Utah Historical Quarterly Volume 3, Number 1-4, 1930

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl.

1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.

Utah State Historical Society BOARD OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

J O E L E. RICKS, Logan P A R L E Y L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. F E L L O W S , Salt Lake City - W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City L E V I E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. S E E G M I L L E R , Salt Lake City EXECUTIVE OFFICERS 1929-1930 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President Librarian and Curator W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Vice President

J. C E C I L A L T E R , Secretary-Treasurer Editor in Chief

All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

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Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 3

January 1930

Number 1

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION AND TRADE NORTHWEST FROM N E W MEXICO INTO T H E GREAT BASIN 1765—18531

By Joseph J. Hill, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California The Old Spanish Trail. The present article deals with the opening of and travel over the Old Spanish Trail, not to California, as is the common thought in connection with that trail, but rather to the Great Basin. The Old Spanish Trail, properly so-called, led to the Great Basin, only. It was developed as a result of the Spanish trade with the Yutas. This trade began with the first exploration in that direction, the Rivera expedition of 1765, and continued until after the country was settled by whites. It was not until the winter of 1830-1831, when Wolfskill led a party to California by this northern trail, that the Old Spanish Trail was thought of as extending to California. But Wolfskill was an American and he led an American expedition.

The misnomer, however, was of perfectly normal development.

Parties going to California by this northern route set out from New Mexico along the Old Spanish Trail to the Great Basin, and so it was perfectly natural to speak of their having gone to California by way of the Old Spanish Trail. The term, therefore, soon became applied not only to the trail leading to the Great Basin but also to the branch of that trail leading to California.

The branch to California soon became the more important part of the trail and as a result the original meaning of the term has been forgotten. It is the writer's purpose, however, in the present article to consider the Spanish and Mexican travel and trade along the Old Spanish Trail which led to the Great Basin.

The Rivera Expedition to the Gunnison River, 1765. Possibly the first expedition of white men northwest from New Mex1 The following article is but a chapter in the history of the fur trade of the Far Southwest—a subject on which the writer has spent considerable' time during the last few years and on which he now has a volume about ready for the press.

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T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ico as far as the La Plata Mountains of today was the one led by Juan Maria de Rivera by order-of Tomas Velez Cachupin, governor of New Mexico, in the year 1765.2 Although Rivera's journal of the expedition has been lost, its contents are partly known to us by its having been known and used byDopiinguez and Escalante, who seem to have followed it more or less closely as a guide on their expedition in 1776, referring here and there in their diary to places described by Rivera.

By this means we are able to trace the general course of Rivera's route from Santa Fe northwest to the San Juan River (possibly'named in honor of Rivera) and across the southern spur of the La Plata Mountains, which seem to have been prospected to some extent and given their present name because of the finding in them of what appeared to be silver ore. 3 Continuing northwest the party descended either the Dolores or San Miguel River 4 (probably the Dolores) and, turning to the northeast, crossed the Uncompahgre Plateau and descended the 2 The date of the Rivera expedition, according to the printed copy of the Diario y derrotero of Escalante is 1761 (Documentos para la historia de Mexico, ser. 2, tomo 1, Mexico, 1854, p. 409). Escalante also speaks of the region's having been explored under the orders of Tomas Velez Cachupin, governor of New Mexico, but without giving any date of the expedition (ibid., p. 389). If these statements are both correct it would mean that there were two official expeditions over this territory within at least a few years of each other, since the date, 1761, falls between the dates of the two administrations of Velez (1749-1754 and 1762-1767).

This of course is not impossible, but it suggests the question of error in the date of the Rivera expedition. As a further indication of the possibility of such an error, Cesareo Fernandez Duro, on the authority of a manuscript copy of the Escalante diary in the Real Academia de la Historia, dates the Rivera expedition in the year 1765 (Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Don Diego dis Penalosai y su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira, Madrid, 1882, pp. 139, 142). Philip Harry also gives 1765 as the date of the expedition in his summary of the Escalante narrative based upon a manuscript copy then in the possession of Peter Force, now1 in the Library of Congress, and which apparently had been copied from what was regarded as the original in the archives of the city "of Mexico (J. H. Simpson, Report of explorations across the Great Basin, 1859, Washington, 1876, p. 490). I have adopted this date because it seems to fit the general situation better than the other one does. Since writing, the above note, a copy of the Escalante journal, made from a copy in the Seville archives, has been received in the Bancroft Library. In this'copy the date of the Rivera expedition is given as 1765.

3 Doc. para la hist de Mex., ut supra, p. 389. See also Juan Bautista de Anza, Diario in Doc. para la hist, de Nuevo Mexico, II 874—Ms. in the Bancroft Library.

