but also their political interest would prompt them to extreme measures against us.

Many members of Congress, with whom we consulted, expressed themselves friendly to our admission, were unanimous in the opinion that it was impossible to accomplish it at present, and that it would be the political grave of any member who might attempt it.

W e had hoped diat the recess between the sessions of Congress and the triumph of "popular sovereignty" in the presidential election would have produced a favorable change for Deseret, but in this we were disappointed, for although a change came, yet it was from bad to worse.

The Republican press was filled with the most extravagant falsehoods against the people of Utah, and, as soon as the presidential election was over, the Democratic press took up and discussed the "Mormon" question, and vilified us with a zeal and diligence that even far outstripped the Republican papers, leaving them entirely in the shade.

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During our last interview with Mr. Douglas, in January, 1857, he stated that the presentation of our Memorial would result in immediate hostile action; and upon being asked what that action would be, he replied, "of the most hostile character."

The only objection to our admission into the Union, that came to our knowledge, was our "peculiar religious institutions," and notwithstanding it was generally acknowledged that they had no Constitutional right to interpose such objections, yet they had none other.

W e had no reason to expect a single vote in favor of the admission of Deseret, in either House.

In view of these considerations we deemed it unwise to formally present to Congress the Memorial and Constitution, and consequently deferred its presentation.

W e have the honor to be, Very respectfully, John Taylor, George A. Smith, Delegates from the Convention and people of Utah Territory.

Mr. O. Hyde moved that this body is well satisfied with the management and doings of the Hons. John M. Bernhisel, John Taylor and Geo. A. Smith, delegates from the Convention of this Territory and bearers of our Constitution and Memorial to Congress praying for our admission into the Union as a Sovereign State; and that we tender them a vote of thanks for their patience and perseverance in managing the charge with which they were entrusted, and that the report of the Delegation, made by the Hons. John Taylor and Geo. A. Smith be printed in the Deseret News.

Carried unanimously.

Councilor Johnson, from the Committee on Counties, made the following report: "Your Committee, to whom was referred the petition of Thomas Atkin and others for the removal of the County Seat of Tooele Co., have taken into consideration said petition, and report that they deem its removal impracticable, as its present location seems the best adapted to the accomodation of the

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citizens of that County," which was read, and on motion of Councilor W . S. Snow, the report was accepted.

The minutes being called for, were read, and on motion of Mr. Haight, accepted.

On motion of Mr. Clawson, the Assembly adjourned till Friday at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Friday, January 15, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Great Salt Lake City, January 15th, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly convened pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Geo. A. Smith, Chairman of Committee on Elections, presented list of offices to be filled by the vote of the assembly, when the following officers nominated by His Excellency, the Governor, were duly elected: A. Carrington, Chancellor of the Deseret University Wilford Woodruff Hosea Stout D. H. Wells W . W . Phelps S. W . Richards L W . Cummings ^ Board of Regents Orson Hyde F. D. Richards John T. Caine Robert S. Campbell Joseph A. Young Geo. Hawkins Daniel Spencer, Treasurer of Deseret University H. B. Clawson, Territorial Treasurer James W . Cummings, Auditor of Public Accounts

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Thomas D. Brown, Territorial Road Commissioner Alex McRae, Territorial Marshal Hosea Stout, Attorney General James Leithead, District Attorney, 1 st District Jesse N. Smith " " 2nd " Jesse W . Fox, Surveyor General W . C. Staines, Librarian H. B. Clawson, Recorder of Marks and Brands Daniel Cam, W a r d e n of Utah Penitentiary Wilford Woodruff ] A. P. Rockwood I Inspectors of Utah Penitentiary S. W . Richards J Elias Smith, Probate Judge, G. S. L. Co. W . W . Phelps, Notary Public do John D. Parker, Probate Judge, Davis Co. James Leithead, Notary Public, do C. W . West, Probate Judge, Weber Co. W m . Critchlow, Notary Public, do Jonathan C. Wright, Probate Judge, Box Elder Co. Samuel Smith, Notary Public, do Peter Maughan, Probate Judge, Cache Co. George Bryant, Notary Public, do John P. Barnard, Probate Judge, Malad Co. James Frodsham, Notary Public, do Dominicus Carter, Probate Judge, Utah Co. Aaron Johnson, Notary Public, do Allen Weeks, Probate Judge, Cedar Co. James H. Glines, Notary Public, do George W . Bradley, Probate Judge, Juab Co. Zunri H. Baxter, Notary Public, do George Peacock, Probate Judge, Sanpete Co. John Eager, Notary Public, do W m . Felshaw, Probate Judge, Millard Co. Benjamin Robinson, Notary Public, do Philo T . Farnsworth, Probate Judge, Beaver Co. John M. Davis, Notary Public, do James Lewis, Probate Judge, Iron Co. Calvin C. Pendleton, Notary Public, do John D. Lee, Probate Judge, Washington Co. W m . Freeme, Notary Public, do

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Alfred Lee, Probate Judge, Tooele Co. Lysander Gee, Notary Public, do Luke Johnson, Probate Judge, Shambip Co. Robert H. Porter, Notary Public, do Nathan Davis, Sealer of Weights and Measures W . W . Phelps, Supt. of Meteorological observations Hosea Stout S. W . Richards - Code Commissioners J. W . Cummings Councilor Snow in behalf of the Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds made the following report: "Your Committee to whom was referred back the Act granting unto Joseph Young and Jacob Gates a Herd Ground, beg leave, to report that we have duly reconsidered the matter, and deem it inexpedient to legislate any further thereon, and beg leave to be discharged from further duty on that subject.

"And on the petition of Lorenzo Snow, J. C. Wright and Samuel Smith, we beg leave to report the accompanying bill: 'An Act granting unto Lorenzo Snow, Jon. C. Wright and Samuel Smith, Box Elder Valley in Box Elder County, for a Herd Ground and other purposes,' " which was read, and on motion of Mr. Little, the report was accepted.

J. S. F. No. 10. "An Act granting unto Lorenzo Snow, Jonathan C. Wright and Samuel Smith, Box Elder Valley in Box Elder County for a Herd Ground and other purposes," was read, and on motion of Mr. Little, the bill passed its first reading, and was taken up on its second reading, and on motion of Mr. Cummings, the bill passed its second reading.

Bill read the third time, and on motion of Mr. Little, the bill passed.

Mr. A. P. Rockwood called for the report of the Auditor of Public Accounts, which was read, and on motion of Councilor Wells the Report was received and referred to the Joint Committee on Revenue.

Councilor Wells from the Committee on Revenue to whom was referred "An Act amending an Act, entitled an Act to Repeal an Act concerning Fortifications," reported as a substitute.

J. S. F. No. 11. "An Act concerning Delinquent Fortification Taxes," which was read, and on motion of Mr. Little, the

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report was received and the bill passed its first reading.

The bill read the second time, and on motion of Councilor Snow, the bill passed its second reading.

The bill read the third time, and on motion of Councilor Carrington, the bill passed.

Minutes read and passed.

On motion of Councilor W . S. Snow, adjourned till Monday, the 18th, 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council.

Monday, January 18, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Monday, January 18th, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

Mr. Hyde presented: J. S. F. No. 12. "An Act to Authorize Notaries Public to take and Certify Oaths, Affirmations, and Acknowledgements, in Certain Cases."

On motion of Mr. Haight, it was received and read the first time.

On motion of Mr. Little, the bill passed its first reading and was taken up the second time.

On motion of Councilor Carrington, the bill was referred to the Committee on Judiciary.

Councilor Wells, Chairman of the Committee on Judiciary, presented a resolution concerning services ordered by courts.

On motion of Mr. Little, the resolution was received.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the resolution passed its first reading.

On motion of Mr. Lee, the resolution passed its second reading and was read the third time by its title, and so passed.

Councilor Wells, Chairman of the Committee on Judiciary, presented: J. S. F. No. 13. "An Act to Repeal Territorial Taxes."

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the bill was received.

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353

On motion of Mr. Richards, the bill passed its first reading.

On motion of Mr. Peacock, the bill passed its second reading.

On motion of Councilor Carrington the bill passed by its title.

Councilor Wells, Chairman on Judiciary, presented; J. S. F. No. 14. "An Act concerning Appointees to Office."

On motion of Mr. Stout, the bill was received and read the first time.

On motion of Mr. Little, the bill passed its first reading.

On motion of Mr, Little, the bill passed its second reading.

On motion of Mr. W . S. Snow, the bill passed its third reading by its title.

Councilor Wells, Chairman on Judiciary, presented: J. S. F. No. 15. "An Act to Amend an Ordinance Regulating the Manufacture and Vending of Ardent Spirits."

On motion of Mr. Phelps it was received and passed its first reading.

On motion of Mr. Little, the bill passed its second reading.

On motion of Mr. Wright, the bill passed by its title.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted, and on motion of Mr. Stout, the Assembly adjourned till Tuesday at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Tuesday, January 19, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Tuesday, January 19, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain.

Mr. Bullock, Chairman on Incorporations, reported back, J. S. F. No. 7. "An Act to Establish the Boundary Line between Payson and Spanish Fork Cities."

On motion of Mr. Parker, the report was received.

On motion of Councilor Snow, the bill was received and read the first time.

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On motion of Mr. Brunson, the bill passed its first reading and was read the second time.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the bill passed its second reading and was read the third time by its title.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, the bill passed its third reading by its title.

The minutes being called for were read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. Rockwood, the Assembly adjourned till 10 a.m. tomorrow.

