Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 26, Number 1-4, 1958 by Utah Historical Society

H I S T O R I C A L

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

VOLUME

XXVI

SOCIETY

1958

CONTENTS ARTICLES The Independence

of the Denver

and Rio

Grande,

BY ROBERT G. ATHEARN

The Evolution The Mormon Stansbury's

of Government Reformation,

Survey

in Early Utah, BY LELAND H . CREER

BY GUSTIVE O. LARSON

of the Inland

Carpetbag Rule â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Territorial

Sea, BY BERNICE GIBBS ANDERSON

Government

107

of God, the Council of Fifty and the State

of Deseret, La\e

BY TAMES R. CLARK

Bonneville,

Its Name

The San Juan Mission

131

and History,

BY RUFUS WOOD LEIGH

151

Call, BY DAVID E. MILLER

"Utah Has Not Seceded": A Footnote

to Local

161

History,

BY GAYLON L. CALDWELL

I7 I

Letter From Mexico, Impressions The

Land

that

God Forgot,

The Discovery

of Glen Canyon,

Country,

Another

Way

Humboldt's

BY ANTHONY W . IVINS

West,

1776, BY DAVID E . MILLER

221

Land, BY JOSEPHINE FABIAN

239 247

BY J A C K GOODMAN

259

Utah, 1811, BY C. GREGORY CRAMPTON

269

Loor\ at Old Treasures,

History

and Scenery,

BY JACK GOODMAN

BY A. R. MORTENSEN

Men Before the Mormons,

BY LEROY R. HAFEN

329

with the Nevada

Mining

Camps,

BY WILLIAM R. PALMER The

Great

"Mormon"

The President's

Reviews

Historical

Report,

and Recent

Selected Readings Notes

Globes,

307

Immigration,

BY THOMAS L. BROADBENT

Trading

283

297

The Salt L a k e City Beobachter: Mirror of an Early-day

177 207

BY G. E. AND B. R. UNTERMANN

A New

Mountain

of a Mormon,

BY J U A N I T A BROOKS

Dead Horse Point in Rainbow Dinosaur

in Utah,

BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

The Kingdom

353 BY MARK HAFEY

BY LELAND H . CREER

Publications

on Utah's Historic

369 373

83, 183,381 and Scenic Wonders

299 101, 2 0 1 , 403

ILLUSTRATIONS Rio Grande Freight Train in Middle Park, Colorado

A Monument to an Idea Atomic Research by D & RG

10 Technicians

The State of Deseret

Fort Bridger

Fort San Bernardino

Council House

Jedediah M. Grant

The Great Salt La\e

Great Salt La\e City Albert Carrington's Home

_._.

68 70

Arthur L. Thomas, James Duane Doty, Samuel B. Axtell, John W. Dawson

106

L. John Nuttall

130

Facsimile of a page from A Mormon Conspiracy

136

Map of La\e Bonneville

150

The Hole-in-the-RoCr\

160

Silas S. Smith, Platte D. Lyman

I 65

Workers of the Overland Telegraph Line, BY W. H. JACKSON

170

Anthony

176

W. Ivins

The Watchman and the Virgin River

206

The Falls of Sinawava

213

The Silent City, Bryce Canyon

217

Map of Lower Glen Canyon

220

Monument

222

Valley

Crossing of the Fathers

226

The Needles Area, Confluence of the Green and Colorado Rivers

238

Rainbow Bridge, Goosenecks of the San Juan River-

242

Moon La\e, Split Mountain, Reliefing of Dinosaur Leg Bone, Petroglyphs

246

Reliefing Operations at Dinosaur Quarry

251

Replica of Diplodocus

253

Green La\e

254

Tony Grove Lake

258

Old Juniper

262

"Camp Victory" and RockfiU in Great Salt Lake

264

Driving the Last Pile

265

"Carte Generale du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne"

268

Map of Possible Commercial Route across Rockies, Alexander von Humboldt

272

Old Stagecoach Inn

282

Lake Mary, Skiing at Aha

287

Old State House

290

Brigham Young Monument

296

Mountain Men, BY W. H. JACKSON

306

James Bridget-, Louis Vasquez, Etienne Provost, Peter Skene Ogden

311

Pegleg Smith

318

Salt Lake City Beobachter

328

Karl G. Maeser, Andrew Jenson

331

Hans Besenstiel cartoons

333

Nat Gardner's wagon, Burros in Tonopah, Nevada

352

Cedar City Tithing Office, Co-op Store; DeLamar, and Goldfield, Nevada

359

Former Coach House

372

Microfilm reader, Archive stacks

377

Newspaper clip files

379

INDEX

409

INDEX Abajo Mountains, 278 Adleman, Gus, 361 Aeschbacher, W. D., review by, 89-90 Aguilar, Juan de, 225 Ahlstrom, Charles, 362 Albright, Horace, 286 Alta-Brighton-Park City recreational area, 286; picture of, skiing at, 287 American Association for State and Local History, convention of, 101, 403-5 American Fur Company, 310 Amnesty proclamation, 124-26 Among the Mormons, by Mulder and Mortensen, announcement of publication, 192-93; award winner, 405; reviewed, 381-83 Anderson, Bernice Gibbs, "Stansbury's Survey of the Inland Sea," 65-81 Andrus, Hyrum L., 102 "Angel's Landing," 214 Antelope Island, 72; causeway, 289 Antillon, Isidoro de, map-maker, 280n Arches National Monument, 289 Arrington, Leonard J., 102 Arthur. Bishop C. J., 166 Asav. 217 Ash Creek. 275 Ashlev Creek. 248 Ashley Falls, 248 Ashley National Forest, 255 Ashlev Valley, oil wells in, 248, 250 Ashlev, General William H., 153, 155, 248, 310, 315 Athearn. Robert G., "The Independence of the Denver and Rio Grande," 3-21 Atomic Energy Commission, 16 Austin, Colorado, 225 Aydelott, G. B., 19 Awards of Merit, 101, 102, 405 Axtell, Samuel B., 109; picture of, 106 Aztec Creek, 278 Aztlan, 277, 280n

B Babbitt, Almon W., 37; quoted, 38 Badlam, Alexander, 145 Bailey, Reed W., 404 The Bannock of Idaho, by Madsen, reviewed, 391-92 Basketmaker people, 248 Baskin, R. N., 374 Bean, George Washington, 208 Bear Canyon, 253 Bear Lake, 259, 260

Bear River, 260 Bear River Bay, 73 Bear River Migratory Bird Refuge, 266 Bear River Range, 259 Bear River Valley, 67 Beaver Mountain, 261 Beaver Woolen mills, 360 Beobachter Publishing Company, 332 Bernhisel, John M., 37, 40 Besenstiel, Hans, fictional character, 334 Big Field, 24 Bi\uben, 347n Black Peak, see Navajo Mountain Black Rock, 74; beach at, 289 Blacksmith's Fork Canyon, 69 Blood atonement, 60-62; manifesto on, 62 Bluff, 168 Board of Registration and Elections, see Utah Commission Bolton, Herbert E., 235n, 237n Bonanza Gilsonite mines, 255 Bonneville, Captain Benjamin Louis Eulalie de, 66, 152, 153, 323; career of, 155: use of his name, 159 Bonneville Salt Flats, 66 Bonneville terrace. 157 Bonpland, Aime, 270 "Boot Hill Cemetery," 368 Boyd, Linn, 37 "Brian Head," 219 Bridger, James, 67, 81, 151, 153, 259, 319; picture of, 311 Brigham Young Monument, picture of, 296 British fur trappers, 310, 313 Broadbent, Thomas L., "The Salt La\e City Beobachter: Mirror of an Immigration," 329-50 Brooks, Juanita, "The Land that God Forgot," 207-19; quoted, 47 Brown's Hole, 153 Brown's Settlement, see Ogden Brush Creek gorge, 255 Bryce, Ebenezer, 283, 298 Bryce Canyon, 216, 218, 222, 275; picture

of, 217 Buckskin Mountain, 215 Buc\s\in and Blanket Days, by Tibbies, reviewed, 91-92 Buc\skjn and Spurs, by Shirley, reviewed, 395 Bullock, Deputy David, 363 Burlington Railroad, 6, 9 Buschmann (Bushman), Gustav F., 332, 345, 346 Bushman, Gustav F., see Buschmann, Gustav F.

410

Cache Valley (Willow Valley), 151, 259, 260; Historical Society chapter of, 103; rendezvous in, 310; survey of, 69 Cahone, Colorado, 225 Cainc, John T., 374 Caldwell, Gaylon L., " 'Utah Has Not Seceded': A Footnote to Local History," 171-75 Caliente, Nevada, 365 California, statehood for, 36 California Wire Cloth Corporation, 8 "California Zephyr," 6, 9 Camp Concepcion, 237n Camp Floyd, 291 Camp Victory, picture of, 264 Cannon, Abraham H., 126 Cannon, George Q., 126 Cannon, H u g h J., on board of Beobachter, 332 Cantonment Loring, 69 Carlton, A. B., letter of, 123 Carnegie Museum, 252 Carpenter, Edwin H., Jr., review by, 87-88 Carrington, Albert, 33, 69, 72, 74; picture of home of, 70 Carrington Island, 72; surveyed, 80 Carson family, 294 Carson, George, 295 Carson Hotel, Pony Express station at, 291 Carson, Washington, 295 "Carte Generale," 271, 277, 279n, 281n; reproduction of, 268 Carvalho, Solomon Nunes, 284 Casas Grandes, 111 Castle Island, 72 "Castle Rock," 230 Castle Valley, 293 Cataract Canyon, 235n Caughey, John W., 404; review by, 381-83 Cedar Breaks, 219; National Monument, 275, 293 Cedar City, Utah, 219 Cedar City Co-op, 358; merchandise in, 362; picture of, 359 Cedar City tithing office, picture of, 359 Cedar Sheep Company, 361 Central Pacific Railroad, 263 Central Route to the Pacific, by Heap, Hafen, ed., reviewed, 86-87 Center Stake of Zion, 166n Champoeg Convention, 31 Cheyenne Pass, 81 Chicago Bridge plant, 8 Chipultapec, Mexico, 180-2 Chouteau, Auguste, 309 Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Associated Newspapers of, 347; colonizing of, 161-68; incorporation of, 3 5 ;

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

manifesto on blood atonement, 62; purchasing land in Mexico, 178-80; rebaptism in, 57, 59, 60 Cisneros, Don Juan Pedro, 225, 228, 229, 232, 236n Cities, incorporated, 35 City Creek, 25 Civil War, 353, 354 Clark, James R., 102; "The Kingdom of God, the Council of Fifty and the State of Deseret," 131-48 Clawson, Spencer, 374 Clayton, Nephi, 116 Clear Lake, 275 Cleland, Robert Glass, death of, 103 "Cloth Cap," 79 Clyde, Governor George Dewey, 294, 403, 404 Coach house, picture of, 372 Collett, Reuben, 168 Colorado Fuel and Iron Corporation, 8, 15 Colorado River (Grand, Rio de S. Rafael, Rio Zaguanganas), 167, 221, 223, 227, 240, 273, 275, 276, 289; crossing of, 234 Colorado and Southern Railroad, 7 Columbia-Geneva Steel Division, 7 Compromise of 1820, 39; of 1850, 39-41 Consecration movement, 47; deeds of, 59 Cooley, Everett L., 102, 403; "Carpetbag Rule â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Territorial Government in Utah," 107-29 Co-op stores, 358 Corinne, Utah, 264 Cosninas, see Havasupais Costanso, Miguel, 271, 277, 279n, 280n Cottam, Walter P., 236n Cotton Mission, 210 Cottonwood Wash, 232 Council of Fifty, 133; activities in State of Deseret, 146-48; as governing body of the Kingdom, 139-42; interlocking membership of, 143-46; organization of, 148; political and civil activities of, 142-43 Counties, organizing and fixing boundaries of, 35 Crampton, C. Gregory, 102, 221n, 236n; "Humboldt's Utah, 1811," 269-81 Creer, Leland H., " T h e Evolution of Government in Early Utah," 23-42; "The President's Report," 373-80; review by 186-88 Crossing of the Fathers, 222, 232-35, 237, 276; steps at, 237n; will be inundated 245 Cuesta de las Animas, 229 Cumming, Governor Alfred, 115

INDEX

Daggett County, 250 Daily Sentinel (Grand Junction),quoted, 16 Dale, Edward Everett, review by, 189-91 Dana, Marshall N., 404 Danger Cave, by Jennings, reviewed, 393 Daniels Canyon, Indian agency in, 249 Daughters of Utah Pioneers, host of convention, 403 Davison, Stanley R., review by, 88-89 Dawson, John W., 109; picture of, 106 Dead Horse Point, 241, 289; naming of, 243, 244 DeLamar, Nevada, 365; picture of, 359 Delta, Utah, 275 Democratic party, 334 DeMun. Jules, 309 Denver Posse, The Westerners, award winner, 405 Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, 5-21; "California Zephyr" of, 6; court battles of, 12-14; equipment of, 20; experiments of, 16-19; gross earnings of, 2 1 ; narrow gauge track eliminated, 15; passanger traffic of, 6, 7, 9, 11 Denver and Salt Lake Railroad, 4 Deseret, see State of Deseret News, 49, 53, 333 Desert Springs, 367 Diamond Mountain, 66 Dietrich, Joseph Walter, 330 Dinosaur National Monument, 227, 251-55; 273 Dinosaur quarry, 251-53; reliefing operations, picture of, 251 Dinosaur replica, picture of, 253 Dixie, cotton growing in, 209 Dixie Mission, see Cotton Mission Dolores River, 225, 234, 273 Dolphin Island, 75, 78 Domingo, Juan, 225, 230-32 Dominguez, Francisco Antanasio, 223, 224, 232, 241, 271, 274 Dominguez-Escalante expedition, see Escalante expedition Donner Party, 71, 259, 297 Dooley, J. E., 374 Dotsero Cutoff, 12 Doty, James D., 109, 114; quoted, 147; picture of, 106 Douglas, Stephen A., 37 Douglass, Earl, discovered fossils, 252 "Drive Through the Ages," 255 Drummond, Judge William W., 109 Dry Fork Canyon, 255 Duchesne County, 247 Duchesne River, 227; Indian Agency on, 249 Duchesne, Utah, 255 Due bills, 358-60 Duncan, 212

411

Eble, Kenneth E., 221n Echo Park Dam, 252 Edmunds-Tucker Act, 117, 118 Egg Island, 78 El Castillo, 276 Eldredge, Horace S., 33, 111 Elk Mountain Mission, 27, 162 El Rastrillo, see El Castillo El Vado de los Cosninas (San Carlos), 230, 237n El Vado de los Padres, sec Crossing of the Fathers Ely, John, 355 Emigration Canyon, 2 9 1 ; Little Mountain route, 259 Eohippus, 241 Escalante Desert, 275 Escalante expedition, 151, 223, 224; campsites of, 227, 232, 236n, 237n; personnel and route of, 225-27 Escalante, Francisco Silvestre Velez de, 223, 224, 228, 230, 241, 271, 274; journal of, 235n, 241 Escalante Mountains, 168 Escalante Valley, 275 Evans, John, 4, 20 Exploring with Fremont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss. . , edited by Gudde and Gudde, reviewed, 385-87

Fabian, Harold P., 286, 289; quoted, 29394. Fabian, Josephine, "Dead Horse Point in Rainbow Land," 239-45 Fairfield, Utah, 294 Farmington, Utah, Reformation in, 49 Felipe, 225, 232, 236n Ferris, W. A., quoted, 309 Fielding, R. Kent, 102 Fife, Peter, 365 Fillmore, Utah, picture of State House in, 290; territorial legislature in, 59 Flaming Gorge Dam, 245, 250, 255 Flowers, of the desert, 207 Font, Pedro, 276 Foote, Senator, of Missouri, 40 Fort Benton Museum, award winner, 405 Fort Bridger, 27, 67; picture of, 28; sold to Mormons, 320, 321 Fort Hall, 69; founded, 323, 324 Fort Robidoux, 153, 249 Fort Supply, 27 Fort Vasquez, 320 Franklin, state of, 31 Frazier, Dr. Russell G., 236, 237n Fredonia, Arizona, 215 Fremont, Captain John C , 152, 155-57, 271, 281n, 310

412 Fremont Island, 72, 73 Fremont River, 235 French Company, 310 Fuller, Frank, message of, 173n Fur trappers, 152-56, 261

Garces, Francisco, 223, 224, 274, 276 Gardner, Nat, 365-66; picture of wagon, 352 Genealogical Society, host of convention, 403 Genizaros, 225 Genoa, 27 Gentiles, definition of, 139 German-American Relief Organization, 341 German immigrants, cultural assimilation of, 329-50; political affiliations of, 338 Gila River, 277 Gilbert, Grove K., quoted on Bonneville, 154 Glen Canyon, 168, 223, 227, 228, 230; map of, 220; naming of, 235n Glen Canyon Dam, 216, 221, 245, 276 Glenwood Canyon, 9 Globes, celestial and terrestrial, 369-71 "Goblet of Venus," 292 Goblin Valley, 293 Golden Spike, 12, 66; location of, 267; marker ceremony of, 266; monument. 263 Goldfield, Nevada, picture of, 359 Goodman, Jack, "A N e w Look at old Treasures," 283-95; "Another Way West," 259-67 Goodwin, C. C , 374 Goodvear, Miles, 322-23 Grand Gulch, 293 Grand River, see Colorado River Grand View Point, 289 Grant, Heber J., 126, 374 Grant, Jedediah M., 48; death of, 55; picture of, 44; quoted, 45, 50, 55-56, 61 Graphic Descriptions of Pacific Coast Outlaws, by Shinn, reviewed, 395 Great Basin, 2 4 1 ; lakes of, 156-58 The Great Diamond Hoax and other Stirring Incidents in the Life of Asbury Harpending, edited by Wilkins, reviewed, 387-88 Great Salt Lake. 65, 157, 274; Lucin Cutoff, 263. 264; picture of, 64; recreational development of, 288; rockfill across, 263; viewed by trappers, 312 Great Salt Lake City, 67; irrigation in, 25; picture of. 68; plans for, 24 Great White Throne, 214 Green T-ake, picture of, 255 Green River (Rio de S. Buenaventura), 227, 240, 245, 247, 273, 274, 289, 310

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Grether, Hermann, 344, 345 Grey, Zane, 215 Gunnison Island, 76; surveyed, 79 Gunnison, Lieutenant John W., 66, 67, 69, 80, 81 Gunnison River (Rio de S. Xavier), 224, 273 Gunsight Butte, 232, 236n Gunsight Canyon, 232, 236n Gunsight Pass, 236n H Haag, Professor Von, 332 Hafen, LeRoy R., "Mountain Men Before the Mormons," 307-26 Hafey, Mark, "The Great 'Mormon' Globes," 369-71 Haight, Isaac, quoted, 59 Hall, W. C , of Utah Commission, 122 Hamblin, Fay, 221n Hamblin, Jacob, 164, 209 Hampton's Ford, 69 Handcart companies, emergency aid to, 51 Hanna, Utah, 249 Hansen, John S., 348 Harpers Corner, 253 Harris, B. D.. I l l Harrison, President Benjamin, Proclamation of, 127-28 Haskell, Thales, 164 Hat Island, 72 Hatch, Utah, 217 Havasupais (Cosninas), 223 Heber-Provo recreational area, 286 Heber Valley, 288 Henefer-Salt Lake City memorial highway, 259 Henry Mountains, 292 Heywood, Joseph L., 33 High plateaus (Siena de los Guacaros), 275. 276 High Uintas Wilderness Area, 255 Historical notes, 101-4, 201-4, 403-6 Hitler, Adolph, appointed Chancellor, 347 Hoffman, Edward, 348 HoIe-in-the-Rock, 168, 222, 245, 292, 298; picture of, 160 Holt, Norman J., 15 Homeward to Zion, by Mulder, reviewed 84-86 Hopi Country, 276; villages in, 223, 224 Howes, Edward H., review by, 385-87 Hudson's Bay Company, 153 Humboldt, Baron Alexander von, 158, 314; map by, 268, 279n; map of Rockies, 272; picture of, 272; Political Essay by, reference to, 269-81 Humboldt River, discovery of, 314 Hurricane Cliffs, 275 Hurricane Valley, 211 Hunt, Jefferson, 26

INDEX

413 I u

Indians: 248, 2 4 ; missionaries to, 209; Apache, 224; Aztec, 277; Cayuse, 315; Comanche, 316; Crow, 310; Havasupais, 223; Hopis, 223, 224; Laguna, 225; Mojave, 316; Navajo, 164, 215, 222; Payuchis, 234; Sabuaganas, 276; Shivwits, 209; Sioux, 67; Snake, 309, 324; Utc, 319; Zaguaganas, 276 Xndiens Yamparicas, 274 Industrial Development in Uintah County, Utah, reviewed, 91 In Search of the Golden West, by Pomeroy, reviewed, 87-88 hitelligcnz-Blatt, 330-33 Interstate Commerce Commission, 6, 12, 13 Intimate Disciple: A Portrait of Willard Richards, by Noall, reviewed, 186-88 Iron County, 363; farms in, 358 Irrigation, 25 Irving, Washington, 152, 154 Island Park, 253 Ivins, Anthony W., 367; letter by, 177-82; picture of, 176 Ivins, Stanley S., quoted, 48

1 Jack, James, 116 Jackson and Sublett, 315 Jackson Hole Preserve, 285 Jackson, William H., artist, 2 0 1 ; collection, 376 James, John, Jr., 378; picture of, 377 Jardine Juniper, 2 6 1 ; picture of, 262 Jenson, Andrew, 348, 374; picture of, 331 Jim Bec\wourth, Crow Chief, by Burt, reviewed, 93 Johnson, Benjamin F., quoted on Council, 141 Johnson, Nephi, 283 Jones, Kumen, quoted, 167 Jones, Paul, 404 Jordan River, 25; narrows of, 158 Jose Maria, 225 Joshua trees, 209 Juab Valley, 274 Juarez, Mexico, 179 Judd, Zadoc K., 209 "Jupiter," engine of the Central Pacific, 263

Kaibito Canvon, 237n Kaibito Creek, 234, 235, 237n Kaibito Spring, 235 Kaiser, Wilhelm, 335 Kamas Prairie, 310 Kanab, Utah, 164, 215

Kane, Colonel Thomas L., 37 "Kane Kounty Kurrency," 360 Kane Wash, 237n Kaysville, Utah, Reformation launched in, 48 Kearns, Thomas, 375 Kelly, Charles, 236n; review by, 387-88 Kern River (Rio San Felipe), 276 Kimball, Heber C , 55; quoted, 26, 52, 53, 115 King, Clarence, 158 King Peak, 255 Kingdom of God, 114; aims and ideals of, 137, 139; characteristics of, 134-35; concept and definition of, 133 Kingdom of the Saints, by West, reviewed, 188-89 Kingsbury, Joseph T., 374; quoted, 375 Kittson, William, quoted, 313 Knopf, Alfred A., 286

Lac de Timpanogos, see Utah Lake "Lady Mountain," 214 La Hontan, Baron, 158 Lain, Don Joaquin, 225 Lake Bonneville, 262; described, 156; map of, 150; naming of, 155; remnant lake of, 157; terraces of, 157, 158; see also Great Salt Lake Lake La Hontan, 158 Lake Mary, picture of, 287 Lake Miera (Laguna de Miera), see Sevier Lake Lake Teguayo, 277 Lake Timpanogos, see Utah Lake Lambourne, Alfred, 76 La Purisma Concepcion de la Virgen Santisima, 234 Larson, Gustive, O., "The Mormon Reformation," 45-63; review by, 84-86 La Sal Mountains, 273 Las Vegas, 27, 208 La Virken Hot Springs, 275 Lawrence, H . W., 374 Leatherwood, Ohleen, picture of, 377 Leavitt, Dudley, 209 Lech-e Rock, 276 Lee, Jason, 323 Lee, John D., 143, 236; quoted, 140, on selection of territorial officers, 143 Lee's Ferry, 168, 227, 235n Legitimacy, doctrine of, 134 Lehi sugar factory, 338n Leigh, Rufus Wood, "Lake Bonneville, Its Name and History," 151-59 Lemhi, 27 "Letter From Mexico: Impressions of a Mormon," 177-82

UTAH HISTORICAL

414 Little Colorado River (Puerto de Bucarelli, Rio faquesila), 276 Liberal party, 333, 334 Linford, Ernest H., review by, 388-90 Livestock: prices of, 361, 362, 367 Lodore Canyon, 253 Logan Cave, 261 Logan City, 262 Logan River, 261 Logan, Utah, 261 Long Valley, 217 Loomis, Mr., 361 Lord, Clifford L., 404 Louder, J. N., 12In Lucero, Simon, 225 Lucin Cutoff, 66, 263; completion of, 265; picture of completion of, 265 Lucrecio, 237n Lund, Anthon H., 126 Lunt, Henry, 166 Lyman, Albert R., quoted regarding San Juan mission, 164 Lyman, Amasa, 143 Lyman, Francis M., 126 Lyman, Platte D., picture of, 165 Lynn, Carl, 330

M Mabey, Charles R., 103 Madsen, Brigham D., review by, 188-89 Maeser, Karl G., 330; picture of, 331 Malad River, 69, 152 Manifesto, 42, 124; on blood atonement, 62 Map-makers, early-day, 280n, 281n Marble Canyon, 215, 228 Margetts, Phil, 57 The Mariposa Indian War 1850-1851, edited by Crampton, reviewed, 189-91 Marshall Pass, 15 Mascaro, Manuel Agustin, 271, 277, 279, 280 Mathews, W . H., 361 Maximillian, 180 McCarthy, Wilson, 4-6, 15, 16, 20; death of, 14, 19 McClernand, J. A., 123 McMurrin, Sterling M., review by, 183-85 Meeks, Athe, 364, 365 Meeks, Sadie, 364, 365 Melville, J. Keith, 102 Merrill, Milton R., 132 Merrill, M. W., 126 Mesquite, Nevada, 209 Mexican Cession, 39, 42 Mexico, independence from Spain, 270, 309 Milford, Utah, 227 Miller, Al, 364, 365 Miller, David E., 102; "Discovery of Glen Canyon, 1776," 221-37; "The San Juan Mission Call," 163-68

QUARTERLY

Miller, George, 145 Mines: 250, 2 9 1 ; Bonanza Gilsonite, 255; phosphate, 260 Missouri Compromise, 40 Missouri Pacific Railroad, 7, 11 Moab, Utah, 241, 289 Moenkopi, 168 Moffat County, Colorado, 247 Mojave Desert, 274, 276 Mojave River (Rio de los Martires), 276 Money: substitutes for, 360 Montagnes de Sel Gemme, see La Sal Mountains, see also Mount Nebo Monterey Convention, 31 Monterey, route to, 223 Montezuma, 168, 277 Montezuma Creek, 278 Monument Point, 71 Monument Valley, picture of, 222 "Monument to an idea," 9, 10 Moon Lake, picture of, 246 Moqui (Hopi) villages, 280n Morgan, Nicholas G., Sr., gift of paintings, 201; host of convention, 403 Mormon Anzeiger, 330 Mormon-Indian hostilities, 164 Mormon Mesa, 208 "Mormon Reformation," 45-63; catechisms of, 53-55; songs of, 48. 57, 58 Mormon Theo-democracy, 27-30 Mormon trail. 310 Mormons, disfranchisement of, 121 The Mormons, by O'Dea, reviewed, 183-85 Morrill anti-polygamy law, 119 Morrison formation. 251 Morrison-Knudsen Construction Company, 263, 289Mortensen, A. R., 221n, 237n; appointed director, 375; award winner, 405; elected to AASLH council, 406; "History and Scenery," 297-98 Motion pictures, filming of, 215 Mount Carmel Junction, 215, 216 Mount Nebo (Montagnes de Sel Gemme), 274 Mount Timpanogos (Sierra de Timpanogos), 273 Mountain men, description of, 308; picture of, 306: rendezvous of, 310 Mud Island, 73 Muddv Creek, 208 Mulder, William, 404 Munis, Andres, 225, 228, 237n Munis, Lucrecio, 225, 228, 230 Murray, Governor Eli H., 116

N National Museum, 252 National Parks Service, 289; Mission 66 of 252, 285; funds of, 289

INDEX Nauvoo Legion, created, 116 Navajo Bridge, 221, 236n Navajo Canyon, 231-33; 236n, 237n Navajo Creek, 230, 231, 234, 235, 237n; canyon of, 235 Navajo Lake, 219 Navajo Mountain (Black Peak), 222, 237 Navajo Reservation, 168 Navajo River, see San Juan River Navajo and Ute Peyotism, by Aberle and Stewart, reviewed, 83-84 The Needles, 293 Nephi, Utah, 227 Nevada, cattle rustlers and horse thieves of, 363; state created, 353, 354 New Hole, see Ogden's Hole New Hope, 27 New River, see Ogden River New Spain, 270 Nielson, Jens, 166; quoted, 161 The North American Deserts, by Jaeger, reviewed, 393f. Northwest Company, 153, 312 Northwest Ordinance of 1787, 108 Nuttall, L. John, 139, 145; picture of, 130

Oath, demanded of voters, 120, 121 Ogden, Peter Skene, 153, 310-15; picture

of, 311 "Ogden Gateway," 12, 13 Ogden River (New River), 312 Ogden, Utah (Brown's settlement), 67 Ogden's Hole (New Hole), 67, 312 O. H . Irish Treaty, 25 Oil wells, 291 Old Fort, 25 Olivares, Lorenzo, 225 Olsen, Chester J., 286, 292 Olson, Earl E., 2 2 I n On the Bloody Trail of Geronimo, by Bigelow, reviewed, 394 Oraibi, 276 Oraybe, see Oraibi "Order of Enoch," 216, 217 Orderville, Utah, 216 Oregon Territory, 313 Oregon Trail, 260 Osborn, Cyrus R., 9 Owen Wister Out West: His journals and Letters, edited by Fanny K. Wister, reviewed, 388-90

Pacheco, Bernardo de Miera y, 236n, 273, 277, 284; cartographer, 2 7 1 ; maps by, 279n Padre Creek, see Navajo Canyon Palmer, General William Jackson, 5, 21

415 Palmer, William R., award winner, 405; "Early-day Trading with the Nevada Mining Camps," 353-68 Panaca, Nevada, 361, 364 Panguitch, Utah, 218 Paria Canyon, 222 Paria River (Rio de Santa Teresa), 228, 229, 235n Park, Robert E., 349 Park City, Utah, 288 Parry brothers, 215 Pat's Hole, 253 Pavant Valley, 225, 227 Penrose, Charles W., 374 People's party, 333 Perpetual Emigrating Fund, law concerning, 117 Peterson, Adam L., 347, 348 Petroglyphs, picture of, 246 Phosphate mines, 260 Pike, Zebulon M., 281n Pilot Peak, 71 Pioche, F. L. A., 355 Pioche, Nevada, 355, 357, 361, 368 Pioneer Memorial Museum, 404 Pioneer Years in the Blac\ Hills, by Hughes, edited by Spring, reviewed, 92-93 Pipe Springs, 164 "Pittsburgh of the West," see Pueblo Plaines (Llanos) de Nuestra Senora de la Luz, see Escalante Valley Platte River, 67 Pocketville, 212 Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, by Humboldt, reference to, 26981 Poll, Richard D., 102 Polygamy: 4 2 , 4 8 , 5 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 5 , 2 1 5 Portneuf River, 157 Powell, Major John Wesley, 245, 250; expedition of, 235n Powers, Orlando W., 374 Pratt, Arthur, 116 Pratt, Orson, quoted, 25 Pratt, Parley P., 259 Preston Mesa, 276 Produce: marketing of from southern Utah, 355, 357 "Project Smart," 212 Promontory Point, 66, 263, 265, 267; springs on, 78 Promontory Range, 71, 266 Provo City, Utah, 309 Provo River, 152, 309 Provo terrace, 157 Provost, Etienne, 151, 153, 315; picture of, 311; sketch of, 308-12 Pueblo, Colorado, 8 Puerto de Bucarelli, Rio jaquesila, see Little Colorado River

416

UTAH HISTORICAL

Rainbow Bridge, 222, 278 Raymond, William, 355 Raymond-Ely section, 355 Red Canyon, 217, 255 Red Cloud Loop, 255 The Red Hills of November, by Larson, reviewed, 383-85 Red Rock Pass, 157 Red Wash Oil Field, 255 Republican party, 334 Reynolds case, 163 Richards, Franklin D., 126, 139, 369; quoted, 51 Richards, Franklin S., 374 Richards, Willard, 33 Ricks, Joel E., 380 Ricks Springs, 261 Rio Blanco County, Colorado, 247 Rio de las Piramides Sulphurcas, sec Virgin River Rio de los Martires, see Mojave River Rio de los Yamparicas, 274 Rio de Nra, Sra. de los Dolores, see Dolores River Rio de S. Buenaventura, sec Green River Rio de S. Rafael, see Colorado River Rio de Santa Teresa, see Paria River Rio de S. Xavier, see Gunnison River Rio Grande del Norte, see Rio Grande River Rio Grande River, 271, 278 Rio Nabajoa, see San Juan River Rio Salado, see Sevier River Rio San Felipe, see Kern River Rio Suljureo, see Virgin River Rio Yampancas, 274 Rio Zaguanganas, see Colorado River Roberts, Bolivar, 116 Robidoux, Antoine, 249, 256n Rock Creek, 249 Rock Gate camp, 73 Rockefeller, Laurence S., 285 Rockport Lake (Wanship D a m ) , 292 Rockville, Utah, 212 Rocky Mountains (Sierra de la Grullas), 247, 271, 274 Rocky Mountain Fur Company, 151, 248 Romana Mesa, 232 Roosevelt, Utah, 255 Roundup: A Nebraska Reader, edited by Faulkner, reviewed, 89-90 Russell, Osborne, 323-25

s St. George, Utah, 210, 211 St. George tabernacle, 358 St. George temple, 358 Salicornia (Flower of Salt Lake, 71, 81

Sally),

QUARTERLY

Salle, Marie Rose, wife of Provost, 310 Salt Creek, 274 Salt Desert, 71 Salt River, 167 Salt Lake City Anzeiger, 33Q Salt Lake City Beobachter, 347n; attitude toward social problems, 337-39; first appeared, 3 3 1 ; illustrations of, 328, 333; transition of, 346-50; and World War I, 340-46 Salt Lake Tribune, 333 San Benito Salispuedes, Escalante's campsite at, 227 San Bernardino, California, 27; picture of, 29 San Carlos camp, see El Vado de los Cosninas San Juan River (Rio Nabajoa), 167, 237, 237n, 273, 276, 277; Goosenecks of, 292 San Miguel, Escalante's campsite, 235 Sanpete Valley Branch, discontinued, 14 San Rafael, see Colorado River Santa Clara Creek, 209; rock fort at, 209 Santa Clara, Utah, grape raising in, 209; Swiss settlers in, 209, 210 Santa Fe, N e w Mexico, 225, 227, 2 4 1 ; Escalante's return to, 235 Santa Fe Trail, wagons on, 309 Santa Fe Railroad, 7 Santa Francisca Romana, Escalante's campsite. 232, 236n San Vicente Ferrer, Escalante's campsite, 232, 237n Sardine Canyon, 262 Schonfelt, Edward, 331 Schonfelt, F. W., 331 Schow, Andrew P., 168 Schulthess, Arnold H., 332, 344, 346 Scripter warrants, 360 "Selected Readings on Utah's Historic and Scenic Wonders," 299-304 Sevier Lake, 273, 275 Sevier River (Rio Salado), 152, 217 227, 275 Sevier Valley, 217 Shaffer, Governor J. W., 117 SheeD industrv, 360, 361 Shilling, W . N . . 266 Shutes, Alfred, 324, 325 Sierra de los Guacaros, see H i g h plateaus Sierra de las Grullas, see Rocky Mountains Sierra de Timpanogos, see Mount Timpanogos Sieira Verde, see Yampa plateau Silvestre, 225 Siodahl, J. M., 347, 348 Slavery: 42; problems of, 39 Smart, William B., review by, 390-91 Smith, Caleb B., 249 Smith, Elmer R., review by, 83-84 Smith, Jedediah S., 153, 312, 315, 316

INDEX Smith, John Henry, 126, 374 Smith, Joseph, 140; formation of Kingdom, 133; organized government set up in State of Deseret, 147; quoted on organization of Council, 141 Smith, Joseph F., 126, 345 Smith, Tom (Pegleg), 316, 317; picture of, 318 Smith, Silas S., 167; picture of, 165 Smoot, Abraham O., 374 Smoot, Reed, 338 Snake River country, 312, 314 Snell, W. H., 221n Snow, Erastus, 164, 369 Snow, Lorenzo, 54, 126 Society of American Archivists, convention of, 403-5 Sons of Utah Pioneers, host of convention, 403 Sorensen, Horace and Ethel, 404 South Pass, 81, 259, 315 Southern Pacific Railroad, 7, 66, 263; rockfill of, 289 Sovereigns of the Sage, by Murbarger, reviewed, 390-91 Spanish control in America, 270; missions of, 223, 241 Spanish Fork Canyon, 227 Spanish Fork, Utah, Reformation in, 53 Spanish Fork River. 152 Spanish Trail, 209, 2 o Spirit Gun of the West, bv Thorpe, reviewed, 88-89 Split Mountain, 251, 273; picture of, 246 "Spoils system," 109 Spring Bay, 74 Springdale, Utah, 212 Stagecoach Inn. 294; picture of, 282 Standard Oil Company of California, 19 Stansburv, Capt. Howard, 66, 157; death of. 8 1 ; quoted, 34 Stansburv Island, 74; surveyed, 80 State of Deseret, application for statehood, 36-39; boundaries of, 3 3 ; constitution adopted, 3 3 ; constitutional convention of, 36, 146; dissolved, 143; general assembly of, 147; map of, 22; measures passed by legislature of, 35; officers of, 33; plan for, 133; preamble to constitution of, 3 1 ; Provisional, 30-39 State Route, 3, 89, 260; 83, 265 Stites. Jane, picture of, 379 Stoddard, A. E., quoted, 11 Stoff, Reinhold, 348 Stone, Julius F., 236n Stout, Hosea, 140, 144; quoted, 59 "Stove Pipes," 218 Stover, David B., letter of, 122 Strawberry Reservoir, 227 Strong's Knob, 79 Sturges, Philip C , review by, 86, 87

417 Sublette, William, 151, 153, see also Jackson and Sublette Sunset Beach, 289 Sutter's Mill, discovery of gold at, 31 Swan, Henry, 4 Swensen, Russel B., review by, 383-85 Symes, Judge J. Foster, 3-5, 21

Tabby Mountain, 249 Tasker, Ben, 367 Taylor, John, 369 Taylor, John W., 126; quoted, 113, 114 Taylor, Wendell, 221n Taylor, Zachary, 38 Telegraph, completion of, 171-75; newspaper reports on, 173-75 Temple of Sinawava, 212; picture of falls of, 213 Temple Square, 297 Thatcher, Moses, 126 Theo-democracy, functions of, 27 Thermoid Corporation, 8 "This is the Place Monument," 291 Thomas, Arthur L., picture of, 106 "Three Patriarchs," 212 Timpanogos Cave National Monument, 274, 288 Timpoweap Canyon, 275 Tithing offices, 358, 359 T.O. script, 360 Tonopah, Nevada, picture of burros in, 352 Tony Grove Lake, 2 6 1 ; picture of, 258 Tower Butte, 234 Treaty of Guadalupe, 31 Tse Tonte, 234 Turret Rock camp, 76 Tuttle, Bishop Daniel Sylvester, 119 Tyler, S. Lyman, review by, 391-92

Uinta Basin, 247, 310; ancient man in, 248; colonization of, 249; economy in, 250; recreational resources of, 251-56; towns in, 255 Uinta Mountains, 247 Uinta River, 249 Uintah County, organized, 250 Uintah Indian Reservation, opened to homesteaders, 250 Uncompahgre River, 224 Union Oil Company of California, 18 Union Pacific Railroad, 7, 11; engine no. 119 of, 263 United Order, instituted, 357 U.S. Highways, 30, 259; 30n, 260; 40, 227, 255, 259, 2 9 1 ; 89, 211, 215, 216, 218, 221, 260, 262; 91, 208, 211, 218, 219, 291

UTAH HISTORICAL

418 Untermann, G. E. and B. R., "Dinosaur Country," 247-56 Upheaval Dome, 289 Upper Jurasic Age, 251 Uranium mining, 291 Utah Commission, duties of, 120, 121; members of, 119n; transferral of records of, 129 Utah Field House of Natural History, 253, 255-56 Utah Lake, 225, 227, 274, 275, 277 Utah-Nederlander, 347n Utah-Posten, 347 "Utah problem," 111 Utah State Highway Commission, 263 Utah State Historical Society, archives of, 202, 376, 377; art exhibit of, 2 0 1 ; award winner, 405; Board committees of, 376; host of convention, 403; library of, 378, 379; organized, 374; publications of, 380 Utah State Parks Commission, created, 284; plans of, 286-95 Utah Territory, established, 39-42; explored by fur trappers, 308; foreign-born population of, 329; free election in, 118, 119, 124; free schools in, 117, 118, 124; legislative assembly of, 111; marriage in, 118, 119, 124, 127; religious autocracy of, 115; selection of officials of, 109-11 Utah, tourist trade in, 293

Valle de Salinas, 274 Vasquez, Hiram, 320, 321 Vasquez, Louis, 319-22; picture of, 311 Vermilion Cliffs, 275 Vernal-Manila Highway, 255 Vernal, Utah, 253 Virgin River (Rio de las Piramides Sulphureas, Rio Suljureo), 208, 209, 212, 217, 275 Virginia City, Nevada, 354 "Vista Dome," 9 W Wade, J. H., 172, 173 Wagner, C. Corwith, death of, 104 Wahweap Creek, 230 Walker, Joseph R., 154 Walpi, village of, 224 Wanship Dam, see Rockport Lake Ward, Joseph Harvey, 331 Warm Creek, 231

QUARTERLY

Wasatch Mountains, 247, 260 Washington, Utah, 2 1 1 ; cotton factory in, 360 The "Watchman," 212; picture of, 206 Webb, Henry J., 2 2 I n Weber River, 6 7 , 2 9 2 , 3 1 0 , 3 1 2 Wehler, Willy, 345, 347 Wells, Daniel H., 33, 115, 117 Wells, Emmeline B., 374 Wells, Heber M., 374 Wells, Rulon S., 345, 346; on board of Beobachter, 332 Wells Fargo Bank and Union Trust Company, 267 West Jordan, Reformation in, 53 West, land settlement and government in, 108 Western Jordan, see Jordan River Western Pacific Railroad, 7, 9 Wheat, Carl I., 279n Whirlpool Canyon, 253 White Cliffs, 275 White Mesa, 276 White Pine Lake, 261 Whiterocks, 249 Whiterocks Indian Agency, 250 Whiterocks River, 249 Whitman massacre, 315 Whitney, Newell K., 33 Whitney, Orson F., 374 Why the North Star Stands Still, by Palmer, reviewed, 191-92 Wickwire Spencer Steel Corporation, 8 Widtsoe, John A., 348 Williams, Reverend Joseph, describes Salt Lake Valley, 325 Willis, William, 48 Willow Valley, see Cache Valley Wilmot Proviso, 39 Wilson, General, 67, 69 Wilson, Guy C , 179 Winder, John R., 374 Wirth, Conrad, quoted, 294 Wolfskill, William, 318, 319 Woodruff, Wilford, 37, 126; quoted, 50, 55, 117 Woods, Governor George L., 117; Thanksgiving proclamation of, 113 "Workers of the Telegraph Line," picture of, 170 Wovoka, The Indian Messiah, by Bailey, reviewed, 92 Wunderlich, Jean, 348 Wyeth, Nathaniel, founded Fort Hall 323

419

INDEX

Yampa River, 253, 274; plateau of (Sierra Verde), 111 Young, Brigham, 23-25, 27, 33, 60, 110, 114, 162, 209, 249, 259, 322; first telegraph message of, 172n; instituted United Order, 357; message of, quoted, 35; quoted, 50-51, 53, 57, 59, 61, 113, 139, on Kingdom of God, 146-47, on organization of Council, 140; Thanksgiving proclamation of, 112

Young, Joseph, 48 Young, Karl, review by, 191-92 Young, Mahroni, 291 Young, Richard W., 374 Yount, George, 318, quoted, 319

Zion-Mount Carmel tunnel, 214 Zion National Park, 212-14, 216, 222, 275, 283 Zuni villages, 223

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

January, 1958

im. ,

kv«

'¥'

7j0&it

l(M &** • f »

1 *l

- itw . > & * • , .

„

ABOUT THE COVER Denver & Rio Grande stock train on Marshall Pass (alt. 10,856 ft.) on the original narrow-gauge line. In 1955 this historic segment of the line was abandoned.

H I S T O R I CAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

VOLUME

HISTORICAL

XXVI,

NUMBER

SOCIETY

January, 1958

CONTENTS The Independence

of the Denver and Rio Grande,

BY R O B E R T G. A T H E A R N

The Evolution The Mormon

of Government Reformation,

in Early Utah, BY LELAND H. CREER

BY GUSTIVE O. LARSON

Stansbury's Survey of the Inland Sea, BY BERNICE GIBBS ANDERSON

Reviews and Recent

Publications

ABERLE AND STEWART, Navaho and Ute Peyotism: A Chronological and Distributional Study, BY ELMER R. SMITH

MULDER, Homeward to Zion, BY GUSTIVE O. LARSON

HEAP, Central Route to the Pacific, HAFEN AND HAFEN, EDS.,

BY P H I L I P C. STURGES

POMEROY, In Search of the Golden West, the Tourist in Western America, BY EDWIN H. CARPENTER, JR

THORP, Spirit Gun of the West, The Story of Doc W. F. Carver, BY STANLEY R. DAVISON

FAULKNER, ED., Roundup:

A Nebraska Reader,

BY W . D. AESCHBACHER

Other Publications Historical Notes

89 91 101

ILLUSTRATIONS Rio Grande Freight Train in Middle Par\, Colorado A Monument

to an Idea

Atomic Research by D & RG Technicians

2 10 17

The State of Deseret

Fort Bridger

Fort San Bernardino

Council House

Jedediah M. Grant

The Great Salt La\e

Great Salt Lake City

Albert Carrington s Home

Deed of Consecration

Inside back cover

Bwjg

Rio Grande manifest freight train rolls ipothly over high-speed main line tracks beautiful Middle Park, near Granby, >lorado. High peaks of the Continental ivide loom in the background.

THE THE

INDEPENDENCE

DENVER

AND

RIO

OF GRANDE

By Robert G. Athearn*

In early February, 1947, the United States Supreme Court handed down a decision that sent reverberations through a whole section of the Rocky Mountains. By an eight to one ruling the high tribunal upheld the reorganization plan approved by Federal Judge J. Foster Symes of the Colorado district and freed the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad from a twelve-year period of receivership bondage and sent it forth into the business world to do battle on its own. For the first time in three quarters of a century the "baby road," as it was known by old timers, was completely under home management and operated, as the Denver Post editorialized, "by outstanding Colorado and Utah men to best serve the public interest instead of the interests of some other railroad or Wall street powers." * There was reason for such bitter satisfaction expressed by the news* The above is a companion article to, and follows chronologically, "Railroad Renaissance in the Rockies," by the same author, published in Utah Historical Quarterly, January, 1957. Dr. Athearn is professor of history at the University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, and author of several studies, including Westward the Briton and William Tecumseh Sherman and the Settlement of the West. 1 Denver Post, April 13, 1947.

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paper. During its tempestuous history the road had been in and out of receivership so frequently that the condition seemed to be almost normal. The year 1935 saw it enter a fifth bankruptcy, after having failed to earn the interest on its bonds for five years running. As a weekly news magazine put it, few railroads in the country had been the butt of more jokes. Employees, teased about their "bankrupt hunk of rusty junk" by other railroaders, were reputed to have used the dubious reply, "Hell, man, we kill more people every year than you carry." 2 Patrons of the road today will readily admit, in rueful reminiscence, that the line was inefficient, badly managed and justifiably a subject of local derision. By 1947 that feeling had disappeared. One of the principal reasons was a rough-hewn, salty westerner by the name of Wilson McCarthy. This quiet, graying man from Utah got into railroading by the back door. In 1934 he was made president of the Denver and Salt Lake Railway, but, as the press put it, this tobacco-chewing attorney and financier "scarcely had time to get the range on his D. & S. L. spitoon when, at 51, he was appointed operating trustee of the Rio Grande." 3 Then, along with a pair of equally flintyeyed, crusty Coloradoans, McCarthy went on a rebuilding spree that made national railroad news. One of the men, Henry Swan, was a cotrustee. The other, J. Foster Symes, was associated only in his capacity as a federal judge in Denver, before whose court came various requests of the trustees, but his opinions left no doubt that he was passionately interested in the road's recovery. As a sort of "line-backer," stood yet another supporter in the person of John Evans. This mild, sensitive banker, a grandson of one of Colorado's earliest railroad pioneers, time and time again showed that when the chips were down he could be as tough in his own quiet way as the more outspoken one-time cowboy, Wilson McCarthy. It was to John Evans that the trustees frequently turned for financial help, and there is no record to show that he ever failed them. To those Coloradoans who knew the story of the Rio Grande's recovery, it seemed entirely appropriate that in the spring of 1947 John Evans should become chairman of the board of directors of the reorganized railroad. Members of the new board sat down together for the first time on the morning of April 11 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; known as "Independence Day" on the Rio Grande â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and commenced to lay plans for the future of their organiza" Time, February 17, 1947. Ibid.

INDEPENDENCE

OF T H E D & R G

tion. Among the members were eleven residents of Colorado and four from Utah. That the directory was of a decidedly western composition was no accident. All through the period of trusteeship Judge Symes had insisted that only when the management was dominated by local, independent men, could there be any assurance of avoiding the entanglements that had so long plagued the railroad. It was at once clear that this was to be the theme of the new regime. On the morning after the board's first meeting there appeared in the Deseret News of Salt Lake City an advertisement announcing "The New Rio Grande," which underscored the idea that it was a "Western Railroad Operated by Western Men." "They are your friends and neighbors, with intimate and sympathetic understanding of your problems." 4 This was a condition long desired and long delayed. General William Jackson Palmer, the road's originator, years before had told the people of Colorado Springs that his was a policy of "local independence and neutrality between the conflicting east and west lines." 5 Since almost seventy years elapsed before it came to pass, it was understandable that the management should speak of it with pride. In the release from both trusteeship and outside control the Rio Grande enjoyed a double emancipation. During the post-war years the Rio Grande's course proceeded without change or interruption under the leadership of Wilson McCarthy, who was elected president in 1947 at the first meeting of the board of directors. This was to mean that between his time as operating trustee and president, the Utah Irishman would guide the road's destiny for a period of over twenty years. As the reorganized road's new head, McCarthy was faced not only by the problem of keeping his company independent, but of piloting it through the traditionally troubled financial waters that might be encountered in the national transition from war to peace. The railroad had been, as a Utah paper put it, in judicial custody for a dozen years, "reporting at intervals like a parolee," but now it was free.6 With that freedom came grave responsibilities that had to be met without the parental protection of the courts. McCarthy was perfectly aware of the economic facts of life. He knew that he and his associates had poured out money for the road's physical rehabilitation in a manner that rivaled the heyday of New Deal 1

Deseret News (Salt Lake City), April 12, 1947. Weekly Gazette (Colorado Springs), June 14, 1879. ' Salt Lake Tribune (Salt Lake City), April 15, 1947.

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spending, and that unless national conditions remained favorable his own brand of pump-priming would result in failure. But McCarthy was in no position to stop now, or even to slow his pace. This was a blue chip game, and he had to play it out at the risk of losing everything he had ventured. During 1947 freight revenues continued to climb, but passenger receipts fell off. Basing his hopes on a record peacetime year for net ton miles in 1946,7 McCarthy sought further to improve the road with the hope of regaining the lost passenger traffic. One of his first duties as president was to request of the Interstate Commerce Commission authority to issue over a million and a half dollars in equipment trust certificates.8 He wanted to continue the expansion program, particularly with regard to passenger equipment. He knew that wartime passenger traffic had been extremely high and unquestionably artificial. Normal conditions would mean a probable drop as well as sharp competition, and he wanted to put the road in a favorable position to compete. That he foresaw difficulties in this respect is reflected in his attempt, during the war, to get ICC permission to offer air service when peace came, a request that was denied. His fears were realized in 1947 when the company reported an income drop of more than four million dollars, and a decline of over fifty-seven per cent in passenger revenues. McCarthy was determined to find means of reversing this trend and in his search he turned to neighboring railroads. For years the Rio Grande had harbored an ambition to serve as an independent line in transcontinental service. In April of 1947, just as the road was emerging from trusteeship, the former Utah attorney announced a plan for improved service. Soon, he said, the public would see a modern streamliner running between Chicago and San Francisco by way of the Rio Grande system. His road was ready to assume its part in the project. Millions of dollars had been poured into track and grade improvements. Now it could come forth as a contributing partner in the larger venture with no apologies for inferior equipment. The new train, which became known as the "California Zephyr," was purchased jointly by the Burlington, the Rio Grande, and the Western Pacific. This stainless steel, diesel-powered unit would give the three lines an opportunity to compete with other roads serving the trans-Mississippi West. And it further would dramatize to the residents of the Rocky Mountains that the Rio Grande was truly a vital transportation bridge for a number of ' Railway Age, May 17, 1947, p. 999. 8 New York Times, May 13, 1947, p. 35.

INDEPENDENCE

OF T H E D & R G

major roads.9 Already the mountain line had connections with the Missouri Pacific and Santa Fe at Pueblo; the Rock Island at Colorado Springs and Denver; the Union Pacific, the Burlington, and Colorado and Southern at Denver; the Western Pacific and Union Pacific at Salt Lake City; and the Southern Pacific at Ogden. By early 1948 the Rio Grande's post-war financial picture began to be revealed. While passenger traffic fell sharply for the second straight year, freight receipts were up nearly twenty per cent. Another hopeful sign was the fact that in November, 1947, the road declared a five dollar dividend on preferred stock. This was of almost historic importance since it broke a thirty-six year drouth so far as stockholders were concerned.10 Further encouraged by freight income growth, road officials prepared for improvement during the coming year. By June, McCarthy expressed cautious satisfaction, saying that while passenger traffic could not rival the war years when troop movements were very heavy, summer travel was higher than usual. A slight advance in freight rates also helped, but in his view the increase was too little.11 Unquestionably the saving feature was the changed nature of the railroad's freight traffic picture. A survey showed that in 1948 there were 1,113 traffic producing industries along the line, 246 of which had appeared since 1941. Most important of the newcomers was the Geneva Steel plant in Utah built during the war by the government at a cost of $191,000,000 and purchased in 1946 by United States Steel for about a quarter of that amount. By 1949 close to twenty million dollars had been put into the war plant to convert it to peacetime production, giving the Mountain West an industry that put new life into the employment and transportation picture. During the first post-war decade the steel output grew steadily at Geneva. By 1954 there were approximately seven thousand persons employed by what was now known as the Columbia-Geneva Steel Division in Utah. The annual payroll exceeded thirty million dollars and the taxes paid to four Utah counties approached the two million mark.12 "Deseret News, April 24, 1947. At the first Board meeting, April 11, Chairman Evans reported that contracts had been let to the Budd Manufacturing Company for the construction of fifteen all-steel passenger train cars at a cost of $2,040,000. Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Board of Directors of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company. In the office of the president, D & RGW, Denver, Colorado. "New York Times, October 28, 1947, p. 35; Denver Post, October 27, 1947. 11 Deseret News, June 26, 1948. 12 Arthur Baum, "Utah's Big Baby," Saturday Evening Post, May 15, 1948; Salt Lake Tribune, January 3, 1949, November 8, 1951, January 10, 1954; Press Release by United States Steel, November 28, 1955, in Utah Historical Society library.

UTAH

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As early as 1947 the Rio Grande realized an additional four millions in revenue from Geneva Steel, a plant that drew other industries to it like a magnet. There also appeared industries like the Chicago Bridge plant, a million dollar Thermoid Corporation factory, and two large gypsum and plastic plants. Welcome, too, was Kennecott Copper's new sixteen-million-dollar electrolytic refinery that turned out a product virtually free from impurities. All these additions meant a tremendous revenue boost to transportation companies in the Salt Lake City region.13 The war's end also brought significant industrial additions to the eastern end of the Rio Grande system. The Colorado Fuel and Iron Corporation, a brain-child of General Palmer, had grown steadily since 1872; yet as late as 1937 it was still a single plant operation at Colorado's "Pittsburgh of the West" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Pueblo. Then came a period of consolidation and growth that saw the acquisition of the California Wire Cloth Corporation, with two plants in California, and in 1945 of the Wickwire Spencer Steel Corporation, with plants in Palmer, Clinton, and Worcester, Massachusetts, and Buffalo, New York. Shortly there followed the inclusion in the company of other plants in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware. In 1953 it opened a thirty-million-dollar seamless tube mill in Colorado, the first of its kind west of the Mississippi.14 Thus, during the era of McCarthy, the Rio Grande was to witness the growth and development of two major steel industries ideally located at either end of the railroad. Few executives could have asked for anything more. Added to the industrial traffic was a growing demand for service from agriculture. During the twenties the road got very little fruit business, but by the end of World War II it was loading twenty-five hundred cars of peaches in two weeks' time during harvest. While principal freight was still coal and other substratum products (nearly nine million tons annually), agricultural and livestock products accounted for nearly two million tons yearly.15 But McCarthy was not content to watch only the growth of his freight business. Falling passenger receipts disturbed him, and he was resolved to make every human effort to rectify the situation. Patiently "Barron's, June 21, 1948, p. 31; Investor's Reader, June 25, 1948, p. 22. Denver Post, October 26, 1953; letter from A. M. Riddle, executive assistant to the president of C. F. and I., to author, September 24, 1957. M Investor's Reader, June 25, 1948, p. 20; Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, 1949, p. 33. 14

INDEPENDENCE

OF T H E D & R G

he waited for the inauguration of the proposed joint transcontinental service to be offered by the Rio Grande, Western Pacific, and Burlington. By the spring of 1949 the partners formally unveiled their challenge to all other western roads. On March 19, at San Francisco, the "California Zephyr" was christened with all the fanfare surrounding the initiation of a modern venture. Movie star Eleanor Parker, wielding a bottle of California champagne, performed the christening rites before a group of business and civic leaders that included the president of the Western Pacific, the mayor of San Francisco, and the state's lieutenant governor. Lady passengers on the first eastbound run were presented with corsages of Hawaiian orchids.16 The co-operating roads can thank the Rio Grande and General Motors for contributing an idea that helped to make the California Zephyr famous â&#x20AC;&#x201D; an idea that was widely copied by competing lines. In 1944, Cyrus R. Osborn, a General Motors vice president (then head of the electromotive division), was riding the cab of a Rio Grande diesel freight locomotive through Glenwood Canyon in the heart of the Rockies. He was so impressed by what he saw through the engine's broad windshields that he remarked to the engineer, "A lot of people would pay $500 for this fireman's seat from Chicago to San Francisco if they knew what they could see from it. . . . Why wouldn't it be possible to build some sort of glass covered room in the roof of a car so passengers could get this kind of a view?" Later that week at the Hotel Utah in Salt Lake City, Osborn sketched the first drafts of an upper deck observatory for passenger cars. Later, after World War II, General Motors engineers used the design to perfect the "Train of Tomorrow," featuring what was to become known as the "Vista Dome." In 1950 the Rio Grande and General Motors recognized the achievement by erecting a "monument to an idea" near Glenwood Springs. Beside the roadbed stands a nine-foot-long, five-hundred-pound stainless steel replica Vista Dome car, welded to twin steel rails mounted on a twelve-foot arch of native stone.17 To what extent the new train should receive credit for boosting Rio Grande passenger income is hard to fix. In 1948 the railroad showed an additional five per cent decline in passenger travel, but in 1949 when the new train was in service, the loss was recovered. That year, in which the Zephyr operated during only the last eight months, nearly one "Railway Age, March 26, 1949, pp. 665-66. " Salt Lake Tribune, October 1, 1952; Annual Report of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, 1947.

A "Monument to an Idea," the Vista-Dome California Zephyr, was erected in Glenwood Canyon of the Colorado River. Cyrus R. Osborn who first conceived the idea is on the left and the late Wilson McCarthy is on the right.

INDEPENDENCE

OF T H E O&RG

I |

hundred and twenty thousand passengers traveled on the streamliner, as compared to about seventy-five thousand a year before on the train it replaced. Two other factors altered the normal pattern of the Rio Grande passenger travel during 1949. A strike on the Missouri Pacific during September and October reduced expected Rio Grande passenger revenues by an estimated $50,000, but events on another road more than made up for the loss. During February the Union Pacific was blockaded by snow in Wyoming, and, as McCarthy later reported, this "contributed substantially to our passenger, mail, and express revenues." The amount was in excess of $200,000.18 Rio Grande employees were more than delighted at the chance to perform this service. Aside from the welcome revenue it helped to combat the notion that the mountain railroad was subject to abnormal stoppage due to slides and heavy snows. A. E. Stoddard, then vice president of the Union Pacific, acknowledged the favor in a letter to McCarthy, at the end of February. "I want you to know of my full appreciation of the wonderful co-operation of your railroad in de-touring our trains between Denver and Salt Lake during our recent snow blockage in Wyoming," he wrote. "In addition to the fine spirit of helpfulness, the service rendered was excellent. We had a tough situation to combat, but favorable weather during the past week has enabled us to get pretty well cleaned up and we are operating normally. With best wishes and assuring you of my earnest desire to reciprocate should an occasion arise, I am, Sincerely yours " 19 McCarthy could point to a slight upturn in passenger traffic in 1949, but he was obliged to report to the stockholders that freight receipts had fallen by nearly five per cent. This was much more significant, because most of the road's income was from freight. One answer to the problem was to capture some of the traffic outside its own empire, and it was toward the realm of the Union Pacific that the Rio Grande now cast its eyes. Several years earlier McCarthy had revealed to his son a desire to gain a share of the Pacific Northwest traffic. When he talked of this with some of his staff members the tenor of their replies was pessimistic. Doubt was expressed that the Rio Grande could guarantee any improvement over Union Pacific service. It was a big step.20 But the president "Ibid., 1948, 1949. A. E. Stoddard to Wilson McCarthy, February 26, 1949. Wilson McCarthy Scrap Books, Vol. Ill, Denver and Rio Grande Western offices, Denver. 20 Interview with Dennis McCarthy, August 7, 1956, at Salt Lake City. M

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was determined to go ahead. Since the opening of the Dotsero Cutoff in 1934, which shortened the Rio Grande's distance between Denver and Salt Lake City by 175 miles, and as a result of the many other improvements made, he was convinced that his road could match anything its rival to the north had to offer. In effect, the Union Pacific officials had admitted that in the case of diverting their traffic during the Wyoming snow blockade, the Rio Grande could move freight and passengers across the mountains with dispatch and efficiency. Convinced he had a case, McCarthy proceeded. On August 1, 1949, the road filed a complaint with the Interstate Commerce Commission asking for non-discriminatory and competitive joint through rates on traffic going to and coming from northern Utah, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, and Washington. With that move the fight to open the "Ogden Gateway" was inaugurated as little Rio Grande "David" prepared to take on Union Pacific "Goliath." It was to be a long and violent legal battle, the result of which was satisfactory to neither contestant. Ever since the Golden Spike ceremonies, back in 1869, the Union Pacific had controlled the Ogden outlet into the Pacific Northwest. During the ensuing years the little narrow gauge Rio Grande, which wound through tortuous mountain passes over a long and expensive route, offered no problem to the Union Pacific. The larger road maintained a working agreement with the Rio Grande, charging uniform through rates until 1906 when the Union Pacific gained control of several Oregon lines. After that time shippers had to pay more if they wanted to use the Utah-Colorado route. For example, in 1949 when the case was instituted, an Idaho potato grower could ship a carload by way of the Union Pacific to Denver, and on to Dallas by another road, for $282.00. But if he chose to send his crop to Ogden and then to Denver by way of the Rio Grande where another line would take the shipment to Texas, the cost, based on local rates all the way, rose to $371.00. In effect, the Rio Grande was barred from participating in Northwest traffic.21 Hearings were held in 1949, 1950, and 1951, at which both sides argued the case, pro and con. The Union Pacific people clung to the argument that there were no valid reasons why they should act as a "big brother" to the Rio Grande, that such a diversion was unnecessary, and, above all, it would cost them fifty million dollars a year. Rio 21

Newsweek, August 15, 1949, p. 60; Business Week, September 10, 1949, p. 30.

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Grande attorneys insisted that the move was in the public interest and that the Union Pacific's closure of Northwest traffic was monopolistic. In 1952, because of the appointment of some new members to the commission who were not familiar with the history of the case, a whole reargument was ordered. The upshot of this development was a decision, on January 25, 1953, that the Union Pacific must set up joint through freight rates on a group of selected commodities moving through the Ogden Gateway.22 Rates applied only to livestock, fresh fruits and vegetables, dried beans, frozen poultry, frozen foods, butter and eggs moving from the Pacific Northwest, and on granite and marble monuments shipped westward from Vermont and Georgia. The door was opened only a crack, and some of the commissioners said so, in a dissent to the ruling.23 Wilson McCarthy knew it was no unqualified victory for his road, but he showed no bitterness. "At least we now have access to those Idaho potatoes," he said, and added that it was a foot in the door, which was "no small potatoes." He guessed that fully sixty thousand carloads of potatoes had moved out of Idaho over Union Pacific rails during the preceding year.24 That the Denver and Rio Grande was not satisfied with a partial victory was revealed in October of 1953 when it asked the federal courts to set aside the commission's January ruling. Its attorneys, in a far less genial mood than the president, charged the ICC order as being "unlawful, arbitrary and capricious," and said it violated the "spirit if not the letter of the federal law." The commission, they said, had ignored the recommendations of its chief examiners in granting the Rio Grande joint rates on only ten classes of commodities moving through the Gateway. The result was a continued "closed door" or "restricted territory" that denied farmers in eastern Colorado, Nebraska, Kansas, western Iowa, Minnesota and the Dakotas from enjoying the joint rates they deserved.25 In the fall of 1954 the Rio Grande received a sharp blow of disappointment when the ruling of a federal court in Omaha reversed the ICC, holding that the commission was without power to open the Gateway as widely as it had. The court denied that the commission could 22 For details of the arguments see Salt Lake Tribune, December 13, 15, 1950; the New York Times, April 5, November 25, 1950, February 22, March 3, 1951; Railway Age, November 25, 1950, March 19, April 2, 1951. 23 New York Times, January 27, 1953, p. 34. 21 Salt Lake Tribune, January 23, 1953. 25 Deseret News and Telegram (Salt Lake City), October 22, 1953.

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enforce joint rates upon shipments that did not require stoppage or transit privileges at points on the Rio Grande.26 Back to court went the Denver and Rio Grande, loudly demanding what it regarded as its right to enter Union Pacific territory. A special three judge court at Denver, in January, 1955, ordered the whole case reopened with the statement that "the very thing the Rio Grande seeks is not competetive advantage, but the establishment of just and reasonable through rates and the removal of unjust discrimination which will result in pecuniary profit to the Rio Grande and the deprivation of which would prevent the Rio Grande from enjoying increased traffic and increased earnings." Wilson McCarthy applauded the decision with the remark that it "confirms our belief that shippers should have freedom of choice in selecting routes. I am delighted with the decision and we will bend every effort to render the type of service which will attract substantial business to the Rio Grande." 27 A Supreme Court decision in June, 1956, upheld the earlier ICC "foot in the door" ruling, leaving the participants neither completely happy nor completely unhappy. It was a matter of regret in Denver circles that Wilson McCarthy did not live to see the outcome of the legal battle about which he was so intense. He passed away in February, 1956, only a few months before the Supreme Court decision. Meanwhile, as the Rio Grande sought means to expand its traffic from outside origins, a general housecleaning from within took place. During McCarthy's tenure of almost a decade the process of pruning dead branches from the main trunk went forward in the interest of efficiency. For example, in 1947 the road asked the abandonment of a portion of the Sanpete Valley Branch in Utah, a piece of track nearly twenty-four miles long. The reasons were typical of those advanced in the case of other abandonments: a once profitable traffic in agricultural products and livestock in certain areas no longer existed. Costs of operation were falling far behind revenue.28 About the same time the road requested of the ICC permission to discontinue passenger traffic on the Marysvale Branch, also in Utah. Again receipts showed a steady decline, and, in this case, the Post Office had failed to renew a special mail contract. There were vociferous objections. Norman J. Holt, 20

Railway Age, November 1, 1954, p. 12. Salt Lake Tribune, January 14, 1955. 28 Minutes of the Regular Monthly Meetings of the Board of Directors of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad Company, December 22, 1947. In office of the president, D & RGW, Denver, Colorado. 27

INDEPENDENCE

OF T H E D & R G

mayor of Richfield, complained, "We of the community provide the company freight income. . . . We do not think the railroad should be permitted to deny us this vital service while retaining the cream of the business. Our convenience is their moral obligation." 29 In both cases, permission to suspend service was granted. Colorado portions of the Rio Grande also underwent surgery. In 1948 a twenty-six mile stretch of narrow gauge track running from near Sapinero to Cedar Creek, built in 1882 as a part of the main line, was abandoned. A sharp four-per-cent grade, expensive to operate, and over which a declining sheep hauling business was fast fading, pointed only to an economic dead end.30 Then came a request to end passenger service on the narrow gauge between Alamosa and Durango. The suspension came in January, 1951, amidst loud complaints from the "fanciers of quaint railroads" who hated to see that picturesque remnant of old-time railroading end.31 Narrow gauge addicts saw their domain diminished by almost 150 additional miles during the next two years. The Rio Grande asked permission to take up its tracks from Poncha Junction (near Salida) to Gunnison and Sapinero as well as the Crested Butte and Baldwin branches. The decision came after the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company revealed its intention to dismantle the big coal mine at Crested Butte. McCarthy explained that all his road had received from the condemned portion of track for the past few years was a steadily mounting deficit. The Crested Butte operations of the C. F. and I. contributed two-thirds of what traffic there was; without that freight, the question of continuing service was settled in the negative. "Passing of this brings a feeling of sadness since it removes the last remaining segment of the original narrow gauge between Denver and Salt Lake City via Marshall Pass," wrote the president. The line was opened for business in 1881 and was perhaps the most glamorous railroad ever built in the West. When it crossed Marshall Pass, nearly eleven thousand feet above sea level, it had the distinction of making the highest railroad crossing in North America. But now it was no longer a part of the main line and it had carried no passengers since 1940. From 1950 to 1952 inclusive, this section of road cost the Rio Grande over a half million dollars in losses. During the first five months of 1953, just before closure, only four trains carrying revenue freight went 'â&#x20AC;˘' Salt Lake Tribune, March 2, 1947. Deseret News, May 27, 1948. Life, May 22, 1950, pp. 82-84; New York Times, March 4, 1951, p. 23.

30 n

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over the pass to Gunnison and back.32 As that year ended, the railroad made one more amputation. It asked for a discontinuance of passenger service between Salt Lake City and Ogden on the ground that this branch was losing between seventy and eighty thousand dollars a year.33 But, as McCarthy pointed out, sentiment had to be sacrificed for economic realities. By the close of 1954, he could report that during the year his road had received about $850,000 in tax credits for the value of nondepreciable property retired.34 A study of these withered limbs would reveal the great changes effected in the economy of Utah and Colorado, particularly the latter, during the early years of the twentieth century. The diminished precious metals industry, upon which so much of General Palmer's building was predicated, had lost much of its original importance; and if the Rio Grande were to live, it must look in new directions. That it was doing so was shown almost coincidentally with the completion of the abandonment program. Late in 1954 the Grand Junction Daily Sentinel published a rumor that a uranium powered locomotive was under construction in the railroad's Denver shops. "The entire project, being done under Army and Atomic Energy Commission contract, is locked up in a secrecy tighter than Ft. Knox," said the story. McCarthy denied the reports, saying that Ray McBrian, chief of the road's research department, had been working on the possibility of utilizing atomic energy in running diesel electric locomotives, but to date no such project had been launched. Rumors die hard and this one was no exception. Salt Lake City and Grand Junction papers persisted, telling their readers that there were reports of secret runs being made on the main line.35 The Rio Grande made no effort to conceal the fact that it was experimenting with atomic energy, but quite correctly it denied that the progress was as great as reported. In early 1955 the Atomic Energy Commission granted to the Rio Grande and the Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton Corporation permission to make a joint study of atomic-powered railroad locomotives. A "first" was claimed in that this was the initial industry-sponsored and -financed research project commenced in this particular field. By the fall of 1957 the work was still in progress with no announced results. At that time the railroad applied to the Atomic 32

Salt Lake Tribune, August 26, 1952; New York Times, October 4, 1953, p. 1. Salt Lake Tribune, October 2, December 11, 1953. 11 Ibid., December 20, 1954. 35 Ibid., December 14, 1954, quoting the Daily Sentinel. 23

An "atomic switch lamp," capable of continuous effective operation up to 12 years, was developed by researchers of the Denver and Rio Grande Western. Irradiation of diesel fuels with gamma, beta, and alpha rays is done as part of a continuing study to develop more efficient and yet less costly fuels.

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Energy Commission for permission to test atomic switch lamps developed jointly with the U.S. Radium Corporation of Morristown, New Jersey,36 and the company was yet hopeful of perfecting at an early date an atomic-powered generator. But as of this writing it has not yet hauled a dollar's worth of commercial cargo using the fuel of the future. Meanwhile, the Rio Grande has shown no tendency to feed off the progress already made. During McCarthy's presidency every effort was made to maintain the research program inaugurated early in the period of trusteeship. At its Burnham Shops laboratory, established in 1936, the railroad experimented constantly with methods of saving and prolonging the life of expensive diesel-electric locomotives. And as the laboratory came forth with each new triumph, its value and unique character were repeatedly underscored, not only to the public, but to the road's employees. As early as 1938 the Rio Grande claimed a "first" in scientific advance when it developed a method of measuring stresses in steel rails by photoelastic analysis. The result was lighter yet more reliable rails, and a saving of between eleven and fifteen hundred dollars per track mile. Hard on the heels of this discovery came spectrographic analysis of lubricating oils. By photographing burning matter, whose light is projected through a prism that disperses it into spectrum lines, the presence or absence of metallic substances in oils can be determined. Even better, the identity of the mineral content leaves a clue to potential trouble. For example, an unusually high showing of silver indicates wrist pin wear within the engine, for these parts are plated with that metal. Detective work of this kind has saved, the railroad millions in break-downs, lost time, and the destruction of valuable equipment. In 1952 the Rio Grande came forth with yet another "first" in railroading. Co-operating with the Union Oil Company of California, the road applied the electron microscope to a study of fuel oil and gasoline. Through its power to magnify six thousand times, impurities that might otherwise escape attention can be detected and eliminated by the addition of proper dispersants. Thus, fuels of the lower price range are prepared for locomotives with the resultant saving of almost four hundred thousand dollars a year. Officials of the road estimate that already this process alone has saved over two million dollars. The advent of the atomic era suggested to most people the idea of new means of propulsion, but while that project was under study the â&#x201E;˘ Denver Post, September 15, 1957.

INDEPENDENCE

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Rio Grande found other avenues of scientific approach. In 1954 it successfully experimented with cheaper high-sulphur-content diesel fuels which were heretofore impractical for economical operation. By using radioactive sulphur and chemical dispersants, the sulphur was reduced to burnable particles, measurable in size because of their radioactivity, thereby creating a yardstick for fuel treatment and enabling fuels of the lower price range to be treated and utilized. During the preceding year, while working with the Standard Oil Company of California, a highly accurate, atomic means of revealing engine wear secrets which could not be discovered by any other means was developed. By using a radioactivated wrist pin and Geiger counter measuring devices, the actual wear of the wrist pin was determined by measuring the radioactivity of the lubricating oil which contained worn particles from the wrist pin. Not content to wait for a fully atomic-powered locomotive, Rio Grande scientists, in 1955, began to study another means of propulsion utilizing atomic knowledge. The laboratory experimented with the nuclear bombardment of coal particles, trying to reduce them to the extent that they might be dispersed into oil. The theory was that since the B. T. U. content of a pound of coal is approximately that of a pound of fuel oil, lower cost coal might be used, through mixture, to a considerable price advantage. Even the saving of a penny a gallon on fuel oil would yield as much as four hundred thousand dollars a year to the road. The spirit of inquiry, the presence of intellectual curiosity, the desire to know more and do better, and the boldness to venture forth into the unknown, have characterized the new Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad. The result? Ten years after "independence day" the little rebel of the Rockies, happily sitting astride its mountain empire, could look about it and survey its transportation domain with satisfaction. Small, as Class I railroads go, but compact and stripped of administrative fat, with the finger-tips of management constantly on its pulse, the company offers an eloquent rebuttal to the American Industrial notion of the "bigger the better." Unfettered by outside control, the "little giant" goes its own way, never forgetting that its future is linked with that of other lines, but determined not to sit back and wait for them to lead the way. Heading the road since the death of Wilson McCarthy is G. B. Aydelott, at forty-two a comparative youngster in years, but a twentyone-year veteran of Rio Grande service on all divisions and in most

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departments of the railroad. Nurtured by the spirit of independence which was prevalent throughout the railroad during two decades of progress under McCarthy, and schooled by facing up to the alwayspresent problems of management, Aydelott appeared ready to take oyer. His record thus far has upheld the McCarthy tradition. With an operating ratio for 1956 reduced to what a leading business magazine called "a spectacular 63.1%," 37 the Rio Grande could thank its leaders for their unwavering efforts at physical and managerial improvement. A thoroughgoing knowledge of the needs of the territory it serves was natural in a board headed by John Evans, president of the First National Bank of Denver, and including business leaders of Colorado and Utah in its membership. Aggressively pursuing the improvement program initiated during trusteeship, the board in the decade ending January 1, 1957, expended on further improvements $84,784,193. Of this amount, $39,865,500 was represented by equipment obligations issued in partial payment for 25 diesel-electric road locomotives, 57 diesel-electric road-switcher locomotives, 43 passenger cars, and 3,903 freight cars. A total of $21,993,645 of equipment obligations, including $6,749,340 assumed by the new company, was paid off during the period, leaving a balance of $24,621,195 outstanding as of December 31, 1956. Principal payments have been made from funds generated through charges to operating expenses representing depreciation on equipment, thereby leaving net income intact for the benefit of the owners or stockholders and for making improvements to the property. Funded Debt, excluding equipment obligations, has been reduced from $77,920,958 to $61,016,800, or a total of $16,904,158. An unusually strong cash position has been maintained throughout the decade. The financial position of the common stock ownership was materially strengthened by the complete retirement of $32,531,300 in preferred stock, largely through a conversion plan and through the purchase in the open market for retirement of shares of common stock. As of January 1, 1957, there were 2,171,330 shares of common stock outstanding, representing the entire equity ownership in the property. Dividends have been paid continuously since 1947. The annual dividend of $2.50 in 1956 represented a return of approximately six per cent on average market value of the stock during that year.38 Stockholders looked with satisfaction at the 1956 report, and noted :

" Forbes, September 1, 1957, p. 23. * Records of Comptroller, Denver & Rio Grande Western Railroad.

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that the wartime high in operating revenues, of seventy-five millions, was surpassed by more than six million dollars. Examination of earlier reports would have shown that gross earnings in 1935 were under twenty-one millions, a figure that had mounted to fifty-eight millions by 1947, and beyond eighty-one millions in 1956. Before the war Judge Symes had explained that the high revenue figures were "due to Government and war business both freight and passenger." More than a decade later when there was no war, the explanation had to be sought not in the national scene where the general railroad picture was far from bright, but within the Rocky Mountain Empire itself, and from a once bankrupt railroad that put its faith in a western people and proved a point. Back in the seventies when the mountain west was yet a wilderness, General William J. Palmer experienced a vision. He foresaw the day when his little narrow gauge railroad would tap an agricultural and mineral empire and emerge strong and independent. The dream was not to come true in his day, nor in the day of his successors who watched the road go through one financial bath of fire after another, but time, circumstance, and a boldness of modern leadership that would have made the general proud, forged a result not even a prophet could have foretold. The six thousand men and women who today run the railroad considerably outnumber the entire population of Denver when Palmer first saw it. It would be a heart-warming experience for him to watch them skillfully operate a complex instrument of transportation, the effectiveness of which is greater than anything he ever hoped for, and to know that at last his "baby road" was a grown-up and independent member of the community.

The Provisional State of Deseret included 11 of the area presently within the states f Utah and Nevada and parts of Oregon, daho, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona and California.

THE

EVOLUTION IN

EARLY

GOVERNMENT UTAH

By Leland H. Creer*

Brigham Young led the first company of Mormon Pioneers into the Great Salt Lake Valley on the afternoon of July 24, 1847. By January 1, 1848, fifteen hundred additional Saints had arrived, and by 1867, twenty years after the initial settlement, the population of Utah Territory had increased to approximately seventy-five thousand. Obviously, the earliest activities of the Saints were those prompted by economic necessity: the planting of crops, establishing a settlement, exploring the country, promoting colonization, and the building of a fort for defense. "Plowing, planting, and irrigating," says Neff, "constituted the main order of business for days following the arrival of the Saints in the Valley, for the eminently practical religionists knew that the building of homes might well be left until provision had been made for a harvest."1 As a result, during the fall and unusually mild winter of * Leland H. Creer has been a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society since 1949 and has served as its president since April, 1957. For fifteen years he has been head of the department of history at the University of Utah. Numerous books and articles in the fields of Utah, Mormon, and Western history have come from his pen. 1 Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869, Leland H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City, 1940), 95.

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1847-48, the pioneers constructed 3,038 rods or nearly twelve miles of fence, notwithstanding the scarcity of materials and the handicap of procuring them at a great distance from the mountains. This made an enclosure of more than five thousand acres; and within this area, commonly referred to as the Big Field, two thousand acres of fall wheat were sown, and the remaining three thousand acres were prepared for sowing and planting. Definite plans for the laying out of Great Salt Lake City, which became a model for other Mormon towns, materialized within a week after the arrival in the Basin area. A temple site of ten acres was designated on July 28.2 On this same day, it was resolved that the city blocks should include ten acres each, and each block eight individual lots of one and a quarter acres each. The streets were to be eight rods wide and to be run at right angles, with twenty feet of each side reserved for sidewalks. It was planned also to build but one house on each lot, each house to be twenty feet from the line and in the center of the lot, "so that there might be uniformity throughout the city." 3 As the city approached the foothills, blocks of two and one-half acres in lieu of ten were formed. Beyond the city limits in the farming and pasturing districts, "fields of five, ten and twenty acres were laid out, the smallest being nearest the city and the others graded according to size beyond." 4 President Young proclaimed the land law of the new community, to wit, that: "No one should buy or sell land. Every one should have his land measured off to him for city or farming purposes, what he would till. He might till it as he pleased, but he should be industrious and take care of it." 5 Other edicts followed such as the prohibition of private ownership of streams, communal ownership of timber, and the careful restriction of the latter for fuel. And says Roberts: "On these three laws or regulations, the prevention of monopoly in land, community ownership of water, and of timber, rested the prosperity of the early colonies in Utah." 6 2 At first it was planned to reserve forty acres for the Temple Block. William Clayton, journal (Salt Lake City, 1920), entry of July 28, 1847. 3 See Leland H. Creer, Utah and the Nation (Seattle, 1929), 58. ' Ibid., 58. * Wilford Woodruff Journal, MS, entry of July 25, 1847. In the manuscript collection of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, California. Microfilm copies of the Utah and Mormon manuscripts are also in the Utah State Historical Society library. No one in Utah at the time had any vested title in land, for the Indian title was not liquidated until 1868. " Brigham H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), III, 269.

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I N EARLY

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At a special conference of the church on August 7, 1847, "it was resolved that the city, or portion of it, should be fenced in for cultivation; that the city should be called Great Salt Lake City; that the creek should be called City Creek; and that the Utah Outlet should be called the Western Jordan." 7 Twenty-nine log cabins had been built in the Old Fort by August 23.8 Despite the obstacles pertinent to the desert area of the Great Basin â&#x20AC;&#x201D; such as sudden changes of temperature, saleratus, scarcity of timber, damage from early and late frosts, destructive pests, lack of markets, transportation difficulties, and the burden of irrigation costs â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Utah colonists made steady progress in the problem of farming the desert during the first decade of Utah history. Titles to lands, of course, were not secured until 1868, when through the O. H. Irish Treaty the Indian title was liquidated. From 1850 to 1860, the farming area increased from 16,333 to 77,219 improved acres, and the production of wheat from 107,702 to 384,892 bushels.9 Because of the uncertainty of crop production over the years, Brigham Young advocated the policy of building up subsistence reserves. Much to their surprise, the pioneers found the desert soil of the Basin area quite fertile when irrigation could be applied successfully. As early as July 31, just one week after his initial arrival with the pioneer band, Stephen Markham reports: "Thirty-five acres of land had been broken up and planted in corn, oats, buckwheat, potatoes, beans, and garden seeds. About two acres of corn was up two inches above the ground, and beans and potatoes were up and looking well." 10 On the same day, Orson Pratt writes: "Our people are busily engaged in plowing, planting, and sowing. The corn planted four or five days since has come up quickly and looks well. . . . The water is good and very cold, and there is an abundance for mill purposes and for irrigation. . . . The grass is rich and plentiful and well filled with rushes, and the passes in the mountains afford an abundance of good timber, mostly balsam and fir." " A year later, August 9, 1848, an epistle signed by the church leaders enthusiastically reports: I

Neff, op. cit., 98. Eleven of which had dirt roofs. "Census of 1860. 10 Quoted in Neff, op. at., 97. II Orson Pratt, "Journal," entry of July 31, 1847, in the Latter Day Saints' Millennial Star (Liverpool), XI, 180. s

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We are all agreed that the wheat crop has done wonderfully well and that we can raise more and better wheat to the acre in this valley than in any other place any of us ever saw. . . . You now learn definitely that our wheat harvest has far exceeded our expectations. Green peas have been so plentiful for a long time that we are becoming tired of them; cucumbers, squashes, beets, carrots, parsnips, and greens are upon our tables as harbingers of abundance in their respective departments.12 A final appraisal of the results of farming the desert during the first decade of Utah history is noted in the enthusiastic remarks of Heber C. Kimball in the Salt Lake Tabernacle on June 7,1857. On that occasion he said: The Lord is blessing us; and such a time of blessing I never saw. We have never been blessed so much as this year. Go to the north, to the south, to the east, and to the west, and you will see the earth matted over with vegetation to such an exent as I have never seen before. So with our gardens and orchards, and you will find our trees even now actually breaking down with fruit. We shall have to thin out the peaches on the boughs, or they will break before they can ripen the load that is upon them. The limbs are breaking down with apples, plums, currants, and every kind of fruit that we are raising, and the strawberry vines would break down, if they were not already on the ground. I never saw the like of it in the States, nor in England, nor anywhere else.13 Simultaneously with the efforts of providing economic wants in the Basin area, exploration projects were organized in order to determine suitable sites for future settlements. An event of more than passing interest was the dispatch of Jefferson Hunt and a small company to California "in order to secure seed grain." 14 Early in the year 1848, Hunt and his party returned to Utah bringing the precious seed and driving a thousand head of cattle before them.15 Before 1857, about one hundred settlements had been founded within the present limits of the state of "Quoted in Neff, op. cit., 105. "Ibid., 242. " Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, entry of November 15, 1847, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City. " Neff, op. cit., 96. It was on this California expedition that Jefferson Hunt became attracted to Rancho del Bernardino, which he recommended to the church authorities as the site of a potential Mormon colony. The founding of San Bernardino resulted in 1851.

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IN EARLY

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Utah. In addition there were established several Mormon outposts: Fort Bridger, Fort Supply, Elk Mountain Mission, San Bernardino, Las Vegas, Genoa, New Hope, and Lemhi, ringing the outer rim of the Great Basin and designed as key centers for defense, immigration, or spreading the Gospel.16 MORMON THEO-DEMOCRACY Because economic wants were of greater importance than political or civic matters, the Utah pioneers postponed the establishment of civil government until the foundations of a settlement had been laid permanently. In fact, there was no immediate need for civil government since the entire population was Mormon, and the organization and institutions of the church met all governmental requirements. For a lawmaking body, there was the High Council of the Salt Lake Stake; for courts, there were the established ecclesiastical tribunals, namely, the Bishop, the High Council, the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, and the First Presidency; for a law-executing arm, the Nauvoo Legion; and for revenues, church tithes and offerings. Brigham Young was officially chosen head of the Mormon Church at the October Conference, 1848 — until that time (1844-48) — the entire Quorum of the Twelve had assumed this prerogative. In October, 1847, the High Council of the Salt Lake Stake of Zion was created, to which body of fifteen members the community voted in December, 1847, "to entrust complete jurisdiction over municipal affairs."17 Thus was established the first government within the confines of the territory. For the ensuing two years, there existed in Utah a pure theocracy or a Theo-democracy, as it is sometimes called, the only example in the history of the United States, except the short-lived New Haven experiment, 1638-44. This represented a complete fusion of church and state — the utilization of one set of institutions for both ecclesiastical and civic affairs. The records indicate that the following functions were performed by the theo-democratic organization during the year 1848: the division of the city into nineteen wards, the selection and assignment of farming lands, the issuance of building permits, the felling of trees, the granting of licenses to control neighboring streams and to build sawmills, and 10 See Milton Hunter, Brigham Young the Colonizer (Salt Lake City, 1940), passim. These Mormon outposts were abandoned in 1857 because of the coming of Johnston's Army to Utah. " Creer, Utah and the Nation, 60-61.

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various other matters pertaining to civic administration.18 As a court, the High Council appears to have functioned successfully, as there are no criticisms noted in the periodicals of the period. John Nebeker speaks of a whipping post which was used to administer justice to criminals guilty of minor offenses.19 There was no jail in the community. The urgency of ecclesiastical business, however, led to a modification of the Theo-democracy by relieving the High Council of all civic responsibilities and transferring them to the bishops of the various wards. This occurred on January 6, 1849, and resulted in the institution of a government not unlike the New England town meeting, wherein the bishops presided as magistrates, or mayors, over what became in essence nineteen separate municipalities, with the ward congregations as the legislative agencies.20 Says Tullidge: "Under this temporal administration, all over Utah as well as in Salt Lake, cities were built, lands divided off to the people, roads and bridges made, water ditches cut, the land irrigated, and society governed." 21 T H E PROVISIONAL STATE OF DESERET Although the Mormon Theo-democracy functioned surprisingly well, with the influx of a relatively large gentile population due largely to the impact of the discovery of gold in California, it is not to be wondered that criticism became increasingly rife, for it was not to be expected that the newcomers would graciously accept an exclusive Mormon political control. Says Tullidge: "In nothing were the Mormons more peculiar than in their judicial affairs. They did not believe in going to law one with another. Their judicial economy was after the pattern of the New Testament rather than that of Blackstone. It was this that made the Mormon rule so obnoxious to the (later) federal judges and Gentile lawyers." 22 The Theo-democracy was not intended to be permanent. Therefore, when sufficient pressure from economic considerations was released, the Mormon leaders made plans to abolish it and to establish as a 18 Early Records of Utah, MS, 20, 35, 45, 46. In the manuscript collection of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, California. Microfilm copies also in the Utah State Historical Society library. 10 John Nebeker, Early Justice [Salt Lake City, 1884], MS, 4-5. In the manuscript collection of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, California. Microfilm copies also in the Utah State Historical Society library. 20

See Leland H. Creer, The Founding of an Empire (Salt Lake City, 1947), 111. " E d w a r d W. Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City, 1886), 57-58. 22 Edward W. Tullidge, Life of Brigham Young (New York, 1877), 199-200.