4 While on the San Miguel, Escalante noted going down the same precipitous trail described by Rivera in his journal ( D o c para la hist. d2 Mex., ut supra, p. 401. Cf. W. R. Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1909) p. 140.

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

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Uncompahgre River to the Gunnison. 5 Here, after sending two of his men across the river in search of Yutas, Rivera began his return journey, presumably retracing his previous route.

Private trading expeditions among the Yutas, 1765-1776. Although no other official expeditions are known to have been made into that section for more than a decade, private individuals, among whom were members of Rivera's party, began to look with interest upon the region just explored. Thus began a movement which was to last more than three-quarters of a century. It is a movement, however, that is most difficult to follow because, unlike official expeditions, there were no records kept of these private ventures. In fact, owing to governmental restrictions on Indian trading it was frequently to the advantage of the persons concerned to cover up all trace of their activities. It is only by occasional, incidental references, therefore, that one is able to get a glimpse of what seems to have been happening more or less continuously during this entire period.

The first definite reference that we have to any of these private enterprises is the statement made by Escalante concerning the expedition of Pedro Mora, Gregorio Sandoval, and Andres Mufiiz, who went as far as the Gunnison in the year 1775 where at the mouth of the Uncompahgre they examined the young cottonwood on which Rivera had cut a cross, together with the initials of his name and the year in which he was there. 6 All three had accompanied Rivera in 1765 and may have been on 5

It was while in about this location eleven years later that Escalante recorded: "There came to these two rivers in the year 1765 Don Juan Maria de Rivera, crossing the same sierra de los Tabehuachis, on the summit of which is the place that he named El Purgaitorio, according to the description that he gives in his journal. The plain on which he camped for the purpose of fording the river and on which he says he cut a cross in a young cottonwood, together with the initials of his name and the year of the expedition, are still found at the junction of these rivers on the southern bank, as we were informed by our interpreter Andres Mufiiz, who came with the said Don Juan Maria the year referred to, as far as the Tabehuachis Mountains, saying that although he had remained behind three day's journey before reaching the river, he had come the past year, 1775, along the bank of the river with Pedro Mora and Gregorio Sandoval "who had accompanied Don Juan Maria through the whole of his expedition. They said that they had come as far as the river at that time, and from that point they had begun their return journey; only two persons having crossed the river, being sent

by Don Juan Maria to look for Yutas on the bank opposite the plain on which they were camping, and from which they returned." (Doc. para la hist, de Mex., ut supra, pp. 409-410. Translation by the writer.

Cf. Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah, p. 146).

6 Doc. para la hist, de Mex., ut supra, p. 410.

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other expeditions into t h a t region in t h e i n t e r v e n i n g decade, but of such activities w e h a v e as y e t n o specific record.

T h a t t h e r e w e r e o t h e r expeditions s u c h as t h i s , however, is evidenced b y s t a t e m e n t s in E s c a l a n t e ' s diary. T h a t document states t h a t while a m o n g t h e S a b u a g a n a s ( w h o lived on t h e head w a t e r s of t h e N o r t h F o r k of t h e G u n n i s o n ) t h e i n t e r p r e t e r had m i s i n t e r p r e t e d a certain portion of the p a d r e ' s speech either for the p u r p o s e of not offending t h e I n d i a n s , or in order t h a t he m i g h t n o t lose their good will, w h i c h he h a d g a i n e d b y traffic in pelts, w h i c h t h e d o c u m e n t a d d s , t h e S p a n i a r d s frequently carried on w i t h those I n d i a n s even in violation of t h e prohibition of the g o v e r n o r s of t h e kingdom. 7 I t further refers to the apparently r a t h e r c o m m o n c u s t o m w h i c h t h e S p a n i a r d s had of g o i n g to the Y u t a s a n d r e m a i n i n g t h e r e for a g r e a t w h i l e — t w o , three, and four m o n t h s a t a t i m e for t h e p u r p o s e of o b t a i n i n g pelts. 8 By t h e t i m e of t h e Do^minguez-Escalante expedition (1776) t h e region east of t h e Colorado a n d as far n o r t h as the Gunnison seems to h a v e b e e n fairly well k n o w n to t h e S p a n i a r d s of New Mexico. T h i s is clear from t h e fact t h a t m o s t of the m o r e imp o r t a n t physical features of t h e c o u n t r y w e r e referred to in the diary of E s c a l a n t e b y n a m e s t h a t are still on t h e m a p , and in a w a y t h a t w o u l d lead one t o t h i n k t h a t those n a m e s w e r e in more or less c o m m o n u s e a t t h a t time. I t w a s also definitely stated

by Nicloas de la F o r a w h o a c c o m p a n i e d t h e M a r q u e s de Rubi on his t o u r of inspection t h r o u g h t h e n o r t h e r n provinces in 17661767 t h a t t h e c o u n t r y to t h e n o r t h a l o n g t h e Cordillera de las Grullas 9 w a s at t h a t t i m e k n o w n to the S p a n i a r d s for a hundred leagues above N e w Mexico. 1 0 Demand for overland communication between N e w Mexico and California. So far t h e m o v e m e n t m i g h t be considered purely 7 Ibid., p. 518. . s Ibid., p. 519.