Benediction by the Chaplain.

Wednesday, January 20, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Wednesday, January 20th, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the Council.

Councilor Woodruff presented petition from Edward Hunter and others praying for the establishment of a seed distributing office.

On motion of Mr. Phelps the petition was received and referred to Committee on Agriculture, Trade, and Manufacture.

Mr. Farnsworth presented petition from Charles White and others, praying for the exclusive right of Black Rock Kanyon.

On motion of Councilor Smith, the petition was referred to the Joint Committee on Incorporations.

Mr. Farnsworth presented petition from Charles White and Samuel Leaver praying for a Herd Ground and Salt Works at Black Rock in Great Salt Lake and Tooele counties.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the petition was referred to the Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds.

Mr. Rockwood in behalf of the Joint Committee made the following report: "Your committee on Appropriations report the accompanying (J. S. F. No. 16) General Appropriation Bill," which was read, and on motion of Mr. Taylor, the bill was referred back to the

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Committee for reconsideration, and Messrs. Stout, Cummings and Hyde were added to said Committee.

Councilor Wells, from the Committee on Judiciary reported back J. S. F. No. 12. "An Act authorizing Notaries Public to administer oaths in certain cases," amended which read.

On motion of Mr. Haight, the bill was received, and on motion of Mr. Spencer, the bill passed its first reading.

The bill was read the second and third times, and on motion of Mr. Haight, the bill passed.

Councilor Wells, from the Joint Committee on Revenue presented, an approximate report of the finances of the Territory, which was read.

Councilor Smith from the Committee on Incorporations made the following report on the petition of Charles White and others, asking a grant of Black Rock Kanyon: "This Kanyon is already granted to E. T . Benson by the Legislature of Deseret, and it would be unjust to grant it to this petitioner, as the people of E. T. are depending on it for wood."

On motion of Mr. Spencer, the report was received.

The Report of the Adjutant General to His Excellency, the Governor, with the accompanying documents, viz: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Reports of the Commissary General, the Quartermaster General, the Surgeon General, and the Chief of Ordinance, were then read.

The minutes being called for were read, and on motion accepted.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the Assembly adjourned till 10 o'clock tomorrow.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the House.

Thursday, January 21, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Thursday, January 21, 1858. 10 a.m.

The Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the Speaker of the House.

Rolls called, quorums present.

Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Councilor W . S. Snow, Chairman of Joint Committee on Herding and Herd Grounds, to whom was referred the petition

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of Charles White for a Herd Ground at Black Rock, reported unfavorably to granting said petition as it was already covered by legislative enactment.

On motion of Mr. Phelps, the report was received.

Mr. Rockwood from the Joint Committee on Appropriations reported back J. S. F. No. 16, General Appropriation Bill, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Phelps, the bill passed its first reading.

The bill read the second and third times, and on motion of Mr. Rockwood, the bill passed.

Councilor Carrington from the Joint Committee on Agriculture Trade and Manufactures, made a verbal report in which he stated the progress of the labors of the Committee on the above subjects; said they were not prepared to report at length upon the various subjects before them, but that they were in possession of much valuable information which had been contributed by different members of the Assembly and others, which was now being prepared for publication by the Hon. Orson Hyde, and recommended that when prepared, it should be turned over to the Directors of the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, to be published under their supervision. Also on the petition of Edward Hunter and others praying for the establishment of a seed distributing office: That no legislation was needed on this subject, as the matter could be better attended to by the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society.

On motion of Councilor Richards, the report was received and the recommendation adopted.

The minutes being called for, were read and accepted.

On motion of Mr. Bullock, the Assembly adjourned till tomorrow at 10 a.m.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council.

Friday, January 22, 1858.

JOINT SESSION

Representatives' Hall, Friday, January 22, 1858. 10 a.m.

Assembly met pursuant to adjournment.

Called to order by the President of the Council.

Rolls called, quorums present.

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Prayer by the Chaplain of the House.

Mr. S. E. Harrington presented a memorial " T o the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress Assembled," which was read, and on motion of Mr. Stout the Memorial was received and adopted.

Mr. Phelps presented a resolution in relation to the publication and distribution of the Acts, Resolutions and Memorials of the present session, which was read, and on motion of Mr. Little, the resolution was adopted.

Hon. D. H. Wells presented "Resolution changing the seat of Government," which was read, and on motion of Councilor Carrington, the resolution was adopted.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the thanks of the Assembly were tendered to His Excellency, Governor Young, for his many acts of kindness and beneficial suggestions to this Legislative Assembly, especially this morning.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the thanks of the Assembly were tendered to W . H. Hooper, Esq., for the kind, faithful and generous manner in which he has performed the duties of Secretary of the Territory to the present Legislative Assembly.

On motion of Mr. Stout the thanks of the Assembly were tendered to the Hon. Heber C. Kimball, President of the Council, and the Hon. John Taylor, Speaker of the House, for the able and impartial manner in which they have discharged their duties as presiding officers of this Legislative Assembly.

The minutes being called for, were read, and on motion, accepted.

On motion of Mr. Stout, the Legislative Assembly adjourned.

Benediction by the Chaplain of the Council.

J O H N M . BERNHISEL A N D T H E T E R R I T O R I A L LIBRARY TO THE AUTHORS, EDITORS AND PUBLISHERS

The inhabitants of the Territory of Utah through their authorised Agent, desire to address you on a subject wherein you have the power very greatly to assist them, and the importance of which, as an inteligent Republican, they are assured you will at once acknowledge, the extension of education throughout their Territory. Whatever the difference of religious opinion between us, or however extraordinary they may appear, we know that we take the same views of all essential points with our other Christian fellow-citizens, and that we all agree that education is the birth right of every American citizen, and the foundation on which his liberty must rest, if his country is to be protected from anarchy and disorder. The undersigned alludes to those differences, because it has been believed that not only our religious sentiments differed from our friends in the states but that it was our intention to array ourselves against the Government of the Union. W e trust that the late mission of our people to Congress (by which they asked to have extended over them, the laws and protection of their great country) has dissipated this illusion. As the people of a state, we look forward and that at no distant day, to be received into the Union enjoying all the privileges and performing all the duties of our happy and prosperous brethren.

But they would present themselves at that auspicious hour, as an enlightened and educated people, familiar with the labors and genius of their countrymen, and fitted by reading and reflection, to take their just share in the councils and defence of their great country. How shall this be without Libraries and Newspapers? How shall our children, situated at so great a distance *An original copy of this document was presented to the Archives Division of the Utah State Historical Society by Mr. Phillip P. Mason, Michigan Archivist, and the Michigan Historical Commission.

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from their fellow citizens, who enjoy these unspeakable privileges, store their minds with the noble intellectual efforts of their countrymen.

Our soil is productive, our climate not ungenial to our habits of labor, and our people united and happy. W e worship the great and omniscient God; many of our fellow citizens whose ideas of duty or happiness have impelled them to seek their realization in California, have found in their perilous journey thither, that our convictions of Christian duty were derived from the same great source as manifested through the holy Scriptures, although we receive and acknowledge the divine command also from a later revelation. While we claim the privilege of ministering to the wants of the body of our wayfaring brother, we would confidently and earnestly entreat the means of refreshing our own and our childrens minds from the great Fountain of Light that will ever prove "that though there are differences of administration, there is the same Lord." Through the Press we have our chief access to this Fountain, without it, neither the Christian nor the Philosopher could hope to transmit his faith in God, and his manifestations in the discoveries of science, or to improve the condition of those who are living in the depths of superstition and bodily degradation.

The position of our Territory cuts us off from the depositories of learning accessible to others and we can only rely upon the distant periods of arrival of our mails, to learn what is transpiring in our common country. A library for constant reference and mental culture in the more abstract intellectual sciences is more than desirable; it is vital to our existence and prosperity.

Congress with enlightened sagacity that should always characterize the views of the true American in matters of education, has appropriated Five Thousand dollars for the commencement of a Library for the citizens residing in the Territory of Utah, and the President of the United States has appointed the undersigned to procure it. He will remain in the city of New-York a considerable portion of the winter for that purpose. Whilst thus appropriating his time it has occured to himself and his friends, that a most agreeable and profitable method of furthering this design, would be to acquaint authors and publishers of books and newspapers throughout the United States, with the

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wants of his constituents, and to assure them of the sincere gratitude with which donations from them will be received.

All such files of papers and copies of works can be forwarded by mail addressed to the Hon. George Briggs Member of Congress New-York city. The word Utah should be written on the outside of the envelope enclosing them, so that their destination may be more correctly distinguished from works intended for the Hon. member himself. By this arrangement they will be assured of reaching their destination and of their appropriation to their avowed object.

The autograph of the Author or donor will increase the value of his gift, and convey to the reader of a succeeding generation a pleasing memento of the man to whom he may be indebted for his means of communicating with the mind of a preceding age. The volumes firmly enveloped in thick wrappers may be forwarded at your earliest convenience as above requested.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN M. BERNHISEL

New-York, Nov. 12th. 1850.

As a result of the appeal of Dr. John M. Bernhisel, Utah's territorial delegate to Congress, and through funds provided by Congress, Utah in the 1850's possessed a "state library" of which she could be proud. In addition to choice works of history, literature, and "science" purchased by Delegate Bernhisel and donations resulting from his plea, the office of the Secretary of State supplied Utah with various governmental publications such as journals of Congress and United States laws. These were eventually freighted overland and became part of the library which was housed in the Council House.