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substitute a provisional state government. This decision no doubt was accelerated by two dramatic events: the discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill, January 24, 1848, and the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo on February 2, which provided for the annexation of Utah, California, and New Mexico to the United States. Charges have been made by enemies of the Saints and unfriendly historians23 that the creation of the State of Deseret was nothing but an attempt to establish an independent Mormon Republic. In refutation, one needs only to refer to the preamble of the constitution of the proposed state, adopted in March, 1849, which explains the motives of the Mormon constituents for such action. Pertinent excerpts follow: the Congress of the United States has failed to provide a civil government for the Territory so acquired; WHEREAS it is a fundamental principle in all republican governments that all political power is inherent in the people and government instituted for their protection, security and benefit should emanate from the same; Therefore your committee begs leave to recommend the adoption of the following constitution until the Congress of the United States shall otherwise provide for the government of the territory hereinafter named and described by admitting us into the Union.24 WHEREAS

The fact that the United States had failed to provide any form of government for the inhabitants of Utah was sufficient reason for the establishment of the State of Deseret. And by doing so the people of the community were simply following well-established precedents of frontier impatience and restlessness. For example, as early as 1772, the pioneers of Watauga in eastern Tennessee formed an "Association" in which the minimum institutions of government which North Carolina would not establish were provided for, and later, in 1784, when Congress refused to organize the territory, now a part of the Union, these same people organized the short-lived but significant state of Franklin. Similar action occurred at the Champoeg Convention in Oregon in 1843, and at the Monterey Convention in California in 1849.25 23 See William A. Linn, The Story of the Mormons from the Date of their Origin to the year 1901 (New York, cl902), 488, and William Chandless, A Visit to Salt Lake (London, 1857), 182. 2,1 Laws and Ordinances of the State of Deseret [Compilation of 1851] (Salt Lake City, 1919), 79-80. The Constitution of the State of Deseret is reproduced in full in Creer, The Founding of an Empire, Appendix C. 25 Creer, Utah and the Nation, 66.

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The constitution of the State of Deseret was adopted by delegates in convention, March 10, 1849. The limits of the proposed state were indeed extensive. They included all of the present states of Utah and Nevada, about one-fourth of the present state of California, including the city of San Diego, the whole of Arizona north of the Gila River, one-third of New Mexico, one-third of Wyoming, portions of southern Idaho, and about one-fifth of Oregon. The inclusion of the port of San Diego was intended to give the state an outlet to the sea, and a point at which emigration to the Great Basin by way of the Isthmus of Panama might converge. The total area embraced was more than 500,000 square miles, about twice the size of Texas and almost equal to the area of Alaska. Deseret26 was the official name of the new state and the seat of government was located at Salt Lake City. The constitution, following the pattern of older states, provided for two legislative houses, a House and a Senate, the members of which were to hold office for four years. The executive power was vested in a governor, a lieutenant-governor, a secretary of state, an auditor, and a treasurer. The lieutenant-governor was ex-officio president of the senate: the judicial power was vested in a supreme court and other inferior courts as the legislature might subscribe. Suffrage was limited to all male white residents over the age of twenty-one years. Interesting features of the document were an unusually strong section concerning religious toleration; a strong bill of rights guaranteeing life, liberty, trial by jury, and the asserted right to hold and acquire property; and the absence of any notice whatsoever on the institution of slavery. The election of officers took place on March 12, 1849, although the constitution had fixed the first Monday in May as the first election date. On that same day, the constitution was formally presented and ratified. The officers elected were: Brigham Young, governor; Willard Richards, secretary of state; Newell K. Whitney, treasurer; Heber C. Kimball, chief justice; John Taylor and Newell K. Whitney, associate justices; Daniel H. Wells, attorney-general; Horace S. Eldredge, marshal; Albert Carrington, assessor; and Joseph L. Hey wood, surveyor. The bishops of the nineteen wards were elected magistrates. It is interesting to note that in this first election, the roster of officials was presented to the convention assembled as a single list of nominees prepared by a hand-picked group of church leaders. The list of nomi5

Meaning honey bee. See Book Â°f Mormon (Salt Lake City, 1921), 480.

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nees was then submitted to the people for their approval or disapproval. There was no campaigning or electioneering, for none was necessary. It was only on rare occasions that anyone who was nominated by the church leaders met with the disapproval of the group. Besides the irregularity of the time and procedure of election, as noted above, there were other discrepancies that should be noted: for example, no lieutenant-governor was elected at the time, and Newell K. Whitney was elected to hold two public offices. Indeed, while in theory, ecclesiastical and civic affairs were separated with the organization of the State of Deseret, in fact, fusion of church and state still continued. Brigham Young, governor of Deseret, was also Brigham Young, president of the Latter-day Saints Church, and the Saints revered and respected him far more by reason of the latter office than by reason of the former. So it was with the other chief officers of the state, who were also leading men of the church. And Stansbury observes: While there are all the external evidences of a government strictly temporal, it cannot be concealed that it is so intimately blended with the Church that it would be impossible to separate one from the other. This intimate connection of the church and state seems to pervade everything that is done. The supreme power in both being lodged in the hands of the same individuals, it is difficult to separate their two official characters and to determine whether in any one instance they act as spiritual or merely temporal officers. In the organization of civil government, nothing could be more natural than that the whole people being of one faith, should choose for functionaries to carry it into execution, those to whom they had been in the habit of referring as their inspired guides, and by whom they had been led from a land of persecution.27 This unofficial fusion of church and state was the outstanding factor which created so much dissension between federal and local officials. "Ecclesiastical influence tended to encroach dangerously upon the domain of civic affairs, and federal judges and Gentile lawyers in the main resented it." 2S And conflict ensued. Perhaps this conflict could have been avoided had Congress granted the Saints statehood rather 27 Howard Stansbury, An Expedition to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake (London and Philadelphia, 1852), 331-33. 2 " Creer, Utah and the Nation, 71.

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than territorial government. Autonomy was what the Mormons wanted and what they needed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; freedom to work out their own problems, unmolested by a group of unsympathetic foreign office holders. But Utah was denied statehood for almost half a century, and in the meantime hostilities developed. Important among the measures passed by the legislature of the State of Deseret during the two eventful years of its existence were those creating a state university; organizing and fixing the boundaries of Salt Lake, Weber, Davis, Tooele, Utah, San Pete, and Iron counties; regulating the control of streams, timber, and industries; prohibiting the sale of liquor and ammunition to the Indians; incorporating and granting municipal charters to Great Salt Lake City, Ogden, Manti, Provo, and Parowan; and incorporating the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints.29 Under the government there was every evidence of peace and prosperity. "In this state," said Brigham Young in his annual message to the legislature, December 2,1850: no expense has been incurred by any of the departments of government for services rendered. All the Indians with whom we have had difficulties are detached or broken off bands from the main tribes, with whom our peaceful relations have never been interrupted. Not a solitary case was reported for trial before the regular sessions of either the county or supreme courts during the past year, and no offense beyond the control of a justice of the peace seems to have been committed... . We have the proud satisfaction of having sustained a quiet, yet energetic government, under all the vicissitudes incident to new and untried localities: and when the general government shall assume to pay the expenditures consequent upon the Indian expeditionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;of being comparatively free from debt Deseret is not three years old, . . . and yet such has been the rapidity of her growth, the extent of her improvements, and the development of her resources, as to command the admiration, and the respect of all those whose lot has been cast within her bounds, and those afar off, hearing the glad tidings, are stretching forth their itching palms, towards another of those free states where the oppressed go free, and the poor, through ordinary industry, find ample provision.30 '"Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah (4 vols., Salt Lake City, 1892), I, 455-57. Early Records of Utah, MS, 116-17; Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 489-92.

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APPLICATION FOR STATEHOOD The constitutional convention which convened on March 4, 1849, before adjournment, memorialized Congress in behalf of their constituents to approve this action by recognizing their constitution and admitting Deseret as a state in the American Union. The memorialists called attention to the fact that "Congress had failed to provide by law a form of civil government for any portion of the territory ceded to the United States by the Republic of Mexico"; that "since the expiration of the Mexican civil authority, however weak and imbecile, anarchy to an alarming extent had prevailed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the revolver and the bowie knife had become the highest law in the land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the strong had prevailed against the weak â&#x20AC;&#x201D; while person, property, character and religion had been unaided and virtue unprotected, . . ." It was pointed out that in regard to their own security and for the preservation of the constitutional right of the United States to hold jurisdiction there, "the inhabitants of the State of Deseret had organized a provisional form of government under which the civil policy of the nation is maintained," and that there were "a sufficient number of individuals to support a state government, thereby relieving the general government of a territorial government in that section." Your memoralists, therefore, ask your honorable body to favorably consider their interests; and, if consistent with the constitution and usages of the federal government, that the constitution accompanying tJhe memorial be ratified, and that the State of Deseret be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the other states, or such other form of civil government as your wisdom and magnanimity may award to the people of Deseret. And upon the adoption of any form of government here, that their delegate be received, and their interests properly and faithfully represented in the Congress of the United States. And your memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray.31 Attention is called to the italicized statement above. By giving Congress an optional choice, state or territory, as the government for Deseret even though the memorialists favored a state government, the case of Deseret was materially weakened in Congress; for the western portion of the Mexican Cession (California) had definitely asked for '" Italics are the author's. The memorial is found in Millennial Star, XII, 23-25- also Early Utah Records, MS, 87-91.

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statehood without slavery, and a compromise plan was necessary to balance the interests of the North and the South over the slavery issue. Statehood for California, territorial government for Utah and New Mexico best suited the exigencies of the situation. As if mistrustful of their application for a sovereign state government being favorably received, a petition signed by 2,270 citizens was drafted in April, 1849, asking Congress for a territorial form of government. John M. Bernhisel was entrusted with the mission of presenting the memorial. Accompanied by Wilford Woodruff, Bernhisel proceeded on his mission to Washington, stopping first at Philadelphia to confer with Colonel Thomas L. Kane. The latter strongly advised against presenting the document. "You are better off without any government from the hands of Congress than with a territorial government," he said. "The political intrigues of government officers will be against you. You can govern yourselves better than they can govern you." 32 And Kane was right, as the tragic history of Utah under territorial rule was to demonstrate. It appears that Kane's advice deterred Bernhisel from presenting the memorial before Congress; at least there is no record of his having done so. In the meantime Almon W. Babbitt, the delegate and representative from the Provisional State of Deseret, arrived in Washington bearing the petition for statehood. The document was introduced into the Senate by Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, and in the House by Linn Boyd of Kentucky, and referred to the appropriate committees on Territories. The memorial, however, died aborning in both committees. One measure did materialize. This was a resolution which emerged from the Committee on Elections of the House of Representatives stating "that it is inexpedient to admit Almon W. Babbitt to a seat in this body as a delegate from the alleged state of Deseret." 33 After a prolonged debate the resolution was finally adopted by a vote of 104 to 78.34 The reasons which prevailed against the admission of the delegate were: (1) that the memorial he presented did not ask for representation until Congress had awarded the people of Deseret some form of government; (2) that Congress could not admit the delegate without at the same time recognizing the legal existence of the proposed state; and (3) that the boundaries of the proposed state were far too extensive. Those who 32 History of Brigham Young (1849), 161-64, MS, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City; Wilford Woodruff Journal, MS, entry of November 26, 1849. 33 Congressional Globe (1849-1850), XXI, 1433. 34 Idem.

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favored the admission of Mr. Babbitt "opposed these technical, legal grounds for his rejection" and justified their position "on the broad American principle of the right of a community to representation in legislative bodies where their interests were to be determined; and the right of a community to be self-governing." 35 It should be noted that the vote to deny Mr. Babbitt a seat in the House was close and indicates a divided opinion upon the question. And unlike the later question of providing a state or territorial government, the issue was not influenced by the more important problem of slavery. Then too, the debates which ensued in the House indicate little or no religious prejudice. Countermemorials against Deseret by Mormon enemies were completely ignored.36 Both opponents and proponents of the resolution "praised the Saints for their noteworthy achievement and insisted, when the question was brought up, that their opinions were not in any way tainted with religious bias." 37 However, this evidently was not the case with President Zachary Taylor who, Babbitt in a communication to President Brigham Young dated July 7, 1850, avers, was very much prejudiced against the Saints. Thus the delegate writes: You will learn from President Taylor's message that he is not our friend; this I know myself beyond a doubt. He did say before twenty members of Congress that he would veto any bill passed, state or territorial, for the Mormons; â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that they were a pack of outlaws, and had been driven out of two states and were not fit for self-government. I went to him in person with Colonel Warren and charged these sayings upon him and 15

Roberts, op. cit., Ill, 436. Two countermemorials against the Mormons were introduced by William Smith and Isaac Sheen and presented to the House by Representative Underwood of Kentucky. A petition by A. Morgan, Thomas Hunt, et al., was presented to the House by Representative Wentworth of Illinois. These memorials were never reported out of the committees to which they were referred. Congressional Globe (1849-50), XXI, 92. 37 Creer, Utah and the Nation, 79. The remarks of Venable of North Carolina admirably illustrates this: "I can assure the gentleman from Illinois that the applicant has nothing in my estimation to his claim to a seat here, that he represents a Mormon community. No sir, the religious tenets of that remarkable people do not enter into the elements of my opposition to the seat of Mr. Babbitt on this floor. The Jews, the Turks, Christians or Mormons, I would award the same right and the same privileges, and I should not perceive the necessity of his appeal to us in order to avoid the effect of our out of door influences created by prejudice against the Mormons. I know nothing of them but the extraordinary fact that they have a power of organization which can collect the idle, vicious and unproductive and make in a short time a prosperous community. There is something to be admired in that result, at least." See Congressional Globe (1849-1850) XXI, 1419. 30

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he owned what he had said; and tried to reason with me in relation to the absurdity of the Mormons asking for a state or territorial government.38 T H E TERRITORY OF UTAH ESTABLISHED Before reviewing Congressional action which finally resolved the problem of Deseret through the Compromise of 1850, it is necessary at this point to examine the state of mind of Congress with regard to the vital question of slavery. The Compromise of 1820 had established the principle of exclusion with regard to slavery in the territories, a program vigorously advocated by the North. The South, however, had long contended that slaves were property and as such Congress had no right to exclude them from the territories. As long as the South possessed enough power in the Senate to protect its interests as it did from 1820 to 1850, a conflict was averted; but now with the problem of organizing the Mexican Cession before Congress as it assembled in 1849, the South, fearful of maintaining its advantage, was prepared to make demands which if not recognized threatened to precipitate a conflict. "Both the North and the South, favored organizing the Cession into territories rather than states but for different reasons: the South because they hoped such territories could be settled by their supporters whose property in slaves the federal government would protect; the North because they hoped to prohibit slavery by Congressional action." 39 When it became known" that the problem of organizing the Mexican Cession would come before Congress in the 1849 session, excitement among southern Congressmen became intense, Congressional caucuses were held in December, 1848, pending the opening of Congress in which the southern representatives argued that "Congress had no right to exclude slaves from the territories, as the North contended, because slaves as property were protected by the Constitution of the United States." 40 After enumerating Northern aggressions that had already transpired â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a bill to repeal all acts recognizing slavery in the District of Columbia, the Wilmot Proviso aiming at the exclusion of slavery in the Mexican Cession, and a measure to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the agitated Congressmen resolved that "the 3S Babbitt to Young, dated Washington, July 7, 1850, in History of Brigham Young (1850), MS, 74-75; see also James D. Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897 (10 vols., Washington, 1896-99), V, 26-30. 30 Creer, Utah and the Nation, 74. 10 Creer, The Founding of an Empire, 322.

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South must unite and the North brought to pause or nothing would remain but to stand up immovably in defense of rights, involving our all â&#x20AC;&#x201D; our property, prosperity, equality, liberty, and safety." 41 Much of this same tone of denunciatory rabble was reported in the Southern Nashville Convention in June and November, 1850. The extension of the Missouri Compromise Line to the Pacific, with slavery recognized in all territory south of that line, was adopted as the minimum concession that would satisfy the South. Secession from the Union was openly suggested, although not seriously entertained by any of the delegates except those from South Carolina. This sharp diversity of opinion in Congress, the membership of which was sharply divided sectionally, meant that nothing short of compromise could adjust matters satisfactorily. But compromise appeared remote and war as a method of solution likely. "The great and grave question of slavery which now agitates the country," writes John M. Bernhisel, "and which I believe with all the conviction of my mind is capable of entertaining, will never be settled and will sooner or later shake this union to its center, and as revolutions never draw backward, may break it with as many fragments as there are states composing it, has been the sole topic of conversation since the commencement of the session; and it is likely to be during the remainder of it." 42 However, a compromise was effected. On March 8, 1850, Senator Foote of Mississippi moved that a select committee of thirteen, six from the North, six from the South, the thirteenth member to be chosen by the twelve, be created to which would be given the responsibility of maturing some scheme for the settlement of the whole territorial question. On May 8, Senator Clay of Kentucky, chairman of the committee, presented the committee's report. It included seven important recommendations which were incorporated later into definitive measures known collectively as the Compromise of 1850. These proposals were: (1) that the admission of any new state or states formed out of Texas be postponed until they should hereafter present themselves to be received into the Union, when it should be the duty of Congress, fairly and faithfully, to execute the compact with Texas by admitting such new state or states; (2) that California be admitted into the Union as a free state with the boundaries she has proposed; (3) that territorial gov" Edward Channing, History of the United States (6 vols., New York, 1905-7) VI 70-71. 12 Bernhisel's report is found in extenso in History of Brigham Young (1850) MS 40-50.

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ernment without the Wilmot Proviso be established for New Mexico and Deseret, embracing all the territory recently acquired by the United States from Mexico, not contained in the boundaries of California; (4) that these last two measures be incorporated in the same bill in order to insure without delay the establishment of some form of government in that region; (5) that northern and western boundaries for Texas be definitely established and that that state be deprived of any jurisdiction over New Mexico Territory with the grant to Texas of a pecuniary equivalent; (6) that a more effective fugitive slave law be enacted; and (7) that the slave trade be prohibited in the District of Columbia.43 On the same day the committee introduced a bill, defining the limits of the proposed new territory of Utah as follows: All that part of the territory of the United States included within the following limits, to wit, bounded on the west by the state of California, on the north by the Territory of Oregon, on the east and south by the dividing ridge which separates the waters flowing into the Great Basin from those flowing into the Colorado River and the Gulf of California.44 The Organic Act creating the above territory was signed by President Fillmore, September 9,1850. With the passing by Congress of the several measures proposed by Clay, the political status of the Mexican Cession, including California, New Mexico, and Deseret, was finally fixed. The whole question was determined by compromise, "howbeit, a compromise which proved unsatisfactory and eventually led to the Civil War." 45 Although slavery determined this compromise agreement, the fact that the Saints presented memorials and petitions for both state and territorial governments, indicating precisely in their first memorial their acceptance of a territorial government should Congress deem it inadvisable to establish a state, may have affected the final decision of the Compromise Committee. "It is possible that the definite provision against slavery in the constitution of the state of California, together with the absence of any provision whatsoever on the subject in the constitution of the State of 43

Congressional Globe, 944-46. Ibid., 927. 45 Creer, The Founding of an Empire, 332. The weak provisions were the Doctrine of Squatters Sovereignty applied to Deseret and New Mexico and the stringent Fugitive Slave Law. The former prompted Stephen A. Douglas to effect the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and precipitate a crisis in Kansas; the latter increased the strength of the Abolitionists. 44

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Deseret, had no little influence in the creation of a free state government for California and territorial government for Deseret with the matter of slavery under the latter left open for statehood."46 The admission of California as a free state was a decided concession to the North. To counterbalance this advantage the South naturally could only insist upon territorial government for New Mexico and Deseret, areas totally unfit for slavery and the plantation system. "The only solace to the South, therefore, was to prevent these areas from becoming states and thus augmenting the political power of the anti-slavery North by increasing their number of supporters in the Senate." 47 In the final analysis, then, slavery determined the political status of the Mexican Cession. In the case of Deseret, the question of religion never entered into the proposed Compromise. It was the only feasible solution. Yet the decision was unfortunate for the people of Utah. For if ever a people could have profited by autonomy, it was the hapless Saints who had purposely fled to the barren wastes of tfie Salt Lake Desert in order to be left alone, free from further persecution by determined enemies. Under territorial tutelage, however, for forty-six years the residents of Utah were forced to submit to the rule of many unsympathetic foreign or federal officials, who could not be expected as nonmembers of the established faith to appreciate or understand Mormon peculiarities and eccentricities. All this could have been avoided by statehood. The whole problem was accentuated with the official pronouncement in 1852 favoring the practice of polygamy; and it was not until this institution was abolished by the church through the Manifesto in 1890, that Congress took steps to establish statehood for Utah, finally granting it January 4,1896. News of the organization of the Territory was not received in Utah until January 27, 1851. One week later, Brigham Young, the newly appointed governor, took the oath of office. On March 26, upon the recommendation of Governor Young, the General Assembly of Deseret resolved "that they cheerfully and cordially accepted the legislation of Congress for Utah and that they welcomed the extension of the United States government over the territory." 48 In accordance with this resolution, the General Assembly was dissolved April 5, 1851,49 and the State of Deseret was superseded by the Territory of Utah. 40 Creer, Utah and the Nation, 87. " Creer, The Founding of an Empire, 332. 48

History of Brigham Young (1851), MS, 14-15. " E a r l y Records of Utah, MS, 124.

J. M. Grant, 1816-1856, was a prominent early leader who gave his life in the cause af the Reformation. He led a company to Utah in 1847, was a member of the Council of Seventies, a second counselor to Brigham Young, and the first mayor of Salt Lake City.

THE

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REFORMATION

By Gustive O. Larson*

Jedediah M. Grant, Mormon crusader for righteousness, warned in Provo on July 13,1855: The Church needs trimming up, and if you will search, you will find your wards contain branches which had better be cut off. The kingdom would progress much faster, and so will you individually, than it will with those branches o n , . . . I would like to see the works of reformation commence, and continue until every man had to walk to the line, then we would have something like union, . . . Purify yourselves, your houses, lots, farms, and every thing around you on the right and on the left, then the Spirit of the Lord can dwell with you.1 Thus, a year before a "Reformation" was officially launched in the Mormon Church, its file leader heralded its approach with a call for "pruning" the vineyard. A thorough dressing followed in the fall and winter of 1856-57. But when the job was done its by-products could be likened to suckers growing so profusely around the Reformation tree * Gustive O. Larson is an authority on Mormon immigration history, an occasional contributor to this journal, and professor of Church History at the Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. 1 journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854-86), III, 60-61.

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as to obscure its trunk. More has been written about its excesses (real and imaginary) than about what actually happened. Stenhouse's anonymous chapter on the Reformation and Blood Atonement was typical.2 Even church historian B. H. Roberts devoted twice as much space in discussing blood atonement in connection with the reform movement than he did to the Reformation itself.3 The Reformation, which represented a vigorous call to repentance within the Mormon ranks, presents varied facets to the student of history. To some it appeared as a reaction to the crop destruction of 185556 which was interpreted as a divine rebuke for wastefulness and moral laxity.4 To others it represented a drive for unity among the Saints in face of increasing "Gentile" invasion. Some explained it as a preparatory move against impending hardships, while others read into it the enlistment of divine support against increasing social and political opposition. It was all of these, and in a sense it was a New England conscience struggling with the moral expediencies of frontier life. By means of public exhortations and catechizing in private, the soul-searching process swept over Mormondom at home and abroad in 1856 and early 1857, until every Saint was rededicated to "the Kingdom" through rebaptism or purged from membership. It was an emotional experience which regenerated the earth-bound masses spiritually to knit them into a more self-conscious brotherhood. It was a drive for unity against a threatening world. But, unfortunately, the Reformation pot boiled over with emotional excesses, leaving ill effects to be mixed with the good in whatever proportions individual critics chose to present them. This accounts for such widely divergent reports as those of Matthias Cowley,5 B. H. Roberts,6 and Andrew L. Neff7 on the one hand, and T. B. H. Stenhouse,8 W. A. 2

T. B. H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), chap. XXXVI. B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), IV, 119-37. 4 In his forthcoming book, Great Basin Kingdom; An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, Leonard Arrington has a chapter detailing the events of the 1850's and gives good grounds for believing that economic factors had much to do with the Reformation of 1856-57. 5 Matthias Cowley, Wilford Woodruff (Salt Lake City, 1909), chap. XXXIV. 0 Roberts, loc. cit. ' Andrew L. Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869, Leland H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City 1940), 548-54. 8 Stenhouse, loc. cit. 3

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Linn,9 and J. H. Beadle10 on the other. Historians Neff and Roberts have attempted to sift the evidence onto an understandable middle ground. "In general the effect of this movement," interprets Juanita Brooks, was to arouse the people to new religious consciousness, but for some who had lived through the persecutions of Missouri and Nauvoo and whose covenants included a hope that God would avenge the death of the Prophet and the sufferings of His Saints, the Reformation served to encourage fanaticism. It also helped to cement their group solidarity and make them feel that Zion must stand together against the sins of the world. In awakening the Saints to their duties, the Reformation also seemed to set them more directly against the government officials who, they felt, were ruling without consent of the governed. Thus frictions were aggravated and tensions became more strained.11 Certainly, one unfortunate result of the Reformation was to give color to anti-Mormon propaganda which circulated in the East and helped send the United States Army marching on Utah to put down an imaginary rebellion. Writers with economic bent place considerable emphasis on the fact that economic unity was sought through reintroduction of the "consecration" movement. Failure of their economic ventures in the East was still fresh in Mormon memory as Gentiles began to settle down among them in the Great Basin. The church leaders became much concerned and were determined to close their ranks against such economic infiltration. The consecration of property to the church, originally practiced in Ohio and Missouri, was revived to knit the Saints more closely together. This movement preceded the Reformation by two years when the leaders urged the Saints, in Conference speeches, to deed their properties in trusteeship to the church and receive "an inheritance in the Kingdom" in return. This action was preliminary pending preparation of legal forms which were later used with witnessed signatures. About one-third of the Saints dedicated their property in this manner in s W. A. Linn, The Story of the Mormons from the Date of their Origin to the year 1901 (New York, cl902), chap. XII. 10 J. H. Beadle, Life in Utah or the Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism (Philadelphia, 1870), chap. XII. 11 Juanita Brooks, Mountain Meadows Massacre (Stanford, 1950), 8.

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1855-56. Brigham Young set the example by deeding $199,000 in property to the church.12 Church historian Roberts found the Reformation growing out of pioneering circumstances which contributed to irregularities of life among the Saints in the early fifties. Migration of mixed companies under crowded conditions subjected the Saints to unusual temptations; enforced marches, fighting crop pests, and irrigation practices made Sabbath observance difficult; community fencing, herding, and the like, sometimes confused the issues of private ownership and led to trespass. The New England leaders of the church, while playing the role of frontiersmen, were still Puritan at heart, and the Reformation reflected a clash between deep-rooted traditional convictions and the compromises and expediencies of frontier living. The subject of sex sins received inordinate attention during the Reformation because added to actual conditions of vice came gentile charges of immorality due to the Mormon practice of polygamy. To correct a condition that needed correcting, and clear themselves of false charges, the Saints placed special emphasis on combatting sex sins. In so doing they unfortunately created the impression among gentile writers of greater indulgence in evil than actually existed. Sex purity was stressed together with renewed emphasis on plural marriage. As a result polygamous marriages reached their peak in the two years of the Reformation. Stanley S. Ivins' study discovered, ". . . as one of the fruits of 'the Reformation,' plural marriages skyrocketed to a height not before approached and never again to be reached. . . . there were sixty-five per cent more of such marriages during 1856 and 1857 than in any other two years of this experiment." 13 The Reformation was launched in Kaysville in a conference beginning September 13, 1856, and lasting four days. President Jedediah M. Grant, Joseph Young, and William Willis were the principal speakers. The last named had just returned from a mission to India. He injected a spirit of revivalism into the services with stirring songs, one of which was "The Saints Will Nobly Do Their Duty." According to the minutes, Brigham Young, though not present, supplied the text for President Grant's first discourse which was, "Saints, Live Your Religion." 12 F. Y. Fox, "The Consecration Movement of the Middle Fifties," Improvement Era, XLVII (1944), 80, 124. 13 Stanley S. Ivins, "Notes on Mormon Polygamy,'' Western Humanities Review, X (1956), 231.

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He urged the members to hold sacred their baptismal covenants through: . . . observing cleanliness in their persons and dwellings, setting their families in order, carefully cultivating their farms and gardens, and not to feel so anxious to have more land that they could not attend to themselves; to gather into and build up the fort and settlement, and concluded by praying that all those who did not feel to do right might have their way opened to leave the people and Territory, and that those who did not come forward and do their first works [i.e. renew religious obligations by baptism], let them be unto you as heathen men and publicans, and not numbered among the Saints.14 The last day's session of the conference convened at Weinel's Mill. President Grant, according to the Deseret News account: . . . enjoined upon the Saints to observe the utmost decorum and reverence while the sacred ordinance of baptism was being attended to. After prayer he proceeded to baptize Bishop Allen Taylor and his counsellors. Nearly 500 Saints were immersed under direction of President Grant. He baptized upwards of 80 with his own hands. After baptism the Saints repaired to the bowery while the ordinance of confirmation was attended . . . the Spirit of the Lord was poured out to a great degree, and peace and happiness characterized the whole assembly. President Grant rose and blest the people in the name of the Lord God of Israel.15 In Farmington, President Grant reported the results of the Kaysville conference and suggested that a similar test be made here. He asked the congregation pointedly if it wanted him to stay and commence preaching and baptizing. The whole congregation rose in assent and the result was 406 baptized. But responses in Centerville and Bountiful indicated that the people were "not ready." He told the bishop of Centerville on September 25, to hold a "fast day" and to cut off all members who would not keep the commandments. Then he postponed the conference until October 16. He found the people of Bountiful also "as cold as ice of the polar region . . . in a deep sleep . . . 14

Deseret News, September 24, 1856.

"Ibid., T h e baptismal prayer which was used included, "Having been commissioned of Jesus Christ I baptize you for the renewal of your Covenant and remission of your sins." Ibid., January 7, 1857.

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judging from attendance they were in a state of apostacy." He went back to finish the work at Centerville, and Bountiful was not finished until a month later.16 In the meantime the Reformation was getting under way in Salt Lake City. The crusader was joined by Brigham Young in a stirring meeting held in the Bowery on September 21. Continuing his theme, Grant said: I am speaking to you in the name of Israel's God and you need to be baptized and washed clean from your sins from your backslidings, from your apostacies, from your filthiness, from your lying, from your swearing, from lusts, and from everything that is evil before the God of Israel. We have been trying long enough with this people, and I go in for letting the sword of the almighty be unsheathed not only in word, but in deed.17 Brigham Young announced: We need a reformation in the midst of this people; we need a thorough reform, for I know that very many are in a dozy condition with regard to their religion; . . . You are losing the spirit of the Gospel, is there any cause for it? No, only that which there is in the world. You have the weakness of human nature to contend with, and you suffer that weakness to decoy you away from the truth, to the side of the adversary; but now is the time to awake, before the time of burning. . . . notwithstanding all that has been taught, still the people are full of idolatry, the spirit of contention and the spirit of the world . . . Well, I just say, my bretiiren and sisters, it cannot be suffered any longer, a separation must take place; you must part with your sins, or the righteous must be separated from the ungodly.18 Wilford Woodruff in the fall conference of 1856 entertained hopes that the Saints would repent m time to escape calamity. "I believe that the majority of the people are ready to wake up; I believe that they already begin to feel the reformation spirit in them, and it is certainly time, for there are great events at our door..." 19 The conference opened 10

Accounts of these conferences appeared currently in ibid. " journal of Discourses, IV, 50. 18 Ibid., IV, 45, 52. 10 Ibid., IV, 98.

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on October 5, with much enthusiasm for the handcart experiment which had just delivered three companies of immigrants successfully into the Salt Lake Valley. But as it progressed news of two delayed companies dampened that fervor and the conference ended with calls for volunteers to go to the rescue of the belated Saints. The Reformation which had promised to be the theme of the conference became identified with the immigration emergency. On November 2 when reports of death came in from the snowbound immigrants, Brigham Young made them his common theme: . . . my mind is yonder in the snow, where those immigrating Saints are, . . . I have a great many reflections about them. Have any of you suffered while coming here ? . .. Yes, you had to endure anguish and pain from the effects of cholera, toil, and weariness. Do you live your religion when you get here, after all the trouble, afflictions, and pains you have passed through to come to Zion? and to a pretty Zion! Men and women start across the Plains for this place, and are they willing to wade through the snow? Yes. To travel through snow storms? Yes. To wade rivers? Yes. What for? To get to Zion. And here we are in Zion, and what a Zion! where it is necessary for the cry of reformation to go through the land, both a spiritual and temporal reformation. God is more merciful than man can be, and it is well for us.20 The handcart emergency also served to measure the effectiveness of the Reformation sermons. Franklin D. Richards who had just returned from the British mission wrote on November 1: About a week before we arrived, a work of reformation had been efficiently started, and we were just in good time to share its cheering effects with the people. As good an evidence of this as I can offer, may be found in the fact, that on Sunday and Monday, at a conference of the Territory, it required strong efforts of the Presidency and others, to raise between fifty and sixty teams to go and bring in our brethren coming by the hand-carts on the Plains; whereas, on the last Sunday but one, a few remarks from brother Kimball to a congregation of this city only, induced one hundred and fourteen to give their names to furnish teams, and one man put down fifteen yoke of cattle. The change in the feelings of the people is indeed wonderful already, and yet it has but just begun. Bishops are drop' Ibid., IV, 62.

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ped, and their counselors, when slothful at their duties, or when ruled by their wives, so are the Teachers, if they did not perform their duties, which are, to know every man and woman in their several districts, and to live their religion themselves. Misdeeds are not only publicly denounced but the doers and their deeds are named before the public congregations. The arrows of the Almighty are with the Presidency. The terrors of the Lord are upon them, and are coming upon the people. The high and the low are all feeling the scorching of the fire that has begun to be kindled in Zion. Already the power of the Holy Ghost has, in some instances, been so great upon them, that they have had to refrain from speaking, for the people have shrunk before them, because of the power of their words, while in other instances, congregations have been dismissed because of their darkness, and their unbelief in the word spoken. Many powers and responsibilities, heretofore retained in the hands of the Presidency, have been handed down to the Bishops. A thorough waking up has commenced, that must reach the habitation of every Saint in Utah, and then extend to every Mission and Branch of the Church throughout the earth. Therefore, dear brethren, cry aloud, and spare not, show unto the people the awful consequences of sin, that they may obtain strength from God, to keep His commandments, and sin not.21 The following month Heber C. Kimball warned: . . . you will be tested as to whether you are of the religion of Christ or not. . . . I have said that the scarcity of bread was nothing in comparison to what is coming: and for this reason the Lord wants this people to repent, reform, and live their religion; to learn to be punctual, true, and humble; and those who do not will go overboard. God and mammon, or the righteous and the ungodly, have no fellowship for each other. Campaigning for the general cleanup in the quorums of the priesthood he said: And here are . . . members of the First Presidency of the Seventies, sitting here as dead as door nails, and suffering these poor curses to live in our midst as seventies. As the Lord God Almighty lives, if you do not rise up and trim your quorums, '" Quoted in Neff, op. cit., 552-53.

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we will trim you off, and not one year shall pass away before you are trimmed off Wake up ye Elders of Israel, and purge yourselves, and purge out the filth that is in your Quorums, for we will not countenance unrighteousness in our midst. Why pursue this course? To cleanse Israel and qualify and prepare them, for there is going to be a test, A Test, A TEST; and if you do not forsake your wickedness you will see sorrow, as the children of Israel did in Jerusalem.22 The Reformation flared up sixty miles to the south in Spanish Fork where four hundred people were baptized. West Jordan reflected the consequences of non-conformity when one man was excommunicated for "reviling against his bishop" and a husband and wife cut off for "unbelief and reviling against the authorities." Nevertheless, ninety-three were baptized. As President Grant toured the northern branches the Deseret News commented, "The people begin to feel more than ever that they are dealing with the spirit and power of God and the Holy Priesthood." By the end of fall it had spread throughout Zion and during the winter it reached the missions. For instance, the Saints in the British Mission were rebaptized early in February of 1857, and those in Wales in March. A priesthood meeting in Salt Lake City's Social Hall on November 3 served to introduce a catechism to the members of the church. "After singing and praying," records an eyewitness, "President Young had the doors locked. He then said, 'I am about to question the brethren and I charge them in the name of Jesus Christ to tell the truth. Those who cover up their sins the curse of God shall be upon them.' He then drew from the breast pocket of his coat a long slip of white paper and read the following questions, calling upon the brethren to answer them as they were put": 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. !

Have you shed innocent blood or assented thereto? Have you committed adultery? Have you betrayed your brother ? Have you borne false witness against your neighbor ? Do you get drunk ? Have you stolen? Have you lied?

journal of Discourses, IV, 139-41, 143.

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Have you contracted debts without prospect of paying? Have you labored faithfully for your wages ? Have you coveted that which belongs to another? Have you taken the name of the Lord in vain? Do you preside in your family as a servant of God ? Have you paid your tithing in all things?

The account continues, "President Young then said, 'there are some brethren who have confessed to sins they have not d o n e . . . . I am happy to say there is not so much sin as I expected.' He said if the brethren repented and done these things no more they now started with a clean page, but if they did those things again their former sins would be accounted unto them." At this meeting, the same witness concluded, "I saw the power of the Priesthood and felt the same as I never saw or felt before." 23 In their eagerness to participate in the Reformation some members did, as President Young observed, confess to sins of which they were not guilty. Lorenzo Snow warned in a tabernacle address against the "popularity" of the Reformation.24 "Some join," he said, "and go through the external forms of religious zeal without the reform. They dare not admit they do not feel it." Also the penitents were warned not to be foolish and confess publicly. "Confess your faults to the individuals that you ought to confess them to and proclaim them not on the house tops." The Reformation moved from public exhortation to personal interviews in all Latter-day Saint homes. Ward teachers and special missionaries catechized the people on a list of questions which was extended from Brigham Young's thirteen to twenty-six.25 "Have you stolen" in the president's list yielded seven additional questions by being made specific as to the use of fields, animals, lost property, strays, irrigation water, and to borrowing and branding. The remaining six included: Do you teach your family the gospel of Salvation ? Do you speak against your brethren or against any principle taught us in the Bible, Book of Mormon, Book of Doctrine & Covenants, revelations given through Joseph Smith the prophet and the Presidency of the Church as now organized? 23 Autobiography of John Powell, 59. Typescript copy in Special Collections Division, Brigham Young University library. 24 Journal of Discourses, IV, 185. 20 Neff, op. cit., 549-50.

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Do you wash your body and have your family do so as often as health and cleanliness require and circumstances permit? Do you labor six days and rest or go to the house of the Worship on the seventh ? Do you and your family attend ward meetings ? Do you oppress the hireling in his wages ? While many a man was humbled during the Reformation there were others who became officious, especially in the matter of catechizing their fellow members. Therefore, the following instructions accompanied the list of questions as a guide for administering them: In answer to the above questions, let all men and women confess to persons they have injured and make restitution, or satisfaction. And when catechizing the people, the Bishops, Teachers Missionaries and other officers in the Church are not at liberty to pry into sins that are between a person and his or her God, but let such persons confess to the proper authority, that the adversary may not have an opportunity to take advantage of human weakness and thereby destroy souls.26 The chief crusader in the Reformation gave his life in its cause. Jedediah M. Grant died on December 1, 1856, at the age of forty. The Deseret News, referring to his "sweeping through the settlements and kindling a fire in Zion" added, that "he rolled forward the reformation beyond his own endurance." Wilford Woodruff said, "I do not wonder that calling on the people to wake up has killed one man, and it will kill more if we do not respond to the call . . . it has nearly laid brother Young in the grave; he felt he could not live until some man rose up and started the work of reformation." 27 Heber C. Kimball added, "I wanted him to stay and help us whip the devil and bring to pass righteousness." Particularly did Grant lash out against all forms of uncleanliness. He said in Salt Lake in October, 1856: It is your duty to keep clean. I have given the Teachers a new set of questions to ask the people. I say to them, ask the people whether they keep clean. Do you wash your bodies 20 27

Ibid., 550. Journal of Discourses, IV, 147.

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once in each week, when circumstances will permit? Do you keep your dwellings, outhouses, and dooryards clean? The first work of the reformation with some, should be to clear away the filth about their premises. How would some like to have President Young visit them and go through their buildings, examine their rooms, bedding, etc?28 Speaking on community and personal cleanliness, he said: Some here keep their children too dirty for admission into a district school, . . . and in some houses the towels look as though they had passed Noah's ark, or had been used by some of the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the knives and forks have the appearance of having been rusting since Adam was driven from the garden of Eden. I want the people to wake up and reform, forsake all their evil habits and everything that is dark, loathsome and impure . . . eschew all dirt, and filth, and degredation, and cease profaning the Sabbath, and the name of the Lord.... You may talk reform, you may preach upon a virtuous life, upon cleanliness, upon God and the Holy Ghost, but while there is filth around the house, filth in the yard, and in every part of the city, your preaching will not amount to much. Some people are never contented unless the cow yard is under their noses, the hen coop in the parlor, and the privy in the kitchen, that is if they have any privy.29 President Grant defended his strong statements by the need for them. He said the spirit directed his expressions: I am not one of that class which believes in shrinking; if there is a fight on hand, give me a share in it. I am naturally good natured, but when the indignation of the Almighty is in me I say to all hell, stand aside and let the Lord Jesus Christ come in here; He shall be heir of the earth; the truth shall triumph, the Priesthood of Christ shall reign.30 "And now verily I say unto you, I, the Lord, will not lay any sin to your charge; go your way and sin no more; but unto that soul who sinneth shall the former sins return, saith the Lord your God." 31 28

Ibid., IV, 188-89. Ibid., IV, 73-74. 30 Ibid., IV, 85-87. 31 The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1954), Sec. 82:7. 20

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In this oft quoted scripture of the repentence drive lay the hope of permanent reform. Baptisms and the Eucharist were generally withheld pending evidence of genuine repentence. Song and prayer were also to be expressive of the same. "If the people," said Brigham Young, " . . . go to work now and have meetings and call upon God to get the spirit of the reformation, but sing and pray about doing right without doing it, instead of singing themselves away to 'everlasting bliss,' they will sing and pray themselves into hell, shouting halleljah." 32 It was not surprising that the Reformation should express itself through literary efforts. The Deseret News for November 5, 1856, carried "God Remembers Zion â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a Psalm for the Times of Reformation" by W. G. Mills. It was a testimonial that God had remembered modern "Zion" through all her sufferings and achievements; that His blessings waited upon the righteousness of His people. On November 26 appeared a song called "The Reformation" which had been sung earlier by Phil Margetts in the Seventeenth Ward schoolhouse to the tune of "Rosa May." The reformation has commenced, All hail! the glorious day, May God his Holy Spirit send To guide us on his way: Now, brethren, the time has come For wickedness to cease; So live like honest Saints of God, And righteousness increase. . . . Chorus Then, O, brethren, come And let us all agree And strive to gain the blessings In store for you and me. To gain these blessings we must try And do what we are told; I'll tell you what we ought to do, If you won't think me bold: We ought to put down wickedness, We ought to watch and pray, We ought to build the kingdom up â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Not loaf our time away. . . . Chorus :

Journal of Discourses, IV, 61.

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We ought to have our houses neat, Our Teachers to obey, We ought to keep our bodies clean, Our tithing always pay: We ought our brother's character Keep sacred as our own, Attend to business all we can, Let other folks alone. . . . Chorus We ought our bishops to sustain, Their counsels to abide And knock down every dwelling Where wicked folks reside: We ought our Teachers to respect, Not give them looks nor snubs; And keep our ditches free from pots, Likewise from stinking tubs. . . . Chorus Now, sisters, list to what I say, With trials this world is rife You can't expect to miss them all, Help husband get a wife! Now, this advice I freely give, If exalted you would be, Remember that your husband must Be blessed with more than thee. Then, O, let us say, God bless the wife that strives And aids her husband all she can T' obtain a dozen wives. Now, brethren, let us study To do the will of God; If it's sowing, reaping, preaching, We'll get a just reward: Keep sacred all your covenants, And do the best you can; I pray that God will bless you all, Worlds without end. Amen. . . . Chorus

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The Reformation permeated all walks of life while it lasted. When attendance was low at a Nauvoo Legion parade, it indicated to the church leaders that "repentance is needed there as well as in religion." The territorial legislature met at Fillmore on December 8, 1856, only to adjourn to Salt Lake City. It met again on December 18 in the Social Hall, but according to the Isaac Haight journal, not much business was done except preaching. "Both houses met in joint session and President Kimball required every member to repent of his sins and be baptized for remissions of same before any business could be done, preparations were then made and all the members repaired to the Endowment House, were baptized in the font, confirmed, & all were made to rejoice." 33 Hosea Stout confirms the above by reporting: ". . . House went into the Council Chambers where President H. C. Kimball was preaching with great power being filled with the spirit of God. Nearly all the members spoke all being filled with the spirit the meeting lasted till dark. The power and testimony of the Elders of Israel exceeded anything that I have seen in many a day. It was truly a pentecost." 34 The Reformation wave passed its peak during the winter, and when the streams ran again, after their freezing, most of the baptizing was completed. On June 7, 1857, Brigham Young announced that during the past six months "comparatively a hundred tons of care and anxiety had been removed from his shoulders" and indicated that most of the objectives of the movement had been achieved. Most of the membership of the church had been baptized; some had been excommunicated, and others had simply left the territory. The movement to consecrate property to the church subsided with the close of the Reformation. The "Utah War" which brought Johnston's Army, and a new governor to Utah the next year, resulted in a considerable shift in political control, and the deeds consecrating property to the church were filed away and forgotten. Another reason for the passing of the consecration movement was that only one-third of the church members had responded with their property in the first place. Polygamous marriages, which rose sharply in the Reformation period, dropped by 1859 to a fifth of the number in the years 1856 and 1857.35 Except for recurrent flareups as reactions to outside pressures, plural 33 Isaac Haight Journal, entry of December 30, 1856. Typescript copy in library of the Utah State Historical Society. 34 Hosea Stout Journal, entry of Tuesday, December 23, 1856. Original copy in library of the Utah State Historical Society. 36 Ivins, loc. cit.

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marriages continued on the downgrade, numerically, until the Manifesto. The practice of rebaptism died slowly. Not until three decades later was it effectively discouraged. It was not the only feature which lingered to the embarrassment of the Saints. The emotional stress had brought forth pronouncements from men in high places which gave enemies a golden opportunity to accuse the church of gross crimes and link it with weird doings of fanatical individuals. Chiefly this was in connection with the doctrine of blood atonement which was lifted out of the old Judaic law for nineteenth-century application. That the doctrine was preached by high officials is a matter of record; the intent of the sermons became a matter of conjecture; and the results therefrom set vivid imaginations working overtime. Blood fairly flowed through the writing of such men as Beadle in Life in Utah or the Mysteries of Mormonism and Polygamy, in Linn's The Story of Mormonism, and even Stenhouse's anonymous chapter on Reformation and Blood Atonement in his Roc\y Mountain Saints. Numerous killings, including the Mountain Meadows massacre, were credited as the fruits of the doctrine. Frequently quoted by non-Mormon writers in support of so-called blood atonement murders were the following from Brigham Young and Jedediah Grant. Said the former on September 21, 1856: There are sins which men commit for which they cannot receive forgiveness in this world, or in that which is to come, and if they had their eyes open to see their true condition, they would be perfectly willing to have their blood spilt upon the ground, that the smoke thereof might ascend to heaven as an offering for their sins; and the smoking incense would atone for their sins, whereas, if such is not the case, they will stick to them and remain upon them in the spirit world. I know, when you hear my brethren telling about cutting people off from the earth, that you consider it strong doctrine; but it is to save them, not to destroy them. I do know that there are sins committed, of such a nature that if the people did understand the doctrine of salvation, they would tremble because of their situation. And furthermore, I know that there are transgressors, who, if they knew themselves, and the only condition upon which they can obtain forgiveness, would beg of their brethren to shed their blood, that the smoke thereof might ascend to God as an offering to appease the wrath that is kindled against them, and that the law

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might have its course. I will say further; I have had men come to me and offer their lives to atone for their sins. It is true that the blood of the Son of God was shed for sins through the fall and those committed by men, yet men can commit sins which it can never remit.36 Jedediah Grant preached similarly in Salt Lake City: I say, that there are men and women that I would advise to go to the President immediately, and ask him to appoint a committee to attend to their case; and then let a place be selected, and let that committee shed their blood. We have those amongst us who are full of all manner of abominations, those who need to have their blood shed, for water will not do, their sins are of too deep a dye. You may think I am not teaching you Bible doctrine, but what says the apostle Paul? [Heb. 9:22]. I would ask how many covenant breakers there are in this city and in this kingdom. I believe that there are a great many; and if they are covenant breakers we need a place designated, where we can shed their blood. . . . And you who have committed sins that cannot be forgiven through baptism, let your blood be shed, and let the smoke ascend, that the incense thereof may come up before God as an atonement for your sins, and that the sinners in Zion may be afraid.37 Omitted from quotations used by the anti-Mormons were restraining clauses such as follow from Brigham Young: . . . The time has been in Israel under the law of God . . . that if a man was found guilty of adultery, he must have his blood shed, and that is near at hand. But now I say, in the name of the Lord, that if this people will sin no more, but faithfully live their religion, their sins will be forgiven them without taking life. The wickedness and ignorance of the nations forbid this principle's being in full force, but the time will come when the law of God will be in full force.38 The doctrine of blood atonement which involved concern for the salvation of those to be subjected to it, could have little meaning in the :lfl Journal of Discourses, IV, 53-54. '"Ibid., IV, 49-51. "Ibid., IV, 219-20.

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Mountain Meadows massacre, or any other of the murders laid unproved on the Mormon threshhold. Where Mormon individuals were involved, as in the case named, the motive was primarily revenge. The Reformation only could have influenced the Mountain Meadows massacre as a projection of its emotional and fanatical element into an explosive frontier situation.39 Denials of murder charges which rode in on the backwash of the Reformation gradually resolved into defensible positions40 that (1) some known killings of the reform period resulted from motives not related to blood atonement, (2) that in spite of extreme statements by some of its leaders the church did not officially condone taking life other than through legal processes,41 (3) responsibility for any reversions to primitive practices of blood shedding must rest upon fanatical individuals. The whole experience continued in memory as a reminder of ill effects growing out of good causes carried to extremes. 39 To whatever extent the preachings on blood atonement may have influenced action, it would have been in relation to Mormon disciplinary action among its own members. In point would be a verbally reported case of a Mr. Johnson in Cedar City who was found guilty of adultery with his stepdaughter by a bishop's court and sentenced to death for atonement of his sin. According to the report of the reputable eyewitnesses, judgment was executed with consent of the offender who went to his unconsecrated grave in full confidence of salvation through the shedding of his blood. Such a case, however primitive, is understandable within the meaning of the doctrine and the emotional extremes of the Reformation. 40 Charles W . Penrose, Blood Atonement as taught by leading Elders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, 1916), 37-44. " G e o r g e Q. Cannon, The History of the Mormons (Salt Lake City, 1891), 17, 18.

MANIFESTO Salt Lake City, Dec. 12th, 1889. To Whom It May Concern: In consequence of gross misrepresentations of the doctrines, aims and practices of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly called the "Mormon" Church, which have been promulgated for years, and have recendy been revived for political purposes and to prevent all aliens, otherwise qualified, who are members of the "Mormon" Church from acquiring citizenship, we deem it proper on behalf of said Church to publicly deny these calumnies and enter our protest against them. We solemnly make the following declarations, viz: That this Church views the shedding of h u m a n blood with the utmost abhorrence. That we regard the killing of a human being, except in conformity with the civil law, as a capital crime, which should be punished by shedding the blood of the criminal after a public trial before a legally constituted court of the land. . . . We denounce as entirely untrue the allegation which has been made, that our Church favors or believes in the killing of persons who leave the Church or apostatize from its doctrines. We would view a punishment of this character for such an act with the utmost horror; it is abhorrent to us and is in direct opposition to the fundamental principles of our creed. The revelations of God to this Church make death the penalty of capital crime, and require that offenders against life and property shall be delivered up and tried by the laws of the land.

MORMON

REFORMATION

Personal viewpoints offer a wide range of evaluations of the Reformation. To Stenhouse, the ill effects outstripped any good it may have accomplished. Its strongest supporters admit a fanatical fringe which marred its otherwise good results. But in spite of these the reform wave which swept the Mormon communities in 1856 may be listed on the credit side of the frontier ledger. Mormonism was a civilizing force at work in the Great Basin. Not unlike the experience of some other Christian communities, it threshed its harvest of converts vigorously, lost some of them together with the tares, but produced thereby a better product. The call to repentance in the Reformation was generally heeded and as a result, in the words of historian Andrew Neff, "the spiritual tone of the entire Mormon commonwealth was markedly raised."

We declare that no bishop's or other court in this Church claims or exercises civil or judicial functions, or the right to supercede, annul or modify a judgment of any civil court. Such courts, while established to regulate Christian conduct, are purely ecclesiastical, and their punitive powers go no further than the suspension or excommunication of members from Church fellowship. . . . (Signed): Wilford Woodruff, George Q. Cannon, Joseph F. Smith, Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Lorenzo Snow, Franklin D. Richards, Brigham Young, Moses Thatcher, Members

Francis M. Lyman, John W. Taylor, John Henry Smith, M. W. Merrill, George Teasdale, A. H. Lund, Heber J. Grant, Abraham H. Cannon, of the Council of the Apostles,

John W. Young,

Daniel H. Wells, Counselors.

i3"'-\

rhis view of the Great Salt Lake is a reiroduction of a steel-engraving from a ketch made by Frederick Piercy, first irinted in Route from Liverpool to Great lalt Lake Valley by Frederick Piercy, ames Linforth, ed., and published in jverpool, 1855.

STANSBURY'S THE

SURVEY

I N L A N D SEA

By Bernice Gibbs Anderson*

Mysterious and brooding, the Great Salt Lake links its past to ancient Lake Bonneville and to several predecessors of that historic body of water. In winter it forms a view grand and magnificent, the neverfreezing water deeply blue and the encircling snow-covered mountains forming a framework of silver. In summer its wild desolate beauty lies in a different setting, the clinging salt flats dazzling white under the blazing sun, and the waters changing from turquoise to sheets of shimmering steel. Although it is one of the greatest tourist attractions of Utah, some of her people regard the Great Salt Lake as useless, too salty for swimming, no good for fishing, and dangerous for boating. But its sunsets * Mrs. Anderson of Corinne, Utah, is a local representative of a Salt Lake City newspaper. She has maintained a life-long interest in the history of the construction of the great overland railroad, and particularly the drama of its completion as climaxed by the driving of the Golden Spike on May 10, 1869. "Stansbury's Survey of the Inland Sea" is an interpretation of the original survey of the Great Salt Lake which to this very day presents a barrier to any overland travel to the Pacific. Captain Howard Stansbury's Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah (Philadelphia, 1852) must remain the main source of information for any writings on the first survey of the Great Salt Lake.

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are world-famous, as are the Bonneville Salt Flats; and the Lucin Cutoff of the Southern Pacific Railroad is an engineering feat without rival. In the Promontory area are the famous Golden Spike Site, Indian caves, Diamond Mountain, and many other attractions. To Captain Howard Stansbury of the Bureau of Topographical Engineers of the United States Army goes the credit for the first and most complete survey of America's Inland Sea. Stansbury was sent west to find a route for a railroad which could span the continent, to survey the Great Salt Lake and adjacent region, and to further establish the claims of the United States to the comparatively unknown Intermountain Territory. Naturally the Mormon people, fearful of repetitions of their expulsion from Illinois and Missouri, were apprehensive of such a move, but upon reassurance by Captain Stansbury to Brigham Young that no harm was intended to them, they pledged full support of the survey which would have been almost impossible without their help and cooperation. Stansbury was ordered to report to Fort Leavenworth on May 10, 1849, where he was to accompany the Mounted Rifles en route to Oregon as far as Fort Hall, then go south to Utah Territory. Unavoidable delays caused his separation from the troops. Cholera added to his troubles; but finally on May 31, he started west with a party of California bound emigrants. Lieutenant J. W. Gunnison, his assistant and the only other officer in his party, was ill with cholera and had to be carried on a bed in a wagonâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;-the same Lieutenant Gunnison who was massacred with his party by Indians on the Sevier River in Utah a few years later. The trip west was not enticing. The surveyors encountered returning parties of disillusioned emigrants and found graves of many who had died along the way, sad reminders of a tortuous trail into a forbidding land. Prowling Indians stole horses from their camp, and violent rainstorms soaked them. The Stansbury party met Captain Bonneville at Fort Kearney. Here in the valley of the Platte, Stansbury tasted his first buffalo meat, not relishing it because it was "Old Bull." Farther on he noted prairie dog villages, white burrowing owls, and more herds of buffalo. His party became entangled in the mud of the Platte, which Beadle later described as being "too thin to walk on, too thick to drink, too shallow for navigation, too deep to ford, too yellow to wash in, and too pale to paint with." The river was useless as far as the explorers were con-

STANSBURY'S

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cerned, but Stansbury was amazed at the geographical features of the vast open country. July the Fourth was spent on the Platte River amid drenching rains. Seeing some Indian lodges across the river, Stansbury went to investigate. Inside he found the bodies of nine Sioux Indians wrapped in buffalo robes with saddles, spears, and other paraphernalia piled around them. The stark realism of the West was apparent as he visited five other lodges and found other bodies lying in state inside them. Then he noticed a lodge a short distance from the others. Inside was the body of a richly dressed young Indian girl of about eighteen. She was wrapped in two beautifully embroidered robes worked with porcupine quills. The robes on the upper part of her body were disturbed as if she had flung out her arms for help. Later he learned from a party of white men that the Indians had died of cholera, and the girl, while still alive, had been abandoned as being past recovery. These same white men claimed to have seen her while still alive, but left her to her fate. This caused Stansbury to question just who could be called the savages, her own people or the party of white men who left without aiding her. At Chimney Rock, Scotts Bluff, and Fort Laramie, Stansbury took observations on the vegetation, rock formations, temperatures, and climate. Along the trail he noted evidence of a fault common to most emigrants, that of overloading their vehicles. Abandoned by the side of the trail as excess baggage were stoves, trunks, farming implements, furniture, books, tools, and even rifles. Here, too, were found dead oxen, for the poor beasts had dropped in their tracks. At Fort Bridger a long discussion took place with Jim Bridger, the noted scout, who gave Stansbury many valuable tips on traveling in the isolated region. Here the party separated, Lieutenant Gunnison taking the wagon train directly into Salt Lake City while Stansbury sought a shorter route to the north end of the Great Salt Lake. Going northwest from the Mormon Trail, Stansbury worked his way down the valley of the Bear River in Wyoming and through the mountain ranges down to Ogden's Hole, winter rendezvous of the fur trappers. His first view of the Great Salt Lake was from Ogden Canyon. At Brown's settlement [later Ogden City] on the Weber River he was refused food or lodging, and he commented on the inhospitable reception, contrasting it with the generous greeting he was o-iven in Salt Lake City upon his arrival there two days later. In Salt Lake he found the people very stirred up by a visit from General Wilson, newly appointed Indian Agent from California, who

STANSBURY'S

SURVEY

had informed the Mormons they would probably be expelled from the lands they occupied. The general had created the impression that the survey was to be made for recording claims of the government and breaking the land up into townships and sections for the purpose of destroying the colony. Knowing that the success of this survey depended upon the aid he could receive from the Mormon people, Stansbury immediately sought out Brigham Young and assured him that he was sent here merely to survey the lake. He received in return the promise that the Mormons would support him in this work. The church leaders had already considered such a survey and had deemed it too expensive for them to undertake alone; therefore, they were very glad that it was to be done by the government. On the twelfth of September, 1849, Stansbury left Salt Lake City, going north along the Wasatch Range to the ford on the Bear River (Hampton's), and then north to Fort Hall and Cantonment Loring where the Mounted Rifles were establishing a military post. These were the two regiments that he was supposed to have accompanied from Fort Leavenworth earlier in the season, but could not because of the illness of some of his own company. In the meantime Lieutenant Gunnison was assigned the work of triangulating the Great Salt Lake and Utah valleys, in which he was to be assisted by Albert Carrington while Stansbury was absent. Delayed at the military post by the late arrival of his supplies, Stansbury left Fort Hall on October 6, returned to the Bear River ford and set up camp. From here a survey of Cache Valley was made, which included pastures, streams, mill sites, irrigation possibilities, timber, and other natural resources that might contribute to the setting up of a military post. He also noted that a road from Fort Bridger through Blacksmith's Fork Canyon would attract travel to Oregon and California. Later he recommended this route for the proposed railroad as an alternative to the Utah Valley route south of the Great Salt Lake. On October 19, Stansbury sent the provision wagons on to Salt Lake City and commenced his first reconnaissance trip around the lake. He started from the Bear River ford, which, he states, was about two miles down from the point where the river broke through the Wasatch Range. In the party were seven men with sixteen mules. A short distance west the party crossed the deep, narrow Malad River and camped on the bare ground as there was no timber for tent poles. Early the next morning they rode along the emigrant trail toward Point Look-Out, then turned southwest to the present Promontory

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STANSBURY'S

SURVEY

Range and went down its eastern side. After two days they reached the point of the range and received their first impressive view of the lake, though most of it was "lost in a dreamy mist." With the realization that timber for the triangulation stations and also fresh water would have to be transported to this area by boat, Stansbury was suddenly struck with the immensity of his task. Riding north, he began to look for water. The Indian trail led them along the western base of the Promontory Range, and he was relieved to find a spring of fresh water several miles farther on. Not far from the spring the trail left the Promontory and turned to the northwest, toward Monument Point — later so named by Stansbury. As they left the Promontory, the reconnaissance became one of the Salt Desert more than of the lake. As they went on through the flat shore areas of the lake, fresh water became more of a problem and some of the mules gave out. Rains turned the muddy salt flats into a quagmire. Finally the springs at the foot of Pilot Peak were reached, and, although the season was late, the party stopped to rest for a few days. On the trip thus far Stansbury had been impressed and thrilled with the immense numbers of wild fowl he had seen on the waters east of the Promontory, the beautiful mirages on the salt flats — grotesque, fantastic, and unlike any he had ever witnessed — and the heavy silence which pressed down upon the land. Near Pilot Peak were the abandoned wagons and goods of the ill-fated Donner Party. Stansbury noted great quantities of clothing, tools, books, furniture, and some wagons and dead oxen left in the futile attempt to get out of the desert and across the Sierra Nevada before winter struck. He crossed the rest of the Salt Desert without mishap, and on November 7 reached Black Rock and returned to Salt Lake City. A complete trip around the mysterious lake he had come west to survey and map had been made. After a winter spent pleasantly in Salt Lake City, a reconnaissance of the lake itself seemed the best way to start the survey. A boat, or yawl, had been built upon the banks of the Jordan River. In this they started for the lake, but had a difficult time getting it through the shallow water at the mouth of the river. The spirits of the party soared when they reached deeper water in the lake, the sails filled, and the boat began to glide over the water. Many names for the craft were suggested but The Salicornia or Flower of Salt La\e which the men soon shortened to the Sally was finally decided upon. A small skiff was placed on board, and it became one of the most valuable pieces of equipment of the entire expedition.

UTAH HISTORICAL QUKITERLY

Spring [first week of April 1850] was in the air even though snow covered the nearby mountains and the islands in the lake. The surveyors reached Antelope Island where Albert Carrington had set up camp. He had come from the mainland over the "Sand Bar" where the water was shallow enough for wagons to cross. Antelope, sixteen miles long and five miles broad at its widest part, was the largest island in the lake, and a triangulation station was set up on its crest three thousand feet above the lake surface. The view from this point was- described as "grand and magnificent, with the whole lake being seen, deeply blue, with the islands and the encircling mountains covered with snow â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a superb picture set in a framework of silver!" Castle Island, named by the Mormons, lay ten miles to the north. It had been so named from an oblong rocky eminence at its summit resembling a ruined castle. As Fremont had named it "Disappointment Island," Stansbury renamed it after Fremont. A search was made for the cover of the telescope which Fremont stated he had lost there on his visit, but it was not found. Fremont had noted here several well-defined waterlines, most apparent on the north side of the island, and stated that no springs could be found. However, one, which was under water part of the year, appeared later. Fremont Island was found to be fourteen miles in circumference. Just off Antelope Island lay a small rocky islet destitute of vegetation but literally covered with wild waterfowl, including ducks, white brandt, blue herons, cormorants, and gulls â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all nesting in the crevices of the rocks. After erecting a station on this islet, the party started for another about twenty miles to the west. A fierce gale came up, one of the masts was carried away, and the crew became seasick, but they reached their destination before dark and were able to erect a station on the crest of the island which was between six and seven hundred feet high and about six and a half miles around. Here they found roofing slate and cubes of bisulphuret of iron in the laminated rock. This island was later named Carrington Island after Albert Carrington. Next morning they visited a small island lying about five miles northward, which they named Hat Island. The water west of it was found to be shallow. After erecting a station on Hat Island they returned to Fremont Island, rowing nearly all the way in water which was from eighteen to thirty-three feet deep. The surveyors climbed to the top of Fremont and covered the triangulation station with red cloth so that it could be seen from a distance. Mention is made of finding iron pyrites, mica, granite, feldspar, and quartz, along with slate.

STANSL'IRY'S SURVEY

On the following day the party visited Mud Island, eight miles away, which they reached by dragging the large boat to within a half mile of the shore. Wading to the shore through a deep dark colored mass which produced a villainous odor when disturbed, they found it to be composed of the larvae of insects lying upon the lake bottom. Here also were dark cakes of mud with a greenish under-surface which emitted a sulphurous odor from gas rising through small orifices in the sand. Tired out, they returned to Antelope Island. The next day they broke up the camp and headed for the north end of the lake to find fresh water. They passed Fremont Island and headed into the shallow water of the Bear River Bay. Coasting along the eastern side of the Promontory, they were unable to approach the shore and finally had to drag the boat to a shoal and leave her stuck fast in the mud a mile and a half out. Tents and provisions were placed in the skiff and dragged as far as possible, then everything was carried the rest of the way. Camp was made in a rocky ravine which cut through the southern point of a low rocky peninsula at the foot of, and parallel to, the main promontory. They named this "Rock Gate Camp." The men separated into two parties, and the survey of the bay began. In the afternoon a violent storm rolled over the Promontory, and Stansbury's party reached camp soaked through. Sagebrush fires dried them out, and the fires were kept going all night. But there was no sign of the party led by Lieutenant Gunnison. Early the next morning Gunnison and his men finally straggled inâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;wet, cold, and exhausted. They had become lost in the storm on the east side of the bay and spent the night lying edgewise in the boat, like sardines in a can, with only a muddy piece of canvas to protect them from the weather. Nevertheless, they soon recovered after getting dry clothes, a hot breakfast, and a nap. The Sally, although empty, was grounded on the flat, for the wind had swept the shallow water south. It took all hands to shove her over the mud for a half mile to water deep enough to float her, and the crew became numbed by a chill wind from the snow-covered hills. Then they ran aground on a shoal and had to push the boat across it. Fremont Island finally was reached at nine that night, and the surveyors ate a supper of fried bacon, hard bread, and a single gallon of coffee, for they were almost out of water. Next morning the sun was shining and the party headed for Promontory Point. They landed on the southern tip, made camp, and dried themselves out. That night it rained again. Next day a cold north

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wind raised hugh swells on the lake as they started for Stansbury Island to erect a station on its northern summit. Then running under sail the men made it to Black Rock where only after great effort were they able to raise a station of heavy timbers previously hauled there for that purpose. From Black Rock, Lieutenant Gunnison and his party left for Salt Lake City, but first a beef was killed from the herd in Tuilla [Tooele] Valley and divided between the two groups. Stansbury had foresightedly acquired such provisions early in the spring. The same afternoon Stansbury again started for Promontory Point in the Sally to join Albert Carrington who had been left there in charge of the camp. As none of the crew knew how to steer a boat, they wrapped themselves in buffalo skins and went to sleep. Stansbury, numbed with the cold, stood a watch of twelve hours during which time they sailed about thirty miles across the dark waters. At the camp on Promontory they found Carrington absent. He had gone to Fremont Island where he had completed a detailed survey of the island in spite of the fact that his party was out of fresh water. He returned, however, to camp that same afternoon. At this camp, Stansbury experimented to preserve the fresh beef he had brought back by packing it in barrels filled with the salt water. In twelve hours a chuck of beef was found to be fairly well "corned." After this all their supplies of fresh meat were preserved in this way, fresh water being added at times to keep the meat from becoming too salty for use. Next morning they embarked on the lake again, but a stiff breeze from the west prevented them from going farther than seven miles around the western side of the range. Here they camped for the night. Nearby was an Indian cave in the cliffs in which they built a hugh fire and enjoyed, of all things, a "dance" to the strains of a fiddle played by one of the party. By now it was the last of April. The party moved north along the shore seeking fresh water and found some brackish springs. Crossing a shallow reef of flat rock, they came to deeper water. Before them lay a large bay [Spring Bay] surrounded by mountains, which Stansbury describes as having "a wild and peculiar beauty." The water was thirty to forty feet deep here, and a projecting rocky point on the shore was crossed by a well-defined Indian trail. Caves studded the hillsides, and a ledge of flat sandstone lay to the southwest under about two feet of

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water, though the ledge protruded above the water near the shore. Flat Rock Camp was made here in a thicket of greasewood and sagebrush. To the north the mountains "forming a landscape both beautiful and spectacular" made a circular sweep away from, and then back to, the shore. "In the center of the arc a fantastic mass of limestone reared its outline against the sky, a striking resemblance to a ruined abbey, glowing and glistening in the rays of the setting sun!" The shore party reached camp that evening after finding very good water at the head of the bay to the north. Going to it, Stansbury recognized the same spot he had passed on horseback the previous autumn on his trip around the lake. The water flowed out from under the mountain in springs. The springs were cleaned out and deepened, and a pier of stones was built where casks of fresh water could be loaded more easily onto the boat. During the remaining survey of the lake, water was hauled from these springs, sometimes as far as forty miles, but the crew were saved many weary trips to Antelope Island for fresh water. Stansbury also found the silkweed, or milkweed, growing there. Near here three Shoshone Indians, who seemed to want to borrow the small boat to visit the islands in the lake, appeared. They were given a hearty supper, and they went away delighted with their visit. Another bay lay between the Promontory Range and Monument Point. Far to the northwest lay a snowcapped range. As they proceeded westward around the north end of the lake, the land party surveyed the shoreline, and the land and the boat parties tried to camp together every night, either in the boat or on the shore. As Stansbury neared Monument Point, he saw what appeared to be a forest of cedar trees on the hillsides along the shore. Later they proved to be huge broken pieces of iron tinted rock. A high knob lay to the southwest, a mile from the lake and about six hundred feet in elevation, where they placed a triangulation station. Along the bench were found rounded sandy globules. Had Stansbury searched more closely, he would have found this kind of sand along the Promontory shores. As the survey progressed into the northwest arm of the lake, the area became more desolate and forbidding, with the water near the shore becoming more shallow. Only one spot appeared that could lay claim to resemblance of an island in the extreme northern part of the lake. This they called Dolphin Island, and here a camp was established. Another island lay about twenty miles to the southwest. After one unsuccessful attempt to reach it, owing to a breeze against them, they made it the next day after hours of rowing. A small islet lay a hundred

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yards north of the larger island, with a small neck of land forming a bay between the two. High cliffs line the north and west sides of this island which Stansbury named in honor of Lieutenant Gunnison. This same island was later to be homesteaded by Alfred Lambourne who lived alone here for fourteen months in his homesteading adventure. Flocks of pelicans and gulls darkened the air at the intrusion of the survey party. The cliffs echoed with discordant screams of the birds as they hovered over their unfledged young huddled in nests on the ground. Half-grown birdlings crowded in groups on the beaches while the old birds retired to the far side of the bay where they stood soldierlike in ranks. A full-grown pelican was surprised and captured by the men. He snapped at everyone who came near him, but he was taken with the party when they left the island. The hills next to the lake on the west were low, while to the northwest the snowcapped ranges rose one above another in the distance. As it was impossible for the boats to go to the north end of the lake because of the shallow water, Stansbury decided to proceed directly to the western shore. The shore party was left to follow what Stansbury called the old "storm line" around the end of the lake. Each night the two parties met to camp on the shore, and the men in the boat had to make their way for about two miles through soft, blue, ankle-deep clay. Gnats made them miserable. On each approach to land they found that a mud flat lay between them and the sagebrush which now afforded them the sole means of fire for cooking and warmth. Near the extreme northwest end of the lake was a brackish spring where remains of old Indian lodges were found. Here a camp was made next to a high rock, which Stansbury called Turret Rock Camp. The shore party arrived about ten at night, having crossed the extensive flat after a day's work on seven miles of chain line. No timber was available, so they erected the stations of stone â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one a mile west of Turret Rock, and one upon a high rocky cliff about a mile north of the camp. From Turret Rock Camp a plain of white sand, with high rocky hills rising occasionally like islands, stretched westward to a lofty range of mountains. On leaving the camp, the boat crew waded out to the boat and by noon were under way. Turning south, they encountered two long sand bars between them and what they supposed to be the shore. When they rounded the bars, they saw a boundless flat of white salt and brush about half a mile away. They soon found that they were following a mirage and the brush was at least two miles away. Stans-

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bury decided to send some of the men to get the firewood and the rest were to camp where they were. Within half a mile the wood crew stumbled upon two little streams of fresh cool water, which they followed only a short distance to discover that the water sank into the sand. In order to guide the shore party to the camp, fire was set to the dry grass nearby. In a short time the men appeared, thoroughly tired out. They reported finding streams of water which originated in the mountains to the north and burst forth from the lower terraces of the lake, finally sinking into the sand in a few miles. This was the last fresh water they found on the western side of the lake. Next morning the shore party were unloaded south of the marshes they had waded through the previous day. Camp was made that night without any fire, and the lake men arrived back about ten o'clock â&#x20AC;&#x201D; tired, hungry, wet â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and very disappointed at not getting a hot supper. Stansbury decided to leave the shore party and go back several miles to the last flow of good water running into the lake. The wind came up as they filled their kegs and prepared for the return journey. They found the Sally was marooned high and dry, for the wind had blown the water south half a mile. The skiff was dragged out to the water and sent to a point agreed upon with the shore party, and the men coiled themselves up in the bottom of the large boat to sleep until the wind changed and caused a reflux of the water to float it once more. During the night the wind changed and they were driven farther upon the shore by the rising waters. At daylight they found themselves still on the mud flat, but farther north as the water had again receded. With the rising sun the wind changed to the south again and the water came back, making a difference of as much as a foot in the depth of the lake in a very short time. At about the same time the shore party in the skiff rejoined the main body. Both crews succeeded in dragging the Sally into deeper water; whereupon, they set out to return to camp. All the men had floundered around in the soft salty mud for days, and the exposure and fatigue were beginning to have their effect. Supplies were low. Stansbury decided to leave several of the men in camp, take the others with him and return to Antelope Island, some sixty miles away, from whence a team could be dispatched to the city. It took most of a day rowing and sailing by spurts to get started through the shallow water. At sundown a northwest wind came up, and the men slept in their blankets while Stansbury steered the Sally. This night remained long in his memory; the boat glided over the sullen black waters with not the slightest sound to relieve the solitude,

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and as they passed the shadow of the frowning Promontory Mountains, the sense of solitude and lifelessness was oppressive. At daylight they hove to for breakfast, fifteen miles from Antelope. Stopping at Egg Island, just north of Antelope, they found it covered with birds' eggs, and they filled half a barrel with them before discovering that most of the eggs were bad. The point of destination on the eastern side of Antelope Island was reached at about five o'clock. Stansbury left immediately for the city. After securing the necessary supplies, he returned to the island, a beef was killed, and the party started out to rejoin their companions on the northwest shore of the lake. It took them four days to reach the salt plains of the western shore, a region dubbed by the men "Tophet." At two o'clock in the morning they grounded near what they thought was the mainland nordi of Dolphin Island and supposedly a half mile from camp. Shouldering water and supplies they began to trudge toward camp. Plodding barefooted through sand, they suddenly found themselves in water which deepened as they went on until it was waist high. They were forced to return to solid ground where they made a fire of sagebrush and slept until morning. At daylight the sight of some of the shore party approaching in the skiff revealed that they had gone over a wide sand flat extending northward from the island, had crossed it, and had wandered into the main channel between it and the west shore. The shore party were refreshed with supplies and water, and the Sally was hauled up on the beach for repairs. The gnats became almost intolerable. Flat salt plains extended north and west with no fresh water in the region, and they had to depend upon water hauled from the spring on Promontory. Stansbury noted a bed of beautiful salt crystals glittering like diamonds on the flat shore of the lake. On the thirty-first of May, the boat was put into the water and the party sailed for Gunnison Island, with the smaller skiff following. Towering white clouds, or "thunderheads," were piling up and a storm was brewing, but the sapphire water was beautiful. Most of the party, including Stansbury, landed to survey the island, and the rest were sent off in the Sally for Indian Springs on Promontory to obtain a new supply of fresh water. The storm broke with a furious gale. The survey party waited anxiously for the small skiff which had started with them that morning. A lookout reported that he thought he saw it join the Sally, but in the gloom he was not sure. An uncomfortable night was passed with no boats in sight by morning.

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In mid-afternoon just before another storm broke over the lake, the Sally was sighted. She was soon anchored, much to the relief of Stansbury, who had seen himself and the survey crew cast away on this isolated island without water or food, the boats dashed to pieces, and the crews drowned in the storm. The party in the skiff had been picked up by the Sally the previous day and the skiff taken in tow, but the tow rope had parted in the storm and the skiff had been lost. Next morning the skiff was sighted on the water four or five miles to the south and was soon retrieved. From this point they sailed toward a high peak on the western shore which was connected by a wide sand bar to a rocky range, a range Stansbury had crossed the previous fall. They gave the peak the name of "Strong's Knob." Cliffs of black limestone lined the flat, and from one of the highest peaks rose a mass of rocks which they designated "Cloth Cap" from its resemblance to that article. The salt desert stretched west to a great barrier range of mountains, while to the south it was lost in a haze. East of them the lake lay in "placid beauty," and the peaks of the nearby range stood out against the azure sky. But the beauty of the scene was obscured by the fact that in order to complete the shore survey, the distance by land from here back to Dolphin Island had to be traversed. Two days were spent in the survey of Gunnison Island. Water was getting low again, and they started for the spring on Promontory, rowing across water averaging between fifteen and thirty-six feet. Near midnight a slight breeze sprang up, the tired men went to sleep in their blankets, and Stansbury steered in the weird moonlight across the dark water. Day was breaking as they reached the little pier of stone and landed to have breakfast. They filled their vessels with water and started back, reaching Gunnison Island by early afternoon. Stansbury noticed that the gull eggs which had covered the ground upon their arrival a few days earlier had mysteriously disappeared; evidently the gulls themselves had removed them. Leaving Gunnison, they returned to the inhospitable flats on the western shore. Stansbury decided to abandon the forbidding storm line1 across the desert where some of his men would surely have perished had they attempted to survey it on foot. It was decided to run the survey 1 The "storm line" which Stansbury mentions frequently is evidently the most recent terrace cut by the receding lake. In places it is several miles from the water.

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directly across to Strong's Knob. Shallow water was found here, and the men once more had to wade in mud. Provisions again were low. Once more they set out in the Sally for Antelope Island. Sand bars were encountered between Carrington and Stansbury islands and the boat had to go north to get around them. Stansbury, as before, steered the boat over the dark lake while his crew slept â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the roar of breakers on a rocky reef extending out from the sand bars being the only sound. Antelope Island was serene and lovely in the morning sunlight as they landed the next morning. Birds were singing in the box elder tree at the spring, and antelope grazed on a nearby hill. Lieutenant Gunnison was waiting with the year's first mail. It was now June 15 [1850]. Another storm came up as they began the return trip to the central part of the lake. Two days were spent surveying Carrington Island and a small island five miles to the north. They found that the station on Carrington had been torn down by wandering Indians. It was evident that Indians had swum to the island to secure the red cloth marking the station. On June 20, a camp was established on Stansbury Island. The ensuing survey established the fact that the island was twelve miles long and twenty-seven miles in circumference. Stansbury noted that it was at this time, in fact, a peninsula. Its peaks reached three thousand feet above the lake, and a "dome" frowned down from the summit. Springs on the western side furnished water. By prearrangement, on June 22 Stansbury contacted Lieutenant Gunnison by means of a signal fire, which was answered, and die two men met at Black Rock. Here it was arranged for Gunnison to complete the shoreline survey, starting near Strong's Knob. While Stansbury was returning to Stansbury Island, another drenching shower with high winds lashed the lake in sudden fury and drove him to shore for safety. However, the waves quickly subsided, and the men were able to reach the camp and soon dry themselves out. On June 26 on the crest of Stansbury Island a circular wall of stone five feet in height was built, and upon the top of this was erected a triangulation station of wood covered with cloth. The next day the survey of the lake was finished, and on July 3 the observations upon the different triangulation stations which had been erected on the high points of land in and around the lake were begun. For thirteen days the lake was again traversed in every direction.

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Since Gunnison had completed the survey of the eastern shore earlier, with the return of his party from the area near Strong's Knob the survey of the Great Salt Lake was finished. Meeting in Salt Lake City, the surveyors prepared to leave the Mormons whose kind and generous hospitality had been greatly appreciated by the whole party. Stansbury deserves great credit for the work he accomplished in surveying this unusual lake. With great difficulty he transported his large party, often separated into three groups, a great distance into a barren forbidding region, supplying them with fresh water, food, and shelter under sometimes dangerous circumstances. His entire observations, including the railroad survey, extended over an area of approximately five thousand square miles. On his return trip east, Stansbury was guided across the Laramie plains by Jim Bridger, and together they crossed the Black Hills near the Cheyenne Pass. As they proceeded east down Lodgepole Creek, Stansbury was severely injured and forced to return to Fort Laramie. In his report he cited the advantages of the Cheyenne Pass route for a railroad, and showed it to be sixty-one miles shorter than the South Pass route. In the Pacific Railway Report his route was rejected, but it was substantially the one over which the Union Pacific was finally built. After his return to the East, Stansbury spent several years directing harbor construction on the Great Lakes. He was called into service during the Civil War, and died while in service at Madison, Wisconsin, on April 17,1863. Subsequently Lieutenant Gunnison and another surveying party were massacred by Indians on the Sevier River in Utah, on October 24, 1853. Both Stansbury and Gunnison were greatly respected and long have been remembered by the people of Utah. The Salicornia or Flower of Salt La\e, alias the Sally, has long since disappeared. On summer evenings as a bank of white haze envelops the base of the island and the black peaks float weirdly in the still air, it is not hard to imagine her becalmed on the glass-like surface of the lake.

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Navaho and Ute Peyotism : A Chronological and Distributional Study. By DAVID F. ABERLE and OMER C. STEWART. (Boulder, Colorado,

University of Colorado Press, 1957,129 pp., $2.50) This study is not one of peyote as some other recent publications have been (Omer Stewart, "Ute Peyotism: A Study of a Cultural Complex," University of Colorado Studies, Boulder, Colorado, 1948, and J. S. Slokin, "The Peyote Religion," Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois, 1956). Aberle and Stewart have made a technical and statistical study of the distribution of the peyote cult (religion) among the people of the Ute and Navaho reservations. The background of this religion can be better understood by referring to the studies listed above. The authors, however, do give an excellent summary of the meaning of the peyote cult in the following words: "The peyote cult is a pan-Indian, semi-Christian, nativistic movement centering about the performance of an all-night ritual in the course of which the peyote cactus (Lophophora willinmsii) is consumed. The cactus contains a number of alkaloids which have complicated physiological and psychological effects ranging from wakefulness to the production of elaborate visions and hallucinations. The majority of peyote meetings are held to cure individuals of illness through the power of peyote and prayer. Cult members are loosely organized, the majority belonging to the Native American Church, which has a national or-

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ganization, state organizations, and sometimes local organizations" (p.l). The chronological relationships of the various peyote cults have been, in this reviewer's opinion, well established. The authors point out that the Ute (Utah and Colorado) at least knew peyote by 1900 due to their contacts with the Cheyenne and other Plains Indian groups. The reviewer will accept the statement, with the proof given by the authors, that the Navaho received the peyote cult from the Utes and some Plains Indian contacts by 1938. This does not mean of course, as the authors point out, that peyote was not used by some individuals before this date. The significance of this study for the anthropologist and historian is the emphasis put on the contact of the Ute and Navaho with Plains Indians and between each other in historical times. More studies should be made along this line to find out the significance of cultural exchange among these Indian tribes. It is suggested by the reviewer at this point that some of the diaries and studies made by early Mormon pioneers and missionaries to the Indians might give some light on early contacts among the Ute, Plains Indians, and Navaho, as well as the Pueblos to the south of the four-corners area. The anthropologist and historian could and should read this study with profit relative to the use of historical and ethnological technique and data. A work like the present one makes for better understanding of acculturation and borrowing of cultural traits from one group of people by another. ELMER R. SMITH

University of Utah Homeward to Zion. By WILLIAM MULDER. (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1957, 354 pp., $7.50) In this very readable book Dr. Mulder makes a fresh approach to the intriguing subject of Mormon immigration. From its prologue, which introduces Canute Peterson and Peter A. Forsgren as "firsts" among Scandinavian converts to Mormonism, to its epilogue, which comes back to them as venerable pillars of Zion, the book is chock-full of original materials revealing the spirit of the gathering from Scandinavia. Forty-three pages of "sources and notes" attest to years of painstaking research. While the chapters dealing with proselyting, emigrating, and colonizing do not plough new ground, they are nonetheless valuable

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in their wealth of intimate detail and local atmosphere. With skillful use of his well-known literary gifts, Dr. Mulder points up the difference between the experience of Scandinavian pioneers who helped develop Zion and others who settled in the Middle West. The differences lay in their dedication to the "building of the Kingdom" with all its implications. It is an exciting phase of American history when seen so intimately "through the immigrants' own eyes." Dr. Mulder has bared the very soul of the Scandinavian segment of Mormon immigration through countless personal diaries and correspondence, church records, and official documents. By means of these he has introduced the reader into the intimate life of the Scandinavian neophytes in "Edens Nursery" as they "lived American lives through the Star," as they were absorbed into a new life in Utah, and during their cultural transition as evidenced through gradual substitution of English for Scandinavian words in their personal diaries. A few minor items of statistics might be questioned. On page 25 the total Mormon emigration from the British Isles during the Nauvoo period is given as 3,000 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; which number is taken from Evans, A Century of Mormonism in Great Britain, p. 245. Andrew Jenson's listing (in The Contributor, XII, p. 441) of the emigrants by companies for each year from 1840 to 1846 adds up to 5,000, which is probably more nearly accurate. "From 1850 to 1890 Utah was consistently ahead . . . of the Western division (of states) in the percentage of foreign born" may be questioned. For instance as against Utah's 35.3% of foreign born given for 1870, Arizona had 60.1%, California 37%, Colorado 16.5%, Idaho 52.7% and Nevada 44%. Actually Utah had a lower per cent of foreign born although a higher per cent of descendents from foreign parents. The "Consecration" movement is referred to on p. 234 as "part of the Reformation of 1857, a major revival when the Saints at the approach of Johnston's Army were re-baptized... ." This should read 1856 because the reform wave reached its height in that year and had subsided before news of Johnston's Army reached the Saints in the summer of 1857. Dr. Mulder has uncovered original sources to emphasize some phases of the Mormon story heretofore not fully appreciated. For example, the depth of Mormon penetration into certain areas of northern Europe; the extent of losses from the harvest of converts through disaffection, apostasy, and death; the important role of literature â&#x20AC;&#x201D; pro and

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anti â&#x20AC;&#x201D; both in the mission fields and at home in Zion; the growth and influence of Protestant groups in molding Utah's culture. In the process he has made important contributions to western American literature. GUSTIVE O . LARSON

Brigham

Young

University

Central Route to the Pacific. By G W I N N HARRIS H E A P . Edited by LEROY

R. and A N N W . HAFEN. Volume VII, The Far West and the Rockies Historical Series, 1820-1875. (Glendale, California, The Arthur H . Clark Company, 1957, 346 pp., $9.50) In this seventh volume of The Far West and the Roc/ries Historical Series, Dr. Hafen brings us one of the rarer sets of items in Western Americana. Gwinn Harris Heap was the companion of his cousin, Lieutenant Edward F . Beale, on a journey from Westport to California in 1853. T h e lieutenant was returning to his post as Superintendent of Indian Affairs in California and, at the urgent bidding of Missouri's Senator Thomas Benton, was exploring the line of the so-called "central route" along which Benton hoped to see a transcontinental railway constructed. Beale's party was not an official surveying group, but actually preceded the government's party under the ill-fated Gunnison. Benton, convinced that Cochetopa Pass was the whole key to the route, especially wanted details about that passageway which Fremont had missed in his tragic fourth expedition. Accordingly, H e a p dwells at length on this area and includes several interesting drawings, all of which are reproduced in the present volume. T h e editor has carefully annotated the journal and made Heap's previously unreprinted journal into a thoroughly usable source. H e has included extensive documents which show the character of the propagandistic efforts made in behalf of the central route. Less pertinent, perhaps, are several materials dealing with Beale's reports on Indian affairs. Of peculiar interest to Utah scholars are Heap's observations on the Walker War. H e quotes a pithy message from Chief "Walker" to Colonel G. A. Smith: " T h e Mormons were d d fools for abandoning their houses and towns, for he did not intend to molest them there, as it was his intention to confine his depredations to their cattle, and that he advised them to return and mind their crops, for, if they neglected

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them, they would starve, and be obliged to leave the country, which was not what he desired, for then there would be no cattle for him to take." PHILIP C. STURGES

University of Utah In Search of the Golden West, the Tourist in Western America. By EARL POMEROY. (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1957, 233 pp., $5.00) If asked, almost anyone interested in the history of the West could mention one or two facets of the tourist trade there, but one would have to be widely read and reflective to marshal all the material so well arranged for us by Professor Pomeroy of the University of Oregon. As one reads he says, "of course, of course," but he would not have thought of all the factors for himself. Here, illumined with a good selection of apt quotations from tourists and others, is a summary of the changing patterns of tourism and its impact on the West. How changing a story it is one does not realize until he reads this book. One tends to think of tourists as all of a type, coming to see the same things, but this was not the case. Dr. Pomeroy makes clear that two or three generations ago the visitors scorned — and the natives were embarrassed by — the very things which became romanticized and are now stellar attractions: Indians, the Spanish background, the ruggedness of the frontier, the desert. As he phrases it, "the Spaniard, the American pioneer, and the Indian joined hands posthumously" to attract and entertain the tourist. Although the story goes back as far as the foreign visitors who went west with trappers and traders in the 1830's, it effectively begins with the completion of the transcontinental railroad. Fares were not low in the early days, and it was the classes and not the masses who came West. They were potential investors, and it was the Westerners' desire to stress the similarities to the East and Europe rather than the differences, and to gloss over the weakness of the cultural side of life. The author points out that as the frontier grew tamer in reality it grew wilder in myth — that in the early days of tourism the visitor was assured that the West was not really wild, whereas later he was assured that it really was. It was the appeal of similarity, of course, which led to the creation in the Rockies and on the shores of the Pacific of resorts which were transplanted versions of those of the east coast or the Continent, and where people went to be seen as much as to see.