An act of the territorial legislature of March 6, 1852 created the position of "librarian . . . whose duty is to take charge of the Library (known in Law as the Utah Library)." His salary was the magnificent sum of $400.00 per year with an additional $200.00 provided "to defray expenses for stationary, printing catalogue, and other contingencies."

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The library was soon expanded to a collection of about 3,000 volumes. Then, in 1890 this library which, in its beginning was appraised the finest west of the Mississippi, was considered burdensome to the territory. The legislature divided the library into the legal collection and the non-legal and permitted the nonlegal portion to be transferred to the University of Deseret. The remainder formed the nucleus of the present State Library which, technically, is the Supreme Court Law Library. And since 1890, Utah has had no central depository for such items as state agency publications. Consequently, the record of the activities of many of Utah's early agencies of government is difficult to uncover.

In fact, even copies of Utah's early laws and journals of the legislature are practically extinct. The Historical Society is trying to fill in the many gaps which now exist in its collection of Utah State publications. One of the greatest deficiencies is the journals of the territorial legislature. Some of these are on microfilm, but one, the journal for 1855, is not available at all. So, as Dr. Bernhisel made an appeal in the 1850's for books to be furnished to a Utah library, we, one hundred years later, renew that plea.

Donations of letters, journals, books touching upon Utah and the W e s t will be welcome additions to our present collection.

W e hope to carry on the tradition begun by John M. Bernhisel and again build for Utah a library of which she can be proud.

REVIEWS A N D RECENT PUBLICATIONS The Missions of New Mexico, 1776. A description by Fray Francisco Antanasio Dominguez with other contemporary documents. Translated and edited by Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angelico Chavez, drawings by Horace T. Pierce.

(Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, cl956, xxi + 387 pp. $15.00) This book is altogether a superb production: it is important for a better understanding of the history of New Mexico and the Southwest, and especially of Utah and the Great Basin for the new light it throws on the explorations of Dominguez, Escalante, and Garces; and the format and typography ought to capture prizes for the publisher.

The work consists chiefly of the comprehensive report on the missions of New Mexico written by Fray Francisco Atanasio Dominguez during his visitation to the province in 1776 and 1777. The missions of New Mexico known collectively as the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul, were founded by the Franciscan Order and remained dependent upon the mother Province of the Holy Gospel in Mexico. As Spain began to strengthen her frontiers in North America in the latter part of the eighteenth century, the Franciscans were enlisted to assist in new projects and explorations. New Mexico, oldest of the northern frontiers in the western part of the continent, was strategically located half way between California and Louisiana; yet, the missions had languished as the crusading zeal of the prior century had faded somewhat in the eighteenth.

T o have information useful to the formation of royal policy looking toward the promotion of the spiritual and temporal improvement of the province, Fray Dominguez was sent to New Mexico by his superior to make an inspection of the Custody of the Conversion of St. Paul, to report on its economic and spiritual status, and to gather information about opening communications between it and California and Sonora.

The readers of this book will judge how well Dominguez carried out his commission. His report on the missions of New Mexico is the most thorough-going in the Spanish legacy. Drawn

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in great factual detailâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;nothing was too small for him to n o t i c e he has a full description of each of the missions. From this data, artist Pierce has reconstructed a likeness of each of the mission buildings. Valuable appendices were added to the report: a catalog of the library and archives of the Custody at the Mission of Santo Domingo, and a section of miscellaneous information.

During the course of his visitation, Fray Dominguez joined with Father Francisco Velez de Escalante in the celebrated exploration through Utah by way of the Upper Colorado River and the eastern edge of the Great Basin. He included little of this in his mission report, but the editors of the book have gathered together numerous letters by Dominguez, Escalante, and Garces, most of them here published for the first time, bearing upon the planning, conduct and results of the expedition.

These letters clearly show that Dominguez was the senior partner in the "Escalante" expedition; they explain why the departure from Santa Fe was so long delayed; they tell what both of the fathers, who worked so well together, really expected to achieve by their exploration; valuable summaries of the expedition provide us with the friars' own estimate of their achievement.

After returning to New Mexico, Dominguez finished his inspection and completed his report on the missions. He found that the rosy prospects for the province that Father Benavides had elaborated in his memorials written in the preceding century had not fully materialized. He found some decay in the missions and the missionaries, and he saw material and cultural backwardness all of which he included in his honest letters and in his report. This brought down upon him the wrath of lesser men and his reward was permanent exile to service in northern Mexico with no chance to earn higher rank. His report was filed away and forgotten and remained unknown until it was unearthed

by Dr. France V . Scholes in the National Library of Mexico. This book is a suitable monument to the good friar who would be pleased with the belated appreciation his labors in the royal service will now receive. Thanks to Miss Adams, Research Associate in History at the University of New Mexico, and Fray Chavez, a Franciscan father at Jemez Pueblo, who have provided a historical introduction and useful informative notes, Father Dominguez, who has been almost unknown before, has been rescued from undeserved oblivion.

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Besides the twenty-six drawings of the New Mexico missions, there is a four color frontispiece depicting the altar screen of Our Lady of Light. Two maps by Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco—one of New Mexico and one of the El Paso sector of the Rio Grande—and a map of the Villa of Santa Fe by Joseph de Urrutia are included. There are, in addition to the Dominguez report and the correspondence mentioned above, several other documents and papers. There is a list of the Franciscan missionaries who have served in New Mexico, a list of the full names of all other persons mentioned in the Dominguez report, a glossary of terms that will be highly useful to the layman, and an index. The artistic excellence of the book makes it a joy to handle and to own.

University of Utah

C. Gregory Crampton

One Man's West. By David Lavender. day, 1956, 316 pp. $3.95)

(New York, Double-

First printed in 1943 and now reprinted with new material this is a felicitously written, highly interesting book. It is properly named. Lavender loves the country of which he writes —southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah—and it is a country he obviously understands. The good earth of this country, he says, is not so good. Yet there it is, and its people have to do with it whatever they can. Lavender has done pretty well with it.

The early chapters, which cover his experiences in the 'thirties working in a gold mine, contain some striking characterizations as well as some descriptions of the high country which are superb. Anyone familiar with the remote and rugged gulches of the west, and the revived activity in them when the price of gold went up in the 'thirties, will find here a meticulously accurate description of mining and miners.

From cowboys to uranium prospectors, from the mountains to the sage covered hills, Lavender takes the reader through his own personal west. You meet the people he worked with and his characters are finely and authentically drawn. H e writes of the country with nostalgia and of the people with sympathy and humor.

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U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Such a subjective approach to a region is often more revealing of its nature and problems than is an objective study. Though this book is strictly a personal account, Lavender's perception and understanding are such that the book constitutes a document of historical importance. There emerges a feeling for the rugged and lonely land that will strike a sympathetic chord in any westerner.

After damning the country mightily, says Lavender, one comes to an absurd affection for the particular part of it he has the most reason to hate. And that's true.

Historical Society of Montana

K. Ross Toole

/ Have Six Wives. By Samuel W . Taylor. (New York, Greenburg, 1956, x + 275 pp. $3.75) Here in his own inimitable way, Sam Taylor has given us a look into the lives of the modern Mormon Fundamentalists.

In order to protect his characters, he has given them fictitious names, but has presented the story so factually that those who know the people involved can recognize them, and those who do not know them may have the facts.

This is the story of one MacRoy Byers, who in his attempt to turn his brother from the principal of polygamy, became himself converted to it. Thereby he lost his first wife and her baby son, though he always retained the hope that she would return to him. The story follows Byers to California, a polygamist in principle without any wife at all, through the courtship of two girls at the same time, both willing to enter into "The Principle" together. There follows the account of his securing a third from Short Creek, a fourth from a wealthy home in Los Angeles, and two sisters recently returned from Mexico. The last of these became his wife after he had been sentenced to prison for unlawful cohabitation.

In each case, the author goes into the background of the wife, into the emotional and spiritual and home climate which makes it possible for her not only to accept this man as her husband, knowing well that he has other wives, but always ready to meet him more than half way in the arrangement, sometimes actually proposing it herself.

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Through the story the reader may become so involved in family relationships that he wonders just where he is in this amazing collection of women who are the wives of this one man, yet, it adds up to a story as gripping and interesting and fascinating as any novel.

Toward the end of the book, the author uses real names and tells the story of the attempt of the state of Utah to control polygamy within its borders by taking the children of Vera Johnson Black, to the point where Judge Dunford returned them to their mother. Sam should have had the sequelâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the story of the second taking of these same children, making them permanent wards of the state, keeping them five months and releasing them again to their mother.

Sam does not offer any solution to this problem, which he does make very real, his estimate of the number of people currently involved in plural marriage in Utah being 20,000.

Whether they move from Short Creek into Salt Lake City for safety or whether they leave the state, the essential facts are the same. Polygamy is a very real issue in our present-day society.

One who has read widely in early Mormon history and in the journals and diaries of the pre-1890 period will find here a repetition of the same words, the same fervor, and the same aura of religious exaltation which surrounded the Saints before the Manifesto. T o these people the forgotten story of the Angel with the Drawn Sword is alive and vital; the sermons of Brigham Young and his contemporaries ring with counsel and command not to be ignored.

St. George, Utah

Juanita Brooks

Water. The Yearbook of Agriculture, 1955. (Washington, U. S. Department of Agriculture, 1956, xiii -f 751 pp. $2.00) The soulful eyes of a cow, as she drinks from a shimmering pool, and the cryptic word Water on the front cover convey to the reader man's never-ending concern for good water. This volume, one in a series of annual publications instituted in 1921 to consider economic phases of farming and marketing, is made up of ninety-six chapters dealing with specific segments of our

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complex water problem. The contributors, one hundred and forty-five of the nation's noted water experts (including eight Utahans and former Utahans), take notice of erratic surface supplies, decline of water tables, soaring industrial uses, pollution, ever-growing population and increased per capita use, and, appropriately, irrigationists, our largest consumers of fresh water, take an uneasy look at the present status of water use.

The nature of the book and individual treatment of the authors does not lend itself to logical continuity. At times, the equations, charts and graphs seem to lose sight of the stated purpose "to supply . . . information . . . in a practical useful way for farmers . . . ." Effective use of photographs and illustrations add interest and emphasis. The variety of subject matter, such as "Planning a Large Irrigation Project," or "The Proper Use of Water in the Home Garden," compensates for any shortcomings.

Man's activities have had a detrimental effect on our water supplies. Our watersheds, which feed the streams, have been denuded, and our precious water has been made unfit for further use. The water needs of the United States are serious enough to warrant individual understanding and responsibility, and it is sobering to learn that millions of people in other countries depend upon foul streams or stagnant pools for water. Polluted water remains as one of the foremost obstacles in raising living standards in undeveloped countries.

In the framework of expert opinion and empirical data, a solution to our great thirst for water begins to evolve. Properly the realization of our potentials depends on an informed, coordinated effort by our people to make our sources yield more water, to intelligently use our water, and to reduce waste and pollution. Water is a valuable contribution to the facts and basic principles which will help people everywhere reach the best solution to their water problems, and it has special application to the entire Far West. This book likely will take its place with other notable publications in this series.

Utah Water and Power Board

Jay Bingham

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369

The History of a Valley (Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho). Edited

by Joel E. Ricks. (Logan, Utah, Cache Valley Centennial Commission, 1956, xvi -f- 504 pp. $5.00) A copy of this book has just been received from the printer.

It arrived too late for review in this issue. Casual inspection, however, shows it to be a most imposing volumeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;beautiful color and dust jacket, and amply illustrated with pictures and several fine maps. It is the result of the joint labors of a number of outstanding scholars from the Utah State Agricultural College and Cache Valley and represents one of the major accomplishments of the Cache Valley Centennial Commission. A full-scale review will appear in the January Quarterly.

INDEX

B Abo, Jumano Pueblos at, 12 Acoma, 12 Adams, Eleanor B., 363, 364 Agriculture: 38; sermon, 167 Albuquerque, New Mexico, 11, 12 Alkali poison, 53 Allen, Mrs. Elizabeth, 332 Allred, Joseph A., 341 Allred, Reddick N , 116, 254 Alonso, Don, 13 Alter, J. Cecil, "Bibliographers' Choice of Books on Utah and the Mormons," 215-31 Alvarado, Pedro de, 4 Amalga, Utah, 333 Amazon (ship), 211 American party, 295, 298 Ames, Oaks, 149, 163 Ames, Oliver, 149, 163 Andersen, Andrew, 52, 57, 64 Anderson, Bernice Gibbs, "The End of the Race," 149-52 Antelope Pass, 138 Apostatize, 38 Archives, national, 21; of the Indies, 3 Arizona The Grand Canyon State, reviewed, 185, 186 Arrington, Leonard J., "The Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society in Pioneer Utah," 165-70; "Taxable Income in Utah, 18621872," 21-47 Astor, WiUiam B., 40, 41 Atkin, Thomas, 342; petition of, 343, 348 Atkinson, Alfred, 56 Atkinson, Bernetta Alphin, 163 Atkinson, Charles, 56 Atkinson, Sister Charles, 57 Austin, Nevada, 132 Avon, Utah, 332, 335 Awards of merit, 101

Bailey, W. W., 135 Baker, Joseph, 59 Baker family, 58 Ballantyne, President, 210 Bancroft Library, 21 Bandelier, Adolph, mention, 4 Banida (Dunnville), settlement of, 334; irrigation in, 335, 336 Bank of Murray, 30 Bank of Wallace, 30 Banks: Bank of Murray, 30; Bank of Wallace, 30; Deseret National Bank, 35; Eagle City Bank, 30; First National Bank of Utah, 29; Miners' National Bank, 36; Spokane National Bank, 30 Barber family, 335 Barkley, Alben, 301 Barnard, John P., I l l , 112, 121, 253, 255, 350 Barras, Emery, petition of, 259 Bartlett, Richard Aâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; "Clarence King's Fortieth Parallel Survey," 131-47 Barton, Guy, mention, 162 Battlecreek, Utah, 61, 330, 336; Indian defeat at, 63 Baxter, Zunri H., 350 Bean, George W., assessor, 24 Bear River, 140, 319, 327 Bear River Bench, 331 Bear River Mountains, 319, 327 Bear River, narrows of, 331 Bear River Valley, 36 Beatty, Samuel, mail agent, 162 Beaver City, Utah, centennial of, 188, 189 Beaver County, Utah, taxpayers in, 26; centennials of, 105, 188, 189 Belle Wood (ship), 208, 209, 210 Beltran, Bernardino, 9 Ben Holladay, Overland Stage Line, Bennett Family, 74 Bennitt, Anna Reed (Mrs. Fred), 163

INDEX Benson, Ezra Taft, 57, 64, 160, 325, 328, 342, 355 Benson, Utah, founded, 331 Bent, Major, mention, 162 Bernhisel, John M., 112, 348; settler of Lewiston, 332; territorial delegate, 346, 347; and Territorial Library, 359-62 Bierstadt, Albert, artist, 145 Big Kanyon Road Company, 346 Bigler, Jacob G., committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 260 Bingham, Jay, review by, 367, 368 Bird, Bradford, 59 Bird, Charles, 57 Bitter Creek, 144 Blackhawk, Chief, 63 Black Rock, herd ground at, 354 Bleak, James G, assessor, 24 Blue Mountain, see Sierra Azul Bolton, Herbert Eugene, 2; Guide, 3 Bond, George E., 156 Booth, George, train engineer, 158 Bothwell, James R., 36 Bothwell Canal, 36 Bowsher, Amos L., 158, 160 Box Elder County, Utah, creation of, 105, 106; herd ground granted in, 345, 351; taxpayers in, 26 Box, Thomas, petition of, 340, 342, 345 Bradford, Sam, 160 Bradley, George W., 350 Brady, Matthew, 135 Brigham City, Utah, 59, 320 Brigham Young College, land for, 332 British Mission, 213; presidency of, 204, 263 Brooks, Juanita, 71; review by, 366, 367; "Speech Given at the Dedication of a Monument Honoring the Victims of the Massacre at the Mountain Meadows," 72-77 Brown, Thomas D., 350 Brown, W . E., 164 Brown, Wealthy Ann Reynolds (Mrs. Annie), 163 Brunson, Lewis, committee member, 119; council member, 116; motion of, 354

371

Bryan, George W., 298, 321; assessor, 24 Bryan, WilUam Jennings, 289, 290, 294, 300 Bryant, Edwin, mention, 73 Bryant, George, 350 Buchanan, President James, 322, 343 Buchman, Louis, mention, 103 Budge, WilUam, assessor, 24 Bufa, 7 Bug Smashers, 74 Bullock, Isaac, committee member, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 256, 343, 356; report of, 342, 353 Burr, David A., 110 Burton, General R. T , 160, 253, 255 Bushnell, C. S., 163 Cache County, Utah, 26, 54; centennial of, 105, 190 Cache la Poudre Canyon, 145 Cache Valley, 55, 56, 58, 59; boundaries of, 319; census of, 324; coming of the railroad to, 334; first application of Homestead Act in, 332; settlement of, 319-37 "Cache Valley fever," 324 Cadwalader, Charles, 164 Caine, John T , 345, 349; assistant secretary of council, 118 California, discovery of gold, 19; missions, 18 California Pacific Railroad Company, Callister, Col. Thomas, 253, 255 Campbell, Governor John A., 162 Campbell, Robert S., 349 Camp Douglas, Utah, see Fort Douglas, Utah Camp Floyd (Fort Crittenden), Utah, 235 Candland, David, 24 Cannon, George Q., 291 Card, Charles O., 335 Cardston, Canada, founding of, 335 Carico Lake, 138 Cam, Daniel, 255, 350 Carnatic (ship), 210