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From the wealthy tourist as a potential investor the book takes us through the period of the prosperous tourist as a potential settler to that of the tourist (rich or poor) as sightseer, not neglecting the minor current of the Westerners as sightseers within their own province. Along with these changes are traced the varying ideas of what the visitor should see, and of his reactions to it. It was mental set as much as transportation difficulties, for instance, which made an early visitor to the Yosemite say that everything worth seeing there could be seen from a carriage in the floor of the valley. As the out of doors became more appreciated we find summarized for us the hunter-tourist, the healthseeking tourist or settler, and those who wanted to camp out. This last pastime was greatly enhanced in the period of the automobile, but it goes well back, although often the tourists — whether with pack train or trailer — were "roughing it gently." All these phases of the tourist in the West, right up to Disneyland, are presented by Dr. Pomeroy in a book well-organized, well-documented, and readable. As usual, Knopf has done a good job of bookmaking, and the reviewer did not notice even one typographical error to use as the customary final brickbat. EDWIN H. CARPENTER, JR.

California Historical Society Spirit Gun of the West, the Story of Doc W. F. Carver. By RAYMOND W. THORP. (Glendale, California, The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1957, 266 pp., $8.50) If we are to take this book seriously — an open question in this reviewer's mind — we are asked to believe that "Doc" Carver was a marksman who rarely missed a target, whether a running buffalo, a flitting bat, a dime tossed into the air, or an assassin hiding in the branches of a tree. Throughout America, across Europe, and around the world, he traveled in a shower of shattered clay pigeons and glass balls, perforated coins, and dead pigeons of the feathered kind. No one could read the testimony without concluding that Carver was the best marksman of his or any other era. The margin by which he held that title and the factual basis of his claim are another matter. The author explains that his chief source was Carver's scrapbook, now held incommunicado by a Mr. Nordin. Author Thorp states that he has had free access to these sixteen volumes, "to the exclusion of all other persons," and that "Mr. Nordin has sealed the scrapbooks from

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public scrutiny." So much for the historian's chance to evaluate the evidence. Similarly privileged is Mr. Thorp's other resource, personal correspondence with Carver in his declining years. Admittedly a eulogy of Carver, the account has the air of an autobiography, almost "as told to Raymond W. Thorp." The very personal factor shows throughout, perhaps nowhere more strongly than in a sharp attack on the Buffalo Bill myth and on Mr. Cody's integrity. Abundant bibliographical and footnote citations refer to newspaper accounts that are presumably in the public domain, but here we face the question of journalistic reliability in the seventies and eighties, when sensationalism glittered on every newspaper page. Without citations are a variety of incidental statements: the Indians left their old squaws out on the prairie to die; ducks fly at the rate of 120 miles per hour; and the electric light was invented by a man named Walter Hague. Carver's organization of the early Wild West Shows is of more lasting interest and importance than his gun-handling, but it is the shooting that will impress the reader most powerfully. Probably the point is not whether he did break all those glass balls, hitting them with single rifle slugs while others missed them with handfuls of birdshot. To the general reader and historian a more significant item is the high public interest in the sport during those years, and the prominence of organized shooting on the national and world scene. In contrast, today's professional exhibitions, championship matches, and amateur plinking make shooting seem a lost art. STANLEY R. DAVISON

Western Montana College of Education

Roundup: A Nebraska Reader. Edited by VIRGINIA FAULKNER. (Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1957, xv + 493 pp., $5.00) The fifteenth anniversary of the University of Nebraska Press is used as the occasion to introduce the Press to a new reading public by producing a book with a wider reader appeal rather than a book of a technical nature which would be more characteristic of a university press. For this purpose, Emily Schossberger, editor of the Press, writes that it seemed altogether appropriate that the book should be, "a selection of the best and most illuminating writing about the state and its people â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a book designed primarily for reading pleasure, intended to be entertaining rather than exhaustive."

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This then is the purpose of the book. Miss Schossberger could well have added another bit of information to her note explaining the book. By almost any bookmaking standard this volume should have been priced from $7.50 to $10.00. In design, printing and binding it fits in this price range. In a real sense the University of Nebraska Press has subsidized its reading public on this volume in its desire to get its works in the hands of a wider reading public, and in a laudable and successful effort to collect and present selections of the best writing about the state that it represents in a single attractive package. The selections in the book cover a considerable period of time, and a variety of contributors. Nebraska's best known authors are represented with selections from writers like Willa Cather, Mari Sandoz, and Bess Streeter Aldrich. A sampling of prominent literary figures writing about Nebraska brings selections from Mark Twain and Rudyard Kipling. Some of the better known writers of the present include Walter Prescott Webb, John Gunther, and Lucius Beebe. An obvious selection, and obnoxious after a recent widely publicized New York party, was from Jules Verne's Around the World in Eighty Days. The bulk of the material in the book is from Nebraskans writing for an essentially Nebraska public, newspaper features, State Historical Society publications, and The Prairie Schooner, and these furnish the best material in the book. My favorite selection is "Nebraska Not in the Guidebook" from a recent Prairie Schooner. There is also a good selection of articles about Nebraska that have appeared in national magazines. The book is well put together. Not the least of its excellence is the care and skill with which selections were made for the quotations and abridgements that are used to afford continuity and explanation of the different selections. Miss Faulkner is to be congratulated on her happy choices in this regard. They serve to make the book a meaningful collection rather than a miscellany with little reason for being brought together in a single volume. The variety of materials used is broad, the quality of the individual pieces is high, the book is a handsome volume. It is not a guidebook or a comprehensive study of Nebraska in any sense, but it is an excellent interpretation of the state through the selection of a variety of writings about it. W. D. AESCHBACHER

Nebraska State Historical Society

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Industrial Development in Uintah County, Utah. (Prepared by the Chamber of Commerce, Vernal, Utah, in co-operation with the Utah Committee on Industrial and Employment Planning [1957], 25 pp., -|- index) The compilers of this worthwhile little book explain in the Foreword that at this time when industrial development is at a zenith and expansion and decentralization are of prime concern, suitable areas for plant sites are sought. Here in Vernal, Utah, is an area suitable for industrial expansion. Here is a "friendly town, in a friendly state" with many natural resources. Upon the completion of the Upper Colorado River Storage Project there will be water and power in abundance for industrial and agricultural uses. The vast resources of phosphate, asphalt, oil shale, timber, and new lands can be developed. Uintah County will at last come into her own. The subjects covered in the various chapters are: history, non-metallic minerals, metallic minerals, agriculture, labor force, industrial sites, water, electric power, natural gas, transportation, market area, taxes, climate, community facilities, and recreation. The book is lithographed and contains numerous illustrations, plus a water analysis chart and a climatological summary. Buc\s\in and Blanket Days. By THOMAS HENRY TIBBLES. (New York, Doubleday and Company, 1957,336 pp., $4.50) "In Bleeding Kansas in 1856, a young abolitionist soldier named Thomas Henry Tibbies was captured by the pro-slavery Border Ruffians and sentenced to death by hanging. He was not yet sixteen . . . "Half a century later, by then the editor of a well-known newspaper and a noted authority of the American Indians, Tibbies set down his memoirs of the years between." The years were full and exciting, and the tale unfolded in this book ranges from glimpses of life as a guest of a friendly Omaha Indian tribe to experiences in Indian wars and buffalo hunting. It pictures the scope of Indian life with understanding and acceptance. After his years spent with the Indians, Tibbies returned to civilization. He went to college, became a preacher, and married Yosette (Bright Eyes), the daughter of the half-white chief of the Omahas, Iron Eye La Flesche. Bright Eyes had acquired a good education and the ability to speak and write for her people. Together Tibbies and his wife made long tours, at home and abroad, writing and speaking for Indian justice. As a correspondent for the Omaha Herald, he

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was sent to Pine Ridge, South Dakota, during the ghost dancing and the surrender and massacre of Big Foot. He describes the terrible battle of Wounded Knee, last of the great Indian fights. Tibbies met and talked with Sitting Bull, who asked him to make it clearly understood that he was the last Indian to give up his gun. This story has been recently serialized and printed in a popular magazine. Wovoka, The Indian Messiah. By PAUL BAILEY. Great West and Indian Series X. (Los Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1957, xi -)- 223 pp., $5.50) "America's dealings with its Indian population stand as an indictment. The record of its drivings, its bloody extermination, its land theft, and its treaty repudiation, is no happy thing to examine. This blot upon our honor as a nation seems never to fade with time. And it is almost incredible that the final crowning infamy of the white man against his red brother â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the massacre which broke the back and heart of the American Indian, wiped away the final vestige of his collective dignity, and sent the last of the great chiefs, Sitting Bull, to the grave â&#x20AC;&#x201D; came about through the blundering misunderstanding of a nationwide religious revival whose basic tenets were closely akin to those of Jesus of Nazareth." So reads the first paragraph of Paul Bailey's interesting book. Wovoka, the Nevada Paiute Indian who spent several years of his life living and working among white men, taught a doctrine of peaceful acceptance of the white man's ways. The Indian Messiah claimed to have a direct revelation from heaven in behalf of the defeated and defrauded American Indian. The story of the Ghost Dance religion, its spread to the various Indian tribes, and the white man's bloody campaign to destroy it, makes fascinating and informative reading. Pioneer Years in the Blacky Hills. By RICHARD B. HUGHES. Edited by Agnes Wright Spring. (Glendale, California, Arthur H. Clark Company, 1957,366 pp., $10.00) Richard B. Hughes went to the Black Hills in 1876 to search for gold. In order to support himself in his prospecting, he worked on Deadwood's Weekly Pioneer as a reporter. During the years 1876-77, he kept a daily journal. More than half a century later the journals

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became the basis for his reminiscences, Pioneer Years in the Blac\ Hills. T h e account covers a wide range: Indians; the beginnings and development of Deadwood, Custer, Rapid City, and other Hills' towns; the problems of travel, supplies, the outlaw element, swindles, and personalities in mining boom areas; prospecting; military expeditions against the Indians; the battle of W o u n d e d Knee; frontier law enforcement and provisional government; and Hughes's own part in developing the resources and civilization of the Black Hills. Contemporary photographs, an appendix, Hughes's day-to-day diary for the year 1876, and an adequate index are included. In addition the publishers have maintained their usual high standards in the bookmaking art. Jim Beckwourth, Crow Chief. By OLIVE BURT. ( N e w York, Julian Messner, Inc., 1957,192 pp., $2.95) Olive Burt has chosen an exciting western character for her fifth biography. Although this is primarily a youth book, in it Mrs. Burt brings her central character into focus against the vigorous and turbulent pioneering period of his time. Jim Beckwourth was born in Fredericksburg, Virginia, in 1798, the son of a white father and Negro mother. H e became a trapper and trader, dispatch rider and buffalo hunter, and guide for emigrant trains. T h r o u g h a practical joke, made logical by his bronze skin coloring, the Crow Indians were led to believe that Jim was a long-lost member of their tribe. They kidnapped him and honored h i m as the chief's son. H e lived among the Crows for several years and eventually was made Chief. However, after twelve years he rejoined his mountain m e n friends, blazed a trail over the Sierra, which became known as Beckwourth Pass, and founded the town of Pueblo, Colorado. As with her other books, Mrs. Burt has indexed this one, which increases its worth for the historically minded. The Age of Steam:

A Classic Album

of American

Railroading.

Lucius BEEBE and CHARLES CLEGG. ( N e w York, Rinehart and Co.,

1957) Arizona: The Last Frontier. House, 1956)

By JOSEPH MILLER. ( N e w York, Hastings

A Baker's Dozen: Thirteen Unusual Americans. By RUSSEL B. N Y E . (East Lansing, Michigan State University Press, 1956)

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The Best in the West. Publications, 1957)

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By THOMAS B. LESURE. ( N e w York, Harian

The Constitution and Government of Arizona. By DONALD ROBINSON VAN PATTEN. (Second Edition, Phoenix, Sun Country Publishing Co., 1956) Directory of Southern Nevada Place Names. (Las Vegas, the author, 1956) Flying Snowshoes. Press, 1957)

By WALTER R. AVERETT.

By EVELYN TEAL. (Caldwell, Idaho, T h e Caxton

Gods, Sex, and Saints; The Mormon Story. By GEORGE BARTHOLOMEW ARBAUGH. (Rock Island, Illinois, Augustana Press, 1957) Guns on the Early Frontiers. By CARL P . RUSSELL. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1957) Historical Album

of Arizona.

Edited by RICHARD J. and CHARLES G.

BOWE. ([Los Angeles?], 1957)

A History of the Ancient Southwest. land, Wheelwright Co., 1957) The Indian

Tipi.

By HAROLD S. GLADWIN. (Port-

By REGINALD and GLADYS LAUBIN. ( N o r m a n , Uni-

versity of Oklahoma Press, 1957) Lucky 7. By W I L L T O M CARPENTER. Press, 1957)

(Austin, University of Texas

The Magnificent Rube, The Life and Gaudy Times of Tex Ric\ard. By CHARLES SAMUELS. ( N e w York, McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1957) Massacre, The Tragedy at White River. ton, Little Brown & Co., 1957) My Yesterdays.

By MARSHALL SPRAGUE. (Bos-

By JOHN FARR. Edited by EZRA J. POULSEN. (Salt Lake

City, Granite Publishing Co., 1957)

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The National Par\ Story in Pictures. By ISABELLE STORY. (Washington, D.C., 1957) The North American Deserts. By EDMUND C. JAEGER. (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1957) Problems in Mormon author, 1957)

Text.

By LAMAR PETERSEN. (Salt Lake City, the

Silver Platter, A Portrait of Mrs. John Mackay. By ELLIN BERLIN. ( N e w York, Doubleday & Co., 1957) A Study

of Navajo

Symbolism.

By FRANC J. NEWCOMB, STANLEY F I S H -

LER, and MARY C. WHEELWRIGHT. (Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology Papers, Vol. 32, N o . 3, Cambridge, Mass., the Museum, 1956) This is the West, The Life Lore and Legend

of the West.

Edited by

ROBERT W I S E HOWARD. ( N e w York, N e w American Library, 1957)

U Boom: Uranium on the Colorado Plateau. Bell Press, 1956)

By A L LOOK. (Denver,

You Asked About the Navajo! (Revision of 1949 edition, Washington, U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1957?) Why the North Star Stands Still and Other Indian Legends. By W I L LIAM R. PALMER. (Englewood Cliffs, N e w Jersey, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1957) The World of the Dinosaurs. By DAVID H . DUNKLE. D.C., Smithsonian Institution, 1957)

(Washington,

EUGENE HOLLON, "Great Days of the Overland Stage," American age, June, 1957. WALLACE STEGNER, "History Comes to the Plains," ibid.

Herit-

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

MARSHALL SPRAGUE, " T h e Bloody E n d of Meeker's Utopia," ibid., October, 1957. C. M. W O O L F , F . E. STEPHENS, D . D . M U L A I K , and R. E. GILBERT,

"An

Investigation of the Frequency of Consanguineous Marriages A m o n g the Mormons and Their Relatives in the United States," American Journal of Human Genetics, December, 1956. ADAN E. TREGANZA, "Horticulture with Irrigation among the Great Basin Paiute: A n Example of Stimulus Diffusion and Cultural Survival," Anthropological Papers, University of Utah, December, 1956. J. R. CHALLACOMBE, "Make W a y for the Navajo," Arizona August, 1957.

Highways,

ED ELLINGER, "Hopi Harvest," ibid. EDITHA L. WATSON, "Navajo Rugs," ibid. VELMA RUDD HOFFMAN, "Lt. Beale and the Camel Caravans

Through

Arizona," ibid., October, 1957. AUSTIN E. FIFE, "Folklore of Material Culture on the Rocky Mountain Frontier," The Arizona Quarterly, Summer, 1957. EDWARD H . SPICER, "Worlds Apart â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Cultural Differences in the Modern Southwest," ibid., A u t u m n , 1957. E. A. HEWETT, "History of the Development of Park City District, Utah," Bulletin of the Mineralogical Society of Utah, 1956. RHEA H . HURLEY, "Park City: T h e Past, Present and Future," ibid. C. W . LOCKERBIE, "Stories of Park City as I Hear T h e m , " ibid. LILLIAN M. LOCKERBIE, "Reminiscences of Park City," ibid. WILLIAM M. MCPHEE, "Early History of Park City, Utah," ibid.

REVIEWS

A N D RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

LEON STANLEY, "Some Notes on the Early History of the Park City Mills," ibid. CHARLES L. CAMP, " O u r Founder, Henry R. Wagner, Is Dead," California Historical Society Quarterly, March, 1957. HENRY J. WEBB, " T h e Long Drive on the Hastings Cut-Off," ibid. J. N . BOWMAN, "Driving the Last Spike," ibid., June, 1957. JOSEPH LUNDSTROM, "Flag Hoisted at G u n Salute" [Fourth of July celebration a century ago], Church News [Deseret News], June 29, 1957. "Johnston's A r m y Triggered 'Utah W a r , ' " ibid., July 20, 1957. W . T . LITTLE, " T h e Royal Gorge Railway War," The Denver erners Monthly Roundup, June, 1957.

West-

" H i r a m Martin Chittenden, 1858-1917," ibid., August, 1957. SAUL BELLOW, "Illinois Journey," Holiday, September, 1957. MERRILL D . BEAL, " T h e Story of the Utah Northern Railroad," Parts I and II, Idaho Yesterdays, Spring, Summer, 1957. "Explorers Dedicate the George Albert Smith Arch," Improvement October, 1957.

Era,

WILLARD LUCE, "Silent City of Rocks" [Idaho, junction on the California trail], ibid. WILLIAM B. SMART, "Following the Pioneer Trail," ibid. KENNETH S. BENNION, "Pioneering â&#x20AC;&#x201D;100 Years Later," The

Instructor,

August, 1957. LEONARD J. BATES, "Fulfilling American Democracy: T h e Conservation Movement, 1907 to 1921," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, June, 1957.

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, "Clay County [Missouri]," Missouri Review, October, 1957.

Historical

W. TURRENTINE JACKSON, " T h e Washburn-Doan Expedition of 1870," Montana the Magazine of Western History, July, 1957. , " T h e Creation of Yellowstone National Park," ibid. S. WINIFRED SMITH, "Zane Grey," Museum Society), August, 1957.

Echoes (Ohio Historical

"Blue Spruce, Pride of the Rockies [State Tree of Colorado and Utah]," The National Geographic Magazine, October, 1957. HAZEL BAKER DENTON, "Lincoln County's [Nevada] N e w

Nevada Highways

Look,"

and Parkj, N o . 1,1957.

AVERAM B. BENDER, "Military Transportation in the Southwest, 18481860," New Mexico Historical Review, April, 1957. MAX L. MOORHEAD, "Spanish Transportation in the Southwest, 15401846," ibid. GEORGE RUHLEN, "Kearny's Route from the Rio Grande to the Gila River," ibid., July, 1957. RICHARD THURMAN, "Not Another W o r d " [story with Mormon background], The New Yorker, May 25,1957. DONALD N . WELLS and MERLE W . WELLS, " T h e Oneida [Idaho] Toll

Road Controversy, 1864-1880," Oregon Historical 1957.

Quarterly,

June,

RICHARD G BEIDLEMAN, "Nathaniel Wyeth's Fort Hall," ibid., September, 1957. LAWRENCE RAKESTRAW, " T h e West, States' Rights, and Conservation" (A Study of Six Public Land Conferences), Pacific Northwest Quarterly, July, 1957.

REVIEWS

A N D RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

PAUL E. JOHNSTON, "Caxton Printers, Ltd., Regional Publishers," ibid. ISRAEL A. SMITH, "Some Kirtland History," The Saints' Herald, September 30,1957. "One H u n d r e d Years after the Mountain Meadows Massacre," ibid., October 7,1957. FRANK BISHOP LAMMONS, "Operation Camel, A n Experiment in Animal

Transportation in Texas, 1857-1860," The Southwestern Quarterly, July, 1957.

Historical

" T h e West is Earthquake Country," Sunset, June, 1957. "Mormon D y n a m o [Ernest Wilkinson and the B.Y.U.]," Time, May 20, 1957. MARTIN MARECEK, "King of the Keelboatmen [Mike F i n k ] , " West, August, 1957.

True

RUSSELL Q U I N N , " T h e Great Diamond Hoax," ibid. NELL MURBARGER, "Seven Cities of Sin and Silver," ibid. , " T h e Lost Sheepherder Mine" [on Nevada-Idaho border], ibid., October, 1957. VIRGIL HUTTON, "Terror in the [Grand] Canyon," ibid. OTIS E. YOUNG, " T h e Rise of the Cavalry in the Old West," The erners Brand Book [Chicago], September, 1957. FREDERIC ALLEN WILLIAMS, " T h e Artist and the Buffalo," The

West-

Western-

ers [ N e w York Posse], N o . 2,1957. EDWARD N . WENTWORTH, " T h e Role of the D o g in Indian Life," ibid. FRANK H . JONAS, " T h e Art of Political Dynamiting," The Political Quarterly, June, 1957.

Western

100

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

G. HOMER DURHAM, " W I C H E : A n Experiment in Interstate Cooperation and Regional Planning," ibid., September, 1957. BILL DURHAM, "Sailors of the Briny Shallows," Westways, August, 1957. JOYCE ROCKWOOD MUENCH, "First Car in to Standing Rock Basin

[ U t a h ] , " ibid., September, 1957. RUTH H . DUDLEY, "Weird Lilies [Joshua trees] of the Desert," ibid. LAWRENCE CLARK POWELL, "Of Western Books and Writers," ibid.

WELDON F . HEALD, "Dead Seas" [Great Salt L a k e ] , ibid., October, 1957.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

At Columbus, Ohio, on October 4-6,1957, the American Association for State and Local History staged one of the most successful programs in the history of the organization. Several meetings were held jointly or concurrently with the Society of American Archivists, which had begun its sessions on October 2. In a particularly pertinent session on "The Historical Society IS an Education Institution," it was agreed that the historical society has lost its exclusiveness and its one-time monopolistic position in historical work, and today is facing hitherto unknown challenges in the fields of collecting, public education, and publication, and challenges from universities, libraries, radio and television, popular history magazines, colleges, and the university presses. It was suggested that the modern historical society make a deliberate effort to clarify its objectives, and called for greater co-operation between historical societies and the history personnel of the colleges and universities to solve common educational problems. The Rocky Mountain Region again attained its share of honors in the Awards of Merit program. Director Mortensen, who has served for several years as chairman of the Mountain States, was pleased to have had a part in the selection of the worthy Award winners and proud of the accomplishment of the workers of the West. Colorado was particularly outstanding in historical effort this past year, and consequently received a "lion's share" of the honors. Citations

102

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

and engraved Awards have been presented to: James Grafton Rogers and the State Historical Society of Colorado, "For their conception and development of the highly popular Gold Rush Centennial public lectures series"; to Robert L. Perkin, "For his excellent reviews of western books in his Sunday column in the Rocky Mountain News, 'One Man's Pegasus'"; to the Star-Journal, Pueblo, Colorado, a daily newspaper in a community under 300,000 population, "For its column 'Colorful Colorado' written by Ralph C. Taylor"; and to the Industrial Federal Savings Association, Denver, Colorado, "For inaugurating and sponsoring, through the Rocky Mountain News, a Contest for Historical Materials." Two books by western authors in the serious history field were given Awards: When Grass was King, an outstanding and invaluable study of the cattle industry and the open range days, principally in Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, the Dakotas, and New Mexico, by Maurice Frink, W. Turrentine Jackson, and Agnes Wright Spring; and The Sagebrush Saga, by Lester W. Mills, a history of Elko County, Nevada, and the only authentic book on Nevada history to be written in twenty years. In the field of popular history, The Ghost Towns of Wyoming, by Mary Lou Pence and Lola M. Homsher, a book rich in historical lore and the special frontier that was Wyoming, was given an Award of Merit. On Friday and Saturday, November 8 and 9,1957, the fall meetings of the Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters were held at the Union Building of the Utah State University, Logan, Utah. On Friday, Richard D. Poll, Chairman of the History Section, presided and the following papers were presented: "The Mormon Economy and the Panic of 1837," R. Kent Fielding; "Fremont and Columbus: A Study in Parallels," C. Gregory Crampton; "Some Aspects of Joseph Smith's Concept of the Political Kingdom of God," Hyrum L. Andrus; "Brigham Young's Ideas on the Best Form of Government," J. Keith Melville; "The Discovery of Glen Canyon: The Escalante Expedition," David E. Miller. On Saturday morning S. George Ellsworth was chairman of the joint meeting of the History and Social Sciences Section. The symposium: "Governments in Territorial Utah," and papers thereto included: "The Council of Fifty and the State of Deseret," James R. Clark; "Carpet-bag-Rule â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Federal Officials," Everett L. Cooley. It was regrettable that time ran out and Leonard J. Arrington was unable to present "The School of the Prophets." However, he

HISTORICAL

NOTES

103

promised to present his paper at a future meeting of the Academy. It was felt by all that the fiftieth anniversary program of the Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters was a most successful affair. The Cache Valley chapter of the Utah State Historical Society held its first meeting of the year at the Oldham Memorial Building in Logan on Wednesday evening, September 25, 1957. Dr. Leonard J. Arrington was the speaker, and he chose as his topic "The Utah War." Dr. Arrington has returned to Utah State University after a year's sabbatical leave at the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, where he was working on his forthcoming book on the economic history of the Great Basin region. The Cache Valley chapter is making a concerted drive to increase membership and stimulate interest in writing local histories, reports Dr. Joel E. Ricks, president. Board member Charles R. Mabey has published recently a book of great charm, September Sunflowers. The book comprises about 124 writings by Mr. Mabey. About twenty of them are brief addresses given by Governor Mabey on state occasions, and are typical of his fine oratorical style through a half century of activity in public life. A hundred or so of the writings are poems composed over the years, the inspiration for which arose out of the varied experiences of a rich life. Readers will find this book a delightful and inspiring volume. The Utah Library Association held their annual convention meetings in the rooms of the Society at 603 East South Temple, on Friday, October 11,1957. Two sister historical societies of the West have started publishing a magazine on a quarterly basis. The Idaho Historical Society, Boise, Idaho, has published spring and summer issues of Idaho Yesterdays; and Nevada State Historical Society, Reno, Nevada, recently published the first issue of The Nevada Historical Society Quarterly. Best wishes for success are extended. Robert Glass Cleland, distinguished California historian, died in September, 1957, after an extended illness. It will be remembered that he was co-editor with Juanita Brooks of A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876 which won an Award of Merit in the field of biography for 1956.

104

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Mr. C. Corwith Wagner of St. Louis, Missouri, died last August 13, 1957. Mr. Wagner was a valued friend and supporter of the Society. Over the years he contributed much valuable historical material to the library collections, the recently published Hascall letters in Volume XXV (1957) being among them. The Society wishes to thank the following for their gifts to the library: Lucile Francke, Robert Inscore, Ralph Hansen, D. C. Dix, Joseph Blackburn, Arizona Development Board, Utah State Industrial Commission, Stanley S. Ivins, Sharp M. Larsen, Charles R. Mabey, G. Homer Durham, Browning Arms Company, Wayne Stout, Jacob Heinerman, State Historical Society of Iowa, New-York Historical Society, Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Hugh F. O'Neil, Frank H. Jonas, Illinois State Historical Society, Ouida Nuhn Blanthorn, Everett L. Cooley, Indiana State Library, California Historical Society, and LaMar Petersen.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

SOCIETY

OFFICERS 1957-59

(Terms Expiring April 1,1961)

LELAND H. CREER, President

JUANITA BROOKS, St. George

NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR., Vice-President

A. R. MORTENSEN, Director

LELAND H. CREER, Salt Lake City NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR., Salt Lake City

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

JOEL E. RICKS, Logan

LELAND H. CREER, Chairman

RUSSEL a. SWENSEN, PrOVO

LOUIS B U C H M A N

(Terms Expiring April 1,1959)

GEORGE F. EGAN CHARLES R. MABEY

LOUIS BUCHMAN, Salt Lake City GEORGE F. EGAN, Salt Lake City

NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR.

CHARLES R. MABEY, B o u n t i f u l

PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE

WILLIAM p. MCCREA, Ogden

A. K. MORTENSEN, Chairman

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG, Salt Lake City

(Ex-Officio Member) LAMONT r. TORONTO, Secretary of State

EDITORIAL CONTRIBUTIONS:

The Society was or-

ganized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the state. To effect this end, contributions of manuscripts are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters, and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present-day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanendy removing them from their possessors. Contributions for the consideration of the Publications Committee, and correspondence relating thereto, should be addressed to the Editor, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah.

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG

JUANITA BROOKS NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR. JOEL E. RICKS RUSSEL B. SWENSEN

The Utah State Historical Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to this publication. MEMBERSHIP: Membership in the Society is $3.00 per year. The Utah Historical Quarterly is sent free to all members. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $3.00 a year or $1.00 for current numbers. Life membership, $50.00. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Editor, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah. Entered as second-class matter January 5, 1953, at the Post Office at Salt Lake City, Utah, under the Act of August 24, 1912.

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A sample of the forms used to give and convey unto Brigham Young, Trusteein-Trust for the Church, his successors in office and assigns, all claims to and ownership of property. The deeds were signed before witnesses and notarized.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

490;|

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QUARTERLY

April, 1958

z*m~* IN THIS ISSUE

The San Juan Mission

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ABOUT THE COVER Looking east from the river rim above Hole-in-the-Roc\. The old road is still visible on the jar side of the river.

PHOTO COURTESY GLENN EDGERTON

The Hole~in-the-Roc\, west from the river.

looking

PHOTO COURTESY BUREAU OF RECLAMATION

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

VOLUME

HISTORICAL

XXVI,

SOCIETY

NUMBER 2

April, 1958

CONTENTS Carpetbag Rule â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Territorial

Government

in Utah,

BY EVERETT L. COOLEY

The Kingdom

107

of God, The Council of Fifty and the State

of Deseret,

BY JAMES R. CLARK

Lake Bonneville,

Its Name

131

and History,

BY RUFUS WOOD LEIGH

The San Juan Mission Call, BY DAVID E. MILLER "Utah Has Not Seceded":

A Footnote to Local

161 History,

171

BY GAYLON L. CALDWELL.

Letter From Mexico, Impressions

of a Mormon,

BY ANTHONY W . IVINS

Reviews

and Recent

177

Publications

O'DEA, The Mormons,

NOALL, Intimate

BY STERLING M . MCMURRIN

Disciple:

A Portrait of Willard

183

Richards,

BY LELAND HARGRAVE CREER

WEST, Kingdom

186

of the Saints, BY BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

188

CRAMPTON, ED.. The Mariposa Indian War 1850-1851: Diaries of Robert Eccleston: The California Gold Yosemite,

151

and the High

PALMER, Why the North

Rush,

Sierra, BY EDWARD EVERETT DALE ... 189

Star Stands Still, BY KARL YOUNG

Other Publications

191

192

Historical Notes

201

ILLUSTRATIONS Arthur L. Thomas, fames Duane Doty, Samuel B. Axtell, John W. Dawson

106

L. John Nuttall

130

Facsimile of a page from A Mormon Conspiracy

136

Map of Lake Bonneville

150

The Hole-in-the-Rock.

'60

Silas S. Smith, Platte D. Lyman

165

Workers of the Overland

170

Anthony

Telegraph Line, BY W. H . JACKSON

W. Ivins

176

Notice of Election

Inside back cover

ARTHUR L. THOMAS (1851-1924) Governor from 1889-1893

SAMUEL B. AXTELL (1819-1891) Served four months in 1874

JAMES DUANE DOTY (1799-1865) Governor from 1862-1865

JOHN W. DAWSON ( Served in December of 1861

)

Territorial governors were appointed by the "spoils system." The first three men here pictured are representative of high caliber individuals thus selected, while John W. Dawson, of questionable character, had tofleeto escape the wrath of outraged Utahns.

CARPETBAG TERRITORIAL

RULE

GOVERNMENT

UTAH

By Everett L. Cooley*

In the minds of most readers the descriptive phrase "carpetbag government" is associated primarily with the reconstruction period of southern history following the Civil War. However, as defined by Webster and accepted by some noted historians,1 j ustifiably the phrase can be applied to the administration of Colonial America by the British as well as to the administration of the territories by the United States. Fundamentally, British colonies or plantations were never considered to be an extension of British soil to the extent that all rights of Englishmen were guaranteed thereon. The Crown and later Parliament never conceived of the idea that the colonists were eligible for the same rights and privileges as those of British subjects living in the British Isles. And it was this failure to grant colonial subjects tfie rights cherished by Englishmen which led to the loss of the colonies in the War of Independence. * Dr. Cooley is director of the Utah State Archives, a division of the Utah State Historical Society. The article printed here was presented as a paper at the Social Science section meeting of the Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, which was held at the Utah State University, Logan, Utah, on November 9, 1957. 'Frederic L. Paxson, History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893 (Cambridge, 1924), 558-59.

108

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Americans, while still engaged in the struggle to gain long-cherished rights and privileges, established the pattern which was to guide them for 130 years in dealing with their own "colonials." Only since acquiring noncontiguous soil have the Americans subverted the great ideal established in 1780. One of the most vexatious problems confronting the ineffectual and loosely formed Congress of the rebellious colonies in 1780 was that of western lands. New York, holding vast claims north of the Ohio, agreed to relinquish these lands for the benefit of all the states. In the resolution of acceptance, Congress set forth the principle to guide America's future colonial policy: The unappropriated lands that may be ceded or relinquished to the United States . . . shall be disposed of for the common benefit of the United States, and be settled and formed into distinct republican States, which shall become members of the Federal Union, and have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other States. The details for the transition to statehood were prescribed in subsequent reports and ordinances. The basic principles, incorporated in the now famous Northwest Ordinance of 1787 are: (1) That territorial government under centrally appointed officials is temporary. (2) That the inhabitants of a territory have the right to elect their own representatives and to determine their own taxation. (3) That the inhabitants of a territory have the right of statehood upon meeting certain conditions established by the central legislative authority. Thus a new colonial policy based upon equality was begun. Henceforth, colonies or territories were but an extension of the nation and were entitled by right to all the benefits of equality. With the adoption of the Constitution, one more fundamental concept was pronounced. Congress had power to make necessary rules and regulations for governing territories and to create new states. Upon this basis, land settlement began and local government grew up in the West. That the pledge of 1787 has continued to be observed has been attributed to the lack of development of a governing caste in the United

CARPETBAG

GOVERNMENT

109

States.2 Instead, the spoils system was the method used for the selection of territorial officials. A concomitant of the spoils system was carpetbagging. The party in power, anxious to reward the party faithful, selected territorial appointees from the states where they were in a position to gain votes for the party. The residents of the territories, having no presidential vote nor power in Congress, were overlooked. Since the territorial officers (governor, secretary, three judges, marshal, and attorney) were appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate, candidates were selected with an eye to pleasing powerful politicians. This method of selection, plus the low salary the positions offered, did not lead to the highest caliber of individual being sent to preside over the destinies of the territories. However, some surprisingly good men were sent west, men with years of experience devoted to public service. Various factors influenced their decision to leave the comforts of the settled East for the hardships of the hinterlands, not least among them the opportunities to be found in lands newly opened for settlement and speculation, in recently discovered mineral wealth, and in railroad development. Nor was the possibility lost sight of that faithful and sympathetic administration of territorial affairs might lead to election as delegate to Congress.3 On record are many instances of appointees leading a territory into the fold of statehood and thereby being rewarded with a senatorship or governorship. Such motives can offer the only explanation for the coming west of such men as James Duane Doty and Samuel B. Axtell, Utah's fifth and tenth governors. Governor Doty devoted his lifetime to public service as legislator, commissioner, Indian agent, delegate to Congress, and congressman in Michigan and Wisconsin. Governor Axtell's service extended over twenty years and four states. He was representative to the Fortieth Congress from California in 1867, was appointed governor of Utah in 1874 and of New Mexico in 1875, and finally served as chief justice in New Mexico from 1882 to 1885. At the opposite end of the spectrum were to be found such unsavory characters as Judge William W. Drummond and Governor John W. Dawson, both of whom openly flouted the moral code while serving in Utah. Some territories experienced the most flagrant commission of '-Ibid., 564-65. "John F. Kinney, chief justice of the Utah Supreme Court, was rewarded for his sympathetic attitude toward the Mormons by being elected delegate to Congress in 1863. He thereby gained the distinction of being the first Gentile so honored.

UTAH

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crimes at the hands of high-placed appointees.* Yet these officials could not be removed by local action. The only recourse was to appeal to Washington. For unlike the British system of the eighteenth century, the Americans had corrected one weakness (from the standpoint of the administering authority) by freeing the appointees from reliance upon the colonial or territorial legislature for their salaries. The territorial officer served at the pleasure of the President and drew his pay from the federal treasury. This made him independent of the whims and desires of the "colonials." However, the official did not have unlimited power nor could he dictate local laws. His power and prerogatives were set down in the organic act which gave birth to a territory. Hence Utah's Organic Act of September 9, 1850, became the "territorial constitution'' for the guidance of territorial officials. This instrument provided the source for all governmental power exercised in the territory. The executive power was vested in a governor, who held his office for four years. In addition the governor became commander-in-chief of the militia and performed the duties of superintendent of Indian affairs.5 The legislative power and authority of the territory were vested in the governor and a legislative assembly â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the assembly to be chosen by the vote of the people. Other offices provided for were those of a secretary, three judges, an attorney, and a marshal â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all appointed by the President subject to approval of the Senate. The elected officials, in addition to the legislators, were: a delegate to the House of Representatives of the United States and certain unspecified township, district, and county officers. This lack of a specific list or naming of other officers led to untold difficulties between the federal appointees and resident legislators. Problems of interpretation did not arise, however, as long as Brigham Young was governor. The Mormon governor was willing to have the legislature "elect" eligible Mormons to office. But with the arrival of nonMormon governors on the scene, the battle lines were drawn. And victory for the Gentiles, and what they termed "supremacy of constituted authority," did not come until near the end of Utah's territorial period. Part of the difficulty which arose between the Gentile federal appointees and the Mormons was one of Mormon or western practicality versus legal technicalities demanded by the federal appointees. This 1 Earl S. Pomeroy, The Territories and the United States, 1861-1890 (Philadelphia 1947), 17, 29-30. 5 The superintendency was separated from the office of governor in 1857.

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cleavage was revealed with the arrival of the first non-Mormon officers in Utah. Brigham Young, never a man to procrastinate, had launched Utah into its territorial status in the most expeditious manner by ordering a census and an election. These were completed prior to the arrival of Secretary B. D. Harris, bearer of the territorial seal and federal funds for payment of the expenses of the new government. Secretary Harris claimed the actions of the governor were not legal because of his failure to follow the letter of the law in having the secretary attest to the census and election. Within a short time the secretary and other Gentile officers made ready to depart from Utah. Whereupon Governor Young ordered the territorial marshal to take custody of the funds held by Harris and asked the territorial supreme court for its opinion regarding the intended action of Harris in returning east with the funds. The court's reply was, "We cannot give your Excellency a judicial opinion upon the subject proposed, not being your legal advisers, nor having the subject judicially before u s , . . . " After disclaiming their rights to do so, the judges then proceeded to give their personal opinion in a very judicial manner; not, however, before stating that they had already issued an injunction against "Horace Eldredge Esq' and all others acting by, or under the authority of the assembly, purporting to be the Legislative Assembly of the Territory, from taking or interfering with the funds and property in his [the secretary's] possession." e The very wording of their statement indicated they too held the newly elected assembly to be illegal. It is no wonder, therefore, that the judges left their posts along with Secretary Harris. These were but the first of many who came to Utah, made known their stand on the "Utah Problem," and then departed. What was this "problem" which resulted in a continual coming and going of Washington appointees? Certainly at the base of what the Gentiles called the "Utah Problem" was the Mormon concept of government. A Gentile soon perceived that there was not the customary separation of church and state which should prevail under the Constitution. The wording of the first (1851) Thanksgiving proclamation of Governor Brigham Young (cited by many later governors as proof of the unity of church and state) causes the reader to pause and wonder whether he is reading an excerpt "Executive Record Book A, 1850-54, pp. 25-26, in Utah State Historical Society, Archives Division, as are all the Executive Record Books cited in this article.

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from the Journal of Discourses or an official proclamation of a governor of it territory of the United States: PROCLAMATION

For a day of Praise and Thanksgiving It having pleased the Father of all good, to make known his mind and will to the children of men, in these last days, and through the ministration of his angels, to restore the Holy Priesthood unto the sons of Adam, by which the Gospel of his Son has been proclaimed, and the ordinances of life and salvation are administered; and through which medium the Holy Ghost has been communicated to believing, willing, and honest minds; causing faith, wisdom, and intelligence to spring up in the hearts of men, and influencing them to flow together, from the four quarters of the earth to a land of peace and health; rich in mineral and vegetable resources; reserved of old in the councils of eternity for the purposes to which it is now appropriated; a land choice above all other lands; far removed from the strife, contention, divisions, moral and physical commotions, that are disturbing the peace of the nations and kingdoms of the earth. I, Brigham Young, Governor of the Territory aforesaid, . . . Do Proclaim Thursday, the first day of January, eighteen hundred and fifty-two, a Day of Praise and thanksgiving, for the citizens of this our peaceful Territory; in honor of the God of Abraham, who has preserved his children amid all the vicissitudes they have been called to pass; for his tender mercies in preserving the nation undivided, in which we live; for causing the gospel of His Kingdom to spread and take root upon the earth, beyond the power of men and demons to destroy; and that he has promised a day of universal joy and rejoicing to all the inhabitants who shall remain when the earth shall have been purified by fire, and rest in peace... .7 In contrast, a Thanksgiving proclamation of a Gentile governor reads as follows: THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION

Territory of Utah Pursuant to the Proclamation of U.S. Grant, President of the United States, and in accordance with a time-honered cus7

Ibid., 35,

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torn, I designate Thursday the twenty-sixth day of November A.D. 1874 as a day for Public Thanksgiving and Prayer. I therefore request all of the people within our borders to properly observe said day. [Signed] George L. Woods.8 To the resident Mormon the latter proclamation was considered decidedly inappropriate, while the former showed no incongruity. It was proper that the sentiments of Brigham Young, governor, as the constituted executive of a United States territory, should be in harmony with the sentiments of Brigham Young, president, prophet, seer, and relevator of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. For had not these same people sat at the feet of the authorities of the Mormon Church and heard them proclaim time after time that "oneness and unity in all things" were the goals of Mormonism? Brigham Young in preaching to the Saints on this theme declared: We have been witnessing, this afternoon, the world's great objection to "Mormonism," for we have had the privilege of beholding the unanimous vote of the people when the names of the officers of the Church were presented for election or rejection. We have seen the same oneness and unity this afternoon which characterize the Latter-day Saints on all occasions, and this is objectionable to the world. They say it is anti-democratic, though we think not.9 John Taylor, speaking on the same theme, said: . . . We are seeking to establish a oneness,. .. We want one-man power and one-God power. Would not they who cry out against it like to have one-man power if they could get it? Yes. Is there now or was there ever a political party in the United States but would seek to carry their own points? No . . . We consider that union is the great principle that we ought to cultivate; union in religion, morals, politics, and everything else.10 On still another occasion,the same John Taylor told the gathered Saints: There is a little difference between our principles, or, I should say, the principles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and what are called democratic principles. "Executive Record Book C, 1872-86, p. 81. 'journal of Discourses, XIV, 41-92. 10 Ibid., XI, 346.

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Democracy governs by the people alone; . . . It is not with us as it is with democracy. We do not believe that any people are capable of governing themselves. There is no need of entering into an argument upon the matter before this congregation; but it is my opinion that there are no people under the heavens that now exist, nor are there any that ever did exist, that are capable of governing themselves.11 These views on unity were accepted as perfectly natural and uncontroversial by the membership. For had they not been promised that they would be instrumental in effectuating the Kingdom of God here on earth, which was to have "pre-eminence over all other nations and kingdoms." In fact they were told that the "Kingdom is actually organized, and the inhabitants of the earth do not know it." 12 But the Saints knew the organization had been created and that they were part of it. For their Kingdom of God was not an otherworldly one, but an earthly one of here and now. And, as explained by President John Taylor, it could not exist without the guidance of God speaking through his ordained spokesman here on earth. Therefore it was not only fitting and proper that the president of the church should also be governor of the territory; it was a necessity, since it was the ordained plan.13 In the light of these beliefs, is it any wonder that the Mormon "colonist" and the Gentile office-holder clashed head-on. The excuses for this clash were reflected in many minor incidents — such as the disagreement between Governor Young and Secretary Harris. The basic conflict, however, was over church monopoly in all matters. The first loyalty of the Mormons was to church and only secondly to the state and constitutional government. This conflict was time and time again spelled out in messages and reports of the Gentile governors. Governor James Duane Doty complained that of the various powers in Utah — church, army, and federal officers — the church was indisputably the most powerful. And this complaint was registered after Brigham Young had been deposed and Gentile appointees installed in office by federal troops. Even though a Gentile occupied the governor's chair, Heber C. Kimball proclaimed: " Ibid., IX. 9. "Ibid., II, 310. 13 Ibid., IX, 6-8, 332-33; XVII, 154-60.

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. . . President Young is our leader, and has been all the time since the death of Joseph Smith the Prophet. He can govern his people with his hands in his pockets, and they are not governed one whit by the men that are sent here. I want to tell it, and I want they should know I tell it.14 Some of the federal appointees undoubtedly recognized the problem facing them and attempted to live with it or ignore it. Governor Cumming, in an exchange of correspondence with Councilman Daniel H. Wells, pointed out that some of the acts of the territorial legislature were highly irregular if not downright illegal. It appeared to the governor that the legislature took action through joint resolution, thereby circumventing the power bestowed upon the executive by the Organic Act. Apparently Daniel H. Wells successfully defended the actions of the legislative assembly, for Governor Cumming registered no further complaints.15 Perhaps he recognized that "discretion was the better part of valour" and resigned himself to living with the "Utah Problem." For his discretion, Alfred Cumming has ever since been accepted by Mormondom as one of the better Gentile governors.16 Other territorial officials took up the challenge to do something about the situation in Utah. For their troubles they have been characterized by Mormon writers as scoundrels and men of the lowest order. For the most part, however, they were men of average talents faced with the task of bringing a religious autocracy into conformity with a republican government. This, they soon learned, was a herculean task. Power which by organic law was vested in the governor and the legislative council had been entirely appropriated by the legislature in some areas. This usurpation led at first only to gubernatorial protests, although it eventually was debated in the United States Supreme Court, where the case was decided in favor of the governor. Before this decision was given, however, an opera bouffe was enacted in Utah, with two sets of officials claiming the same office. The legislative assembly had for years elected the territorial treasurer and auditor.17 In 1886, " Ibid., IX, 6-8. Letter of Daniel H. Wells to His Excellency A. Cumming, Governor of Utah Territory, dated October 7, 1858, and Letter of A. Cumming, Governor of Utah Territory, to Hon. Daniel H. Wells, Member of Utah Legislative Council, U.T., October 12, 1858. Executive Papers, 1858, Utah State Archives. See also Executive Record Book C, 1872-86, p. 46. '"Improvement Era (Salt Lake City, 1900-01), IV, 81-85. "Executive Record Book B, 1852-71, p. 38. The office was made elective at a genral election in 1878. 15

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Governor Eli H. Murray, in compliance with the Organic Act, submitted the names of two men for these positions. When the council refused to act upon the names, the governor issued the oath of office to his appointees. Arthur Pratt then instituted suit against Nephi Clayton, the elected auditor, demanding that Clayton surrender the office. A similar situation existed between James Jack, electee, and Bolivar Roberts, governor's appointee. The territorial court decided in favor of the governor's appointees, but the elective officers held the territorial funds and refused to surrender the offices. Only after the United States Supreme Court decision was the office vacated by the Mormons. In the meantime the de facto office holders drew the salaries and the de jure appointees went without.18 Other "Mormon peculiarities" proved to be sources of irritation which kept the elective Mormon public servants constantly at loggerheads with Gentile appointees. Some of these peculiarities had found expression in law. Chapter eight, Section two, Laws of Utah 1851-1870, was aimed at one very vocal segment of society and provided that "no person or persons employing counsel, in any of the courts of this Territory, shall be compelled by any process of law to pay the counsel so employed for any services rendered as counsel, before, or after, or during the process of trial in the case." Still another section of the law declared that: . . . no laws nor parts of laws shall be read, argued, cited, or adopted in any court, during any trial, except those enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of this Territory, and those passed by the Congress of the United States when applicable; and no report, decision or doings of any court shall be read, argued, cited, or adopted as a precedent in any other trial.10 Naturally such restrictions on lawyers and judges evoked violent protest, which was reflected in the governor's message to the legislature.20 One of Utah's first laws created a territorial militia bearing the title of Nauvoo Legion. Although the Organic Act made the governor the commander-in-chief of this military force, actual command was in the 18 Marshall and Zane, Reports of Cases Determined in the Supreme Court of the Territory of Utah from the June Term, 1884, to the June Term, 1886 (Salt Lake City, 1890), IV, 421-37; Executive Record Book D, 1887-95, p. 183. lu Acts, Resolutions, and Memorials Passed at the Several Annual Sessions of the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Utah from 1851-1870 (Salt Lake City, 1870), Chap. 2, Sec. 1. 20 Governor S. A. Mann's message to the Legislative Assembly, January 11, 1870. Executive Record Book B, 1852-71, pp. 152, 346-47.

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hands of a lieutenant general in the personage of Daniel H. Wells, counselor of Brigham Young. The high-sounding title galled many federal officers who had seen action in the Civil War, where none but Ulysses S. Grant gained such a distinction. At least four governors called the attention of the assembly to the relative independence of the militia and asked that laws be passed bringing it into line with other state and territorial militias. This the legislature refused to do. The friction ended with Governor J. W. Shaffer's forbidding the militia to assemble and the final abolishment of the organization by the EdmundsTucker Act of 1887. Still another source of irritation between the opposing factions was a law of January 20, 1854, concerning the Perpetual Emigrating Fund. The objection to the act resulted from the fact that more Mormons were brought to Utah through the fund, and the chief complaint was that non-Mormons were by law forced to contribute to it. The contributions came through action of the probate judges, who took possession of unclaimed property of "deceased or abscondant persons" and transferred it to the Emigrating Fund. An answer to this problem and a partial solution to another (that of free schools) were recommended numerous times to the legislative assembly. In 1874, Governor George L. Woods urged the passage of an escheats law which would transfer abandoned property to a fund for the benefit of public schools. His urging of legislation to benefit schools was not the first, nor the last. From the very first, the Gentile governors had recommended that free schools be instituted in Utah, recognizing the religious domination in the existing schools. Of course this religious dominance was intended by the L.D.S. Church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; there was nothing inconsistent in such a practice; but to the Gentile, the forced religious instruction in tax-supported schools was an abomination as well as being unconstitutional. Not until 1890 was a satisfactory school law passed by the legislature. It was then that President Wilford Woodruff urged that: . . . the time has arrived when the proper education of our children should be taken in hand by us as a people. Religious training is practically excluded from the public schools. . . . The desire is universally expressed by all thinking people in the church that we should have schools where the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and the Book of Doctrine and Covenants can be used as text-books, and where tiie principles of our religion may form part of the teaching of the schools.21 "Executive Record Book D, 18f<7-95, p. 84.

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This movement for religious schools the Gentiles did not oppose, but they were ready to take strong measures to assure that public schools were free and devoid of religious dominance. Two other areas of controversy, of greater significance in any discussion of territorial government in Utah, were those of marriage and elections. Workable solutions to these thorny problems were not achieved until just before statehood in 1896. In fact, it was the solution of these problems which brought statehood to Utah. With some justification, Gentile officials declared that free elections in Utah were a farce. In the first place, more frequently than not there was only one slate of officers presented to the electors. Secondly, a law of January 3,1855, provided: Each elector shall provide himself with a vote [ballot] containing die names of the persons he wishes elected and the offices he would have them fill, and present it neatly folded to tiie Judge of the election, who shall number and deposit it in a ballot box; the Clerk shall then write the name of the elector, and opposite it the number of his vote. Under such a system the vote of every elector could be accounted for. It is small wonder that the Gentiles questioned the "freedom" of such elections. Only after years of protest did the legislature in 1878 make provision for a secret ballot. Of all her "peculiarities,'' the most peculiar was marriage as practiced in Utah. From the very beginning, Mormons were called upon by Gentile appointees to forsake their practice of marrying more than one woman. At first only by innuendo was plural marriage referred to in public utterances. After the Gentiles were entrenched in office with federal troops, innuendo was replaced with direct threat of action if polygamy were not abandoned. In addition to the practice of polygamy was the absence of legal provision for civil marriages. One governor was led to disclaim that women were given the franchise in Utah, but their marriages were not recognized by law nor did they have the right of dower.22 Not until the Edmunds-Tucker Act of 1887 were these privileges conferred upon women, and then through Congressional enactment rather than local laws. That territorial officials played an important part in securing the passage of tfiese measures aimed at polygamy there is no doubt. Year after year the reports of the governors contained "Executive Record Book C, 1872-86, p. 538. Women were given the franchise in 1870, but civil marriages with required licenses did not come until 1887.

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recommendations for corrective legislation. As a result an anti-polygamy act, striking at polygamy and church domination of politics, was passed by Congress in 1862, expanded in 1882, and re-enforced in 1887. During twenty years of operation of the Morrill Anti-Polygamy Law of 1862, only three convictions were effected. Upon the urging of religious groups throughout the nation and repeated pleas from Gentile territorial officials, Congress enacted the famous, or infamous, Edmunds Law to deal with both marriage and politics as they existed in Utah. The Mormons viewed the measure as one which robbed them of their constitutional rights and invaded the sanctity of religious freedom. Bishop Daniel Sylvester Tuttle, speaking for the Protestant groups of Utah, said, "The true policy is to encourage the building up of an opposition in the ranks of the Mormons." This was to be achieved by giving political advantages to monogamous Mormons and Gentiles and withholding them from the pluralists through the administration of election machinery by a presidentially appointed committee of five members, "no more than three being of the same political party." 23 "'In the next to final report (pp. 70-71) of the Utah Commission to the Secretary of Interior (1895), die complete list of the appointees of the commission is given. In compliance with the act of Congress of March 22, 1882, the Board of Registration and Elections, known as the Utah Commission, was appointed, and on July 17, 1882, it was duly organized. Ever since said date the conduct of elections in the Territory has been under its control and direction. Since the creation of the Board the following-named persons have served as members, to wit: Alex Ramsey, of Minnesota, appointed June 23, 1882, resigned April 16, 1886. A. B. Carlton, of Indiana, appointed June 23, 1882, resigned May 10, 1889. A. S. Paddock, of Nebraska, appointed June 23, 1882, resigned December 20, 1886. G. L. Godfrey, of Iowa, appointed June 23, 1882, resigned April 25, 1894. J. R. Pettigrew, of Arkansas, appointed June 23, 1882, died October 17, 1886. J. A. McClernand, of Illinois, appointed April 16, 1886, resigned April 25, 1894. A. B. Williams, of Arkansas, appointed October 25, 1886, resigned April 25, 1894. A. L. Thomas, of Pennsvlvania, appointed December 20, 1886, resigned May 10, 1889. R. S. Robertson, of Indiana, appointed May 10, 1889, resigned April 25, 1894. Alvin Saunders, of Nebraska, appointed May 10, 1889, resigned June 6, 1893. H. C. Lett, of Utah, appointed June 6, 1893, died March 27, 1894. March 3, 1893, a further act of Congress was approved, pursuant to which A[ members of the Board thereafter appointed were required to be residents of the Territory. April 25, 1894, the remaining members of the Commission having tendered their resignations, the following-named persons were nominated by the President and immediately confirmed by the Senate, to wit: Jerrold R. Letcher, Erasmus W. Tatlock, Albert G. Norrell, Hoyt Sherman, jr., and George W. Thatcher. After having duly qualified as required by law the new Board entered upon the discharge of its duties on April 27, 1894, Jerrold R. Letcher, one of the members from Salt Lake, being selected as chairman.

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The official name of this group was the Board of Registration and Elections, but it was commonly known as the Utah Commission. "Its first duty was to adjust the local laws to the Act of Congress [of 1882], and to provide the necessary rules for conducting the registration and election." 2J In more direct words, the Utah Commission was to assume all responsibility for the selection of registration officials, judges of election, and establishment of precinct and legislative districts. Furthermore, the commission was to canvass all returns and issue certificates of election for those duly elected to the legislative assembly and to Congress. The commission displayed a generous amount of energy in the discharge of its duties, which was applauded by non-Mormons and opposed by Mormons. The policy followed in appointing election officers was explained in the following words of the commission: . . . In the appointment of Registration Officers, . . . so far as it was practicable to do so, we selected non-Mormons. In a few counties, this was not possible, and in such cases reputable Monogamists were designated for this service. The aggregate population of all counties for which non-Mormon Registrars were appointed is about 132,000, while the whole population in counties for which Monogamists were appointed does not exceed 13,000. The same rule was observed in the selection of Precinct 25 Registrars To further carry out their responsibilities the commission redistricted the territory. In this process they were not above resorting to a bit of gerrymandering. District 8 was composed of Tooele County, Bingham Precinct, and Tintic Precinct: thus, to assure a majority of Gentiles, areas from three counties were combined into one district.26 In addition to the above measures an oath was demanded of all voters requiring that they swear or affirm that: . . . I am not a bigamist nor a polygamist; that I have not violated the laws of the United States prohibiting bigamy or polyg"' "Report of the Utah Commission to the Secretary of the Interior, September 30, 1887," in Utah Commission Minute Book C, 1887-88, p. 169, Utah State Historical Society, Archives Division. "â&#x20AC;˘' Taken from a substitute report offered by Commissioner Paddock in 1882. On a vote of the commission, Mr. Paddock's report was not submitted. Utah Commission Minute Book A, 1882-84, p. 118. ""Utah Commission Minute Hook D, 1888-90, pp. 1-7; Book E, 1890-93, pp. 138-40.

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amy; that I do not live or cohabit with more than one woman in the marriage relation,... This oath, according to the second report of the commission (1883) succeeded in disfranchising 15,000 persons (this figure was quoted before the disfranchisement of women in 1887). At a later date (1887), the oath was made more inclusive and read as follows: I being duly sworn (or affirmed) depose and say that I am over twenty-one years of age; that I have resided in the Territory of Utah for six months last past, and in this precinct for one month immediately preceding the date hereof; and that I am a native born (or naturalized as the case may be) citizen of the United States; that my full name is ; that I am years of age; that my place of business is ; that I am a (single or) married man, that the name of my lawful wife is ; and that I will support the Constitution of the United States, and will faithfully obey the laws thereof, and especially will obey the act of Congress of March 22, 1882, entitled "An Act to amend section 5352 of the Revised Statutes of the United States in reference to bigamy and for other purposes"; and that I also will obey the Act of Congress of March 3, 1887, entitled "An Act to Amend an Act entitled An Act to Amend Section 5352 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, in reference to bigamy and for other purposes," approved March 22, 1882, in respect of the crimes in said act defined and forbidden, and that I will not directly or indirectly, aid or abet, counsel or advise any other person to commit any of said crimes defined by Acts of Congress as polygamy, bigamy, unlawful cohabitation, incest, adultery and fornication; and I further swear (or affirm) that I am not a bigamist or polygamist, and that I have not been convicted of any crime under the Act of Congress, entitled "An Act to amend Section 5352, of the Revised Statutes of the United States, in reference to bigamy and for other purposes," approved March 22, 1882; nor under the Act amendatory thereof, of March 3, 1887, and I do not associate or cohabit polygamously, with members of the other sex.27 L7 A telegraph message was received by the commission from Silver Reef, Beaver County. It read, "Can oath be administered here omitting all after 'the laws thereof,' nonMormons will not take the oath, claiming reflection on previous moral status." Signed, J. N . Louder, Registration Officer. This omission would have excluded all reference to marriage or the sexual relationship, so the commission replied: "As we read the law, the whole of the test oath pre-

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This new oath brought protests from an unexpected quarter, as revealed in the following letter: Registration Office Stockton, Utah May 9,1887. W. C. Hall, Esq. Sec. Utah Commission, Dear Sir: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; For the information of the Honorable Commissioners, I beg leave to make a brief report of progress in registration for some of the precincts in Tooele County. On Monday, May 2,1 began registration in this, Stockton precinct, and to my surprise six of the first ten I asked to register, refused; and all of the ten are Gentiles. I finished going through the Precinct, last night, and found about 25 who refused to register, all Gentiles, but two or three. At one mine, of four men there, I got only one. The fact is this, â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in a mining locality there are a great many who do not like to take any oath. Blank oaths were sent me by the League Committee, and I am satisfied, from inquiry, that if that had been presented, that from 40 to 50 per cent of the Gentile voters would have refused it. As it is, 20% have refused the oath of the Commission. I registered 119 in this Precinct; at Grantsville, 87 registered; and at Tooele, 115. Only a few Mormons refused to register. Resp'y Your Obedient Servant, David B. Stover Registration Officer Tooele County28 The explanation offered by the registration officer was not the only reason why the men in mining camps refused to take the oath. One of the commissioners reported that the morals or sexual relations of men in mining communities were different from those elsewhere. A study of the minutes and reports of the commission discloses that a definite change in attitude developed on the part of some of the commissioners. Beginning in 1886 votes on issues reveal a split in the commission. The majority advocated that a more hostile and punative policy be applied to the Mormons; while the minority, in the personages scribed by Congress must be taken, and no part of the oath should be omitted in favor of any person." Signed A. B. Carlton, Chairman. (See Utah Commission Minute Book B. 1884-87, p. 442.) 28 Ibid., 446-47.

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of J. A. McClernand, of Illinois, and A. B. Carlton, of Indiana, favored a waiting policy to see what the existing laws and rules would accomplish. Their attitude is reflected in the several minority reports they submitted to the Secretary of the Interior. Indicative of the less repressive policy of the minority is the letter of Chairman A. B. Carlton to deputy registrar Robert Scott, of Tooele Precinct: Office of the Utah Commission Salt Lake City, Utah Aug. 6,1888. Dear Sir: Your letter of July 31,1888, is received. When you go from house to house to make your revision of the registration list, die fact of your finding a man absent from his home is not a good reason for erasing his name from the registration list. If you find the family at home, or the usual indications that the residence is not abandoned, the presumption is that the absence is only temporary and the name should not be erased. If the man leaves the Territory on a mission or on business or pleasure, witfi the intention to return, it does not deprive him of his right to vote, unless he has in some pronounced way, by moving his family, etc. evidenced his intention to make a change of residence. It is now too late to correct any errors that may have been made but at the September revision you should restore to the list the names of such persons who may have been erased without sufficient cause. Very Resp. A. B. Carlton Chairman20 Other indications of a more ameliorative policy are found in the investigations by the commission of fraud and unfairness at the polls and in the removal of certain Gentiles from election offices.30 Nevertheless the Utah Commission, backed by the other non-Mormon territorial officials, held firm that there should be no temporizing with the Mormons on the basic "Utah Problem." Mormons must capitulate. They must accede to the will of Congress. Polygamy must be abandoned and other constructive laws must be passed by the territorial legislature to 28 10

Utah Commission Minute Book C, 1887-88, pp. 323-24. Utah Commission Minute Book D, 1888-90, pp. 455, 459-60.

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make Utah's militia, marriage, election, and school practices conform to accepted standards. Should the Mormons fail to take the necessary steps to bring about conformity, there were those in Utah who were recommending more severe punative measures. Recommendations were sent to Congress for a more stringent test oath â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one patterned after Idaho's oath, which disfranchised all Mormons. The abolition of the territorial legislative assembly was recommended, to be replaced with a federally appointed commission. The appointment of officers from Washington, D.C., was to extend downward to the county and municipal level. All polygamous persons were to be denied the privilege of filing for public lands. Terms of imprisonment were to be increased for plural marriage convictions. Faced with not only the threat but also the probability of enactment of some or all of these measures, the Mormons gave ground. Within a few short years, beginning in 1888, the legislative assembly enacted laws providing for civil marriages, free schools, free elections, and abolition of polygamy. The Mormon or People's party was disbanded in 1890, with the membership seeking affiliation with the two national parties. These momentous changes, accompanied by a Manifesto of the church authorities (1890) and approved by the Saints in general conference (1891), foreshadowed the termination of "carpetbag rule" in Utah. There were those among the Gentile officials, suspicious of the recent actions of the Mormons, who sought to postpone the day of their departure by proclaiming that the Mormons were only using the "reforms" to gain statehood, when they would again return to their old domination of political life. Others pointed to the changes with assurance that a new day had dawned in Utah. In the words of one commissioner : The Utah of today is not, and never can be, what it was when Brigham Young, as prophet, seer, and revelator, dominated over his devoted followers, isolated from all the world, in secluded valleys of the Rocky Mountains; . . . To further convince the Gentiles in Utah and Washington that a real change had taken place within the church, the Mormon leaders petitioned for amnesty: We, the first presidency and apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, beg respectfully to represent to your excellency the following facts:

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We formerly taught to our people that polygamy or celestial marriage, as commanded by God through Joseph Smith, was right; that it was a necessity to man's highest exaltation in the life to come. That doctrine was publicly promulgated by our president, the late Brigham Young, forty years ago, and was steadily taught and impressed upon the Latter-Day Saints up to a short time before September, 1890. Our people are devout and sincere, and they accepted the doctrine and many personally embraced and practiced polygamy. When the Government sought to stamp the practice out, our people, almost without exception, remained firm, for they, while having no desire to oppose the Government in anything, still felt that their lives and their honor as men were pledged to a vindication of their faith, and that their duty towards those whose lives were a part of their own was a paramount one, to fulfill which they had no right to count anything, not even their own lives, as standing in the way. Following this conviction, hundreds endured arrest, trial, fine, and imprisonment, and the immeasurable suffering borne by the faithful people no language can describe. That suffering, in abated form, still continues. More, the Government added disfranchisement to its other punishments for those who clung to their faith and fulfilled its covenants. According to our faith the head of our church receives, from time to time, revelations for the religious guidance of his people. In September, 1890, the present head of the church, in anguish and prayer, cried to God for help for his flock, and received the permission to advise the members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints that the law commanding polygamy was henceforth suspended. At the great semiannual conference which was held a few days later this was submitted to the people, numbering many thousands and representing every community of the people in Utah, and was by them in the most solemn manner accepted as the future rule of their lives. They have since been faithful to the covenant made that day. At the late October conference, after a year had passed by, the matter was once more submitted to the thousands of people gathered together, and they again, in the most potential manner, ratified the solemn covenant.

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This being the true situation and believing that the object of the Government was simply the vindication of its own authority and to compel obedience to its laws, and that it takes no pleasure in persecution, we respectfully pray that full amnesty may be extended to all who are under disabilities because of the operation of the so-called Edmunds and Edmunds-Tucker law. Our people are scattered; homes are made desolate; many are still imprisoned; others are banished or in hiding. Our hearts bleed for these. In the past they followed our counsels, and while they are thus afflicted our souls are in sackcloth and ashes. We believe there is nowhere in the Union a more loyal people than the Latter-Day Saints. They know no other country except this. They expect to live and die on this soil. When the men of the South, who were in rebellion against the Government in 1865, threw down their arms and asked for recognition along their old lines of citizenship, the Government hastened to grant their prayers. To be at peace with the Government and in harmony with their fellow-citizens who are not of their faith, and to share in the confidence of the Government and people, our people have voluntarily put aside something which all their lives they have believed to be a sacred principle. Have they not the right to ask for such clemency as comes when the claims of both law and justice have been fully liquidated? As shepherds of a patient and suffering people we ask amnesty for them and pledge our faith and honor for their future. And your petitioners will every pray. Wilford Woodruff. George Q. Cannon. Joseph F. Smith. Lorenzo Snow. Franklin D. Richards. Moses Thatcher. Francis M. Lyman.

H. J. Grant. John Henry Smith. John W. Taylor. M. W. Merrill. Anthon H. Lund. Abraham H. Cannon.31

The Mormons were correct in their evaluation of their plea for amnesty, for the Gentile officials accepted this document as a truer reflection of the Mormon accommodation to federal law and accepted " Executive Record Book D, 1887-95, pp. 257-58.

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customs than the previously pronounced Manifesto. Governor Arthur L. Thomas and members of the Utah Commission warmly recommended to the President of the United States amnesty for the Mormons. President Benjamin Harrison responded on January 4, 1893, with the following proclamation: By the President of the United States of America. A PROCLAMATION

Whereas Congress, by a statute approved March 22, 1882, and by statutes _p furtherance and amendment thereof, defined the crimes of bigamy, polygamy, and unlawful cohabitation in the Territories and other places within the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States and prescribed a penalty for such crimes; and Whereas on or about the 6th day of October, 1890, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly known as the Mormon Church, through its president, issued a manifesto proclaiming the purpose of said church no longer to sanction the practice of polygamous marriages and calling upon all members and adherents of said church to obey the laws of the United States in reference to said subject-matter; and Whereas it is represented that since the date of said declaration the members and adherents of said church have generally obeyed said laws and have abstained from plural marriages and polygamous cohabitation; and Whereas by a petition dated December 19,1891, the officials of said church, pledging the membership thereof to a faithful obedience to the laws against plural marriage and unlawful cohabitation, have applied to me to grant amnesty for past offenses against said laws, which request a very large number of influential non-Mormons residing in the Territories have also strongly urged; and Whereas the Utah Commission in their report bearing date September 15, 1892, recommended that said petition be granted and said amnesty proclaimed, under proper conditions as to the future observance of the law, with a view to the encouragement of those now disposed to become law-abiding citizens; and Whereas during the past two years such amnesty has been granted to individual applicants in a very large number of

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cases, conditioned upon the faithful observance of the laws of the United States against unlawful cohabitation, and there are now pending many more such applications: Now, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested, do hereby declare and grant a full amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penalties of said act by reason of unlawful cohabitation under the color of polygamous or plural marriage, who have since November 1, 1890, abstained from such unlawful cohabitation; but upon the express condition that they shall in the future faithfully obey the laws of the United States hereinbefore named, and not otherwise. Those who shall fail to avail themselves of the clemency hereby offered will be vigorously prosecuted. In Witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington this fourth day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-three, and of the United States the one hundred and seventeenth. Benj. Harrison32 The next step toward self-rule for Utah was soon taken. A constitution was adopted with the blessings of the governor, chief justice, and Utah Commission. The great gap between Mormon and federally appointed officers had closed to the extent that two members of the Utah Commission in company with the Mormon delegation conveyed the newly adopted constitution to Washington for presentation to the President.33 Statehood and freedom from federal control of the election machinery came to Utah on January 4, 1896. Her schooling for statehood under the tutelage of carpetbag officials had been a long and arduous one. Fortunately for us, one of the final official acts of the Utah Commission was the transferral of the records34 of the commission to the 32

Ibid., pp. 267-68.

Report oj the Utah Commission to the Secretary of the Interior, 1896 (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1896), 73-74. 3,1 These records consist of minute books, letter books, record of commissions issued, and records of election officers. (Letter of receipt from Governor Heber M. Wells in Commission Reports, 1882-96, in the Utah State Historical Society, Archives Division.)

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custody of the governor of the new state. These are worthy of a careful study by students of Utah history, for they will reveal that carpetbag government did exist in Utah for certain periods. At other times during her territorial days Utah was blessed with wise, devoted, but determined public servants who were doing their best to bring constitutional government to Zion. If they failed, it was human failure prompted by most trying conditions.

L. JOHN NUTTALL (1834-1905)

Secretary to presidents Brigham Young, John Taylor, and Wilford Woodruff, Nuttail's diaries provide invaluable information on ecclesiastical and civil history of the Mormons in Utah and before. He was a member of the Council of Fifty and served as territorial superintendent of schools.

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By James R. Clark?

On the subject of the inter-relationship of church and state in America the following statement in a book edited by Henry P. Van Dusen is pertinent: In this democratic America the Church is so embedded in society that it cannot altogether be separated from it. You cannot have a sharp distinction between the group of the Church and the same people who form a more or less controlling element in the State.1 Utah became a territory of the United States in 1850. It was admitted into the Union of the States in 1896. Primarily it was settled by members of one church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Mormon Church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; beginning in 1847. * James R. Clark is assistant professor of religion at Brigham Young University, Provo. The following article was presented as a paper at die Social Science section, Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, held at Utah State University, Logan, Utah, November 9, 1957. 'Henry P. Van Dusen (ed.), Church and State in the Modern World (New York, 1937), 208.

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Relatively small non-Mormon minority groups have made substantial contributions to Utah's history from its earliest days. Today Utah is cosmopolitan in population, and many of the problems arising in earlier years through clashes in basic religious, political, social, and economic philosophies and ideologies have found satisfactory compromises and adjustments, but not before there were many heated words, and arguments, much action and counteraction affecting all phases of society, which almost tore to shreds the body politic. A word needs to be said about a point of view on pressure and counter-pressure groups that operate in the American democracy. If the attitude is taken that all pressure groups are inherently bad or evil, this viewpoint will likely adversely color the interpretation that is placed on events in American history. If, on the other hand, the view is held that pressure groups are a necessary part of the democratic system, although at times misused, this again will impart a somewhat different interpretation to historical events. The view taken in this study, for purposes of interpretation of the events in Utah's history, follows essentially a point of view expressed by a prominent Utah political scientist, Dean Milton R. Merrill of Utah State University, in the Sixteenth Annual Faculty Research Lecture in 1956. Dean Merrill maintained that in the American democracy an essential element making possible our freedom is the spirit of compromise and accommodation, and that the American way has been for conflicting interests to accept the rather uneasy security of innumerable and transitory compromises because these are better in the long run than resorting to force. The genius of American democracy has been that it has recognized these diverse interests and, recognizing them, has been able to keep any single interest from completely stifling opposition.2 W. H. Cowley, professor of higher education at Stanford University, highlights the importance of pressure or power groups when he states "that social interaction is always the reaction of power to power" and that the power available to any group of people at a specific time will largely determine the nature of its social enterprises.3 In Utah, at least during the territorial period from 1847 to 1896, the formative idea or concept of society so far as the leaders of the major power group were concerned was the Mormon enunciation of the con2 Milton R. Merrill, The Political Process. U.S.A.C. Sixteenth Annual Faculty Research Lecture (Logan, Utah, 1956). 3 W. H. Cowley, "Introduction to American Higher Education," Stanford University, Mimeo., 1955, p. 168.

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cept of the Kingdom of God. Its accompanying corollary was the political theory of legitimacy promulgated by Joseph Smith, Brigham Young, John Taylor, and other early leaders of the Mormon Church. Mormon leaders have repeatedly said that in the philosophy of Mormonism there is no way of separating the spiritual from the temporal, which sometimes may be another way of saying church and society and ultimately the church and state. When the Mormons moved west from Illinois in 1846-47, they not only brought with them their basic philosophy, educational and otherwise, but they had formulated also a political and civil theory of society and of church and state relationships. When they organized the Provisional State of Deseret, before they were accorded territorial status by the United States government, it was not a temporary expedient nor was it an example of American frontier democracy adjusting to a new region. The basic ideas for the government of the State of Deseret were not worked out after the Mormons arrived in Utah, but in meetings of the Council of Fifty in Nauvoo before the westward migration. The State of Deseret was the planned result of the doctrine of the Kingdom of God. The Kingdom of God was a civil-religious form of government. It was, eventually, to spread world wide and to have as its head Jesus Christ, the King. It was the instrument by which He was to govern the entire world. The religio-civil doctrine of the Kingdom of God was formulated and promulgated by Joseph Smith and other Mormon leaders in the East in the period from 1830 to 1846 and then carried westward with the Mormon pioneers to develop and take shape in the territorial period. In 1874 Brigham Young declared publicly that a few months before the death of Joseph Smith in 1844, he, Joseph Smith, had received a revelation setting forth "a full and complete organization to this Kingdom" and that its constitution "was given by revelation." This Kingdom of God was to be a religio-civil government and is not to be confused or identified with the Mormon Church as such, which is a religious organization. However, in current Mormon literature the church is often referred to as the Kingdom, and the distinction between the two terms and the two entities is not now sharp as it was in the territorial period. It can be stated on the basis of Mormon, non-Mormon, and state and federal documents of the territorial period that the insistence of the Mormon leaders on this concept of the Kingdom of God was largely instrumental, along with the practice of polygamy, in delaying statehood for Utah for half a century. A careful consideration of the Kingdom of

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God concept as the basis for the societal pattern â&#x20AC;&#x201D; economic, social, educational, and political â&#x20AC;&#x201D; may well cause Utah history, at least for the territorial period, to be re-evaluated and rewritten. The immediate task is to define and outline the concept of the Kingdom of God as a framework for the society which the Mormons were seeking to establish in Utah and to which the non-Mormons so violently objected. This concept is enunciated in the public addresses and papers of the Mormon leadership and was well known to the nonMormon inhabitants of Utah throughout the territorial period. The theory of the Kingdom of God was developed by revelation and adaptation until it was given its basic organizational structure by Joseph Smith in 1844, fourteen years after the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was organized. The basic authority for the Kingdom of God lay in the authority of the priesthood of the president of the Mormon Church, but the directional control was vested in a council known by a number of names, chief of which were the special council, the Council of Fifty, or more commonly, the General Council. CHARACTERISTICS OF T H E KINGDOM OF GOD Certain characteristics of the projected Kingdom of God become clear as one reads the voluminous literature dealing with the concept. These characteristics are: (1) The Kingdom of God was the kingdom predicted by the Old Testament Prophet Daniel. It was the stone cut out of the mountain without hands that was to break in pieces all other kingdoms and consume them. (2) The Kingdom of God was to be the government of God on earth, and as such it was eventually to absorb all other governments. (3) The Kingdom of God was to include as members and as officers non-Mormons as well as Mormons. (4) The Kingdom of God was to protect all peoples in their civil and religious rights, including the right to differ. (5) The Kingdom of God was to rest politically on the doctrine of Legitimacy, expressed succinctly in these words of John Taylor in 1853: Let us now notice our political position in the world. What are we going to do ? We are going to possess the earth. Why ? Because it belongs to Jesus Christ, and he belongs to us, and we to him. We are all one, and will take the kingdom and possess it under the whole heavens, and reign over it forever

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and ever. Now, ye kings and emperors, help yourselves, if you can. This is the truth, and it may as well be told at this time as at any other.4 (6) The Kingdom of God was a state and a political, social, and economic system which touched all phases of human life. (7) The Kingdom of God had its own revealed constitution. The Constitution of the United States was written, according to Mormon belief, under the inspiration of God. The constitution of the Kingdom of God was given to Joseph Smith in 1844. Copies of this constitution are not at present available, but there is good evidence that it existed from 1844 to at least 1880. (8) The Kingdom of God, though composed of non-Mormons as well as Mormons, was to be presided over in ultimate authority by the Mormon priesthood as representatives of Jesus Christ, the King. (9) The establishment of the Kingdom of God necessitated the gathering of the Saints to form the nucleus of the Kingdom. If membership in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints alone had been involved, the converts could have stayed in their own localities and nations. This ties the Kingdom of God concept definitely to the Mormon doctrine and policy of Zion and the "gathering" discussed in such works as Gustive Larson's Prelude to the Kingdom. NON-MORMON OPPOSITION TO T H E KINGDOM OF GOD Eloquent testimony to the tenacity of the Latter-day Saints in their efforts to establish the Kingdom of God in territorial Utah is borne out by the non-Mormon documents in the Martin-Paden collection at Westminster College, Salt Lake City. In 1885 the Salt Lake Tribune published a sixteen-page pamphlet with unsigned authorship entitled: The Mormon Conspiracy to Establish an Independent Empire to be Called the Kingdom of God; The Conspiracy Exposed by the Writings, Sermons and Legislative Acts of the Prophets and Apostles of the Church. The pamphlet impugns the motives of the Mormon leaders and claims that the idea of the Kingdom of God was one of basic disloyalty to the United States. It is perhaps generally conceded now that Mormon leaders have since been cleared of this charge of disloyalty. The pamphlet remains, however, as an interesting documentation to the concept of the Kingdom of God as an influence in Mormon-non-Mormon re1

Journal of Discourses (26 vols., Liverpool, 1854-86), I, 230.

the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company in peace and security. WHAT IS THE KINGDOM OF MOD? The D i v i n e R i g h t of the M o r m o n P r i e s t h o o d to R u l e .

In 1848-9 Apostle Orson Pratt published in Liverpool, England, a series of four essays on the Kingdom of G"d. They reveal the Mormon conspiracy more completely than anything else extant. The following extracts from these publications will suffice to give a clear idea of the monstrosity. Pratt says: THE ONLY LEGAL GOVERNMENT.

The Kingdom of God Is an order of government established by divine authority. It Is the only legal government that can exist In any part of the universe. All other governments are illegal and unauthorized. God, having made ail beings and worlds, has the supreme right to govern them by His own laws and by officers of His own appointment. Any people attempting to govern themselves by laws of their own making and by officers of their own appointment are Indirect rebellion against the Kingdom of (iod. * * * ' For seventeen hundred years the nations upon the Eastern Hemisphere have been entirely destitute of the Kingdom of Hod—entirely destitute of ii true legal government—entirely destitute of officers legally authorized to rule and govern. All emperors, kings, princes, presidents, lords, nobles and rulers have acted without authority. * » Their authority Is all assumed; It originated In man. Their laws are not trom the Great Law driver, but the production of their own false governments. Their very foundations were laid In rebellion, and the whole superstructure, from first to last, Is a heterogeneous mass of discordant elements, In direct opposition to the Kingdom of God, which Is the only true government which should be recognized on earth or in heaven. THE KINGDOM OF GOD

IB a theocracy, and as It Is the only form of government which will redeem and save mankind, It Is necessary that every soul should be rightly and thoroughly Instructed In regard to Its nature and general characteristics. The beauty, glory, power, wisdom and order of the Kingdom of God may be more fully understood by a, careful examination of the following subjects: First—The nature and character of the King. Second—The character and requisite qualifications of the subordinate officers. Third—The nature and character of the laws of adoption, or.the Invariable rule by which aliens are admitted Into the Kingdom as citizens. Fourth—The nature and character of the laws given for the government of all adopted citizens. Fifth—The character, disposition and qualifications necessary for every citizen to possess. Sixth -The rights, privileges and blessings enjoyed by the subjects In this life. Seventh—The lights, privileges and blessings promised to the faithful, obedient subjects In a future life. GOD IS KING.

Mr. Pratt proceeds to inform his "dear reader" that God is the King, and then goes on to construct the material God of the Mormons. The

same idea he says is applicable to the person of the Son. The Holy Spirit being one part of the Godhead, Is also a material substance, of the same nature and properties In many respects, as the spirits of the Father and Son. It exists In vast, Immeasurable quantities In connection with all material worlds. This » * * * Is what a person gets when he receives the gift of the Holy Spirit. * * * It Is these three all-powerful substances that stand at the head of all legal ;overnments. All governments not estabIshed by these three will be ere long overthrown.

THIS IMCOPHET HIS AOKNT.

Second—The diameter and requisite qualifications of the subordinate officers In the Kingdom of (iod are now to be considered. As the persons ol the Father and Son cannot be everywhere present, It Is therefore Impossible for them to attend In iierami to all the multiplied affairs of government among Intelligent beings; therefore, God, In establishing;! government among such beings, has always called persons of their own number to officiate In his name. * * The various officers called of God to administer the affairs of his government are apostles, prophets, bishops, evangelists, elders, pastors, teachers and deacons, (iod has only one way of calling these different officers, and that Is by new revelation. No person was ever authorized to act In the name of the Lord, unless called by tunn revelation."

Those gcntiy, the, apostle says, may be known by their claim of having been appointed or callpd by new revelation, and their "power" to confer the gift of the Holy Ghost "by the laying on of hands." THE LAWS OF ADOPTION.

Third -The laws of adoption, or the Invariable rule by which aliens are admitted Into the Kingdom of God, are next considered by the Apostle, and briefly stated, this rule consists of faith, repentance and baptism Into the Mormon Church, the gift of the Holy Ghost by the laying on of hands and Initiation Into the Priesthood. OBEDIENCE TO THE LAW.

Under the head of the fourth division of this important treatise—the nature and character of the laws given for the government of all adopted citizens, Apostle Pratt lays it down that the subject should obey "strictly all the laws, ordinances, statutes, commands, counsels and words of the Great King." These come to the Saint by " new revelation" as the circumstances of each particular case may require, and "every faithful, upright person in the Church or Kingdom of God enjoys the gift of the Holy Ghost, which is a sure preventative against all deception. * * The revelations given by the Holy Ghost; by the voice of the Lord; by the ministry of angels; by visions and dreams, and by the in-

A facsimile of page three from a sixteen-page pamphlet published in the year 1885 by the Salt Lake Tribune in which the motives of the Mormon leaders are impugned by the use of the very words of the leaders themselves.

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lationships in the territorial period. The Kingdom of God was a dominant influence in Utah society all during the territorial period, an influence against which non-Mormons were constantly fighting in all phases of life â&#x20AC;&#x201D; political, economic, social, educational, and religious. AIMS AND IDEALS OF T H E KINGDOM OF GOD IN TERRITORIAL UTAH Although perhaps not all-inclusive, the following are some of the main aims and ideals of the Kingdom of God in its attempted establishment in territorial Utah. (1) The ultimate aim of the Kingdom of God was the establishment of a world society based on the justice and equality of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, personally administered by Him. In that society the doctrine of free agency of the individual was to operate. It was to be the hope of this society that all would accept Christ as their King and lawgiver and likewise recognize His legal representatives in the Mormon priesthood. No one, however, was to be coerced. It was recognized that this state of society would not likely be reached until well into the Christian millennium. (2) Short of this ultimate goal there was a secondary and more immediate goal: the building of such a society among the Latter-day Saints and their friends. This society was to perfect itself to the point where the people became one politically, economically, and socially, but without robbing the individual of free agency and individuality. The people were to be one in all things because through a system of education they would become convinced that such unity was for their own best interests. If the Latter-day Saints could thus unite as the nucleus of the Kingdom of God, their success would serve as a pattern for the rest of the world. (3) This society was not to be established separate and apart from the world, but was to function in the world as a leavening agent. Being in the world, the Kingdom was to direct its membership in all phases of life short of final ecclesiastical authority, which was retained by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. (4) Relative to politics and government, the ultimate aim of the Kingdom recognized only one legitimate government on the earth â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the government of God. All other governments were considered to be subordinate and inferior, including the government of the United States, even though its Constitution was held to be divinely inspired. Uniquely,

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the government of the United States, as provided for in the Constitution of 1789, was recognized as divinely approved in principles and was intended to serve the needs of the people and protect them in their Godgiven rights until the government of God could be established. (5) Since the government of God, which was to control the Kingdom of God, was revolutionary in many of its principles and practices so far as the governments of men were concerned, it was not to be expected that it could avoid conflicts with established human institutions and governments. This fact was made clear as early as 1834 in a statement of the First Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as recorded in the History of the Church? (6) It is pertinent to ask how the Mormons were taught to regard those who were not members of the Mormon Church under the concept of the Kingdom of God. What were to be the policies, the attitudes, the ideals that would allow Mormons and non-Mormons to work in harmony and peace within the Kingdom while still retaining their identity and separate religious affiliations ? The concept of the Kingdom did not anticipate that all of its members would join the Mormon Church, and a partial answer to this question is to be found in a sermon preached by Brigham Young the year before the completion of the transcontinental railroad, which some individuals were saying would end the Mormon "isolation." Brigham Young was quick to point out the historical fact that the Mormons had never been isolated in the Great Basin. He might have gone into considerable detail to point out that: (a) In 1847 the Mormons found a non-Mormon group of settlers near the present site of Ogden. (b) In 1849 the Gold Rush brought a constant stream of non-Mormon migrants through Utah. (c) Several government explorations and surveys, manned by Mormons and non-Mormons working together, were made in Utah before the coming of the railroad. (d) At least three groups of federal military forces, all non-Mormons, were stationed in Utah before 1869. The sermon of Brigham Young in 1868 must be understood, then, as not only a statement of future policy but, as is evident, as a reprimand to the Saints for the past actions and attitudes over the years from 1847 to 1868 toward non-Mormons, whom they were in the habit of calling "Gentiles.'' Brigham Young said: 5

Joseph Smith, History of the Church (7 vols., Salt Lake City, 1948), II, 10-11.

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I want, now, to say a few words with regard to a term that is frequently used in our midst. I refer to the term "Gentile." I have explained this a great many times to the Elders both in public and in private, and I was surprised at the use made of the term this afternoon. "Gentile," or "gentilism," applies only to those who reject the gospel It does not apply to any only those who are opposed to God and His Kingdom. . . . But it does not apply to this or any other nation, simply because they are not of our faith; .. ,e The distinction which Brigham Young draws here between "Israel" and the "Gentiles" is not couched in terms of blood relationship to ancient Israel or in terms of birth or baptism into the Mormon Church. It is couched in terms of attitudes and actions of people in relation to the purposes of the Kingdom of God. Those who actively oppose the Kingdom of God are "Gentiles" regardless of blood or ancestry. Those who support or join the Kingdom, not the church, necessarily are of the "fold" regardless of blood or ancestry. Brigham Young's further elaboration of the theme seems to make this distinction crystal clear: Remember this, O ye Elders of Israel, and do not apply the term "Gentile" to a man because he is not baptized.... Whoever has been in our Councils [referring in all probability to the presiding or General Council of the Kingdom of God] •— would never make the application of "Gentile" to a man or woman, simply because he or she was not baptized, for that has nothing to do with it one way or the other. I want the brethren to learn this,.. .T T H E COUNCIL AS T H E GOVERNING BODY OF T H E KINGDOM Some indication of the nature and activities of the Council of Fifty, or the General Council, is found in the diaries and letters of men who are known to have been members of it. The minute books of the council which were consulted on March 29, 1880, by Franklin D. Richards and L. John Nuttall are not now available.8 However, entries from the ° Brigham Young, "Gentile or Gentilism,'' address delivered in Salt Lake City, August 16, 1868, see journal of Discourses, XII, 270. 7 Ibid., 270-71. B L. John Nuttall Diaries, II, p. 3, typescript copy in Brigham Young University library. The entry reads, "Went this morning with Elder F. D. Richards at his office and examined the records of the council of 50 or Kingdom of God and made out lists of members now living."