372

INDEX

Carrington, Albert, 349; committee member, 119, 120, 340, 344; council member, 116; motion of, 253, 256, 257, 352, 353; report of, 356 Carson City, Nevada, 136, 138 Carson River, 137 Carson Valley, Nevada, 31 Carter, Dominicus, 350 Carter, William A., probate judge, 110 Casas Grandes, 16 Casement, Daniel T , 156, 159 Casement, General J. S., 156, 159 Catholic dogma, 3 Cattle and Men, by Towne and Wentworth, reviewed, 275-76 Centennials: counties, 106, 107; D. A. & M. Society, 166; by A. R. Mortensen, 105-6 Central City, Colorado, 29 Central Pacific Railroad, 65, 133-35, 141, 149, 150, 154, 155, 234, 235; representatives of, 157, 158 Chadwick, Joseph, 330 Chama Valley, 14 Chamberlain, D. S., 162 Chamuscado, Captain Francisco Sanchez, 8 Charles Buck (ship), 210 Chavez, Fray Angelico, 363, 364 Chetlain, General Augustus L., 23, 24 Chihuahua, 7, 8, 10, 16 Chile, Conquest of Indians in, 4 Christensen, Christian, quoted, 329 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 47, 74; conference of, 314; first council of Seventies, 34, 35; handcart travel for, 310, 312; leaders of, 107; officials of, 37; see also Mormons Church Ranch (Elkhorn Ranch), 331 Cibola, seven cities of, 6 Civil War Tax, see taxes Clapp, Benjamin S., petition of, 340, 342, 345 Clapp, Mrs., 163 Clark, Dyer O., 159 Clark, F. A., 134, 137 Clark, Israel J., 328 Clarkston, Utah, 60, 63, 328 Clawson, H. B., 35, 350; committee

member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 259, 349 Clawson, Rudger, 297 Clear Valley, 138 Clement, L. M., 164 Clifton, Idaho, settled, 328 Cloth making: 59, 60 Coe, L. W., 155, 159 Coeur d' Alene, Idaho, 29 Colfax, Vice-President Schuyler, 32 Cogswell, Colonel, 156, 161 College Ward, 331, 332 Collett, Sylvanus, 331 Colmenares, Lomas y, 9 Colombia (New Granada), 4 Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, 197, 200, 207 Columbus, 3, 8 The Commerce of the Prairies, by Gregg, mentioned, 3 Communist party, 299 Compromise of 1850, 1 Comstock Mine, pictures taken of, 138 Connor, General Patrick Edward, 37, 61, 161 Constitution (ship), 210, 211 Cooley, Everett L., 2; "Journals of the Legislative Assembly Territory of Utah Seventh Annual Session, 1857-1858," 107-22, 237-60, 33957; review by, 90-91; state archivist, 86 CooUdge, Calvin, 300 Copala, kingdom of, 16, 19 Corinne, Utah, 26, 29, 36; founded, 329 Corinne Mill, Canal and Stock Company, 36 Corning, John, 157 Cornish, Utah, 333 Coronado, expeditions of, 6, 9, 12, 16 Cortes, Hernan, 4, 8, 10 Cove. Utah, settled, 332, 335 Cossley, H. W., 159 Cost of Uvlng: 39, 40 Cotton mission, 165, 167 Council of the Indies, 9, 13 Counties, creation of, 105; defunct, 109; "move south," 54

INDEX Crampton, C. Gregory, 2, 191; reviews by, 184-85, 363-65 Creighton, Edward, 162 Credit Mobilier, 150 Creer, Leland H., mention, 2 Critchlow, WilUam, 350 Crocker, B. R., 135 Crocker, Charles, 149, 163 Crocker, Judge E. B., 164 Cub River, 330 Cumming, Governor Alfred, 110, 113, 322, 323 Cummings, James W., 349; committee member, 252, 253, 254, 355; council member, 117, 121; motion of, 237, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 343, 344, 345, 351; presentation, 341 Custer, H., 134, 137 Custody of the Conversion of St Paul, 363

D Dahler, Charles, 29 Dave Reese bridge, 333 Davis, J. W., 159 Davis, John M., 350 Davis, Nathan, 351 Davis, R., 140 Davis, Scott, 159 Davis County, Utah, income tax payers in, 26 Davison, Stanley R., review by, 18283 Daylight and Dark, by Fisher, reviewed, 186 Dayton, Dello, mentioned, 2 Dayton, Utah, settled, 330 Debs, Eugene, 299 Democratic party, 289, 290, 294, 299303 Dennison, EU, 158 Denver, Colorado, 29 Derr, William, 121 Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society, see Utah State Fair Association Deseret Gardens (Quarantine Farm), 169 Deseret National Bank, 35 Deseret News. 107, 111, 252, 340;

373

quoted, 336; quoting Andrew Jenson, 336 Deseret, State of, memorial to Congress, 346-48; University of, 362 De Soto expedition, mentioned, 8 Devereaux House, 32 De Voto, Bernard, 81-84, 286 Dewey, Thomas, 301, 302 Dewyville, Utah, 67 Diamond hoax, 145 Dillon, Sidney, 159 Dodge, Major General Grenville M., 149, 154, 159 Dominguez, Fray Francisco Antanasio, 363-65 Don Don Pass, 138 Donner party, see Reed-Donner party Donner Pass, 135 Douglas, Stephen A., 347, 348 Dow, Peter, 179 Drew, Colonel, 161 Droughts, 320-22 Dry farming, 329 Duff, John, 159 Dunnville, see Banida Durant, Dr. T. C , 149, 155, 156, 159 Durkee, Governor Charles W., 36, 160

Eager, John, 350 Eagle City Bank, 30 Eagle Emporium, 31 Eames, Ira, 59 Earll, Minerva, 163 Echo Canyon, 53, 140 Echo Park Dam, 83 Eckles, Judge D. R., 110 Edmunds-Tucker Act, 32, 35 Eicholtz, L. H., 159 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 301, 302 Eldredge, Horace S., 33, 35 Eldredge & Clawson, firm of, 35 Eldorado, tale of, 4 Elk Head Mountain, 143 Elkhorn Ranch, see Church Ranch Ellen (ship), 205 Ellsworth, S. George, mentioned, 2

374

INDEX

Ellsworm handcart company, 312 El Paso, Texas, 11 Emigration Canyon, 312 Emigration laws, 196, 197, 200, 201 Emma Mine, 28, 29 Emmons, Samuel Franklin, 135, 138, 142, 143, 145, 146 Enoch Train (ship), 211 Episcopal Church, 30 Escalante, Father Silvester Velez de, 1, 17-19, 363 Escalante Range, 144 Escobar, Fray Francisco de, 17 Espejo, Antonio de, 9, 10 Estancia Valley, 12 Estevanico, guide, 5 Evans, James A., 159

Fairview, Idaho, first settled, 333 Fancher, Captain Alexander (Charles), 71 Fancher, J. K., 71, 80 Fancher, Richard (Society), 71 Fancher train, 75, 78 Farfan, Marcas, 12 Farnsworth, Philo T , inventor of television, 189 Farnsworth, Philo T , 350; committee member, 254; council member, 117; presentation, 354 Farr, Lorin, 160; committee member, 119, 120; council member, 116; motion of, 258, 341 Farr, Winslow, 59 Far West, Missouri, 35 Faust, James, 179 Felshaw, WilUam, 350 Ferdinand, King of Spain, 3 Ferguson, James, chief clerk, 120, 237, 256 Feud on the Colorado, by Woodward, reviewed, 90 Fillmore State House, 103 Fillmore, Utah, 235, 320 Findlay, William, 57 First National Bank of Utah, 29 Fitch, Hon. Thomas M. C , 158 Five Mile Creek, see Dayton

Florence (Winter Quarters), Nebraska, 287, 311, 315 Fogelstrom, C. P., 162 Forster, Ralph, 57 Fort Bridger, Wyoming, 142, 144 Fort Crittenden, see Camp Floyd Fort Douglas, Utah (Camp Douglas), 31, 64, 68, 139 Fort Kearny, Nebraska, 29 Fort Laramie, Wyoming, 314, 315 Fort Ruby, 138 Fort Sanders, 144 Fort Yuma, Arizona, 90 "Founder of Mining," see Connor, General Patrick Fox, Jesse W., 350 Franklin, Idaho, 324, 327, 330 Fredericks, W . E., 160 Fredrickson, Lars, quoted, 329 ff.

Freeme, William, 350 Fremont, John C , 74 Frodsham, James, 112, 350 Fryth, Hon. F. A., see Tritle, F. A.

Game, S. T , 158 Garces, Fray Francisco, 363 Gardner family, 58 Gardner, Hamilton, review by, 18182 Gardner, James Terry, 132, 134, 137, 142, 145 Gardner, John, 322 Gardner Creek, 58 Gates, Jacob, 351; presentation of, 345 Gates, Mr., 159 Gathering, doctrine of, 213, 266, 267, 309 Gee, Lysander, 351 "General Episde to the Saints," extracts from, 266, 267, 270 The Gilded Man, by BandeUer, mentioned, 4 Giles, John D., 101 Glaciers, 140, 142 Glendale, Idaho, founded, 331 Glines, James H., 350 Godbe, William S., 33

INDEX Godbeite schism, 28, 34, 46 Golden Spike, 65, 149, 150; cost of, 156; dedicatory prayer, 152, 153; driving of, 155; newspapers represented at driving of, 161; re-enactment of, 189 Goose Creek Coal Region, 139 Gould, Jay, 66 Graham, James, 60 Gran Quivira, 12 Grand Canyon, 6 Grant, George D., 118 Grant, President Ulysses S., 32 Grasshoppers, 64, 327, 329 Gray, G. E., 158 Gray, Robert M., "A History of the Utah State Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation," 171-79 Great Basin, 136, 364 Great Salt Lake, 139; first survey, 140; valley of, 17 Great Salt Lake County, see Salt Lake County Green, J. A , 162 Green Canyon, 331 Green River, 60, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144 Green River County, Utah Territory, 113 Green River Divide, 139, 140 Greenwell, Darrell J., "Bernard A. De Voto; Recollection and Appreciation," 81-84 Gregory, Robert, 332 Grewell, R. V , 160 Griffith, P. D., 333 Guatemala, 4 Gulf Coast, 4 Guilford, Michael, 159 Guion Line (steamship), 211 Gunnel, Francis, 321; quoted, 322

H Hafen, Le Roy, mentioned, 2, 86; "Handcarts to Utah, 1856-1860," 309-17 Hafen, Mary Ann, quoted, 316 Hague, Arnold, 134 Hague, James D., 134