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diaries of Hosea Stout, John D. Lee, and L. John Nuttall, in addition to those from the daily histories of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young, copies of which are in the libraries of several public institutions, when combined allow a fairly accurate reconstruction of the nature, purposes, and functions of the council. It is on these sources that the ensuing discussion is based. Perhaps the most condensed statement of the nature and purpose of the council is found in the diary of John D. Lee under the date of November, 1848, which was immediately prior to the December meeting of the council in which the State of Deseret was organized. Lee says: This council alluded to is the Municipal department of the Kingdom of God set up in the earth, and from which all law emanates, for the rule, government and control of all Nations, Kingdoms and tongues and People under the whole heavens but not to control the Priesthood, but to council, deliberate and plan for the general good and upbuilding of the Kingdom of God on the Earth.9 On the day of the first organization of the council in Nauvoo, Illinois, March 11, 1844, Brigham Young had recorded in his daily history the following entry: Joseph commenced the organization of the Council for the purpose of taking into consideration the necessary steps to obtain redress for the wrongs which had been inflicted upon us by our persecutors, and also the best manner to settle our people in some distant and unoccupied territory; where we could enjoy our civil and religious rights, without being subject to constant oppression and mobocracy, under the protection of our own laws, subject to the Constitution. The Council was composed of about fifty members, several of whom were not members of the Church. We prepared several memorials to Congress for the redress of our grievances, and used every available means to inform ourselves of the unoccupied territory open to settlers. We held a number of sessions, and investigated the principles upon which our national government is founded; and the true foundation and principles of all governments.10 ' John D. Lee, A Mormon Chronicle: the Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876, Robert G. Cleland and Juanita Brooks, eds. (2 vols., San Marino, California, 1955), I, 80. 10 Brigham Young, "History of Brigham Young," Latter-day Saints' Millennial Star (Liverpool, 1844), XXVI, 328.

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An entry in Joseph Smith's history under the same date confirms the account given by Brigham Young. He outlines the responsibilities of the council in these words: . . . to take into consideration . . . the best policy for this people to adopt to obtain their rights from the nation and insure protection for themselves and children; and to secure a resting place in the mountains, or some other uninhabited region, where we can enjoy the liberty of conscience guaranteed to us by the Constitution of our country, rendered doubly sacred by the precious blood of our fathers, and denied to us by the present authorities who have smuggled themselves into power in the states and nation.11 Benjamin F. Johnson was a member of the council as originally organized in Nauvoo. He continued as a member in Utah in 1848 and is listed as one of the original members in a list made in 1880. He had a long and continuous membership in the council and a close association with its officers. In 1903, at the age of eighty-five, he wrote of the council as follows: Its settings were always strictly private, and all its rules were carefully and promptly observed . . . I was present at every session, and being about the youngest member of that Council (in Nauvoo) I was deeply impressed with all that transpired, or was taught by the Prophet.12 In territorial Utah the Council of Fifty, or General Council, was the policy-making body of the Kingdom of God. It was the body from which policies for the civil government of men on the earth were to emanate. It was the policy-making body; the legislature of the State of Deseret was the legislative agency required to put these policies into law; and the executive branch, with Brigham Young as governor, was charged with the administration of the laws so formulated. The council was charged with the responsibility of seeing that all men were protected in their God-given rights as individuals and as free men in all phases of life, and with the inauguration and carrying out of such plans of government as would assure co-operation and unity as well as freedom. 11

Joseph Smith, op. cit., VI, 260-61. " Benjamin F. Johnson, letter to Elder George S. Gibbs, pp. 7-9. This letter was written in 1903 at the instance of the First Presidency, and a typescript copy is on file in the Brigham Young University library.

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In order to carry out these responsibilities properly, the council met in frequent study and business sessions where they were expected to become thoroughly familiar with the Constitution of the United States and with the constitutions of all nations. This knowledge would be necessary if they were to understand the relationship between these laws and the laws of God given by revelation for the temporal governance of men on the earth. This council was not to act solely on revelation apart from human or man-made laws. It was not to set up and operate a system of law functioning "separate and apart" from the world in which men lived. Its sessions were private and guarded by a set of rules designed to insure secrecy. Its meetings were "closed session hearings." Its members were influential men in both church and state. Membership in the Council of Fifty was considered a high honor.13 The following reconstruction of some of the political and civic activities of the council has been made from what sources are available. The evidence is still not complete, and therefore some of the conclusions drawn may later prove to be in error. If the records and minute books of the council were available they might change our understanding of the direction in which the activities of this council eventually moved, but it is doubtful if they would change what has been said of the purposes for which the council was organized originally. POLITICAL AND CIVIL ACTIVITIES OF T H E COUNCIL The council initiated and supervised the preparation of memorials to Congress, both for the redress of previous grievances and as petitions for the granting of statehood to the people of Deseret, or Utah. Several of these memorials were prepared by the council while the Mormons were still in Nauvoo. After the Council of Fifty had directed the westward migration of the Mormons in 1847, they met to consider means of government in the new territory. According to the diary of John D. Lee, private secretary to Brigham Young, the council met in Salt Lake City on December 9, 1848, to set up the planned State of Deseret. He says that the council: . . . took into consideration the propriety of petitioning Congress for a Territorial Government, giving them to understand at the same time that we wanted officers of our own nomination . . . "Minutes of the Council of Fifty, April 10, 1880. An entry reads, "Being called into the council appears to me to be one of the greatest steps in my life. F.M.L." This entry is quoted from a typewritten copy in die Brigham Young University library.

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Prs. B. Young was nominated and voted to be governor of said Territory; Willard Richards, Secretary; Heber C. Kimble, Chief Judge; N . K. Whitney & P. P. Pratt, Associate Judges; Dr. J. M. Burnhisal, Marshal. The Territory to be called Desarett " On January 6, 1849, the council considered a report of a committee which had previously been appointed to set the boundaries of the State of Deseret. On December 27, 1849, a memorial was prepared by the legislative council of the Provisional Government of Deseret praying for admission into the Union as a state, or for a territorial government. On March 28, 1851, the legislature of the State of Deseret passed a formal motion dissolving the State of Deseret. It is generally known to students of Utah history that the State of Deseret and its legislative and executive branches continued to function for at least another twenty years after formal dissolution in 1851. Some have called this the "ghost" government of the "Ghost State of Deseret." In reality the federally established territorial government of Utah was the de jure government; the State of Deseret was the de facto government; and the Council of Fifty or General Council was the policymaking body for the civil government of Utah from 1848 to 1870, if not later. INTERLOCKING MEMBERSHIPS OF T H E COUNCIL W I T H OTHER GROUPS Up to this point discussion has centered largely on the philosophy and functioning of the Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty. The more specific question is that of the working relationships between the Council of Fifty and the various civil and political bodies in Utah. Insight into the principle upon which the Council of Fifty operated in its relationship with other governing and policy-making bodies is gained in a rule laid down in a meeting of the Council of Fifty on February 17, 1849. The subject under discussion was the membership of a proposed committee to direct and control the use of the South Farm in Great Salt Lake Valley. President Brigham Young appointed Amasa Lyman to nominate members of this committee. John D. Lee records that Brigham Young voiced no objection to the nominations provided the committee chairman was J. D. Lee. ' John D. Lee, loc. cit.

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. . . and further said that when a man was taken out of this Council to do business, let that man be the chairman of whatever committy he may belong to, thus the chairman can report to the Council.15 This system of interlocking chairmanships and directorships permitted the Council of Fifty or the General Council to know what each of the various agencies of government â&#x20AC;&#x201D; civil, political, economic, or educational â&#x20AC;&#x201D; was planning and to influence their decisions without having identical personnel in the governing bodies of all these civil agencies of government. Information given in volume VI of Joseph Smith's History of the Church and in the diary of Hosea Stout allows the compilation of a list of members, admittedly not all-inclusive or official, of the Council of Fifty in Nauvoo. A comparison of this list with a list of school officials in Nauvoo shows that at least ten civic and religious leaders had joint membership on the Council of Fifty and on the roster of school officials. Out of fourteen elected civil officers for the city of Nauvoo in 1845, at least seven were members of the Council of Fifty. A list of members of the Council of Fifty in Salt Lake City in 184849 can be compiled from lists given in the diaries of John D. Lee and Hosea Stout. A comparison of this list with the lists of officers of the State of Deseret on various dates is most enlightening. John D. Lee gives two lists of officers for the State of Deseret, one slate chosen on December 9,1848,16 and the other on March 4,1849.17 The six officers nominated on December 9, 1848, were all members of the Council of Fifty. On March 4, 1849, an enlarged slate of officers was nominated. Of the thirteen men nominated on that date, ten are known to have been members of the Council of Fifty. Neff in his History of Utah is aware of the nominations of "Brigham Young's Council" on March 4 and the election on March 12. He did not seem to have been aware of the actions of the Council of Fifty in the preceding November. Thus the entry in the Lee diary places the actual selection of the first set of officers for the Provisional State of Deseret by the Council of Fifty at a date earlier than has been supposed. When the election was held on March 12, 1849, there were eleven men elected as principal officers of the State of Deseret, all of whom were members of the Council of Fifty. '" Ibid., 90-92. Ibid., 80. Ibid., 98-99,

10 17

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It seems clear from evidence already presented that the Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty were still strong and active in 1870. A typewritten copy of extracts from the minutes of the Council of Fifty for April, 1880, on file in the Brigham Young University library, when coupled with the entry from the journal of L. John Nuttall for March 29, 1880, previously cited, gives evidence that reorganization, reactivation, and enlargement of the Council of Fifty took place in April, 1880. The extracts from the minutes list thirty-six "old" members and thirteen new members added in 1880. A combination of these lists makes possible certain other comparisons of interlocking memberships of the Council of Fifty and civil officers. It is significant, perhaps, that four out of six of the territorial delegates to Congress from Utah are known to have been members of the Council of Fifty. There is good reason to believe that John T. Caine, a fifth delegate, may also have been a council member. J. F. Kinney, the other territorial delegate, was a former non-Mormon judge who was highly sympathetic to the Mormon cause and who performed admirable service for the Mprmons in Washington. Four out of eight territorial superintendents of public schools are also known to have been members of the Council of Fifty. At least five members of the Council of Fifty were members of the Central Committee of the People's party in 1887. Thirteen out of thirtyfour members of the territorial legislature in 1882 were members of the Council of Fifty. The principle enunciated by Brigham Young in 1849, that members of the Council of Fifty should be key members of other civic bodies rather than having the membership rolls identical, becomes more evident later in Utah's territorial history when a wider selection of Mormon leadership was available and as non-Mormon residents began to secure seats on these civil and educational governing bodies. Membership in the presiding councils of the Mormon Church did not bring automatic membership in the Council of Fifty, nor was membership in those councils of the church a prerequisite to membership in the council. Non-Mormons had been members of the Council of Fifty from the time of its organization in Nauvoo. This Council of Fifty was not to direct the organization or activities of the Mormon Church, as George Miller and Alexander Badlam, two members of the council, learned when they made such a suggestion to Brigham Young and other church leaders in Nauvoo following the death of Joseph Smith.

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CONTINUING ACTIVITIES OF T H E COUNCIL OF FIFTY AND T H E STATE OF DESERET In January, 1862, the State of Deseret held a Constitutional Convention at which another memorial for statehood was drafted and sent to Congress. On March 9, 1862, Brigham Young in a public address at a religious gathering made it clear that the ideas and principles espoused by the Council of Fifty and the Kingdom of God were still in operation. He said: The kingdom of God has sustained me a good while, and I mean to stick to it. We shall form a State Government, and you need not fear any consequences that may arise from such a course.... .. . When Mr. Fillmore appointed me Governor of Utah, I proclaimed openly that my Priesthood should govern and control that office. I am of the same mind today. We have not received our election returns; but, should I be elected Governor of the State of Deseret, that office shall be sustained and controlled by the power of the eternal Priesthood of the Son of God, or I will walk the office under my feet. Hear it, both Saint and sinner, and send it to the uttermost parts of the earth, that whatever office I hold from any Government on this earth shall honor the Government of heaven, or I will not hold it.18 The next January (1863) as governor of the State of Deseret Brigham Young delivered two messages to the legislature. In the public message he referred to the failure of Congress to grant statehood to Deseret, ascribing the failure to a busy Congress "heavily burdened with duties pertaining to the conduct of the War." On the same day (January 19, 1863) he also delivered a special private message to the General Assembly of the State of Deseret as its de facto governor. This message gives evidence that the concepts of the Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty were very much alive and in evidence. He clearly outlines the reasons for continuing the government of the State of Deseret despite the fact that Utah had had a territorial government with federally appointed officers since 1850: Many may not be able to tell why we are in this capacity. I do not think you see this thing as it is. Our organization will 18 Brigham Young, "Constitutional Power of the Congress of the United States; Growth of the Kingdom of God," Journal of Discourses, X, 38-42.

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be kept up. We may not do much at present in this capacity, yet what we have done or will do will have its effect. . . . This body of men will give laws to the nations of the earth. We have met here in our second Annual Legislature. [The State of Deseret was formally dissolved in 1851 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; it was evidently formally reorganized in 1861.] . . . We are called the State Legislature, but when the time comes, we shall be called the Kingdom of God . .. the time will come when we will give laws to the nations of the earth. Joseph Smith organized this government before, in Nauvoo, and he said if we did our duty, we should prevail over all our enemies.19 Highly significant is Brigham Young's statement that the State of Deseret in 1863 was the government organized by Joseph Smith in Nauvoo, which would be called the Kingdom of God and give laws to the nations of the earth. This seems to equate the Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty with the State of Deseret in 1863. The General Assembly of the State of Deseret may have been but another name for the General Council or the Council of Fifty, which by this time may have had an enlarged membership. The existence of this fourth government in Utah was referred to in a letter from Governor James Duane Doty to William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States, on January 28,1865: There are three distinct governments in this Territory: The Church, the Military, and the civil. In the exercise of their several powers collisions cannot always be avoided; but I am glad to report that during the past year none have occurred. But the leaders of "the church" . . . in 1861, formed an independent government called the State of Deseret. . . . For the information of the Department I herewith transmit a copy of a paper containing the proceedings of the Governor and Legislature of this embryo State at a session held in this city on the 23rd of this month, by which it will be perceived this fourth government is now fully inaugerated.20 19 Brigham Young, Special Message to the General Assembly of the State of Deseret, in Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, entry of January 19, 1863, in Church Historian's Office, Salt Lake City. M Utah Governor (James Duane Doty) Report to Honorable W. H . Seward, Secretary of State, United States Department of State, Territorial Papers, Utah Series, Vol. II, January 28, 1865.

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SUMMARY The foregoing discussion seems to establish without much doubt that there was organized in Nauvoo, Illinois, on March 11, 1844, a Council of Fifty to serve as the policy-making body of the Kingdom of God which the Latter-day Saints were seeking to establish in preparation for the Second coming of Jesus Christ to reign as King. It seems rather certain from the evidence that it was this Council of Fifty which formulated the policies and handled the relationships with the federal government and which directed the efforts of the Latter-day Saints, and those non-Mormon friends who would join with them, in their political, civil, and educational activities. Although evidence has not been offered in this discussion, there is every reason to believe that the council directed the economic activities of the Kingdom as well. The aims and purposes of this Kingdom and council were not directed primarily to the conversion of the world to Mormonism, as that was the province of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The efforts of the council and Kingdom were directed toward the establishment of an equitable form of government that would protect all men in their God-given rights and in their free agency and the establishment of a society in which the freedoms would thrive. So far-reaching into every phase of society in territorial Utah is the concept of the Kingdom of God and its accompanying body of control, the General Council, that it might be stated that a significant history of Utah cannot be written which does not take into consideration the influence of these ideas on both the Mormon and non-Mormon populations of the state.

LAKE BONNI ( A WATtR »ODV Or THfc QUATJBKAHV

B Y « K-tiiiJitmr. 1 U ( i . l b w t T l u n i . | « o n U>*-4 V i II A.W'lwwtM- niHt A I W 1 I. Vatwtttr

Boundaries of Lake Bonneville, as it existed about 25,000 years ago, are shown in this map published in 1890 by G. K. Gilbert. The lake drained through Red Rock .pass, located at the northern end of what is now Cache Valley in southern Idaho.

LAKE

BONNEVILLE, AND

ITS

NAME

HISTORY

By Rufus Wood Leigh*

The first historical allusion to the Great Salt Lake is in the journal of the Dominguez-Escalante Expedition from Santa Fe in 1776. Their informants were Lake Utah Indians; but no member of the party came north actually to view the lake. It was recorded: ".. . its waters occupy many leagues, its waters are very harmful and very salty." J Etienne Provot may have seen the lake as early as 1820.2 Great Salt Lake was discovered by James Bridger late in 1824. He floated down the Bear River from the trappers' rendezvous in Willow (Cache) Valley in a bullboat to decide a wager relative to the place where the Bear debouches. He tasted the salty water of the Lake and reported his discovery upon his return to the rendezvous.3 It was then surmised that the salt water Bridger discovered was an arm of the Pacific Ocean. In the spring of 1826 four of William Sublette's men, based at the Rocky Mountain Fur Company's rendezvous at the present site of * Dr. Leigh is a dental pathologist and a physical anthropologist. He has written one volume of separate papers on histo-pathology and one on physical anthropology. The paper here published is an excerpt from a book manuscript entided "Place Names of the Great Basin and Colorado Plateaus." Early spellings of names have been used. 1 Herbert E. Bolton, Pageant in the Wilderness (Salt Lake City, 1950). 2 Frederick S. Dellenbaugh, Fremont and '49 (New York, 1914), 42. 3 See J. Cecil Alter, James Bridger (Salt Lake City, 1925).

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Ogden, circumnavigated the Great Salt Lake in bullboats to determine any outlet and to make searching quests for new beaver streams. As a result of this exploration the myth concerning the connection of Bridger's "salt water" with the Pacific Ocean was dispelled. Captain Benjamin Louis Eulalie de Bonneville, who had never seen the great salt sheet, and the account of whose travels was glamorized and published by Washington Irving in 1837, had the audacity to give Bridger's "salt water" his own name on revised maps of Madison and Gallatin. Bonneville's name did not adhere to the "salt water." However, Captain Bonneville was recompensed, posthumously, later in the century for this loss of desired fame. John C. Fremont came north from the Rio Severo (Sevier River) into Utah Valley on May 24, 1844, and encamped on the bottoms of the Spanish Fork. Speaking of the Indian name of the principal affluent of Lake Utah, Timpanogo (Provo River), Fremont wrote: "It is probable that this river furnished the name which on the older maps has been generally applied to the Great Salt Lake; but for this I have preferred a name which will be regarded as highly characteristic, . . ." The distinctive qualities of the waters of this lake required and received a name truly descriptive, and it was John Charles Fremont who put the seal on the name on the maps, Great Salt Lake. Captain B. L. E. Bonneville in his explorations and beaver pelt enterprises in the Northwest was more than once within sixty miles of Great Salt Lake while seeking beaver on the Malad River, but lacked sufficient interest to visit this phenomenal lake. He and his brilliant publicist, Washington Irving, deservedly failed in their attempt to give the lake his name. But Bonneville was a man of parts; his career during the trapper era was impressive; and in the last quarter of the nineteenth century his name was chosen by a great geologist for that of the immense extinct geologic lake of the Great Basin â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Lake Bonneville. From this circumstance his name has currently become the mode in the Salt Lake Valley. Let us develop these historic elements. T H E TRAPPER ERA: 1820-1839 Into the vast Rocky Mountain and Pacific Northwest regions French-Canadian and American trappers and traders penetrated in the third and fourth decades of the nineteenth century, primarily in pursuit of the pelts of the beaver. The economy dependent on this most interesting of Rocky Mountain fur-bearers was far-flung, ruthless, and lucra-

LAKE

BONNEVILLE

153

tive. Beaver-inhabited streams were hunted for in this vast domain; when found, the beaver was trapped until extinct. Previously agreedupon temporary meeting places known as rendezvous were hives of activity at certain seasons for trappers, traders, and Indian associates. Here the trappers relinquished their stores of peltries and accepted therefor annual supplies for life in the mountains, including cheap whiskey for themselves and with which to debauch the helpless Indians. Rendezvous in Utah included: Brown's Hole on the Green, where the canyon widens to a small verdant bottom; Fort Du Chesne and Fort Rubedeau on the Uinta; Ogden's Hole on the Ogden River; another on or near the present site of Ogden; and those in Cache Valley, on the Malade, and on the upper Provot River. All these places are imprinted with personal and other names from the Trapper Era. The trappers and factors of Hudson's Bay Company and later of the rival Northwest Company monopolized the tremendous Pacific Northwest and extended their suzerainty as far south as the Provot River and east to the Du Chesne and Uinta rivers in Utah. The American fur trade was based at St. Louis. General William H. Ashley of that city was the pre-eminent leader of this economy on the Green, its tributaries, and the adjoining regions. His was the great name in the Utah valleys in the 1820's. Outstanding contemporary characters were James Bridger, Jedediah S. Smith, Peter Skene Ogden, William Sublette, and the famous voyageur, Etienne Provot â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all of whom have given the region their names. Ashley put the stamp of his great personality on this decade, 1820-1830, as did Bonneville on the next, 1830-1839. Benjamin Louis Eulalie de Bonneville was of French birth; he was a graduate of the United States Military Academy (1819) and a close friend of the Marquis de Lafayette. As a lieutenant in the United States Army he had been stationed at Indian outposts on the western frontier and had become enamored of the wilderness with its lure for fame and fortune, both of which definitely interested this young officer. In 1832 Captain Bonneville secured leave of absence from the army, ostensibly for exploration of the Far West, which the government encouraged; actually he was more interested in his private fortune. He was financed by New York friends and immediately undertook to get rich quickly by exploiting the fur trade. His exploits were on the upper Green, the Snake, the Salmon, and the Columbia rivers. He took geocraphic notes, redrew and adapted maps originally made by Madison and others of the inland mountain domain, and, although he had never

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seen fit to view the great salt sheet or explore it, applied his name to it on his revised maps of Great Salt Lake. Grove K. Gilbert, geologist, in the Second Annual Report of the United States Geographical Surveys, 1874, writes: "Captain Bonneville, . . . traveling in the interest of the fur trade but with the spirit of exploration, took notes of geographic value (1833), which were put in shape and published after a lapse of some years by Washington Irving, and his map is probably the first which represents interior drainage." It is true that Bonneville's lieutenant, Joseph R. Walker, with a detachment of rough men left him in 1833 at their rendezvous on the Snake and proceeded southwesterly. Walker skirted the northwest shore of the salt lake and continued on an historic exploration across northern Nevada. He entered the Humboldt River Valley a short distance east of the site of Elko; traversed the river to its outlet in the Sink; climbed the High Sierra northwest of Mono Lake; discovered Yosemite; then proceeded down the Merced into the San Joaquin Valley and on to Monterey, the seat of Mexican government in Alta California. Thus, Walker certainly did not stay in the Salt Lake Basin to make any important observations, record notes, or sketch any maps of the lake shore, streams, or character of the terrain. When he left Captain Bonneville on the Snake, his association with the genial captain was permanently severed. Bonneville's later claim to vicarious exploration of the Great Salt Lake through his former associate was made after a lapse of several years; the claim was tenuous and undocumented. He did not relate to his gifted raconteur, Washington Irving, any directive to his supposed lieutenant, nor did he give the resultant details of Walker's exploration. Bonneville's claim, through Irving, of exploration of the Great Salt Lake by substitution must be viewed as Washington Irving literature, not as history. The cultivated Irving made Bonneville's claim of exploration of the Great Salt Lake Basin4 amply plausible, to the degree that forty years later the distinguished geologist, Grove Karl Gilbert, was unduly influenced by the narrative, for which there was no historical validity. The definitive documentation of the naming of Lake Bonneville by Grove Karl Gilbert is as follows. Gilbert and Howell were geologists with the Wheeler Survey west of the one hundredth meridian in 1872, and in the published report of the survey Gilbert writes: * Washington Irving, The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A., in the Rocky Mountains and the Far West (.New York, 1837, 1850).

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Lat\e Bonneville â&#x20AC;&#x201D; From considerations . . . I have come to regard as phenomena of the Glacial epoch a series of lakes, of which the beaches and sediments are to be found at many points in the Great Basin. The greatest of these . . . covered a large area in western Utah, including the valleys now occupied by Sevier, Utah, and Great Salt Lakes, and its limits and history have been so far indicated by our examination, that I venture to propose for it the name of Bonneville, in honor of Capt. B. L. E. Bonneville, who first afforded an authentic account of Great Salt Lake.5 Captain Bonneville was not scientific, as was Captain Fremont in the next decade, and his wanderings in the wilderness did not bring forth any new geographic facts of note. His proceeds from the fur trade were mediocre, due in a measure to the ruthless competition of the British interests in the Northwest. He failed to submit reports to his army superiors and overstayed his leave, with the result that his name was removed from the army rosters. Recent historical writers have attempted to rationalize the facts of Bonneville's long absence from the army, his removal from the officers' list, and his later reimbursement for emoluments lost during his stay in the wilderness, as indicative of his real mission in the disputed Oregon country â&#x20AC;&#x201D; namely, as a covert agent of the Washington government. Bonneville's procedures, objectives, results, and the chronology of events do not warrant this assumption. His career in the disputed Oregon Territory cannot be compared with explorations in Mexican Territory by Fremont in the next decade, who received almost open subsidies from the government. "Non-the-less," says one writer, "he [Bonneville] gave the seal to the fourth decade of the century in breaking the unknown areas, as Ashley had to the third, and after him, as Fremont to the fifth." Bonneville demonstrated much adroitness and self-sufficiency.in traversing the virgin land; he was popular with his followers and was a most successful conciliator of the Indians. Following his exploits on the SnakeColumbia drainage during the fourth decade, he received more glamorous publicity than any trapper, trader or explorer. As has been stated, without much effort of his own Captain Bonneville won acclaim through his raconteur, the famed writer Washington Irving. The explorer's notes and maps, after a lapse of several years, were edited 5 Grove Karl Gilbert, Report upon United States Geographical Surveys West of the One Hundredth Meridian, in Charge of Captain George M. Wheeler, Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army, . . Vol. III. Geology (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1875), 88.

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by Irving, whose publication, The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A., in the Rocky Mountains and the Far West, made for the captain a name with which to conjure. Bonneville's modified map of the Great Salt Lake indicating interior drainage, a basin, was the first to be published, but it remained for Fremont in the next decade to give to the world a clear concept of the Great Basin. Hiram Chittenden, historian of the American fur trade, says of the genial captain: "After all it will not be far wrong to say that the greatest service which Captain Bonneville rendered his country was by falling into the hands of Washington Irving." By extension, the present writer adds â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and posthumously into the arms of the learned geologist, Grove K. Gilbert, nearly a halfcentury later. As mentioned above, although Bonneville (and Irving) failed to impart his name to the great salt sheet in the Great Basin, it was perpetuated as the name of Great Salt Lake's predecessor lake of the Ice Age by the eminent government geologist of the area, Grove Karl Gilbert, in 1875. Gilbert's monograph6 on the Pleistocene Lake Bonneville is the authoritative classic on the subject. PLEISTOCENE LAKES OF T H E GREAT BASIN In some semiarid regions not covered by the ice sheet, the climate of the Pleistocene, or Glacial Epoch, seems to have been more moist than at present and before glacial times. This fact is brought out by a study of the Great Basin. Great Salt Lake is a remnant of a Pleistocene lake which was many times larger. This fossil, or geologic, lake extended westward from the base of the Wasatch Mountains, covered all of Utah west of the present lake, or the region known as the Great Salt Lake Desert, and extended southward, including the Sevier Desert and Lake, with arms to the west in White Valley and in Snake Valley at the Nevada line. From the Sevier Desert a long arm extended far south to cover the Escalante Valley in Beaver and Iron counties; an eastern bay included Lake Utah and Valley, connected to the main body by a narrow neck at Jordan Narrows; while to the north the Cache Valley Bay extended 130 miles to Red Rock Pass in southern Idaho. Lake Bonneville at its maximum size covered an area of 17,000 square miles and was 1,000 feet deep. During the epoch of moisture and at the lake's maximum, there was a tremendous breakout from its basin. Red Rock "Grove Karl Gilbert, Lake Bonneville (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1890).

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Pass afforded this outlet into the Portneuf River, a branch of the SnakeColumbia drainage into the Pacific. Through the pass a torrent flowed, cutting away the alluvium deposits to a sill of solid rock. The lake level was then without oscillations for some time: intake became equal to evaporation. Toward the end of the Glacial Epoch there was a return to an arid climate and intake subsequently became less than evaporation, with consequent shrinkage of the former body of fresh water to its present area and maximum depth of only fifty feet, i.e., Great Salt Lake. As the lake shrank all the soluble salts of the larger lake, as well as those brought into the lake basin since that time, have accumulated to form the present exceedingly saline waters. The salt density is about seventeen per cent â&#x20AC;&#x201D; three times that of the ocean. Thus, not only Great Salt Lake and brackish Sevier Lake, but also fresh water Lake Utah are remnants of the former geologic lake â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Bonneville. The Bonneville terraces, marking stationary levels of Lake Bonneville, are conspicuous features of the Utah landscape. The two most important shorelines are the Bonneville and the Provo, the former marking the maximum depth of the lake. The outpouring torrent through Red Rock Pass drained the lake down to the Provo terrace, or shoreline, and reduced the lake's area by one-third; there was a vertical drop of 375 feet. The Provo level remained stationary for a considerable period, producing the most marked shore terrace; it is conspicuous because it is strangely sculptured. There are many terraces less well marked than the Provo which record shorter stationary periods in the lake's area and depth. These terraces are colloquially called "benches." The terraces are well marked on the north end of the Oquirrh Mountains where the present lake shore approaches the mountain. As one floats in the brine of the present lake he may observe these Oquirrh shorelines. Historically, the first recorded observations of these former shores were made by Captain John C. Fremont in October, 1845, as he passed around the southern shore of Great Salt Lake and headed across the Salt Desert toward Pilot Peak. No one in the Mormon community saw any geologic history in these conspicuous terrain "benches." But in 1849-50 Captain Howard Stansbury in making his exploration and survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake observed older, higher shorelines marked by driftwood; and farther back and much higher he noted lines of erosion and, in some areas, deposits which marked with certainty ancient shorelines. All along the east side of the Great Salt Lake Valley from Brigham City southward, and particularly at the southern end of the valley at

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"the point of the mountain" or the traverse spur of the Wasatch, the terraces are well marked. An observant eye will discern them on outlier buttes on the Sevier Desert and on one near Franklin, Idaho. These lines are in some places made by deposits of gravel and in others by notches cut by the waves in hard rock. The Great Bar at Stockton, on the west base of the Oquirrh Mountains, was thrown across the strait between Tooele Valley — a bay of the main lake — and the small Rush Valley bay to the south, by the oscillations of the waters at this narrow pass. The Stockton Bar elicits the attention of laymen as a great manmade embankment or dyke. A similar but less discrete, and thus less noticeable, deposition of lucustrine gravel is found at the Jordan Narrows between the main lake in the Salt Lake Valley and the lesser Utah Valley bay. Lake La Hontan in northwestern Nevada was the sister lake of Bonneville during the Glacial Epoch. This geologic fresh water lake in the Great Basin occupied an immense, very irregular area. Lake La Hontan spread out through most of the lower valleys; the mountain ranges stood as islands or peninsulas, and the shore outline was thus a veritable labyrinth. In outline Lake La Hontan was more irregular than any other lake, recent or fossil. La Hontan was deepest at the present Pyramid Lake, five hundred feet above the present water surface. La Hontan had no outlet, as did Bonneville temporarily; its waters were dissipated entirely by evaporation. This geologic lake left several residual or remnant lakes in northwestern Nevada: Pyramid, Winnemucca, Humboldt, Carson, and Walker. The Humboldt River, in its lower course, meanders in the bed of this ice-age lake for a hundred miles southwestward from the lake's eastern crest near Golconda. This extinct Nevada lake was named by Clarence King of the United States Geological Survey in honor of Baron La Hontan, a noted early explorer of the headwaters of the Mississippi River. Thus the United States Geological Survey named the two Pleistocene lakes of the Great Basin for explorers of French birth, neither of whom explored the Great Basin. This is analogous to the naming of the Humboldt River by Fremont for the great German geographer, Baron von Humboldt, who had never been on the North American Continent. BONNEVILLE — T H E MODE This is the story of Bonneville, the lake name. Thus in exploration, in geography, in geology, in history, in literature, in contemporary life in the Salt Lake Basin as well as on the Snake-Columbia system, the name Bonneville is permanently fixed and amazingly on the ascendancy.

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Captain Bonneville's explorations and exploits were on the SnakeColumbia drainage, not in the Great Salt Lake Basin, so historically it is fitting that his melodious French surname should be applied in that area. Bonneville is the name of a town in Wyoming on the Green River drainage where Captain Bonneville first engaged in the fur trade. On the upper reaches of the Snake River in eastern Idaho is Bonneville County, of which Idaho Falls is the seat; in that city is the Hotel Bonneville in which a first-rate portrait and a sketch of Captain Bonneville are on the wall. On the lower Columbia River, upstream from Portland, is Bonneville Dam with its shipping locks and fish ladders â&#x20AC;&#x201D; one of the greatest reclamation dams in the United States. Back of the dam is Bonneville Lake, which extends for many miles upstream in the Columbia River gorge. Manifestly, as a local Salt Lake Valley style there is a popular trend toward the displacement by Bonneville of the hallowed though commercialized name Deseret. The euphonious French surname has been applied in general to the terraces of the ancient lake, to the renowned automobile speedway on the salt flats of the Great Salt Lake Desert, to a chemical refining company of that area, to a Salt Lake City public school, to a street, to a golf club, a dinner-lecture club, a Mormon chapel and administrative unit, a hotel dining-room, and a motel. Does the name Bonneville cast a hypnotic or commercial spell, that its use is so common as to be almost nonsensical ?

The Hole-in-the-Rock as it appears from the top. Through this notch in the Colorado River Canyon wall, 6 miles upstream from the confluence of the Colorado and San Juan rivers, the pioneers chiseled, blasted, and hand-built a road from the mesa to the river 1800 feet below.

THE

S A N JUAN

MISSION

CALL

By David E. Miller*

It is the voice of the Lord to me to go and I am going by the help of the Almighty. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; fens Nielson Brigham Young was probably the greatest colonizer America has produced. Under his leadership the Latter-day Saints Church moved to the Valley of the Great Salt Lake and from that point branched out in all directions, discovering, exploring and settling not just the Great Basin but the whole Intermountain West. The pioneers of this great colonizing movement truly made the "desert blossom as the rose" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and a good deal of the exploring and colonizing was in real desert country. A common and practical method of colonization developed by the church was to call people on missions to colonize any region the leaders wanted occupied at a given time. When called, most families gladly responded, often leaving well-established homes, farms and other business enterprises, taking all their possessions into rough untried country. There was no assurance that the new home would prove satis* Dr. Miller is professor of history at the University of Utah, Salt Lake City. This article is an adaptation of the first chapter of his forthcoming book, "Hole-In-The-Rock, An Epic in the Mormon Colonization of the Great American West," which deals primarily with the six-months' trek of the original pioneer expedition to the San Juan.

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factory, that sufficient water would be available for crops, or that rivers would not flood the new settlements. But the missionaries called seem not to have been too much concerned about such economic and temporal matters. They usually considered their call an opportunity to serve, and once they had accepted there would be no turning back until the mission had been accomplished. Sometimes the assignment seemed virtually impossible, the difficulties to be overcome almost too great; yet somehow all obstacles were surmounted! When Brigham Young died in 1877 the colonization program which he had launched had not been completed. Among the areas not yet settled was southeastern Utah. For several years expansion had been in that general direction, but only one settlement had been attempted east of the Colorado — the Elk Mountain Mission at Moab — and that had been abandoned. A study of this colonization program indicates that it was a part of church policy to plant settlements in all available areas — to occupy all usable farm and grazing land. This expansion was natural and inevitable since the Mormon settlers were always looking beyond the horizon for more and better acres. Furthermore, some of the rapidly growing Utah communities needed outlets to relieve their growing pains. It was in addition to this spontaneous, natural expansion that the church at times found it desirable to organize official colonizing "missions" for the purpose of occupying definite areas. This was especially true when the region to be colonized was too remote for natural expansion or so thoroughly unknown that little or no interest had been shown in it. Such was the case with the San Juan "Four Corners" area — Mormon colonists were just not moving into it of their own accord. Church leaders seem to have been anxious to obtain the San Juan area before it should be taken by non-Mormons. Recent mining booms in southwestern Colorado had resulted in a rather extensive migration to that region; some stock men were moving to the same area. Also, the region was becoming known as a rendezvous for outlaws. But Mormon settlers were slow to go in that direction. Furthermore, the late 1870's was a period of rather extreme antagonism and increasing friction between Mormons and non-Mormons in Utah. The federal campaign against polygamy was rapidly gaining momentum. Although the Latterday Saints Church considered this campaign an unconstitutional violation of religious freedom and justified resistance to the anti-bigamy act on that ground, the United States Supreme Court handed down its deci-

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sion in the famous and important Reynolds case of 18791 upholding the anti-polygamy law. In spite of this court ruling, however, there was another decade of conflict and ill-will before the church finally abandoned the practice of plural marriage.2 During those same years also, an intense struggle was being waged between Mormons and non-Mormons for political control of Salt Lake City and the whole territory of Utah. In view of tiiese and various other developments, it is understandable why church leaders had reason to be very conscious of the increasing numbers of non-Mormons in their midst and why they would be interested in occupying all available "border lands" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; if for no other reason than to keep non-Mormons from obtaining these same lands. Although this may not be considered the main objective or reason for the San Juan Mission, it must certainly be considered an important factor. Another very definite reason for establishing a settlement on the San Juan was to provide satisfactory homes for Mormon converts from the southern states. Many of these people had located in south central Colorado but had expressed considerable dissatisfaction because of the severity of the winters. It was believed the warmer climate of the San Juan Valley might solve this problem.3 Important as were the foregoing reasons for colonizing the San Juan area, however, the primary objective of the mission was to cultivate better relations with the Indians and lay the foundations for future permanent Mormon settlements. In spite of the L.D.S. Church's attitude of friendliness toward the natives there had been considerable friction between the two peoples. As Mormon settlements were being established in southern Utah and northern Arizona during the fifties, sixties, and seventies, roving Navajos and Paiutes, long accustomed to plundering their neighbors, found the flocks and herds of the newly arrived whites an irresistible booty. Being well acquainted with all possible crossings of the Colorado River, small parties of Indians often raided the outlying settlements, drove off stock, and disappeared into secret hideouts southeast of the river, beyond the reach of their pursuers. A natural outgrowth of this cattle rustling activity was spasmodic border warfare that resulted in numerous armed clashes and many dead 'Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S., 145-69. This case is cited in numerous books devoted to studies of religious freedom in America. 'During the late 1880's the L.D.S. Church began modifying its views regarding the practice of plural marriage; in 1890 the Manifesto forbidding die practice was adopted. 3 Letters on file in the L.D.S. Church Historian's library as well as information contained in die San Juan Stake History [MS] furnish abundant proof of this.

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on both sides. During the late 1860's this warfare became so fierce that some Mormon outposts such as Kanab and Pipe Springs had to be abandoned temporarily. The diplomatic skill of Jacob Hamblin, Thales Haskell, and others was taxed to the limit in attempts to bring peace to the southern Utah border. The perseverance of Hamblin and his associates succeeded in winning the confidence of the Navajos, with the result that peaceful and legal trading replaced looting and border raids during the early seventies. However, in 1874 three Navajo brothers were killed in an unfortunate tangle with Utah cattlemen, and the whole southern frontier was threatened with full-scale Indian warfare. Albert R. Lyman, in "The Fort on the Firing Line," has very effectively described this phase of Utah history and shown the relationship between these Mormon-Indian hostilities and the evolution of what was to become the San Juan Mission. Says Lyman: The decision of the Church leaders was to plant a little colony of Mormons in the very heart of all this incipient danger; right on the turbulent border between the Navajos and Paiutes, and squarely on the trail of the fugitive desparado wolf pack from all over the west. It was a perilous venture, as the years were to prove, its objectives to be achieved through great sacrifice, hardship and danger. With few in numbers the little colony would be compelled to hang its hopes of survival on the hand of Providence and the faithfulness with which it could wield the agencies of peace. Besides the precarious problem of saving itself with its women and helpless children from the wrath and rapacity of these three breeds of savages, its principal purpose was to save the rest of Utah from further Indian troubles by constituting itself a buffer state between the old settlements and the mischief which might be incubating against them. It was to be a shockabsorber to neutralize what otherwise might develop into another war.4 By 1878 circumstances seemed right; the time had come to put the colonization program into operation. Erastus Snow was given the assignment of perfecting the plan and providing for its successful execution. Southern Utah settlements being nearest the new site were expected to supply most of the colonists. Consequently a mission call "to settle in Arizona or where directed" was made part of the business of * Albert R. Lyman, "Fort on the Firing Line," Improvement Era (Salt Lake City, December, 1948), LI, 797.

THE

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MISSION

Silas S. Smith led the company as far as the Hole-in-the-Rock, tfien went back to campaign for funds for tools and supplies.

165

Platte D. Lyman, appointed to assist Smith, was actually the field captain of the expedition during most of the trek.

the quarterly conference of the Parowan Stake, "held in the Parowan Meeting House" December 28 and 29,1878. At that time a list of names was simply read by the stake clerk.5 In this way people learned that their church was calling them on a mission â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a mission that would require many to give up fine homes and move with all their possessions to a site that had not yet been definitely determined. There seem to have been no prior interviews, no letters in inquiry. People attending the conference heard their names read from the pulpit much as though they were being called to run an errand for the bishop. Those not in attendance would learn from their neighbors and friends that their names were among those "called." If this seems a bit blunt today, we must realize that that was the method tfien used for calling people on missions, be it for a lifetime of colonizing or for two years of proselyting among the Gentiles. The following March 22 and 23 (1879) at the next regular quarterly conference held in Cedar City, more people received similar calls. In the interim Silas S. Smith was named to head the movement, with Platte D. Lyman ultimately chosen as first assistant. 5

Parowan Stake Historical Record, #22125, p. 174, L.D.S. Church Historian's library, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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In the meantime at a meeting held in the Social Hall, Cedar City, January 2, 1879, those named at the recent Parowan conference were given counsel and encouraged to express their feelings regarding the "mission."6 The new colonizing venture was portrayed as being definitely part of the Lord's work; this assignment was to be considered just as important as though they had been called on foreign missions.7 The missionaries were admonished to put their trust in God, and all would be well with them. Single men were advised to seek a bride and to marry, if possible, before the movement got under way. This mission was intended to be a stable, permanent project. In order to further impress the gathering with the importance of their calling, Henry Lunt of the Parowan Stake Presidency "stated that the march of the Saints today was toward the center stake of Zion. . . ." The colonists might very well be the first vanguard of Saints to begin the great trek eastward â&#x20AC;&#x201D; back to Missouri.8 In the course of the meeting, Bishop C. J. ArtJiur informed those present that they were not compelled to accept the call. He "required all to use their agency as to whether they went or not, but advised all who were called to go with a cheerful heart." He further announced that additional volunteers would be accepted should anyone not already called desire to make the trek. The undertaking would require many strong and valiant people if it were to succeed â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and there could be no thought of failure. As the months passed and the time approached for the company actually to get under way, some members had dropped out, others had obtained official releases, and some new families had joined the ranks of the expedition. For those ready to begin the trek, Jens Nielson expressed what was probably the prevailing sentiment: "he felt it [was] the voice of the Lord to him to go and he was going Â° Parowan Stake, Cedar Ward Historical Record, #22183, p. 332. ' In a general sense the term "foreign mission" refers to a proselyting mission outside of Utah, either in one of the other states or in some foreign country. "When the L.D.S. Church established itself in Missouri during the 1830's, diere was created at Jackson County what was called die "Center Stake of Zion." However, due to persecution the church was forced to leave Missouri before this stake had been thoroughly established or the proposed temple built. Since leaving Missouri the church consistently has taught that there will be a return to the "Center Stake" which eventually will become an important Mormon center. This ultimate migration back to Missouri is still part of die long-range church plan; three-quarters of a century ago it was believed by many to be imminent. For a discussion of this element of L.D.S. history and doctrine see B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (6 vols., Salt Lake City, 1930), I.

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MISSION

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by the help of the Almighty. . . ." Â° Kumen Jones, writing late in life, a half-century after the Hole-in-the-Rock trek, expressed what was, no doubt, still the sentiment of the founders of Bluff and that of most of their descendants today. He wrote: There are two powers that work among mortal men, a good and an evil power. Any movements for good and tending to move men upward is always met by evil forces which oppose and fight it. My purpose in this humble effort in writing about it, is to convince my children and my descendants of the fact that this San Juan Mission was planned, and has been carried on thus far, by prophets of the Lord, and that the people engaged in it have been blessed and preserved by the power of the Lord according to their faith and obedience to the counsels of their leaders. No plainer case of the truth of this manifestation of the power of the Lord has ever been shown in ancient or in modern times.10 An important fact that must not be lost sight of is that the precise location of the proposed settlement was indeed very nebulous, not only to those named but to the general church leaders as well. The December, 1878, mission call had been to "settle in Arizona or where directed." Various subsequent communications indicate that the San Juan, Salt, and Grand rivers were all under consideration as possible sites. Accounts which mention the Four Corners region were written long after the establishment of the colony inside the boundaries of Utah. The naming of Silas S. Smith to head the proposed migration turned out to be a deciding factor in the actual location of the new settlement, for he was known to favor the San Juan Valley. As he traveled from town to town arranging for an exploring expedition to go out in the spring of 1879 in search of a satisfactory site, he naturally tended to speak favorably regarding his choice of location and gradually directed the thinking of his followers in that direction. At any rate, when the exploring party got under way in April it was taken for granted that their destination was the San Juan. But the San Juan is a long river; settlements along it might be in Utah, New Mexico, or Colorado; and it must be emphatically pointed out that the actual location "Parowan Stake, Cedar Ward Historical Record, #22183, p. 379, report of Sacrament Meeting in Cedar Ward, Sunday, October 19, 1879. I have taken the liberty of placing this statement in the first person to use as a quotation at the beginning of this chapter. 10 Kumen Jones, preface to die "Writings of Kumen Jones," p. 23.

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of the Mission at Bluff and Montezuma was the direct result of Smith's exploring expedition, not a result of church directive. The explorers located suitable farmland and then returned to Iron County to escort the bulk of the missionaries to the new sites. However, they had reached the San Juan after a long, difficult journey into Arizona by way of Lee's Ferry, Moenkopi, and the Navajo reservation, and had returned to the settlements over a northern route through Moab, Greenriver, Castle Valley, Salina Canyon, and the Sevier Valley â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a circuit of almost a thousand miles. Surely there must be an easier, shorter way! At j ust the right psychological moment when the missionaries were preparing for the migration, Reuben Collett and Andrew P. Schow arrived at Parowan to report that a satisfactory short cut could be made by way of Escalante. Mission leaders eagerly accepted this good news and decided to use the new route. Not until the main body of pioneers had worked their way deep into the desert southeast of Escalante did they learn that the country ahead had not been explored. Deep gulches and canyons, sheer cliffs, and solid rock buttes blocked the way. But heavy snows in the Escalante Mountains blocked the return route also; so they decided to push ahead at all costs. The major barrier was the Hole-in-the-Rock, a narrow slit in the west rim of the Glen Canyon Gorge. Six weeks of concentrated effort were required to widen that notch and prepare it for wagon traffic. Because of the difficulties experienced there the whole migration has become known as the Holein-the-Rock Expedition. A trek that had been expected to last approximately six weeks stretched out into as many months before the travel-weary train finally struggled onto the riverbottom at the present site of Bluff early in April, 1880. They had completed the most remarkable roadbuilding feat in the history of the West.

The overland telegraph was completed October 18, 1861, on which date Brigham Young sent his historic message. Reproduced by courtesy of Clarence S. Jackson is a William Henry Jackson painting of a Pony Express rider passing the construction workers on the telegraph lines.

"UTAH

HAS NOT S E C E D E D "

A FOOTNOTE

TO LOCAL

HISTORY

By Gaylon L. Caldwell*

Perhaps the single disadvantage of interest in local history is the tendency of its devotees to exaggerate the importance of regional events to the extent that their conception of the mainstream of history is colored, if not positively distorted, by the exaggeration. This proclivity would seem to be more likely in an ethnocentric community such as Utah because it is precisely those who regard history — and particularly their own history — so seriously who are most liable to become unconscious creators and victims of historical distortion.1 But even if writers of local history remain constantly aware of this hazard and seek continuously to minimize it, a case can be made for the genuine need for local revisionists — that is, sympathetic iconoclasts who are sufficiently concerned to inquire into and evaluate the accounts of even the most minor occurrences with the view of ascertaining their proper perspective. * Dr. Caldwell is on the staff of the political science department at Brigham Young University. For die current academic year he is a Research Fellow at Yale Divinity School, New Haven, Connecticut. ' An extreme example is found in Margaret M. Fisher's Utah and the Civil War (Salt Lake City, 1929). Mrs. Fisher was a former National Patriotic Instructor for the Grand Army of the Republic.

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A case in point is the very quotable, and oft-quoted, message by Brigham Young during the dark days of secession when he publicly announced the loyalty of the inhabitants of the territory of Utah to the cause of the Union. As a youth, the writer, like every Utah schoolboy, knew that when the telegraph was completed to Utah Territory the first message to flash eastward over the wires was sent by Brigham Young. Although he had not read the text, he had learned from history teachers in the public schools2 and from innumerable speakers at the various types of Latter-day Saint church meetings that it contained the patriotic words: "Utah has not seceded, but is firm for the Constitution. His imagination, probably like that of most Utah youngsters before and since, was kindled to imagine how this inspiring message was received in the great world outside. He enjoyed the fantasy that pictured the supporters of the Union as filled with relief and joy to have gained such an estimable ally, while the Confederates gnashed their teeth in consternation to have lost one. It was only years later, as he thumbed through old newspapers published from New England to the heart of the Confederacy, that he realized the message which had been so electrifying when repeated from pulpit and classroom in the twentieth-century Mormon culture actually had been received with indifference in nineteenth-century America. If it was considered by the press to be noteworthy at all, Brigham Young's pronouncement was generally treated merely as a news item and was not accorded editorial comment. In the few instances when it was a subject for additional mention, it served the purpose of comic relief rather than of bolstering the Northern will to fight. For example, the New York treatment of Brother Brigham's mes2 Ibid., 10. Perhaps these teachers had taken seriously the injunction of Mrs. Fisher: "It is hoped the story herein contained will, on occasions, be brought to the attention of the youth of the state by teachers in our public schools." 3 The celebrated message was sent to Mr. J. H. Wade, president of the Pacific Telegraph Company, and not to President Abraham Lincoln, as is commonly supposed. The text is as follows: "SIR: Permit me to congratulate you on the completion of the Overland Telegraph line West to this city; to commend the energy displayed by yourself and associates in the rapid and successful prosecution of a work so beneficial, and to express the wish that its use may ever tend to promote the true interests of the dwellers on both the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of our continent. Utah has not seceded, but is firm for the Constitution and laws of our once happy country, and is warmly interested in successful enterprises as the one so far completed. BRIGHAM YOUNG F O R T BRIDGE, Utah [sic], Friday, Oct. 18, 1861." New York Daily Tribune, October 19, 1861, p . 4. Mr. Wade sent a suitable reply two days later.

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sage was typical in that all five of the papers examined4 were profoundly interested in the westward march of the telegraph but not particularly interested in its arrival in the "Mormon Country" and not at all interested in the professed loyalty of the Saints. What was not typical was that each of these newspapers carried the texts of both Brigham Young's message to J. H. Wade and the grandiloquent one Acting Governor Fuller sent to President Lincoln two days later.5 Of these five, only one accorded front-page space to the texts, and only the Herald and the Times commented on these texts. The former merely mentioned "a congratulatory message sent by Brigham Young — who, by-the-by, assures us that Utah is firm for the Union — on the opening of the Pacific Telegraph line to Salt Lake City. .. ." 6 Before one lays aside the Times after having read on page four: "The great Apostle of the 'Saints' announces the important fact that Utah has not seceded, but is firm for the Constitution and the laws," he must place this "important fact" in context with the whimsical tone of an editorial on the following page, which stated: A COMMONPLACE MIRACLE. —We publish this morning news which left Utah yesterday I The completion of the Pacific line of telegraph to Great Salt Lake City brings us into immediate communication with our polygamous friends of Mormondom. Twenty-five years ago this would have been deemed a miracle;—now, so commonplace a matter has telegraphic communication become, that it will scarcely elicit a passing remark. The first message, moreover, is a protest from BRIGHAM YOUNG against secession. This is scarcely less surprising than the other. He has evidently forgiven the United States Government the war it waged upon him a few years since, or else he fears the South might prove still worse masters than Uncle Sam.7 * These were the Evening Post, Journal of Commerce, Times, Herald, and Daily Tribune. " T O THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES —Utah, whose citizens strenuously resist all imputations of disloyalty, congratulates the President upon the completion of an enterprise which spans the continent, unifies oceans to oceans, and connects remote extremities of the body politic with the governments heart. May the whole system speedily thrill with quickened pulsations of that heart, the parricidal hand of political treason be punished, and the entire sisterhood of States join hands in glad reunion around the national fireside. FRANK FULLER, Acting Gov. of Utah." Daily Courant (Hartford), October 21, 1861, p. 2. "New York Herald, October 21, 1861, p. 4. ' New York Times, October 19, 1861, pp. 4, 5.

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Two of the five New York newspapers found the attempt of the Mormons to grow cotton in Utah's Dixie more newsworthy than their repudiation of secession.8 The reception of the message in New England also apparently was less than thunderous. The papers reviewed3 were very much interested in the completion of the line to San Francisco but not in the statement that had come from Fort Bridger. To be precise, half of the eight newspapers made no mention at all of Mormon loyalty and of two that did, the text was printed without comment. One of these used its editorial space to discuss "The Opium Shops of Java," presumably a subject of more concern to the citizens of New Haven than the statement by Utah Territory's highest ranking spiritual and secular leaders.10 A later editorial in the other paper told of "many patriotic messages" received by President Lincoln and referred explicitly to several, including one from the secretary of the California Pioneer Sons of Temperance; but the loyal message from Utah's Acting Governor received no notice.11 A third newspaper reported simply that the telegraph was in Utah, while a fourth published a paraphrased version of Brigham Young's text and then chose "The Loyal Women of St. Louis" as its editorial topic, while the loyal Mormons of the Far West were forgotten.12 One of the four weekly newspapers that failed to publish news either of the arrival of the telegraph or of Utah's adherence to the Union did report the newsworthy fact that Mrs. Joseph Hollister's garden had yielded the editor a fully ripe sprig of raspberries â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the second crop of the year.13 The exchange of messages between the mayors of New York and San Francisco upon the arrival of the telegraph at the West Coast received elaborate attention in a later edition.14 Thanks to its telegraphic facilities, a Massachusetts newspaper that was unconcerned about Utah was able to report a volcanic disturbance in the Dead Sea.15 In the City of Brotherly Love, the Philadelphia North American and United States Gazette accorded the text of Brigham Young's dispatch first-page position, whereas the Press published Fuller's congratu8 New York Journal of Commerce, October 24, 1861, and Evening Post (New York), November 11, 1861. "These were: Daily Courant (Hartford); Hartford Evening Press; Hartford Weekly Times; Daily Palladium (New Haven); Norwich Aurora (Conn.); Waterbury American; Willimantic Journal (Conn.); Worcester Palladium. '"Daily Palladium (New Haven), October 23, 1861. " Hartford Evening Press, October 28, 1861. "Daily Courant (Hartford), November 6, 1861. 13 Waterbury American, October 25, 1861. 11 Ibid., November 1, 1861. 15 Worcester Palladium, October 23, 1861.

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latory wire to Lincoln but did not print that of the Mormon leader to Mr. Wade. The Inquirer mentioned only that the telegraph had arrived at Fort Bridger and omitted the protestations of loyalty of both Young and Fuller. The pro-Confederate newspapers examined10 indicated that their subscribers had read both about the progress of the telegraph line (but only when it arrived in California) and about Mormons (Remy's article, "Journey to Great Salt Lake City," which offered minute details about polygamy, was front-page copy at this time). 17 However, none of the three was interested in the use of the telegraph by the Mormons to avow fidelity to the Constitution. In the Old West after the historic day of October 18, 1861, one Cincinnati newspaper relegated the text of Brigham Young's stirring telegram to page three, while it devoted a good deal of space on page one to the description of a Mormon-style criminal execution.18 Finally, a second Cincinnati editor, who accorded more comment than any of the others to the Mormons per se, indicated unequivocally his impression of the loyalty statement from Fort Bridger when he wrote: The message of Brother Brigham Young dated at Great Salt Lake City [sic] on the 18th, will, therefore, be received with almost as much surprise as the first message that ever flashed over the wires. We may now fairly be considered in daily communication with the Saints, who, it is gratifying to be assured, are, as their polygamous inclinations and customs would lead us to suppose, unanimously in favor of the Union.19 This brief investigation was made of an event that finds its way into most books on Utah history.20 It was undertaken to ascertain the reaction of the then-contemporary Americans to the declaration: "Utah has not seceded. . . ." The result suggests a footnote to our local history. Yet in a larger sense, the failure of the press of both North and South in Civil War America to regard seriously what was conceived by the people of Utah, then and now, to be the classic statement of Mormon devotion to the Union, might profitably serve as a parable. '"The South (Baltimore); Richmond Examiner; Richmond Dispatch. " Richmond Dispatch, October 22, 1861. 18 Cincinnati Daily Gazette, October 19, 1861. 19 Cincinnati Daily Commercial, October 19, 1861, p. 2. 20 For example see Hubert H. Bancroft, History of Utah (San Francisco, 1891), 770; John Henry Evans, The History of Utah (New York, 1933), 165; Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah: 1847-1869, Leland H. Creer, ed. (Salt Lake City, 1940), 730; and Wain Sutton, Utah: A Centennial History (3 vols., New York, 1949), II, 995.

ANTHONY W. IVINS (1852-1934)

A. W. Ivins came to Utah in 1853. He lived for many years in Utah's Dixie where he was active in church and civic affairs. He was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1895. The following year he became the leader of the Mormon colonies in Mexico.

LETTER

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IMPRESSIONS OF A M O R M O N *

The official historian of the Mormon expedition which left Salt Lake City in the fall of 1861, bound for Utah's Dixie to settle the city of St. George, was James G. Bleak. Another member of the party was nine-year-old Anthony W. (Tony) Ivins. In his role as general historian for the community and keeper of records for the St. George Stake and the Temple, Mr. Bleak became one of the principal preservers of southern Utah history. During the winter of 1875-76, young Ivins, now twenty-three years old, was one of a party of seven men and about thirty horses and mules which made an exploration and missionary journey through Arizona and New Mexico and spent nearly nine weeks in Mexico. Six years later he went to Mexico City on a two-year mission for the Mormon Church. In 1896 he was called by the church to preside over the colonies which had been established in northern Mexico as cities of refuge for polygamists. In February and March of 1898 he spent thirty-five frustrating days in Mexico City trying to transact colonization business which he thought should have been disposed of in two or three days. In the midst of his frustration he sat down to write a letter to his friend Bleak Âť ED. NOTE: The introduction to this letter was prepared by S. S. Ivins, a son of the author.

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at St. George. The original letter was presented to the Utah State Historical Society by Mrs. Juanita Brooks, a trustee of the Society. It is here reproduced without alterations or emendations. City of Mexico Feby. 19th 1898. James G. Bleak Esq. St. George, Utah. Dear Bro. I have a little time at my disposal while I am waiting the slow movement of Mexican law and slower movement of Mexican officials and feel certain that I cannot use a portion to better advantage than to write a letter to you. I have promised myself for several months past that I would write you but this is the first favorable opportunity that I have had and now it is a question whether I will not have to surrender unconditionally to the fleas. It is fifteen years since I was in this wonderful city and I find that the fleas have prospered under president Diaz' administration as well as the people, and that they seem, like the giant in Tom Thum, to readily smell the blood of an Englishman or his American cousin. While I think of it I desire to ask if you have received from C. E. Johnson my Mothers picture for the temple. I had a Crayon made from one of her photographs and paid Charley for framing, packing and shipping it. This was while I was at Salt Lake last October and you should have received the portrait before the present date. I have been here since the 5 th attending to colonization business and expect that I shall remain a week or ten days longer, and perhaps till a later date; when one gets mixed up with the government it is like a case in chancery, or the supreme court, it is impossible to tell when you will get out. Bro. Macdonald came down with me to close up some business which he had begun but only remained a few days and I suppose is now at home. We have a number of important matters before different departments of the government which should have been settled long ago and I hope before I return home to get them all adjusted, so that we may take a fresh start. I am negotiating for the purchase of about 40,000 acres of land near our colonies which will cost us if I succeed, as I hope to, about ten cents per acre. There is but little agricultural land in the tract but is good

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grazing land and some of it is well timbered. I shall also pay for, and get deeds for about 12000 acres of land which Bro. Macdonald had bought, or rather bargained for. This will give our company, or our stake about 210,000 acres of land, enough, if of good quality to sustain a large population, but unfortunately it is nearly all grazing and timber land. I do not think we have more than ten thousand acres of agricultural land altogether. There is plenty of good agricultural land in the neighborhood of the colonies but it belongs to wealthy Mexicans who refuse, as a rule to sell it, and if they do offer it at all the exaggerated notions which they entertain of the wealth of Americans in general and Mormons in particular prompts them to demand a price which no one will think of paying. Under these circumstances our development is of necessity slow but still we move and occasionally pick up a piece of land which is offered for what it is worth and we expect as we utilize that which we have, that the Lord will open the way so that we may get more and better lands and that our advancement will be steady and continuous. Nearly all of the Latterday Saints who are in Mexico came here without resources and with large families to support; they have had a multitude of difficulties and obsticals to over come which people in the U.S. know nothing about, and the facilities at their disposal were very few, but notwithstanding these facts the tithing paid in the Juarez ward during the past year amounted to between [deleted: seventy] eighty and [deleted: eighty] ninety dollars per capita for each tithe payer for 1897. I have not the exact figures but it will be nearer ninety than eighty dollars. This is in Mexican Silver and a large proportion of the tithing was paid in cash. I refer to this because it gives you a very good idea of the condition of the people, the tithing being the best rule by which we can judge of their prosperity. We are building a nice brick academy at Juarez which will contain ten ten [sic] rooms and hope to have it completed for the beginning of this years school term. I have secured the services of Bro. Guy C. Wilson, formerly of the B. Y. Academy at Provo, who is now teaching at Juarez. He is a very nice man and an excellent teacher. I need not refer to the great benefit which this school will be to the colonies, no one I am certain would give support to an educational movement of this character more readily than you. While waiting for the colonization department to consider my business I have been visiting familiar places and old friends and have enjoyed myself as well as I can expect to do among such a people. When I was here 14 years ago we had nearly one hundred people

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who were members of the Church. I have met since my arrival six who still profess faith in the Gospel and there are a few others but they have been left so long without a shepherd that they have drifted away in practice if not in faith. They are like children and must be carefully taught and removed from their old surroundings before they can be made to appreciate the blessings of the Gospel and live according to its precepts. Mexico has developed rapidly during the past ten years. Many rail roads have been built and there has been a great influx of foreign population and the investment of large sums of money in different avenues of trade. The City has greatly improved and that millionaires are being made is evident by the beautiful mansons which have been and are now being erected, the thousands of fine carriages which are seen on the streets any evening in the week, and the fine business blocks which are going up on every side. Public improvements are also being carried on with very creditable enterprise. The "Alameda," covering about sixty acres of land in the central part of the city is a most beautiful park, the trees and grass are as green as summer at home (in Utah) and flowers in bloom. It is a curious sight to go there in the evening and see multitudes of people of all grades from the wealthiest class to the half naked Indian indiscriminately mixed together, Americans, Englishmen, Germans, French, Spanish, Italians, Japs, Chinese and no telling how many other nationalities, the most cosmopolitan crowd in the world and no one assuming a prerogative which he is not willing to grant to another. I walked down the "Paseo de la Reforma" yesterday to Chipultepec and very greatly enjoyed my walk and visit after reaching my destination. The Paseo has been greatly improved since I was here and is now a most beautiful walk bordered with trees, seats, statuary and kiosks for the bands which make the heart glad by their fine music. Chipultapec is a historical spot. I[t] was upon the summit of this hill that the Montezumas had their summer palace, the viceroys, and later Iturbede and Maximillian made their summer residence there and later when it had been converted into a military academy under Santa Annas administration the Americans stormed it at the battle of Chipultepec where many Mexicans and American soldiers lost their lives. A fine building now crowns the summit of the hill which is at present used as a military academy and summer residence of the president, the West Point and White House of Mexico. The grounds are beautifully kept but the same giant cypress trees are there which shaded Montezuma more than three hundred years ago, and where Cortez rested and slaked

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his thirst from the chrystal spring which gushes out from their roots and which has supplied this city with water since before the conquest. It was by stopping this supply of fresh water and cutting off the food from the mainland that Cortez was finally able to to [sic] subjugate Guatamozin whose bronz statue now stands looking down upon the spot where he was cruelly tortured by his merciless conqueror because he refused to divulge the spot where he had secreted the state treasure. What am I doing? If I keep on in this strain my letter will weary you, but these thoughts and many others, revived from the study of youth come to me as I stand upon the brow of the hill upon which the castle of Chipultipec stands and look around me upon one of the most beautiful vallies that the sun shines upon, for looking East with the city and valley before you in its cloak of green, the foot hills beyond dotted with the cottages and fields of the Indians, and beyond the snow capped peaks of "Iztlacihualt" and "Popocatapetl" the view is an inspiring one to the most passive mind. What must it be to one who knows the past history of the land he gazes upon and the people who occupy it, knows it far better than they with all of their great archeologists, their libraries and their museums. Who knows how blessed they were in their obedience to the Gospel of Christ, how wicked they became when they rejected it, the great civilization which they had attained to under the Moc-tezumas, but with it how idolatrous they became, and how, because they had so fallen from grace, the Lord permitted the Spanish conquer [or] s to chasten them and instead of the idolatry of Huitzel introduce the idolatry of the cross which they worship today as blindly as their fathers did the images of stone to which they bowed down three hundred years ago. One thinks of their past, studies the present and concludes that the Lord only knows what the future will be. What is to become of the masses of the Mexican people. When I go into the suburbs of the city, into the byways, or in fact upon the highways, and see the degradation of the masses, their poverty, their drunkenness, their filth and immorality, when I see them come through the streets of the city as they do every day in trains bending under the heavy burdens which are placed upon their backs, and above all when I observe how firmly the Mother of Abominations seems to have them within her grasp I conclude that only the power of the Lord and that manifest to a degree almost without parallel can ever bring their redemption. When I contemplate these things which are constantly before me, when I think of this Military Oligarchy which is called a republic, I thank the Lord for the Anglo Saxon race, I thank Him still more for the great Republic,

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where with all its defects, self government and the enjoyment of personal rights prevail to a degree which cannot be found elsewhere in the known world, and above all I thank him for the Gospel of His Son which brings with it a more perfect system of government, and more perfect laws of personal liberty and equality than the the [sic] wisest men have ever been able to devise or the average man is able to comprehend. If there are any of the boys who do not appreciate the blessing of the government under which they live send them to Mexico. I surmise they will return more patriotic, more appreciative of the blessings they enjoy, more thoughtful and interested in the downtroden of other Nations. It is nearly 12 oclock. I feel almost as though I were talking to you and could could [sic] go on and fill a small volume if the clock would only stop while I do it, but the little French clock which sits before me on the table keeps ticking away the moments and hours, just as our lives are ticking on, and admonishes me that my work is done so far as this day is concerned, be it good or bad. I cannot recall the hours which have passed while I have [been] scribbling off these lines. With the dying of the day I will finish this letter. I have enjoyed writing it, how much more I should enjoy standing] on the hill at Chipu[l]tapeck and discussing these things with you as we gazed upon them together. Remember me kindly to Bro. Cannon, Bro. Thompson and all the Temple workers as well as any enquiring friends. I shall hope to see you at conference. With best wishes Your Bro. /s/

A. W. Ivins

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The Mormons. By THOMAS F. O'DEA. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1957, xii + 289 pp., $5.00) The excellence of Professor O'Dea's work is the product of a careful study of the historical materials and a close look at the Mormons in real life, combined with a fine sensitivity to human values, a good education in the sociology of religion, and competence in the analysis and appraisal of human situations. It is neither an essentially historical study nor an extended and intensive analysis of Mormon thought and institutions. Nor is it the kind of work that professes to be a definitive treatment of its subject. But the attractive synthesis of the material and its scholarly treatment, together with O'Dea's knowing insight into the character of the contemporary problems and his eminent fairness in handling the subject, make the volume easily the best general statement yet published on the Mormons. Mormonism as a subject has suffered much from the attentions of three classes of authors: biased critics, often with questionable intent and deficient information; Mormon writers bent on apologetics or disqualified by honest inability to see the whole picture; and journalists who always find a ready market for a Mormon piece that promises a touch of sensationalism. But there is a growing group of competent scholars and writers both within and without the church who find in Mormon history and society a wealth of material deserving serious

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attention and who are willing to treat the subject with a measure of honesty and objectivity. O'Dea, who is associate professor of sociology at Fordham University, qualifies for the latter category. His look at the Mormons and their religion is from the mature perspective of a person who knows more than a little about the history of religion and has a good grasp of the American scene in which Mormonism has played its role and to which he so effectively relates it. The merit of O'Dea's historical essays does not lie in new data or original interpretations but rather in the fine balance and restrained assessments that characterize his conclusions. Although he gives too little attention to the Campbellite connections of the early church, his description of the background of Mormon beginnings is especially good in the treatment of the general relevance to Mormonism of Protestant theology. In contrast to many authors who describe Joseph Smith in terms of medical and abnormal psychology, O'Dea treats him as a normal person functioning in a somewhat unusual environment. He assumes uncritically Joseph Smith's authorship of the Boo\ of Mormon and proceeds with an interesting analysis of the religious and moral ideas of that book as a reflection of the thought, attitude, and life of the prophet's own world. In contrast to the not uncommon dismissal of the Book Â°f Mormon as a worthless and boring illiterate concoction, O'Dea is found saying that "in some of the scenes of prophecy and preaching the Book Â°f Mormon reaches something like greatness in portraying the tension of hope, the inner soaring of the spirit, of the common man who embraced revival Christianity." As in his discussion of the Book Â°f Mormon, O'Dea throughout his volume has given a prominent place to the theological ideas and philosophical insights of Mormonism. Better than most writers on the subject, he recognizes fully the intellectualistic character of the religion and comes to grips with the problem of the relation of the doctrine to the practice of the people. He has not only a good book understanding of the doctrine but through his own participation in the life of a Mormon community has achieved something of the distinctive feeling of Mormon theology with its broad perspectives combined with hope, aspiration, and almost naive confidence. As a sociologist, and supported by a Rockefeller Foundation Grant to Harvard University, O'Dea was involved, prior to the writing of the present book, in a study of the value structure of a small Mormon village. It was here that he met at first hand the distinctive community character of Mormonism and was attracted to its healthy and aggressive

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life-affirming quality as evidenced, for instance, in the patterns and techniques of social co-operation. He encountered here also the authoritarian structure of the church government which he so effectively describes not only in its present state but in its historical development from early congregational tendencies. Certainly one of the best pieces to be found in the analysis of the development of Mormon institutions or in the study of Joseph Smith is O'Dea's brief discussion on the "Containment of Charisma." In such sections as this he demonstrates the relevance to his task of his specialized education in social psychology and in the social history of religion. It is in the analysis of current internal conflict within the Mormon community that O'Dea has made his most interesting observations. In a comparatively short time, by shrewd observation and effective interviewing, he quite successfully grasped the basic sources of the strains that are the chief problems of the church today. The encounter of orthodoxy with liberal and secular thought, the democratic challenge to authority, the progressive industrialization of Mormon country, and the general threat to Mormon provincialism come in for brief but spirited treatment. It is worth noting that while O'Dea is fully cognizant of the disintegrating power of numerous factors that have become a part of Mormon life, as, for instance, the inevitable threat to orthodoxy posed by the church's commitment to higher education, he nevertheless refuses to agree with the not uncommon judgment that the end of Mormonism as an effective movement is at hand. "It is a tremendous presumption to attempt to judge the future of a movement like Mormonism. Yet it is my suspicion that those who emphasize the obsolescence of Mormonism, those who see the end of the movement in a stereotyped lack of creativity and a routine running down, who believe that this Mormon world will end not with a bang but a whimper, are wrong. There is still too much vitality â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the characteristic Mormon vitality â&#x20AC;&#x201D; remaining for such a prognosis to be likely." This is not in any sense a monumental product of long and meticulous research. It depends heavily on the scholarly work of others. But it has done what many meritorious studies of the subject, both published and unpublished, have failed to do. And it is perhaps a fair guess that even the Mormons, who are not accustomed to self-examination and do not enjoy the objective gaze of others, will find Professor O'Dea's volume both interesting and provocative. STERLING M. MCMURRIN

University of Utah

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Intimate Disciple: A Portrait of Willard Richards. By CLAIRE NOALL. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1957, 630 pp., $4.75) This historical novel based on the life of Willard Richards is an intensely moving and colorful story of one of Utah's great pioneer citizens. It is a study of dedication to the Mormon faith, for it was his almost unheralded devotion and unswerving loyalty to this cause, and especially to its leader, Joseph Smith, that enabled Richards to overcome mob violence, domestic tragedy, and heartless persecution. However, the volume is much more than a personal portrait. Because of the author's skill in integrating the narrative with the locale of Richards' life, it becomes in reality the history of the Berkshire country in western Massachusetts, of the frontier Mormon communities of Kirtland, Nauvoo, Salt Lake City, and even of the Lancashire towns of England during the first half of the nineteenth century. "The story of his life seems best told through his own eyes," writes the author. "I have frequently used his words but have supplied many others. The latter have been largely chosen from his own statements and the language of his lucid family, who left thousands and thousands of lines in letters, journals, maxims, as he himself did. I have employed in my portrait the pigments supplied by his brothers, sisters, friends, and enemies, striving always to grasp the inner truth of a situation." (p. viii.) And how well she has succeeded. In the opinion of the reviewer, the author's study is perhaps the best of its type in western Americana to appear within the past decade. Her style is lucid, forceful, convincing, even dramatic. She has succeeded like an artist in drawing a portrait of Willard Richards, great Mormon leader, which is historically accurate, vital, and compelling. Willard Richards was born of stern Congregational parentage in Hopkinton, Massachusetts, near Boston, June 24, 1804; the eleventh and last child of Joseph and Rhoda Howe Richards. Eight years later the family moved to Richmond in the Berkshire country of western Massachusetts. Here the boy Willard, completely yet unhappily dominated by Congregational orthodoxy, sought spiritual emancipation. For a while he won this freedom by teaching school, barnstorming with an electrical show, and even by practicing medicine, for which he was licensed in the art of herb healing. Thereafter he was called Dr. Richards. His emancipation from Congregational influences came finally, though rather accidentally, through the procurement of a copy of the Boor\ of Mormon from one Lucius Parker, a cousin, who in turn

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had received it from another cousin, Brigham Young. Fired with enthusiasm, Willard determined to repair to Kirtland, Ohio, and confer with the Prophet in person. As a result of this experience, he was readily converted and baptized a member of the Mormon Church. In 1837 he left with Heber C. Kimball to introduce Mormonism in England. Here at Preston he met one Jennetta Richards, who is said to have been the first British convert to become baptized and confirmed a member of the Mormon Church. Within a few months, culminating a most romantic courtship, the couple were married. A year later a son, Heber John Richards, was born, who, however, died a few months later. In 1841 Richards returned to America and repaired at once to Nauvoo, Illinois, the new headquarters of the church. Shortly before his departure from Preston he was ordained a member of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. Willard Richards had earned a fine reputation through his experiences in England, especially as a writer, and the Prophet accordingly made him his private secretary and commissioned him to write his personal history. He was also named editor and manager of the Times and Seasons, Mormon periodical. In 1842 he was secretly apprized by the Prophet of the practice of polygamy and enjoined to enter that order. After much hesitation Willard agreed. This decision gave him much mental anguish. Subsequently he married nine additional polygamous wives. Two years later, in 1844, he, Joseph and Hyrum Smith, and John Taylor were arrested and incarcerated at Carthage jail. This precipitated an attack on June 27 by a frenzied mob, during which Joseph and Hyrum were martyred. Taylor was severely wounded but Willard miraculously escaped injury and was thus enabled to record the only eye-witness account of the tragedy. When the pioneers left Winter Quarters on their trek to Utah, April 7, 1847, Willard Richards was assigned to the Second Company of Ten commanded by Ezra T. Benson. As the pioneers approached the Great Salt Lake Valley, Brigham Young ordered him to proceed with sixty wagons and one hundred ten Saints through the mouth of Emigration Canyon and over the mesa into Salt Lake Valley. This he did, and established the first pioneer encampment on the north bank of Parley's Creek, near the junction of the present Seventeenth South and Fifth East streets, on the evening of July 22,1847. Richards returned to Winter Quarters in the fall of 1847 to expedite the migration of the Saints to Utah. At Kanesville (Council Bluffs) in December of that year he received his greatest signal honor by being

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named second counselor to Brigham Young in the First Presidency of the church, an action which was reaffirmed a year later at Salt Lake City. Because of his unusual ability as a writer, this faithful servant of the church won recognition first as secretary of the State of Deseret, then as secretary of the territory of Utah, and finally as editor of the Deseret News, which he founded in 1850. He also served as president of the territorial assembly, church historian, and postmaster of Great Salt Lake City. Church and state papers that came from his adroit pen prove his linguistic eloquence. Judged by the standard of service, the life of Willard Richards, though marred with domestic tragedy and sorrow, was an abundant and happy one. He died March 11, 1854, three months short of his fiftieth year. The book is handsomely bound and printed, thanks to the University of Utah Press, to whom a debt of gratitude is due. There are copious notes appended, two genealogical appendixes, and an adequate and helpful bibliography. Two fine maps and several excellent photographs add interest to the volume. LELAND HARCRAVE CREER

University of Utah

Kingdom of the Saints. The Story of Brigham Young and the Mormons. By ROY B. WEST, JR. (New York, Viking Press, 1957, xxii + 389 pp., $6.00) For those readers who eagerly anticipate the disclosure of new and startling source materials on Mormon history, this volume will be a distinct disappointment. Mr. West's intent has been to give an impartial and understanding appraisal of the Mormon story from the founding of the church in 1830 to the present. Although some readers may strongly object to his point of view and conclusions, the narrative of Mormon trials and trails which he presents seems eminently fair and, in fact, a bit prosaic to students of the subject who have long supported the approach. The important contribution of the book is that here is set down in succinct and readable fashion the Mormon saga which modern scholarship has delineated but which has not been readily available to the average reader. Documented research and monographic materials on

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specific phases of Latter-day Saint history have become increasingly numerous in recent years, so that such a synthesis is essential. As the sub-title suggests, Brigham Young rides through almost every page, dominates nearly every scene, and in the end captures the book, converting it into a creditable biography of himself. The drama of Joseph, the Prophet, unfolds to the reader through the eyes of Brigham Young, as does the movement to Utah and the establishment of Deseret. In a final essay the author surveys "The Kingdom of God" today, points out its shortcomings, praises its accomplishments, and notes that "it has reached a point of salvation and has begun to flow backward into a world which was once a world of enemies." At such a point in history, the summing up of a century and a quarter of Mormon activity is both desirable and necessary. The present volume accomplishes that objective. BRIGHAM D. MADSEN

Salt Lake City, Utah

The Mariposa Indian War 1850-1851: Diaries of Robert Eccleston: The California Gold Rush, Yosemite, and the High Sierra. Edited by C. GREGORY CRAMPTON. (Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1957,168 pp., $6.00) The first published volume of the diaries of Robert Eccleston was entitled Overland to California on the Southwestern Trail, 1849, and was edited by George P. Hammond and Edward H. Howes and distributed to Friends of the Bancroft Library in 1950. This second volume deals largely with the period from October, 1850, to December, 1851. Apparently upon reaching California late in December, 1849, Eccleston abandoned his practice of keeping a diary but resumed it on October 20, 1850. After giving a brief account of his movements during the preceding summer, he made occasional entries until February 12, 1851, when he was mustered into the Mariposa Battalion for service against the Indians. He then began to make daily entries which were continued with few breaks until early in the following December. The encroaching of the early California gold seekers upon lands occupied by Indians soon caused trouble. In September, 1850, James D. Savage learned that the Indians of the Mariposa region were planning a general war against the whites. Savage had come to California in

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1846 and after service with Fremont had become an Indian trader and established three or four trading posts. He had learned some of the languages of the Indians and according to tribal custom had married several Indian wives. Savage sought to prevent the war, but about the middle of December, 1850, his post on the Fresno River was destroyed by the Indians and three of his men were killed. Governor John McDougal promptly ordered the formation of a volunteer force of two hundred men to prosecute the war. In response to this order the Mariposa Battalion of three companies was organized. Savage, who had already gathered a considerable band for defense against the Indians, was elected to command the battalion, with the rank of major. In the meantime a federal commission composed of Redick McKee, George W. Barbour, and O. M. Wozencraft had reached California with full authority to deal with Indian affairs. The commissioners set out from Stockton for the Mariposa area with a military escort, three wagons, and a hundred and fifty pack mules loaded with their baggage and presents for the Indians. Governor McDougal placed the Mariposa Battalion under the command of these commissioners, who urged patience and moderation until they could meet with the Indians and try to make treaties. As a result the battalion saw almost no fighting but made three major expeditions deep into the Indian country. On one of these an advance party camped on the floor of the Yosemite Valley, probably the first white persons to do so. Another party discovered some of the big trees and a third explored the high Sierra. Peace was made with the Indians by the commissioners and the Mariposa Battalion was mustered out on July 1, 1851. Eccleston re-formed his companions of the "Cayata Mess" of which he had earlier been a member, and the group continued mining until December 8, 1851. The appendix of the book lists the members of the Mariposa Battalion and for two of its three companies gives the age and former home of each man. This reveals the cosmopolitan nature of the mining population and the youth of most of the miners. Seventeen states and three foreign countries were represented in Companies A and C in the total membership of 125 men. Of these states Missouri, New York, and Texas, in that order, contributed the largest number, while the foreign countries were Australia, France, and England. Only two of the 125 were more than forty years old, 97 were under thirty, and 60 under twenty-five. The Eccleston diaries have great historical importance since they give prices, daily returns from mining, and details of life in the camps.

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Their value has been enormously increased by the scholarly and voluminous notes of the editor, which make the book a very significant contribution to the literature of early mining operations in California. EDWARD EVERETT DALE

University of

Oklahoma

Why the North Star Stands Still. By WILLIAM R. PALMER. ( N e w York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1957,118 pp., $3.50) N o t for forty years, since F r a n k B. Linderman's delightful books told "how things came about" among the Blackfeet, Chippewas, and Crees, has this reviewer seen a collection of folk tales that carried more sense of authenticity than this book of "why-stories" from the Pahutes of southern Utah and Nevada. T h e stories have in them the ring of the true folk tale. For one thing, they give answers to questions which a white m a n would never think of asking. They explain, for example, why the coyote looks up when he howls, why rocks cannot travel, why the sun rises cautiously, how the beaver lost the hair on his tail, how the eagle got smoke on his feathers, why the porcupine can't throw his quills, how the packrat got his pouches, and other such fascinating though unuseful phenomena. N a t u r e was the Indian's book, and he tried to understand every page of it, including the footnotes. Whenever he found it impossible to answer his own questions through natural causes, he invented an answer and called it magic. T h e magic in this book is Indian magic without question, for the culture patterns show through. Indian taboos, Indian goals and desires, and Indian ways of achieving them are apparent throughout. Moreover, one finds a fertility of fancy and a variety of resolutions to the plot complications of the stories that point to multiple authorship or folk origin of the tales. T h e author has lived in close proximity to the Pahutes (as he insists on spelling the tribal name) for most of a lifetime. H e learned the native language and ingratiated himself with the people through acts of kindness and consideration, until ultimately their confidence in him was such that they were willing to have him hear and tell their tribal tales and, after many years, to put the stories into a book. T h e telling of the tales is somewhat less satisfying than the tales themselves. N o doubt the tales were set down at different times and in different moods. Then, many years afterward, they were brought

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together in this collection. A shifting point of view is almost inevitable under the circumstances. Sometimes the narrator is an old Pahute telling his tale in simple primer sentences of three or four words each; at other times the narrator is a white man speaking of "the Indian" as though he were far away and strange. At such times the sentences are of much more complex structure, being simply white man's English with no pretense at primitive communication. The author takes little pains to prepare the reader for these sudden shifts in point of view. As a result some tales are more dramatic than others, and the tone is alternately naive and sophisticated. Yet the stories are intrinsically interesting, and most children and many adults will appreciate them. Westerners, especially, will feel grateful for another indigenous contribution to their bookshelves. The book is copiously illustrated with drawings by Ursula Koering. These are adequate but not remarkable, the lack which one feels in them being that the images are generic Indians rather than Pahutes. The fact that many of the characters illustrated are supernatural personages does not mitigate the charge, for Pahutes, like other primitive people, probably created their folk characters in their own image. However, despite any shortcomings the book may have, Dr. Palmer is to be congratulated for having assembled, without academic training, a notable collection of Indian folk tales. [Ed. note: This book was issued in 1946 by the Deseret Book Company, Salt Lake City, Utah, under another title and with a different arrangement of the stories.] KARL YOUNG

Brigham Young University ANNOUNCEMENT Too newly off the press for review at this time, yet too important to be overlooked, is the book by two men prominently identified with history in Utah and the West and intimately associated with the affairs of the Utah State Historical Society. We call your attention to the imposing volume, Among the Mormons: Historic Accounts by Contemporary Observers, edited by WILLIAM MULDER and A. R. MORTENSEN. (New York, A. A. Knopf, 1958, xiv, xiv + 482 pp., $6.75). The book represents the culmination of years of painstaking research as the editors scoured literally thousands of obscure, rare, and unique materials, published and unpublished: letters, newspaper columns, documents, memoirs of the

R E V I E W S AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

193

Mormons themselves and travelers, journalists, soldiers, officials (and their wives), humorists, and sensation-seekers who followed and observed the Mormons in their westward trek and later struggles in Zion. T h e history of the Mormon people is presented from the fresh and novel viewpoint of the "contemporary observer" himself. By extremely readable, interesting, and informative introductory comments to each chapter, the editors have succeeded in keeping the historical thread intact, and the book emerges as a documentary history which should prove to be an invaluable source book. A full-scale review will appear in a later issue of this magazine. D.S. The American Heritage Boot\ of Great Historic Places. T h e Editors. (American Heritage-Simon & Schuster, 1957) The Bannoc\ Â°f Idaho. By BRICHAM D . MADSEN. (Caldwell, Idaho, T h e Caxton Printers, 1958) British Emigration to North America: Projects and Opinions in the Early Victorian Period. By W . S. SHEPPERSON. (Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1957) The Charles M. Russell BookDoubleday & Co., 1957) The

Exploration

By HAROLD MCCRACKEN. ( N e w York,

of the Colorado River.

By JOHN WESLEY POWELL.

(Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1957) The Hudson's Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 1821-1869. By JOHN S. GILBRAITH. (Berkeley, University of California Press, [1957]) Magnificent

Missourian.

By ELBERT B. SMITH. (Philadelphia, Lippin-

cott, 1957) Mormonism. By WALTER R. MARTIN. (Grand Rapids, Michigan, Zondervan Publishing House, 1957) The North

West Company.

By MARJORIE W I L K I N S CAMPBELL.

York, St. Martin's Press, [1957])

(New

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Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America. By TIMOTHY L. SMITH. ( N e w York, Abingdon Press, 1957) Roads, Rails &• Waterways. By FOREST G. H I L L . ( N o r m a n , University of Oklahoma Press, 1957) The Young Mustangers. Brown & Co., 1957)

By- JONREED LAURITZEN. ( N e w York, Little

A. V. KIDDER, "Earl Halstead Morris — 1889-1956," American April, 1957.

Antiquity,

N E I L M . JUDD, M. R. HARRINGTON, and S. K. LOTHROP, "Frederick Webb

Hodge—1864-1956," z'fef. DOUGLAS W . SCHWARTZ, "Climate Change and Culture History in the Grand Canyon Region," ibid. OLIVER JENSEN, "Farewell to Steam," American 1957.

Heritage,

December,

Lucius BEEBE, "Pandemonium at Promontory," ibid., February, 1958. MAURINE CARLEY, "Oregon Trail Trek N o . Five," Annals of October, 1957.

Wyoming,

THELMA GATCHELL CONDIT, " T h e Hole-In-The-Wall," Part V, ibid.

AKE HULTKRANTZ, " T h e Indians in Yellowstone Park," ibid. DALE L. MORGAN, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Part IX, ibid. LAWRENCE CLARK POWELL, "A Southwestern Century," Arizona

High-

ways, March, 1958. "Change Comes to Zion's Empire," Business Wee\, November 23,1957. J. N . BOWMAN, "Driving the Last Spike at Promontory, 1869" (conclusion), California Historical Society Quarterly, September, 1957.

REVIEWS

AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

195

"Battalion Gold Bought Ogden," Church News [Deseret News], cember 1,1957.

De-

MERWIN G. FAIRBANKS, "Assassin's Bullet Ends Prophet's Campaign for U.S. Presidency," ibid., December 14,1957. DOROTHY O. REA, "Old Fort Bridger," ibid., February 8,1958. LULITA CRAWFORD PRITCHETT, "Tilford Stillings, Pioneer Mail Carrier to Brown's Park," The Colorado Magazine, October, 1957. ROBERT G. ATHEARN, " T h e Denver and Rio Grande Railway," ibid., January, 1958. BILL ALLRED, " T h e Old Spanish Trail," Corral Dust [Brand Book of the Potomac Corral of Westerners], September, 1957. LOUIS H . RODDIS, "Fact and Fiction about the American Indian in the History of the United States," ibid. THEODORE H . HAAS, "Indian Treaties Broken and Unbroken," ibid., December, 1957. "Pierre Jean DeSmet 'Black Robe' 1801-1873," The Denver Monthly Roundup, September, 1957.

Westerners

NOLIE MUMEY, "Your Writers of Western History" (Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, 1793-1864), ibid., October, 1957. , "Your Writers of Western History" (George Catlin, 17961872), ibid., November, 1957. , "Your Writers of Western History" (John Charles Fremont, 1813-1890), ibid., December, 1957. IDA LIBERT UCI-IILL, "Pioneer Jewish History, Etc.," ibid. GENE SPERRY, "Collecting Gizzard Stones in Utah," Desert, July, 1957.

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RANDALL HENDERSON, "With Harry Goulding in Mystery Valley," ibid., August, 1957. , " W e Camped in the Land of the Standing Rocks" [southeastern U t a h ] , ibid., October, 1957. , " T h e Water Was Rough in Cataract Canyon," ibid., February, 1958. O. V. DEMING, " T h e Antiquities Laws and You," ibid., November, 1957. JEAN PAGE KILLGORE, "In His Memory, A N e w T o w n " [Page, Glen

Canyon damsite community], ibid. W . THETFORD LEVINESS, "Harrison Begay â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Navajo Artist," ibid., December, 1957. ROBERT O. GREENAWALT, "Guano Tramway in Granite Gorge," ibid., January, 1958. NELL MURBARGER, "Flaming Gorge D a m on the Green River," ibid. ELIZABETH RIGBY, "Primitive Village in Havasupai Canyon," ibid. JOSEF AND JOYCE MUENCH, "Crossing of the Fathers," ibid., March, 1958.

CECIL M. OUELLETTE, "Over the T o p of Landscape Arch" [Arches National Monument, U t a h ] , ibid. FRANK ELMER MASLAND, JR., "Running the Colorado Rapids,"

Explorers

Journal, December, 1957. CORNELIUS C. SMITH, JR., "Navaho and Hopi Country," Ford December, 1957.

Times,

WILLARD LUCE, "Natural Bridges National Monument," ibid., January, 1958. "Cody [Wyoming] Mural Tells History of the Church," Era, November, 1957.

Improvement

REVIEWS

AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

197

DOYLE L . GREEN, " T h e Saga of Mormonism," ibid. MABLE HARMER, " W h e n the Candle Was Lit" [Young family in the Lion H o u s e ] , The Instructor, June, 1957. BOYD O. HATCH, "Utah Trails before the Mormons," ibid. HOWARD R. DRIGGS, "Highways from their Wagon Tracks," ibid., January, 1958. GEORGE R. GAYLER, "Governor Ford and the Death of Joseph and H y r u m Smith," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Winter, 1957. HARTZELL SPENCE, " T h e Story of Religions in America â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Mormons," Loo\, January 21,1958. JOSEPH F . GORDON, " T h e Political Career of Lilburn W . Boggs," Missouri Historical Review, January, 1958. TRUMAN C. EVERTS, "Thirty-Seven Days of Peril, or Lost in the Wilderness" [Washburn-Doane Expedition to Yellowstone], Montana the Magazine of Western History, A u t u m n , 1957. WALTER PRESCOTT WEBB, " T h e West and the Desert," ibid., Winter,

1958. ROBERT G. ATHEARN, " T h e Great Plains in Historical Perspective," ibid. CARL F . KRAENZEL, " T h e Great Plains, Voiceless Region," ibid. BARTLETT BODER, "Missouri and T h e Latter-Day Saints," Graphic, Fall, 1957.

Museum

, "Temple of the Latter-Day Saints" [Nauvoo, Illinois], ibid. , "This is the Place," ibid. "Pyramid Lake," Nevada Highways

and Parks, N o . 2, 1957.

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AUSTIN E. HUTCHESON, "A Life of Fifty Years in Nevada" [memoirs of the Comstock], Nevada Historical Society Quarterly, November, 1957. WILLIAM C. MILLER, " T h e Pyramid Lake Indian W a r of 1860," Part II, ibid. GEORGE P . HAMMOND and AGAPITO REY, " T h e Crown's Participation in

the Founding of N e w Mexico," New Mexico Historical October, 1957.

Review,

JAMES ABARR, "City in the Sky [Acoma]," New Mexico Magazine, December, 1957. ROY L . BUTTERFIELD, " O n the American Migrations," New Yor\ tory, October, 1957.

His-

"Fort Garland 1858-1883," The Overland News, November, 1957. "The First Newspapers {Deseret News),"

ibid., February, 1958.

CAROLYN HOGG AN, "DeVoto's Letters F r o m Harvard," Pen [University of U t a h ] , Spring, 1957. T O M V. BROADBENT, "Notes: Emerson and the Mormons," ibid., Winter, 1957. WILLIAM Y. ADAMS, " N e w Data on Navajo Social Organization," Plateau, January, 1958. EDWARD B. DANSON, "The Glen Canyon Project," ibid. WILLIAM C. MILLER and DAVID A. BRETERNITZ, "1957 Navajo Canyon

Survey â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Preliminary Report," ibid. PEARL WILCOX, "Journeying and Reminiscing" [In the Green Mountains of Vermont], Part I, Saints' Herald, February 3, 1958. , "Journeying and Reminiscing" [Palmyra], Part II, ibid., February 10, 1958.

REVIEWS

AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

199

-, "Journeying and Reminiscing" [Palmyra, continued], Part III, ibid., February 17,1958. -, "Journeying and Reminiscing" [Harmony, P a . ] , Part IV, ibid., February 24,1958. JOHN BIRD, " T h e Miseries of Elder Benson," Saturday December 21,1957.

Evening

Post,

PAUL SCHUBERT, "Roundup in Bloody Basin" [Zane Gray country in Arizona], ibid., February 15,1958. KENNETH T . GREEN, "Touring Kirtland Temple," Stride, March, 1958. LELAND H . CREER, "Lansford W . Hastings and Discovery of Old Morm o n Trail," SUP News, May-June, 1957. ELIAS L. D A Y , "General Albert Sidney Johnston," ibid. ILENE H . KINGSBURY, "Chief Wanship," ibid. J. SEDLEY STANFORD, " T h e n Came the Gulls," ibid. S. LYMAN TYLER, "Utes and Spaniards in the Eighteenth Century," ibid., October, 1957. ADOLPH M. REEDER, " T h e Salmon River Saga," ibid., November, 1957. EUGENE E. CAMPBELL, " T h e Mormons and the Tragic Donner Party," ibid., December, 1957. ORAN WHITTAKER, "City of the Rocks â&#x20AC;&#x201D; O n the Trail of the FortyNiners," ibid. "Roll Call of Original Pony Express Riders," ibid., January, 1958. BERNICE GIBBS ANDERSON, " T h e Old Co-op Dairy at Collinston, Utah,"

ibid. LELAND H . CREER, "Miles Goodyear," ibid.

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A N N I E CARTER JOHNSON, "A Tribute to Pioneer Mothers," ibid.

L. C. BOLLES, "Possible Proof of Pueblo Origins," Uranium — American Outdoorsman, November, 1957.

Prospector

GERALD R. MILLER, "Indians, Water, and the Arid Western States — A Prelude to the Pelton Decision," Utah Law Review, Fall, 1957. ROBERT W . SWENSON, "Railroad Land Grants: A Chapter in Public Land Law," ibid. NEAL A. MAXWELL, " T h e Conference of Western Senators," The Western Political Quarterly, December, 1957. JAMES L. POTTS, " T h e Relation of the Income T a x to Democracy in the United States," ibid. WILLIAM H . GOETZMANN, " T h e

Topographical Engineers and

Western Movement," The Westerners Book], N o . 4,1958.

the

[ N e w York Posse Brand

ALVIN M. JOSEPI-IY, JR., " T h e Lolo Trail," ibid. RAY ALLEN BILLINGTON, "Turner and the Frontier Hypothesis," Westerners Brand Book [Chicago], November, 1957. "From Buffalo to Beef — T h e Saga of Cattle," ibid., December, 1957. E. B. LONG, "Fremont, Lyon, and Wilson's Creek" (Civil W a r and Effect on the West), ibid., January, 1958. "Mule Deer in the Kaibab," Westways, November, 1957. "The Road from Hanksville," ibid. ANDREW HAMILTON, "Bat Cave Bonanza" [Guano], ibid., January, 1958. IDWAL JONES, "Men on Snowshoes" [Story of Genoa, N e v a d a ] , ibid.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

On Sunday, February 16, 1958, from 3:00 to 5:00 P.M., the opening of the first art exhibit to be sponsored by the Historical Society was held in the ballroom of the Mansion at 603 East South Temple. Through the generosity of Mr. and Mrs. N. G. Morgan, Sr., the Society recently has acquired a collection of sixty reproductions of paintings by William H. Jackson (1843-1942), "Picture-Maker of the Old West." Mr. Jackson was himself a pioneer and witnessed many of the scenes which he portrayed. The collection of his work is unique, for the pictures are authentic recordings by the artist of the transition period of the West, 1861-1869, when the covered wagon and the Pony Express were being replaced by the railroad and the telegraph. Depicted are scenes of the Old West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; old forts and missions, Pony Express stations, and the life and activities surrounding these historic places. Buffalo stampedes, Indian ambushes, stage coach adventures, and the terrain of the country along the Mormon, California, and Oregon trails from the Missouri River to the Pacific Coast, are graphically portrayed. From 1930 to 1942, while research secretary of the Oregon Trails Association, Mr. Jackson made from seventy-five to one hundred water color paintings from pencil sketches he had made in 1866. He completed this task when he was past ninety-nine years of age. These original paintings are scattered among national museums, universities, libraries, and private collections throughout the country. Mr. Clarence S. Jackson, son of the painter, has retained photographic copies of most

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of these which he reproduces as hand-colored photographs, faithfully preserving the technique and color values of the originals. In addition to the Jackson pictures, the sculptured works of Ortho Fairbanks—the statue of Eliza R. Snow, the Tilman D. Johnson plaque, the statue of Karl G. Maeser, busts of Louis Buchman, former governor Charles R. Mabey, and others—are on display in the ballroom and other areas of the building. The extensive collection of the drawings of historic buildings and scenes of Utah, the work of the noted artist, Carlos Andreson; the historic photograph collection housed on the second and third floors; and the notable works of art exhibited in the halls of the building are continuing to be a source of delight and interest to all visitors to the Society. Through the processing of recent acquisitions from the office of the secretary of state by the Archives Division, exceedingly valuable and important research materials are being made available. The complete records of the Utah Commission as contained in the Letter Books and Minute Books are now available for students. In the Minute Books of the commission are found the reports of the commission to the Secretary of the Interior. In the Secretary of Territories correspondence (1853-1895) are found many official documents — petitions to the legislature, original bills of the legislature, election results, appointments to office, Commissioner of Deeds appointments, and oaths of office. A most important collection, one which came into custody of the Society in a way which no one knows and the whereabouts of the rest of which no one knows — an example of the way invaluable documents have been tossed around, lost, and destroyed in the past — are transcripts of the 1929-30 case of the United States vs. Utah over title of the streambed of the Green, Colorado, and San Juan rivers. The materials consist of both published and unpublished reports given before the watermaster appointed to hear the case and numerous exhibits presented at the trial. The exhibits include pictures, diaries, Indian treaties, and maps. Unfortunately, testimony reveals that the exhibits numbered in the hundreds, but there are only eighy-eight in the present collection. These papers are sources of information for the case that is arising to determine the extent of navigability of the San Juan River, and the Archives Division is now in the process of trying to reconstruct these valuable files in order to serve better certain members of the University of Utah and others who are doing research on the Glen Canyon area under a special foundation grant.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

203

Comments pro and con the new format of the Quarterly have been received with interest and appreciation in the editorial offices of the Society. The general consensus seems to be in line with the main purposes of the change â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that is to bring Utah, Mormon, and Western history to a wider audience â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the feeling seems to be that the new format is a step in the right direction to do just that. In addition to his daily routine work, the business of running the Society, planning and working on Quarterly revisions and an extended publications program generally, your Director has had a busy fall, winter, and spring program. He has been called upon to talk to various clubs and groups on historical matters. On January 2 and 3, in connection with his activities on the State Parks Commission, Dr. Mortensen traveled to Kanab, Utah, and the Glen Canyon damsite with Mr. C. J. Olsen, director of the State Parks Commission. At the banquet meeting of the Utah State Association of County Officials in Salt Lake City, January 24, 1958, he served as toastmaster for the occasion. On matters nearer home, at the request of the Public Relations Committee of the Board of Trustees, he delivered the first lecture of the Society's newly inaugurated public lecture series, the first meeting of which was held Friday, March 7, in the rooms of the Mansion. His subject was "The Historical Society, a Public Institution," and was an excellent keynote for the rest in the scheduled series. The University of Utah chapter, Alpha Rho of Phi Alpha Theta, national honorary history fraternity, held its initiation meeting at the Mansion of the Historical Society on Thursday evening, January 23, 1958. Mr. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., addressed the group, his subject being Abraham Lincoln. The activities of the evening were completed with a tour of the building and a review of the resources of the Utah State Historical Society and its state Archives Division. Since it was inadvertantly omitted from the January issue of the Quarterly, acknowledgment is hereby given to the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, for its gracious permission to reproduce "Fort San Bernardino, from the North East, Oct. 1852," which appeared on page 29 of Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume XXVI, Number 1. The Daughters of Utah Pioneers completed their series, Treasures of Pioneer History, upon publication of Volume VI. A third series, Our Pioneer Heritage, will be forthcoming the latter part of this year.

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Thomas F. O'Dea, author of the recently published book, The Mormons, and associate professor of sociology at Fordham University, will conduct a course on the Sociology of Religion at the summer, 1958, session of the University of Utah. Mr. Bertram J. Silliman of Greenriver, Utah, died in December, 1957. In his passing the Society lost a valued and respected supporter. Mr. Silliman had a profound interest in the history and exploration of this western land of ours, and the files of the Library are the richer for several pieces of material which he accumulated and prepared on various phases of the Old Spanish Trail, mining in the Henry Mountains, and various other subjects. An interesting addition to the collections of the Society was the recent gift from the Naval Supply Depot, Clearfield, Utah, of thirteen trophy cups, one trophy, and two plaques, along with a book giving the histories of United States warships named for people and places in Utah. The ships are: U. S. S. Utah, U. S. S. Salt Lake City, U. S. S. Bennion (named for Captain Mervyn Sharp Bennion), U. S. S. Lyman K. Swenson (named for Captain Lyman Knute Swenson), U. S. S. Merrill (named for Ensign Howard Deal Merrill), U. S. S. Robert Brazier, U. S. S. Ogden, U. S. S. Bryce Canyon, U. S. S. Wayne, and the U. S. S. Escalante. Gifts are always appreciated, and the Society wishes to extend thanks to the following: Donald Prince, Mrs. John D. Giles, E. L. Winn, Mrs. M. Walker Wallace, Stanley S. Ivins, J. N. Bowman, Hugh F. O'Neil, Carl I. Wheat, Abraham Kambler, Miss Lucile M. Francke, S. George Ellsworth, Milton C. Abrams, Mrs. Kate B. Carter, N. G. Morgan, Sr., M. Wilford Poulson, American Gilsonite Company, University of Utah Press, William A. Dawson, Ivard R. Rogers, Newman C. Petty, Eugene McAuliffe, and Brig. Gen. Franklin Riter. Special thanks are accorded Mr. John Spencer of Universal Microfilm Company for his gift of $100 to the Archives Division to be used in the microfilm program.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

BOARD OF TRUSTEES (Terms Expiring April

1,1961)

JUANITA BROOKS, St. George

SOCIETY

OFFICERS 1957-59 LELAND H. CREER, President NICHOLAS G. MORGAN, SR., Vice-President A. R. MORTENSEN, Director

LELAND H. CREER, Salt Lake City NICHOLAS c. MORGAN, SR., Salt Lake City

PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE

JOEL E. RICKS, Logan

JUANITA BROOKS, Chairman

RUSSEL B. SWENSEN, PrOVO

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG

(Terms Expiring April

1,1959)

A. K. MORTENSEN

LOUIS BUCHMAN, Salt Lake City

MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE

GEORGE F. EGAN, Salt Lake City

JOEL E. RICKS, Chairman

CHARLES R. MABEY, Bountiful

A. R. MORTENSEN

WILLIAM F. MCCREA, Ogden LEVI EDGAR YOUNG, Salt Lake City

PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE GEORGE F . EGAN, Chairman

(Ex-Officio

Member)

WILLIAM F. MCCREA

LAMONT r. TORONTO, Secretary of State

CHARLES R. MABEY

EDITORIAL CONTRIBUTIONS: The Society was or-

The Utah State Historical Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to this publication.

ganized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to die history of the state. T o effect this end, contributions of manuscripts are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters, and odier writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present-day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions for the consideration of the Publications Committee, and correspondence relating thereto, should be addressed to die Editor, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2 , Utah.

MEMBERSHIP: Membership in the Society is $3.00 per year. The Utah Historical Quarterly is sent free to all members. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $3.00 a year or $1.00 for current numbers. Life membership, $50.00. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to die Editor, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah. Entered as second-class matter January 5, 1953, at the Post Office at Salt Lake City, Utah, under the Act of August 24, 1912.

Election Notice! In accordance with the provisions of Law and by direction of "The Board of Registration and Election," notice is hereby given that

AN ELECTION WILL BE HELD at Precinct, in. Territory of Utah, on

County,

TUESDAY, NOVEHBEfl 5th, 1895, tor the purpose of choosing persons to till the following offices: T B H R I T O R I A L . ——

flUUBKH

OF TIIK L K I i W M T n t : COUNCIL FOR

CONSISTING o r T H E 4-01 NTIEM o r

, ._

DISTRICT.

„

MEMBER Or THE HOI HE OF KEPBENENTATI* E» VOM-..-...COMPOSED Or

... DISTRICT,

COUNTIES.

County. ONE SUPEBINTENDKNT Ol' DISTRICT SCHOOLS. PEECIWCT.

1-IT7 IT I C I P JLX-. ONE HAVOR. ONE HECOKnEK. ONE TREASURER. ONE MARSHAL. ONE CITY J l STICE. HE3IBKRH CITY COUNCIL.

-STATE.ONE REPRESENTATIVE TO THE 54th CONGRESS OP THE UNITED STATES. ONE GOVERNOR. ONE SECRETARY Or STATE. ONE STATE 4ID1TOR. ONE STATE TKEASI RER. ONE ATTORNEY GENERAL. ONE HI I'ERINTENUENT Ol' PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. THREE SUPREME JUDGES. ONE DISTRICT JUDGE POR

DISTRICT,

CONSISTING OP —

-COUNTIES.

ONE MEMHER OF SENATE F O R CONSISTING OP THE COUNTIES OF

..... -DISTRICT, - _

ONE MEMHER OE HOUSE OE REPRESENTATIVES FOB

DISTRICT,

CONSISTING OF THE COUNTY OF And atl*o on the question of the adoption or rrjertlon of the

O O W S T I T p Tioar For the proponed State of Utah.

Said election will commence at one hour after sunrise, and continue until sunset, on the 5th day of November, 1895. [Sun riaea at 7 and Beta at 4:30, sun time.

Dated at this day of October, 1895*

Standard time ia 37 minutes faster than sun time.]

Precinct,.

Registrar (or

.County, Utah Territory,

Precinct.

. County.

Notice of Election! distributed by the Utah Commission to local registrars, it provided for several contingencies: (1) adoption of a state constitution, (2) a slate of state officials, (3) territorial officials, should the constitution be rejected.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

July, 1958

UTAH'S PARKS AND SCENIC WONDERS

ABOUT THE COVER

Dead Horse Point From a mural painted by Lynn Fausett, courtesy Leon W. Harman.

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

VOLUME

HISTORICAL

XXVI,

SOCIETY

NUMBER 3

July, 1958

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS UNIVERSITY OF UTAH PRESS Typesetting and Composition DESERET NEWS PRESS Printing and Binding WHEELWRIGHT LITHOGRAPHING COMPANY Cover DEBOUZEK ENGRAVING COMPANY Colored Engravings RIDGES ENGRAVING COMPANY Black and White Engravings

CONTENTS The Land that God Forgot, BY JUANITA BROOKS

207

The Discovery of Glen Canyon, 1776, BY DAVID E. MILLER

221

Dead Horse Point in Rainbow Land, BY JOSEPHINE FABIAN

239

Dinosaur Country, BY G. E. AND B. R. UNTERMANN

247

Another Way West, BY JACK GOODMAN..

259

Humboldt's

269

Utah, 1811, BY C. GREGORY CRAMPTON

A New Look

O^ Treasures, BY JACK GOODMAN

283

History and Scenery, BY A. R. MORTENSEN

297

Selected Readings on Utah's Historic and Scenic Wonders..â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

299

ILLUSTRATIONS The Watchman and the Virgin River

206

The Falls of Sinawava

213

The Silent City, Bryce Canyon

217

Map of Lower Glen Canyon

220

Monument

222

Valley

Crossing of the Fathers

226

The Needles Area, Confluence of the Green and Colorado Rivers

238

Rainbow Bridge, Goosenecks of the San fuan River

242

Moon Lake, Split

Mountain,

Relieving of Dinosaur Leg Bone, Petroglyphs

246

Reliefing Operations at Dinosaur Quarry

251

Replica of Diplodocus

253

Green Lake

254

Tony Grove Lake

258

Old funiper

262

"Camp Victory" and Rockfill in Great Salt Lake

264

Driving the Last Pile

265

"Carte Generale du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne"

268

Map of Possible Commercial Route across Rockies, Alexander von Humboldt Old Stagecoach Inn

272 282

Lake Mary, Skiing at Alta

287

Old State House

290

Brigham Young Monument

296

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tThe Watchman and the Virgin River in an autumn setting. One of many gigantic fbuttes in Zion, the Watchman rises 2,600 feet above the river and with the Three Patriarchs guards the entrance to the Park. Photo courtesy Paul R. Franke, National Parks Service.

THE

LAND

THAT

GOD F O R G O T

By Juanita Brool\s*

The desert of the southwest knows no artificial boundaries. Sliced through by the Colorado River and its tributaries, it sprawls and stretches to pale miniature mountains against distant horizons. Except for one brief period in the spring it is dun-colored, but given rain in January and February it bursts into life almost as if by magic. Suddenly every scraggy bush is standing in a bunch of grass which thins as it fans out into the open, but which in wet seasons becomes an almost solid carpet. The first blossoms are the delicate annuals â&#x20AC;&#x201D; bluebells, buttercups, sugar flowers, and sego lilies. Then come the red cups of the slippery elm, the purple spikes of the sage, the pink sand-verbenas, and the flame-tipped Indian paintbrush. The vivid cacti and the tall stems of the yucca, heavy with waxen bells, appear last, like royalty making a dramatic entrance after all the common folk have assembled. It is as if Mother Nature would compensate for the brief blooming by giving it extra color and perfume. But such loveliness cannot last. By June the grass is burned to a crisp, the little annual flowers are only blown bits of refuse, the dry yucca pods rattle upon their long dead stalks. Each plant which survives the summer heat has made its own adaptation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the leaves of the creo* Mrs. Brooks is a prominent writer and authority on Utah and Western history. She is a life-long resident of Utah's Dixie.

208

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

sote covered with gum, the yucca spines and cactus thorns all encased in heavy cellophane. Before cars and good roads erased the distance, men learned to make their trips through the desert between September and May while the weather was moderate. Even then they must linger at the creeks and springs, follow the river beds as far as possible, and make long forced drives across country to water. If they must travel during the summer months, they adopted the habits of the desert animals, moving in the late afternoon through the night and taking shelter during the day in the shade of cliffs or sand caves or, if they were fortunate, under trees beside a stream. The terrain is still a monotony to be endured, an area where the traveler may ride a whole day without seeing a living thing â&#x20AC;&#x201D; bird, beast, or reptile. Such is the nature of the desert. One who would know its secrets must take time to live intimately upon the ground, must listen and watch through many nights to become aware of even a small part of the activity of this strange land. For that reason some knowledge of the history of its past is necessary for a full appreciation of those who first came to live in it. Conquer it they could not, but they did exist in spite of it. For example, out of Las Vegas coming northeast on U.S. 91 the traveler passes a sign, "Mormon Mesa." What does that mean? When was it named ? In May, 1855, a company of wagons drawn by oxen or mules left Salt Lake City en route to the springs at Las Vegas, where the men had been called to act as missionaries to the Indians. They were joined by others on the way until at the last crossing of the Virgin River they numbered forty wagons. By this time it was June, and the heat was so intense that they left the stream in the evening and traveled part way up the slope toward the top of the mesa. Young George Washington Bean told how the next morning tJiey started over the last terrible mile, through sand from four to twelve inches deep on the hillside, which was almost perpendicular in places. Here they toiled the full day through, from sunrise to sunset. They used six yoke of oxen per wagon, plus twenty men pulling and tugging at a long rope in front, other men pushing from behind or carrying along large rocks with which to block the wheels at the stops. It was 7:00 P.M. before all were up, and in spite of the fact that their animals were jaded, they set out on a forced journey twenty miles to the Muddy Creek. About half of them would certainly have died of thirst if some of the more fortunate ones had not returned with water. Hence the name, "Mormon Mesa."

THE LAND THAT GOD FORGOT

209

Today in a comfortable car on a broad, hard-surfaced road, one finds no threat in this landscape, but only boredom with a terrain which stretches away as flat as a floor and as barren as the second day of Creation. The drop down into the valley of the Virgin River adds some variety, as does the village of Mesquite, Nevada. Soon the road leaves the river course and climbs toward a low mountain range. A scattered forest of Joshua trees covers the upper slope but stops abruptly at the foothills, and through a twisting gap the vista opens to vivid color. Vermilion bluffs jut out against a deep blue mountain backdrop; black lava-covered hills are pointed up by splotches of chalk-white clay. The combination is a fitting introduction to the scenic wonders beyond. All the way the road has followed roughly the Old Spanish Trail, over which for ages the Indians had carried on their trade in horses and captive children. A favorite camping place was here on the Santa Clara Creek, where a small band of Shivwits still lives. In 1854 Brigham Young sent a group of missionaries to the Indians of this area. They made their headquarters about where a service station now stands, just at the entrance of the town of Santa Clara. Here they built a strong rock fort and planted some cotton seed as an experiment. The next year die married men brought their families, and the single boys courted and persuaded their brides to join the community. Such an interesting group! Jacob Hamblin, the oldest man, was thirtyfour years old, his wife Rachel, thirty-two; Dudley Leavitt was twentyfour and his two wives twenty-two and seventeen respectively; Zadoc K. Judd's wife was not yet twenty and the mother of two children. The five brides were still in their teens. Here, two days' travel from the nearest settlement, they supported each other through childbirth, fear of die Indians, and loneliness. For six years this rock fort was the last outpost on the desert. In the fall of 1861 a company of twenty families, newly arrived from Switzerland, were sent here to raise grapes. It would be impossible to imagine a more complete, more total change in environment than they faced in the move from the lush Alpine slopes to this valley of blue sage set in salmon-colored sand. Everything was strange â&#x20AC;&#x201D; plant life, animal life, Indians, the whole landscape. But they had come to Zion with joy, and after dragging their handcarts from the Mississippi River to the Salt Lake Valley and making the trip south in relays from one community to another, they still "excited much curiosity through the country by their singing and good cheer." Soon after they arrived, they surveyed the site for their town, num-

210

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

bered the lots, and placed corresponding numbers in a hat from which each man drew one to be his homesite. Since they could not plant until they could get water to the land, they began at once to dig a canal. All hands joined in the task, working a twelve-hour day for a credit of $2.00 on the books. By Christmas Eve it was done, at a cost of $1,030 in labor. Now they could celebrate! But that very night the rain began, such a rain as none in this area had ever seen before. For forty days it continued intermittently, and on February 2, 1862, came the flood. Such a flood! It washed away the rock fort, the orchards of the first settlers, the burr flour mill, the molasses mill â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the new ditch. Now the old settlers moved away, leaving the Swiss to make another ditch before they could raise a crop. Those were hard, near-starvation years, those first two, but the people persisted and by their industry and frugality had within a decade become a prosperous community that boasted no poor in its midst. Though many of its young people have moved away, the town is still essentially Swiss, as evidenced by the fine homes and well-kept yards. A week after the arrival of the Swiss company on the Santa Clara, a much larger group â&#x20AC;&#x201D; three hundred wagons â&#x20AC;&#x201D; pulled onto the site of St. George. This was known as the "Cotton Mission" or the "Dixie Mission," because of the hot climate. This accounts for the white "D" emblazoned on the black hill and the use of the word Dixie as part of the name of so many businesses. Today a stalk of cotton would be a source of wonder to the children of Utah's Dixie, but in 1861 with the Civil War cutting off the supply from the South, the people did plant and raise cotton for the state. Following the orderly Mormon plan of colonization, this was a picked group with the right proportion of farmers, builders, carpenters, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, and coopers to care for the erection of homes. Musicians and schoolteachers also were called to set the cultural tone of the community. Life here was rigorous. The heat, the alkaline soil, the recalcitrant river, the flies and mosquitoes combined so effectively that some families returned to the north after the first season. Those who remained started work on a red sandstone tabernacle before their own homes were finished. It stands trvlay with its clock and steeple, a building which looks as if it had beei ansplanted bodily from New England. That structure up to the s ire, the stonemasons started work at once on the impressive temple Jiich now, snow-white, dominates tL 'andscape. A

THE LAND THAT GOD FORGOT

211

third public building, the courthouse, was built while the temple was still in progress and stands foursquare in the pattern of courthouses from Boston to Vandalia. These three structures speak of the quality of their builders more eloquently than could volumes of words. St. George today is a tourist center where modern motels and restaurants daily furnish accommodations for more than a thousand people, most of them en route to the National Parks. It is interesting to note that the very liabilities of the early settlers are the greatest assets of their descendants. This multi-colored land, with its barren, fantastically eroded hills, which then seemed such a curse, is now a blessing. Its very wildness, its untamed grandeur, provides "gold in them thar hills" of a kind that only increases with the intangibles which each visitor carries away. From St. George through the village of Washington, also settled as a part of the cotton industry, you pass on through Hurricane Valley with its luscious fruits and berries and its ditch hanging high along the hillside, up and up a winding road to the top of the plateau. Stop here and look back at the scene behind you, just in case you don't come back this way. Directly below you Hurricane covers the valley, a patch-work quilt in neat squares. To your right clumps of green mark the location of ranches or settlements, and beyond stretches the wasteland cut through by ridges and punctuated with upthrust masses of violent red rock standing on end. To the left rolling hills stretch out, one blanketed with some fifty acres of bright cerise sand, rippling and as clear of vegetation as beach sand, a miniature Sahara. Away and beyond this tucked-in corner stretches the desert. Pioneer travelers, measuring these distances in terms of days and nights on the road, of hours plodding across a sandy stretch or up a grade to a summit, called the whole area "the land which God forgot." fi This view to them was not something to admire but the place where they must live; these colors spoke to them more of sterility than beauty. You now stand almost midway between the two lanes of traffic through Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; U.S. 91, which you left some twenty miles back, and U.S. 89, which lies ahead. For nearly three hundred miles they run parallel, much of the way only forty miles apart, and joining them in a sort of magic circle are the scenic wonders of Zion, Bryce, and Cedar Breaks, all within a circumference of 150 miles. Tc instead of being the land that God forgot, it is the land that man r lembers and tells his friends r' Ji, reinforcing his telling with pictu i of unbelievable

212

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

quality. It is a land to return to again and again, for no one can ever wholly see it, so responsive and sensitive is it to the hours and the seasons. Back on your way again, you ride across a level plateau, the skyline ahead a teasing lure to hurry you on. Close against your left is another flat elevation, the top held together with a tight band of hard rock from which the layers of softer earth burst away in flounces and billows and folds, horizontally striped, like permanent models for the abundant skirts of the Navajo maidens. On top of one elevation you may catch a glimpse of buildings and mechanisms connected with the government experiment known as "Project Smart." Here Dummy Sam is repeatedly being catapulted from a cockpit at a speed greater than that of sound — thrown dirough the air over the edge of the cliff to test the various effects on a jet pilot similarly ejected. No, visitors are not admitted except by special permission and when accompanied by authorized attendants. Rockville and Springdale are little one-street rows of houses crowded between the Virgin River and the hills. Now for the first time you are close to the stream. Innocent looking, isn't it? Hardly large enough to be called a river, it ripples along, shallow and cheerful. You could take off your shoes and stockings and wade it almost anywhere without wetting your knees. Yet it was this same stream in flood that washed out the early village at Pocketville — houses, barns, and all — and then swung back in demoniac glee to scoop out the land upon which Duncan was going to establish another settlement. It has been said that the stream daily carries out of the canyon 180 carloads of ground rock. After you reach the ranger station at Zion, make haste slowly. Pull up at the first viewpoint, stop, and get out for a general over-all impression of the place —the Three Patriarchs on the one side and the Watchman on the other guarding the entrance. Past this point die Indians would venture during the day, but would not let the evening catch them there. There is something so overwhelming about the place as the canyon narrows that they shrank away in awe, afraid of too close association with the spirits that whispered among the rocks. Drive to the Temple of Sinawava, the end of the road for cars, and then get out and take time to enjoy this indescribable place. The general feeling is of mass — sheer cliffs that stretch up and up. How high ? Why try to conceive the number of feet of several Empire State Buildings placed one on top of the other? The impression is of mass and height overwhelming, red walls in variegated shades, sheer, hard as

The Falls of Sinawava after a summer shower. Located just below the "narrows" of the Virgin River where it debouches into the upper end of Zion Canyon are the cathedral-like walls of the Temple of Sinawava. Photo courtesy Paul R. Franke, National Parks Service.

honed steel. There is vegetation, of course, but so little that it is dwarfed and lost on the blank upper reaches. Close on the trails, aspens take the edge off the magnitude of what towers above and beyond the stretch of the imagination. Follow to the trail's end at the edge of the Narrows, where the stream rushes out as from a huge pipe in an o p e n i n g , only t w e n t y feet wide in some places, between the 2,000 feet of sheer ledge, clean-cut and polished. It is said by those who have followed through this canyon, e n t e r i n g from above and c o m i n g d o w n with the streams d u r i n g low-water time, that die defile is so narrow and the slit of blue sky so far above that the stars can be seen in midday. H e r e you m a y see the w o r k of the stream more clearly, as it has cut its channel at the rate of an inch or two a year, and continues still to grind down the stone.

214

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

Linger in the Park as long as you can; your time will be well spent. Go on the guided tours and listen to the stories of those who have background to help you see what you look at. Or, with one of the "selfguided tour" booklets to direct you, explore for yourself. You might try to hike up Angel's Landing, for it is not too strenuous, leading as it does by winding trails up the back to bring you suddenly to the top and the edge of the cliff. Now you can get a better view of the still higher walls that surround you, and, even at this elevation, things take on a different aspect as you sense the distance both up and down. Do not attempt to climb Lady Mountain on the west rim unless you are in condition, but if you are, tackle it with the assurance that the effort will be richly rewarded. There are no words coined to describe the magnificence of the view from here, the expanse of unexplored land that opens to the west, numberless peaks whose tops are on a level with the high plateau, divided by a labyrinth of abysmal chasms. Beyond them the view stretches out as though to the end of the earth. Is it thirteen mountain ranges that you can count? Some say more, some less, depending on the strength of their eyes and imaginations. But it is an unforgettable experience. Perhaps you do not care to hike at all. It is almost as well, for you can sit quietly in the shade of one canyon wall and look at the other; you can close your eyes and feel the spirit of this place. Stop where you can contemplate the Great White Throne, the unconquered peak scaled by only one human being â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a seasoned mountain climber proud of his achievements in the Alps. He would win added fame by being the first to reach the top of this monolith! For one night his signal fire glowed on top of the crest, and that was all. Searching parties were sent out; airplanes flew over. It was futile, for the man had disappeared completely, and the mountain stood in silent disdain of their puny efforts. If you are fortunate enough to witness the moon rise over the canyons, you will understand better why people can believe in elves and fairies, and why the Indians might shun the eerie shapes that the moonlight conjures up. Or you might happen to be there for one of the brief summer showers when each cliff has its own waterfall, a misty, varicolored veil. But at any hour of any ordinary day Zion Canyon will provide pictures for your memory album. Leave the canyon by way of the Zion-Mount Carmel tunnel, one of the engineering feats of the world. You snake your way up the mountain side and enter the darkness. But stop at the windows to look back

THE LAND THAT GOD FORGOT

215

at the canyons and cliffs and to get perspective. It is almost like a summary at the end of an interesting chapter, tying the individual points together and showing them in relation to each other. The scenery beyond Zion to the east is varied and interesting — the checkerboard mountain with its bare slope neatly marked into squares, the wooded hills, the open valleys, and the patches of cleared land. At Mount Carmel Junction the road joins U.S. 89. Visitors who arrive at this junction from Phoenix and intermediate points have come up out of a desert very similar to that of California and Nevada. They have witnessed the same empty expanse, felt the same silence beating in waves against the eardrums, endured the same withering heat during the day, gloried in the evening sunset — a spectacle of color that reflects across the landscape — and experienced the same nightly benediction. There is one marked difference in Arizona country. Navajo hogans, never in villages, dot the landscape. These rising swells and knobs seem almost like natural formations until one notices their blanketed doors, which always open to the east. The Navajo people have learned the insulating qualities of the good earth, so have built the hogan partly underground using a heavy layer of sod around and above to keep out the heat. Past the Navajo land, across the Colorado River at Marble Canyon, skirting the Buckskin Mountain, the road drops to open country, where just a stone's throw from the Utah line is the village of Fredonia. Today, busy with lumber and with the backwash of Kanab's boom, it is much like any other rural Mormon town. Its background was unusual in that Zane Grey used it as the locale for some of his Westerns, for during the years when the Mormons were living polygamy proudly and defiantly, this town was a refuge for plural wives. Safe over the line in Arizona, they were secure against arrest by Utah officers, while still near enough to friends and neighbors at Kanab. So great was the annual crop of babies that some wag called it "the lambing ground." Five miles farther on and just over the Utah line is Kanab, another town with a long and colorful past, though not more exciting than its present. In the early 1940's the Parry brothers helped some of the moving picture companies discover the scenery in this area — the cliffs, ledges, caves, trails, the meadows with streams and greenery beneath high mountain peaks — with the result that a number of pictures were filmed here, and nearly every summer finds one company or another headquartered here and working on location nearby. But now the most important element in the economy of Kanab is

216

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

not moving pictures but the Glen Canyon Dam that is under construction seventy-five miles beyond on the Colorado River and the influx of people who come in to find work. The trailer house villages, die rude temporary camps, and the crowded schools combine to pose real problems for the city fathers. Twenty miles north of Kanab is the Mount Carmel Junction, where those who have never seen Zion Canyon will want to detour. Others, en route to Bryce, will continue up U.S. 89 through Mount Carmel and Orderville, sheltered by trees and surrounded by lush farms and orchards. Of these two, Orderville has the more unique past in that it is the one place in the state where the attempt to live the communal "Order of Enoch" succeeded. The idea grew out of earlier attempts to establish a Utopia in which there should be no rich and no poor, but all should live in equality and fraternity. In the beginning this village consisted of an enclosed square around the edge of which individual homes, or more accurately perhaps, sleeping apartments, were built, while the large building in the center was a composite of living-room, dining-room, meeting-house, and dance hall. Attached to it was the kitchen with its huge stone ovens and great kettles, while the dairy-room, the deepfreeze of the time, was outside the square. Under the "Order" all ate at the same table; the men and boys old enough to work in the fields were served first, the women and children later. The work of the household was rotated, the girls taking turns at serving, washing dishes, caring for the milk, butter, and cheese, cleaning the bedrooms, spinning, weaving, sewing, and so on through the whole list of occupations. The men's assignments were more often for the year â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with each man responsible for some project. The blacksmith, the shoemaker, the baker, or the carpenter might retain his position for years with apprentices under him, while the farmers, the lumbermen, and others whose work was seasonal might rotate or share occupations. Frequent discussion meetings kept everyone up to date and ironed out misunderstandings. Each worked according to his ability, and all shared equally in the profits of the enterprise. Annually when the books were balanced, debts were forgiven and everyone started anew. The result was a very close-knit society, with all the girls dressed in dresses of identical material, though they might try their ingenuity in the trim or pattern, and the boys all in home-spun and manufactured jeans or suits, straw hats, and serviceable shoes from the hides of their own cattle. Oldsters remembering these days insist that they were happy

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PHOTO W A Y N E B. ALCORN, COURTESY GLEN T. BEAN, BRYCE NATIONAL PARK

The Silent City, Bryce Canyon. Taken from Inspiration Point, this flamboyantly colored scene is enjoyed by thousands in its summer glory, but relatively few are familiar with its winter solitude. and peaceful and that there was a spiritual and emotional unity among them not of this earth. Certain it is that they were dedicated to the idea, for while most of the other communities where similar "Orders" were established continued the experiment only past the second year, these good folk lived it in full fidelity for eleven years, and then formally dissolved only after they were counseled to do so by their leaders. The ride through Long Valley is a delight, with the road just high enough along the hillside to miss the grassy bottomland and to give an excellent view of the mountain on the other side. The stream grows smaller as the road ascends until at last it is a mere trickle between pools or seeps from among the grass edges. Then suddenly the water is running in the other direction, for here on this divide the Virgin and the Sevier touch finger tips. Through Asay town and Hatch the country opens toward the Sevier Valley, and soon after you pass the Bryce Canyon junction you get a hint of color in Red Canyon. But nothing can prepare you for the impact of Bryce. You are riding through mountain growth among pines and aspens at an elevation which seems to extend without break to a distant horizon. Then suddenly there you are! A horseshoe-shaped

218

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

bowl opens beneath you, and you find yourself looking down into an amphitheater covering fifty-five square miles, filled with pinnacles and towers and figures. It is almost too magnificent, too violent to grasp, for in addition to the enchanted chaos of form there is the play of color, shading from the frosted white top which crowns the higher peaks through yellow to coral and rose. Subdivide the colors in any way you choose — saffron, apricot, persimmon, watermelon — they are here. That is, at one time or another, in varying degrees of density they are here, for this is color changing. Here is none of the classic simplicity of Zion. Here you are not an infinite small speck looking up at mass and height. Here you stand on the edge of a fairyland with gentle trails luring you to come down and explore. Descend even a few hundred yards and surprise yourself with the magnitude of these individual sculpturings — pinnacles in rows, in groups exchanging confidences, or standing aloof and disdainful of company. The Greeks would have peopled this area with a special kind of deity. If you arrive at midday and find the colors pale and washed-out, do not be disappointed. Stay and watch them bloom in the light of the sinking sun, bloom and glow as with an inner illumination. Then as the shadows gather in the defiles and fill the narrow gulches, rising inch by inch along the base, see how the spires burn like flaming tips. Or in the morning watch them drop the blue veil from their shoulders to folds around their feet, to vanish as the sun limns the edge with a pencil line of pure gold. As you stand at this elevation and look off to the east into the unknown land, you can quite clearly see white spires jutting out of the ground like pale asparagus tips rising above the plain. "The Stove Pipes" local folk call them, this formation for which even the most learned geologists have neither name nor explanation. If you love exploring, if you like to live daringly and on the edge of things — and if you have time — take the trip over the rim and down into this amazing land. But get directions and guides and carry along a good camera with color film or you can never make anyone understand what you found on "Kodachrome Flat." Returning now to U.S. 89 you may want to go on north past Panguitch (Indian for big fish) and on into Salt Lake City. But if you want to complete the circle and return to U.S. 91, go back to the Long Valley junction and take the high road over the mountain, over wooded hills and past brush-filled valleys where fern and columbine thrive, through

THE LAND

T H A T GOD FORGOT

219

tall ponderosa pines skirting Navajo Lake, on up until you are literally on top of the world. A vista opens out to the south and west, and you are suddenly caught up in a sense of vastness and peace above and beyond the smog and clangor, away from the race with time and the demand for tranquilizers. Pull off and view Cedar Breaks at the viewpoint called Brian Head, the highest point in the area. Here you see Bryce as it was aeons ago when the wind and water were just getting on with their work, for this is the same scene, only millions of years younger. Back at Cedar City on U.S. 91 you fall again into the stream of life, but the memory of these natural beauties will be as a fresh breeze across your face, the whole experience something in the nature of a baptism. Surely this is not the land which God forgot, but the one He has preserved inviolate to minister to the troubled heart of man.

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The map of lower Glen Canyon is by David E. Miller. On page 226 an aerial view looking southwest across the Colorado River at the site known as the "Crossing of the Fathers" is reproduced through the courtesy of W. C. Lee.

DISCOVERY

OF GLEN

CANYON,

1776

By David E. Miller*

Activities associated with the building of Glen Canyon Dam are focusing nation-wide attention on the whole canyon country of southern Utah and northern Arizona, one of the most spectacular and unique regions in America. Here is a veritable scenic wonderland, rich in historic background and resplendent with local color. High on the list of its attractions is the deep straight-walled canyon gorge where the dam is being built. Adequate observation points afford opportunity for visitors to observe the actual progress of the construction program. A good access road extends eastward from Kanab to the damsite, seventy-five miles distant. This highway will soon bridge the Colorado gorge immediately downstream from the dam and rejoin U.S. Highway 89 a dozen miles south of Navajo Bridge. Other important attractions in the * Dr. Miller was a member of an expedition, supported by a grant from the University of Utah Research Fund, which made a preliminary reconnaissance into the Glen Canyon area in 1956. In 1957 he was assigned to the history section of the Upper Colorado River Basin Archeological Salvage Project. He has conducted four more field trips for the purpose of checking numerous points along the Escalante trail, most of which he has covered either on foot or by jeep. Numerous people have aided with this field work, foremost among them being C. Gregory Crampton, professor of history at the University of Utah, who headed the 1956 reconnaissance. Others include: A. R. Mortensen, director of the Utah State Historical Society; Henry J. Webb and Kenneth E. Eble of the University of Utah English Department; W. H. Snell of Brigham Young University; Wendell E. Taylor of Salt Lake City; Fay Hamblin of Kanab, Utah, and Earl E. Olson, librarian, L.D.S. Church Historian's library. Numbered footnotes appear at the end of this article.

P H O T O COURTESY W . C . L E E

Monument Valley is in Navajo Reservation country. The awe-inspiring monoliths in this colorful land of isolation are scattered over a wide area which stretches across the Utah-Arizona line. area are: Paria Canyon, one of the most colorful spots in the West and the site of a Mormon ghost town; The Crossing of the Fathers, where the discoverers of Glen Canyon forded the Colorado in 1776; Hole-inthe-Rock, site of the most spectacular pioneer road-building project in the West; Rainbow Bridge, whose majestic sweeping arch is high enough to clear the dome of our National Capitol; Navajo Mountain and Monument Valley farther to the east; the famous Bryce and Zion National Parks to the north and west. Countless other canyons, buttes, and mesas, too numerous for identification here, contain natural bridges, arches, balancing rocks, extensive sand dunes, petrified wood, and desert flowers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; everything, in fact, which contributes to the solitude and charm of our southwest desert country. In addition to the natural splendor of the area, this is the home of the Navajo Indians, who have developed a unique and charming desert culture. Now that this region

DISCOVERY

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is being opened and made accessible, it is bound to become one of the most attractive sections of America. During the late summer of 1776, shortly after the thirteen English colonies on the east coast of North America had declared their independence and George Washington was making a desperate and heroic attempt to hold the American position in New York against superior British forces, another epic of American history was being enacted in a wild, desolate, unexplored region of the Far West. During that season the Dominguez-Escalante expedition discovered the Glen Canyon of the Colorado River, examined portions of it rather carefully, and eventually cut steps down the solid rock wall of one of its tributaries in order to ford the mighty stream at a spot now known as the Crossing of the Fatiiers. The following is an account of the activities of that Spanish party in the Glen Canyon area.1 ORIGIN OF T H E DOMINGUEZ-ESCALANTE EXPEDITION For several years prior to 1776 the Spaniards had been pushing northward along the west coast of North America. Missions had been established at San Diego in 1769; Carmel, 1770; San Gabriel, 1771; San Luis Obispo, 1772; and the expansion was just getting started. San Francisco and San Juan Capistrano would be founded during the year of 1776, Santa Clara, 1777, with numerous new settlements in the following years. A natural outgrowth of this Spanish expansion into California was the desirability of establishing a line of communication between the older settlements of New Mexico and the new ones on the Pacific. Three Franciscan fathers, Francisco Garces, Silvestre Velez de Escalante, and Francisco Antanasio Dominguez, had, all acting under similar instructions from their superiors, spent considerable time and energy on this project prior to the great exploration of 1776. In 1775 Escalante was stationed at the Zuni villages where he was busily engaged in missionary work among the natives. During July of that year, under authorization from the governor of New Mexico, he led a small expedition to the Hopi villages for the purpose of investigating the feasibility of opening a route to Monterey by way of the Colorado River and the land of the Cosninas, now known as the Havasupais. Although the Spaniards were given a cool reception by the Hopis, who had demonstrated no interest in the Christian God, Escalante had the good fortune of meeting a young Cosnina who happened at that time

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to be at the village of Walpi. The two men seem to have gained each other's confidence at once, and in the course of the conversation the priest was able to gather considerable information concerning the country and people to be found along the proposed route to California. Armed with this new mass of information plus a rapidly growing enthusiasm for the project ahead, Escalante hurried back to make his recommendations for an expedition of reconnaissance. Meanwhile Father Garces, operating out of San Xavier del Bac (near Tucson, Arizona), had been exploring the possibilities of opening a route from that mission to Santa Fe. During the spring of 1776 he pushed eastward as far as the Hopi villages. While Escalante and Garces were busy conducting these preliminary reconnaissances in the west and attempting to gain favor with the Indians of the region, the third man of the trio was eagerly promoting the same project. Early in 1775 Father Dominguez was sent to inspect the Christian progress in New Mexico and report the condition of the missions there. He was further instructed to attempt to open a route to the California coast and soon began laying plans for the inauguration of that project. Since Dominguez was well acquainted with the activities of Escalante in the area, it was quite natural that he should have summoned the Zuni missionary to Santa Fe for consultation. The meeting of these two took place early in June, 1776, and culminated in the organization and launching of the now famous Dominguez-Escalante expedition, one of the greatest explorations in Western history. Because the Spaniards had received cold treatment at the hands of the Hopis, who resisted Spanish expansion, and since the Apaches along the Gila River were known to be hostile toward the white man's advances, a direct route westward from Santa Fe seemed impracticable at that time. However, during the preceding decade numerous Spanish explorers and traders had pushed northward from New Mexico, and by 1776 the area comprising southwestern Colorado as far north as the junction of the Uncompahgre and Gunnison rivers was fairly well known. It is very likely that the region north of the latter stream had likewise undergone considerable examination. As a result, leaders of the proposed expedition decided to follow a northern course as far as the country was known and eventually swing to the west in a circuitous route to Monterey. Although the primary purpose of the undertaking was that of a line of communication, its leaders also hoped to bring Christianity to the natives who would be encountered en route and ultimately establish missions among them.

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COMPANY PERSONNEL AND GENERAL ROUTE Departure from Santa Fe had been set for July 4, 1776, but unforeseen events necessitated a delay of almost a month, and the expedition finally set out on July 29. Father Dominguez was official head of the enterprise, but since Escalante wrote a superb daily record of the company's progress, his name is more often associated with the expedition than that of his superior officer.2 Indeed, the trek is usually referred to as the Escalante expedition. A third major member of the company was Don Bernardo Miera y Pacheco, a retired army captain then living at Santa Fe. As cartographer of the expedition, Miera prepared some outstanding maps of the area traversed and also presented the King of Spain with a glowing written account of the reconnaissance.3 In addition to the three men listed above, the following seven names appear on the official list of the expedition's personnel: Don Juan Pedro Cisneros, alcalde mayor of the pueblo of Zufii; Don Joaquin Lain, citizen of Zuiii; Lorenzo Olivares, El Paso; Andres Munis, interpreter of the Yutas language, and his brother Lucrecio; Juan de Aguilar; Simon Lucero, servant of Cisneros.4 Although the expedition consisted of only ten persons at the beginning of the trek, two "genizaros" (friendly Indians of mixed blood) joined the company August 14 on the Dolores River near Cahone, Colorado. Escalante usually refers to these men as Felipe and Juan Domingo. Near the present town of Austin, Colorado, the company encountered and hired as guide a Laguna Indian to whom the padres gave the name of Silvestre. This man accompanied the party as far as Utah Lake, performing valuable service. A few days later, September 2, along the route between the Gunnison and Colorado rivers, a second Laguna Indian was added to the company. He was given the name of Joaquin and accompanied the explorers all the way back to Santa Fe. At Utah Lake a third Laguna Indian, given the name of Jose Maria by the priests, joined the company as guide, but he deserted on October 5 as the expedition was passing through the west side of Pavant Valley, south of Delta, Utah. Other Indians traveled briefly with the company from time to time but not long enough to give them official status as part of it. An examination of these names and dates will show that during most of the trek the expedition consisted of from twelve to fourteen persons. Plenty of horses and mules for riding and packing were supplied; how many is not known. A small herd of cattle was driven along to help supply food on the early part of the trek.

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The expedition headed northwestward from Santa Fe, through northern New Mexico and western Colorado, on a meandering course that eventually took them to the Green River in northeastern Utah. They forded this stream on September 16 just south of the present entrance to Dinosaur National Monument, immediately north of Jensen, Utah.0 Their march then took the party westward along the Duchesne River to the rim of the Great Basin where Strawberry Reservoir is located today, just south of U.S. 40. From that point the company made its way over the divide and down Spanish Fork Canyon to Utah Lake, which the Spaniards named Lake Timpanogos for the friendly Indians of the area. After a few days in the Utah Lake vicinity, the expedition turned to the south, struck Sevier River a short distance southwest of Nephi, Utah, and followed it most of the way to Sevier Lake. From the Pavant Valley the route again turned to the south. On October 8, in the vicinity of present-day Milford, Utah, the padres determined that since the season was already so far advanced and there seemed to be no trail to the west, it would be well-nigh impossible to continue toward the Pacific Coast. They decided to return to Santa Fe. As a result, the party continued southward through Utah, and made a long difficult circuit into northern Arizona before eventually arriving, on October 26, at the mouth of the Paria River on the Colorado. Camp was pitched just west of the present buildings of Lee's Ferry and named San Benito Salsipuedes. EXPERIENCES AT LEE'S FERRY Expedition leaders realized that the major obstacle blocking their route back to Santa Fe was the mighty Colorado which must be crossed somewhere. Natives encountered along the way told vague stories of a satisfactory shallow ford which must be located before the company could proceed very far. Hunting for this place where the river could be successfully crossed developed into a desperate search which led to the discovery and exploration of the lower portion of Glen Canyon. The Spaniards' first attempt at a crossing was made at the present site of Lee's Ferry, some six miles upstream from the present Navajo Bridge at Marble Canyon and right at the lower end of Glen Canyon. Here expedition leaders sent two expert swimmers6 into the stream in an endeavor to cross and explore southward for the purpose of determining whether or not a suitable route out of the river gorge could be found at that point. There would be no advantage in gaining the south bank

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only to be hemmed in by impassable terrain. Carrying their clothes in bundles on their heads, the two men plunged into the current. Finding it much swifter and wider than it had appeared from the bank, they felt lucky to be able to reach the south side alive, having lost their clothing in the turbulent river water. Naked and exhausted, the men had no stomach for an exploration southward, especially without shoes. After a brief rest they again struck into the swirling waters and managed to return to the north shore in safety. Obviously, this was not the easy shallow ford described by the Indians. The next day (October 27) Don Juan Pedro Cisneros was dispatched on an exploration of the Paria River in an attempt to find a way out of the Glen Canyon gorge. "He traveled all day and part of the night without finding a way out. He saw an acclivity very near here by which it would be possible to cross the mesa but it appeared to him to be very difficult. Others went to reconnoiter in different directions but found only insuperable obstacles in the way of reaching the ford without going back a long distance." 7 With no other apparent avenue of escape from their predicament, the padres decided to make another desperate attempt to cross the Colorado, and devoted the major part of October 28 to this undertaking. Since swimming or fording seemed out of the question, expedition personnel constructed a raft of driftwood logs found along the river bank in an attempt to float across. Father Escalante, assisted by two or three others, led this second assault on the mighty Colorado. However, a short distance from shore the twelve-foot-long poles used to propel the raft failed to touch bottom, and the craft drifted helplessly. Adverse winds, eddies, and whirlpools prevented the party from reaching midstream, and after three unsuccessful attempts the enterprise was abandoned. Although the padres were extremely disappointed at their apparent failure, they were probably very fortunate not to have been able to propel their raft into the middle of the stream. Had tiiey reached the center of the channel, the swift current undoubtedly would have swept the party rapidly downstream into Marble Canyon and almost certain destruction.8 Completely convinced that there was no possibility of crossing the Colorado at that point and that this was certainly not the ford described by the Indians, the leaders now dispatched Andres and Lucrecio Munis on a second reconnaissance of the Paria with instructions to find a way out of the canyon gorge and explore upstream along the Colorado until they found a satisfactory ford.

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In the meantime, not knowing how long the wait would be, the padres ordered a horse slaughtered to replenish the exhausted food supply. This was the second horse to become part of the rations, the first having been killed on October 23. The fact that the company had to resort to slaughtering their horses in order to sustain life is a good indication of the deplorable situation in which they found themselves. At one o'clock on November 1 the two explorers returned with the report that they had not only found a pass by which the company could climb out of the Paria but also had located the long sought ford of the Colorado. The pass seemed to be the one Cisneros had sighted on October 27, and since it was very steep and difficult, the padres decided to march up the Paria one league to its base and camp for the night in order to be able to make the ascent early the next morning. Escalante notes in his journal that the night was very cold, resulting in much suffering among the personnel. This was a sort of forecast of cold stormy weather that could be expected at that season of the year. FROM LEE'S FERRY TO T H E CROSSING OF T H E FATHERS After this cold uncomfortable night, Escalante recorded the following: November 2. We set out from Rio de Santa Teresa [Paria River] and climbed the acclivity, which we called Cuesta de las Animas and which must be a half a league long. We spent more than three hours in climbing it because at the beginning it is very rugged and sandy and afterward has very difficult stretches and extremely perilous ledges of rock, and finally it becomes impassable. Having finished the ascent toward the east, we descended the other side through rocky gorges with extreme difficulty. Swinging north, and having gone a league, we turned northeast for half a league through a stretch of red sand which was very troublesome for the animals. We ascended a little elevation, and having traveled two and a half leagues also to the northeast, we descended to an arroyo which in places had running water which although saline was fit to drink. There was pasturage also, so we camped here, naming the place San Diego. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Today four and a half leagues. Today we camped . . . near a multi. ide of narrow valleys, little mesas and peaks of red earth which at first sight look like the ruins of a fortress.9

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This day's march had brought the company to Wahweap Creek where camp was pitched on the relatively smooth bottomlands just north of the Utah-Arizona boundary, slightly upstream from the upper end of the narrows whose precipitous walls make it impossible to cross Wahweap Canyon below that point. In clear view to the northeast and east of this spot are some outstanding rock formations, one of which bears the name of "Castle Rock," doubtless the same formations which reminded Escalante of fortress ruins. From the east bank of the Wahweap the expedition struck a southeasterly course toward the Colorado. This time they reached the sheer north rim of the river gorge opposite the mouth of Navajo Creek, which comes into the Colorado from the southeast. One glance convinced Escalante that the two scouts "had neither found the ford, nor in so many days even made the necessary reconnaissance of such a short stretch of country, because they spent the time seeking some of the Indians who live hereabouts, and accomplished nothing." lu Here the precipitous walls of Glen Canyon were found to be almost impassable for man or beast, but Juan Domingo and Lucrecio Munis were sent across the river in search of a possible way out via Navajo Creek Canyon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; should the Colorado prove fordable. Lucrecio was equipped with a horse but no saddle or other gear and virtually no clothing, having stripped off all but his shirt in order to lighten the load. H e did carry fire-making materials so that he could send back smoke signals in case an exit via Navajo Creek should be found. Escalante noted that the horse had a difficult time crossing the river at thut point, having to swim "for a long stretch and where it faltered the water reached almost to its shoulders." In the meantime the remainder of the company endured an uncomfortable dry camp on the canyon rim, "not being able to water the animals although the river was so close by. W e named the campsite El Vado de los Cosninas, or San Carlos." T h e following day Escalante, discouraged but far from defeated, made the following journal entry: November 4. Day broke without our getting news of the two we sent yesterday to make the reconnaissance. W e had used up the flesh of the second horse, and today we had not taken any nourishment whatsoever, so we broke our fast with toasted leaves of small cactus plants and a sauce made of a berry 11 they brought from the banks of the river. This berry is by itself very pleasant to taste, but crushed and boiled in water as we ate it today it is very insipid. Since it was already

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late, and the two emissaries had not appeared, we ordered that an attempt should be made to get the animals down to the river, and that on its banks another horse should be killed. With great difficulty they got the animals down, some of them being injured because, losing their footing on the rocks, they rolled down long distances. Shortly before nightfall the genizaro, Juan Domingo, returned, declaring that he had not found an exit, and that the other emissary, leaving his horse in the middle of the [Navajo Creek] canyon, had followed some fresh Indian tracks.12 To anyone who has visited this portion of Glen Canyon, it seems almost impossible that the Spanish expedition was able to maneuver their horses from the canyon rim down to the river water opposite the mouth of Navajo Creek. Yet they did it without loss or serious accident. It likewise seems incredible that Lucrecio should have failed in his attempt to negotiate that canyon on horseback, especially at the low water season. Hikers cover that stretch with relative ease nowadays. Early the following morning the search for the ford was pursued; the only feasible thing to do was to continue upstream in search of it. After a league and a half of very difficult traveling almost due north, the expedition found itself on the west bank of Warm Creek which flows into the Colorado just north of the Utah-Arizona boundary. Warm Creek cuts through a narrow, winding, steep-walled gorge in its lower reaches; it is not surprising that the Spanish party experienced some hardship in getting across it. However, they located the only practical access route into it from the west by way of a long sandy slope, over which the party managed to approach the canyon rim. Already used to mastering steep walls, they soon worked their way down to the floor of this new gorge, almost a mile above its confluence with the Colorado. In this canyon "there was a great deal of copperas. In it we found a little-used trail, followed it, and by it left the canyon, passing a small bench of white rock, difficult but capable of being made passable." 13 Isolated outcroppings of green and white rock add interesting color contrast to the reds, browns, and grays of that region today. Escalante's mention of such details lends considerable assistance to historians attempting to retrace his route. Once across Warm Creek Canyon the expedition found relatively flat terrain and soon arrived at the southwest base of a high mesa where limited water and sufficient pasturage were found. This camp was

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located in one of the upper branches of Cottonwood Wash (a tributary of Warm Creek) and immediately west of a huge mesa.14 A small seepage at that site still supports cottonwood trees and supplies limited water for animals. Escalante named the campsite Santa Francisca Romana. During the night a heavy rainstorm drenched the camp and did not cease until "several hours" after daybreak, November 6. As soon as the rain stopped, the party continued its march, skirting the south end of Romana Mesa and then proceeding in a northeasterly direction. After traveling three leagues they were forced to stop "for a long time by a heavy storm and a torrent of rain and large hail, with horrible thunder and lightning. We chanted the Litany of the Virgin in order that She might ask some relief for us and God was pleased that the storm should cease." 15 Since they were now in the drainage of Gunsight Canyon, it seems safe to assume that the cloudburst had sent a flash flood booming down that wash, forcing the expedition to halt while the water subsided. As soon as conditions permitted (although the rain did not cease) travel was resumed. The company now skirted the south end of Gunsight Butte, continued a short distance to the east, and, finding the way "blocked by some boulders," camped for the night.16 This camp, called San Vicente Ferrer, was located on the soutli side of Navajo Canyon (locally known as Padre Creek) less than a half-mile straight east from the south tip of Gunsight Butte and about the same distance from the Colorado River rim.17 Anxious to learn if there was a possibility of crossing the river at this point, the fathers sent Cisneros to make a reconnaissance. He soon: .. . returned with the report that he had seen that here the river was very wide, and judging from the current it did not appear to him to be deep, but that we would be able to reach it only through a nearby canyon.18 We sent two other persons to examine the canyon and ford the river, and they returned saying that it was very difficult. But we did not give much credence to their report and decided to examine everything ourselves next day in company with Don Juan Pedro Cisneros. Before nightfall the genizaro arrived with Lucrecio.19 T H E CROSSING OF T H E FATHERS Early on November 7 Escalante, Dominguez, Cisneros, Felipe, and Juan Domingo set out to examine the canyon and ford. They found access to Navajo Canyon (Padre Creek) very steep and difficult, necessi-

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tating the cutting of steps "with axes for a distance of three varas or a little less" down its south slope in order that the horses might obtain secure footing.20 In this way the animals made the descent safely, although without packs. Once in the bottom of the Navajo, an easy walk of approximately a quarter of a mile brought the men to the river proper.21 From this point they turned downstream (to the south) and traveled "about two musket shots sometimes in the water, sometimes on the bank, until we reached the widest part of its current where the ford appeared to be. One of the men waded in and found it good, not having to swim at any place."22 Actually, they had not gone more than a hundred yards downstream from the mouth of Navajo Canyon before arriving at a fine sandbar several yards wide, which extends some three hundred yards beneath the sheer cliffs of the Colorado's west wall, and were thus enabled to examine the area before attempting to cross. After selecting the most likely spot, one of the men waded in, found the river bed solid, and crossed to the east bank without having to swim. The padres immediately : . . . followed him on horseback a little lower down, and when half way across, the two horses which went ahead lost their footing and swam a short distance. We waited, although in some peril, until the first wader returned from the other side to guide us and then we crossed with ease, the horses not having to swim at all. We notified the rest of our companions, who had remained at San Vicente, that with lassoes and ropes they should let the pack saddles and other effects, down a not very high cliff to the bend of the ford, and that they should bring the animals by the route over which we had come.23 At a point immediately west of the west end of the ford, there is a depression or low spot in the perpendicular cliffs of the canyon wall. At one point in the low spot a person can easily reach a position not more than fifty or sixty feet above the sandbar below. It was evidently from this point that the camp gear was lowered over the cliff to the sandbar. When this task had been accomplished, the animals were brought to the base of the cliff by way of the route the advance group had pioneered. There the packs were again loaded and all made the crossing without incident, accomplishing the feat by five o'clock in the afternoon. After such a long and difficult search for the ford, it is understandable that the company should have held a mild celebration on the east bank of the Colorado by:

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. . . praising God our Lord and firing off a few muskets as a sign of the great joy which we all felt at having overcome so great a difficulty and which had cost us so much labor and delay. . . . But doubtless God disposed that we should not obtain a guide, perhaps as a benign punishment for our sins, or perhaps in order that we might acquire some knowledge of the people who live in these parts. May His holy will be done in all things and His holy name glorified. The ford of the river is very good and here it must be a mile wide, or a little more. 24 Before reaching this place the Navajo 25 and Dolores rivers have united, together with all those which we have mentioned in this diary as entering one or the other. And in no place which we have seen along here is it possible to establish on the banks any settlement whatsoever, or even to travel on either bank a good day's journey either downstream or upstream with the hope that its water might serve for men and animals, because, aside from the bad terrain, the river runs in a very deep gorge. All the region nearest to the ford has very high cliffs and peaks. Eight or ten leagues to the northeast of the ford there is a high, rounded peak which the Payuchis, whose country begins here, call Tucane, which means Black Peak, 26 and it is the only one hereabouts which can be seen close at hand from die river crossing. On this eastern bank, at the very ford which we called La Purisima Concepcion de la Virgen Santisima, there is a fair-sized valley of good pasturage. 2 ' In it we spent the night and observed its latitude by the north star, and it is 36Â° and 55'. 28 No time could be lost now that the Colorado had been crossed. It was late in the year, the weather was getting progressively colder, and many miles of unknown trail still separated the company from Santa Fe. Early the following morning the journey was resumed. A wellworn Indian trail led up the slope eastward from the campsite to the base of some cliffs about halfway between the river and the top of the ridge. From that point it turned to the south over rough but passable terrain, enabling the party to cover six leagues before evening, the longest day's march since their arrival at Glen Canyon. 29 T h e route took them southward along the west base of Tse Tonte toward the confluence of Navajo and Kaibito creeks; Tower Butte was in clear view to the west. As the expedition approached the brink of Navajo Creek they lost the trail in the rocks and were forced to pitch camp, naming the site

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San Miguel. Unable to locate the trail the following morning, the party turned to the east and wandered approximately six miles into some very rough country north of Navajo Creek, where they were again halted by impassable terrain. Indians encountered there told the Spaniards that they were going in the wrong direction and would have to backtrack to the previous night's camp and then follow a southwesterly course that would lead down into Navajo Creek Canyon. Two days were lost in this detour, and on November 10 camp was pitched in rough terrain just above the beginning of the descent, not more than a mile southeast of San Miguel. Early on November 11 the expedition worked its way down the difficult and dangerous trail to the bottom of Navajo Creek, then headed upstream to the forks and followed Kaibito Creek for a short distance before climbing out on the east side.30 The route led southward along the east side of Kaibito Creek Canyon where the company camped, some six miles north of Kaibito Spring. Next day they passed the spring (the present site of the Indian school and trading post of Kaibito) and continued on their journey to the south. There is no place in this report for a complete account of the expedition's return to Santa Fe. Suffice it to say that eventually they arrived at their destination, January 2, 1777, having given more than five months to one of the most remarkable explorations in the history of the Great American West and having discovered Glen Canyon en route. NOTES 1

Herbert E. Bolton's Pageant in the Wilderness, which was published as volume XVIII of the Utah Historical Quarterly (1950), has been relied upon for the text of Escalante's journal and for a general account of the incidents leading to the DominguezEscalante expedition. Dr. Bolton traversed most of the route in connection with the editing of the journal, but that portion lying between Lee's Ferry and t h e San Miguel campsite was neglected, primarily because of the remoteness of the area and the lack of passable roads into it. As a result, the current study required considerable field work, for it is necessary to see the country in order to identify the places described by Escalante and to appreciate the problems encountered and the achievements of that Spanish party in 1776. Of course, the padres did not realize that the portion of the mighty Colorado which they had discovered and explored was the lower part of what is now known as Glen Canyon. Almost a century later, the John Wesley Powell Colorado River expeditions of 1869 and 1871, working their way slowly downstream, gave appropriate names to various segments of the river gorge. After battling the numerous rapids of Cataract Canyon, the party was pleasantly surprised to find a stretch of smooth calm water, where they floated without danger and with little effort through the heart of a scenic wonderland. So impressed were members of the 1871 expedition that they named this beautiful portion of the river "Glen Canyon." It extends from the mouth of Fremont River to the Paria at Lee's Ferry, a distance of 170 miles. 2 The journal was written in the first person plural, and was signed by both leaders. Whenever decisions were arrived at or record made in the journal, it was most often stated that " w e " decided or " w e " crossed in safety, etc. There seems to have been very close harmony between the two leaders.

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3 Miera's report is included in Bolton's Pageant in the Wilderness, 243-50. * The Escalante journal entry of October 5 notes that Cisneros had to punish his servant Lucero. Reference is made to "the servants" in the entry of October 26, but they are not identified. 5 C. Gregory Crampton, "The Discovery of the Green River," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (October, 1952), 300-12, is an excellent account of that part of the DominguezEscalante expedition. 6 On November 7 Escalante records that they took with them the two genizaros, Felipe and Juan Domingo, to examine the ford at the Crossing of die Fathers because diey were good swimmers. These were probably die two who swam die river at the site of Lee's Ferry on October 26. 7 Bolton, op. cit., 219, 220. 8 Almost a century after the Spanish failure to cross the Colorado at this point, John D. Lee built a ferry there which provided the only satisfactory river crossing for vehicles between that point and Moab. Until the Navajo Bridge replaced it in 1929, the ferry at that site was a vital link in the transportation and communication between Utah and Arizona settlements. "Bolton, op. cit., 221. "'Ibid., 222. "According to Dr. Walter P. Cottam, professor and head of the Department of Botany, University of Utah, this fruit was probably hackberries, which are found in abundance along the Colorado. 12 Bolton, op. cit., 222, 223. 13 Ibid., 223. 14 This huge mesa, heretofore unnamed, is one of the outstanding landmarks of die area. The name which has been given it was suggested by Escalante's designation of the campsite near its base. See accompanying map. 15 Bolton, op. cit., 224. 10 From their campsite of Santa Francisca Romana to the crossing of Gunsight Canyon, they should have been on the main-traveled trail to the ford, for it followed that exact route. Yet Escalante makes no mention of it. Instead of turning to die right (south) from the Gunsight Canyon crossing in order to skirt the south end of Gunsight Butte, as the padres had done, the main trail took a left course — upstream — for nearly a mile, then turned almost due east through Gunsight Pass. Once through the pass a rough but passable trail led to the north brink of Navajo Canyon (Padre Creek) direcdy opposite the point on die south bank reached by die Spanish party. A series of rough-hewn steps and fills still mark die trail down to the canyon floor from the north rim. The padres probably missed the main-traveled trail through Gunsight Pass because the pass is not visible from the point where die expedition turned south after having crossed Gunsight Canyon. Although die main trail may have been visible, even in a heavy rain storm, expedition leaders would logically have been reluctant to follow it, for it seemed to lead only into tiie high mesas to die north, not to the river. " This camp was not right on the Glen Canyon rim as has been assumed by some people. The fact that die reports of Cisneros and two others sent to explore the area seem to have been received by the padres as new information would indicate that die camp was not located in view of the Colorado waters. It was situated a half-mile or more to the west, on a rough rocky plain. "This is Escalante's first reference to Navajo Canyon (Padre Creek), by which the expedition gained access to the Colorado die following day. Although the ford used by die Spaniards in 1776 saw spasmodic use for more than a century, it ultimately fell into disuse before 1900. Even die exact location of the Crossing was lost for several decades — although it may have been known to some ranchers and river explorers — and was not definitely relocated and the location made known to die public until 1937, as a result of intensive field work under the direction of Dr. Russell G. Frazier, Charles Kelly, and Byron Davies. The following year members of the Julius F. Stone expedition named the access canyon "Padre Creek" in honor of its discoverers and placed a plaque there to

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mark the spot. See Russell G. Frazier, "El Vado de los Padres," Desert Magazine (July, 1940), 3-5. "Padre Creek" should become the official title, since we now know that it was there and not at Kane Wash that the Spanish party approached the Colorado and forded it at the Crossing of the Fathers. In retaining the present designation of "Navajo Canyon" there is danger that "Padre Creek" will be confused widi Navajo Creek, already identified, which enters the Colorado from the opposite side, fifteen miles downstream. But this is a matter for the United States Board on Geographic Names. Only recently (1957) has the Crossing of the Fathers been identified correctly on official government maps. Lucrecio, equipped with one horse, had been sent across the Colorado from camp San Carlos to examine the canyon of Navajo Creek in search of a possible trail out toward the east and south. T w o days later Andres Munis had left the Santa Francisca camp in search of Lucrecio. It is assumed that the two men in rejoining the main company had followed the tracks of the Escalante party, bringing the horse with them. The expedition was at full strength again, diirteen men. 20 Three varas would be somewhat under nine feet. Since the Spaniards passed that way on November 7, 1776, other travelers using the ford found it desirable to cut additional steps or notches in the solid sandstone as a means of securing better footing for their animals and probably for diemselves. Today there is no unanimity of opinion as to which of these various cuttings was the work of the original explorers. 21 Escalante states: "We went down die canyon and having traveled a mile we descended to the river. . . ." Yet the location of the steps is less than a quarter-mile above the mouth of Navajo Canyon [Padre Creek]. Escalante's "mile" might be the estimated distance from camp San Vicente Ferrer to the Colorado. Moreover, he also estimates the width of the river at the ford as a "mile or a little more." Both of these might be simple overestimates of the distance covered, but this does not seem quite likely. Escalante usually recorded distances in leagues, and his use of the term "mile" may have been to indicate a unit much shorter than is generally believed. The two distances â&#x20AC;&#x201D; from the steps to the mouth of "Padre Creek" and from die west side of the Colorado to the east side,, via the ford â&#x20AC;&#x201D; are about the same. 22 Bolton, op. cit., 224, 225. On April 1, 1957, a group found it impossible to go downstream from die mouth of Navajo Canyon because of deep water flowing at the base of a perpendicular wall. But conditions change from season to season and from year to year, and although the padres passed in safety, the route would never be safe except under the most favorable circumstances. 23 Bolton, loc. cit. " See note 21 above. 20 T h e San Juan River. 26 This is Navajo Mountain, which juts more than 10,000 feet into the sky approximately twenty-five miles east of the Crossing of the Fathers. 27 Just below the ford at the Crossing, the Colorado makes a sharp turn to the left. As a result the main current sweeps against the right (west) rim immediately below the sandbar from which the Spaniards had entered the river at the west side of the ford. This river bend and resulting current pattern have resulted in the creation of a sandbar on the east side opposite the bend. (This condition is repeated in many places inside Glen Canyon.) On this bar the padres found good pasturage for their animals and were happy to camp there for the night. 28 Actually the southern boundary of Utah is die thirty-sevendi parallel. Camp Concepcion was located almost exactly three miles north of that line. " ' I n 1957 a party crossed the Colorado at the moudi of Kane Wash, picked up the well-worn trail used by the Spanish party and followed it for some distance to the soudi. Herbert E. Bolton covered die region south of camp San Miguel, and A. R. Mortensen confirmed his findings as a result of two field trips into the area during 1955 and 1956. 30 The old trail, still in use, leads down into Navajo Creek about a quarter of a mile below its confluence with Kaibito Creek. Once in the bottom, the expedition followed this trail upstream some three hundred yards into Kaibito Canyon before climbing out to the east, still on the old trail.

The Needles area with the Abajos in the distance. These interesting erosion forms are in extremely primitive country. Photos courtesy W. C. Lee. The confluence of the Green and Colorado rivers, looking northeast toward the La Sal Mountains.

DEAD HORSE POINT IN RAINBOW LAND By Josephine Fabian*

Utah has inherited some priceless possessions whose age defies the imagination. Like many family heirlooms, ignored as "old stuff" by some, cast off for the new by others, they keep cropping up here and there until an appreciation of their antiquity brings them into proper focus. A sentimental relative or a studious historian may polish them up and preserve them for the next generation. A few withstand the ravages of time. One such treasure gives Utah a unique position in the world today. Tucked away in the eastern expanse from the northern to the southern border of the state, a virtual "Biography of the Earth" has been written. The story begins almost at the moment the earth fell away from the sun, and the vicissitudes of the young earth in a universe of planets and stars, satellites, and revolving bits and pieces is forcefully and vividly told. As with most historians, Earth accumulated a great deal of material but was a long time getting around to writing down the record. The colossal job of digging down to her core to find out what made her tick, however, was not left to latter-day archeologists. Accommodatingly, a few million years ago Earth found a way to tell her story. She used a wonderful device. Out of all the elements she had employed in growing * Mrs. Fabian has long been interested in the history of die scenic West and has written on Wyoming's famed Jackson Hole country.

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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up—the heat she had with her from the sun, the atmosphere, upheavals, erosion, earthquakes, volcanoes, oceans, tides, lakes — she saved the job of "making the record" for a couple of upstarts. Two western rivers, to be known in the remote nineteenth century A.D. as the Green and the Grand (Colorado), were set to work. Their task was to roll back history by cutting away the outside surface of the earth, on down, into and through all the formations, until some of the first layers of the earth's skin were reached. Relentlessly, the rivers carved and threaded their way, working on a gigantic scale to lay open the canyons of the Green and the Colorado and to reveal for posterity the secrets of the earth's formation, her turbulent youth and her development to a robust maturity at which she would boast of a diameter of 7,926 miles, a circumference of 24,902 miles, and a weight of 6.6 sextillion tons! The repositories of this fabulous record are the natural bookshelves stretching upward from the shorelines of the two rivers along their steep, high, canyon walls. The full length covers 1,030 miles. Of these, 760 miles are in Utah from the upper reaches where the rivers began their carving down to die state line. Two hundred and seventy miles, which include the Grand Canyon of the Colorado, are in Arizona. Utah inherited most of the book! The two great rivers did most of the "writing," but Nature provided many collaborators — the wind, the rain, the elements — to draw scenes, descriptions of which range from angelic likenesses to Dante's Inferno. Then, as though inspired to imitate Nature in her recording work, the earliest inhabitants of Utah found a way to help with the record. The Indian people chipped away on the rocks and stones, and in simple but graphic ways told parts of their own living story. Many such records, now thousands of years old, are filed away along remote canyon walls. Some can be reached and read only if one is willing to scramble down steep ledges; others are accessible only by boat on the rivers themselves. Many of these priceless stories may still be undiscovered; others have been studied, photographed, and in some cases destroyed by carelessness and wanton lack of appreciation; and still others are soon to be lost forever in the progress of man as he inundates much of this precious heritage with dams along the Green and Colorado waterways. The rivers and the Indians were the only scribes until the year 1776, an important year in the human history of our whole nation. The little fringe of eastern colonists hanging tenaciously to the Atlantic Coast, who were trying to establish a new homeland and a new and lasting government, had hacked their way only to the forests of Pennsylvania.

DEAD HORSE POINT

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The vast limitless country to the west was unknown to them. Yet many years before this time there were well-established missions thriving in New Mexico. Spanish padres were living among and converting the Indians to Christianity. And at the very time the Declaration of Independence was being born, the Franciscan fathers, Francisco Antanasio Dominguez and Silvester Velez de Escalante, with their small band were padding and trodding their way into the Great Basin, exploring, mapping, and naming the terrain from Santa Fe, New Mexico, through much of Utah and back to their point of beginning. Certainly die Fourth of July fireworks celebrating 1776 should have one great flare for Father Escalante, who with pen and ink set down in his nowfamous Journal the detailed findings of his group as they trod the paths of the great rivers. It was he who wrote another chapter and opened a whole new vista as the white man discovered and laid claim to the boundless and fascinating land of the Green and the Colorado rivers. Following the padres came other explorers, scientists, and students, who worked over the old "biography," and its value began to be recognized. Explorations in recent decades have brought to light new facts of history, and the reports and findings are available in libraries throughout the country. Caves and deep recesses along the canyon walls and river banks have revealed the habitations of mankind, some said to be over 15,000 years old. Investigation has uncovered petroglyphs and pictographs depicting much that was unknown, and excavations have disclosed evidences of life from its very beginning — fossils and skeletons classified as those of the giant mastodon and dinosaur down to the tiny eohippus, forefather of the western pony. Dead Horse Point, one of the most spectacular places in southeastern Utah, is like an index finger to the vast country which holds these and many other wonders in its embrace. Geographically, the Point comes as a surprise, for it is reached by a fairly good automobile road along the high mesa country, about thirty-three miles from Moab, Utah. But suddenly the road ends, and a few short steps from the road the earth seems to end —at a precipice — where 3,000 feet straight down the sheer rugged wall of the canyon the Colorado River is winding and twisting its way to meet the Green. The view is breathtaking, not only the scene below — the sprawling river and the weathered canyon walls which it has been chiseling through for millions of years — but the scene above, if the eyes can be pulled away from the dark depths of the "Grand Canyon" and focused on the horizon. For there, stretched out in all directions, is limitless expanse, with a panoramic view of the high

Rainbow Bridge, now almost inaccessible, will be easily reached via the lake which will be formed upon completion of Glen Canyon Dam.

Goosenec\s of the San Juan. This twisting canyon was carved into the desert plateau by the San fuan River on its way to meet the Colorado.

^^^7^7mmM$^mm^ PHOTOS HAL RUMEL

DEAD

HORSE POINT

243

La Sal Mountains to the east, the Abajo Mountains to the south, the Henry Mountains to the southwest, the Boulder and Thousand Lake mountains to the west, and the high Uintas to the north. Hidden in that expanse are many of the wonders of the world, some of Utah's greatest treasures, whose alluring names only increase the spell of the moment at Dead Horse Point â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Valley of the Goblins, Circle Cliffs, Cathedrals in Stone, Capitol Reef, the San Rafael Swell, the wondrous and weird Upheaval Dome (the only thing like it in the world), rainbow bridges, arches, colorful monoliths and monuments, and always the canyons made by the rivers while writing the story of the earth. A short distance below Dead Horse Point the well-named greenish water of the Green River curls around Junction Butte and heads straight into the path of the Colorado. Once joined, each river seems to try to maintain its long and hard-won individuality; they edge along, the red of the Colorado at the left and the green of the Green at the right, reluctant to mesh. Torrential as they are at some places along their courses, they seem strangely less agitated at this point where the Green River loses its identity and blends into the Colorado for the rest of the work ahead. Witnessing the indescribable grandeur and the magnitude of the scene from Dead Horse Point is a soul-stirring experience. Yet the Point bears no noble sobriquet to describe it. Rather, it takes its name from an episode in the human side of the story which was enacted in the "hell-for-leather" days of the pioneer West when Butch Cassidy and his gang were busy with their profession of "outlawing." They respected the beautiful old canyons and ravines of southeastern Utah only when they could serve as robbers' roosts, as hide-outs, or as a lure and trap to capture the wily mustangs. The horse did play a big part in the history of the country. Hardy, hot-blooded mustangs, descendants of the animals brought to the territory by the Spaniards, ran wild from the Pacific Coast to the Rio Grande, and at one period in western history it is said there were more than a million of these horses roaming the land. Herded, corralled, roped, and broken, thousands were mustered into service to help tame the West. Many, however, could never be caught. They, like the great Indian tribes, claimed all of the West as their unfenced home, and accounts of roundups organized to plunder and kill hundreds of these stalwart wild horses still stir the blood and ire of horse fanciers and true westerners.

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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The story of Dead Horse Point is no less appalling. As reported by a resident of Moab,1 it is somewhat as follows: "Before the turn of the century a very profitable business in the Big Flat area consisted of corralling wild horses and shipping them to Kansas City, Missouri. There they brought fair prices, and some of the Missouri farmers were able to tame them enough to serve as work animals. It is said that in the attempt to domesticate them many gave up in desperation because the plains-loving creatures could not adapt themselves to harness or saddle. "Due to the peculiar terrain of the point area (400 yards at the widest and 60 yards at the neck), which offered no escape except through the narrow entrance way, the cowboys of the plains were able to use this natural corral as a retaining and grading spot for the mustangs. "For a few years before 1900 each season saw trainloads of the broomtails head for the eastern market. The best season provided seven trainloads, and all of the horses had served time corralled on Dead Horse Point. From there they were driven to Thompson, Utah, and loaded. "The cowboys were not usually a heartless bunch in their treatment of animals, but in this particular case they did give the mustangs more credit for horse sense than they rightfully deserved. In their haste to make the train in this last good season of horseflesh harvest, the herders left about fifty head of culls on the point. The participants of the roundup swore, or agreed to swear, on a stack of Bibles higher than the point itself that the corral gate was left open so the animals could return to their happy feeding grounds in Gray's pasture, a luscious grazing ground to the south." Whatever the circumstances, the abandoned horses were left on this waterless point. They raced around aimlessly, stopping only to peer over the edges of the cliff, 3,000 feet to the river, until they died of exhaustion and thirst within sight of water they could never reach. This story has become almost a legend, and occasionally other names are suggested for this unusual place; but the name Dead Horse Point seems to stick as it gradually mellows into an over-all reminder of the part the horse played in the making of the West. Automobiles, trucks, jeeps, even airplanes have taken the place of the faithful horse in the great country of the Green and the Colorado. Where the padded footfall of the padres, roving Indian tribes, and wild horses made trails in the red dust, there are now roadways, some highways, and an occasional air strip. Colonizing, prospecting, grazing, oil 1

Mr. F. M. Pimpell, Secretary, Moab Chamber of Commerce.

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wells and uranium mines have led many to make their homes in the vicinity; others, intrigued by the thrill of river-running, have explored the rivers in boats. Probably the most famous name among the latter is that of John Wesley Powell, who has left thrill-packed accounts and much scientific information about the rivers and their tributaries. Conservation has played its part; there are National Forests and small National Parks and Monuments to protect special features. The lure of the wide open spaces, the magnificent scenery, the phenomena of archeological discoveries, the excitement of river trips, exploring, motoring, horseback riding, and hiking (for there are some remote areas which defy access by man's inventions and are accessible only by saddle horse or on foot), all have brought increasing numbers of visitors to the whole area. Since the end of World War II, this great influx has shown the importance and value of the fantastic antique which Utah inherited. On the other hand, greater demands for the waters of all western rivers have forced the damming and flooding of much of the land adjacent to her mighty rivers. Flaming Gorge Dam will bury forever many of the treasures along the upper course of the Green River; Glen Canyon Dam will put under water the old wagon trail which once led through the famous "Hole-in-the-Rock," and when completed it will have inundated those early paths of the padres into the lands of the Colorado and obliterated entirely the steps carved for the horses to reach the famous "Crossing of the Fathers." There will be created a lake whose shoreline will measure over a thousand miles, and the body of water will reach distances the venerable Father Escalante in his wildest fancy could not have envisioned, either by mirage or miracle. "The Crossing of the Fathers" must go, and much of Earth's story is going or has gone in the path of reclamation. How fortunate, then, that in the infinite wisdom of the Maker of all things, the beginning of an imperishable record was made by Father Escalante in 1776, and the history of some of Utah's heirlooms will not be lost in the sea of commerce as the rivers of civilization flow more and more rapidly down their relentless course. Soon Dead Horse Point will look downstream to a new wonder â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the man-made lake formed by the Glen Canyon Dam, a body of water for which the desert has thirsted for centuries; and at the same time, it now seems to be pointing to a new horizon â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the preservation and protection of the vast expanse which Nature endowed with wonders beyond measure and bequeathed to Utah in trust for posterity.

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Reliefing of dinosaur leg bone at quarry. Photo Jess Lombard.

Moon Lake in the High Uintas, located directly south of King's Peak- Photo courtesy W. C. Lee.

Split Mountain from headquarters approach road. Courtesy Jess Lombard, Dinosaur National Monument.

Petroglyphs on canyon wall Park- Photo Jess Lombard.

near

Island

^Dinosaur National Monument (in the Uinta Basin) with its outstanding scientific and scenic interests is one of the most unique and colorful areas in the entire National Park System.