375

Haight, Isaac C , committee member, 253; council member, 117; motion of, 340, 345, 349, 352, 355 Haines (Haynes), J. W., 158 Hall, R., 162 Halsey, W . L., 31 HambUn, WilUam, 321 Hammond, George P., "The Search for the Fabulous in the Settlement of the Southwest," 1-19 Handcart companies, 309-17 Handcart song, 311 Hanna, Mark, 293 Harkness, Dr., 153 Harmon, Col. J. P., 255 Harriman, E. H., 126 Harrington, Leonard E., 116, 119, 120, 357 Harris, Robert L., 159 Hart, Alfred A., 158 Hartnett, John, 110, 111 Hastings Cut-off, 73 Haswell, Theodore, 159 Hatch, Lorenzo, 335 Haun's Mill, Missouri, 74, 75 Haven, Jesse, 121 Hawkins, George, 118, 349 Hayden Survey, 131, 147 Head, Colonel F. H., 160 Hedlock, Reuben, 204, 212 Henry, Colonel, 162 Henry, O. H., 159 Herd grounds, 170; granting of, 341, 342, 345, 351, 354 Hewes, David, 164 Hibbard, W . B., 155, 160 Higbee, President, 210 Hill, Alexander, 56, 59 Hill, Dan, 60, 61 Hill, James, 56, 60, 61 Hill, WilUam, 56, 59 Hill brothers, 55 Hills, Lewis S., 24 The History of Cache Valley, Ricks, ed., notice of publication, 369 Hider, Adolph, 75 Hobart, Vice-President, Garret, 297 Hogan, Goudy, 332 Holbrook, Joseph, 116, 119, 120

376

INDEX

Holladay & Warner, 32 The Home Dramatic Company, 50 Homestead Act, 332, 333 Hooper, William H., 32, 33, 35, 357; secretary of Utah Territory, 110-12, 260 Hooper-Eldredge, firm of, 33 Hoover, President Herbert, 300 Hopkins, Mark, 149, 163 Hopper, Colonel, 159 Horizon (ship), 313 Houghton, J. F., 158 House, W . H., 162 Hoxie, H. M., 159 Hudson (ship), 210 Hughes, Henry, 50 Humboldt Range, 137 Humboldt River, 137, 145 Humboldt Wells, 150 Humphreys, General A. A., 133, 144 Hunt, Jefferson, 74 Hunter, Edward, 167, 253, 255; presentation of, 356 Hunter, Milton R., mentioned, 2 Huntington, C. P., 149, 163 Hurd, Marshall, 159 Hussey, Warren, 29-30 Hyde, Orson, 57, 349; committee member, 118, 121, 252, 253, 254, 355, 356; council member, 117; motion of, 255, 256, 348; presentation of, 352; printer, 286; report, 340 Hyde Park, Utah, 327, 331 Hyrum, Utah, 63, 324, 327

I Ibapah Valley, petition for herd ground in, 342, 343 Ibarra, Diego de, 16 Ibarra, Francisco de, 16 / Have Six Wives, by Taylor, reviewed, 366, 367 Improvement Era, quoted, 298 InCa Empire, 4 Income distribution, 42, 43, 45, 59 Income Tax, see taxes Independence party, 300 The Indian and the Horse, by Roe, reviewed, 184-85

Indian peoples: Arancanian, 4; Aztecs, 10; Chibchas, 4 ; Inca empire, 4; Jemez, 17, 18; Mexican, 18; Mojave, 17; Moquis, 19; Pueblo, 15; Utah, 17 Indian pueblos, 11 Indians: 12, 58, 76; fighting with, 61; intermarriage with Spanish, 15; threaten to destroy Franklin, 324 Inscription Rock, 14 International (ship), 210 Iowa City, Iowa, 311, 313 Iron County, Utah, income tax returns from, 26 Irrigation: 165, 323, 328, 330, 331, 333-35; dam and canal building, 58 Isabella, Queen, 3 Isle of Wight, 205

J Jacobs, Louie, 158 Jaques, John, quoted, 210 Jayhawkers, 74 Jemez, Pueblo, 364 Jemez River Valley, 12 Jennings, Charles C , 162 Jennings, William, 30-32, 41, 160 Job's Peak, 137 Johnson, Aaron, 350; committee member, 253; council member, 117; motion of, 258 Johnson, Benjamin Fâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; committee member, 119, 120; council member, 116; motion of, 342; report of, 348 Johnson, Luke, 351 Johnston's Army, see Utah Expedition Jonas, Frank H., "Utah Presidential Elections, 1896-1952," 289-307 Jones, E. B., 162 Jones, Garth N , "Utah Presidential Elections, 1896-1952," 289-307 Jones, Col. N. V , 253, 255 Jumano pueblos, 12 "Jupiter" (C. P. engine), 156, 158 Jusepe (Indian), 12 Juventa (ship), 205

K Kamas Prairie, 140 Kane, Thomas L., 323

377

INDEX Kane County, Utah, income tax returns from, 26 Kearns, Thomas, 294-96 Keller family, 331 Kellog, Miss , 163 Kellogg, Idaho, mining promotions in, 30 Kelly, John, assessor, 24 Kennebec (ship), 210 Kerr, John W . , 36-37 Kessell, William C , 158 Kimball, Heber G , 357; council member, 116; mention, 33, 204; president of the council, 118 Kimball, John B., 33, 34 Kimball, William H., Sergeant-atArms, 120 King, Clarence, survey, 131-47 King, William H., 296n Kiskadden, WilUam, 36 Lake, George, 335 The Land Grabbers, by Daniels, reviewed, 277 Land grants, 150 Larsen, Lars (Fiddler), 59 Larsen, Peter, 56 Lassen's Butte, 142 Latham, Hon. Milton S., 164 Lava flows, study of sources, 141 The Law or the Gun, by Latham, reviewed, 186 Lawrence, Henry W . , 33-35 Leadville, Colorado, mining in, 29 Leaver, Samuel, petition of, 354 Ledlie, General, 159 Lee, Alfred, 351 Lee, Governor J. Bracken, 86, 179 Lee, John D., 350; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 352; presentation of, 257 Legislature: House committees, 11920, 253, 254; members of the council, 116-17; sessions of, 108; seventh session, journals of, 10722, 237-60, 339-57 Leithead, James, 350 Lemhi River, 81 Lemon, David, 160 Lemmon, Jasper, 57

Lewis, James, 350 Lewis and Clark, 81 Lewiston, Utah, first settled, 332 Liberal party, 28, 34, 46, 291, 295 Lightner, Colonel, 162 Lincoln, President Abraham, 21 Little, Colonel Feramorz, mentioned, 160 Little, J. C , assessor, 24; committee member, 118, 121, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 260, 339, 343, 344, 351-53, 357; presentation of, 345 Livingston and Bell, 36 Lockwood, Le Grande, mention, 41 Logan Temple, 63 Logan, Utah, 327, 335 ff.; settled, 323 Lolo Trail, 81 Long's Peak, 143 Lost Creek, 53 Lost Treasure Trails, by Penfield, reviewed, 277 Lowery, Thomas, 160 Luckham, Roger, 56 Lyman, Francis M., 24, 291 Lynch, Patrick, 120 Lyon, T . Edgar, "Orson Pratt Pioneer and Proselyter," 261-73

M Mabey, Charles R., review by, 27475 McComb, Andrew, 333 McComb family, 335 McCrellish, Frederick, 161 McCullough, C. W . , "The Passing of the Streetcar," 123-29 McKean, Judge James B., 68 McKinley, President William, 289, 290 McKnight, James, public printer, 237 McRae, Alexander, 350; committee member, 253: council member, 117; motion of, 341; presentation of, 259 Madsen, Brigham, mention, 2 Majors, Alexander, 162 Malad County, Idaho, 112 Malad Valley, 59, 112 Mallory, Benjamin S., 156, 160 Mallory, J. W . , 160

378

INDEX

Manti, Utah, founded, 320 Mapleton, Utah, 330, 331 Marcas, Fray, 6, 12 Marcy, Captain Randolph B., 341 Marsh, Charles, 157 Martin handcart company, 313, 314 Martineau, James H., 325, 328 Maughan, John, 321 Maughan, Mary Ann ( W e s t o n ) , quoted, 321 Maughan, Peter, 56, 58, 67, 321, 323, 325, 350 Maughan, WilUam, 321 Maughan's Fort, see WeUsville Maxwell, James, 159 Medicine Bow Range, 145 Megeith, J. G , 162 Memorial to Congress for admission to the Union, 346-48 Mendon (North Settlement), Utah, 49, 56, 57, 60, 323, 326, 327, 335 Mendon Co-op, 67 Merrill, Marriner W . , 328 Merrill, Milton, 293 Mexican W a r , 1, 19 Mexico, 2, 4, 7, 11, 13; mines, 7; origin of people, 17 Mexico City, Mexico, 7, 14 Militia, drills, 68; home, 63 Millard County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Millcreek, 53, 54 Millennial Star, 202, 310; excerpts from, 195, 272, 273 Miller, C. T., 162 Miller, David E., review by, 91-93 Miller, E. H., 164 Mills, Edgar, 152, 155, 158 Millville Canyon, 57 Millville, Utah, 57, 324, 327, 331 Miners' National Bank, 36 Mining: developing of, 29, 30, 34, 62; income tax derived from, 39; trade with camps, 38 Mink Creek, Idaho, founded, 331 Minkler, H. H., 158 The Missions of New Mexico, 1776,

by Dominguez, reviewed, 363-65 "Missouri Wildcats," 76

Mitchell, Hezekiah, 342 Monarch of the Sea (ship), 208, 209 Money, 65 Montague, S. S., 158 Moqui, province of, 15 Morgan County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Morgan, Nicholas G., Sr., 71, 87, 191 Morley, Isaac, 253 Mormon Battalion, 74 Mormon Church, see Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, edited by Cleland and Brooks, reviewed, 88-90 Mormon emigrants, Church organization of, 202, 203, 207, 267-69; conditions at sea, 200, 201; education of, 209; health precautions for, 198, 199; mortality rates, 206, 207; protection of, 198 Mormon-Gentile relations, 36, 46, 295 Mormons, 75, 113; agricultural poUcy, 165; economic life, 290; land poUcy, 44; leaders of church, 107; political affiUations, 291 Mormon Tribune, see Salt Lake Tribune Morrill Act, 166 Morris, Thomas B., 159 Mortensen, A. R , 71, 87, 102; centennials, 105-6; review by, 88-90 Mountain Meadows massacre, 71, 73, 77, 78, 88 Mount Shasta, CaUfornia, 142 Mount Whitney, 145 "Move south," 54, 323 Muddy River, 60 Muldei, William, 284-85; "Salt Lake in 1880: A Census Profile," 23336 Murphy, R. A., 158