DINOSAUR

COUNTRY

By G. E. Untermann and B. R. Untermann*

Since countries, like people, have a background, it will be well to begin with the background of the Uinta country of northeastern Utah. The real history of this area began with the initial uplifting of the Uinta Mountains, the largest east-west trending range in the Western Hemisphere, near the close of the Cretaceous period, along with the Wasatch and Rocky Mountain systems and the development of the depression on the south flank of the Uintas known as the Uinta Basin. Weathering and erosion during the sixty million years which followed have carved the spectacular scenery we enjoy in this region today. Prior to the elevation of the Uintas this section of Utah was frequently occupied by seaways, over vast periods of time, in which were deposited the sediments destined to become the quartzites, sandstones, shales, and limestones forming the principal mountain mass. Subsequent erosion of the range supplied the sediments now comprising the Uinta Basin. The Uinta Basin is a natural depression lying in northeastern Utah and northwestern Colorado. It comprises all of Duchesne and Uintah 1 counties, Utah, the western half of Rio Blanco County, Colorado, and the southwest corner of Moffat County, Colorado. All the principal drainage is into the Green River. * G. E. Untermann is director of the Utah Field House of Natural History, Vernal State Park, Vernal, Utah. Mrs. Untermann is the museum's staff scientist and technician and collaborated in the preparation of diis article.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Human history in the Uinta country is of considerable antiquity. Indirect evidence would seem to indicate that primitive man in America may have strayed into the Uinta Basin in the course of his migrations some fifteen to twenty thousand years ago or earlier. Dates given for primitive cultures are somewhat flexible, so that a specific chronology is rather difficult to assume. Nor is it certain that such Folsom, Yuma, or Clovis-like points found in the area were left by these people or brought in later. But it is certain that man in the Uinta Basin is of great antiquity and, like ancient man in other parts of the Southwest, may have been here much earlier than now appears to have been the case. Evidence of the presence of the Basin's first farmers is more direct and is documented by an abundance of well-preserved artifacts, skeletal remains, petroglyphs, and dwelling sites. These early residents (Basketmaker II) were already practicing small-scale irrigation at the beginning of the Christian Era, nearly two thousand years before the Mormon pioneers became the first Anglo-Saxons to divert water from streams for the growing of crops. The cultivation of corn and squash by these Basketmaker people marked the beginning of a sedentary life and the waning of a nomadic existence dominated by the pursuit of game as the mainstay of survival. The farmer had now begun to replace the hunter, who was relegated to a supplementary role in supplying the larder. No agricultural surpluses plagued these struggling farmers, who were forced not only to fight against the fickleness of nature but also to defend their meager stores from the raids of less enterprising enemies. Basketmaker III (Modified Basketmakers who had advanced to pottery) and Pueblos bridged the gap between the early farmers and the ancestors of the Utes who formed the reception committee that greeted Father Escalante and his party â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the first white men to enter Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; on September 13, 1776, when they crossed the Green River five miles above the present site of the town of Jensen. William Henry Ashley, trapper and fur trader of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, came into the Basin in 1825 following beaver signs. Today his name has been given to Ashley Creek, Ashley Valley, Ashley National Forest, and Ashley "Falls" on the Green River. Upon leaving the Basin in the winter of 1825-26, Ashley wanted to store some of his equipment until his return the following spring and asked a Ute chief if he thought his belongings would be safe. "Him safe," replied the chief, "no white man for thousand miles." The chief's interpretation of the relative "morality" of white man and Indian has merit, as any student of white and Indian relationships is aware. The

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dime novel version of the Indian as a treacherous, thieving, murderous savage leaves much to be desired when compared with the white man's record of infamous dealings with native Americans! In 1832 Antoine Robidoux, a trapper and fur trader of French descent, established Fort Robidoux at the junction of the Uinta and Whiterocks rivers, near the present site of Whiterocks. This was the first white settlement in the Basin and in Utah. It survived for twelve years, or until 1844, when it was burned to the ground by the Indians. Maddened by Robidoux's unprincipled rascality and cruelty and his enslavement of Indian women and children, the Utes sought a just revenge by leveling the fort. Historians have implied the regret that Robidoux was away during the burning of his post, hinting that greater justice would have been done had he also been destroyed. Robidoux, as is frequently the case with men of violence, died peacefully in bed in 1860 at the age of sixty-six.2 Although Mormon pioneers came to Utah in 1847, no attempt was made to colonize the Uinta Basin until the late summer of 1861. Brigham Young had heard glowing accounts of the area from traders and trappers, so in August of 1861 he announced that the Basin would be settled to care for the overflow arrivals in Salt Lake Valley, and also to precede the United States government to that section since it was being planned to establish an Indian reservation along the Uinta River. Early in September of that year a small scouting party set out to pave the way for the main group of settlers, but, failing to find the paradise described by the trappers, returned to Salt Lake City to report that the Basin was not as represented and that all the area was good for was to "hold the world together." Those settlers who were destined for the Uinta Basin went to southern Utah instead. Upon recommendation of Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, President Lincoln proclaimed a large part of the Uinta country an Indian reservation on the third of October, 1861. The first Indian agency was established in Daniels Canyon east of Heber in 1864. In 1865 it was moved to the Duchesne River at the foot of Tabby Mountain near the present site of Hanna. The third move occurred in the spring of 1868 when the agency was moved on east to Rock Creek, and in the same year, on Christmas Day, it was again moved to Whiterocks, between the Uinta and Whiterocks rivers a short distance above their confluence. Whiterocks, close by old Fort Robidoux, thus became the oldest site of continuous settlement in the Uinta Basin.

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Major John Wesley Powell, in passing through the Basin during his Colorado River exploration of 1869, visited the Whiterocks Indian Agency on July 1 of that year to leave letters for mailing. In the early seventies, white personnel from the Indian agency became the first settlers to take up homesteads off the reservation. By 1880 the population had become sufficient to organize Uintah County, which then also included the present Daggett County on the north side of the Uinta Mountain summit. The opening of the Uintah Indian Reservation to homesteaders in August, 1905, was a shameful episode in the government's dealings with the American Indian. The reservation was established with the agreement that it belonged to the Indians and that only an affirmative vote by two-thirds of the male tribal members could ever open a portion of it to settlement. The Indians considered the reservation their home and did not want to part with any of it. But the Great White Father had failed them once more. For a full year before an effort was made to determine how the Indians felt about parting with a portion of their last remaining lands, Congress had already passed a law opening the reservation to homesteaders. The Great White Father had spoken and given the Indians no voice in deciding their own fate. Furs, minerals, and lands have always been a "justification" for the white man's pillage of the Indian's property. Livestock and farming have long represented the basic economy of the Uinta Basin and remain the stabilizing factors down to the present time. These activities have been augmented by lumbering, mining (principally of gilsonite, a solid hydrocarbon), and by the discovery of oil when on September 18, 1948, Utah's first commercial well came into production in the Ashley Valley field, ten miles east of Vernal. Uintah County now (March 1, 1958) has approximately one hundred producing wells, mainly in the Red Wash and Ashley Valley fields. Drilling continues in the area. The Basin contains vast potential resources in which are included an estimated fifty billion barrels of recoverable oil from the Eocene oil shales, between two and three billion tons of asphalt, and two billion tons of phosphate rock. With this wealth of undeveloped resources and with Flaming Gorge Dam now being constructed on the Green River, the Uinta Basin may well continue to help "hold the world together" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; economically.

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RECREATIONAL RESOURCES Dinosaur National

Monument:

One of the most unique and colorful areas in the-entire National Park system is Dinosaur National Monument with its outstanding scientific and scenic interests. The Dinosaur Quarry, six miles north of Jensen, Utah, is world famous for the quantity, variety, and fine degree of preservation of the fossils it has produced. Twenty-three nearly complete skeletons were recovered, representing twelve different species of dinosaurs, most of which were beautifully preserved and as hard as the enclosing rock. The quarry and Split Mountain section nearby are replete with a great variety of material of geologic interest. The dinosaur fossils themselves occur in the Morrison Formation of Upper Jurassic Age and were laid down in an old stream channel one hundred forty million years ago. The quarry represents a sandbar or quiet cove in this ancient stream where the dinosaurs were washed in and lodged in large numbers just as driftwood lodges along sandbars in rivers today.

P H O T O C O U R T E S Y J E S S L O M B A R D , DINOSAUR N A T I O N A L M O N U M E N T

Reliefing operations, dinosaur quarry. Several partial dinosaur skeletons and huge isolated bones have been outlined in high relief on the walls.

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The history of the quarry began when Professor Earl Douglass of the Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, discovered outcropping fossil bones on August 19, 1909. The excavation of the bones developed the quarry, which was operated by the Carnegie Museum until 1923. In 1923-24 the National Museum, Washington, D.C., and the University of Utah collected material at the site. No fossils have been removed by anyone since 1924. It has long been the plan to relief some of the remaining fossil material on the quarry face, leaving it etched out to form a striking exhibit-in-place. Not until national attention was focused on Dinosaur National Monument through the publicity it received as a result of the controversial Echo Park Dam debate were funds made available for die development of the quarry program, which has now become a part of the Park Service Mission 66. This ten-year program for the improvement of National Park Service areas has made several million dollars available for the development of Dinosaur. By June 15, 1958, the new Visitor Center and Museum at the quarry will be opened to the public. The north wall of this unique structure will be die quarry face itself, upon which are reliefed the dinosaur bones, left in place just as nature deposited them. This will be one of the most striking exhibits to be seen anywhere. During the operation of the quarry by Professor Douglass, he was plagued by theft of his fossil material and by vandalism. In the hope that he would have better control of the fossil deposits he tried to stake them out as a mining claim. However, he was told by uninformed personnel of the Department of the Interior, in Washington, that fossils were not minerals and that he would not be permitted to stake his claim. Actually, most fossils are replaced by minerals of one kind or another, so they are minerals; but official Washington was not aware of this, and the professor's petition was denied. As a last resort he sought to have the quarry set aside as a National Monument and was successful in this when President Woodrow Wilson so proclaimed the eighty acres comprising the quarry area, on October 4, 1915. In 1938 the Monument was enlarged to 204,000 acres to include the scenic canyons of the Green and Yampa rivers. As now constituted three-fourths of Dinosaur National Monument lies in northwestern Colorado, a portion included in what is known as the Canyon Unit. The magnificent scenery of the Monument is due largely to the canyons of the Green and Yampa and adjacent areas. They vary in depth from twenty-five hundred to three thousand feet and range in

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color through the spectrum, due to the many different geologic formations represented. Green River canyons are: Split Mountain, the mouth of which is but three miles from the quarry and is the site of the maim campground; Whirlpool; and Lodore. Bear Canyon runs its length in the Monument on the Yampa. Boat trips, running the rapids through these canyons, are conducted by competent rivermen and are actually the best way for nature lovers to see the canyon country of the Monument. Secondary roads, some now being improved, give access to such scenic areas in the Monument as Island Park, Harpers Corner, Pats Hole, and the head of Lodore Canyon. There are no accommodations for visitors in the Monument other than campground facilities. Vernal, nineteen miles west of the quarry, is the nearest town. Excellent motels, hotels, and restaurants are available there. Vernal is also the focal point from which to reach many other attractions in the eastern end of the Uinta Basin. It is the site of the State Museum, the Utah Field House of Natural History, which maintains a State Tourist Information Center. All visitors are urged to

P H O T O C O U R T E S Y G.

UNTERMANN

An authentic cement replica of Diplodocus, "Dippy" (76 feet long, 21 feet high at head), may be seen at the Field House of Natural History.

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call at the museum for detailed information about Dinosaur National Monument and other points of interest in this area. Ashley National Forest: Within the boundaries of this great National Forest, which lies along both flanks of the Uinta Mountains and its summits, are included some of America's finest recreational areas. Scenic grandeur abounds on all sides, and its more than a dozen campgrounds and picnic areas make this beauty available to an appreciative public. Utah's highest mountain, King Peak (13,498 feet), along with many other 13,000 foot peaks, are towering guardians in Ashley National Forest. A half-dozen resorts and dude ranches cater to the needs of the visitor, all of them within the Forest. Lakes and streams are numerous, affording fine fishing and boating. Vernal, Roosevelt, and Duchesne, the three principal towns in the Uinta Basin, are the "jumping off" points to areas on the Forest. All of them have good tourist accommodations and good cafes. Duchesne and Roosevelt are gateways to the High Uintas Wilderness Area on the Forest, and to much of the western half of Ashley National Forest itself. Vernal, headquarters for the Forest, is the gateway to most of the eastern half of this magnificent area. Here too is the start of the Vernal-Manila Highway, the only road crossing the Uinta Mountains to Green River, Wyoming, and the only road on the Forest that extends from the south to the north side of the range. This is the road to take to see Brush Creek Gorge, Red Canyon of the Green River, and the Flaming Gorge Dam now under construction. From this road also the scenic Red Cloud Loop takes off, twenty-three miles north of Vernal, to wind its way through forest and mountains on the return to Vernal by way of picturesque Dry Fork Canyon. The first thirty miles of the VernalManila highway includes "The Drive Through the Ages" with signs marking the geological formations. Badlands of Eastern Utah: Colorful "badland" topography may be seen on U.S. 40 between Roosevelt and Vernal, and also southeast of Vernal in the Red Wash Oil Field and on the way out to the Bonanza Gilsonite Mines. Both of these last-mentioned areas are reached over paved roads. The asphalt pits just west of Vernal are impressive. Utah Field House of Natural History: The fossil, geologic, and natural history values of the Uinta Mountain and Basin area, and the recreational, scenic magnificence, and out-

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standing resource values of the state of Utah are revealed in the museum. The geologic record of this region is imposing. More than a billion years of earth history and a five-hundred-million-year life story are unfolded in the rocks of the Uintas. Seventy-five different kinds of mammals, two hundred fifty species of birds, and over a thousand varieties of plants are represented among the present-day living organisms of this area. At the State Tourist Information Center in the museum, the visitor is oriented with respect to local and state-wide attractions. Tours are outlined and every effort is made to make his stay in Utah a memorable one. NOTES 1

The National Board of Geographic Names applies the spelling "Uinta" to mountains, streams, and other geographic features, and the spelling "Uintah" to political subdivisions such as counties, reservations, etc. 2 It is interesting to note that he died at the home of an elder brother, Joseph, in St. Joseph, Missouri. Joseph had founded the city as a trading post on the Missouri River in 1800. The place was known as Robidoux until 1843, when Joseph himself changed the name to St. Joseph. The family was originally from St. Louis.

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Tony Grove picnic area. Tony Grove, a lake of the glacial period is located approximately 20 miles northeast of Logan and is a delightful mountain retreat. Photo courtesy Utah Tourist and Publicity Council.

ANOTHER

WAY

WEST

By Jaa\ Goodman*

Scarcely a century has passed since flesh-and-blood men and women were living the stuff of which history was made here in Utah. However, engineers rather than historians or antiquarians have laid out the region's modern highways. So it is that in only a few cases, the trails blazed by trappers and wagon trains can be followed without "leaving the pavement" of today's American road. East of the Utah line, serious-minded sightseers entering our region find that U.S. 30 strays far from fabled South Pass. The other major artery to north central Utah, transcontinental U.S. 40, enters the Salt Lake Valley by spurning the Emigration Canyon-Little Mountain route of the Mormon trek for a later, easier gradient surveyed by Parley P. Pratt. Someday completion of a Henefer-Salt Lake City memorial highway will put rubber tires and asphalt atop the rocky ridges scoured by the wagons of the Donners and Brigham Young's initial band. Until then, the visitor willing to swap a few extra hours and miles for bright nuggets of western history plus splendid scenery can do so most readily in northern Utah. Like the parched pioneers of emigranttrain days, he can gape at the sudden flashing views of Bear Lake on the Utah-Idaho border, sparkling like a near-mirage between semiarid * Mr. Goodman is regional correspondent for the New York Times and Information Research Specialist for the Utah State Parks Commission.

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mountains. From there he can retrace, on good two-lane pavement, one of the first and most scenic routes across the seemingly impassable Wasatch. Following U.S. 89 today's tourist can descend, as Jim Bridger did in 1824, into the Cache Valley, the well-protected "winter quarters" of the men who trapped for beaver pelts. Present-day voyageurs, searching out historic routes and scenery in the region west of the Continental Divide, reach the Bear via U.S. 30N from Kemmerer to Sage, Wyoming. Next, State Route 89 leads across the border and on between the Bear River Range and the first flanks of the Wasatch into Utah where State Route 3, following the route of the old Oregon Trail, leads up to Bear Lake. Thirty miles long and more than six miles wide, the cool blue-green lake was the first sizeable body of fresh water encountered by the slowrolling wagon trains on the heartbreaking trip to the Pacific Coast. Here both humans and beasts of burden, haggard after toiling across the Great Plains and through the Wind River country, found water enough at last. Even in today's West the sight of so much fresh water and foilage is a welcome one. The deep cool lake and irrigated farmlands around it give promise of green fields to the north and west. From this point the Oregon Trail of yesterday and today is rarely out of sight of streams, small and large â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Snake, the Lemhi, the Clearwater, and the Columbia. Bear Lake must have seemed an oasis, indeed the first promise of a promised land, to overland travelers a century ago. Today, lying half in Utah and half in Idaho, the lake provides a fine overnight stopping place for wayfaring strangers and is a favorite swimming-boating-fishing center for residents of nearby range towns and cities. East of the lake there are new riches â&#x20AC;&#x201D; mines where phosphate for farm fertilizer is being hacked from deposits laid down in the Phosphoria Sea aeons and aeons earlier. To the west of the lake, U.S. 89 climbs toward the skies through pasturelands, patriarchal cottonwoods, groves of aspen, and finally on through pine forests upward to timberline. Here the wayfarer confronts the Wasatch Range, final spine of the Rockies which once barred the pioneers from direct entry into the Great Basin. A Utah State Historical Marker on the shores of Bear Lake testifies that the Oregon Trail turned north at this point. But the mountain men, not handicapped by wagons or carts, crossed the Wasatch at will. At first Bridger and his fellows followed the convolutions of the roily Bear River to reach their cache, known to them as Willow Valley. Today's highway, beautifully engineered, follows the shorter trail the

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trappers took when they were hurried — over the 7,900 foot summit and down the canyon of the Logan River to the west. If Bridger and his comrades sought scenery as well as beaver, they chose well. Climbing some 3,000 feet in elevation in a span of eleven miles after leaving Bear Lake, the highway broadens at View Point where historyminded travelers can rest for minutes or hours, mentally tracing the path of the emigrant trains through fifty miles of Wyoming, Utah, and Idaho valleys and desert ranges. Perhaps no other panorama in all the West encompasses quite so much history as this view from the lee of Beaver Summit; perhaps no other region along the pioneer trails is as little changed as the expanse between shimmering Bear Lake and the Cache Valley. From the 7,900 foot pass the highroad loops and winds on another thirty miles to Logan, a valley town 4,500 feet above the sea. In its descent, the route leads through a land of natural "parks," woods, and woodlands little changed since beaver-trapping days. There are dozens of beauty spots "on the Cache" — locations favored by Utah campers and hikers. Passable forest trails lead to Beaver Mountain, where the descendants of animals once harassed by the mountain men now build their dams under the protection of federal foresters. Tony Grove Lake and White Pine Lake are twin glacial tarns that Jim Bridger must have glimpsed. Ricks Springs, a cool pool bubbling icy sweet water in a sizeable grotto, was visited by local Indian tribes as well as thirsty trappers. A few miles to the east is Logan Cave, a cavern 700 yards long, known to have sheltered both whites and redmen from high-country blizzards in the mid-nineteenth century. Twenty-five miles from Bear Lake a steep forest trail leads upcanyon to history of another sort — the Jardine Juniper. Forest Service naturalists believe this twisted forty-foot-high tree is the world's biggest and oldest red juniper. Twenty-six feet around, anchored in the rimrock of the Wasatch, the gnarled giant is estimated to be fully three thousand years old, although the usual life span of its species is five hundred years. Below the Juniper Trail the paved highway follows the white water of the Logan River, a famous fishing stream in its day — and not entirely devoid of browns, natives, and rainbows in our own. The gorge cut by the Logan is deep and narrow, shadowed by firs, pines, and peaks for a dozen miles — a canyon typical of scores through-

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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out the West down which toiling emigrant trains and freighters worked their way as the region was opened. Suddenly, forty miles west of Bear Lake, the road breaks from the canyon mouth, crosses a terrace of prehistoric Lake Bonneville, and gives wayfaring strangers their first startled glimpse of the level valley which served as the winter cache for the beaver trappers. Today Logan, a thriving, thrifty college community, nestles in the valley. Farms, a campus, checkerboarded streets, and a Latter-day Saints temple all testify to typical Mormon country history. U.S. 89 leads on â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to Sardine Canyon, to Brigham City, to Ogden and to a broader, flatter valley which was a magnet, first for a multitude of wagon trains, then for the Iron Horse, not long after the mountain men first showed the Saints and the Argonauts the new way west. Old Juniper. Believed to be the world's oldest red juniper, it is estimated to be three thousand years old. The trail to this ancient specimen is in Logan Canyon twenty-five miles from Bear Lake. P H O T O H A L R U M EL

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Weathered by the winds and storms and glaring sun of the upland desert, neglected by a state to which it properly should mean much, the "Golden Spike Monument," long the sole marker to the joining of the nation's first transcontinental rails, has at last been set aside by the Department of the Interior as a National Historical Site. The precise spot where the cowcatchers of the Central Pacific Railroad's "Jupiter" and the Union Pacific's No. 119 touched on May 10, 1869, lies fifty-two miles from Ogden and the present transcontinental rail route. Nowadays not even the sound of a locomotive whistle breaks the silence of the barren surrounding hills. A seven-acre tract bisected by a cinder-sprinkled abandoned roadbed, the site of the meeting of the rails is bounded by a few stands of wheat. A tottering ranch windmill and an empty, forlorn railroad station add to the gaunt spectral quality of the setting. The monument itself suffered considerable neglect in bygone years. Helpful sheepmen and a few visitors placed cairns of brick and stone around the monument base, propped up its tottering pipe-rail fence, and enshrined the empty-eyed skull of a steer on the monument step. Recently, however, the Union Pacific and Southern Pacific railroads erected a new fence, polished the simple stone pyramid, and rechiseled its terse inscription. Now visitors can readily read the lines: Last Spike Completing First Transcontinental Railroad Driven at This Point, May 10, 1869. To make it easier for sightseers and a new generation of railroad builders to journey this way, the Utah State Highway Commission has graded, graveled, and hard-topped the twenty miles of road which lead to Promontory from the east. Beyond rugged hills to the south and west — on the shores of the lonely saline lake — new railroading history is being written by Morrison-Knudsen construction crews pushing a twelve-mile-long, forty-million-dollar rockfill across the Great Salt Lake, replacing the timber trestle of the Lucin Cutoff. But there is no sight or sound of the mammoth Lucin construction project visible at Promontory. Here, north and west of Ogden and Salt Lake City, in a land once swarming with Irish and Chinese gandydancers, with mule skinners, bewhiskered surveyors, military guards, and card-sharpers, nothing remains of pioneer builders except memories — memories fed by our own recollections of dim paragraphs and brave photographs in schoolroom history books and on classroom walls.

P H O T O COURTESY S O U T H E R N P A C I F I C

RAILROAD

Inset is "Camp Victory" on April 28, 1869, a few days before the Golden Spike ceremony of May 10. A modern version of the East meets West saga is shown in the rockfill forming the new Lucin Cutoff. The redolent sagebrush, the desolate ranges skirting the Great Salt Lake, the great sweep of high-country sky, these remain as they were before the West's first rails were laid, used, and abandoned. Here is one of those singular spots where a significant sector of American history can be readily relived, where the visitor can appreciate the labors with which his grandparents or great-grandparents enriched a rugged land. North of Ogden, against the flank of the Wasatch in the country surrounding Brigham City, the outlander finds startling resemblance to distant Pennsylvania or Upper N e w York State. But dairy farms, trim homes, and factories are left behind at tiny Corinne, the "sinful city" to pious Mormons of the railbuilding era. Beyond this near-ghost town irrigated orchards and fields dwindle and disappear. For the re-

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maining twenty-three miles to Promontory, Utah State Route 83 swings almost due west, alongside the rail-less embankment of the now abandoned pioneer line. Beginning in 1869 and continuing for thirty-two years, this was the route of diamond-stacked, high-wheeled, wood-burning locomotives hauling passenger-car loads of emigrants to the mushrooming West. However, this single track to the scene of the Golden Spike ceremony lost its main-line status in 1903 with the building of the $8,300,000 cutoff across the Great Salt Lake, the trestle route which will itself be replaced by the now half-finished "fill" or causeway. The line across the lake sliced forty-four miles and a dozen steep grades from the initial transcontinental run. But from 1903 until 1942 the older route through Promontory was maintained as a Southern Pacific branch. Then rails were ripped up and sent to war, while local souvenir hunters scoured the abandoned roadbed for timeworn spikes which could be polished into paperweights.

PHOTO COURTESY SOUTHERN

PACIFIC

RAILROAD

The $8,300,000 Lucin Cutoff shortened the original line by forty-four miles and several steep grades. Note the rocking-chairs and umbrella of spectators.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Today's highway traveler, paralleling the historic rail route, can perhaps appreciate the woes of the thousand or more tracklayers who blasted and shoveled their way west at a rate of ten miles per day. Toiling across quicksand, salt flats, and the 5,000-foot-high shoulders of the Promontory Range, laborers rounded each successive ridge to find more quicksand, sage, salt, and another ridge. But the desolate region between Corinne and Promontory contains beauty as well as history, a unique stark beauty fitted to time and clime. Curlews, wild ducks, and herons soar from roadside marshes in season, winging southward to the nearby Bear River Migratory Bird Refuge. Even in this day and age an occasional band of wild horses gallops downwind, away from passing cars and trucks. Now and again a sheepherder trails a flock to or from the winter range. Road and rail-line roadbed dip down to Promontory after topping a low ridge which gives a fine panoramic view of the saline lake and the high country, forty miles west. This is a land of shimmering mirages, a land in which truncated mountains float atop the lake, a land where heat and light play strange tricks. But the visitor who in approaching the Golden Spike marker tries to conjure up the scene as it was in 1869 needs all manner of mental tricks. Here, to a land then as now devoid of any permanent resident, a crowd of fifteen hundred streamed on that great tenth of May, 1869. Infantrymen, two bands of Salt Lake City musicians, railroad engineers, laborers far from China and Ireland, gamblers from Corinne, Mormons from Brigham City â&#x20AC;&#x201D; less recently from Nauvoo â&#x20AC;&#x201D; workers, and regional dignitaries all gathered to watch California's Governor Leland Stanford swing at the $400 golden spike, and miss. Ties and rails are gone now, but a branch-line wire remains to remind visitors that Telegrapher W. N. Shilling of Ogden simulated Stanford's blows with his key, tapping to the world the historic message: "The last rail is laid. The last spike is driven. The Pacific Railroad is completed. The point of junction is 1,086 miles west of die Missouri River, and 690 miles east of Sacramento City." Today the laurel tie that held the golden spike is gone. It was removed to San Francisco immediately after the 1869 ceremony, and destroyed in the great earthquake and fire of 1906. The golden spike remains, but not in Utah. Inscribed with the date January 8,1863, marking the breaking of ground for the nation-spanning route, plus the completion date of nearly six years later, it bears also the words: "May God

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continue the unity of our country as this railroad unites the two great oceans of the world." The property of Stanford University, the spike may be viewed by scholars who can persuade university trustees to open the vault of the Wells Fargo Bank and Union Trust Company of San Francisco, in which the relic is housed. However, desolate Promontory near the spot where crews laid a record ten miles of rail in a day, placed 25,000 ties, drove 55,000 spikes, and fastened 14,000 bolts just before the ceremony of the golden spike â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this pinprick on the map of the West â&#x20AC;&#x201D; seems best suited to recall the event now faded into the past.

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Part of the "Carte Generate du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne . . ." or "General Map of the Kingdom of New Spain," by Alexander von Humboldt, published in 1811. It is the first detailed map based upon actual exploration of the region which is now the state of Utah.

HUMBOLDT'S

UTAH,

181 I

By C. Gregory Crampton*

Utah's magnificent natural scenery was first revealed to public view on a comprehensive scale in 1811 through the works of the German scientist, Baron Alexander von Humboldt. In his Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain he wrote of the latitudes south of Great Salt Lake when it was one of the limits of geographical knowledge in the Rocky Mountains above the Spanish settlements; his maps in the accompanying atlas extend no further north than forty-two degrees of latitude. Humboldt described with much detail the country now shared by Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, Texas, Arizona, Nevada, and California, then the northern frontier of the viceroyalty of New Spain, which was wholly portrayed in the essay. As he pictured the wealth and resources of the northern Spanish provinces, Humboldt fairly prophesied the westward sweep of the United States across the continent, and it was he, one of the greatest scientists of his time, more than anyone before him, who publicized these attractions. It could scarcely have been at a more auspicious time, * Dr. Crampton is professor of history at the University of Utah, Salt Lake City. Acknowledgment is made to the University of Utah Research Fund for assistance in meeting research costs, and to the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, for permission to reproduce the two maps and the portrait of Humboldt. Italics are used for names which appear on the map and to which reference is made. Numbered footnotes appear at die end of the article.

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

for the essay was published just as Mexico plunged into a revolutionary war for independence from Spain. The war invited attention to a region which had long lived under Spain's monopolistic control. Intercourse with the world outside was prohibited, and little was known abroad of the vast resources of Spanish North America until Humboldt's work proclaimed them to the world. He said he wanted to "contribute something to dispel the darkness which for so many ages has covered the geography of one of the finest regions of the earth." He did just that. The Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain raised the Spanish curtain in North America to reveal in intimate detail a dazzling region which emerged as sovereign and independent Mexico when the patriots finally severed the political bond with Spain in 1821. Some years before the revolution, with permission of the Spanish government, Humboldt, in company with the botanist Aime Bonpland, had come to Spanish America in 1799 to prosecute scientific studies which were expected to take him around the world. He spent five years in the New World, most of it in South America and Cuba. When plans failed for a voyage across the Pacific, he journeyed to New Spain and studied there for a year. The scientist traveled about some in central Mexico, and from his own observations, in conversation with learned men, and from official records in the viceregal archives which were opened to him, he gathered a mass of material upon which he based the Political Essay. The general map accompanying it was completed in preliminary draft before he left the viceroyalty. En route to Europe in 1804, Humboldt stopped briefly in the United States. He visited President Jefferson, with whom he must have had some interesting conversations about Mexico and the West, and left with the Department of State in Washington a copy of the preliminary map. The Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain was published sectionally in the original French from 1808 to 1811; the complete first edition together with a folio atlas appeared in 1811. An English edition translated by John Black was published during the same year, and a German edition (18091814) was followed by one in Spanish (1822) and others.1 The essay on New Spain contains the first detailed published description based upon actual exploration of the region which is now the state of Utah. Humboldt himself never visited the northern part of Mexico, but he talked to those who had, and he used many manuscript and printed sources which are discussed in the long geographical introduction in volume one and elsewhere throughout the work. Most of the Utah material appears on the general map accompanying it, the north-

HUMBOLDT'S UTAH

271

western part of which is reproduced here on a reduced scale.2 The boundaries of the state may be superimposed upon Humboldt's map by drawing two perpendicular lines from the northern edge of it, one at longitude 109Â° 23', the other at longitude 116Â° 23', to intersect a horizontal line drawn from the western edge of the map at the latitude of thirty-seven degrees. The northwestern boundaries may be drawn by dropping a perpendicular line at longitude 113Â° 23' to forty-one degrees of latitude and by extending the line along this latitude until it intersects the eastern boundary. These lines are adjusted to the Greenwich meridian from that of the observatory of Paris which Humboldt used. He adopted Mercator's projection. Most of the geographical features appearing on the Utah part of the map are those discovered in 1776 by the Spanish exploring party directed by friars Francisco Antanasio Dominguez and Francisco Silvestre Velez de Escalante and first laid down on maps by the expedition cartographer, Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco. Although Miera drew several maps reflecting these discoveries, none was ever printed, so far as is known, and it was left to Humboldt to publish the work of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition.3 It is not certain that Humboldt used Miera directly, for he is not acknowledged by name in the geographical introduction of the essay; but the first map Humboldt mentions there is one by Mascaro and Costanso on which Miera data have obviously been used, though again unacknowledged.^ Humboldt's "Carte Generale" is a fair reflection of Utah as it was known at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and it was regarded as an authoritative work for much of the area mapped until Fremont, who recognized Humboldt's contribution and retained some of his geography, published the report of his first two exploring expeditions thirty-five years later. The modern traveler will be interested to learn how many of the scenic wonders of Utah were known, named, and found a place on Humboldt's great map of 1811. With a few, and some quite radical, adjustments the Humboldt geography may be squared with the modern map. Note that most of Humboldt's place names are in Spanish; the names of lakes and Indian tribes and explanatory and descriptive matter are in French. In the analysis of Humboldt's map to follow, we will travel counterclockwise around the state, following as it were the trail of Dominguez and Escalante as laid down by the German scientist. The main dividing ridge of the Rocky Mountains, the Sierra de las Grullas, separates the waters of the Rio Grande del Norte, shortened

Map depicting a possible commercial route across the Rockies at the head of the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers, as suggested by Humboldt.

Alexander von Humboldt, 1769-1859. Scientific traveler, author of many volumes, he helped to make America better known to the world. His Political Essay is still of primary importance.

HUMBOLDT'S UTAH

273

now to the Rio Grande, from those of the Colorado River system. The upper basin of the Colorado River is rather accurately drawn. The San Juan River is identical with the Rio Nabajoa, which receives the Rio de las Animas, the name today of a major fork heading in Colorado. The Rio de Nra. Sra. de los Dolores has been shortened by modern usage to the Dolores River, which skirts the Montagnes de Sel Gemme, a name retained partly in its Spanish form today as the La Sal Mountains, the striking peaks on the Utah-Colorado line, south of the Colorado River. Humboldt's Rio de S. Xavier is the Gunnison; and the Rio de S. Rafael, indicated as being the major source of the Colorado, is indeed the Colorado River above the mouth of the Dolores. All of these streams and other geographical features were known to Spain before the traverse by Dominguez and Escalante in 1776. Beyond the Colorado these men pushed into country new to the whites, and they left a trail of names many of which appear on Humboldt's map. The first considerable discovery of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition was the Green River, first seen where it was crossed just outside the southern boundary of Dinosaur National Monument. The explorers reported no fossilized bones, but they were the first to view spectacular Split Mountain, through which Green River flows in Dinosaur.5 Miera named the adjacent Yampa Plateau Sierra Verde as it appears on Humboldt's map, though too far east. The origin of the name Green River, which is still in doubt, may well be related somehow to Miera's Sierra Verde. On Humboldt's map the Green is the Rio de S. Buenaventura, the name applied to it by the discoverers, who thought it to be a river wholly unrelated to the Colorado. Miera documented the Spaniards' conclusions when he extended the stream westward and emptied it into a salt lake which is in fact Sevier Lake! This serious error perpetuated by Humboldt confounded explorers and geographers for more than thirty years after his map appeared. Even after the Green was discovered to be a branch of the Colorado River, Humboldt's authority was so great that some cartographers identified his Rio Nabajoa with the Colorado and his Rio Zaguanganas with the Green even though the junction of the two extended below the southern boundary of Utah.6 The Sierra de Timpanogos was the name applied to the western part of the Uinta Mountains and the northern reaches of the Wasatch Mountains by the Spaniards. Miera has shown them much more accurately than Humboldt, but then Humboldt was probably using a secondary source and not Miera directly, and under these conditions his accu-

274

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

racy is surprising. The name remains in use today to identify majestic Mount Timpanogos, overlooking Utah Lake and Valley, and in Timpanogos Cave National Monument located on its northern slope. Dominguez and Escalante also applied the name Timpanogos to Utah Lake, which they discovered. The Indians of the same name living about the lake told the explorers that its waters communicated with an "extremely salty" lake to the north. The explorers did not visit Great Salt Lake, but Miera put it on his maps seemingly as an arm of Lake Timpanogos extending some distance above forty-two degrees (a very considerable error), so it does not appear on the Humboldt maps, which do not reach above that latitude. But Humboldt casts doubt upon the size of the portion of the lake which he does show by the word "douteux," the omission of water lines, and reference to Escalante's journal. The little stream Rio Yampancas flowing into Lac de Timpanogos from the west is probably identical with the Rio de los Yamparicas (Humboldt's Indiens Yamparicas is the same word) which Miera on some of his maps causes to enter the lake from the east above forty-two degrees of latitude. The Yampa River, which enters the Green River in Echo Park in Dinosaur National Monument, and the Yampa Plateau may be historic vestiges of this stream and name. Just south of Lac de Timpanogos the massive Mount Nebo is shown on the Humboldt map as another Montagnes de Sel Gemme, or Mountains of Rock Salt. Miera places hills of salt on some of his maps in the locality adjacent to the Valle de Salinas where, Escalante notes in his diary, the Indians living about Utah Lake came to obtain their supplies of salt. The stream today known as Salt Creek, which drains the southern slopes of Mount Nebo and debouches in Juab Valley at Nephi, is thought to be the Valle de Salinas of the Spaniards.7 The Franciscan fathers, Dominguez and Escalante, together with their colleague, Francisco Garces, were the discoverers of the Great Basin. Yet in their extensive pioneer explorations of it in 1776 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Garces crossed the Mojave Desert only months before Dominguez and Escalante traversed its eastern edge â&#x20AC;&#x201D; they were altogether unaware that they were in an interior basin with no outlet to the sea. Quite the opposite. Garces in California, after crossing the Mojave Desert, concluded that the rivers he found in the southern Sierra Nevada headed back in the Rocky Mountains, and Dominguez, Escalante, and Miera imagined that the streams originating in the Rockies, or Sierra de las Grullas, flowed westward to reach the Pacific, an idea accepted by Humboldt,

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who adopted Miera's illustration of it from the sources he used to construct his map. This is again the Rio de S. Buenaventura, in reality the Green River, which is discharged into the large unnamed lake the western limits of which are indicated as unknown. On the Miera maps this is Lake Miera (or Laguna de Miera); this and Lake Timpanogos were both used by cartographers after Humboldt as sources for several mythical westward-flowing streams which reached the Pacific in various latitudes between the mouths of the Columbia and the Colorado, much to the confusion of explorers who tried to find them.8 Historic Lake Miera, left without name by Humboldt, is Sevier Lake, the salty sink of the Sevier River which heads south on the High Plateaus of Utah near Bryce Canyon National Park and Cedar Breaks National Monument. The Rio Salado entering an arm of Sevier Lake on the Humboldt map is the way Miera has it on his maps. When the Spanish explorers visited the lake in 1776, they must have found it much larger than it is today, covering most of the flats, now dry, below the town of Delta. The running stream, Rio Salado, or Salt River, is identified with the spring source that today fills Clear Lake, a migratory water fowl refuge. South of Miera's lake the Plaines (Llanos) de Nuestra Senora de la Luz is the open country south of Milford, appropriately called now the Escalante Valley and the Escalante Desert. Here the Spanish explorers decided to return to New Mexico rather than go on to California as they had intended. They crossed over the rim of the Great Basin and descended Ash Creek along the Hurricane Cliffs until they reached the Virgin River, called by them the Rio Sulfureo, or Sulphurous River, for they discovered or were near the mineralized La Virken Hot Springs at the mouth of Timpoweap Canyon. The Virgin (a later Spanish name â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Virgen) appears as the Rio de las Piramides Sulphureas, a corruption on the Humboldt map of one of the names Miera applied to the Virgin. But the term Miera most frequently uses is the Rio Sulfureo de los Piramides, or the Sulphurous River of the Pyramids, and from a study of his maps it is clear that the word pyramid is intended to describe the mountainous towers and temples to the east of the trail at this point and to the north of it as they headed back toward New Mexico. This may be regarded as the first description of the intricately carved escarpments peculiar to the southern exposures of the High Plateaus of Utah which find classic expression in Zion National Park and Monument not far from the Spanish Trail of 1776.9 As the Spaniards turned eastward, they skirted the brilliant Vermilion Cliffs, catching views here and there of the terrace of White Cliffs which stand above them, until they reached

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the Colorado River. To the High Plateaus, which they had seen at many points, Miera appears to have given the name Sierra de los Guacaros, a prominent feature on Humboldt's map. Returning for a moment to the River of the Pyramids: Humboldt in a note in French states that the location of the mouth of the stream is unknown. In a legend to the left of this in French he also notes the existence of a chain of mountains extending toward the west, traversed by the Rio de San Felipe. The San Felipe (Kern River) was one of the discoveries of Francisco Garces in California, who believed that it headed far back in the interior of the continent. This became one of the more durable mythical rivers of the West, in part because of its mention on Humboldt's respected map. Even Miera's Sulphurous River of the Pyramids was caught up in this cartographical fantasy when it was emptied into the Pacific Ocean without first joining the waters of the Colorado. The explorations ascribed to Pedro Font in the next note below on the Humboldt map refer actually to those of Father Garces in 1776. After crossing the Mojave Desert and discovering the Mojave River, which he named the Rio de los Martires, as Humboldt has it (though flowing the wrong way!), he crossed the Colorado River and made a pioneer traverse eastward to Oraibi in the Hopi country. Father Pedro Font made the maps incorporating his discoveries, and these were used by Humboldt.10 There is nothing on Humboldt's map to show where the Dominguez-Escalante expedition crossed the Colorado River on its way back to Santa Fe. This was at a point in Glen Canyon, which the Spaniards discovered, later known as El Vado de los Padres and now as the Crossing of the Fathers, a few miles upstream from the Glen Canyon damsite. On Humboldt's map this is just below the junction of the Rio Nabajoa and the Rio Zaguanganas, a corruption of Miera's Zaguaganas (Escalante's Sabuaganas), the name of the Indians upstream where the Spaniards crossed the Colorado (San Rafael) on the outgoing trip. The only landmark in the area noted by Humboldt is El Rastrillo, a misspelling of El Castillo, Miera's name for one of the castle-like monuments east of Glen Canyon Dam, possibly Leche-e Rock, perhaps White Mesa, or Preston Mesa. The Puerto de Bucarelli nearby is Garces' name for the lower course of the Rio faquesila, now the Little Colorado River. When Dominguez, Escalante, Miera, and company reached the Hopi town Oraibi (Humboldt's Oraybe), they were on familiar ground again, and they soon arrived at Santa Fe, the point of beginning. In the field

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six months, they discovered much new territory which became known to the world when Humboldt published his "Carte Generate" in 1811. Not the least valuable feature of the map is the location of many of the campsites named by the Dominguez-Escalante expedition; if a line is drawn counterclockwise around the map connecting places identified by the small circular dot (S. Rustico, Valli de S. Jose, etc.), the route followed by the explorers through Utah may be located approximately. The expedition by reference to "Pere Escalante" is mentioned three times on the face of the map and a number of times in the text of the Political Essay. The one legend where the name is given as ". . . Pere Antonio Velez y Escalante . . . ," followed by the erroneous date 1777, is a curious mixture of the names of Dominguez and Escalante, and it belies Humboldt's indebtedness to the manuscript maps drawn by Costanso and Mascaro.11 Indian tribes are located by Humboldt; those in the Utah region he has quite probably adopted from the Mascaro-Costanso sources, though he has not reproduced the tribal boundaries found in their work and in the maps of Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco, the original source. The Aztec Indians who left their homeland Aztldn in 1160, Humboldt suggests, may have traveled across Utah in their wanderings, passing Utah Lake, which he says might be Lake Teguayo, en route to the San Juan River, where they remained for a time before going on to the Gila River in Arizona. This startling information is carried in the legend in French to the left of Lac de Timpanogos, in one immediately below the Rio Nabajoa, and in another just below the Casas Grandes in Arizona.12 Hypothesis to Humboldt was fact to another. The word Teguayo, a product of the fertile seventeenth-century-Spanish imagination, identified a fabulous land northwest of New Mexico. This was a legend contradicted in fact by the Dominguez-Escalante expedition, but it was revived by the weight of Humboldt's words alone. Lake Teguayo blossomed out again on the maps after 1811, competing with Timpanogos as the name for Great Salt Lake, or Utah Lake, or it was applied to Sevier Lake, which had been left blank by Humboldt. It was not crowded off the map altogether until some time after the Mormons arrived in Utah in 1847.13 The Aztecs and Montezuma are still here. It was easy after the middle of the nineteenth century, once the numerous ruins left by ancient peoples in Utah and the Southwest became better known, to conclude that Humboldt's hypothesis was right: they had passed this way.14 Two frequently encountered names in the Southwest today are

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Aztec and Montezuma. Utah has at least one of each. Montezuma Creek, a fork of the San Juan River, drains the slopes of the Abajo (Blue) Mountains, and Aztec Creek, which receives the waters that flow under Rainbow Natural Bridge, are both where Humboldt notes that tradition, however uncertain, accounts for one of the stopping places of the Aztecs in their migrations. Alexander von Humboldt, then, literally put Utah on the map. The Political Essay was accepted at once, even before it was published, as the word of authority, and it remained so for some time after the mountain men and later explorers corrected the geographical errors.15 Humboldt revealed the land, he told what was known about it, and he prophesied what might become of it. At a time when men were probing for water routes across the continent, and before Lewis and Clark published their report, Humboldt suggested the feasibility of commercial communication between the Rio Grande and the Colorado. But, he said, the Rio Zaguanganas and Rio Grande "can never be interesting for commerce, till great changes . . . introduce colonization into their fertile and temperate regions," and as he observed the rapid advance of the Americans into the Mississippi Basin, he concluded that "these changes are perhaps not very distant." 16 As much as any other, John Charles Fremont personifies the American advance and the searcher for first the water and then the railroad routes to connect the Atlantic and the Pacific. And Fremont recognized and acknowledged his debt to Humboldt by frequent reference to him in his published works and by naming after him the Humboldt River and the mountains in which it heads.17 But these were lost to Nevada in 1861 and in 1864 and 1866 when the-territory was first divided and then reduced, and one studies the map in vain- today to find a place in Utah commemorative of the man who first publicized some of its many wonders.18 NOTES 1

The original English edition, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain. Containing Researches Relative to the Geography of Mexico, the Extent of its Surface and its Political Division into Intendancies, the Physical Aspect of the Country, the Population, the State of Agriculture and Manufacturing and Commercial Industry, the Canals Projected Between the South Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, the Crown Revenues, the Quantity of Precious Metals which have Flowed from Mexico into Europe and Asia, since the Discovery of the New Continent, and the Military Defence of New Spain. With Physical Sections and Maps, founded on Astronomical Observations, and Trigonometrical and Barometrical Measurements. Translated from the original French by John Black (4 vols., London, 1811), has been used primarily in the preparation of this article. The original French edition appeared in die series of quarto volumes written by Humboldt and Aime Bonpland, Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne (2 vols., Paris, 1811), and this was accompanied by the atlas in folio, Atlas geographique et physique du Royaume de la

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Nouvelle-Espagne, fonde sur des observations astronomiques, des mesures trigonometriques et des nivellemens barometriques (Paris, 1811); another (Paris, 1812). An octavo edition of the Essai in five volumes was also published in Paris in 1811, and a second edition was published there, 1825-1827, in four volumes. The most recent edition is the sixth in Spanish, edited by Vito Alessio Robles, Ensayo politico sobre el Reino de la Nueva Espana . . (4 vols., Mexico, 1941), and an atlas. All who work widi Humboldt soon discover the need for an exhaustive study of his immense bibliography. A recent biographer is Helmut de Terra, Humboldt, the Life and Times of Alexander von Humboldt, 1769-1859 (New York, 1955). 2 The map bears the title, "Carte Generale du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne depuis le parallele de 16° jusqu'au parallele de 38° (latitude Nord) dressee sur les observations astronomiques et sur l'ensemble des materiaux qui existoient a Mexico, au commencement de l'annee 1804." This is the map that was drawn up in preliminary form by Humboldt in Mexico in 1804 and completed by him and by Friesen, Oltmanns, and Thulier in 1809. Another general map, "Carte du Mexique et des pays limitrophes situes au nord et a Test . . ." was adopted from the above and from otiier materials by J. B. Poirson, but it lacks the detail of the first for the Rocky Mountain region. Both maps appeared, the first in two sections, in the editions of the Atlas geographique; owing to its smaller size the "Carte du Mexique . . ." is frequently found in the several editions of the essay with a title translated to match the language of the edition. The northwestern portion of this map has been reproduced, plate 30 (B) in, Charles O. Paullin, Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States, John K. Wright, ed. (Washington and New York, 1932). The northern half of the "Carte Generale . . ." has been reproduced by Carl I. Wheat, 1540-1861 Mapping the Transmississippi West, Volume One, The Spanish Entrada to the Louisiana Purchase, 1540-1804 (San Francisco, 1957), as his no. 272, opposite page 134. Wheat's monumental work under this title is scheduled to run to five volumes. 3 The maps drawn by Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco have been brought out in published form only in recent years. One appears in the article with the misleading title by J. Cecil Alter, "Father Escalante's Map," Utah Historical Quarterly, IX (January, April, 1941), 64-72. This is followed by two articles by Herbert S. Auerbach which are helpful in squaring the discoveries of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition and the maps made by Miera with modern geography: "Father Escalante's Route (As depicted by the Map of Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco)," and, "Father Escalante's Itinerary," ibid., 73-80; (July, October), 109-28. Auerbach's edition of the journal and itinerary of the DominguezEscalante expedition, "Father Escalante's Journal with Related Documents and Maps," ibid., XI (1943), has two additional maps by Miera and several other maps of importance though they are not precisely identified. Another map by Miera, in colors, is found in the journal and itinerary of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition edited by Herbert E. Bolton, Pageant in the Wilderness (Salt Lake City, 1950). Carl I. Wheat, op. cit., devotes his entire chap, vi to the Miera maps of the 1776 Dominguez-Escalante expedition; he describes six distinct manuscript Miera maps in three separate types and reproduces one of the "bearded Indian" maps, a type found also in Auerbach and Bolton.

' One combs the long geographical introduction in vain for any mention of Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco, but Humboldt does refer, Vol. I, lxxiv-lxxv, to a "Carte manuscrite de la Nouvelle Espagne, dressee par ordre du vice-roi Buccarelli, par MM. Costanzo et Mascaro," which map served him for the Moqui (Hopi) country and for the Rio Nabajoa (San Juan River) among other places. He refers to another, Vol. I, lxxxiii, "Mapa del Nuevo Mexico," a manuscript map extending from twenty-nine to forty-two degrees of latitude, no author given. This apparently was the source of the Utah material, for he notes that under forty-one degrees this map is minute in detail, particularly with reference to such features as the lake "des Timpanogos," the sources of the "Rio Colorado," and the "Rio del Norte." This latter map has not been identified, but a comparison of Humboldt's "Carte Generale" with maps made by Miguel Costanso and Manuel Agustin Mascaro suggests that he must have also used one of them, or one based upon their work for the Utah portion of the map. Wheat, op. cit., notes four manuscript maps — one by MascaroCostanso, one by Mascaro, and two anonymous, produced between ca. 1779 and 1783. His nos. 181, 182, 193, and 195 bear certain parallel resemblances in the Utah region, and it is this type which Humboldt must have used to portray that area in his "Carte Generale."

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One of these, the following map, or one of its type may have been the source Humboldt cites as the "Carte manuscrite" above: Carta o mapa geografico de una gran parte del Reino de N. E. comprendido entre los 19 y 42 grados de latitud septentrional y entre 249 y 289 grados de longitud del meridiano de Tenerife . . . Construyolo el Ingeniero Don Miguel Costanso y va aumentado en varias noticias que adquirio en sus viages el ingeniero Don Manuel Mascaro. This is no. 702 in, Henry R. Wagner, The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America (Berkeley, 1937), II, 349, who dates it "1784(?)"; note also his 694, p. 348; see Wheat, no. 182. Whatever source Humboldt used, die genius of Bernardo de Miera shows brightly through as it unmistakably does in Humboldt's own work. This seems to be the place to mention a map of North America drawn in 1802 by Isidoro de Antillon who published it with an accompaniment of fifty-two pages, Numero V, Carta de la America Septentrional [Madrid, 1803]. Antillon, a professor in Madrid, incorporated Anza, Garces, and Dominguez-Escalante data on his finely-engraved map, and he actually preceded Humboldt in portraying die Utah region as it had been seen by "los PP.s Velez y Escalante." His map is on a smaller scale, however, and it seems to have enjoyed very little use by others, although Humboldt himself acknowledged a limited indebtedness to Antillon, Political Essay, I, lxi. Antillon notes in his accompaniment, 4344, the use of "an anonymous author on a grand scale" for the north central interior, which suggests the Mascaro-Costanso type of map also used by Humboldt. See also note 15 for others who preceded Humboldt by beating him into print with his own material. 5 C. Gregory Crampton, "The Discovery of the Green River," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (October, 1952), 299-312, discusses the expedition's experiences here in detail. Â° An influential example of this treatment is found on the general "Map of the Territory of the United States from the Mississippi to die Pacific Ocean . . . to Accompany the Reports of the Explorations for a Railroad Route . . ." by Lt. G. K. Warren, 1857, in Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean (Washington, 1861), XI. 1 Utah's colorful nomenclature deserves more study. The use of the words Nebo, Juab, Nephi, Salinas, and Salt, all in one sentence above suggests the rich potentialities. s The place of Utah's lakes and rivers in the historical cartography of the West has been examined by C. Gregory Crampton and Gloria G. Griffen, "The San Buenaventura, Mythical River of the West," Pacific Historical Review, XXV (May, 1956), 163-71. 0 George C. Fraser reproduces a portion of a Miera map in an article, "El Vado de los Padres, die Story of the Old Ute Ford of the Colorado River, Crossed in 1776 by the Spanish Fadiers, Escalante and Dominguez, and nearly a Century Later by the Mormon Pioneer, Hamblin; Long a Route of Marauding Indians," Natural History, XXIII (July-August, 1923), 344-57. He identifies Miera's "pyramids" with the Temples of the Virgin at the entrance to Zion National Park. 10 See Crampton and Griffen, op. cit., 165. " T h e date 1777, which appears on Humboldt's map, could not be included in the part reproduced here. Wagner's map no. 702 (see note 4), and possibly others of this type, bear die date 1777 for the expedition. Reference is made by Humboldt, Political Essay, I, 22, to "Father Escalante and Father Antonio Velez." (Italics his.) Other references to Escalante: II, 336, 382. '"' In the text of the Essay, II, 303, Humboldt notes diat it is only "Very vague supposition" that the Aztecs traveled this route; he notes here that the three stations in the migration were Lake Teguayo, the Rio Gila, and Yanos, which is at variance with the information carried on the face of the "Carte Generale." But again in the text, II, 315, he reports Indian tradition as saying that twenty miles north of the Moqui (Hopi) villages, and near the mouth of die Rio Zaguanganas, was the place where the Aztecs first established themselves after departure from Aztldn. See also his note, page 324, where identification of Lake Teguayo with Lake Timpanogos is suggested. Humboldt's information about the migrations of the Aztecs comes from die work by Francisco Javier Clavigero, Storia antica del Messico (4 vols., Cesena, 1780-1781); an English edition translated from the Italian by Charles Cullen, The History of Mexico Collected from Spanish and Mexican Historians . . . (2 vols., London, 1787). See particularly Humboldt's chap, vi, Book II, Vol. II. The material on the migrations of the Aztecs is in Book II in Clavigero. Another

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source was the engraved map by Josef Antonio de Alzate y Ramirez, Nuevo Mapa geografico de la America Septentional, perteneciente al Virreynato de Mexico: dedicado a los sabios miembros de la Academia Real de las Ciencias de Paris . . . (Paris, 1768), which Humboldt, Essay, I, lxxv, attributes to Siguenza. This has the "Laguna de Teguyo" at forty-one degrees with a note that the Mexicans (Aztecs) left there to found their empire. 13 S. Lyman Tyler, " T h e Myth of the Lake of Copala and Land of Teguayo," Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (October, 1952), 313-29, has examined the history of a durable myth. George P. H a m m o n d , "The Search for the Fabulous in the Settlement of the Southwest," ibid., XXIV (January, 1956), 1-19, places the myth in broad perspective.

" Josiah Gregg in his classic Commerce of the Prairies . . . (New York, 1844) (see the fine edition edited by Max L. Moorehead [Norman, Oklahoma, 1954]), chap, xv, suggests an Aztec origin for die ruined towns such as Pueblo Bonito. He cites Clavigero and Humboldt. Humboldt himself repeated the assertion of the Aztec migrations and their stops at Teguayo and the Rio Gila in his Views of Nature or Contemplations on the Sublime Phenomena of Creation with Scientific Illustrations . . Translated from the German by E. C. Otte and Henry G. Bohn (London, 1850), 207. Here are some later writers who identify the Aztecs with various Indians, ancient and living, in the Southwest: William A. Bell, New Tracks in North America . . . (2nd ed., London, 1870), chap, iii, Part III, "The Aztec Ruins of New Mexico and Arizona"; J. H. Beadle, Western Wilds and the Men who Redeem Them . . . (San Francisco, 1881), chap, xvii, "Among the Aztecs in Arizona." 15 Others published die essential material appearing on his "Carte Generale" before Humboldt himself. T h e preliminary draft of the map which he had left in Washington supplied much of the data appearing on Zebulon Montgomery Pike's "Map of die Internal Provinces of New Spain," accompanying the narrative of his western travels which appeared in the first edition in 1810. T h e standard scholarly edition of Pike is by Elliott Coues, The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike (3 vols., New York, 1895). Coues says in his Introduction, I, xxxv-xxxvi, that Pike simply used Humboldt's maps without acknowledgment. T h e Pike map in the Utah region pretty closely follows Humboldt, but there are some differences. One is that Alzate's chart is referred to as one of the sources of information for the identification of Lake Timpanogos with Lake Teguayo of the Aztecs. Another who beat Humboldt to print with his own map was the English cartographer Aaron Arrowsmith, who published "A N e w Map of Mexico and Adjacent Provinces Compiled from Original Documents" at London in 1810. Humboldt had sent Arrowsmith a copy of his map, in what must have been its last revision, for the English production is closer to the original than Pike's. Humboldt publicly chastised Pike and Arrowsmith in his Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent during the Years 1799-1804, Translated into English by Helen Maria Williams (London, 1814), I, xxix-xxx. 16 Political Essay, I, 71-72, 274; II, 278. The map reproduced in this article showing the projected communication between the Rio Grande and the Colorado River is one of eight such maps in illustration of as many routes appearing in Atlas geographique et physique du Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne . . . (Paris, 1811), 4. 17 In his important Geographical Memoir upon Upper California, in Illustration of his Map of Oregon and California (Senate Miscellaneous Document No. 148, 30 Cong., 1 sess.) (Washington, 1848) which finally defined the Great Basin, Fremont pays frequent tribute to Humboldt, and on page 10 he records the renaming of the Humboldt River in respect to one " w h o has done so much to illustrate North American geography. . . ." In his later works H u m b o l d t expressed appreciation for the results of Fremont's scientific explorations in the West: Views of Nature . . . (London, 1850), 29, 32, 33-34, 37, and particularly in his Cosmos: A Sketch of the Physical Description of the Universe (New York, 1859), V, 383-86. T h e latter passage is quoted by Fremont in his Memoirs of my Life . . . (Chicago and N e w York, 1887), I, 605-06. 18 As originally constituted the territory of Utah included the entire watershed of the Humboldt River, but the creation of the territory of Nevada in 1861 and the subsequent reduction of the western boundary of Utah in 1864 and 1866 left the drainage, as well as the mountains entirely in Nevada.

Artist's conception of the Old Stagecoach Inn at Fairfield as it will appear after extensive refurbishing. Once an Overland Stage and Pony Express station, it will serve as a museum for relics of the era. Drawing courtesy State Parks Commission.

A N E W LOOK

AT OLD T R E A S U R E S

By Jacf\ Goodman

In 1858 one Nephi Johnson, prospecting in southern Utah for soil in which cotton might grow, stumbled upon the tangle of chasms, canyons, and truncated mountains we now know as Zion National Park. Mr. Johnson, ignoring the setting in which he found himself, reported only that growing cotton in the canyon bottoms would be impractical â&#x20AC;&#x201D; thereby reflecting the sentiments of pioneers who came, saw, and departed in later days. Apocryphal or not, it is likewise said that Ebenezer Bryce, discoverer of another slice of spectacular parkland now bearing his name, gazed upon the minarets and crenellated turrets of the regions, and opined: "It's a helluva place to lose a cow." Not till city-dwelling enthusiasts of a later era, many of them outlanders, hurrahed loudly about Utah's scenery were the state's initial national parks and national monuments established. There is precedent for this, to be sure: It is correctly pointed out that few Utah farmers or ranchers gaze across their acres at the Wasatch or the La Sals and exclaim about the beauties of peaks outside their dooryards. Visiting aestheticians scornfully note that few Utah residences are so sited as to take picture-window advantage of available views. But how many New Yorkers crossing the East River bridges by rapid transit train look up from their newspapers to enjoy the striking sights of the Manhattan

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skyline? How many San Francisco residents take time to climb Coit Tower for a panoramic inspection of their harbor ? Admittedly the Utah situation permits some moralizing about the fact that, whereas far fields seem greenest, objects close at hand are ignored. Utah natives, while dutifully marking, labeling, and cataloguing historic sites and homes visited or inhabited by Mormon pioneers, have done little to record or report the visual scenes or, more important, to preserve the setting involved. Captain Miera y Pacheco, mapmaker with the Escalante party in 1776, left us the first description of Utah Valley, labeling it "the most pleasing, beautiful, and fertile site in all New Spain"; Solomon Nunes Carvalho, artist with the Fremont expedition of 1854, has left us the first really competent sketches of the region. But settlers, understandably busy wresting a living from the soil, rearing families, and building a way of life, paid comparatively scant attention to the aesthetic and recreational aspects of a land they were seeking to tame. After all, a man sweating in an effort to make the desert blossom as the rose is not too likely to muse upon the manner in which the hot sun is tinting distant peaks. He may think wayfaring strangers a bit daft if they comment on the hues of desert varnish visible in the slickrock country down the road. Indeed, he may think a group seeking to set aside a piece of untamed landscape for perpetual contemplation is more than a little zany. The notion that travelers may pay more in good hard cash to be permitted to gaze upon some scenery than that very scenery is worth as rangeland, timberland, or as a mining prospect is therefore late in penetrating Utah and the consciousness of some of its residents. After all, much of the state was labeled the center of the "Great American Desert" by cartographers little more dian a century ago. This, perhaps, is why Utah, rich in scenery, is short on tourists. This, perhaps, explains a philosophy which permitted the commonwealth to lag so far behind it has only now become the final state in die union to establish a State Park and Recreation Commission. This belated action might indeed be a turning point of history-making proportions regarding Utah's heritage. The act of the 1957 legislature creating the Park Commission, and thereby opening up the way to establishment of a State Park System, may one day be remembered as the major accomplishment of that law-making session. Granted an initial operating budget of just $25,000 a year â&#x20AC;&#x201D; smaller than the sum spent for lawn maintenance in some city park systems â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

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Utah's Commission has nevertheless set to work in vigorous style, using persuasive eloquence to obtain sizeable favors from agencies and organizations equally eager to foster park progress. As a result the National Park Service has donated the talents of an expert park planner for a period of months; the director of the NPS Mission 66 has carefully surveyed the state's park potential; another NPS expert crisscrossed the Wasatch in midwinter to prepare sketches of available recreational areas. Meanwhile the state of California has made a planner-consultant available on a part-time basis; one of the nation's largest construction firms has donated maps and engineering aid; the National Guard is aiding through survey flights and road-building chores; the State Highway Commission, the State Historical Society, and the Tourist and Publicity Council are providing invaluable assistance. Indicative of the impetus behind Utah's new State Park campaign, the Rockefeller family, through the conservation-minded Jackson Hole Preserve, Incorporated, has donated $20,000 to the Park Commission, thereby nearly matching the initial legislative appropriation. As if moved by this practical expression of out-of-state aid, a rather less wealthy Utah family, comprising descendants of pioneer John Carson, donated the old Carson Pony Express and stage station at Fairfield to the Park Commission for museum purposesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;-and other gifts seem likely to follow. As the only gift of its kind ever made by Jackson Hole Preserve to any state park commission, the grant from the organization headed by Laurance S. Rockefeller is worth more than a little attention. It is specifically intended "to encourage the launching of planning and development of Utah areas of scenic beauty, recreational utility and historic interest," as Mr. Rockefeller declared in a letter to Governor George Dewey Clyde which accompanied the gift. In making the grant public, the nonprofit Rockefeller agency, which conducts activities in the fields of conservation and recreation, made clear the $20,000 gift "is intended as seed money to encourage other gifts." In the wake of this grant, park-planning activities of the Utah Commission are being closely watched within the state and outside its borders by members of conservation groups, by federal and state officials, and by westerners who hold high hopes that a multipleuse program can be developed permitting recreational use of forest and canyon lands side by side with other economically necessary land uses, including grazing, oil and minerals development. In most regions of the West, such multiple use has seemed impossible to accomplish, mak-

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UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

ing modern history replete with wordy battles between conservationists, water-users, hydroelectric-power proponents, excitable stockmen, lovers of unspoiled scenery, lumbermen, and mine operators. Formulas to prevent such clashes are historically hard to come by. However, virtually-all the scenic areas Utah's park advocates must turn to in the search for recreational preserves are already being probed for uranium and oil, used for grazing, or utilized as watersheds. Thus a multi-use policy is a necessity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the more so since most Utahns have yet to fully appreciate the dollar value of tourism. Largely responsible for the current long and thoughtful look Utah is according the recreational use and conservation of much of the West's finest mountain and desert scenery is Harold P. Fabian, a retired Salt Lake City attorney serving as nonsalaried chairman of the new State Park Commission. Widely known in the East as well as the Mountain West for his continuing efforts to protect the Jackson Hole country from despoilment, Fabian was attorney for John D. Rockefeller, Jr., during the philanthropist's long-range purchase of some 36,000 acres of Wyoming land â&#x20AC;&#x201D; acreage dioughtfully presented to the federal government for establishment of Grand Teton National Park. A long-time friend and co-worker of former National Park Service director Horace Albright and of such potent conservationists as New York publisher Alfred Knopf, Fabian is essentially a practical enthusiast. Stated differently, he is willing to establish a lodge or campgrounds within a park preserve, if doing so will increase recreational use of the area in question, and if such a project can be carried through without despoiling scenic values. He is quite willing to live side by side with oil and mineral developments, especially those of the taxpaying variety. As a result, Utah's first State Park chairman has proved especially apt in luring busy businessmen, ranchers, foresters, architects, engineers, and the like to positions on high-caliber, hard-working committes, survey teams, and regional study groups. Heading the fledgling state park system's tiny paid staff is Chester J. Olsen, a retired regional supervisor of the United States Forest Service, wise in the ways of a West in which the usage of forested lands and water has frequently been the subject of heated debate, court action, or even gunplay. Working at a speed and on a scale larger governmental agencies might envy, Fabian and Olsen have a dozen sizeable tasks under way. First among these is an over-all study of the recreational potential and improved usage of the Alta-Brighton-Park City-Heber-Provo area

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JR Lake Mary at Brighton east of Salt Lake City. It is a popular winter skiing and camping, hiking, and fishing resort.

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Skiing at Alta in Little Cottonwood Canyon. Alta, scene of early mining activities, is now a mecca for skiers.

PHOTOS H A L R U M E L

288

UTAH HISTORICAL

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of the Wasatch Range, directly east of the state's major population center. Already heavily utilized for winter skiing, summer camping, hiking, and fishing, the area contains Forest Service lands, Timpanogos Cave National Monument, some state acreage, an increasing number of private cabins, major city watershed areas, and a welter of mining claims including a few operating mines, abandoned diggings, and a semi-ghost town. The scope of the State Park Commission's problems becomes easily apparent with realization that committees, sports associations, municipal engineers, and survey groups have vainly sought for a dozen years to solve the clash of interest between embattled winter sportsmen and ski lodge operators on the one hand and the Salt Lake City Water Department plus the U.S. Public Health Service on the other. There is an apparent possibility of a solution under State Park auspices in the offing, however. Since increasingly heavy use at winter sports areas and summer campsites essentially poses the threat to city water safety, easing such pressure by developing new areas off the watershed could be the answer. Which is why plans are already drawn for lodges, campsites, and ski lifts on the eastern slope of the Wasatch in the Heber Valley and Park City area drainage. Accessible to Salt Lakers and out-of-state visitors alike, these recreational developments could bring new revenue to an area sadly hurt by mine shutdowns and lowered farm incomes, while giving more lebensraum for winter and summer recreation seekers. Since the state agency has no architect or draftsmen, specialists thoughtfully provided by the National Park Service have drawn the plans. Private capital is already more than a little interested in the area's recreational potential. Members of a Park City mining family hope to start construction on a sizeable chair lift in the mountains back of Snyderville sometime before 1959, while residents of Heber and Salt Lake City are studying the resort potential of the Bonanza Flats section across the divide from Brighton. An all-out analysis of Utah's best-known but least developed attraction, the Great Salt Lake, is another immediate objective of the Park Commission. Two uninviting beaches, an inadequately maintained county boat harbor, and half-century old Saltair are the sole facilities accessible to present-day tourists or residents along the lakeshore. Sewage is turning the seventy-five-mile-long lake into a brackish septic tank; smelters do little to enhance the setting; and receding water levels add to the problems vexing anyone eyeing the lake for recreational purposes.

N E W LOOK AT OLD TREASURES

289

Fabian has persuaded the engineering-construction firm of Morrison-Knudsen to contribute time, effort, maps, and know-how to an analysis bearing on the long-time dream of an Antelope Island causeway. The privately owned island has the lake's best beach, plus a spring believed capable of providing fresh water for a sizeable resort. M & K engineers, currently building a twelve-mile Soudiern Pacific Railroad fill across the saline sea, have an on-the-spot knowledge of the lake's behavior, plus all manner of equipment which could be employed for causeway and beach building in 1960. Simultaneously, the commission has been carefully blueprinting a tidy, useful, but far less expensive beach project which could be speedily built in the neighborhood of present Black Rock and Sunset beaches, if the legislature makes funds available. Such a public spa, providing good parking adjacent to U.S. 40,shaded walks and picnic areas,modern bathhouses and tidy showers, would at least be a place to which we could invite tourists without shaming the state. Meanwhile, illustrating the co-operation engendered with other state agencies, senior students at the University of Utah's School of Architecture have been busily completing carefully detailed plans for a resort on mountainous, fourteen-mile-long Antelope Island. Desert regions, as well as mountain and lake country, are all being carefully eyed and catalogued with a view toward immediate or longrange recreational development. To accomplish this objective while lacking a sizeable staff, the Utah State Park Commission turned to county commissions in each of the state's twenty-nine subdivisions, and has developed a catalogue of thirty-nine large and small areas of a caliber calculated to excite knowing sportsmen, photographers, conservationists, or even officials from other states. An Oklahoma expert, taken on a quick tour of the Wasatch, reported, "If we had one little slice of these mountains in our state park system, we would be advertising nationwide and fending off the crowds." Down Moab way in the oil-rich, uranium-producing desert country virtually across the road from Arches National Monument, spectacular Dead Horse Point, Grand View Point, and Upheaval Dome â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all adjacent to the confluence of the Colorado and Green rivers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; are rated as national-monument or even national-park caliber by federal officials and by the comparatively few vacationists who have traveled the unpaved roads of the area. The National Park Service admittedly has all it can do, even with Mission 66 funds, to maintain and improve existing recreational lands under its own jurisdiction, let alone acquire more. There-

NEW

L O O K AT OLD T R E A S U R E S

291

fore, some federal officials have let it be known they would not be averse to turning the Dead Horse Point plateau and adjoining areas, now used as grazing lands under the Bureau of Land Management, over to the state when and if the Park Commission feels able to build and operate proper facilities at the overlook far above the converging rivers. Several operating uranium mines lie below rimrock near the viewpoints, while oil wells are already "on pump" on the mesa tops. Planning a national park in the area would instantly touch off an uproar between dedicated conservationists of the "don't touch a blade of grass" variety and equally single-minded business interests. Under the multiple-use provisions of the State Park Commission, controlled use of the Dead Horse area lands for minerals development, petroleum output, grazing, and recreation would appear possible. Meanwhile, the National Park Service has informally agreed to pass its plans for a Dead Horse Point development to Messrs. Fabian and Olsen, whenever they obtain sufficient legislative appropriations to make the dirt fly. With funds presently in hand, the commission has taken over administration of one of Utah's major tourist attractions, the "This Is The Place Monument" designed by the late Mahonri Young, overlooking the Salt Lake Valley. Visited by thousands annually, this monumental group of bronzes honoring Mormon pioneers, trappers, Catholic missionaries, and early explorers was erected near U.S. 40 at the Emigration Canyon entry to the valley in 1947 to mark Utah's centennial. Unfortunately the monument builders failed to provide properly located parking areas, landscaping, rest rooms, or educative facilities. Now a handsome but simple structure, carefully "fitted" into a hillside site, has been built to serve the latter two functions. Rehabilitation of parking areas and extensive landscaping are the next steps contemplated. The new commission has likewise been given jurisdiction over Utah's first capitol, a modest red sandstone structure at Fillmore on busy U.S. 91, and hopes to operate it as an attractive museum specializing in memorabilia of territorial days. At Fairfield, some forty miles south of Salt Lake City via the Redwood Road highway and a dozen miles west of Lehi, the century old Carson Hotel, one of the West's few remaining Pony Express and Overland Stage stations, has been given the commission by descendants of its builder. Scene of an Indian fracas, intimately bound up with the colorful history of Camp Floyd, the hotel is in sad disrepair and needs a complete refurbishing. It is, however, admirably suited to serve as a modest museum housing relics of the

292

UTAH HISTORICAL

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"Mormon War" of 1857-58 and of Pony Express and stagecoach days â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all readily available â&#x20AC;&#x201D; plus objects and artifacts bearing on Indian cultures of the Utah Lake area. Linked to its functions in the museum field, the commission is charged with preservation from destruction, vandalism, or downright thievery of the countless otherwise unprotected pithouses, cliff dwellings, Moqi houses, petroglyphs, and geological oddities dotting the state. "Sportsmen" have taken potshots at and badly marred many cliffside paintings and petroglyphs; the spectacular "Goblet of Venus" formation was destroyed by prankish sightseers; petrified wood from Utah's southern deserts has been hauled from the state by the truckload, while unskilled if well-meaning "pot hunters" have made off with arrow points, pottery shards, and similar Indian artifacts with impunity. Parks Director Olsen, in an effort to end such vandalism, has thoughtfully deputized a force of some three hundred Utahns, all of them members of law enforcement agencies, federal units, or state departments, experienced in problems concerning law and order. Another initial task on which the Park Commission has centered attention is the operation of facilities at Rockport Lake which may prove a model for future and parallel activities. Summit County officials, at a loss in handling crowds which swarmed to the new reservoir in 1957, quickly turned to the state for aid. The lake, formed by the new Bureau of Reclamation dam at Wanship on the Weber River, has proved a prime attraction for anglers and water skiers, with boat launching, dockage, sanitary, and picnic facilities being built. Park Commission co-operation with the State Fish and Game Department, the Tourist and Publicity agency, and the Highway Commission, State Water and Power Board, and other dissimilar agencies is expected to lead to practical low-budget operation of the area and others like it. Boating enthusiasts have urged a single fee policy of licensing small craft for use on all the state's waters, and the operations at Rockport will doubtless furnish cost-and-use studies valuable in the statewide boating program and the providing of lakeside facilities. Among other areas eyed as potential state park sites are the Great Goosenecks of the San Juan, where the meandering stream has cut a weird pattern across the southeastern Utah desert; historic Hole-in-theRock on the Colorado, where wagon train pioneers lowered wagons and teams to the river's edge by hewing a route across slick rock in one of the West's most recent sagas; a sizeable chunk of the inaccessible, snowtipped Henry Mountains, as rich in deer and wildlife as in scenery; and

NEW LOOK AT OLD TREASURES

293

such aptly named but seldom visited desert areas as Goblin Valley, The Needles, Castle Valley, and Grand Gulch, all comparing favorably in scenic interest with such "federalized" areas as Cedar Breaks National Monument or Bryce Canyon National Park. The thirty-nine areas of scenic and historic interest State Park and Recreation Commission officials deem most likely for development are scattered across Utah's 84,990 square miles at elevations ranging from 2,800 feet in the desert country to upwards of 11,000 feet in a trio of mountain ranges. Picnicking and camping, boating, swimming, skiing, riding, hiking, and just plain loafing will be made more readily accessible to residents of every Utah area, and tourism given a major boost â&#x20AC;&#x201D; if and when the program now taking shape moves out of the blueprint stage. In establishing its State Park Commission at long last, Utah's legislature showed awareness of the "has not" status of the Beehive State as regards tourist trade. Between 3,000,000 and 3,500,000 tourists were reported visiting Colorado, Utah, and Wyoming in 1956. However, tourists spent $160,000,000 in Wyoming, $308,000,000 in Colorado, and just $97,000,000 in Utah in the same twelve months. Lack of resort facilities, lack of access roads, lack of "tourist business know-how" are among reasons given for the contrasting figures. It cannot be denied Utah has failed to cater to tourist needs. The state contains not a single major modern resort by eastern or California standards, except for those in two national parks; its ski lodges no longer compare well with those in such competing areas as Aspen, Colorado; there are no dude ranches comparable to those found in Wyoming, Colorado, Montana, or Arizona; no children's camps of the sort so prevalent in other regions. All this will be corrected, if Park Commission Chairman Fabian proves an apt seer. An ardent conservationist and scenery-lover, he firmly feels more and more family-style vacationists, folks who love the outdoors but "want to see it in comfort," will be swarming to Utah and the West in future years. Says Fabian: People are living longer and retiring in greater numbers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as witness myself. The national population is growing with tremendous speed; the increase of leisure, along with the ease of travel, is placing a tremendous burden on national parks. The Utah park sites we are studying are, in many cases, on routes leading to the national parks, and so we hope to take some strain off these overburdened areas. In addition, by pro-

294

UTAH HISTORICAL

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viding state facilities, we will drain some of our own Utah people from the crowds burdening national park and national forest lands. Admittedly we are behind the times. Look at the Great Salt Lake â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a tourist attraction of prime importance, lined with dead shrimp and filled with the sewage of our cities, a criminal waste of a fine resource. But we are beginning to learn that for each dollar spent on a state-built recreation area, the economy of the state will gain ten dollars in tourist revenues. And simultaneously we Utahns get the free dividends of recreational areas for ourselves. On February 13, 1958, Conrad L. Wirth, director of the National Park Service, wrote the Utah State Park Commission as follows concerning some of the survey work mentioned earlier: It seems to me almost providential that the people of your state have on hand and at such a strategic location, an area with the great potential (of the Alta-Brighton-Heber triangle) for a diversified, year-round park and recreation program at the crossroads of western tourist travel.... There are doubtless many problems to be faced by the commission in launching its program. Whatever you are able to accomplish now is a lasting investment in the future of Utah, and in the welfare of its present and future citizens. Being familiar with the problems faced by the states in this field, I hope you will consider seriously the "high cost of waiting" and take bold, forward looking steps on acquisition of necessary lands before spiraling property values or other uses of the lands make them unattainable.... On January 29, in accepting the gift of the old Stagecoach Inn at Fairfield from members of the Carson family, Governor George Dewey Clyde remarked: Your gift, in effect, reminds each of us of Utah's precious heritage. You are reminding us, I think, that we have a duty to the past, as well as the present and the future. The State Park Commission is fulfilling part of its duty to the present and future by seeking out beautiful sites, recreation areas, which feature fine lakes and colorful canyons. You . . . are reminding us of the history which is so recent, but fading so fast. Our children read of the days of the Mormon pioneers, read of the Pony Express, of the Overland Stage,

NEW LOOK AT OLD TREASURES

295

of Johnston's Army â&#x20AC;&#x201D; they read, but like us, tend to forget. They see Pony Express riders on television or in the movies, and do not realize this history was written right outside their dooryards, right down the road. History has become to them something abstract, distant. . . . See, in mind's eye, what the old Stagecoach Inn will mean to present day residents of Utah County and the entire state who have a tendency to forget the past. School children of another generation will come trooping in with their teachers and parents, and will say: "This is how it was, how it really was, not in the days of'movie camera or television writers, but in the days when 'Pony Express riders galloped in from Sacramento with the mail. Here is the place the Overland Stage really stopped, with horse lathered, after a 45-mile run from Salt Lake." Looking across the old Camp Floyd, or past the willows to the old Fairfield cemetery, perhaps a few more of our children and grandchildren will realize what life was like in a fading era. . . . Learning that George and Washington Carson were killed at Fairfield by Indians, perhaps a few more of our descendants will realize life was grim, real, and earnest, and that this land where they live had to be fought for, cleared, irrigated, colonized. To Governor Clyde and thoughtful Utahns, the State Park Commission's efforts on behalf of the old Fairfield stage station are part and parcel of a new philosophy regarding the state's historical sites and Utah's scenic regions. It concerns more than some old structures, and concerns more than mere acreage. The governor has urged his Park Commission to proceed with this message in mind: "This is your heritage. Cherish it, preserve it, protect it, foster it. Transmit knowledge of it to your children and all who come after us." Seemingly, a good start has been made in that direction.

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At the intersection of Main and South Temple streets adjacent to Temple Square, Salt Lake City, stands the Brigham Young Monument. The illuminated spires of the Mormon Temple are in the background. Photo Hal Rumel.

HISTORY

AND SCENERY

Utah has a double-barreled attraction to tourists! Its variety and amount of scenery is unsurpassed by any other state in the Union. But of equal importance for the visitor is its history, which is at once unique and typical. The history and the scenery are inextricably bound together. The spectacular sight is usually joined with a dramatic event or series of happenings. How can one separate the beauties of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, its River Jordan, and the great salt sea from the story of the people who conquered and settled the region? The significance of the vast sterile wastes of the salt desert to the west is meaningless without at least a modest understanding of die prehistory of the ancient lake and, much later, man's struggle to conquer the area, including the tragedy of the Donners in 1846. Not until the twentieth century and the building of the railroad and modern highway was the Great Salt Desert a safe place for man to venture. Utah's greatest single attraction, Temple Square, would be just another collection of rather odd buildings were it not for the history of the people to whom it represents the center of their spiritual world. Again, how can one separate the spectacular scenery of the great canyons of the Green and Colorado rivers from the history of their discovery by men like Escalante, the explorations by fur trappers, the exploits of Powell and his men and the other great geological survey parties of the late nineteenth century, the search for gold along their banks, and the feats of the countless river runners who since have followed. To be more specific, how can the visitor appreciate the

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

"Hole-in-the-Rock" without a mind's eye picture of the people who struggled through its notch on their way to the San Juan Mission ? The dramatic formations and colors of Bryce really take on meaning when one hears the story of Ebenezer Bryce hunting for his lost cow. Aside from the dramatic scenery that is to be found in every section of the state, there is a unique quality about Utah that is of interest to the visitor, whether he is aware of it or not. The cultural elements of the state, that is, the close-knit Mormon village, its houses, churches and public buildings, the small farms — the very face of the land itself — all bespeak that this is Mormon country with a history and a philosophy that is peculiarly its own. At the same time, Utah is typically the West. Vast distances; high mountains; broad deserts; Indian life, lore and legend; mining, both in the present and in the past; the cowboy and sheepherder; the story of the building of the great Pacific railroad; the Pony Express; the stagecoach and the telegraph — all are part of the stereotype of the West and are here in Utah in great quantity in both fact and fiction. This "Parks and Scenic Wonders" issue of the Quarterly has been put together to demonstrate that history and scenery are truly bound together. The Utah State Historical Society is anxious and willing to co-operate with other state agencies, such as the Tourist and Publicity Council, the State Parks Commission, and others, in the preservation and development of Utah's great natural resources in the form of its beautiful land and glorious past. It is hoped that this special number of the Quarterly is received for what it is — a demonstration of this close relationship between the land and its people, their environment and history. History does not take place in a vacuum. There must be a stage and a setting, and Utah has both in superabundance. A. R. MORTENSEN, Editor

SELECTED READINGS ON UTAH'S HISTORIC AND SCENIC WONDERS

T h e selected reading list has been compiled to serve the visitor or native who has become intrigued with the beauties and wonders of Utah and its history and desires to acquire more background. Books listed, for the most part, are still in print and should be available for purchase. All or most should be available in libraries. Magazine articles on related subjects were published in the past year or two, and all are in the Utah State Historical Society library. ALTER, J. CECIL. Through 1927.

the Heart of the Scenic West. Salt Lake City,

BERNHEIMER, CHARLES L. Rainbow Bridge. N e w York, 1929. BJARNASON, LOFTER. The Geography BOUTWELL, JOHN M. The Salt La\e Washington, D . C , 1933.

of Utah. N e w York, 1932. Region.

BRUHN, ARTHUR F . Your Guide to Southern Lake City, 1952.

(A Geological Guide.)

Utah's Land of Color. Salt

CORLE, EDWIN. The Story of the Grand Canyon. N e w York, 1952. (First published in 1946 under title: Listen Bright Angel.)

300

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

DELLENBAUGH, FREDERICK S. A Canyon Voyage. ( T h e canyons of the Green and Colorado rivers on the second Powell expedition, 187172.) N e w York, 1908. . The Romance of the Colorado River. N e w York, 1904. DUNKLE, DAVID H . The World of the Dinosaurs. 1957. HAWKES, H . BOWMAN. Mormon Country. raphy.) Salt Lake City, 1955.

Washington, D . C ,

( A Survey of Utah's Geog-

H U N T , CHARLES B. Geology and Geography of the Henry Region of Utah. Washington, D . C , 1953. INMAN, HENRY, and CODY, WILLIAM F .

The

Mountains

Great Salt Lake

Trail.

N e w York, 1898. JENKINS, A B , and ASHTON, WENDELL J. The Salt of the Earth.

(Auto-

mobile racing on Bonneville Salt Flats.) Salt Lake City, 1939. JOHNSON, HUMPHREY C. Scenic Guide to Utah. Susanville, California, 1947. KELLY, CHARLES. Salt Desert Trails. Salt Lake City, 1930. KLINCK, RICHARD E. Land of Room Enough and Time Enough. ment Valley.) Albuquerque, 1953. MILLER, JOSEPH. Monument 1951.

(Monu-

Valley and the Navajo Country. N e w York,

MORGAN, DALE L. The Great Salt Lake. Indianapolis, 1947. . The Humboldt, Highroad ica Series.") N e w York, 1943.

("American Lakes Series.")

of the West.

MURBARGER, NELL. Ghosts of the Glory Trail. camps, etc.] Palm Desert, California, 1956.

("Rivers of Amer-

[Ghost towns, mining

PAUL, JOSHUA H . Out of Doors in the West. Salt Lake City, 1911. PEATTIE, RODERICK. The Inverted N e w York, 1948.

Mountains:

Canyons of the

West.

SELECTED

READINGS

ON UTAH

301

POWELL, JOHN W . Exploration of the Colorado River of the West and its Tributaries, Explored in 1869,1870,1871, and 1872. Washington, 1875. . The Exploration

of the Colorado River.

Chicago, 1957.

ROYLANCE, WARD J. Rainbow Roads Guide to Highways Salt Lake City, 1953.

91, 89, and 191.

SIMPSON, JAMES H . Report of Explorations Across the Great Basin of the Territory of Utah ...in 1859. Washington, D . C , 1876. STANSBURY, HOWARD. Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah. Philadelphia, 1852. STEGNER, WALLACE. Mormon N e w York, 1942.

Country.

. This is Dinosaur. STEWARD, JULIAN H . Ancient Washington, D . C , 1937. STORY, ISABELLE. The National D . C , 1957.

("American Folkways Series.")

N e w York, 1955. Caves of the Great Salt La\e

Par\ Story in Pictures.

Region.

Washington,

TALMAGE, JAMES E. The Great Salt Lake, Past and Present. City, 1900.

Salt Lake

TILLOTSON, M . R., and TAYLOR, FRANK J. Grand Canyon Country.

Stan-

ford, California, 1935. Reprinted 1953. U.S. Department of the Interior. The Colorado River. 1946. UNTERMANN, G. E., and B. R. Geology of Dinosaur ment and Vicinity. Salt Lake City, 1954. Utah Historical

Washington,

National

Monu-

Quarterly:

Vol. XII, WOODBURY, A. M . A History Parks. Salt Lake City, 1944.

of Southern

Utah and Its

Vol. X V , X V I , and XVII, The Exploration of the Colorado in 1869,1871-72. Salt Lake City, 1947,1948-49.

River

302

UTAH HISTORICAL

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Vol. XVIII, BOLTON, HERBERT E. Pageant in the Wilderness, The Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776. Salt Lake City, 1950. Vol. XIX, KORNS, J. RODERIC. West From Fort Bridger, The Pioneering of the Immigrant Trails Across Utah 1845-1850, ed. Dale L. Morgan. Salt Lake City, 1951. Utah Publicity and Industrial Development Department. After Victory; Plans for Utah and the Wasatch Front. Salt Lake City, 1943. WATERS, FRANK. The Colorado. York, 1946. WEST, RAY B. Rocky Mountain

("Rivers of America Series.")

New

Cities. N e w York, 1949.

WHIPPLE, MAURINE. This is the Place; Utah. N e w York, 1945. WOLLE, MURIEL S. The Bonanza Trail; Ghost Towns Camps of the West. Bloomington, Indiana, 1953. WOODBURY, JOHN T . Vermilion St. George, 1933.

Cliffs; Reminiscences

and

Mining

of Utah's

Dixie.

Writers' Program, Works Progress Administration. Utah, A Guide to the State. N e w York, 1941. Reprinted 1954. Zion-Bryce Natural History Association. Geologic and Geographic Sketches of Zion and Bryce Canyon National Parks. [1956]. . National Parks and National Monuments National Park, 1948. Printed in several editions.

of Utah.

Zion

ARTICLES DOUGLAS W . SCHWARTZ, "Climate Change and Culture History in the Grand Canyon Region," American Antiquity, April, 1957. Lucius BEEBE, "Pandemonium at Promontory," American December, 1957.

Heritage,

PHILIP NEWILL, "The Whispering Mountains [Uranium in the land of the Navajos]," Arizona Highways, July, 1956. CHARLES FRANKLIN PARKER and

JEANNE S. HUMBURG, "89 the

of International Grandeur," ibid., March, 1957.

Highway

SELECTED

READINGS

ON UTAH

303

-, " T h e Trailblazers of Grand Canyon," ibid., May, 1957. CHARLES FRANKLIN PARKER, " T h e Kaibab and the N o r t h Rim," ibid.

EDWIN CORLE, "A Canyon is Born," ibid. JOYCE ROCKWOOD M U E N C H , "Land of the Sleeping Rainbow

[Utah],"

ibid., June, 1957. RALPH D . BARNEY and D A N GASHLER, "Hole-in-the-Rock Historic Spot

May Become Utah's N e w Tourist Mecca," Church News [Deseret News], May 11,1957. CLAY P . MALICK, " T h e Dinosaurs go to Washington," The Quarterly, Summer, 1956.

Colorado

CARL I. W H E A T , " T h e 1954 Navajo Canyon Expedition" [excerpts from a preliminary report], Corral Dust (Potomac Corral of the Westerners), June, 1956. RANDALL HENDERSON, "Petrified Forests in Utah's Circle Cliffs," Desert Magazine, June, 1956. , "Boat T r i p in the Canyon of Ladore," ibid., July, 1956. , "Just Between You and Me [Reclamation and the Glen Canyon D a m ] , " ibid. KITRIDGE W I N G , "Blue Water Voyage in the Little Colorado," ibid., August, 1956. W . G. CARROLL, "Jeep Trail into Utah's Rugged Needles Country," ibid., November, 1956. JOSEF AND JOYCE MUENCH, " T h e Hole in the Rock," ibid., April, 1957.

NELL MURBARGER, " D a m in Glen Canyon," ibid. RANDALL HENDERSON, " W e Camped in the Land of the Standing Rocks" [southeastern U t a h ] , ibid., October, 1957. N E L L MURBARGER, "Flaming Gorge D a m on the Green River," ibid., January, 1958.