N Narvaez, Panfilo de, expedition, 4 Nashville, Idaho, 330, 331 Native Sons of the Golden W e s t Travelling Fellowship in Pacific Coast History, 3 Nauvoo, Illinois, 75 Neff, Andrew L., mention, 2

INDEX Nelson family, 331 N e w Granada, see Colombia New Mexico, 1-4, 8-10, 12, 14-16, 18, 19 N e w Pass, 138 New Spain, 12 Newton, Utah, colonized, 331 The Nez Perces: Tribesmen of the Columbia Plateau, reviewed, 18283 Nixon, Vice-President Richard, 301 Niza, Fray Marcos de, 5 North, Mrs. E. P., 163 North Logan, Utah, 331 North Settlement, see Mendon North Park, Colorado, 143 Northwest Passage, see Strait of Anian Nottingham, Henry, 162 Nueva Galicia, 10 Nunez, Cabeza de Vaca, 4, 5

O O'Donnell, Thomas, 160 Ogden bottom, 60 Ogden High School, 82 Ogden Police Department, 171, 172 Ogden Standard, 82 Ogden, Utah, 1, 29; founded, 320 Oklahoma border, 12 Olympus (ship), 209 Onate, Juan de, expedition to Gulf of California, 9-14; petition of, 3 Oneida Narrows, 319 O'Neil, Hugh F., "List of Persons Present Promontory, Utah, M a y 10, 1869," 157-64 One Man's West, by Lavender, reviewed, 365-66 O'Sullivan, Timothy H., 135, 138 Overland Mail Company, 31 Overland Road, 138 Overland Telegraph Company, 31 Oviatt, Alton B., review by, 275-76 Oxford, Idaho, 328, 330

Pace, W . B., 24 Pacific Ocean, explorations for, 13

379

Pacific Union Express Company, 159 Panic of 1873, 29 Paradise, Utah, 324, 327, 335 Parker, Alton B., 290 Parker, John D., 350; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 116; motion of, 353; presentation of, 340, 341 Parleys Canyon, 54 Parowan, Utah, founded, 320 Peacock, E. H., 158 Peacock, George, 350; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 343, 345, 353 Pecos, 9 Pedrarias, 4 Pendleton, Calvin C , 350 People's party, 295 Peralta, Governor, 11 Perkins, Joseph, 331 Perpetual Emigration Fund, 310, 315 Petersboro, Utah, founded, 331 Peterson, Baltzar, quoted, 334 Phelps, Hon. T . G., 164 Phelps, W . W . , committee member, 253, 255; council member, 117; motion of, 121, 122, 256, 259, 260, 339, 342, 344, 349-56; presentation of, 357; report of, 255 Phillips, Mr 159 PhilUps, Mrs , 159, 163 Pike, Lieut. Zebulon M., 15 Pitchforth, Ann, quoted from letter of, 206 Pizarro, Francisco de, 4, 8 Platte River, 314 Political parties, voting statistics of, 289 Poll, Richard, mention, 2 Polygamy, 34 Pond Town, 54 Pony Express, 315 The Pony Express, by Jensen, reviewed, 186-87 Porter, Robert H., 351 "Poverty Flats," see Winder Posada, Fray Alonso de, 18 Powell Survey, 131, 147 Pratt, Orson, 342; "Pioneer and Proselyter," 261-67

380

INDEX

Pratt, Parley P., 261 Preston, Idaho, 330, 333, 336 "The Proceedings at Promontory Summit," from the Deseret News, May 19, 1869, 152-56 Progressive party, 300 Progressive parties, 300, 301 Prohibition party, 300 Promontory Range, 140 Promontory Summit, 149, 152 Promontory Town, 151 Providence, Utah, settled, 323, 327 Provo Region, 140 Provo, Utah, founded, 320 Provo Valley, 55, 56 Pueblos, 12; revolt of, 15 Pyramid Lake, 136

Quarantine Farm, see Deseret Gardens Quesada, Gonzalo Jimenez de, 4 Quinn River, 137 Quivira, 6, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18

R Rabbit Ears Range, 145 Ransom, J. M., 162 Rea, Ralph R., "Acceptance Speech at the Dedication of the Mountain Meadows Massacre Monument on September 4, 1955," 77-80 Redding Springs, 138 Reed, Anna, see Bennitt, Mrs. Fred Reed-Donner party, 73, 74, 76; route of, 262 Reed, General S. B., 159 Reed, Mrs. S. B., 163 Reese River, 137, 138 Reno, Nevada, 141 Report of Convention for a State Government, 346-48 Republican party, 289, 290, 294-96, 299-303, 346 Rexburg, Idaho, founded, 335 Reynolds, Wealthy Ann, see Brown, Mrs. Annie Rich, General C. C , 253, 255 Richards, Franklin D , 160, 314, 349; committee member, 119; council

member, 116; motion of, 353, 356; quoted, 310 Richards, John, 57 Richards, Samuel W . , 349-51; council member, 117 Richmond, Utah, 327 Ricks, Joel E., 102; "The President's Report," 85-87; "The Settlement of Cache Valley," 319-37 Ricks, Major Thomas E., 325, 335 Ridgeway, Robert, 135 Rigby, W . F., 331 Rigby, Idaho, founded, 335 Riggs, Zial, 321 Rio Grande River, 11, 12 River Heights, 331 Riverdale, Idaho, 330, 331, 335 "Robber Barons," 41 Robinson, Benjamin, 350 Robinson, General Lewis, 255 Robinson handcart company, 316 Rockwood, A. P., 350, 351; council member, 117; motion of, 121, 237, 253, 258, 259, 341, 342, 345, 354; presentation of, 340, 344; report of, 356 Rocky Mountain System, 142 Rodriquez, Friar Agustin, 8 Romney, Thomas G , mention, 2 Roosevelt, President Franklin D., 301, 302 Roosevelt, President Theodore, 290, 295, 297, 298, 301n Rowberry, John, 343; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; petition of, 257, 3 4 1 ; presentation, 343 Ruby Valley, Nevada, 31 Rush Valley, 340 Russell, A. J., 159 Ryan, E. B., 158, 163

Sacajawea, mentioned, 81 Saddles and Spurs, by Raymond and Mary Settle, reviewed, 274-75 Safford, Governor A.P.K., 154, 159 St. Joseph, Missouri, 31 St. Mark's Hospital, 30 St. Mark's School, 30

INDEX Salmeron, Fray Geronimo de Zarate, 17 Salmon, Idaho, 81 Salt Lake G t y Lines, 126 Salt Lake City, Utah, 26, 75; first butcher shop in, 31; first drug store in, 33; mayor of, 32 Salt Lake County, Utah, 109; income tax from, 26 Salt Lake Desert, 138 SaZr Lake Herald-Republican. 82 Salt Lake Traction Company, 128 Salt Lake Tribune, 34 San Bernardino, California, 320, 323 Sanderson, S. W . , 158 Sandwalking train, 74, 76 San Gabriel, 12-14 San Juan (San Juan de los Caballeros), 11 San Juan de los Caballeros, (pueblo), see San Juan Sanpete County, Utah, 109; income tax from, 26 Santa Fe, New Mexico, 11, 14; archives at, 3 Santo Domingo, N e w Mexico, 11 Sargent, Hon. A. A., 164 Savage, G R., 160 Schofield, General, 142 Scholes, France V , 364 S. Curling (ship), 196 Senter, George B., 162 Seth M. Blair & Co., 345 Seven Cities, legend of, 5 Severe, Harrison, petition of, 259 Seymour, Silas, 159 Shaffer, Governor, 68 Sharp, John, 118, 160 Sheffield Scientific School, 132 Sheridan, General Phil, 32 Sherman, General W . T., 32 Sherman, WilUam, 158 Shilling, W . N., 160 Shoshone Mountains, 138 Shumway, Andrew, 57, 60 Shumway, Charles, 56 Sierra Azul (Blue Mountain), 15, 16 Sigler, Howard, 158 Silk missions, 167 Silver Hill Range, 137

381

Silver issue, 291, 292 Simmons, Col. J. M., 24, 255 Sims, Elder, 209 "Sinks," 137 Sippy, Bill, 158 Smith, Elias, 350 Smith, George A., 344, 346; committee member, 119, 252, 349; council member, 116; delegate, 348; motion of, 340 Smith, Jedediah Strong, mentioned, 74 Smith, Jesse N., 350 Smith, John E., tax assessor, 24 Smith, John Henry, 291 Smith, Joseph F., 291, 294, 297; quoted, 298 Smith, Prophet Joseph, Jr., 34, 75 Smith, Ralph, 331 Smith, Samuel, 350; petition of, 345, 351; report of, 355 Smith, Mrs. O. G, 163 Smithfield, Utah, 323, 324, 327 Smoot, Reed, 291, 293, 296, 298, 300 Snake River, 144 Snow, Erastus, 253, 255 Snow, James G , committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 342, 344, 345; presentation, 255 Snow, Lorenzo, 37, 257, 291, 293, 297; committee member, 119; council member, 116; petition of, 345, 351 Snow, Warren S., 257, 341, 345, 351, 352, 355; committee member, 119, 120; council member, 116; motion of, 349, 353 Snow, William J., mentioned, 2 Socialist-Labor party, 299 Socialists, 300 Socarro, New Mexico, 11 "Son," Chief of the Humboldt Paiutes, 137 Sonora, Mexico, 5 Sorensen, A. N., "The History of Isaac Sorensen; Selections from a Personal Journal," 49-70 Sorensen, Isaac, 50, 51, 56; quoted.