304

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

ELIZABETH RIGBY, "Primitive Village in Havasupai Canyon," ibid. JOSEF AND JOYCE MUENCH, "Crossing of the Fathers," ibid., March, 1958.

CECIL M. OUELLETTE, "Over the T o p of Landscape Arch" [Arches National Monument, U t a h ] , ibid. CORNELIUS C. SMITH, JR., "Navajo and Hopi Country," Ford December, 1957.

Times,

WILLARD LUCE, "Natural Bridges National Monument," ibid., January, 1958. WALLACE STEGNER, " T h e World's Strangest Sea [Great Salt Lake]," Holiday, May, 1957. "Explorers Dedicate the George Albert Smith Arch," Improvement October, 1957.

Era,

"Deep in Zion Canyon," Sunset Magazine, April, 1956. "Family Adventure . . . the River Run," ibid. "There's Still Room to Wander in the Capitol Reef Country," ibid., April, 1957. "Ghost T o w n in Southern Utah [Grafton]," ibid., December, 1957. RUSSELL R. RICH, "Bear Lake Valley Before the Mormons," SUP September, 1956.

News,

DAVID E. MILLER, "Paria Canyon," ibid., January, 1957. M. CAROL HETZEL, "Navajo Outpost [Monument Valley]," February, 1957.

Westways,

HARRY C JAMES, "A Dinosaur Track — A Broom — and Poli," ibid., January, 1958. "Winter Comes to Bryce Canyon," ibid. "Petrified Forest of the Circle Cliffs [southern U t a h ] , " ibid., February, 1958.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

BOARD OF TRUSTEES (Terms Expiring April

1,1961)

JUANITA BROOKS, St. George

LELAND H. CREER, Salt Lake City NICHOLAS c. MORGAN, SR., Salt Lake City JOEL E. RICKS, Logan RUSSEL B . S W E N S E N ,

(Terms

PrOVO

Expiring April 1, 1959)

SOCIETY

OFFICERS 1957-59 LELAND H. CREER, President NICHOLAS c. MORGAN, SR., Vice-President

A. R. MORTENSEN, Director PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE JUANITA BROOKS, Chairman L E V I EDGAR YOUNG A. K . M O R T E N S E N

LOUIS BUCHMAN, Salt Lake City

MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE

GEORGE F. EGAN, Salt Lake City

JOEL E. RICKS, Chairman

CHARLES R. MABEY, Bountiful

A. R . M O R T E N S E N

WILLIAM F. MC CREA, Ogden

LEVI EDGAR YOUNC, Salt Lake City

PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE GEORCE F. EGAN, Chairman

(Ex-Officio

Member)

W I L L I A M F . M C CREA

LAMONT F. TORONTO, Secretary of State

CHARLES R . M A B E Y

EDITORIAL CONTRIBUTIONS: The Society was or-

The Utah State Historical Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to this publication.

ganized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the state . To effect this end, contributions of manuscripts are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters, and other writings of the pioneers^ also original manuscripts by present-day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions for the consideration of the Publications Committee, and correspondence relating thereto, should be addressed to the Editor, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah.

MEMBERSHIP: Membership in the Society is $3.00 per year. The Utah Historical Quarterly is sent free to all members. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $3.00 a year or $1.00 for current numbers. Life membership, $50.00. Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Editor, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah. Entered as second-class matter January 5, 1953, at the Post Office at Salt Lake City, Utah, under the Act of August 24, 1912.

$oltttcal â&#x201A;¬00ap ON THE

KINGDOM OF NEW SPAIN. CONTAINING

Researches relative to the Geography of Mexico, the Extent of its Surface and its political Division into Lntendancies,the physical Aspect of the Country, the Population, the State of Agriculture and Manufacturing and Commercial industry, the Canals projected

between the South Sea and Atlantic Ocean, the Crown Revenues, the Quantity of the precious Metals which have flowed from Mexico into Europe and Asia, since the Discovery of the New Continent, and the Military Defence of New Spain.

BY ALEXANDER DE HUMBOLDT. WITH

PHYSICAL

SECTIONS

AND MAPS,

FOUNDED ON ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS, AND TRIGONOMETRICAL AND BAROMETRICAL MEASUREMENTS.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL FRENCH

BY J O H N BLACK. VOL. II. LONDON: PRINTED roR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORHE, AID BROWN; AND H. COLBURN: AND W. BLACKWOOD, AND BROWN AND CROMBIE, EDINBURGH.

1811.

Title page of the first English edition (four volumes) of Humboldt's book which was published in several languages. The ESSAY contains some of the first descriptions of the Utah region based upon exploration, for Humboldt was the first to publicize the discoveries of the Dominguez-Escalante expedition.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

flr v

Â»^u

SOCIETY

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

October, 1958

ABOUT THE COVER The Home of the Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt La\e City, Utah.

PHOTO COURTESY J . L. PULSIPHER

Looking south through the arches on the sun dec\ on the second floor of the mansion.

PHOTO COURTESY W I L L I A M SEAL

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen, Editor

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

VOLUME XXVI, NUMBER 4 October, 1958

CONTENTS Mountain

Men Before the Mormons,

The Salt Lake City Beobachter:

BY LEROY R. HAFEN_

Mirror of an

307

Immigration,

BY THOMAS L. BROADBENT

Early-day

Trading

329

with the Nevada

Mining

Camps,

BY WILLIAM R. PALMER

The Great "Mormon" The President's

Reviews

Globes, BY MARK HAFEY

369

BY LELAND H . CREER

373

Report,

and Recent

353

Publications

MULDER AND MORTENSEN, Among by Contemporary LARSON, The

the Mormons:

Observers,

Red Hills

Historic

Accounts

BY J O H N W . CAUGHEY

of November,

BY RTJSSEL B. SWENSEN

GUDDE AND GUDDE, EDS., Exploring with Fremont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss . . . , BY HOWES WILKINS, ED., The Great Diamond Hoax and Other Stirring Incidents in the Life of Asbury Harpending, BY KELLY. WISTER, ED., Owen and Letters,

Wister

His

Bannoc\

387

390

BY TYLER

391

Other Publications Historical

385

388

of the Sage, BY SMART Â°f Idaho,

383

Journals

BY LINFORD

MURBARGER, Sovereigns MADSEN, The

Out West:

381

393

Notes

403

ILLUSTRATIONS Mountain

Men,

fames Bridger,

BY W . H . JACKSON

Louis

Vasquez,

Etienne

306

Provost, Peter Skene Ogden

Pegleg Smith

318

Salt Lake City Beobachter Karl G. Maeser, Andrew Hans Besenstiel Nat

Gardner's

328 Jenson

331

cartoons wagon,

Cedar City Tithing

333 Burros

in Tonopah,

Nevada

Office, Cedar Co-op Store, DeLamar,

Gold field, Nevada Former

Newspaper

reader, Archive clip

352 Nevada, 359

Coach House

Microfilm

31 I

372 stacks

377 files

379

"Mountain Men, 1830." Reproduced irough the courtesy of Clarence S. Jackson from a copy of a William H. Jackson painting in the Utah State Historical Society.

MOUNTAIN MEN BEFORE THE MORMONS By LeRoy R. Hafen*

The early trappers and traders, who came to. be known in the West as Mountain Men, were the pioneer explorers of Utah. Their coming west was not prompted by patriotism, but by economic motives; it was beaver skins that lured them. High-topped beaver hats, worn in the style centers of the world, caused the demand and made the market. So into the wilds went brigades of hardy men, braving winter storms, grizzlies, and hostile Indians. For months they lived on a meat diet; in good times it was buffalo hump ribs and venison; in hard times, scrawny mule steaks, Indian dog meat, or stewed moccasins. Once wedded to the wilds and having had the thin veneer of civilization rubbed off, the typical fur gatherer was loath to return to the restrictions of town life. Opening fresh trails and discovering new lands were to him but part of the day's work, incidental to the business of trapping. Virgin territory was likely to yield the greatest return in pelts, so there was a money reward for trail blazing. Most of the trappers were young men, strong, hardy, adventureloving. With their bronzed faces and long hair, it was difficult to dis* Dr. Hafen is professor of history at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. He has authored and edited many books dealing with the history of the West. The above article was delivered by him at the sixth annual dinner meeting of the Utah State Historical Society on May 10, 1958.

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tinguish one from another, or all from a band of Indians. In a beaver or coonskin cap and a fringed buckskin suit gaily decorated with dyed porcupine quills or bright glass beads, the trapper was proudly dressed. With a powder horn, shot pouch, and muzzle-loading rifle he was selfsupporting and independent. In his day beaver skins were money in the West, and with these hairy banknotes he could buy anything that was for sale. At the summer rendezvous, that great fair of the wilderness, trappers, Indians, and bourgeois traders gathered in some mountain valley to exchange furs for supplies. Amidst the horse races and foot races, the wrestling bouts, Indian dances, shooting matches, fights, the gambling, and drinking, the seasoned fur trapper had his brief holiday of prodigal living. Most fur men were without book learning, but they were educated for the life they led. They could read the tracks of moccasins, the sign of beaver, the trace of travois; they could mold their bullets from bars of lead, and strike a fire with flint and steel. A skin lodge furnished the trapper with shelter, while for summer nights a buffalo robe was spread beneath the stars. A horse to ride, one to carry his trappings, others for his squaw and children, if he had been long in the wilderness, and he could journey wherever trails led, or did not lead. He gloried in the name of Mountain Man. The Utah region, like other areas of the West, was first thoroughly explored by the fur men. They converged upon Utah from three directions â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the southeast, the northwest, and the east. American traders based in Santa Fe came in by way of the San Juan, Green, and Uinta rivers; British fur men pushed in from Fort Vancouver and the Columbia by way of the Snake and Bear rivers; and Americans from Missouri came up the Platte, over South Pass and to the Green, Bear, and Weber. The principal leaders on these three fronts were outstanding men who have left their names etched deep on the map and in the history of Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Etienne Provost, Peter Skene Ogden, and Jedediah Smith. Provost was a French Canadian who removed to St. Louis and Santa Fe; Ogden, the son of a Tory of the American Revolution, became a brigade leader of the British Hudson's Bay Company; and Smith was a Yankee who responded to the lure of the West. Let us sketch briefly the careers of each. Etienne Provost is a shadowy figure in the Rocky Mountain picture. Born in Canada about 1782, he moved to St. Louis and there,

MOUNTAIN

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at the emporium of the Western fur trade, joined the first large trapping party to reach the front range of the central Rockies. This company, headed by Auguste Chouteau and Jules De Mun, went up the Arkansas River in 1815. After trapping two years in the mountains they were captured by the Spaniards and were taken to Santa Fe. Their goods were confiscated and they were jailed for two months, before being finally released.1 After Mexico's independence from Spain was won in 1821, Americans broke wagon tracks on the Santa Fe Trail to enter the newly opened market. Provost was one of the first to go, and by 1823 he was conducting trade and trapping operations from a New Mexico base northwestward. By the fall of 1824 he had crossed the Wasatch Mountains to the Great Basin, and here had a clash that gave his name to Provo River and ultimately to the city of Provo. Some Snake Indians who had been ill-treated by British trappers, came upon the white men headed by Provost and decided to take revenge upon the unsuspecting party. What occurred is told by W. A. Ferris, a mountain trapper: . . . [The Snake Chief, Bad Lefthander] invited the whites to smoke the calumet of peace with him, but insisted that it was contrary to his medicine to have any metallic near while smoking. Proveau, knowing the superstitious whims of the Indians, did not hesitate to set aside his arms, and allow his men to follow his example; they then formed a circle by sitting indiscriminately in a ring, and commenced the ceremony; during which, at a preconcerted signal, the Indians fell upon them, and commenced the work of slaughter with their knives, which they had concealed under their robes and blankets. Proveau, a very athletic man, with difficulty extricated himself from them, and with three or four others, alike fortunate, succeeded in making his escape; the remainder of the party of fifteen were all massacred.2 The exact location of the tragedy has not been determined. Some accounts say it was on the river that flows into Utah Lake; others, on the stream that flows from the lake.3 ' T . M. Marshall (ed.), "The Journals of Jules De Mun,' Missouri Historical Society Collections, V (1928), nos. 2 and 3. 2 W . A. Ferris, Life in the Rocky Mountains, P. C. Phillips (ed.) (Denver, 1940), 308-9. 3 The problem is discussed and sources cited in LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen, Old Spanish Trail (Glendale, 1954), 97-99.

310

UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Provost and the remnant of his party retreated across the Wasatch and wintered on Green River, but next spring he was back on Weber River. There, on May 23, 1825, about six miles above the mouth of Weber Canyon, he met Peter Skene Ogden, with his big catch of fresh furs from Cache Valley and Ogden River. Then another large party of Americans came up, and a clash between them and the Britishers was narrowly averted. This story we shall tell presently in our sketch of Mr. Ogden. On June 7, 1825, in the Uinta Basin, Provost met General W. H. Ashley, leader of the big trapping outfit from St. Louis. Soon he helped Ashley and his trade goods to the head of Provo River, across Kamas prairie, and to the Weber. Most of the trappers soon made their way east, going a little south of the route later known as the Mormon Trail, to the Green River Valley. There they were to assemble in early July at the first great rendezvous of the Rocky Mountains.4 Provost was most likely there, as also he was at the second rendezvous, of 1826, held in Cache Valley. Then he returned to Missouri and took employment with a group known as the French Company, and later he was employed by the American Fur Company. He continued thereafter as a fur company employee and ceased to be a free trapper. The fugitive records occasionally show his name among the Crow Indians of Wyoming and on the Upper Missouri of Montana. In 1839 he was guide for Nicollet and John C. Fremont on their exploring tour between the upper waters of the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. In 1829 he married Marie Rose Salle in St. Louis. One daughter reached maturity. Provost died in St. Louis on July 3, 1850, when the Utah city that perpetuates his name was but one year old.5 Peter Skene Ogden, who has left his name and impress in Utah, was the most outstanding British mountain man who ever operated in this territory. One of my students, Ted Warner, has just finished a Master's thesis on Ogden, and from it I extract a brief account of his career. Ogden's English ancestors came to America in 1643. His grandfather, Judge David Ogden, was a graduate of Yale; his father Isaac, graduated from King's College (Columbia). In the American Revolution the family was divided in sentiment; Isaac remained loyal to the 4 Dale L. Morgan (ed.), "The Diary of William H. Ashley," Bulletin of the Missouri Historical Society, XI (1954-55), 184-86, 279-85. 5 The fullest account of the life of Provost has been worked out by Dale L. Morgan, notable Utah historian, and is embodied in his jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West (Indianapolis, 1953), and in his Provo, Pioneer Mormon City (Portland, 1942).

James Bridger (1804-1881). Viewed Great Salt La\e, 1824; founded Fort Bridger, 1843.

Etienne Provost (cl782-1850). first large trappijm-pmiy

Member of the ituvii'^k^ktmlistiithmm^.

Louis Vasquez (1798-1868). Partner of Bridger. Photo courtesy Missouri Historical Society.

Peter Skene Ogden (1794-1854). Of Hudson's Bay Company. Photo courtesy A. A. Knopf, Inc.

312

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

king. He was finally forced to leave his holdings in New York and to go to England. His loyalty was rewarded by a judgeship at Quebec. It was in that city that Peter Skene Ogden was born in 1794. Peter grew up in Montreal. His parents wanted him to enter the ministry or the law, but he preferred the freer life of the frontier. He took employment with the North West Company, served it for eleven years, and won distinction by his daring and hardihood. One companion of the period refers to him as the "humorous, honest, eccentric, lawdefying Peter Ogden, the terror of the Indians, and the delight of all gay fellows." e After the North West Company was consolidated with the Hudson's Bay Company, Ogden became a chief trader for the latter company. For five years, 1824-29, he led the important Snake River brigade. He went from Fort Vancouver and the Columbia, up the Snake River of Idaho, and to die Bear River and Cache Valley of Utah, and to the Humboldt River of Nevada, and through California. Ogden's first trip to Utah was in company with that famous American fur man and explorer, Jedediah Smith, who had come to die British Flathead post as an unwelcome guest in 1824. The two men parted on Bear River in April, 1825, Smith going up the river and Ogden down.7 There soon began in this region a bitter rivalry between the British and American trappers, in which literally the fur flew. Some of Ogden's men saw the Great Salt Lake on May 12 and 22, 1825. Ogden traversed Cache Valley and in fifteen days caught one thousand beaver. On May 16, 1825, he discovered a mountain-encircled hole, or park, with a river running through it. He called them New Hole and New River. They thereafter were given his name. Ogden's Hole was the Huntsville area, and Ogden was never at the site of the city of Ogden. After catching over six hundred beaver in the Ogden's Hole area, the British company crossed south to Weber River. Here they encountered Etienne Provost, and a small company. Ogden reports: Shortly after the arrival of the above party [Provost's] another of 25 to 30 Americans headed by one Gardner and a Â° Ross Cox, Adventures on the Columbia River, 245, quoted in E. E. Rich (ed.), Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country journals, 1824-25 and 1825-26 (London, Hudson's Bay Record Society, 1950), xix. 7 David E. Miller has edited the journals of the Ogden trip of 1824-25 in Utah, identifying the route in the Utah Historical Quarterly, XX (April, 1952) and XXII (April, 1954).

MOUNTAIN

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Spanjard [sic] with 15 of our trappers who had been absent about two days also made their appearance; they encamped within 100 yards of our Camp and hoisted the American Flag, and proclaimed to all that they were in the United States Territories and were all Free indebted or engaged, it was now night and nothing more transpired, the ensuing morning Gardner came to my tent and after a few words of no import, he questioned me as follows, do you know in whose Country you are ? to which I made answer that I did not, as it was not determined between Great Britain and America to whom it belonged, to which he made answer that it was, that it had been ceded to the latter, and I had no license to trade or trapp to return from whence I came without delay, to this I replied when we received orders from the British Government to abandon the Country we shall obey, he then said remain at your peril.8 They thought they were in Oregon Territory, to which the Joint Occupation Treaty between the United States and Britain then applied. In reality this was Spanish Territory, conceded to Spain in our Treaty of 1819; but neither trapper band knew this and so both tried to bluff the other. About half of Ogden's men deserted to the Americans, taking a large portion of the furs with them. An actual fight was barely avoided. Kittson, Ogden's clerk, reports: . . . A scuffle took place between Old Pierre and Mr. Ogden regarding the horses lent by that Gentleman to the old villain, who was supported by all the Americans and 13 of our scamps of Freemen. . . . Gardner with his gang of villains soon come to assist and debauch others to separate from us. . . . On seeing Mr. Ogden laying hold of the beaver, I order'd Sansfacon to call out that the beaver and horse belonged to the Company. Which he did, and we got them. Gardner immediately turns to me saying Sir I think you speak too bravely you better take care or I will soon settle your business. Well says I you seem to look for Blood do your worse and make it a point of dispute between our two Governments, . . .9 8 Frederick Merk, "Snake Country Expedition, 1824-25," Oregon Historical terly, XXXV (June, 1924), 109-10.

Quar-

"David E. Miller (ed.), "William Kittson's Journal Covering Peter Skene Ogden's 1824-1825 Snake Country Expedition," Utah Historical Quarterly, XXII (April, 1954), 138-40.

314

UTAH HISTORICAL

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Ogden, with the remnant of his party, retreated back to the Snake River country and finally back to the Columbia. But he was to return for four more expeditions. On the second he again encountered the Americans and the contest was a draw. In the third clash he came out decidedly the victor. Joe Meek, famous Mountain Man, tells of an interesting incident. The Americans had plied the Indians and some of Ogden's men with whiskey and were thus enabled to procure some of their furs. Meek reports: . . . a stampede one day occurred among the horses in Ogden's camp, and two or three of the animals ran away, and ran into the camp of the rival company. Among them was the horse of Mr. Ogden's Indian wife, which had escaped, with her babe hanging to the saddle. Not many minutes elapsed, before the mother, following her child and horse, entered the camp, passing right through it, and catching the now halting steed by the bridle. At the same moment she espied one of her company's pack-horses, loaded with beaver, which had also run into the enemy's camp. The men had already begun to exult over the circumstance, considering this chance load of beaver as theirs, by the laws of war. But not so the Indian woman. Mounting her own horse, she fearlessly seized the pack-horse by the halter, and led it out of camp, with its costly burden. At this undaunted action, some of the baser sort of men cried out "Shoot her, shoot her!" but a majority interfered, with opposing cries of "let her go; let her alone; she's a brave woman: I glory in her pluck"; and other like admiring expressions. While the clamor continued, the wife of Ogden had galloped away, with her baby and her pack-horse.10 In November, 1828, Ogden discovered the river that flows across northern Nevada and was to become the life-line for California-bound goldseekers and homeseekers. This small but important stream was for a time called Ogden's River, and should be so known today. But unfortunately, Fremont, when he encircled and named the Great Basin, labeled this stream the Humboldt. Baron von Humboldt was a great geographer and scientist, but he was never within a thousand miles of the river that now inappropriately bears his name. Ogden's farthest trapping tour, in 1829-30, took him south to the Colorado River and to the Gulf of California, and then up through the 10

F. F. Victor, The River of the West (Hartford, 1870), 95-96.

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entire length of California. Upon returning to the Columbia he became a chief trader in the British Columbia area, and later chief factor. His last dramatic and important service was the rescue of the forty-seven captives held by the Cay use Indians following the tragedy of 1847, when Dr. and Mrs. Whitman and a number of children at their school and mission were massacred. Ogden remained active in the management of the fur trade until a few months before his death, which occurred at Oregon City, in the presence of his Indian wife and family. I have visited his grave in Oregon City. Provost had come in to Utah from the southeast, Ogden rode in from the northwest; the third contingent of trappers moved in from the east. The leader, as indicated above, was Jedediah Smith, greatest of Far Western trapper-explorers. He has been called the Knight in Buckskin. Dale Morgan, notable Utah historian, has given us such an excellent full-length biography of him that here I need only to sketch his career and indicate his character. Jed Smith came of pioneer New England stock, one of a family of fourteen children. In 1822 he responded to General Ashley's famous call for "enterprising young men" and keel-boated up the Missouri River. After the big fight with the Arikaras he led a party to the Crow country of Wyoming and crossed South Pass to the rich beaver haven of Green River. With two other experienced fur men, Jackson and Sublette, he bought out the Ashley company in 1826, and planned an expansion of the business. He now entered upon a notable career, from which he was to emerge as the greatest single explorer of the West. He opened the first two overland routes to Californiaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;from South Pass to Los Angeles, and from the San Joaquin back over central Nevada to the Great Salt Lake. He was first over a Pacific Coast land route from San Diego to the Columbia River. He drew the first map delineating the geography of the central Rockies and the Great Basin. In all his travels, through virgin wilderness and rugged terrain, among crude companions and hostile tribes, he remained the Christian gentleman. The rifle and the Bible were equally his reliance. His character is revealed in a letter to his brother, written from the Wind River on Christmas Eve, 1829: It is that I may be able to help those who stand in need that I face every danger â&#x20AC;&#x201D; it is for this, that I Traverse the

316

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Mountains covered with Eternal snow — it is for this that I pass over the Sandy Plains, in the heat of summer, thirsting for water where I may cool my overheated Body — it is for this that I go for days without eating, and am pretty well satisfied if I can gather a few roots, . . . pray for me My Brother — & may he, before whom not a Sparrow falls, without notice, bring us, in his own good time, Together again . . . let it be the greatest pleasure we enjoy now, . . . when our Parents are in the decline of Life, to smooth the pillow of their age, & as much as in us lies, take from them all cause of Trouble.11 The dangers he faced cannot be recounted here. We shall merely note that on his second trip to California the Mojave Indians pounced on him while he was crossing the Colorado River, killed ten of his eighteen men and took his goods and supplies. The survivors had to cross the torrid Mojave Desert in August on foot, but they reached California and later rejoined the trapping band he had left there the year before. From the Sacramento River, Smith's reunited party trapped northward toward Columbia. On the Umpqua River he was again attacked by Indians, and this time only Smith and three men survived from a party of twenty. Jed Smith retired from the mountain fur trade in 1830 and returned to St. Louis. But the spell of the West was still upon him. He launched into a new career as a wagon caravan trader over the Santa Fe Trail. Upon his first trip westward, in the summer of 1831, while ahead of the company looking for water in the Cimarron Desert cutoff, he was set upon by Comanches, and his career ended at the age of thirty-two. Thus perished one of the greatest explorers and noblest characters of the Far West. Let us now take a sampling of other Mountain Men. First, Tom Smith, who was not related to Jed Smith and was a very different type in most respects. Tom was born in Kentucky, one of a family of thirteen. His Irish father had fought under General St. Clair in the Indian wars of the old Northwest Territory. Tom learned a bit of writing and cyphering in a little round-log schoolhouse, but he had a fight with the teacher, threw down his slate, and headed West. In 1823 he joined a caravan to Santa Fe, and the next fall began trapping in western Colorado. After many Indian scrapes on the Gila and Colo11 J. C. Parrish (ed.), "A Group of Jedediah Strong Smith Documents," Publications, Historical Society of Southern California, XIII (1924-27), 307.

Annual

MOUNTAIN

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rado, we find him in North Park, Colorado, in 1827. Here an Indian arrow struck his leg just above the ankle, shattering both bones. When he stepped toward a tree for his rifle the bones stuck in the ground. His companions being unwilling to cut off the leg, Smith called for the cook's butcher knife and cut off the muscles at the fracture. He objected to having the wound seared with a red-hot iron to stop the bleeding, so they wrapped the stub in an old shirt. In twenty-four hours the bleeding had stopped, leaving him almost bloodless. For several days he was carried in a litter swung between two horses. The party moved westward and went into winter quarters on Green River, where they were joined by a band of Utes. These Indians were grieved at their old friend's loss. They wailed, chanted, chewed up certain roots and spit the juice on the wound. This, Smith later told an interviewer, they "kept up for several days, while the stump gradually healed under the treatment." A wooden leg was now fashioned for his use, and he was thereafter known as Pegleg Smith.12 He was not especially handicapped by the loss; in fact, the peg leg frequently became an effective weapon in a fight. Pegleg Smith continued his trapping and trading and became especially famous as a raider of the horseherds of the missions and ranches of California. On Bear River in eastern Utah he had a ranch of his own in 1849. A letter of his, written to Brigham Young on June 15, 1849, is in the L.D.S. Church Historian's Office. In it he offers to sell to the Mormons skins and furs, and also some small coin for change. His fine horses were available for trade to overland emigrants who came by the ranch during the gold rush. Horace Bell, one such emigrant, asked Pegleg how he came to have so many horses. "Oh I went down into the Spanish country and got them." "What did they cost you," we inquired. "They cost me very dearly," he said. "Three of my squaws lost brothers, and one of them a father on that trip, and I came near going under myself. . . . " "How many did you get?" we again queried. "Only about 3000; the rascals got about half of what we started with away from us, d - - m them." 13 12 See the series of sketches on the life of Pegleg Smith published in Hutching's California Magazine in 1860-61. 13 Horace Bell, Reminiscences of a Ranger (Santa Barbara, 1927), 290.

Pegleg Smith, notorious horse thief and raider of the missions and ranches of California, first made his appearance in the West in the early 1820's. Pegleg later turned to prospecting in Arizona. The famous, but still lost Pegleg Mine, is still being searched for by credulous tenderfeet. Smith's last days were spent near a grogshop in San Francisco, where he died in 1866. William Wolfskill and George Yount won a place in Utah history by being the first to traverse the entire route of the Old Spanish Trail, which ran from Santa Fe through Utah and to Los Angeles. Wolfskill

MOUNTAIN

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and Yount, from Kentucky and North Carolina respectively, first operated as fur traders in the 1820's from a New Mexico base. In the winter of 1830-31 they conducted a trapping and trading expedition into Utah. Wolfskill's account book recently came to light. It records the wages of hired trappers at $7.00 and $8.00 per month. Supplies carried on pack horses were charged at New Mexico prices: tobacco and gun powder each $1.50 per pound; lead 50 cents per pound; gun flints 3 cents each; knives generally at $1.00; combs at 50 cents, and jew's-harps at 25 cents. Beaver skins were credited at $5.00 each." On the Sevier River they encountered the Utes who, after being given presents of knives, tobacco, beads, awls, and vermilion, gave the white men permission to hunt and trap in all the territory of the Ute nation. Yount, who was known to the Indians from previous visits, harangued the natives in pompous words. He spoke of the Great Father at Washington and his mighty guns, big cabins, and many braves. He was, said Yount (as related by Yount to his biographer, Rev. Orange Clark), . . . vice regent and son of the Great Spirit who rolls the sun, and whose pipe when smoking makes the clouds. Whose big gun makes the thunder. And whose rifle bullets and glittering arrows make the red lightning. Of these he could discourse till they fell flat on their faces, take the earth from under his mockasins and sprinkle it on their heads; and as he closed would rise upon their knees and worship him. Majestically would he raise them, or order Wolfskill to raise them upon their feet, bid them kiss his rifle, in token of respect for the Great Father at Washington and be seated at his side. The presents, which were the chief object of regard after all, and to obtain which they would worship anything, were distributed, and Yount permitted them to taste a morsel from his dish.15 The traders continued to California, where several members of the party became prominent pioneer citizens. Wolfskill developed a farm near the old Los Angeles plaza, at the site of the present big railroad station. Yount settled in the Napa Valley of northern California, where he was the outstanding pioneer. Jim Bridger is too well known for me to sketch him here. But of his associate I might say a word. Louis Vasquez was the partner of 14

The original ledger is owned by a descendant of Wolfskill, and I have a photostat

Hafen and Hafen, op. cit., 149.

of it.

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Bridger at the trading post of Fort Bridger, and is the one who sold the fort to the Mormons. Vasquez was born in St. Louis in 1798. He was the youngest of twelve children, with a Spanish father and French mother. One of his brothers was guide to Captain Zebulon Pike on his famous exploration tour into the Southwest in 1806-7. Louis Vasquez began his career as a fur trapper in 1823, ascending the Missouri in Ashley's famous party of that year. For two decades he was a notable Mountain Man, trapping the streams for beaver, trading with the Indians for furs. He was the founder in 1837 of Fort Vasquez on the South Platte, about forty miles north of Denver. A collection of his letters, written in good French, indicate that Louis had a fair education. Years ago I obtained photostats of these letters from the Missouri Historical Society and published a sketch of his life.10 In 1842 Vasquez and Bridger joined forces and came out to the mountains to trade. At Fort Bridger they were visited by various travelers, some of whom have left accounts of the men. W. G. Johnston, who met Vasquez in June, 1849, wrote: "Mr. Vasquez was a fine portly looking gentleman of medium height, about fifty years of age, and made an impression of being intelligent and shrewd." 17 Johnston was conducted through the fort by Vasquez's wife, a white woman from Missouri, who invited him to sit on a chair and treated him to fresh buttermilk. Vasquez opened a store in Salt Lake City in 1849. In 1855 he sold Fort Bridger, or at least his interest in it, to the Mormon Church for $8,000.00. The notorious Bill Hickman claims to have been one of the men who carried the load of gold for the purchase of the fort. In 1930, I interviewed the stepson of Louis Vasquez. This was Hiram Vasquez, then ninety years old and living at LaVeta, Colorado. Hiram went with his mother to Fort Bridger in 1848. Hiram told me: One day my sister and I were playing at Fort Bridger when some Indians came up and caught me. Sister got away. They gave me to Chief Washakie and I was kept by the Indians for about four years. I played with the Indian children and became expert with the bow and arrow. . . . My clothes, when with the Indians, were decorated with porcupine quills. My hair grew long and was ornamented with silver ornaments. . . . '"LeRoy R. Hafen, "Mountain Men; Louis Vasquez," Colorado Magazine, X (1933), 14-21. "Ibid., 19.

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One time, when I was nine years old, Washakie's band went to Salt Lake City and camped on a hill northeast of the city. They wouldn't let me go into town, so I decided to go alone. I went to bed early, Then in the night I got up, pulled on my leggings, put on my moccasins and buckskin shirt, picked up my buffalo-calf robe and took the trail toward the city. I went to a corral and doubled up like a jackknife in one corner. In the morning women came and began milking the cows. I climbed the fence and went to some houses and looked in at the doors. I could speak no English. An interpreter was found who had heard of my being stolen. He told me to stay in the house for ten days. That time seemed longer than my stay with the Indians had been. I strongly objected when they wanted to cut my hair. They bought me some little red boots and other clothes and I felt like a king. They then took me back to Fort Bridger. Father (Louis Vasquez) did not know whether the Indians had taken me or not. ls Hiram Vascjuez said that his father kept one room or part of a room of the fort as a safe. He remembered seeing a pile of gold in it. This was probably the money given by the Mormons for purchase of the fort. Louis Vasquez left the mountains after selling Fort Bridger. He built himself a brick house in Westport, a suburb of Kansas City. Ten miles south of the city he had a farm, and his neighbor there was Jim Bridger. From my sketch of Vasquez published twenty-five years ago, I read: Vasquez and Bridger, who had trapped beaver, fought Indians and pioneered the West together for nearly half a century, spent their declining years as quiet neighbors on their Missouri farms. Before a fire on long winter evenings they must have re-fought the Blackfeet with many a hairbreadth escape, waded the streams to tend their beaver traps, or rollicked at the gay summer rendezvous on Green River. And perhaps a wind from the Rocky Mountains would on occasion blow down the chimney and lade the smoke from hickory 18 Hiram Vasquez, "Experiences at Fort Bridger, with the Shoshoncs and in Early Colorado," ibid., VIII (1931), 106-8.

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hearth logs with an odor of pungent pine, while dimmed eyes of Mountain Men saw buffalo hump-ribs, fixed on sharp sticks, spitting at the fire.19 Vasquez died in September, 1868, and is buried in the Catholic cemetery at Kansas City. Bridger was first buried under an apple tree on his farm, later to be removed to a cemetery in Kansas City. Boy Scouts hold a memorial service each year at the grave of old scout Bridger. Miles Goodyear, a red-headed Connecticut Yankee, accompanied the Whitman-Spalding Oregon-bound party of 1836 when he was but sixteen years old. At Fort Hall on the Snake River, modern Idaho, he left the missionary party and took to the wilds. For years he was a Mountain Man, trapping beaver, trading for furs, and living with the Indians. He married an Indian girl, who bore him two children.20 After trapping and trading for some years he built Fort Buenaventura, a ranch near the site of Ogden, in 1845, and became the first settler in Utah. In the fall of 1846 he took some pack horse loads of buckskins to southern California, and there sold them to Fremont to help clothe his ragged soldiers. Fremont's certificate of indebtedness for $662.50 was received in payment on February 1,1847. As Miles moved northward through California, he procured a band of horses which he drove east, along the Humboldt route, in the spring of 1847. He reached Bear River just in time to meet Brigham Young and the pioneers. Goodyear could advise the Mormons about the geography and resources of the Great Basin. Late that year Miles sold his ranch on the Weber River to the Mormons for $1,950.00, and again traveled south to Los Angeles. With the money received for his ranch, Goodyear purchased California horses and in the spring of 1848 headed his caballada east for Missouri, where a good market for horseflesh had been developed by the Mexican War. When he arrived at the Missouri, the war was over and the horse market had collapsed. So rather than sacrifice the horses he had driven so far, he headed them back toward California where the discovery of gold had created a new demand. Goodyear's energy and ability, coupled with his knowledge of horses, the country and the Indians, enabled him to succeed in getting I0

LeRoy R. Hafen, "Louis Vasquez," ibid., X (1933), 21. For a biography see Charles Kelly and Maurice L. Howe, Miles Goodyear, the First Citizen of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1937). 20

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his band back to California and in effecting one of the longest horse drives in American history â&#x20AC;&#x201D; some 4,000 miles. At the mines he was able to dispose of his horses at high prices, retaining a few, however, to serve as a string of pack animals to carry supplies to the mines. Overexertion and exposure brought his death on November 12, 1849, at the age of thirty-two. His brother Andrew reports Miles's last words as a wish to have inscribed on his tombstone: "The mountaineer's grave. He sleeps near the western ocean's wave." His wish was complied with. He is buried in Benecia, California. One of the Mountain Men who early visited the Salt Lake region and gave us a good description of the area was Osborne Russell. He has left us his Journal of a Trapper, the best original book on trapper experiences written by a fur man. Russell was brought to the mountains by Nathaniel Wyeth, that Boston ice merchant who left New England to make his fortune in the Far West through catching furs in the mountains and salmon in the Columbia. In our region here, we remember Wyeth especially as the founder in 1834 of Fort Hall, trapper post and later a great emigrant way station on the Snake River, near present Pocatello. Osborne Russell came out with Wyeth in 1834. In the party also was Jason Lee, the first missionary to Oregon. Just before they reached Snake River they met Captain B. L. E. Bonneville, who also had a trapping party in the mountains. Russell helped build Fort Hall and thus describes the operation: . . . On the 18th [of July] we commenced the Fort which was a stockade 80 ft square built of Cotton wood trees set on end sunk 2x/i feet in the ground and standing about 15 feet above widi two bastions 8 ft square at the opposite angles. On the 4th of August the Fort was completed. And on the 5th the "Stars and Stripes" were unfurled to the breeze at Sunrise in the center of a savage and uncivilized country over an American Trading Post.21 For nine years Russell was a fur trapper in the mountains, traveling widely throughout the region. He spent Christmas, 1840, at the site of our city of Ogden. In the party were three lodges of whites and half-breeds with Indian wives and children, and fifteen lodges of Snake 21 Osborne Russell, journal of a Trapper, Aubrey L. Haines (ed.) (Portland, Oregon Historical Society, 1955), 5.

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Indians. Russell stayed in the lodge of a Frenchman with a Flathead Indian wife and one child. The Frenchman was host at a special Christmas dinner, to which gens d'esprit (kindred spirits) were invited. The lodge was thirty-six feet in circumference, with a fire in the center. Around this the guests sat crosslegged on skins. Russell describes the dinner: . . . The first dish that came on was a large tin pan 18 inches in diameter rounding full of Stewed Elk meat The next dish was similar to the first heaped up widi boiled Deer meat (or as the whites would call it Venison a term not used in die Mountains) The 3d and 4th dishes were equal in size to the first containing a boiled flour pudding prepared with dried fruit accompanied by 4 quarts of sauce made of die juice of sour berries and sugar Then came the cakes followed by about six gallons of strong Coffee already sweetened with tin cups and pans to drink out of large chips or pieces of Bark Supplying the places of plates, on being ready the butcher knives were drawn and the eating commenced at the word given by die landlady.22 The following spring Russell went soudi along die mountains east of the lake and traded with the Ute Indians and their Chief Want-aSheep, on Utah Lake. He describes this fresh-water lake as being about sixty miles in circumference, with an oudet about thirty yards wide. Russell writes: "I passed the time as pleasantly at this place as ever I did among Indians, in the daytime I rode about the valley hunting waterfowl who rend the air at this season of the year with their cries." He took his furs to Fort Hall. In the spring of 1842, writes Russell: . . . I started in company with Alfred Shutes my old Comrade from Vermont to go to the Salt Lake and pass the Spring hunting water fowls eggs and Beaver. . . . arrived at the mouth of Bear river on the 2d of April. Here we found the ground dry the grass green and myriads of Swans, Geese, Brants and Ducks which kept up a continual hum day and night assisted by the uncouth notes of the Sand hill Cranes. The geese Ducks and Swans are very fat at this season of the year We caught some few Beaver and feasted on Fowls and Eggs, until 20th May and returned to the Fort where we stopped until the 20di June when a small party arrived from the Mouth of the Columbia river on their way to the United States and my com~ Ibid., 115.

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rade made up his mind once more to visit his native Green Mountains after an absence of 16 years whilst I determined on going to the Moudi of the Columbia and settle my self in the Willamette [of Oregon]. 23 Russell settled in Oregon and then in California and had a rather distinguished career on the Pacific Coast. In the party with which Alfred Shutes journeyed back to the United States was a very interesting character. This was Joseph Williams, who in 1841, at the age of sixty-three, had left his home and family of ten children in Indiana to go on a mission to Oregon. After spending the winter on the Northwest Coast he was now returning home in 1842. From Alfred Shutes, Osborne Russell's companion, Williams obtained a description of the Salt Lake Valley and wrote this in the book that recounted his travels and which he published on his return home. Rev. Williams writes: Here [at Green River] I was told that the Eutaw Indians wish to have a missionary to come and settle amongst them, and to learn them to raise grain. I am of the opinion, that on the east side of Big Salt Lake, that Bear River empties into, would be a great place to establish a mission, and well calculated for raising all kinds of grain. It is good, rich land, a well watered and healthy country. Fish and fowls are very plenty. A beautiful prairie, about one hundred miles long, lies between the lake and the mountain. The plains are covered with green grass all winter, and well calculated for raising stock. Some pines on the mountains, and cotton wood along the creeks and rivers that flow into the lake. There is plenty of salt on the edges of the lake. It is about two hundred and fifty miles in circumference, and lies in 40Â° north latitude.24 How interesting that this description should appear in a book published at Cincinnati in 1843. I wonder if any of the Mormon pioneers ever saw that notable little book. It was available three years before they left Nauvoo. We know that Fremont's book, published in 1845, was studied by the Mormons, but I have found no evidence that they saw Williams's book. "Ibid., 124-25. 24 LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen (eds.), To the Rockies and Oregon, 1839-1842 (Glendale, 1955), 269.

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Well, so much for the Mountain Men. Some say they left no impress upon the West, for most of them had left this territory before permanent settlements were made in Utah. But are not the men historic who first explore a country and make known its features, even though they do not make homesteads, open mines, or found cities? Fur men made the paths that became our highways, traced out the passable canyons, and revealed the habitable valleys. They were the true trail blazers of Utah. Beside the beaver streams in which they waded and set their steel-jawed traps, now stretch our green farms and blossoming orchards. From their campfire ashes have sprung our cities.

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The first page and an advertising sheet of the first issue of the Salt Lake City Beobachter, August, 1890. Published lor fortyfive years, the paper reflected the assimilation of the German immigrant into his new cultural environment.

THE

SALT

LAKE

MIRROR

CITY AN

BEOBACHTER:

IMMIGRATION

By Thomas L. Broadbent*

When the Salt Lake City Beobachter rolled from the press for the last time on October 3, 1935, a journalistic enterprise of almost forty-five years came to an end. The demise of this German language weekly suggests a twofold story of journalistic endeavor and of the unusual assimilation of an immigrant people. The background of the story is the founding of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints â&#x20AC;&#x201D; more commonly known as the Mormon Church â&#x20AC;&#x201D; with its vigorous missionary system designed to gather converts to "Zion," Utah's Valley of the Great Salt Lake. Particular success was achieved in England and the northern countries of the European continent. From the middle of the nineteenth century the flow of convert-immigrants1 increased until by 1890, isolated from seaports and industrial centers though it was, the territory of Utah could boast 2,121 foreign-born Germans, 117 Austrians, and 1,336 Swiss, * Dr. Broadbent, formerly on the faculty of the University of Utah, is dean of students at the University of California, Riverside, California. 1 There is no evidence that this movement of converts to America was in any way connected with the abortive revolution of 1848 which resulted in an emigration of Germans to America in large numbers.

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a number destined to increase significantly during the next two decades.2 While a great many of the newcomers settled in Salt Lake City, considerable numbers were soon found throughout rural Utah, in Idaho, and in Wyoming where, congregating in many communities, they rapidly became active participants and leaders in civic as well as religious affairs. PREDECESSORS A Scandinavian press was already well established3 when in 1881 a convert named Goebel, publisher and printer by trade, founded the Salt Lake City Anzeiger, which was destined to quick death after three numbers because of the high cost of newsprint and insufficient capital backing. A second attempt to supply the German "saints" with a newspaper in their mother tongue was the Mormon Anzeiger, appearing â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in German type which Goebel had been unable to procure â&#x20AC;&#x201D; on August 26, 1882. The publisher, Carl Lynn, a "convert from the east," likewise fell victim to financial difficulties and gave up after four numbers.4 Eight years passed before Dr. Joseph Walter Dietrich, "former Catholic priest in Bohemia" and also a convert, tried his hand in the spring of 1890 with the Intelligenz-Blatt. If we may rely on die statements of the paper itself, it was immediately successful, being sold "in offices, hotels, restaurants, saloons, stores and private homes" of the area. It also found subscribers in Kansas City, Cincinnati, San Francisco, and New York, and emigration agents and editors of the most important journals of Europe received copies.5 The publisher availed himself of the counsel of an advisory committee headed by Dr. Karl G. Maeser, prominent convert scholar and educator whose name looms large in Utah's educational and cultural history.6 Through ten numbers Dietrich guided the fledgling weekly, increasing the circulation to 2 U.S. Bureau of the Census, 16th Census of the United States: 1940. Population, Vol. II, Part 7, Table 15. "Foreign-born white, 1910-1940, and Total Foreign-born, 18501900 by country of Birth for the State." "Cf. William Mulder, "Utah's Nordic-Language Press: Aspect and Instrument of Immigrant Culture" (Master's Thesis, University of Utah, 1947). "Salt Lake City Beobachter, December 12, 1914. This number contains an account of the predecessors of the Beobachter and a note on the editors of that paper to date. 5 Intelligenz-Blatt, June 14, 1890. Complete files of the Beobachter and of the Intelligenz-Blatt are preserved in the office of the Church Historian, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. "Dr. Maeser was the first president of Brigham Young Academy (now University), Provo, Utah.

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something over two thousand before he retired from the field because of illness. Two weeks after the discontinuance of the Intelligenz-Blatt, its successor appeared on August 9, 1890. Its masthead read: "Der Salt Lake City Beobachter â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A German Organ for the Region of the American Rocky Mountains." Basically, the history of the Beobachter falls into three periods; these in turn reflect corresponding eras in the assimilation of the German speaking saints. The first, from 1890 until the outbreak of World War I, is a continuation of a transition process which had begun with the influx of German speaking converts three decades earlier. The second, essentially the war period with its aftermath of adjustment, is a time of testing by fire and of consolidation of loyalties. The third, beginning with die establishment of "The Associated Newspapers" in 1923, marks the transition from newspaper to religious journal and mirrors the completion of the assimilative process. T H E EARLY PERIOD The tone and content in the early period were established by the first publisher, owner, and editor, Joseph Harvey Ward. A native American, Ward had served as missionary to Germany and more recently as business manager of the Intelligenz-Blatt under Dietrich. For assistance he called on converts F. W. and Edward Schonfelt and a

Karl G. Maeser (1828-1901). Prominent educator, served in an advisory capacity to an early foreign language newspaper.

Andrew jenson (1850-1941). Church Historian and member of the board of foreign language papers in the later years.

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certain "Professor von Haag." Financially, he subsidized the enterprise from other businesses. Whatever its problems, the paper was on a sound enough footing that it survived Ward's death in July, 1905, without missing a single number. Gustav F. Buschmann (later Bushman), compositor and assistant to Ward, served as interim editor until November, when there was announced the formation of the Beobachter Publishing Company. Capitalized for $2,500.00, shares were advertised at one dollar par value with controlling interest held by the church. A board of directors was elected by "die Prasidentschaft," presumably the presidency of the church, and in the October general conference of the membership of the church, Hugh J. Cannon was sustained by vote as president of the board, Rulon S. Wells as vice-president, and Arnold H. Schulthess as editor and business manager. Buschmann was retained as compositor and assistant. The Beobachter now began a long period without change of management and without competition.7 There is no evidence of internal disharmony or of interference by the supervisory board8 until after World War I, a development which is treated later on. The early numbers of the Beobachter are so much like its predecessor that it is difficult to distinguish between the two except for the masthead, although examination reveals that Ward excludes the advertisements for liquor, tobacco, the saloons, and die beerhalls regularly carried by the Intelligenz-Blatt.9 By 1891 the page size is increased by one fourth to make room for a seventh column, and by 1900 the number of pages advances from six to eight. Internal changes are subtle, reflecting the gradual Americanization of the immigrant. The reader senses a strongly defensive attitude during 1890 and 1891 as the newcomers find themselves caught up in the bitterness of the struggle for political, social, and economic supremacy between two powerful local parties.10 In spite of its announced neutrality, the 7 Beobachter, March 8, 1901, mentions a Utah Staats-Zeitung, "gewohnlich SchnappsZeitung genannt." Not extant. October 30, 1912, carries an editorial "Nachruf" (obituary) offering condolences to the Utah Freie Presse whose one issue of October 18 was never distributed. Not extant. 8 In contrast compare the fate of the Koirespondenten, constantly in conflict with, and opposed by the church, culminating in the excommunication of the editor, Otto Rydman. Mulder, op. cit., 52. ' Only one such advertisement appears in the Beobachter, a quarter page purchased by the Fred J. Kiesel and Company, wholesale grocers of Ogden, which had appeared in the Intelligenz-Blatt and continues through five numbers of the Beobachter. Occasionally, e.g., on September 13, 1890, a small drugstore advertisement mentions "cigars, perfumes and the best of liqueurs for medicinal purposes." 10 Cf. G. Homer Durham, "The Development of Political Parties in Utah: the First Phase,' Utah Humanities Review, I (April, 1947), 122-33.

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Samples of cartoons appearing in the fictional Hans Besenstiel's series of letters to the editor haranguing the Liberal party. Beobachter illustrations courtesy Historian's Office, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Beobachter inevitably sides with the Peoples' party, supported by the church and the Deseret News against the Liberal party, supported by the "Gentiles" and the Salt Lake Tribune. The Intelligenz-Blatt had carried plea after plea for tolerance, understanding and acceptance of new people and new concepts into the American culture. Typical is an editorial appearing in what was to be the last number. "The contributions of all immigrant groups must be preserved, their national cultures respected if the United States is not to fall victim to the evils of nationalistic pride in its most evil form. . . . The airstreams . . . now carry a poisonous breath in this respect, we mean the hate against everything which is German and which is especially stirred up in the coarsest manner by many newspapers. . . ." a l Ward further suggests the problem in defining the purpose of his paper. His objectives are "not to favor a special clique, for that we are too honorable â&#x20AC;&#x201D; too German â&#x20AC;&#x201D; but rather to favor a party, not religious or political, but one of the heart, of the conscience; to warn the new arrival not to fall into the snare of the trapper, but to examine everything for himself." "We must," he concludes, "take up the cause of the oppressed, discover injustice, and illuminate the right." {Beobachter, August 9,1890). "Intelligenz-Blatt, July 26, 1890.

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The Beobachter takes the field against the Liberal party very directly in a series of letters to the editor from a fictional "Hans Besenstiel." 12 Highly exaggerated in their satire, extremely earthy in their humor, these letters strike blow after satirical blow at die party and its philosophy. Free of die need to maintain the neutrality so strongly asserted editorially, "Besenstiel" pokes fun unmercifully at his opponents through his fabulous characters "Brother Saufer" (toper), "Friend Schnapps" (brandy), "Pastor Heiligschein" (sanctimoniousness), "Brother Schlaufink" (crafty bird), and the right honorable "Herr Ex-Baron Ohnegeld (impecunious) von Carpetsack." He is not above an occasional dig at his German compatriots, in a good-natured way, from the security of his "Schatshugel" (treasure hill) and "Paradieshalle." By 1892 the local parties had been supplanted by die national Republican and Democratic parties, which cut across church, economic, and cultural lines, and the feud, if it did not die out entirely, at least became less acrimonious. A calmer, less defensive tone is noticeable in the Beobachter and obtains generally until the rumbles of World War I begin to be heard. Even "Besenstiel," having no real targets for his barbs, disappears in early 1892. Meanwhile, with emotional roots still clinging to die soil of die fatherland, the converts maintained an active interest in "home" and countrymen. Particularly was this true since many of them were isolated from loved ones, not only by geography, but by the bitterness toward the new religion of those left behind, and the realization that the move was permanent. How eagerly they must have looked forward to the "Notes From Home" which occupied so much space. Reports of floods, fires and all sorts of natural catastrophes, celebrations, festivals of singing clubs, notes on the travels, illnesses, successes and local appearances of celebrities all take a prominent place. Stories of crimes committed, criminals apprehended, and court processes vie for space with labor news and discussions of union problems. A typical issue, for example, carries reports from twenty provinces and the free cities. Under each province are date lines from cities and towns too numerous to list. Much space is given to political and social matters of the "old country." A continuing concern for the affairs of Bismarck and the Kaisers runs through the numbers of the first two decades, with the 12 See T. L. Broadbent, "Hans Besenstiel: Immigrant Satirist," Western Humanities Review, XII (Spring, 1958), 151-57.

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sympathies generally going to Bismarck. Thus, in 1890, the Kaiser, as King of Prussia, is reported trying to reorganize the Prussian House of Lords (Herrenhaus) to eliminate opposition to his social reforms. It will be impossible, the editor thinks, because of the vested interests of the rich nobility. In 1891 the danger of the Russian-French alliance is pointed out in a story which emphasizes that for years Bismarck, now deposed, has prevented such an alliance through astute statesmanship. "One wonders whether the young Kaiser will now finally decide to call to Bismarck for help, and if it finally happens, will it be too late?" A poem by Kaiser Wilhelm I is published in 1893 with the notation that it contains his political philosophy, and as late as 1914 a sermon given by the Kaiser in 1900 replaces the usual article in the church column. While there is evident on die one hand a growing insistence on political participation and equality in the new country,13 there is on the other a sentimental, almost stubborn loyalty to the monarchial system which even the mores of the new land cannot quickly replace. If the Beobachter reflects an understandable attachment to the fadierland, it reflects equally a cultural gregariousness among the immigrants themselves. Notes from countrymen scattered throughout the region are provided by letters and by reports from businessmen and church leaders returning from visits to outlying districts. Germans are taking the lead in Eureka, a mining community where they now constitute two thirds of the population; a Swiss immigrant has been made bishop in Midway; church services in German are being held in Logan, Providence, Midway, Provo, Payson, Santa Clara, Willard City, and Park Valley in Utah and in Paris, Montpelier, Bern, Rexburg, and Thomas Fork in Idaho. News stories and advertisements proclaim the activities of a great variety of organizations: the German Dramatic Society, the Schiller Lodge, the Goethe Lodge, the Swiss Colony, the Swiss Club, the Gymnastic Society and many more. As one reads through the numbers of this early period one visualizes the social activities centered largely around the church and more specifically around the closely knit German speaking church community. Many of the organizations went beyond the purely social, maintaining welfare, insurance and burial funds. In addition to providing a contact with the fatherland and countrymen, the Beobachter provided a continuing contact with the church 13 Beobachter, November 15, 1890, in an editorial, "German-Americans in Congress," decries the refusal of German-Americans to be candidates for congressional office. Not since Carl Schurz in 1875 has there been a German-American senator.

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and its doctrines. Almost without exception the German immigrants were literate, although few of them knew the English language upon arrival in Zion. From the beginning, each number carried sermons of church leaders in German translation, discussions of theology, and news of ' qppenings and developments within the chorch. Converts, new in tne faith and in Zion because of their acceptance of it, were fed liberally with spiritual food along with news and entertainment. As will be seen, the emphasis on religious material became decidedly stronger in later years. In the area of entertainment the Beobachter played an important role, especially before the immigrants had mastered English, but continuing throughout the life of the newspaper. A lively feuilleton section with its "Kaleideskop" presents a great assortment of items. Short stories by local writers and by authors in Germany appear and some novels in installments. One finds poetry, much of it by first class German poets, such as Schiller's "Die Worte des Glaubens" (Words of Faith), Hermann Lingg's "Eine Arme Mutter" (A Poor Mother), Friedrich Holderlin's, "Naturbetrachtung" (Observation of Nature), and "Krieg und Frieden" (War and Peace) by Liliencron. There is a good-natured review of Mark Twain's essay, "The Awful German Language," an article on "Shakespeare und die Frauen" (Shakespeare's Women), and a eulogy of Edwin Booth as "the greatest actor of America." Concerned for the cultural level of its readers, the'Beobachter prints a warning against the "Dime Novellen" which are, it inform- its readers, partly translations from the French and partly from the Russian â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "novels of the most sensual type." Each issue during the early period regales its readers with jokes and bits of satirical humor.14 Nor is the practical aspect neglected. One reads how to restore oil paintings, how to polish bronze figurines (were art treasures part of the precious cargo brought to the new home?), how to protect enamel cookingware, how to prepare clay for the making of jugs and dishes, how to protect chickens against the pips. A fascinating note explains the use of coffee as a disinfectant "much less offensive than carbolic acid or chlorine in hospital rooms." In a day before mechanical re" Examples: "I hope you realize that you have in my daughter a noble, generous girl." "Certainly and I hope she inherited these traits from her father." "After considerable experimentation, the horses of the French cavalry are to be shod with paper. Twenty years ago France already had horses which appeared only on paper." (Frankreich hatte schon vor 20 Jahren Pferde, die (bloss) auf dem Papiere erschienen). A satirical reference to the War of 1870 Physician: "You must be prepared for the worst regarding your wife." "You mean she has a chance of recovery?"

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frigeration, meat could be kept fresh for days by sprinkling it with ground coffee. That he might better understand the customs and traditions of his new country, the reader is invited to study its history in articles of a popular nature. He may read numerous discussions of t'-'! Revolutionary and Civil wars. The census is explained and he is encouraged to co-operate in making it complete. He is admonished to understand the true significance of the Fourth of July celebration and to participate wholeheartedly. The bewildering intricacies of the Electoral College System are analyzed, and he is urged to prepare himself for citizenship as rapidly as possible and to vote as soon as he can. Biographical sketches of Americans in literature and history call his attention to his cultural heritage; news and articles of local, national, and international nature vie for his interest. In the field of social problems the Beobachter consistently takes a firm stand. Without deviation and with great vigor it supports the franchise for women. The equality of all human beings demands they be given the vote; the contributions of women in professional fields justify it. Idaho, it is pointed out, has provided in the constitution submitted for admission to the Union that women shall have the vote in all elections dealing with the public schools. While that is a step in the right direction, it doesn't go far enough. (I, 7, September 20, 1890). When the question is raised in a Mediodist publication "Shall Women Preach?" the Beobachter answers, "if they want to, can anyone stop them, even the whole Methodist world?" (II, 45, November M, 1891). In the matter of capital versus labor, strong suspicion of capital and sympathy for labor show themselves. Note is taken, for example, of the net profit for the railroads of $2,087.00 per mile of track, "ihe railroads and this enormous wealth are in the hands of twenty men. "Already the railroads are stronger than the government," says the paper, "and the railroads have won every argument. It is enough to make one shudder with fear." (I, 5, September 6, 1890). Rockefeller, Gould, Huntington, Vanderbilt, and Stanford are typical of the fifty men who control the economic market and could, by manipulation, ruin the country. They are arousing the hate and rebellion of the workers. "In the old world these great fortunes are often looked upon as a benefit, since they are used in the industrial interest of the folk." (II, 14, April 11, 1891). When labor and capital came to grips, as, for example, in the strike of the English coal miners in 1912, the sympathies are uniformly on the side of labor. Paradoxically, the same number

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takes note of the fact that the Salt Lake City Chamber of Commerce is planning to publicize the opportunities of Utah to potential European emigrants. This, the Beobachter editorializes, would be a mistake. What Utah needs is capital and industry to make jobs for workers already here. Persecution of the Jews causes the Beobachter deep editorial concern. Regarding the persecution in Russia, for example, the editor exclaims, " 'Whom the Gods would destroy they first make blind.' The Czar doesn't see that in persecuting the Jews he is loosing forces which will eventually destroy him." (I, 7, September 20, 1890).15 Politically, as the local parties gave way to strong national ones, the German immigrants tended to become Republicans rather than Democrats, although by no means unanimously. The reasons are suggested by the Beobachter. Very few will deny that the Democratic party is the conservative, the Republican party the progressive, even radical one, advocating among other things full franchise for women, temperance in the use of alcohol, and (in the past) abolishment of slavery. Mormons, more liberal in their approach to social problems than their neighbors who so often criticize them, have long advocated these same progressive principles. "We know the Republican party is not perfect by far, but as long as it stands for progress, freedom and reform, we will support it." (II, 23, June 13, 1891). Perhaps less idealistic is the commendation by the Beobachter of Republican support for tariff for the protection of agriculture, cattle, wool, and silver. Tariff on sugar from Cuba is particularly important in view of the growing beet sugar industry in which German immigrants take particular pride, since the sugar factory at Lehi, Utah, was built after the pattern of German factories and was the first such factory west of die Mississippi.16 The Republican leanings of the Beobachter and its readers become especially clear during the presidential campaign of 1912. In spite of a claim of complete neutrality, in order not to give the "kickers" an opportunity to complain about church interference, Taft is supported because he "has made clear that big trusts must be controlled no matter how desirable they may be; he has stood up to Russia without offending her; he has sided with Utah's Senator Smoot in advocating the protective tariff so important to the west." " 15

Cf. Beobachter, January 17, 1890; June 20, 1891; October 17, 1891. '"Ibid., December 26, 1891, reports that the Lehi sugar factory has just closed after a season producing 1,250,000 pounds of sugar. " Reed Smoot, Republican Senator from Utah, 1902-1933, and a leading advocate of protective tariffs.

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Presaging a long period of anti-British sentiment is the vigor with which the Boer War is reported with all sympathy for the insurrectionists. England's prestige and influence will be significantly lowered as a result of this affair, predicts the editor. "The English have lied so much in this war that one can no longer believe them even when they occasionally tell the truth." Since this strong anti-British attitude continues until America's entry into World War I, one may speculate that it is a reflection of a comparable attitude in Germany during this period of intense competition between the two nations for colonies and industrial markets. One wonders whether there was any overt antipathy for the English converts in Zion. There is no internal evidence. On the matter of Utah's admission to the Union, surprisingly little is said in the Beobachter. The act making Utah a state was signed into law on January 4, 1896. A search of the numbers surrounding that date produces only two allusions to this event. On the tenth of January a one column, five-inch article lauds Utah's statehood and proclaims the forty-fifth star in the flag one deserving to be glorious and bright. On January 31 the editor offers one year's free subscription to the parents of the first child born in the new state after ten in the morning of January 4. Since the act was signed one day after the January 3 issue appeared with an entire week elapsing before another number came out, perhaps the news was "cold." In view of the foreign circulation and the dependence of so many local inhabitants on the Beobachter, the lack of editorial comment and extended news coverage is difficult to explain. If more attention is paid in this brief analysis to the non-news features of the publication, it is because the editorials and more subjective features most clearly show the personality of the paper and the immigrant. It should not be inferred that there was no coverage of local, national, and international events. A sampling of any number will show substantial numbers of column inches of objective reports.ls Indeed, a comparison through the years makes it clear that the amount of such news increases proportionately during the first two periods as the need for the "special interest features" decreases. That the paper carries, even though on a reduced scale, "Notes From Home" and an active feuilleton section right to the end attests to the continuing nostalgia of the readers for native land and language. " I n the earliest issues much of the local news was printed in German and English side by side, as a means of assisting the reader to learn the new language.

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WAR AND AFTERMATH The dual loyalty to native and adopted land caused die German immigrant no difficulty during the first decade of the twentieth century. If he followed his German sympathies and, taking the lead from his fadierland, became anti-British, he had many non-German colleagues. If he enjoyed the socials, the dramatic and choral performances, the religious meetings of his own language group, he was no different from the Swedish, the Danish, the Dutch or the Norwegians. His loyalties were not questioned, and he was accepted freely into the society of his church and his community. With the approach of the war, he, unlike the other immigrant groups, found himself faced widi unique problems which are abundantly reflected in the pages of the Beobachter. It is significant to note here that the issue of July 1, 1914, for the first time carries on the editorial page a box with the statement, "German Organ of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints." There is nothing to indicate change of control or of management. One must assume either that the church desired to be more closely identified with editorial policy for its own good reasons, or that die editor felt die need of the announced support of the church in the approaching crisis. The first editorial recognition of the possibility of war is found on July 29 in an editorial, "The European Volcano," which analyzes die Serbian-Austrian conflict and assesses the roles of the European nations. The editor fervently hopes the war can be avoided. But war was not to be avoided. The issue of August 5, 1914, carries a five column banner headline: "War Has Become a Fact." More important than the headlines â&#x20AC;&#x201D; major and secondary â&#x20AC;&#x201D; are an editorial and several articles justifying Germany's position. Because the editorial represents the opinions expressed throughout this issue and during the next two years, it is quoted here in full: The war just begun has brought a feeling of deepest sorrow to all people in the entire land, and most especially to the countrymen of those people who would gladly have avoided war but were drawn into it by unavoidable circumstances. Many newspapers express the opinion that Germany, as one of the greatest powers, might have prevented the outbreak. The London Times even says that Germany, without consideration of right or wrong, acted only in her own self interest. This is a most unjust criticism. Germany acted precisely in the manner demanded by right and justice and we believe

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every word of the Kaiser when he said in his last short public address: "We do not desire war, for we know what war means. If, however, our enemies force us to take up arms, then we are under obligation to protect our people and our rights, but our enemies shall learn in consequence what a war can mean for them. Now while our soldiers lend their arms to the Fatherland and raise their hearts in trust to God, may the rest of the folk go into the churches and pray to the Almighty to help us to victory." We gladly accept these words of our Kaiser as the genuine expression of his sentiments and every loyal German joins in his expressed wish that there be no war, but that if war must come, die Lord may support and protect them. May a permanent peace be not far from us. The next issue has two notes of importance. On page one under large headlines is the news that the German-United States cable has been cut and that all news will now have to come via France and England and will therefore be highly unreliable. Page two carries a report of a mass meeting held during the week and attended by over five hundred persons. The purposes of the meeting were to establish a German-American Relief Organization, to explore the best ways to explain the position of Germany to the American public, and to discover means of aiding the fatherland. From the meeting a telegram resolution went to the German Ambassador with assurances of all possible assistance. The program, reflecting the duality of loyalties â&#x20AC;&#x201D; apparently not felt to be a conflict of loyalties â&#x20AC;&#x201D; included the singing of "Deutschland, Deutschland Uber Alles," and "Die Wacht am Rhein" and the reading of two patriotic and rousing poems, "Auf dem Schlachtfeld" (On the Battlefield) and "Aufruf 1813" (Call to Arms 1813) by Korner, followed by a toast to President Wilson and the singing of the "Star Spangled Banner." Several speeches exhorted the audience to render all possible moral and financial aid to the fatherland. The German speaking saints, by publicly taking a united stand, called attention to themselves as a group and thus invited criticism which was not long in coming. The Beobachter supports the stand taken in the meeting and defends Germany against continuing castigation. To the reaction of horror, for example, which followed the German invasion of Belgium, the Beobachter points out that everything in war cannot be justified, and since the invasion has occurred, there

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can be little point in discussing justification. One can be sure, however, that the reports are not totally reliable. On August 26, 1914, in an editorial, "Must We Be Ashamed of Being Germans?" readers are reminded that only three weeks ago: . . . our friends and the press could not say enough good things about Germany, her schools, her social reforms, her cultural contributions, the superb organization of her government and army, the devotion of her people. Now this has changed. The American press has gone too far in placing blame and degradation on Germans. We have "taken it on both cheeks!" Now we must determine who our friends are, stand solidly together and in firmness prove that we are no different now than we were three weeks ago. Only in this way can we maintain our dignity and help our country. When Germany introduced bombing from the air by the Zeppelin attack on Antwerp, the Beobachter counters the criticism by pointing out that Germany, Russia, and France were not signatories to the agreement of the Third Peace Congress at the Hague which prohibited the use of bombs from the air. It is easy, the paper points out, to understand why the other fifteen nations joined in such an agreement, since they had no means of using such weapons, which admittedly are very dangerous. "He who does not wish to be torn to pieces by a lion should not tantalize the lion." (XXV, 35, September 2,1914). To refute the constantly appearing stories of German atrocities, the Beobachter publishes a statement signed by five journalists, Roger Lewis of the Associated Press, Irvin S. Cobb of the Public Ledger, Harry Hansen of the Chicago Daily News, James O'D. Bennett and John T. M'Cutcheon of the Chicago Tribune all of whom deny the atrocity stories. They have, according to their published statement, accompanied the German army for two weeks in an advance of over one hundred miles and have found no evidence of the reported acts. On the contrary, German soldiers are exemplary in their actions. (XXV, 36, September 9,1914). There is a constant flow of letters to the editor answering the angry attacks of the anti-German press. Gradually, however, defensive aggressiveness gives way to more impersonal notes on the progress of the war, to encouragement for Germans in America to hold fast to their ideals. Frequent articles covering regulations and rules of personal conduct and explanations of policy and procedure replace the militant editorials and articles of early war days.

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That the paper itself was having difficulty can be imagined; indeed one wonders that it continued publication without missing a single number throughout the war years. Canada, for example, seemed not to be permitting delivery of the Beobachter, according to the editor who offered one month's subscription to all Canadian subscribers who responded with information as to whether they were receiving their copies. Mailings to Europe ceased altogether. As America's entry into the war approached, a new note appears which undoubtedly reflects the concern of the readers. Significant of the general feeling is an analysis of Wilson's peace proposals which includes a provision for a League of Nations. Germany, says the paper, offered essentially the same things in her peace proposals of January. "Peace will be preserved not through paper treaties but through a strong power group with Germany at the head. Europe will then have lasting peace . . . and we [in America] will enjoy the blessings of this peace without giving up the traditions of a hundred years and without subjecting ourselves to the danger of international involvement." (XXVIII, 5, January 31, 1917). By March, America had adopted a policy of "armed neutrality." This is to be regretted, says the Beobachter, but it need not lead to war. By the end of March, America's entry seems inevitable. Here, now, is a crisis. Under a large reproduction of the American flag there appears an announcement of a meeting to be presided over by Governor Simon Bamberger, to discuss the position of German-Americans in the present emergency. Without a dissenting vote the following resolution was adopted at the meeting on March 29 (America declared war on April 6): As loyal American citizens of German and Austrian birth or extraction, assembled in mass meeting at the auditorium in Salt Lake City this 29th day of March 1917, we have met to reaffirm our allegiance to the American flag and the American government. While with every other good citizen we deplore the state of war which is devastating and depopulating Europe, and deprecate any necessity which may force this country to participate in that war, we unreservedly pledge our support to the United States government in such an emergency. Should war be declared against any foreign power or potentate for the protection of American rights and lives we hereby Resolve to do our part as citizens of the republic whose liberty and opportunities we have enjoyed and whose hospi-

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tality has sheltered us when we sought refuge from oppression and injustice in other lands; and we further Resolve that we neither owe nor consider any higher national allegiance or obligation than that which we hereby acknowledge to the United States; and we further Resolve to expose and defeat by every means within our power, any and every effort made, either secretly or openly, by citizens or foreigners, to embarrass, hinder, injure or betray this government, its officials, its army or navy, in carrying on war against any foreign foe whatsoever, and we Resolve further that we stand ready and willing to do our full duty as citizens in war as in peace, and to fight, if need be, for the defense of American rights and the glory of the American flag; and we Resolve that a copy of these resolutions be forwarded by the governor of the state to the president of this republic as a pledge of support from loyal citizens of Utah, whose ties of birth, blood and recollection are not strong enough to hold against the bonds of duty, gratitude and patriotism which bind us to the land of our adoption. Faithfully the Beobachter adheres to this declaration of loyalty throughout the remainder of the war. Stubbornly, and with dignity, however, it encourages in its readers pride in national extraction and refusal to deny one's ancestry. It does not accept unjust personal accusation of itself or its readers meekly. And so the war years passed. Following a heart attack suffered by Editor Schulthess, Hermann Grether succeeded to the editorship on the fourth of April, 1918. On the second of May a minor but significant change appears on the masthead. To the statement "Official Organ of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints" there is added "American in Everything but the Language." The feuilleton and "Notes From Home" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; almost exclusively from Switzerland â&#x20AC;&#x201D; continue. News stories are factual and parallel to those in the English language press. At last came the armistice. Perhaps the news was considered old when the November 14 issue appeared, but to the writer who vividly remembers the wild celebrations with which the false and then the genuine armistice were greeted, the Beobachter report seems very subdued indeed. With no unusual headlines, a factual and very conservative report of the signing itself accompanies a fervent hope that Wilson's plea that "the enemy be treated without vengeance and harsh-

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ness" be accepted by all allied peoples. News of the armistice shares the front page with a quarter-page picture of Joseph F. Smith, president of the church, and a statement honoring him on his eightieth birthday, a report of the eighty-ninth conference of the church and about one eighth of a page devoted to Swiss humor. In the next issue, with the exception of a short poem "Friede" (Peace), there is not a single reference either to the war or to the armistice and subsequent problems. Perhaps the editor and the readers were sufficiently war-weary to let the English language papers carry the burden. Perhaps, too, readers of the Beobachter no longer relied on the German language organ for news except in those areas in which they could respond sentimentally as Germans. Perhaps, too, the transformation of the Beobachter to a religious organ of the church had begun. Not until well after the war did the first internal conflict in the history of the paper occur. In the issue of October 7,1920, there appears a bitter letter headed "Farewell to our Subscribers and Friends" signed by Hermann Grether, editor, and G. F. Bushman, compositor, both of whom had been asked to resign. An editorial of September 9, "The Real Campaign Questions," had opposed vigorously America's entry into the League of Nations, had attacked the motives of England and France in urging American entry, and had staunchly supported the candidacy of Harding over Cox for the presidency. Now, argues the letter, because Rulon S. Wells, chairman of the controlling board of the Beobachter, is a Democrat and pro League of Nations, Grether and Bushman have been asked to resign. A long and vituperative report of a conference between Wells and Bushman ends with a "bill of particulars": the political articles and especially the editorial are responsible for the request for resignations; the request was incited by "Kickers" such as brothers Bode, Sentker, Wolters, and Willy Wehler, who acted out of personal animosity and ambition and without familiarity with the paper; the Beobachter has been very successful under the direction of the two men involved as constantly increasing subscriptions will testify; Grether was not given a hearing and was most unjustly treated; there is no truth in the assertion that "many German-Americans have demanded a change." In a signed article Willy Wehler, the new editor, replies three weeks later. His reply may be summarized as follows: he regrets having to reply at all, but the misstatement of facts, the use of names and the claim that the removal was for political reasons make it mandatory; political reasons had nothing to do with the resignations; they were,

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in fact, inevitable since much of the content, particularly personal letters and articles, had long been in such bad taste that they had brought ridicule on the paper and on the official sponsor, the church; the main purpose of the Beobachter, to proclaim the Gospel in the German language and to present news and articles of all types which might interest all readers without offending any one group, has been subverted; the editor, literarily impotent, has abdicated his editorial responsibilities to his compositor who has proved himself too lazy and inefficient to perform satisfactorily; Bushman, for his part, has used the paper to further his own personal political ends, hoping perhaps to win for himself a little office (Postchen). Finally, Wehler reminds his readers, Bushman was already of questionable reputation among Germans because he was ashamed of his people and his native land during the war and snubbed them by Americanizing his name from Buschmann to Bushman. A letter in the same issue from Rulon S. Wells maintains that the political articles at issue were indeed slanted and unacceptable for an official church paper which represents those of both parties. He insists, however, that this is not the reason for the dismissal and asserts that both men knew of the dismissal and the reasons well in advance. Finally, in the same issue, there appears a warm letter of recommendation for the new editor from Schulthess who assures the readers that Wehler is an able and a good man and that Schulthess would have invited him to serve as an assistant long since had there been sufficient funds. One is led by this remark to wonder why Wehler rather than Grether was not selected to succeed Schulthess. Thus ends the conflict. It is symptomatic of a factionalism which seems to have developed within the German-American population as a result of the pressures of the war and the post-war adjustment. It is indicative in a corollary manner of the progressing assimilation and the subsequent dissolution of the homogeneity of the immigrant community. There is also implicit in the controversy a more active and direct concern on the part of the church for editorial policy, a more careful supervision than had previously existed, presaging the final stage in the Beobachter s history. TRANSITION AND FINALE By late 1923 the days of the weekly as it was originally conceived were numbered. The immigration act of 1921 had virtually stopped the flow of converts to Zion. In fact, Zion was not redefined as "The Pure

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in Heart," and converts were urged to remain in their own countries to build up the church throughout the world. Immigrants no longer depended on the foreign language press for news and entertainment and had largely been assimilated into the cultural, business, social, and religious life of the cities and towns. First and second generation American descendants had no real ties with the old country and only a filial attachment to its language and culture. Some did not even speak or read German. Geographically and culturally the German speaking community of 1890 and 1891 had ceased to exist. Against this background there was established in 1923 the Associated Newspapers of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints with a common "executive editor" for all church-owned foreign language papers.19 By announced policy all were to have the same content with the exception of some local (homeland) news items. An editorial committee was organized with one representative of each paper "for the purpose of overseeing the content and for general participation in the publication." The content was to consist principally "of things related to the church, sermons, editorials on religious themes, translations of church literature, to be printed in octavo to facilitate its eventual binding into a book." At a series of meetings held during May, Adam L. Peterson was named as manager and J. M. Sjodahl as executive editor under the direction of the editorial board. For the Beobachter, Willy Wehler was retained as editor. This essentially marks the end of the Beobachter as a newspaper and makes it admittedly a church journal. However, the change is one of emphasis rather than of total deletion of traditional material. While the front page is now devoted almost entirely to church material, the inner pages continue to carry the feuilleton section, notes from home and news coverage of important events, e.g., the English-American war debt conferences, the recognition of Russia, and the national and international ramifications of the depression of 1929. Hitler and the National-Socialist movement are given editorial and factual coverage beginning in 1933. In January there is printed without editorial comment a story of Hitler's demands for German repudiation of reparations and war debts. His appointment as Chancellor is reported, again without editorial comment, in February. A week later a lengthy article analyzes the movement: On the positive side stands the abolishment of the class system under Hitler, a point which must have 19

lander.

Salt Lake City Beobachter, the Bikuben, the Utah-Posten, and the Utah-Neder-

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seemed of considerable consequence to the immigrants now so accustomed to the democratic pattern; on the negative side is stressed the fact that the movement is anti-Christian in concept and violates all Christian principles. In successive months strong anti-Hitler editorials appear aimed primarily at the Jewish persecution and the violation of treaties and agreements. How, the editor asks, can the German people let themselves be deceived just at a time when the German Republic is winning world respect and through patience and hard work is bringing about an orderly abandonment by the allied nations of the most objectionable features of the Treaty of Versailles? Since the readers of the Beobachter were primarily church members, and since, as has already been suggested, the process of assimilation was by this time well advanced, it may be fairly assumed that the position of the Beobachter does not do violence to the attitude of this particular group of German-Americans. The identity of the various editors after 1923 is most difficult to ascertain. Following Wehler the names of Adam L. Peterson, Reinhold Stoff, Jean Wunderlich, and John S. Hansen appear. That the last editor was Edward Hoffman is confirmed by his letter of farewell in which he joins others on October 3, 1935, in announcing cessation of publication. Dr. John A. Widtsoe, chairman of the Committee of the Associated Papers, outlines the reasons for discontinuing all foreign language papers owned by the church: restrictions on immigration, death of the older generation, increase in other news agencies and increase in the relative costs of publishing and the establishment in the various countries of mission publications fulfilling the proselyting functions previously performed by the Utah foreign language press. To these, Executive Editor Sjodahl adds that die opposition to the church at home and abroad has decreased to the point where a foreign language press is not needed to present a defense against misunderstanding, lies, and opposition which, parenthetically, suggests a provocative parallel between the final acceptance of the convert immigrant into his new cultural environment and the assimilation of the church into the broader world community. Finally, a farewell letter by Andrew Jenson, Church Historian and a member of the board, reviews briefly the life of the foreign language weeklies. He has, he announces, saved complete files of all of them, a fact for which this writer is infinitely grateful, for this file of the Beobachter is, so far as can be learned, the only complete file in existence.

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CONCLUSION Writing in 1923 of the immigrant press in America, the eminent sociologist and specialist on immigrant matters, Mr. Robert E. Park, stated, "The character and contents of the papers published in these immigrant areas are an index . . . to the characteristic interests, ambitions, and social attitudes of the people who read them. In this way it is possible, not merely to define different immigrant areas, but to sketch in a rough way,their moral,psychological,and political complexions."20 This is the really significant aspect of the Beobachter, for in spite of the fascinating journalistic history of the paper itself with its growth, its amazing continuity through the emotional violence of the first world war, with its evolution from newspaper to religious journal, it is the picture of an immigration seen through its pages that is of primary importance. Here is a gathering based entirely on religious conversion. Yet unlike some other religious congregations which have sought refuge in this land but have held fast to customs of another world and another time and have maintained group identity as a religious principle, this one made no attempt to preserve its ethnic identity but rather strove for acceptance into die cosmopolitan group. On the other hand, neidier did these converts fit into the usual pattern of immigration described by Mr. Park. According to this pattern, most immigrant groups in this country are colonies of a town, a city, or a restricted area in the old country which has been struck by the emigration fever and has lost substantial numbers to its colony in the new world. By and large, he asserts, these newcomers have been peasants, thus posing special problems in adjustment and assimilation and making them particularly dependent on, and vulnerable to, leadership â&#x20AC;&#x201D; good or bad â&#x20AC;&#x201D; from within the group. Because they have come from such a low social and economic level, they have been either totally illiterate or on such a low plane of literacy that unscrupulous countrymen have all too frequently used the foreign language press, written down in level, to control them and often to exploit them. A closely knit language community has been carefully encouraged as a social refuge and is the only agency outside the public schools which has helped in the assimilation into the new

20 Robert E. Park, Society (Glenco, 111., 1955), 153. Reprinted from American Review, HI (March-April, 1925), 143-52. "Ibid., 152-75.

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Looked at through the pages of the Beobachter and against these conclusions, the German immigrant group in the Rocky Mountain area stands out as a notable exception. Gathered literally one from a village and one from a family, they in no sense represent the type of colonization described by Park. In general, they came from the middle or upper classes and almost without exception were literate and capable of exerting independent judgment. While there were leaders within the group, the Mormon immigrant looked primarily to the established leaders of the church for guidance in temporal as well as spiritual matters. The church, while giving full recognition to the cultural contributions of its foreign-born members and encouraging them in the preservation of valued traditions and language ties, by the very nature of its program and because of the cosmopolitan nature of its membership, inevitably provided a climate conducive to complete assimilation. For if the church encouraged the holding of meetings in the mother tongue, it also insisted that its members of all language origins participate together in the "regular" services, further that German, Swede, Dutchman, Norwegian, and Englishman work and worship together as brethren. Finally, the Beobachter, far from being an instrument of exploitation and control, adhered to its policy, immediately announced, to "sell eyewater that will be good for the eyes of the people," particularly to open the eyes of the newcomer to the schemes of those who would try to take advantage of him. It represented the German-American viewpoint faithfully, reflecting the honest emotional struggles of the expatriate as an "enemy" citizen in a country at war. It served the needs of its readers for news, inspiration, entertainment, and education, and it adapted itself to the changing needs of its readers as they moved gradually but inexorably toward their desired goal of complete absorption into the cultural, economic, and social structure of America as they had into the religious structure of their church. The very demise of the Beobachter is both indication of the thoroughness of the assimilation and the final paragraph in the story.

"heir wagons loaded with produce, ped. Hers from Utah marketed their goods in [the Nevada mining camps which were almost wholly dependent upon the Morimon settlements for the necessities of life.

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NEVADA

MINING

WITH

THE

CAMPS

By William R. Palmer*

In 1861, '62, and '66 the United States government took three ribs from die then gigantic territory of Utah and created the state of Nevada. The operation, like an appendectomy, brought relief from the pains and ulcers which constantly afflicted Utah's extreme right side. Something there was always festering and in eruption, and the people were resentful of every restraint or legal poultice that was imposed from the Mormon capital city of Great Salt Lake. They wanted freedom, not government â&#x20AC;&#x201D; freedom to do> their own hangings and to decide titles to mining claims with the shotgun. The government had its hands too full with the Civil War and its adjustments to give much supervision or guidance to the vigorous, selfwilled new state, and the state did little or nothing to regulate its turbulent citizenry. The shotgun was for years the law of the land, and Nevada became at once the capital of the "Wild and Woolly West." * Dr. Palmer is a former member of the Board of Trustees of the Society. An authority on various phases of Utah history and Indian life, lore and legend, he has long been known as the "Dean of Southern Utah's Historians." The lecture here printed was delivered on May 9, 1958, at the second meeting in the bimonthly lecture series sponsored by the Utah State Historical Society.

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The chief purpose of creating this new state was to save Virginia City, with its fabulous Comstock Lode, for the Union. The move amply justified itself, for the silver of Virginia City went far toward paying the Civil War debt. Thus, Nevada, through its first three or four decades, could hardly be called a law-abiding state. Through the 1860's and on down to 1900, it was overrun with cattle rustlers, gamblers, thieves, robbers, soldiers of fortune, white slavers, and fugitives from justice from all the odier states. Mormons from Utah were regarded as legitimate prey, and there was, in fact, little law for the protection of any travelers. This was especially true in the southern mining areas where Mormon produce peddlers went to market their surplus farm products. The last large slice of Utah (1868) added to Nevada brought the joint state line to its present location, and that line became at once the line of cleavage between two violently clashing ideologies — the Mormons in Utah and the law-disdaining wild western inhabitants of Nevada. Between them, frictions were inevitable and clashes frequent. Still, they could not build impenetrable walls between themselves, for they were mutually dependent in a very real and vital way upon each other. The Mormon settlements of southern Utah produced surpluses of farm commodities — grain, flour, hay, meats, dairy supplies, lumber, shingles, mine timbers, molasses, wine, and fruits — and the only available practical market for these commodities was the Nevada mining camps. Utah had almost everything needful but money, and of this there was always a desperate shortage. Nevada, on the odier hand, had plenty of money, but was short of the common necessities such as hay, grain, and other food supplies. And so, with only an imaginary line between them, Nevada was lacking everything but cash, and Utah, with a surplus of foods and other supplies, always was desperately in need of money. Yet, with this ideal economic situation of rich cash markets on one side of the line and a surplus of the needed supplies on the other, Mormon peddlers crossed that line at their peril. They could take their loads into Nevada with safety, but coming back with money was always an anxious hazard. Somewhere along the lonely road in the thick cedars, or in some rocky winding canyon, many of them were held up at gunpoint and robbed. Enough peddlers, however, made it through in safety, and the need for money in Utah was so pressing that men were always ready to take the chance.

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Pioche was the hungriest camp within the range of southern Utah, and peddlers from Millard, Beaver, Iron, and Washington counties went there. Usually they did well in spite of the risks. The rich ores of Pioche were discovered as early as 1864, but the camp developed rather slowly at first. About 1870 a Frenchman named F. L. A. Pioche came in and began development in earnest. The camp was named for him. Soon two other men, William Raymond and John Ely, came in and began working the Raymond-Ely section of the camp. Outlaws, gamblers, saloon men, claim jumpers, and bad men and wild women of every kind swarmed in, and Pioche soon became the wildest, bloodiest, most lawless camp in the whole west â&#x20AC;&#x201D; rivaling even Tombstone in Arizona. Murders were almost weekly occurrences, and it was a dull week when there were no killings. Most of these were in the saloons and gambling dens, and Pioche still boasts that it had seventytwo killings before there was one natural death. Its "Boot Hill Cemetery" holds nearly a hundred graves (exact number not known), and the names of many of those who fill them were never known. As stated before, the Nevada mining camps were the market places for about all the surplus commodities produced by the southern Utah farmers. Taking hay, grain, flour, hams, bacon, poultry, young pigs, lumber, shingles, mine timbers, butter, cheese, and many other things to supply Pioche, Bullionville, and other camps, produce peddlers were on the road almost constantly. For a time the camps welcomed the Utah men, bought their produce, and treated them fairly â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the dangers came after they had sold out and started home. Prices in the main were satisfactory, and the Utah producers appreciated having such a good cash market for their commodities. Loads of lumber, shingles, and mine timbers were bought outright by the mine companies and lumber dealers. Most other commodities were peddled from door to door. Peddlers who were honest in their dealings and sold good grade merchandise had little difficulty in selling out their loads. There were regular established stores in Pioche which handled groceries and foods, and these suffered a loss of business to the produce peddlers. The merchants felt that these transient peddlers were "horning" in on their field, and they tried to do something about it. They thought that they had a right to a commission on all such goods sold by outsiders in their territory. The commission idea was not accepted by the Utah peddlers, but they made a compromise proposal. They proposed to sell their loads entire, on a wholesale basis, to the stores. If

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they could unload in one place, it would save a day or two of time on each trip and the unpleasant task of house to house canvassing. This proposal was accepted by the dealers, and, for a time, as long as dealer and peddler dealt fairly widi each other, the system worked out for the benefit of both. But a time came when the Pioche stores began to squeeze the peddlers. The produce, of course, was not of uniform quality nor had it ever been, and this was used to beat down prices. Also, the dealers became "choosey" and instead of buying out the entire load as they had agreed, they would take only what they wanted. The produce man then had to go back to peddling to clean out his load. The store operators knew that when a man arrived in Nevada with his load of produce he was pretty much at their mercy. If he did not like the prices offered, he had the alternative of going back to peddling, which had its dangers, or taking his load back home. Some of the peddlers tried to beat the dealers' "racket" by going door to door peddling, but it proved to be a hazardous venture. The unscrupulous dealers set up a "goon" squad, and somewhere out in the woods on his way home the peddler would turn the point of a hill and find himself looking down the barrel of a gun in the hands of a highway robber. Under such circumstances it was healthier to give up his money than to fight for it. So, the Utah farmers, who had to raise a certain amount of cash for taxes or missionary support, were forced to freight their produce to die mining camps and take the best prices the dealers would pay. Prices dropped to two cents a pound for grain â&#x20AC;&#x201D; about one-half or one-third of what they should have been. A Millard County man, who had been peddling at Pioche trying to break the "racket," was overtaken in Hamblin Valley inside Utah by two holdup men sent out to "work him over." At gunpoint they made him get out of the wagon. Searching him, they found no money or gun, and he refused to tell where his money was hidden. They made him hold up both thumbs about six inches apart, and while one of the robbers held a gun on him the other wrapped the whip around the thumbs, then inserted the whipstock between and began twisting the whip as tight as he could. While the one robber twisted, the other ransacked the wagon where he found die money hidden in the back folds of the wagon cover. Coming out with the money in a sack, he climbed on his horse and held a gun on the freighter while the other robber released the whip and mounted his horse. The two then went back up the road to Nevada as fast as their horses could take them.