326 Sorensen, Mary (Poulsen), 65 Sorensen, Peter, 56

382

INDEX

Southern Pacific Railroad, see Central Pacific Railroad South Pass, 314 South Sea, see Pacific Ocean Spanish Empire, in North America, "The Search for the Fabulous in the Settlement of the Southwest," 1-19 Sparkman, John, 301 Spencer, Daniel, 349; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117; motion of, 355 Spencer, Orson, 271; quote from letter of, 212 Spokane National Bank, 30 Sprague, Samuel S., 118 Spry, William, 298 Staines, W. G, 350 Stanford, A. P., 164 Stanford, Governor Leland, 149, 151, 153-55, 157 Stanford Special, 151 Stansbury, Captain, quoted, 320 Stanton, Mrs. , 163 Stayner, Arthur, 24 Stevenson, Adlai, 301 Stewart, A. T , 40 Stewart, John N , 159 Stillman, Dr. T. D. B., 158 Stoddard handcart company, 316 Stout, Hosea, 350, 351; committee member, 253, 355; council member, 117; motion of, 252, 255, 340-44, 352, 353, 357; presentation, 260 Strait of Anian (Northwest Passage), 18 Strange, W . A., 160 Streetcar system: 123, electrification of, 124 Strobridge, John H., 157 Strobridge, Mrs. J. H., 162 Strobridge, Julia, 163 Strobridge, Samuel, 163 Summit County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Supreme Court Law Library, 362 Sutherland, George, 296 Swanton (ship), 204, 213 Sweet, Cyrus A., 160 Sweeten, Robert, 56 Swineherd of Estremadura, see

Pizarro, Francisco de

Taft, President WilUam H., 290, 294, 298 Taggart, John P., 24 Tangent Range, 140 Taos, 9, 12 Taylor, Glen H., 301 Taylor, John, 34, 291n, 341, 346, 357; council member, 117; delegate, 348; motion of, 354; speaker of the House, 120 Taylor, Moses, 41 Taylor, Philip A. M , "Mormons and Gentiles on the Atlantic," 195-214 Tax assessors, 24 Taxes: Civil War tax, 24, 27, 29, 32, 35, 37; income tax laws, 21-23 Teguayo, kingdom of, 16-19 Temple Hill, 63 Territorial fairs, 168, 169; see also Utah State Fair Association Territorial legislature, see legislature Territorial Library, 359-62 Texas, state of, 19 Thomas, Norman, 299 Thomas, Preston, committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117 Thompson, D., 321 Thompson, Walter, 24 Thornton (ship), 313 Thrie, General T , 161 Thurston, Mr , 61, 62 Timpanogos (Valley), 140 Tithing, 39 Todd, Reverend Dr. J., 152 Tooele County, Utah, herd ground in, 341; income taxes from, 26 Toole, K. Ross, review by, 365-66 Toombs, Joseph M., 160 Toponce, Alexander, 36, 37 Toronto, Lamont F., 86 To The Rockies and Oregon, 18391842. by Hafen and Hafen, reviewed, 91-93 Towne, A. N., 164 Toyabe Range, 138 Treasureton, Utah, setded, 330 Trenton, Utah, 333

383

INDEX Trenton Ward, 333 Tritle, F. A., 158 Trolley coach, 128 Truckee River, 136 Truman, President Harry S, 301, 302

u Uinta Range, 140, 143 United Order, 49, 69 United States Army, 53, 54 United States Land Office, 330 Union Pacific Railroad, 36, 65, 126, 133, 149-51, 154, 155, 234, 235; representatives of, 159, 160 Unionville, Nevada, 136 Up Home, by Kennelly, reviewed, 276 Urdinola, 9 Utah Central Railroad, 32, 33, 66, 234 Utah County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Utah Expedition (Johnston's Army, Mormon RebelUon, Utah War), 27, 36, 107, 235, 315, 322, 323 Utah Light and Traction Company, 126 The Utah Magazine, 34 Utah Northern Railroad, 66, 67, 68, 234, 330 Utah Peace Officers Association, 172 Utah Southern Railroad, 32, 234 Utah State Fair Association (Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society), 106, 165-70, 356 Utah State Police Association, 171 Utah State Prison, deputy warden of, 172 Utah Territory, revenue district, 24 Utah War, see Utah Expedition Utah Western Railroad, 234

V Valdivia, Pedro de, 4 Vandenburgh, F. L., 158 Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 40, 41 Van Orden, Everett, 332 Van Orden, Peter, 332 Vargas, Governor Diego de, 15 Viceroy of Mexico, 3, 5, 9, 10, 13, 15, 18

Verde River, 12 Villagra, Gasper de, 13 Virginia City, Montana, 29 Virginia City, Nevada, 132, 137, 138, 140 Virginia Mountains, 136

w

Wade 74 Walker, David Frederick, 27, 38 Walker, Dock, 59 Walker, Joseph Robinson, 27, 38 Walker, Matthew Henry, 27, 38 Walker, Samuel Sharp, 27, 38 Walker Brothers, 27, 28, 38 Walker House, 28 Walker Opera House, 28 Wallace, Henry A., 301 Walnut River, 12 Warren, D. B., 159 Warren, Earl, 301 Warren, General G. K., 134 Wasatch County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Wasatch Mountains, 140 Washakie, Chief, 325 Washington County, Utah, income tax from, 26 Washoe silver region, 138 Water, the yearbook of agriculture, reviewed, 367-68 Watson, Sereno, 135, 138 Weber County, Utah, income tax returns from, 26; sheriff's department, 172 Weber River, 140 Weeks, Allen, 350 Wells, Daniel Hanmer, 68, 339, 349; committee member, 119, 120-22, 252, 256, 340, 344; council member, 116; motion of, 260, 342-44, 346, 351; presentation of, 353, 357; report of, 355 Wells, Heber M., 294, 298 Wellsville (Maughan's Fort), Utah, 56, 59, 60, 105, 322, 323, 327 West, G N , 164 West, Chauncy W., 350; committee member, 253, 254; council member, 117, 160; motion of, 258 West, E. A , 128

384

INDEX

West Cache Canal, 333 West Indies Islands, 3 The West of Philip St. George Cooke, reviewed, 181-82 West Side, 329, 330 Western Union Telegraph, 155, 160 Westmorland (ship), 52 Weston, Mary Ann, see Maughan, Mary Ann Weston Weston, Idaho, 61, 328 Wheeler Survey, 131, 147 Wheelock, Cyrus H., 118, 122 White, Charles, 354, 355 White Mountains, of Mexico, 54 White River, 140 White River Mining District, 138 Willes, Elder William, 209 William Tapscott (ship), 196, 205 Willie, James G., 57 Willie handcart company, 313, 314 "Willow Valley," see Cache Valley Wilson, President Woodrow, 299 Winder, Utah ("Poverty Flats"), 334 Wolverines, 74 Woodruff, Wilford, 116, 119, 167, 291n, 349, 350; motion of, 341, 345; presentation of, 344, 354; quoted, 312; report of, 339 Woods ,58 Wool-growing, 166 Wooley, Edwin D., 255 Woolley, Jed. F., 128, 129 Wootton, Richard Hâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 171 ff.

Worm Creek, 330

Worm Creek Canyon, 330 Worthington, James, petition of, 259, 342 Wright, Jonathan C , 350; committee member, 253; council member, 116; motion of, 353; aetition of, 345, 351 right, Tom, 321 Wright's Canyon, 136 "Wrought plate," 6

W

Yampa River, 143, 144 Yates, C. G, 162 Yosemite Valley, 132 Young, Brigham, 27, 31, 37, 40, 45, 47, 54, 63, 64, 110, 111, 163, 167, 168, 204, 213, 262, 263, 291n, 309, 310, 321,322, 331, 337, 343; governor's message, 237-52; quoted, 315, 319, 320 Young, Brigham, Jr., 121 Young, John, 253 Young, Joseph A., 349, 351; committee member, 254, 344; council member, 117, 253; motion of, 258, 259, 343; presentation, 259, 344, 345 Young, Phineas Hâ&#x20AC;&#x17E; 253 Zacatecas, 7, 10; mines at, 16 Z.GM.I. Drug Store, 34 Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution, 32, 33, 35, 36, 45-47 Zirkel, Ferdinand, 146 Zuni, 5, 14