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The freighter, with great pain and difficulty, drove his wagon to Frisco. Here the thumbs, cut to the bone, and the badly swollen hands were dressed. Friends hurried the suffering man to his home. He was taken at once to Salt Lake City where the doctor said both thumbs were dead, and he amputated them at the second joint. Several other bad robberies occurred about the same time and for the same reason. Brigham Young spent the winter of 1873-74 in St. George and learned first hand about these conditions. Times here were hard, for the Jim Fiske Panic of the 1870's was at its worst in Utah. There had been heavy crop losses also from frosts and insect pests, and the people were very discouraged. It was during this winter that Brigham Young mapped out the system of Co-operation which he called the United Order. He was wise enough to see that in the final analysis the mining camps were almost wholly dependent upon the Mormon settlements for a large part of their necessities. There were no other feasible markets to which they could turn. Brigham Young said, "This is a two-edged sword the mining camps are swinging against us. They are as dependent upon us as we are upon them. We will make the sword cut the other way until they recognize that their game can be played by our side too." He organized the peoples of all the southern settlements into United Orders and told them to stop hauling their produce to the mining camps for awhile and see what happened. Then he appointed an agent in every town to deal with the camps when they came to Utah to buy, as he knew they must do sooner or later. He also suggested the prices they should ask. When the Mormon peddlers stayed home, conditions soon became desperate in Pioche. There were no hay or grain or dairy or poultry products to be had out there. The dealers were forced to come to Utah and contract at Mormon prices for the produce they must have. They were glad to contract here on a delivered basis at four to six cents a pound for the grain they had extorted from the peddlers at two cents a pound. The grain was paid for here, freight included, in advance. Then Mormon freighters delivered the goods, and, since they carried no money, the holdups stopped. The two-edged sword truly was made to cut the other way until amends were made fully for the extortions of the past. In two years the United Orders broke up, and every man was once more on his own. The dealers at the mining camps had learned their

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lessons too, and from that time on relations with the mining camps were on a more legitimate business basis. Occasional holdups occurred, but these seemed to stem from individual initiative rather than from being dealer inspired. The produce that went to the camps was the product of many small farms and dairies. Few men had enough surplus to justify a trip on their own. In 1870 Iron County had 264 farms. One man owned as much as forty acres. Ten others had twenty-five acres each, and the other 253 farmers had an average of less than ten acres each. Shipping to the mines had to be a highly co-operative effort. In assembling these goods the Co-op stores and tithing offices became most efficient mediums. Tithing in those days was paid almost wholly in kind, and a great deal of miscellaneous produce accumulated at the tithing office. Through the 1870's the St. George temple and tabernacle were being built, and all the tithes of southern Utah converged there. Silver Reef, which then was at its best, absorbed most of this tithing produce, but some of it, too, was sold in Pioche to raise money for the temple. The Co-op store in Cedar City, as did the others, rendered a remarkable service to the people in assembling, grading, and marketing these assorted products. The store's outlet in the main for these commodities was the Nevada peddlers, who upon returning from a trip paid their bills at the store in cash. Very little of this money received by the store ever circulated at home, for the store sent it to Z.C.M.I. in Salt Lake City to pay for goods. Only the peddlers' profit went into the veins of home trade to circulate a few times. When I was a young man I worked in the Co-op store and learned the system firsthand. This, of course, was long after the lawless period of which I have spoken, but the system at the store was still the same. People brought their little dabs of grain, potatoes, eggs, dried fruit, butter, cheese, hams, bacon, shoulders, and so forth to trade for goods. We handled also buckskin gloves and dried berries from the Indians. I weighed this produce at the granary and gave the person a due bill for it. A notebook was tacked on a grain bin in which I entered the receipts. Then, tearing off the lower half of the sheet, on this I wrote, "Good for 75 cents, or $1.35, or $4.20 (as it might be) payable in merchandise at the Cedar Co-op Store," signed it "William R. Palmer, Clerk," and gave it to the customer. He could go to the store and trade it out or he could trade it somewhere else, for the due bills circulated around. Such bills paid the blacksmith, the cobbler, and they even paid

Early view of DeLamar, Lincoln Nevada, now a ghost town. Photo Nevada Historical Society.

County, courtesy

Cedar City Tithing Office, built in 1856-57 torn down about 1910. Photo courtesy William R. Palmer.

Freighting in Goldfield, Nevada, spectacular gold strike. Photo Nevada Historical Society.

site of a courtesy

Cedar Co-op store, built about 1867, was community market-place. Photo courtesy William R. Palmer.

for admits for children in the public schools where, in turn, the trustees paid them to the teachers on their salaries. The store due bills circulated around like cash among the home people, and the Co-op store did a sort of produce banking business. I took care of all the produce that came in. The eggs were packed in boxes, layer on layer, in wheat or oats. A lid was then nailed on and the number of dozens of eggs and pounds of grain marked plainly on the box. Weight of hams and shoulders was marked on each, and the same with cheese. Everything was packed for easy loading and convenient handling. Wheat was ground into flour at the store's grist mill

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and sacked into fifty pound bags. We could load a peddler up in short order and bill him clearly. There had to be many substitutes for money, or business would have frozen tight. Among these mediums that circulated widely were tithing office due bills, called T. O. script, or just T. O., issued generally at St. George but redeemable at any tithing office in the church; city and county scripter warrants; factory pay due bills; Beaver Woolen Mills due bills; and the store due bills of which I have spoken. One of the very best was called K.K.K. — Kane Kounty Kurrency. The Bowman Mercantile Company of Kanab issued handfuls of small "bearer" checks —$1.00, $2.00, $3.00, and $5.00, and paid them out as change. If a man had twenty-five dollars in change coming to him, he got it in these small checks. They circulated all over southern Utah, and some of them had indorsements all over the back. Many people who signed their names had no idea it implied an obligation to make the check good, but the paper was so much like real money that they felt honored to inscribe their names. These produce mediums of exchange, of course, were not as fluid as the "coin of the realm," but they served to bridge a very stagnant pool of commerce. It sometimes took a lot of trading around to convert T. O. and factory script into something that would sell in Pioche. As has been stated, there were two factories — the woolen mills in Beaver and the cotton factory in Washington. Sometimes the Nevada peddler could trade a horse or a cow for Washington factory pay. He went to the factory and purchased a bolt of flannelette, some sheets, or yardage of factory, and these sold readily in Nevada. Sheepmen sold their tag wool to the mills in Beaver for merchandise script or for blankets which could be exchanged for money in Pioche. Sheepmen paid their herders as much of this script as they would take. This plaint from one young sheepherder, Rube Walker, shows their reactions to it: Old Jake (his boss) comes round just once a week, He stays with me all day, And every time before he leaves He talks more factory pay. I sit and listen all the while To what he has to say But I keep thinking to myself Oh damn your factory pay.

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It was cotton goods in the morning boys And woolen goods at night, A green jeans hat to wear to church You bet they were all right. But when you're all alone at the sheep camp And you cannot get away, It wouldn't be so bad if you had a wife To use your factory pay. But now I lay me down to sleep May the Lord watch overhead And if I die before I wake Keep the sheep safe on their bed, And if there's anydiing coming to me For all my work and care Give the factory pay to my best girl For I can't use it over there. The livestock men fared better at the mining camps than the produce peddlers. They could not kill their animals here, haul them out and peddle them there from door to door. There was no such thing as cold storage to facilitate such a move. Their sheep and cattle had to be driven to Pioche and sold on hoof to the butchers there. The troubles of the livestock men came not from the dealers in Pioche, but from thieves and cattle rustlers who stole cattle and horses from Utah ranges and sold them in Nevada. In the early days of the sheep industry, sheep were raised for wool rather than for meat. Ewes were kept as long as they could live on the range and raise a lamb. Then they were condemned and sold for slaughter. Wethers grew larger and produced more wool than ewes, and they were never killed for meat or sold until their teeth were broken and too worn to winter on the range. In 1879 contracts were made by the Cedar Sheep Company with W. H . Mathews of Panaca and Mr. Loomis and Gus Adleman of Pioche for the sale of fifty to seventy-five head of mutton per week, the same to be delivered on foot at Pioche once each week. The price was $2.00 per head. The company then contracted to buy back all the pelts at 10 cents each. Every week during the summer and fall for five or six years a little herd of sheep was trailed out from Cedar to Pioche. A wagon always went along to carry bedding and food for the herder, and to bring back the pelts from the last shipment. In Cedar City the pelts

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were shorn at 10% cents each, and the shorn hides were then sold to the Co-op store tannery for 12% cents each. These were tanned into fine kid leather. The Co-op store also operated a shoe shop in which three or four shoemakers had steady employment. These men took the tanned sheepskins and made them into ladies' fine hightopped button dress shoes. The pelt wool found ready market at the Provo Woolen Mills at 27% cents a pound, and many of the ladies' shoes were taken to Pioche and sold. Thus the by-products netted the sheep company as much profit as the sheep did themselves. This was home industry followed to its final conclusion. The Co-op store shoemakers also made into men's boots and shoes the cowhides and calfskins which the tannery turned into leather, and many of these were marketed at the mining camps. As the years passed a time came when the mining camps could not use all the surplus meats the Co-op Sheep Company produced. The herds were increasing and sheepmen from other sections were bringing meat into the camps. But since ewes and wethers continued to grow old and had to be disposed of, a butcher service was rendered during the summer to the people at home. A little butcher shop was built on Main Street, and every Friday twenty-five to thirty fat sheep were brought to town and slaughtered in the city slaughter house north of town. Charles Ahlstrom was the company butcher. He gave the "plucks" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the hearts, liver, and lights â&#x20AC;&#x201D; to the youngsters who always swarmed there to see die butchering, and die children took them home for the family to use what they wanted and feed the rest to the dogs. At four o'clock on Saturday morning the shop was opened, and the people rushed down, before the flies became too active, to get a piece of fresh mutton. The meat was cut only into quarters, and die customer bought either a leg, the hind quarter, for 60 cents, or a "wing," the front quarter, for 40 cents. He also brought his own sack to carry it home, for no wrapping was done by the salesman. These prices, cheap as they were, still brought the company $2.00 a head, the same as at Pioche, and they still had the pelt without purchasing it. They were saved also the expense of trailing the sheep to the mining camps. The only expense entailed by the company was for the butcher, but that was a "salty" bill. They paid Charles Ahlstrom 5 cents a head for butchering the sheep and selling them out. I have one expense account paid Ahlstrom in 1881 of $16.75 for butchering 335 sheep, a few each week during the summer at 5 cents per head.

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But bad as die holdups and robberies had been, Utah's heaviest losses were to cattle rustlers and horse thieves. The law in Nevada was pretty much on their side. Once the thieves got their stolen animals across the state line they were safe. It was almost impossible to replevin stolen stock, and when the thief had sold an animal or. transferred it into a third person's hands, the law would not touch the case. The theory was that the present owner had paid good money for the animal, and his right of possession must be respected. Livestock protective associations were organized in the southern counties, and guards were kept out along the state line most of the time. Iron County, and perhaps the other southern counties likewise, commissioned these guards as deputy county sheriffs, and that did put a little "crimp" in the thieving operations. Thirty-eight men were convicted of grand larceny in the District Court at Beaver, and this was not half of the rascals who were operating the nefarious schemes. One man, Nate Hansen, was killed by a deputy marshal who came upon him pushing a herd of forty or fifty cattle up Stateline Canyon toward the Nevada line. As soon as Nate saw the officer, he put spurs to his horse and tried to escape. The deputy called "halt" several times, but Hansen kept going. He was shot dead less than a mile from the line he hoped to get the stolen herd across. Another deputy, David Bulloch, came one day upon the fresh tracks of a band of horses headed for the Nevada line. Some of them were shod animals, and Bulloch suspected that these were stolen from freighters on the road. He followed the tracks into Pioche and that evening found some of the horses in a feed yard. He was told that a dark-complexioned man from Utah and a well-known Nevada horse thief had brought them in. Dave guessed who the dark-complexioned Utahn was, and he went to the saloon to look for him. He found his man standing at the bar ordering a drink. Bulloch walked up to him and said, "Come on, Bob, I've come for you. We are going back to Cedar City right now." Four men were seated at a gambling table nearby and had heard Dave. The men laid their cards face down on the table, picked up their revolvers, stood up, and moved in a half circle around behind Bulloch. With drawn guns one of them said, "You don't have to go, Bob, if you don't want to." Bulloch, a bluff Scotchman, said, "You're doggone right, Bob, you're going to go and I don't want any trouble about it either." Bob hesitated a minute, and the gambler said, "What do you say, Bob?" Bob said, "Fellows, this man is an old friend of my father

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and mother, and I have worked for him many times. He has always been square with me, and I don't want anything to happen to him." Bob put out his hands to be handcuffed, and the four gamblers sat down to the table to finish their game. Bob went to Cedar without making any trouble, was convicted of grand larceny, and served out his sentence in the penitentiary. A remarkable thing about that arrest was that a Nevada sheriff was in the saloon and saw and heard the whole affair, but did not lift a finger to help Sheriff Bulloch because Bulloch was a Mormon from Utah. None of the horses were ever recovered. Now back to the holdup men. Athe Meeks, from Parowan, took a load of mine timbers to Pioche and sold them to one of the mines. On a previous trip he had taken his little eight-year-old daughter Sadie out and left her to visit with an aunt who lived there. This trip he was taking her home. Having loaded only long timbers out, he had no wagon box for the return trip. He fixed their roll of bedding on the back hounds for a comfortable seat for Sadie, and he tied a rope across the top of the bolster for her to hold onto over rough places. For himself, he folded the horse blankets over the front bolster and sat there with his feet on the tongue hounds. About six or eight miles east of Panaca in the cedar-covered hills, two men with drawn guns rushed out in front and stopped his two span of mules. They ordered Meeks to throw up his hands, but, instead, he dropped down between the wheel mules and drew a pistol out of his boot top. The men were trying to get a shot at Meeks, but the lead mules were trying to turn around and this kept him covered. Meeks got an opening on the man in front, whose name was Al Miller, and shot him dead. He fell off his horse onto the road. Meantime, the other robber, known as Little Frank, was riding down along the side of the wheel mule and was reaching over its back to get a shot at Meeks. As his horse came close beside the mule, Meeks reached up, grabbed the bridle reins, and gave a tremendous jerk. The horse reared up and jumped sideways, and just then Meeks came up from under the mule's belly. Frank took a shot at Meeks, but when the horse jumped sideways it threw him off aim and the shot went wild. Meeks then shot Frank. Frank dropped his gun and grabbed the wound in his chest, spurred his horse and got away as fast as he could. Meeks took a shot at the horse; the animal floundered, but Frank's spurs lifted him straight, and they disappeared into the cedars. Meantime, the mules had turned around and with dragging lines

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were running back down the road to town. The little girl was clinging to the bolster rope with all her might. When the outfit reached Panaca, the mules had slowed to a trot. Men on the street saw them coming and stopped them. The little girl told what had happened, and that she thought her father was killed. A posse was quickly formed. One man drove the mules with Sadie still riding, others got in a wagon in the street, and some went on horseback. Up the road a mile or two they met Meeks hurrying to catch his outfit. Little Sadie was safe, but badly frightened. Soon they were back on the scene of the crime. Al Miller's body was still in the road where he fell. Meeks showed them which way Frank had gone, and a man on horseback, Peter Fife, was sent to follow his trail. It was a bloody trail and easy to follow. About two miles out in the cedars Fife saw the spot where Frank had fallen off his horse. He had floundered around some but managed to mount again. A quarter mile farther on he found Frank dead in a pool of blood, and the horse also lay dead a few yards farther on. After Meeks had told his story he climbed onto his wagon, took up the lines and drove away for home. He had killed the two robbers and a horse and had not lost so much as a broken line. The outlaws of the region swore vengeance against him, but he made many trips after that. Always when he reached the Nevada line and began to pass through Hell's Gate, he carried a rifle across his knees and pistols in his boot tops. But he had acquired the reputation of being a dangerous man to molest, and no one ever tried it again. In another holdup, Nat Gardner of Cedar City was the elected victim. Fortunately he had had police experience, which served him well on this occasion. He had started for DeLamar with a load of grain, but when he reached Caliente he found a good market there and sold out his load in one place. Two men standing by saw him receive his money and put it in his pocket. They watched him go out and get into his wagon, untie his wagon cover, fold it in quarters, and lay it down in the wagon box. It was a very cold day with a strong wind blowing from the north, and he had taken the cover down to keep it from being torn off. He had a double-bed wagon box, and as protection from the cold wind he raised the front end of the top bed an inch or two. Passing the lines through that crack, he could lie down in the box under the wagon cover and could see to drive his well-broken team. Three or four miles up the road toward Panaca he heard a car coming from the rear. It turned off to the left to pass him dien circled around in front, stopping the team. The car halted on Nat's right side,

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and a voice ordered him to stand up and stick up his hands. Nat obeyed. When he stood up he recognized the two men who had watched him receive his money in town. They were driving a very old, dilapidated pickup car with no top on it. One of the fellows stepped out of the car with a pistol in his hand and ordered Gardner to take off his coat and throw it out on the ground. Nat obeyed. "Now," said the robber, "empty your pockets and throw everything out on the coat." This done, the fellow ordered, "Turn all your pockets inside out," and "now keep your hands up." The robber then came over nearer the wagon and stooped over to pick up the coat and the things which Nat had purposely scattered as he tossed them out. In a flash Gardner reached down in the wagon and picked up his rifle. He shouted, "Drop that gun and throw up your hands." The startled robber looked up and saw that Nat had him covered. He had both men covered, in fact, for they were in a straight line and could be watched. The robber dropped his pistol and put up his hands, and the fellow in the car, at a motion from Gardner, put his hands up also. "Kick that gun off under the wagon," Nat ordered. "Now take your overcoat off and throw it down; put your coat on top of your overcoat; take that sweater and your hat off and throw them down." "Good hell, man," the fellow almost tearfully pleaded, "have mercy. You wouldn't turn a man out on a cold day like this in his shirt sleeves would you?" "Do what I say and do it quick," Nat commanded. "You didn't think of that when you were stripping me." The fellow threw down his sweater and hat. "Now empty your pockets and drop everything on your overcoat, turn your pockets inside out." When the outlaw had complied with all these orders and stood shivering with cold and fright, Nat said, "You can pick up all your things at the police station in Panaca tomorrow morning. Now get into that old jalopy and beat it back to Caliente, and don't try to follow me." The fellows got away as fast as they could. Gardner then gathered up the robber's things, rolled them in the overcoat, and tossed them into the wagon. Then he gathered up his own things, money included, put on his coat and drove on. He camped that night in Panaca. The robber's belongings were turned over to the city marshal with a full description of the men and their old car. No one ever called to claim the stuff, and, so far as Gardner could learn, the law did not bother to hunt up the robbers, both of whom could easily have been picked up. And so these last two holdups ended dis-

EARLY DAY TRADING

367

astrously for the robbers. They picked the wrong men and came out bad losers in a tough game. The safest and most lucrative outlaw racket of all was played by one Ben Tasker who claimed the Desert Springs ranch just inside the Utah line. Old Ben lived there with a colored woman called "Nigger Lize," and his place was the hide-out for a bad nest of outlaws who plied back and forth across the line. Tasker had been educated for the ministry and could "quote Bible by the yard." Ben had two or three narrow cellars dug in the side of a hill, and in these he hung hind quarters of dressed beef. The old rascal knew that cattle with their heads and hides off could not be identified, so every week he boldly took a load of hind quarters and loins into Pioche to sell at only 6 cents a pound. Front quarters, being cheaper than grain, were fed to his pigs. The cattle, of course, were all stolen so the meat cost him nothing. Tasker kept a butcher, a Dutchman named Engleking, employed for years, but he never would settle up with him. When Engleking asked for a settlement, Ben gave him a few dollars and a promise to settle later. Finally the Dutchman decided to leave, for he concluded that Ben never intended to pay. He set out on foot for Pioche, but he never arrived there. He knew too much of Old Ben and his ways to be allowed to leave the ranch. A few weeks later a freighter camped at Desert Springs went out one morning to hunt a horse that had wandered during the night. Out in the thick cedars he came upon what appeared to be a recently dug grave. He told one of those cowboy deputy sheriffs about it, and Iron County instituted an investigation. The grave was opened, and there was Engleking with a bullet hole in his head. Ben Tasker was arrested for murder and taken to Beaver, then the seat of the District Court, for trial. He bribed his guards and broke jail. Hurrying back to Desert Springs, he picked up his money, his guns, two good saddle horses, and a pack outfit and escaped to Mexico. President A. W. Ivins had known the old rascal at Desert Springs and knew of his escape. One day in his travels around Mexico he met face to face with a man in priestly garb whom he recognized as Old Ben Tasker. He was serving there as the pastor of the town's Protestant church. This story may not be of commerce, exactly, between Utah and Nevada, but it was Utah beef that had been feeding the Pioche miners. Old Ben had been a sort of bloodsucking leech on the commerce between the two states.

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As time went on, government from Carson City became more articulate in Nevada's remote parts. For a long time the law had shown little concern for what went on in the capital's distant hinterland. She knew, of course, of the killings and murders at Pioche, but she was willing to let the people there settle their quarrels in their own way. She knew, too, of the robberies and holdups. It was the tax-paying potential that finally drew the state's arms around that rambunctious camp. Pioche today is a sedate and orderly city of churches, good schools, and good homes, and its community life is as law-abiding as any city in the state. The lawless element is safe in Boot Hill, or has drifted away to safer climes. But the aura of the old Wild West still lingers in the air. Southern Nevada has its scenic and storied places that should take many tourists and historians there for their vacations. There is a subtle thrill in standing on the ground where Athe Meeks killed two robbers and escaped widiout a scratch, or in traveling the road where Nat Gardner paid his holdup man off in full and with interest in his own coin. One should visit the old Pioche million dollar courthouse, half or two-thirds the cost of which was paid in interest at 10 per cent by the politicians who borrowed the money to build it. It is an impressive example of political recklessness. Then a walk along the row of nameless mounds that is Boot Hill Cemetery will be a silent but solemn testimony of what Nevada was in the heyday of her youth. Utahns and Nevadans now trade and traffic together in peace and goodwill. The railroads carry produce to market, and there are no peddlers' wagons to tempt the robbers. Livestock men cross and recross that once-fatal state line in warm fraternal friendship. Time has healed the great wrongs of the past, and there has been almost a complete turnover in population on both sides of the line so there are no old scores to settle nor old sores to be healed.

THE

GREAT

"MORMON"

GLOBES

By Mar\ Hafey*

Elder John Taylor, Erastus Snow, and Frankjin D. Richards arrived also August 11, on return from their missions to Europe. Elder Taylor having brought apparatus for an extensive sugar factory, which he is locating in Provo, Utah County; and Elder Richards brought two large globes, 3 feet each, to present to the University of Deseret.—Deseret News, October 16,1852. Sugar machinery and a pair of large globes — celestial and terrestrial — were certainly uncommon items in the western wagon cargoes of a century ago, but each had its important place in the developmental designs of the Mormon empire. That the sugar factory failed is well known; how well the great globes served their intended purpose is less easily ascertainable. Judging by their present condition we can be certain that they received much use — and far too much abuse. Such * Mr. Hafey is a graduate student in Geography. Acknowledgment is given to Dr. D. W. Meinig, Geography Department, University of Utah, for his help in determining the dates of the globes from historical data shown on the globes.

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academic paraphernalia were hardly newswordiy, and it is difficult to trace their history. It is recorded that during the Fourdi of July celebrations in 1869 they were mounted on platforms and hauled in procession on wagons,1 presumably to offer some tangible evidence of the academic stature of the local university. How long they were actually used is unknown. For years they stood in the Utah Treasure Room of the George Thomas Library at die University of Utah. In 1941 the pressure for space sent them into the dusty oblivion of basement storage. In 1957 they were installed in their present place in the lobby on either side of the main staircase, each enclosed in an octagonal glass case. An inquiry into the origin and nature of these globes suggests that they are of value not only for their place in local history but because of a degree of rarity as globes diemselves. Each globe is three feet in diameter, originally mounted in a graduated brass meridian circle (now missing from the terrestrial globe), a full wooden horizon circle, and four-legged cradle mount. The legend on the celestial globe reads: Malby's Celestial Globe exhibiting the whole of die stars contained in the Catalogues of Piazzi, Bradley, Hevelius, Mayer, LaCaille & Johnson The Double Stars marked from Herschell & Strewe corrected from Bailey's edition of Flamsteeds British Catalogue with additions carefully collected from the observations of the most esteemed British & Foreign Astronomers together with the Nebulae observed by W. Herschel, Sirs Herschel, Messier & Mr. Dunlop, Published by Malby & Co. Manufacturers & Publishers of the Globes &c of die Society for the Diffusion Of Useful Knowledge. Houghton Street Newcastle Street Strand London. 1845. Accompanying diis title are legends which give a guide to the symbols used for various magnitudes. The other globe, about which the inquiries have been made, carries the following legend: Terraqueous Globe exhibiting the present state of die whole world by John Addison. Manufactured and Published by Malby and Co., Globe Manufacturers and Publishers [of the?] Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. 37 Parker Street Little Queen Street [?]. [illegible] 'Clarissa Young Spence and Mable Harmer, One Who Was Valiant (Caldwell Idaho, The Caxton Printers, 1940), 132.

THE GREAT

GLOBES

371

If a date was appended it has been completely defaced. Happily, internal evidence allows the establishment of a date of engraving within very narrow limits. Fittingly, the map of Utah serves as the best single clue, for the territory of Utah, established in 1850, and extending from the Continental Divide to the present western boundary of Nevada, is clearly shown, as is the neighboring territory of New Mexico, established in the same year. The Oregon boundary along the forty-ninth parallel and Minnesota Territory (organized 1849) further attest to a careful revision of plates sometime in 1850-51. Thus Elder Richards must have obtained die newest and most accurate globe available during his brief tenure as president of the L.D.S. British Mission (January 1,1851 â&#x20AC;&#x201D;May 8,1852). Malby and Company published a special atlas to accompany tiiese globes under the title, "Augustus de Morgan, Globes, celestial and terrestrial, London, Malby and Co., 1845." The maps and charts were derived directly from the gores of the globe. These globes are evidently by no means common. It seems that there are but diree similar ones. The oldest (ca. 1837-38) is an Addison globe published by J. Casy, at Jesus College, Oxford. Malby probably took over the Addison plates from Casy for their globes. The British Museum has an 1867 Malby terrestrial globe, and another, ca. 1873-78, is in the Commonwealth Relations Office. The Utah globe ca. 1851 therefore represents an intermediate revision. Curiously, the London Post Office Directories list the firm of Thomas Malby & Son at 37 Parker Street only from 1855 to 1877. Miss Ena L. Yonge, Map Curator of the American Geographical Society, is gathering information for a proposed "International Catalogue of Early Globes" to be issued by the Union Internationale d'Histoire des Sciences. Miss Yonge reports that so far she has received notices of but three other similar Malby globes in the United States: Colgate University, 1845; Dartmouth College, 1848; and the Mariners Museum, Newport News, Virginia, "after 1828." The Utah globes are therefore certainly worth preserving and deserve some skilled restoration, for they are in seriously damaged condition. The terrestrial globe, particularly, which has obviously had much the greater use, needs immediate attention to halt further cracking of the plaster shell. Unfortunately, large areas are either so badly smudged or worn as to be illegible. Nevertheless, whatever their condition, they are historic items of great interest both to students of the local heritage and to cartographers, geographers, and historians in general.

ie former Coach House on the property it 603 Each South Temple has been beautifully remodeled and is providing temporary quarters for the State Library. Eventually it will be used as the Records' Management center for the Archives Division of the Utah State Historical Society.

THE

PRESIDENT'S

REPORT

By Leland H. Creer*

"History," says Scott, "is the sum total of human experience, clarified by criticism." In the fullest sense of the word, history includes all we know about everything that man has ever done or thought, or hoped or felt. In a practical sense, however, the historian chooses only those pertinent facts of a causal-effect relationship which demonstrate in summary outline the evolution and devolution of civilization in all the ages. Again as Von Ranke says: "Universal history embraces die events of all nations, and times in their connection, insofar as these affect one another, appear one after the other, and all together form a living totality." History, in reality, is mankind's memory. Without it, humanity would be a mere conglomeration of units, born today, forgotten tomorrow. He who knows no history can only regard life as a flat surface. For him there is no past, and he can have little discernment of the influences of contemporaneous events on the future. "He is [like] a fly buzzing on the window pane in company with other flies with no conception of race memory, national memory or the forces which created the life about him." * Dr. Creer is head of the department of history at the University of Utah, Salt Lake City. He has served as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Utah State Historical Society since 1949 and has served as its president since April, 1957. His Report was delivered at the sixth annual dinner meeting of the Society on May 10, 1958.

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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In ancient times, most historians felt that the chief purpose was to entertain. Others, like Polybius, have represented the value of history as a means primarily of instruction, to present an object lesson. Beginning with Von Ranke and the German school of historians of the latter quarter of the nineteenth century, however, the chief aim of history has come to be the determination of facts, the finding of truth, the discovery of things as they are and were. The task of the historian then is first to determine the truth and secondly to tell the truth. The ascertainment and correlation of facts, the verification and weighing of evidence, the discriminatory use of hypotheses, the cautious attempt to form generalizations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all these are the canons by which the historian works. To pursue his task, the historian deals with written documents, and with these materials almost entirely. The document is his starting point, fact his goal. His method of research is indirect, for unlike the physical scientist, he cannot observe directly the data which he uses. It was Von Ranke who said, "In historical research, I do not go back to the sources, I go back of them." Organized for the purpose of collecting, preserving, and disseminating the materials of history, particularly those pertinent to the Intermountain West, the Utah State Historical Society was created during the Jubilee year, 1897, which occasion marked the fiftieth anniversary of the coming of the Pioneers to the Great Salt Lake Valley. Articles of Incorporation and Bylaws were drawn up and approved on December 28. Franklin D. Richards was elected the first president. Among the seventy-four charter members were: Governor Heber M. Wells, John Henry Smith, A. O. Smoot, Richard W. Young, C. C. Goodwin, Franklin S. Richards, H. W. Lawrence, John T. Caine, Orson F. Whitney, Charles W. Penrose, R. N. Baskin, Spencer Clawson, John R. Winder, Emmeline B. Wells, J. E. Dooley, Orlando W. Powers, Heber J. Grant, Andrew Jenson, and Joseph T. Kingsbury â&#x20AC;&#x201D; all noted and respected leaders of the state. The objectives of the Society, as noted in the Articles of Incorporation were: The encouragement of historical research and inquiry by the exploration and investigation of aboriginal monuments and remains; the collection of such material as may serve to illustrate the growth of Utah and the Intermountain region; the preservation in a permanent depository of manuscripts, documents, papers, and tracts of value; the establishment of a library of books and publications, and a cabinet of antiquities and relics;

P R E S I D E N T ' S REPORT

375

the dissemination of information and the holding of meetings at stated intervals for the interchange of views and criticisms. Speaking on this memorable occasion, Professor Joseph T. Kingsbury, in explaining the motives of the Society, put the matter succintly as follows: The Historical Society has an important work to perform in accumulating facts pertaining to the history of the people of the state, both with respect to the past as well as to future time. . . . Nothing is more interesting, and in fact more important, than the study of man, than to know his past history, his mode of living, the amusements in which he participated, his everyday thoughts, his attainments in the arts and sciences, his manners and conduct. This is as it should be, for around man all else centers. He is the most nearly perfect being of all creation within the knowledge of the human mind. His structure is the grandest, the most complicated and the most ingeniously formed. His capabilities and intelligence far surpass all other beings. There is therefore a good reason for having an interest in man and his works and for taking an interest in his past life. The Historical Society of Utah, I take it, is prompted by more or less the same motives which have actuated other societies and other men and women that have taken upon themselves to gather facts and relics pertaining to the past history of man, and to gather in the facts and incidents of his current history, and to preserve all for their own benefit and information, and for the benefit and information of those of future generations. Under the capable leadership of Dr. A. Russell Mortensen, who assumed the office of director and editor of its publications in 1950, the Utah State Historical Society has made steady progress toward the realization of the above aims. A year ago the Society occupied its current spacious quarters, formerly known as the Governor's Mansion, a gift to the state by Thomas Kearns, its original builder and owner. It is always "open house" at the new residence, for the Historical Society, be it understood, is a public state institution housed in a public building, and designed to perform a public service. Since its occupancy of the new residence, hundreds of writers, historians, graduate students, genealogical workers, foreign visitors, and public officials have frequented its many rooms and utilized its splendid facilities in quest of further knowledge, for the edifice has become a veritable storehouse

376

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

of priceless written and pictorial memorabilia of Utah from the time of its origin. Furthermore, the Society, under careful regulation, is making available its facilities to various groups who are interested in pursuing objectives through organized lectures, programs, meetings, etc., which are compatible with the aims of the Society. During the past year, two public receptions were held, one in commemoration of the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the Society; another to exhibit the William H. Jackson collection of pictures which was purchased and donated to the Society by Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr. During the past year an effort has been made to revitalize committee action. Six important standing committees were created and their functions carefully defined. These include the committees on Archives; Public Relations; Library; Publications; Expansion and Membership; and Finance, Buildings and Grounds. To activate interest in the Society bimonthly meetings of the Board of Trustees have been scheduled and written reports requested from committee chairmen. As a result, renewed interest among Board members has been developed, for which your president expresses sincere gratitude. (A) ARCHIVES. In 1951, the legislature created a division of State Archives and made the Historical Society responsible for all noncurrent public records. Most of the archival material â&#x20AC;&#x201D; official papers, correspondence, minute books, commission reports of die territorial and state governors of Utah â&#x20AC;&#x201D; are filed in the basement vaults. Several serious obstacles, however, confront the archives program. First, insufficient archival space. Only a few of the valuable public records of the state can be housed properly under present facilities. All of these valuable documents should be kept in fireproof air-conditioned vaults, specially constructed under archival specifications. Until this is done, many historically valuable records will have to remain in the vaults of the agencies of origin, many of them unclassified and therefore rendered useless for historical purposes. Personnel. There is immediate need for at least two additional staff members in the Archives Department â&#x20AC;&#x201D; a trained assistant whose activities should be devoted to the field of record management, to insure the creation, filing, indexing, and preservation of current records before they reach the archival stage; and the other, a field representative whose chief function should be to advise city and county agents relative to the proper disposition of records. Professional advice is necessary if county recorders and clerks are to function wisely in the important

PRESIDENT'S

REPORT

Librarian John James adjusts a microfilm roll on the reader in the library for a researcher.

377

Staff member Ohleen Leatherwood checks the territorial records section of the archives.

work of record keeping and preservation. In addition, the field representative might assist as an organizer of county units. Insufficient funds. More funds are needed for salaries, archival space, fireproof vaults, and microfilming. That the Society in its archival program has already saved the state thousands of dollars can be demonstrated easily. Dr. Everett L. Cooley, the archivist, says: Since January 1, 1957, the Archives has been instrumental in the legal destruction or disposal of 4,865 cubic feet of worthless public records. Translated into file cabinet storage, this would amount to the emptying of 608 four-drawer file cabinets. Translated into dollars this amounts to freeing $48,640.00 worth of equipment (608 file cabinets valued at $80.00 each) plus $6,080.00 of free office space (608 file cabinets occupy 2,432 square feet of space valued at $2.50 per square foot). So the total savings effected by this disposal amounts to $54,720.00, more than four times the total budget of the Archives for the current year. The preservation of important historical records of the state through microfilming has scarcely begun. Funds are necessary for this service. Only recently, thanks to the generosity of the Genealogical Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the minutes of the Commission of Salt Lake City (1850-1957), were made available on microfilm to the State Archives. A similar microfilm program should be carried throughout the state in both city and county offices.

378

UTAH HISTORICAL

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(B) PUBLIC RELATIONS. Much effective work in public relations has resulted through favorable yet factual newspaper publicity, thanks to the good offices of George F. Egan, chairman of that committee. A bimonthly lecture series, free to the public, has been arranged also. The first assigned address was delivered March 7 by Dr. A. Russell Mortensen on the subject, "The Historical Society: A Public Institution," and the second by William R. Palmer on May 9 on the subject, "Early-day Trading With the Nevada Mining Camps." The generous use of the Mansion and its splendid facilities has attracted wide attention. An excellent opportunity to effect better public relations, particularly outside of Utah, has been accorded the Society through an invitation to serve as major sponsor for the joint convention of the American Association for State and Local History and the Society of American Archivists to be held in Salt Lake City this coming August. It has been suggested that public relations might be improved locally by transferring the Society to outlying areas through regional conventions organized and held occasionally in communities where interest is alert but contacts with the parent society difficult. (C) LIBRARY. The library is the heart of the Society's activities and functions. Reference and reading rooms are on the second floor with tables, desks, and lounge chairs for patrons. Catalogues, indices, newspaper files, and microfilm facilities are readily available. One room is devoted to pictures and maps of great historic value and another to the splendid Nicholas G. Morgan Collection of more than two thousand volumes on Western Americana. The latter includes also microfilms of rare and historically significant books, pamphlets, periodicals, diaries, letters, and manuscripts as well as rare editions of church periodicals, books, and pamphlets. When Mr. John James was employed as first professional librarian of the Society in 1952, he found only four thousand volumes. These were uncatalogued and improperly stored in the cramped quarters of the State Capitol. Hundreds of volumes of no historical worth were given to other institutions, and today, after five years, while the number of volumes has increased to only forty-five hundred, all these have been catalogued. In addition there are sixteen hundred pamphlets catalogued. A microfilm reader today services two hundred fifty rolls of films as compared with fifty, five years ago. These films contain rare historic records impossible to obtain in their original form. For example, the library contains thirty reels of the Weekly Deseret News (1850-1900), sixteen reels which record the entire manuscript collection

PRESIDENT'S

REPORT

379

Mrs. "fane" Stites, reference librarian, shown working on the newspaper clip files, a valuable and much used portion of the research facilities of the library. of the Bancroft Library, and others containing the record of priceless journals, diaries, and manuscripts gleaned from such depositories as the Library of Congress, Bancroft Library, Huntington, Yale, Harvard, and the New York Public libraries. The newspaper clip file, one of the most popular in the library, is an interesting innovation. Selected newspapers are examined, and all articles of Utah interest are clipped, indexed, and filed. Two additional extra-curricular projects of the library are worthy of mention. One is a card index by author, title, and subject of all registered dissertations pertaining to die history of Utah and the Mormons found in universities and colleges throughout the United States. So far more than fifteen hundred theses have been so listed. The other is the compilation of a "Union Catalogue of Published Materials on Utah and the Mormons." This project, begun several years ago by Dale L. Morgan, lists by author, title, and date all published materials found in every library in the United States. So far the library staff has listed more than nine thousand separate items and has typed some thirty thousand cards. Despite the excellency of the library and its staff, further progress is impeded through lack of funds. It is recommended that the current budget of $2,000.00 per year for the purchase of books be increased to at least $5,000.00, for the present appropriation is not sufficient to cover even the cost of new books which appear annually. I also recommend that the Library Committee attempt to acquire either by gift or purchase some of the larger private collections of the state.

380

UTAH

HISTORICAL

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(D) PUBLICATIONS. The Board of Trustees is proud of our Quarterly. When Dr. Mortensen first assumed the role of director and editor in 1950, seventeen volumes of this periodical published on an annual basis had appeared. Since that time, Volume XVIII, Pageant in the Wilderness, and Volume XIX, West from Fort Bridger, have been issued, and the Quarterly has appeared regularly on a true quarterly basis. It is now in the twenty-sixth volume. The Publications Committee in recent issues has attempted to make the Quarterly more salable by proposing a more attractive cover, improving the type, and adding timely illustrations. Writes Dr. Mortensen in a Newsletter dated February, 1958: The July issue will be full of interest and excitement. A new and different approach is being made. In co-operation with the Utah Tourist and Publicity Council and the State Parks Commission, a magazine devoted to the history of the parks and other scenic areas of Utah is planned. Many illustrations are to be used, both black and white and color, and outstanding writers are preparing effective articles. In addition to the regular issues of the Quarterly, it is hoped that special issues containing completed research of the authors will appear occasionally as special monographs. (E) EXPANSION AND MEMBERSHIP. Under the very capable chairmanship of Dr. Joel E. Ricks, immediate past president, a comprehensive program of expansion is being planned. Excellent chapters have already been organized in Cache and Utah counties, and it is expected that Salt Lake and Weber counties will be similarly organized within the current year. A new plan of membership involving institutional as well as individual affiliation might result in increased membership. It is with pride that we recognize the phenomenal growth of the Utah State Historical Society during the past decade. But we must also become increasingly aware of our greater responsibilities to the people of the state along with this growth. Our biennial budget has increased from $40,000.00 in 1950 to $152,800.00 today, and our membership has grown from approximately three hundred and fifty to more than one thousand during the past eight years. No task is too great to preserve the marvelous heritage of our wonderful pioneers. In this we must not fail. With a loyal and devoted Board of Trustees, an efficient staff, a sympathetic legislature, and your enthusiastic co-operation, the future of the Society appears permanently assured.

REVIEWS

Among

AND

the Mormons:

Edited by

RECENT

Historic Accounts

W I L L I A M MULDER and

PUBLICATIONS

by Contemporary

Observers.

A. RUSSELL MORTENSEN.

(New

York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1958, xiv + 482 + xiv pp., $6.75) Per capita the Mormons are probably the most written-about sect in the United States. T h e peculiarities of their beliefs and practices drew early attention. Their insistence that they were a chosen people not only in religion but also in business and politics called forth persecution and still more publicity. T h e n followed the dramatic exodus to the wilds of Utah, heroic achievement in making this land productive, and a forty-year battle with the United States on the degree and conditions of integrating M o r m o n d o m and the nation. In the twentieth century Utah came into closer resemblance to the West as a whole, but without losing all its individuality and without shrinkage of its clientele of interested readers. T h e consequence is a great body of writing about the Mormons, much of it violently partisan on one side or the other, but some of it as free of distortion as was humanly possible. Perhaps it is the very abundance of this literature that explains the delay until 1958 for any attempt to assemble out of it a source-book on Mormon life and experience. Among the Mormons does this job so well that it is apt to be the first reference on almost every reading list on Utah or the Mormons.

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UTAH HISTORICAL

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The two editors brought a wealth of experience to the task. Both earned the doctorate with studies in Mormon history. One has been editor of the Western Humanities Review, the other of the Utah Historical Quarterly. Both have been living and breathing Mormon history for a long time and soaking it in through the pores. This familiarity with the field paid off when it came to making selection of what to include in the anthology. Expertness of a high order was needed to tie these varied bits together and make them into a book. A few writers, such as Sarah Scott and Charlotte and Martha S. H. Haven and Thomas L. Kane, are quoted more than once, but the selections are cut down to reasonable brevity and a broad sampling thus is made possible. In the difficult art of providing continuity Mulder and Mortensen have shown real genius. In introducing each item they identify the writer and say enough about die dieme and setting so that the reader is ready for what follows. Usually they manage to prepare him for references and allusions as well. In a book like this it is not so important that one's favorite passage be included; the chances are that this morsel is well known and readily available. What really counts is the finding and presentation of obscure and overlooked tidbits. Among the Mormons has many such delectables drawn from newspapers and out-of-the-way periodicals, some from neglected books, and a few not previously published. Some offer hearsay testimony, but most of them were written at the scene and all but a very few were written at the time. Historians therefore do not get much of a shake, and Brigham Young is directly quoted only once and on a rather incidental matter. The only basic criticism I would offer concerns apportionment of space. The first fifteen years, the episodes from Palmyra to Nauvoo, get a full third of the book. I grant that in this period the Church was launched, the nucleus of the faithful made three major migrations, the principal leaders for the next several decades were recruited, and the Gentile world got its first impression of Mormonism. Still, a case can be made diat more than two-thirds of Mormon history was still to come â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the exodus from Nauvoo and all the travail and attainment of the hundred-odd years since the transfer of headquarters of the Church to Salt Lake City. It might have been better planning to have budgeted more for the long span in Utah. For any other state, any other unit of the western population, we would be inclined to ask how much of their experience was in line

REVIEWS AND RECENT PUBLICATIONS

383

with that of the rest of the West. That question can be asked about die Mormons too. The answer as accumulated in the hundred good voices heard in Among the Mormons is not in absolute unison, but it seems to say that the Mormons came nearer being unique than typical. Unquestionably they did have peculiarities traceable largely to their religion and the impact of their church upon so much else, but it would be most remarkable if the peculiar elements actually outweighed all the others that were ordinary and standard for the West in general. Visitors and reporters, however, quite naturally played up what was distinctive, and, if they overdid it, proper anthologists can hardly do other than follow diat same proportion. When it comes to the writing of the history of die Mormons, diat ground rule will not apply, and the historian, if he does his job as well as diese two anthologists have done theirs, will face up to this question whether the epic of the Mormons has been mainly peculiar or in more fundamental respects in step with that of the West. JOHN W. CAUGHEY

University of California at Los Angeles

The Red Hills of November. By ANDREW KARL LARSON. (Salt Lake City, Deseret News Press, 1957, xvi + 330 pp., $5.00) Andrew Karl Larson, the author of this recent history of the town, Washington, in Utah's "Dixie," is a competent and trained historian. His ancestors on both sides participated as leaders in the settlement and development of this frontier community. He was brought up in the midst of many surviving witnesses of die town's early history and was vitally influenced by their account of epic struggles, failures, and achievements. He was an outstanding history student, particularly in research, under the late William J. Snow at Brigham Young University. He wrote the "History of the Virgin River Valley" for his master's dissertation at the same university. In tins piece of research he displayed an exhaustive, thorough analysis of all available source materials and a most informative, clear exposition of his interpretative conclusions. He has spent over a decade of research in obtaining the source materials for this present work. He is a teacher of history at Dixie College, St. George, Utah. The Red Hills of November, in spite of its poetic title, is a most mature and scholarly history of Washington from its first settlement in

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November 1857 up to 1900. Its founding was planned by Brigham Young to be the nucleus of an extensive cotton-raising project along the banks of the Virgin River in southwestern Utah. The majority of its first pioneers were selected from converts of the Southern states because of their expert knowledge of cotton farming. But shortly after their arrival, a large number of Scandinavian settlers were called to this place from Sanpete County, Utah. The first eight chapters are largely concerned with the initial settlement and the strenuous struggle for survival in an arid region quite desolate when compared to the well-watered valleys of northern Utah. The major problems were the creation of a new community, the development of successful farming under the most adverse conditions for irrigation, and the sporadic Indian depredations upon their livestock. As inferred above, the most crucial community issue, which required over thirty years to solve, was the harnessing of the capricious waters of the Virgin River for irrigation. Time and again the dams which were so essential for raising the water to the level of the irrigation canals were washed away by river floods. Many settlers were completely discouraged and left the community. But the majority, led by patient and determined leaders, endured to an ultimate triumph over the unruly river. This history also describes other economic activities, and the ecclesiastical, social, and cultural developments in this pioneer town. However, the major emphasis and the greatest amount of interpretative analysis is given to the story of the various economic interests, institutions, and achievements. The account of the rise and decline of cotton farming is one of the major highlights of the book. The agricultural, industrial, and commercial aspects of the production of cotton and its textiles play a most vital role in the economy and development of the community. Washington being the central area along the Virgin River for the growing of cotton, and because it had the large threestoried "cotton factory," had many vital relationships with the Mormon farming communities along the Virgin. Although the Latter-day Saint Church was a dominant influence in the founding and organizing of the community, and its ideals were those of the early settlers, relatively small attention is given to ecclesiastical affairs. However, the resolute courage, the sustaining faith, and the determined obedience to the will of the church authorities in the establishment of the "cotton mission" are dominant undercurrents of group and individual attitudes throughout the book. There is no attempt to make this history an heroic epic of dramatic crises and excit-

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ing frontier adventure. Actually, the struggles and crises are those of backbreaking toil, near-starvation, disease, and discouragement. There are a few exciting Indian troubles. But they were of an incidental importance. In the composition of this history the author exhibits a combination of scholarly research, penetrating insight, and sympathetic understanding relative to his subject. In spite of his intimate connections with the town, he presents his historical analysis and interpretation with great objectivity and restraint. He combines into an essential unity the many facets of the little town's history. He describes the settlers as vital human beings with frailties, eccentricities, and peculiarities as well as the more positive virtues. He gives color and personal interest to his interpretative narrative by having the early settlers speak for themselves from well-selected excerpts of early memoirs and diaries. These are only one aspect of a rich hoard of primary sources that are frequently cited. However, this large amount of excellent documentation does not detract from the history's essential unity and clarity. This is a book which will appeal to the layman as well as the scholar. There are many illustrations of important historical sites, town institutions, and leading personalities. The maps indicate with simple clarity the important geographic features. The roles of the people, as individuals, or as a group, together with their leaders, are set forth with narrative skill and graphic portrayal. The illustrative anecdotes are choice in their display of the typical experiences of people in a frontier community. RUSSEL B. SWENSEN

Brigham Young University Exploring with Frimont: The Private Diaries of Charles Preuss, Cartographer for John C. FrSmont on His First, Second, and Fourth Expeditions to the Far West. Translated and edited by ERWIN G. and ELISABETH K. GUDDE. Volume XXVI, American Exploration and Travel Series. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1958, xxix + 162 pp., $3.95) Publication of the Preuss diaries brings to students of Western Americana an interesting historical "find" and one of the most fascinating personal documents of its kind in recent years. Much extrinsic interest lies in the fact that these are the field journals of Charles Preuss (b. 1803, d. 1854), topographer and mapmaker for John C. Fremont on

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his Far Western expeditions of 1842, 1843-44, and 1848-49. Preuss, considered by experts the finest western cartographer of his time, kept these diaries in German script for his family. In so doing, he provided a highly personalized account which supplements, corroborates, and at times fills gaps in Fremont's polished reports of the first two explorations. Briefer and more sketchy, but still of interest, is Preuss's third journal, written on the disastrous and controversial midwinter attempt to cross the southern Rockies. In the first two diaries Preuss wrote many graphically descriptive passages and recorded interesting details not mentioned in Fremont's reports and memoirs, nor in the several Fremont biographies. For instance, Preuss noted Fremont's imaginative but unsuccessful attempt to photograph topographic features with daguerreotype camera in 1842. This effort, probably an American "first," preceded by ten years similar attempts designated "earliest known" in the late Robert Taft's authoritative work on the pictorial history of the West. The diarist also reported Fremont's explosive anger in violent petty quarrels with "Kit" Carson and Preuss himself, personal details not recorded elsewhere. Utah readers will appreciate Preuss's wonder at the teeming wild life (mostly "small, good-tasting ducks and . . . plover") encountered in the lower Bear River Valley: "I have never seen so many waterbirds together. It sounds like distant thunder when they rise." (Pp. 87, 88.) Such reportorial entries are interspersed with highly subjective complaints, criticisms and emotional reactions to Preuss's experiences on the trail, and to the personalities and actions of his companions. His continually deprecating comments reveal that Preuss harbored deep resentment toward Fremont, the party leader who was ten years his junior. A proud, middle-class German, still "unassimilated" after a decade in America, the mapmaker sharply expressed his sense of alienation from the mountain-men companions he termed "rabble": "If I only had a few congenial fellows, Germans, of course, with me, we could make this monotonous prairie life agreeable enough. But so completely alone among these twenty-five people!" (P. 13.) Through such outpourings of his attitudes, prejudices and emotions in these diaries, Charles Preuss, the man, emerges from the shadowy figure of a mere historical reputation and assumes the dimensions of a recognizable personality a century after his death. Erwin and Elisabeth Gudde, known for previous works in Western Americana, have competently translated and edited these diaries, and have introduced the diarist with an excellent biographical essay.

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In addition to Preuss's portrait, the book includes samples of his field sketches and finished illustrations, and a sketch-map of routes of the three exploring expeditions. With gratification the reviewer notes the volume's dedication to the late Eleanor Ashby Bancroft who helped so many students of history in her long years of service at the Bancroft Library. EDWARD H. HOWES

Sacramento State College

The Great Diamond Hoax and Other Stirring Incidents in the Life of Asbury Harpending. Edited by JAMES H. WILKINS. (Reprint of 1913 ed., Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1958, xix -j- 211 pp., $2.00) This is the true story of two innocent looking prospectors who in 1871-72 perpetrated the cleverest swindle in western history on William C. Ralston, the financial genius of California, "The man who built San Francisco." The book might well have been titled "The bigger they come the harder they fall." The author, one of the victims, was no amateur in business. Before he was twenty-one years old he had made a fortune of more than a million dollars, and was a partner with Ralston in many business and mining ventures. His story, written many years after the event, is probably the most amazing record of a great swindle ever written. Briefly, it concerns two ordinary appearing prospectors who brought a bag of rough diamonds for safekeeping to Ralston's bank. Naturally Ralston wanted to get in on the new find and persuaded the prospectors to sell him a half interest in the new field. After sending two expeditions to the nearly inaccessible diamond field to gather samples, after having the stones tested by Tiffany, and after the West's leading mining engineer had pronounced the field genuine and fabulously rich, a company was formed and stock was sold to a selected few in San Francisco. The hoax was finally exposed when a German horse wrangler dug up a diamond that had been partially cut. He showed this to Clarence King, a famous geologist working for the government, and that ended one of the most fantastic promotion schemes ever conceived. The two prospectors left the country with about half a million dollars, and Ralston made up the losses to stockholders. The main fault of this reprint is that the editors have not indicated the exact locale of the salted diamond mine. The author's mention of

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Rawlins, Wyoming, is the only hint. However, there is another littleknown book which does give the exact location. This is Outs kin Episodes, by William G. Tittsworth, published in 1927. The location is a flat-topped mountain just south of Brown's Hole which ever since has been known as Diamond Mountain. Diamond Spring, where the prospectors camped, is located near the southern edge of the mountain, not too far north of Vernal. From personal knowledge of the country, this writer believes he knows the route taken by the prospectors to reach their salted diamond field. Tittsworth, who was an early settler in Brown's Hole, states that the two men, on their trips to the location, would get off the train at various stations â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Rawlins, Rock Springs, or Evanston â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and hire horses locally for their "prospecting trips." Their main route apparently was from Rock Springs, going into Brown's Hole through Jesse Ewing Canyon, then the only trail. Crossing Green River, they proceeded up Crouse Canyon to the comparatively flat top of Diamond Mountain, going almost as far south as possible, where they found Diamond Spring. In those days this was considered about as far from civilization as one could get. Billy Tittsworth happened to be in the country when Clarence King was returning from his inspection trip. He and some others backtrailed King and found the field, with evidence of extensive digging. The diamonds had been "planted" in ant hills in sandy soil. Most of them had already been dug up, but this group did find a few, proving the location. They were actually almost worthless commercial diamonds, but since no one in America had seen rough diamonds, all the so-called experts were fooled. Since the site of this hoax was in Utah, the book will have special interest to Utah readers, especially those who are familiar with the Diamond Mountain country. _, T. CHARLES KELLY

Torrey, Utah Owen Wister Out West: His Journals and Letters. Edited by FANNY KEMBLE WISTER. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1958, 269 pp., $5.00) This readable book exonerates Owen Wister of much of the blame for creating the tiresome cowboy stereotype which for more than half a century has galloped through uncounted pulp magazine stories, books, movies, and TV westerns.

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Wister did create the original Knight in Chaps and Spurs and an array of artificial Western trappings — and also the beneficent and enlightened judge-landowner. It develops, however, that he did so under some protest and because of the demands of the reading public — or the magazine editors — of the times. Heroes just before and at the turn of the century were virtuous, and they won the hand of a pure woman in combat in which good triumphed over evil. Private journals which Wister kept of his many trips West and found in a desk drawer in 1938, fourteen years after his death, reveal that he did not believe all this romantic nonsense. In fact, he was wont to complain that "the plain talk in my Western tales published in Harper's (1893) . . . never 'got by' the blue pencil of . . . Henry Millys Alden, liberal as he was for those genteel times." Wister had been commissioned by Harper's to go West and report what he saw and heard, but soon Alden was complaining that his story was "too bloody," and Wister was retorting that you cannot recount Western adventure without blood. Harper's of those days was a far cry from the Harper's of a decade ago which published with obvious delight the devastating expose of the "phony West" with its drugstore cowboys and greedy (and exploited) modern Judge Carters. Other "censors" persuaded Wister to tone down his realistic stories of the brawling period West. On one occasion Wister watched an infuriated rancher savagely beat a spent horse until he was exhausted and then gouge out one of its eyes. He included the episode in The Virginian, but his good friend, Teddy Roosevelt, talked him out of using the eye-gouging part. The episode, as related in The Virginian and in Wister's journal reveals that the man in real life was more humanly helpless than the fictional character. In the novel, the cowboy threshed the brutal rancher. But the man who saw the actual beating recorded in his journal: "I was utterly stunned and sickened at this atrocious cruelty, and walked back to my own horse and sat down, not knowing very well what I was doing. . . . " Owen Wister Out West is the product of his daughter, Fanny Kemble Wister (Mrs. Walter Stokes) who lives in the family hometown of Philadelphia. Her Preface, Introduction, and Epilogue are delightfully done, as are the excerpts from the journals of experiences in the West between 1885 and 1900 and from his personal letters. Naturally, the book is wholly sympathetic, including the efforts to explain his namby-pamby writing.

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It would be interesting to see what Wister would have done with today's "adult Western" stereotype. Wister drew most of his observations about the West from southeastern Wyoming (and his comments about some of the early-day towns would infuriate their chambers of commerce today), but he owned and operated a small ranch in the Jackson Hole country. (By this time [about 1912] Wister, famous as a writer, and his family visited in Salt Lake City several times en route to the ranch and back to Philadelphia. Mrs. Wister and the children, including the author of this book, sometimes remained in Salt Lake for weeks at a time, usually staying at the Moxum Hotel and enjoying trips to the lake and Fort Douglas. The book covers an earlier period.) His daughter recalls the summers spent in Wyoming with nostalgia. "When we came to the stone marking the boundary between Idaho and Wyoming, we yelled with joy," she recalls. "Every rock, every sage bush, every aspen tree was different and better because it grew in Wyoming. . . . With condescension we had looked at Utah, Montana, Idaho, but here at last was Wyoming." Take that, you "Utaphiles." _ TT T '

ERNEST H. LINFORD

Salt Lake Tribune Sovereigns of the Sage. By NELL MURBARGER. (Palm Desert, California, Desert Magazine Press, 1958, 342 pp., $6.00) Most of us who love this Great Basin and its people and history find ourselves resenting the passage of time. Every week that goes by, we reflect â&#x20AC;&#x201D; almost every day, in fact â&#x20AC;&#x201D; death claims some old-timer and stills forever the stories he would have told if only someone had listened. Thus, week by week, history's sources die. If only a man had time to travel and listen before it is too late... . Well, Nell Murbarger had the time. Rather, she made it. Twelve years ago, she fled the security of a newspaper desk and started roaming the West, seeking out the characters who made history or who could remember something of those earlier ones who did. If nothing else, her book will help ease the consciences of a good many writers and lovers of Western history who realize that this sort of thing ought to be done and who can be grateful that someone is doing it. Sovereigns of the Sage is a book of uneven quality. This is not surprising. People are of uneven quality, too, and so are the stories they

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tell. Miss Murbarger simply records the stories she heard in her travels through the desert back-country, with little embellishment. Whenever she ran across a really interesting character — such as Josie Pearl, for example, the "nearly-100-years-old" prospector who still works her northern Nevada mine, alone, one hundred miles from the nearest town — her story rings with excitement and interest. Other times, she is reduced to retelling oft-told histories of various communities, without adding a great deal of knowledge or understanding. But she does cover the ground — from the crest of the Sierra to the Continental Divide, and from the Salton Sea to Flaming Gorge. Nor does time hold her prisoner; she bounces freely from pioneer days to modern dam-building and back without more than catching her breath. Utahns can be grateful that Miss Murbarger possesses a particular passion for the Great Basin country — possibly because in its emptiness, human character looms large. Most of her stories are set in the old mining camps of this area and in the little Mormon communities where progress has not erased the charm and flavor of the old days and where a few old-timers still sit in the sun with their memories. She dwells with particular affection on the old tales and the old settlers of Utah's Dixie. Sovereigns of the Sage is not documented and organized history. Miss Murbarger spent some time and effort rummaging old newspaper files and checking other sources, but much more in simply traveling and listening. But history is not made up only of duly recorded facts. Folklore, true or not, is also part of history, for it is a reflection of what men think ought to have happened, and thus is a reflection of the men themselves. History or folklore — or both — Nell Murbarger's newest book will be a welcome companion to anyone who travels the Great Basin and who has the curiosity to wonder what might have happened here yesteryear. WILLIAM B. SMART

Deseret News The Bannock of Idaho. By BRIGHAM D. Caxton Printers, 1958, 382 pp., $5.00)

MADSEN.

(Caldwell, Idaho,

It is a pleasure to welcome another significant contribution to the history of the American Indian. Each Indian tribe has a long and interesting story which is often difficult to reconstruct. The absence of adequate written records during the period prior to European contact

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requires the historian to depend upon the traditions of the Indian group which grow dimmer with the death of the old people who engaged in the traditional way of life. The early sporadic contacts by non-Indians leaving a written record are often difficult to piece together into a continuous account. The reports of Indian agents to the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington, D.C, are often dry and repetitive. To make an interesting and accurate account from materials available is not an easy task, and Dr. Madsen is to be complimented for the contribution he has made. It is also difficult to be objective in dealing with an Indian tribe or in telling of their relationship with the United States. Although there is room for criticism of Bureau policy and particularly of its implementation, as well as of the mediocre individuals who frequently were appointed as Indian agents, Dr. Madsen's account makes it apparent that the acculturation process had by 1900 strongly affected this Indian group. One may quarrel with the Indian policy of the United States or with the way this policy has been effected, but this one hundred year span in the history of the Bannock Indians is evidence that acculturation, assimilation, and, to some extent, integration have occurred. One might add, almost to the extent that today die Bannock has practically disappeared as a separate people. The Bannock were a strong-minded, courageous, and aggressive group. The restlessness that spread throughout the Indian country as a result of the activity of the invading Europeans and of the horses, firearms, and trade implements that went before them caused the Bannock to leave their ancestral homeland in eastern Oregon to range over a wide area in southeastern Idaho. Their warlike attitude and the effect of their activities on neighboring Indian groups possibly achieved for the Bannocks a larger place in history than their numbers would ordinarily warrant. However, in spite of their determination to preserve their way of life, life on the reservation under the surveillance of government agents having army units available to quiet disturbances when they arose, plus the gradual encroachment upon the area by settlers, eventually brought about compliance and changes in life patterns. The colored frontispiece, decorated end-sheet map, and twelve drawings by Maynard Dixon Stewart enhance the quality of the work of the historian. This book will be of interest to the general reader of Western history as well as the scholar. S. LYMAN TYLER

Brigham Young University

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Danger Cave. By JESSE D. JENNINGS. (Anthropological Papers, Number 27. University of Utah Department of Anthropology, October, 1957, 328 pp., $6.00) Danger Cave is the report of the findings from a series of archaeological excavations in western Utah. Of the three sites, Danger, Juke Box, and Raven caves, Danger was the most informative and lends its name to the report. It is located less than two miles east of Wendover, Utah. To quote from the "Setting" really a Foreword to this report the author says: "The human story inferred in this report was set in one of the most remarkable of North American environments — the desert West. The natural subsistence resources of this land are today quite sparse; the balance between success and failure in survival has always been delicate. The fact that human groups survived in this environment deserves serious ecological note. Although no intensive study of this aspect of the problem is being undertaken here, the cultural data cannot be appreciated or evaluated without a modicum of information regarding the terrain and the biotic resources of the region." An inventory of the resources — the physiography of terrain, the flora and fauna, reptiles, birds, and mammals, follows, and the author concludes: "Without this knowledge of the present climate and resources — which has been characteristic from the beginning of human history in the region, so far as is now known — a full appreciation and understanding of the archaeologic data here presented would be impossible." A detailed account of the excavation procedures and problems encountered is given of each site. "Geological Considerations," "Material Culture," "Comparisons," and "Implications" are the chapter headings which follow. Illustrations are numerous and include tables, photographs, line drawings, charts, and maps. A bibliography and several Appendices conclude the report. This study has little relationship to the recorded history of Utah and the Intermountain West; yet it throws considerable light on the prehistoric role of the region. The North American Deserts. By EDMUND C. JAEGER. (Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1957, vii + 308 pp., $5.95) The five deserts of North America — the Chihuahuan, Sonoran, Navahoan, Mohavean, and the Great Basin — extend from central Mexico almost to the border of Canada. The author explains that to be

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called a desert a geographical area must satisfy certain conditions as to weather, and although the five in North America have many characteristics in common, he shows that each desert has its definite individuality in its plant and animal life, climate, land formation, and geologic history. The author feels that the desert abounds in so many unusual things to be observed that it becomes necessary for those who are uninitiated in desert lore to learn a few of the desert's fundamental characteristics in order to discover the more subtle scenic aspects and the less easily seen inhabitants. Nondetailed maps give a quick view of the general desert boundaries, and the text suggests routes. To aid the reader in identifying desert inhabitants a series of line-drawings of insects, reptiles, birds, mammals, and plants identifies forms discussed in the text. Much of the phraseology of science has been avoided but scientific names have been included to provide an accurate means of identification for the serious reader and as an aid to familiarize the student with them. Blank spaces have been left alongside the names and descriptions, and it is suggested that marks be made when specimens have been found and recognized. In this way. the book can be a valuable aid to the student, casual traveler, or explorer. A bibliography and index are included.

On the Bloody Trail of Geronimo. By LT. JOHN BIGELOW, Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1958, 237 pp., $7.50)

JR.

(LOS

Westernlore Press has printed On the Bloody Trail of Geronimo as Volume XII in its Great West and Indian Series in a limited edition of 750 copies. It is the first published book version of the journal, written in serial form, by Lt. John Bigelow, Jr., illustrated by Remington, Hooper, McDougall, Chapin, and Hatfield, and first published in Outing Magazine in 1886. Written from the field in Arizona, the journal presents a picture of army life during the long-drawn-out Apache rebellion under Geronimo and his fearless sub-chiefs. It gives descriptions of the terrain covered, the mines, ranches, and inhabitants of the territory, and presents Bigelow's own observations on frontier life. His comments on current trends of thought relative to the attitudes of both military and civilian officials toward enlisted men reflect the trend towards better schooling, better accommodations in barracks, and better diet for army personnel. Arthur Woodward has supplied annotations to the text, the Foreword, and the Introduction.

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Graphic Description of Pacific Coast Outlaws. Thrilling Exploits of Their Arch-Enemy Sheriff Harry N. Morse. By CHARLES HOWARD SHINN. (LOS Angeles, Westernlore Press, 1958, 107 pp., $5.50) Charles Howard Shinn published his original paper-bound book in the 1890's, and with annotations and an introduction by J. E. Reynolds, plus a useful index, Westernlore Press has reprinted it in complete text as number XI of its Great West and Indian Series. Brigandage in California began with the conquest of the region by Americans. Outlaws, mostly dispossessed, bitter Spanish natives, moved to the mountains, to prey on the miners, the towns, and the stagecoaches. They hated the gringos — the pushing avaricious strangers who had usurped their homeland. In bands, and singly, the bandidos spread terror throughout the countryside. This book is concerned with the true exploits of Harry N. Morse, Sheriff of Alameda County, California, and contains rare items on the banditry of California's early days. It not only tells the story of one of the most remarkable law enforcement characters of the West, but is also a source document on the exploits of such Pacific Coast outlaws as Joaquin Murieta, Tiburcio Vasquez, Narcisco Ponce, Procopio or "Red Dick," and other merciless gunmen of those exciting early times in California.

Buckjk}n and Spurs. A Gallery of Frontier Rogues and Heroes. By GLENN SHIRLEY. (New York, Hastings House, 1958,191 pp., $4.50) Author Glenn Shirley has been a member of the Stillwater, Oklahoma, Police Department since 1936, and for several years he served as captain of the Bureau of Identification. At present he is Criminal Deputy in the Payne County, Oklahoma, Sheriff's Office. His interest in law enforcement problems in the West has led him to do intensive research, and he has written and published several books, including Law West of Fort Smith and Pawnee Bill, in addition to many articles on criminal identification in technical journals and popular magazines. The stories in Bucksk}n an^ Spurs read like the wildest inventions of the dime novelists, but are true, based on the author's research. Portraits of a dozen frontier characters—villains and heroes—are sketched, but the author has chosen some of the less well-known rather than the over-exploited frontier characters of radio and TV fame.

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The Autobiography of the West: Personal Narratives of the Discovery and Settlement of the American West. Compiled and Annotated by Oscar Lewis. ( N e w York, Henry H o l t and Co., 1958) The Blackjeet, Raiders of the Northwestern Plains. By JOHN C. EWERS. (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1958) The Fancher Train. Co., 1958)

By AMELIA BEAN. ( N e w York, Doubleday and

The Federal Lands: Their Use and Management. By MARION CLAWSON and BURNELL HELD. (Baltimore, T h e Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957) First Through the Grand Canyon. By R. E. LINGENFELTER. Early California Travel Series XLV. (Los Angeles, Glen Dawson, 1958) From Wilderness

to Statehood:

A History of Montana,

1805-1900. By

JAMES MCCLELLAN HAMILTON. Edited by MERRILL G. BURLINGAME.

(Portland, Binfords and Mort, 1957) The Frontier in Perspective.

Edited by WALKER D . W Y M A N and CLIF-

TON B. KROEBER. (Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1957) The Gentle Tamers: Women in the Old Wild West. ( N e w York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1958)

By D E E BROWN.

Historic Sites in San Bernardino County. A Preliminary Report. By ARDA M. HAENSZEL. (San Bernardino, San Bernardino County Museum Association, 1957) James Pierson Beckwourth, 1856-1866, An Enigmatic Figure of the West: A History of the Latter Years of His Life. By NOLIE MUMEY. (Denver, T h e Old West Publishing Co., 1957) A Journal of the Voyages and Travels of a Corps of Discovery, Under the Command of Capt. Lewis and Capt. Clarkje of the Army of the United States, from the Mouth of The River Missouri Through the Interior Parts of North America to the Pacific Ocean, During the Years 1804, 1805, and 1806 . . . By PATRICK GASS. (Reprint of

original 1810 ed., Minneapolis, Ross & Haines, Inc., 1958)

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Natural History of a Wasatch Spring. Lake City, T h e Ralton Co., 1957)

By CLAUDE T . BARNES. (Salt

Natural History of a Wasatch Summer. Lake City, T h e Ralton Co., 1957)

By CLAUDE T . BARNES. (Salt

Over the Salt La\e Trail in the Fall of '49. By WILLIAM B. LORTON. (Los Angeles, Privately printed, 1957) Pageant of the Pioneers. By CLARENCE S. JACKSON. (Minden, Nebraska, Harold W a r p Pioneer Village, 1958) Stories of Arizona Copper Mines: The Big Low-Grades and the Bonanzas. (Phoenix, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, 1957) Traveler in the Wilderness. By CID RICKETTS SUMNER. ( N e w York, Harper and Brothers, 1957) The

Travels

of Jaimie McPheeters.

By ROBERT LEWIS TAYLOR.

(New

York, Doubleday and Co., 1958)

RAY ALLEN BILLINGTON, " H O W the Frontier Shaped the American Character," American Heritage, April, 1958. LELAND HARGRAVE CREER, " M o r m o n T o w n s in the Region of the Colo-

rado" (Glen Canyon Series N o . 3 ) , Anthropological ber 32, University of Utah, May, 1958.

Papers, N u m -

, " T h e Activities of Jacob Hamblin in the Region of the Colorado" (Glen Canyon Series N o . 4 ) , ibid., N u m b e r 33. DEAC DUSHARME, "Man's Conquest of the Colorado," Arizona ways, June, 1958. NAURICE R. KOONCE, "Flying the Colorado," ibid. JONREED LAURITZEN, "They Braved the Wild, Wild River," ibid.

High-

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CHARLES C. NIEHUIS, "River Playground," ibid. L. F . WYLIE, "Glen Canyon D a m , " ibid. NOLIE MUMEY, "Black Beard, Ceran St. Vrain, Frontiersman, Indian Trader, Territorial and Political Leader, and Pioneer Businessman," Denver Westerners Roundup, January, 1958. , "Writers of Western History" (Josiah Gregg, M.D.), ibid. , "Writers of Western History" (Thomas Jefferson Farnham, 1804-1848), ibid., February, 1958. , "Writers of Western History" (Asa Shinn Mercer), ibid., March, 1958. DOROTHY O. REA, "Prominence Comes to Promontory," Church News [Deseret News], March 1,1958. , "Utah's First Scientist Laid Foundation for Modern Studies [Orson Pratt]," ibid., March 29,1958. "Exploring one of Utah's U n k n o w n Areas," ibid., April 26, 1958. "Pipe Spring, A National Monument," ibid., May 17,1958. HAROLD LUNDSTROM, "Lonely Grave of a Pioneer Mother [Rebecca B. Winters]," ibid., July 19,1958. JOSEF AND JOYCE MUENCH, "Lee's Ferry," Desert Magazine,

April, 1958.

BARBARA H A M M E N , "Night in Gateway Canyon [southeastern U t a h ] , " ibid., May, 1958. HARRY C. JAMES, " W e Would Protect Desert Plant Life," ibid. NELL MURBARGER, "Opalite at the Silver Cloud [Nevada Desert]," ibid., April, 1958. -, " W h e n the Brass Band Played at Taylor . . . [Nevada]," ibid., May, 1958.

REVIEWS

AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

399

, " T h e Seven Troughs Bonanza," ibid., June, 1958. -, "White Man's Medicine in M o n u m e n t Valley," ibid., July, 1958. , " M u s e u m W h e r e 'Ideas' a r e M o r e I m p o r t a n t ' T h i n g s ' . . . , " ibid., August, 1958.

Than

NORMAN B. WILTSEY, " W h e n Riches Come to the Navajo . . . ," ibid. CRISTIE FREED, paintings by V . Douglas Snow, "Music in the Rockies," Ford Times, June, 1958. MARJORIE NELSON SHEFFIELD, paintings by V . Douglas Snow, "Tuba

City, Arizona," ibid., July, 1958. ANDREW F . ROLLIE, "Robert Glass Cleland, 1885-1957," Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly, March, 1958. RAMONA W . CANNON and BOYD O . H A T C H , " M o r m o n Pioneering . . .

It D i d n ' t E n d in '47," Instructor, July, 1958. "They T o o A r e Pioneers [Hopi and Navajo Indians]," ibid. N I N O FABIANO, "II Mormonismo E L o Stato Teocratic Dell' Utah," Le Vie Del Mondo, A n n o X I X , N u m e r o 10, Ottobre, 1957. R U T H D E E T T E SIMPSON, " T h e Coyote in Southwestern Indian Tradi-

tion," Masterkey,

March-April, 1958.

VOLNEY H . JONES, "Death of James H . Miller, Agent to the Navaho," ibid., May-June, 1958. " T h e Grand Teton â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Jackson Hole Country," Special Issue, Minnesota Naturalist, N o . 2,1957. DAVID S. BOYER, " H u n t i n g t o n Library, California Treasure House," National Geographic Magazine, February, 1958. WELDON F . HEALD, "Wheeler Peak and its Glacier," Nevada and Parks, N o . 1, 1958.

Highways

400

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

"Aging Monuments to Mormon Pioneers in Nevada . . . the Old Houses at Bunkerville," ibid. SHIRLEY NEWCOMB KELSEY, " T h e Santo N i n o of Zuni," New

Mexico

Magazine, July, 1958. STUART B. MOCKFORD, "Janson Lee's Peoria Speech," Oregon Quarterly, March, 1958.

Historical

AUGUST C. BOLINO, " T h e Role of Mining in the Economic Development of Idaho Territory," ibid., June, 1958. "Slade Is N o More," Part I, Overland News, March, 1958. "Slade Of T h e Overland," Part II, ibid., April, 1958. RALPH C. TAYLOR, "Mormon Settlement on the Arkansas," ibid., JulyAugust, 1958. DAVID E. MILLER, " T h e Donner Road through the Great Salt Lake Desert," Pacific Historical Review, February, 1958. RICHARD D . POLL, " T h e Political Reconstruction of Utah Territory, 1866-1890," ibid., May, 1958. FREDERICK A. MARK, "Idaho . . . F u r Trader Crossroads," Pacific westerner, Spring, 1958. FRANK P . DONOVAN, JR., "Harry Palimpsest, May, 1958.

Bedwell â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Railroad

North-

Raconteur,"

HORACE S. HASKELL, "Flowering Plants in Glen Canyon Late Summer Aspect," Plateau, July, 1958. W I L L I A M C. MILLER and DAVID A . BRETERNITZ, "1958 Navajo Canyon

Survey Preliminary Report," ibid. "When Mormons Destroyed Fort Bridger," Pony Express, April, 1958. STAN RASMUSSEN, "Adventure in the Glen Canyon of the Colorado," Reclamation Era, May, 1958.

R E V I E W S AND RECENT

PUBLICATIONS

KENNETH T . GREEN, " W e Remember Kirtland Temple," Saints' March 24, 1958.

401 Herald,

EDWIN ROBERT FISHBURN, "Come to Historic Nauvoo," ibid., May 19,

1958. WALTER N . JOHNSON, " T h e Restoration of Nauvoo Homes," ibid. E. L. KELLEY, "Neighbors' Estimate of Joseph Smith III," ibid., June 2, 1958. N E I L M. CLARK, "Giant of the Colorado," Saturday Evening Post, April 5, 1958. ANDREW HAMILTON, "They Find Baubles in the Dust" [Rock hunters, photographs of Valley of the Goblins in U t a h ] , ibid., May 31, 1958. "Fort L e m h i and the Salmon River" (A letter from Dell Adams), SUP News, February, 1958. JESSE D . JENNINGS, "Proposed Escalante River Inspection Trek," ibid. WALTER A. KERR, "Huntsville, Small T o w n with Great Appreciation," ibid. RICHARD D . POLL, "Thomas L. Kane and the Peaceful Settlement of the 'Utah W a r , ' " ibid. DAVID E. MILLER, "San Juan Hill," ibid., May, 1958. HORACE A. SORENSEN, "Promontory Summit! Is it E n o u g h ? " ibid. , "Washington Report â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Log of a Successful Visit" [for furthering Golden Spike M o n u m e n t ] , ibid., June, 1958. HAROLD H . JENSON, "First Pioneer Celebration in Utah," ibid. BERNICE GIBBS ANDERSON, "Massacre at the City of Rocks, Almo Creek, Idaho Territory, 1861," ibid.

402

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

-, "Page of History at Connor Springs, Box Elder County," ibid., July, 1958. IVAN J. BARRETT, "Romance of Cotton in Utah's Dixie," ibid. "Glen Canyon . . . from the Moving Highway of the Colorado," Sunset, March, 1958. MARION MACINNIS and FLORENCE RANDALL, " T h e Mill T h a t W o n the

West" [The Holladay Windmill], Think, February, 1958. "Permanent Art from the Shifting Sands" [Indian sand painting], ibid. SETH P . EVANS, "Utah's Cattle Industry," Utah Economic Review, April, 1958. REED W . BAILEY, "Living in Harmony with Nature," Utah Review, May, 1958.

and Business

Educational

ART THOMAS, "Management of our Public Lands: For all of the P e o p l e ? " ^ . , May, 1958. T. L . BROADBENT, "Hans Besenstiel: Humanities Review, Spring, 1958.

Immigrant Satirist,"

Western

FRANK JONAS, "Possibilities in Research in Western Politics," Political Quarterly, June, 1958.

Western

"The Peril of the American West" (Robert West H o w a r d Charges that T V and Movie Falsifications of Western History Become Tools of Anti-American Propoganda), Westerners Brand Book, March, 1958. "Singing Wires in the Wilderness" (David H . Rush of Western Union Tells of the Building of Telegraph Lines that Completed Coast-toCoast Communication), ibid., May, 1958. MATT CLOHISY, "Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell, Prince of the Wilderness," Westerners New Yor\ Posse Brand Boo\, N u m b e r One, 1958.

HISTORICAL

NOTES

The eighteenth annual meeting of the American Association for State and Local History and the twenty-first annual meeting of the Society of American Archivists was held jointly in Salt Lake City, Utah, August 17-20, 1958, with headquarters at the Hotel Utah. The Utah State Historical Society, the Genealogical Society of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the National Society of Daughters of Utah Pioneers, the National Society, Sons of Utah Pioneers, and the Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., Foundation had the signal honor to serve as hosts. A. R. Mortensen served as Program Chairman for the AASLH and Everett L. Cooley was Local Arrangements Chairman for the entire affair. The convention officially opened with registration Sunday, August 17. From 2:00 to 4:00 p.m. on that day a reception for delegates and their guests was held at the Mansion, 603 East South Temple. In the evening, 7:00 p.m., at the Hotel Utah Roof Garden, a buffet dinner was served. Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., presided, and a welcome to Utah was given by the Honorable George D. Clyde, Governor of Utah. In his opening remarks Governor Clyde stated that "history is prologue." He then pictured Utah Territory as it was when the Mormon pioneers first entered the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, briefly sketched the arduous taming of the desert by these stalwart people, outlined the early agricultural and industrial pursuits, and forecast the future with the present industrial growth due to water conservation practices and

404

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

the untold wealth which lies buried in the desert and mountain regions and is just now beginning to be exploited. The past is but prologue to the present and die future, he concluded. William Mulder of the Institute of American Studies, University of Utah, delivered the address, "The Mormons in American History," which was well received by the assembled delegates as an enlightening explanation of the place of the Mormons in America. Concurrent sessions were held on Monday, the eighteenth. At 10:00 a.m. at the Pioneer Memorial Museum, the archivists discussed "Aesop Revised â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Turtle and the Hare, Or How to Make Haste Slowly in Records Management." At die same hour the panel for the AASLH discussed "What is Wrong with Historical Publications." At 2:00 p.m. the topic was "Church Archives, Manuscripts, Museums," and "The Role of Historical Agencies in a State Parks and Historical Marker Program." The annual dinner and business meeting of the SAA, Dolores C. Renze presiding, was held at 7:00 p.m. Announcement and recognition of Fellows elected for 1958 was made, and William D. Overman, Society president, delivered the address, "The Pendulum Swings." Tuesday, August 19, was Tour Day. Guests were taken by bus to the Great Salt Lake, Bingham Copper Pit, and Big Cottonwood Canyon. Luncheon was served at Maxfield's Lodge, after which the buses continued on to Brighton where most of the enthusiastic tourists enjoyed a ride on the ski lift. At 5:00 p.m. all were back at the Pioneer Village Museum where an old-time western supper was served under the stars, guests toured the Museum, and bonafide western entertainment was provided by Horace and Ethel Sorensen. Joint sessions were held on Wednesday, August 20. At 10:00 a.m. the panel discussed "Western Archival Resources." At 12:30 a joint luncheon was held at which Clifford L. Lord, president of the AASLH, presided at die annual business meeting and presentation of Awards. At 2:00 p.m. the subject was "Reclamation â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Its Influence and Impact on the History of the West." Reed W. Bailey of the Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station, Forest Service, was chairman. Panelists were Governor George D. Clyde, Marshall N. Dana of the National Reclamation Association, and Paul Jones of the Navajo Tribal Council. At 7:00 p.m. the AASLH held its annual dinner. Clifford L. Lord presided, and John W. Caughey of the Pacific Coast Branch of the American Historical Association, and the University of California, Los Angeles, delivered the concluding address of the convention. "Toward an Understanding of the West." It was a most thought-provoking,

HISTORICAL

NOTES

405

excellently delivered address which could very well have as much significance for an understanding of the West as did Frederick Jackson Turner's famous thesis, "The Frontier in American History," given sixty-five years ago in Chicago. According to all reports received, the convention rated among die most successful ever held by the two organizations. SPECIAL ANNOUNCEMENT Annual Awards of Merit of die American Association for State and Local History were instituted to pay tribute to those individuals and organizations promoting a better understanding of our national heritage at a local level. "Awards are made only in the case of unusually meritorious work. The mere fulfillment of routine functions (in the case of a historical society for instance) is not justification for an award, unless such fulfillment involves a radical change in policy for that society. Action over and above the ordinary call of duty is the usual prerequisite for an award." So reads the instruction sheet which gives the criteria upon which Awards of Merit are given. It is with considerable pride, therefore, that announcement is made of the selection by the Awards Committee of the AASLH in its 1958 meeting for the Rocky Mountain Region: State or provincial historical societies and agencies publicly or privately supported. UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY and A. R. MORTENSEN

Books in the field of serious history. Among the Mormons: Historic Accounts by Contemporary Observers. Edited by William Mulder and A. Russell Mortensen. (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1958) Individuals contributing significantly to the understanding and development of local history or local historical programs. WILLIAM R. PALMER, CEDAR CITY, UTAH

Other winners in the Rocky Mountain region were: Organizations: DENVER POSSE, T H E WESTERNERS, DENVER, COLORADO FORT BENTON MUSEUM, FORT BENTON, MONTANA

406

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

A. R. Mortensen was elected to the council of the American Association for State and Local History for a four-year term. The editors of American Heritage, published by the American Association for State and Local History, have disclosed that they are seriously considering launching a sister publication. It is tentatively entitled Horizon and will be devoted to the arts and culture, past and present. There will be literature and philosophy, the study of man and nature, wit pageantry, and the arts of good living. The American Historical Association is preparing a Guide to Photocopied Historical Materials in the United States and Canada to be published late in 1959. The Guide will be a desk reference book, paralleling the Guide to Historical Literature, which will tell where to find important bodies of microfilmed and other photocopied materials and how to use and procure them. It will locate photocopied holdings of historical manuscripts by standard union list practices according to traditional subject and period fields of history. Information is now being collected through co-operation with archives, libraries, and historical societies in the United States and Canada. The method of preparing the text anticipates the possible issuance of supplements. The editor welcomes information that will assist him in making the Guide as complete as possible. Correspondence should be directed to Dr. Richard W. Hale, Jr., Editor, Boston University, Copley Square Campus, 84 Exeter Street, Room 401, Boston 16, Massachusetts. The Society extends dianks to its friends and supporters, individuals and institutions, for their gifts to the library: J. Cecil Alter, Mr. and Mrs. Robert L. Ashby, Claude T. Barnes, Howard L. Blood, Mrs. Josephine Chase Bradshaw, Mrs. Chloe B. Bruce, Mrs. Kate B. Carter, Mrs. Virginia Creighton, family of Thomas W. and Hanna R. Cropper, Stanley R. Davidson, Glen Dawson, Lucile M. Francke, Mrs. John D. Giles, Randall Henderson, Milton R. Hunter, John James, Jr., Mrs. Rhoda M. Jones, family of Mary Grant Judd, Dorothy F. Kaye, Charles Kelly, Francis W. Kirkham, A. C. Lambert, Gustive O. Larson, Paul B. Lister, Merrill J. Mattes, William F. McCrea, David E. Miller, Nicholas G. Morgan, Sr., M. C. Morris, Jr., Hugh F. O'Neil, T. Earl Pardoe, M. Wilford Poulson, Mary Bennion Powell, Thomas F. Preshaw, Amol Rawlins, Mina Madsen Remund, Brig. Gen. Franklin Riter, Lester Roberts, Harry Simonhoff, William B. Smart, Reed Stout, James D. Wardle,

HISTORICAL

NOTES

407

Sam Weller, Miss Edith L. Wire, Levi Edgar Young, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Battle Creek (Michigan) Historical Society, Brigham Young University library, Church of Jesus Christ (Temple Lot), Genealogical Society, L.D.S. Church Historian's Office, League of Women Voters, Lehi High Priest Quorum, Lincoln National Life Foundation, Los Angeles Westerners, Nevada Department of Economic Development, Phillips Petroleum Company, Provo Chamber of Commerce, Sanpete County Industrial Development Committee, Stanford University library, Tennessee State Library and Archives, Union Pacific Railroad Company, United States Geographical Survey, Utah Copper Division Kennecott Copper, Utah State University, Zion-Bryce Natural History Association.

INDEX

409

410

UTAH

HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

INDEX

411

412 Fremont Island, 72, 73 Fremont River, 235 French Company, 310 Fuller, Frank, message of, 173n Fur trappers, 152-56, 261

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

INDEX

413 I u

Kaibito Canvon, 237n Kaibito Creek, 234, 235, 237n Kaibito Spring, 235 Kaiser, Wilhelm, 335 Kamas Prairie, 310 Kanab, Utah, 164, 215

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

N National Museum, 252 National Parks Service, 289; Mission 66 of 252, 285; funds of, 289

Oath, demanded of voters, 120, 121 Ogden, Peter Skene, 153, 310-15; picture

Pacheco, Bernardo de Miera y, 236n, 273, 277, 284; cartographer, 2 7 1 ; maps by, 279n Padre Creek, see Navajo Canyon Palmer, General William Jackson, 5, 21

416

UTAH HISTORICAL

s St. George, Utah, 210, 211 St. George tabernacle, 358 St. George temple, 358 Salicornia (Flower of Salt Lake, 71, 81

Sally),

QUARTERLY

UTAH HISTORICAL

QUARTERLY

419

INDEX

Young, Joseph, 48 Young, Karl, review by, 191-92 Young, Mahroni, 291 Young, Richard W., 374 Yount, George, 318, quoted, 319

Zion-Mount Carmel tunnel, 214 Zion National Park, 212-14, 216, 222, 275, 283 Zuni villages, 223

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

BOARD OF TRUSTEES (Terms Expiring April 1,1961) JUANITA BROOKS, St. George

LELAND K. CREER, Salt Lake City NICHOLAS c. MORGAN, SR., Salt Lake City JOEL E. RICKS, Logan RUSSEL B. SWENSON, PrOVO

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1959)

SOCIETY

OFFICERS 1957-59 LELAND H. CREER, President NICHOLAS c. MORGAN, SR., Vice-President

A. R. MORTENSEN, Director

PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE JUANITA BROOKS, Chairman LEVI EDGAR YOUNG A. R. MORTENSEN

LOUIS BUCHMAN, Salt Lake City

MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE

GEORGE F. EGAN, Salt Lake City

JOEL E. RICKS, Chairman

CHARLES R. MABEY, Bountiful

A. R. MORTENSEN

WILLIAM F. MCCREA, Ogden

LEVI EDGAR YOUNG, Salt Lake City

PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE GEORGE F. EGAN, Chairman

(Ex-Officio Member)

WILLIAM F. MCCREA

LAMONT F. TORONTO, Secretary of State

CHARLES R. MABEY

EDITORIAL CONTRIBUTIONS: The Society was or-

The Utah State Historical Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to this publication.

ganized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the state. To effect this end, contributions of manuscripts are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters, and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present-day writers on any phase of early Utah history. Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanendy removing diem from meir possessors. Contributions for die consideration of die Publications Committee, and correspondence relating Uiereto, should be addressed to the Editor, Utah State Historical Society, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah.

MEMBERSHIP: Membership in die Society is $3.00 per year. The Utah Historical Quarterly is sent free to all members. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $3.00 a year or $1.00 for current numbers. Life membership, $50.00. Checks should be made payable to die Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Editor, 603 East South Temple, Salt Lake City 2, Utah. Entered as second-class matter January 5, 1953, at die Post Office at Salt Lake City, Utah, under die Act of August 24,1912.

y»»m.-^8aOTrag!8gyU»WWft>lMt'

WFIi ,

pRODUCt." MERCHANDISE

» V F » 1 « KX5M.1 I

. ST6E0R6E.UTAH

« • • / - ' - /•••

Facsimile of the front and back °f Tithing Office script. The first redeemable in produce at the General Tithing Store House in Salt Lake City and the second at St. George. Courtesy Historian s Office, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

UTAH

STATE

HISTORICAL

SOCIETY

*; 'I «*• flfe

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1 1

Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 26, Number 1-4, 1958

Articles inside

The Salt Lake City Beobachter: Mirror of an Immigration

Early Day Trading with the Nevada Mining Camps