9 La Sierra de las Grullas (sometimes written La Grulla) was the name applied to that spur of the Rocky Mountains beginning in the vicinity of Marshall Pass at the northern end of San Luis Valley and running towards the southwest for about one hundred and twenty-five miles to the La Plata Mountains of today, thus forming the western boundary of San Luis Valley and serving as the divide between the waters of that valley and those of the Colorado River. For a description of these mountains by Dominguez and Escalante see Doc. para la hist, de Mex., ut supra, p. 407 and passim.

10 Relacion del viaje de orden del Excelentissimo Senor Virrey Marquez de Cruillasi hizo El Capitan de Ingenieros Dn Nicolas de la Fora, en compania del Mariscal de Campo Marquz de Rubi, Commissionado por Su Magestad, a la revista de los presidios internos, situados en la' frontera de la parte de la America septentrional perteneciente* al Rey. Ms. transcript in Bolton Collection (original in Biblioteca Nacional, Mexico).

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local in character. But at this point it takes on a broader aspect.

Urged on by the Russian advance down the Pacific coast, Spain had colonized Alta California. The first expeditions had been by water. But the need for an overland route was keenly felt both as a means of protection and as an economic saving in transportation. From Sonora, Anza had led a party to California in 1774 and another in 1775-76. But the route was far from satisfactory. Even if the Colorado desert had proved less formidable there would still have been the desire of opening a direct road between New Mexico and California if that should prove possible.

The Dominguez-Escalante expedition to the Great Basin, 1776. For this purpose, coupled with the desire of becoming acquainted with the Indians to the north and northwest and of exploring their country with the view to establishing missions, a company was organized under the leadership of two Franciscan friars—Francisco Athanasio Dominguez and Silvestre Velez de Escalante. 11 In addition to the two fathers the party consisted of the following members: Juan Pedro Cisneros, alcalde mayor of the pueblo of Zuni; Bernardo Miera y Pacheco, a retired captain and citizen of Santa Fe ;12 Joaquin Lain, a citizen of Santa F e ; .

Lorenzo de Olivares of the pueblo El Paso del Norte; the interpreter and guide Andres Mufiiz of Bernalillo, who had been a member of the Rivera expedition of 1765; his brother Antonio Lucrecio Mufiiz of Embudo; Juan de Aguilar of Bernalillo; and Simon Luz^ro, a servant of Cisneros. 13 u

T h e official title given Dominguez was "Comisario visitador de esta custodia de la conversion de San Pablo del Nuevo Mexico." Very little is known of his previous or later life. Escalante, whose name really should be written Velez de Escalante except for the fact that he is so much better known simply as Escalante, was "Ministro doctrinero de la mision de Nuestra Seiiora de Guadalupe de Zuni." This position he occupied from 1774 to 1778. His various letters and reports during this period indicate that he was actively interested in opening a road between New Mexico and Alta California. In April, 1778, at the request of Father Morfi, he wrote an historical account of New Mexico. Very little is known of his later activities.

12 There is some suggestion that the expedition was actually under the command of Miera y Pacheco. Escalante, writing on the day that the party set out, says that he had recommended Miera as a useful member of the party "no para comandar la expedicion sino para construir un mapa del Terreno que se andubiesse" (letter to Fr. Ysidro Murillo, in P. Otto Maas, Viages de misioneros frainciscanos a la conquista del Nuevo Mexico, Sevilla, 1915, p. 89).

13 The chief source of information concerning the expedition is the diary signed by Dominguez and Escalante, but which seems to have been written by Escalante. Manuscript copies of this diary can be found in the Archivo General, Mexico (Bolton, Guide to materials tor the history

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T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Leaving Santa Fe July 29, 1776, the company, ten in number, directed its course northwest through the little town of Santa Clara on the Rio del Norte, and Abiquiu on the Chama, across Rio Cebolla and Rio Nutrias to the Chama at about the point of the present El Vado. 14 On August 5, they arrived at the Navajo River where it turns from the southwest to the northwest about three leagues before it enters the San Juan. Passing on, the company camped three leagues below the junction of the two rivers near the present town of Caracas, naming the place Nuestra Sefiora de las Nievas. Continuing t o the northwest they crossed Rio Piedra, Rio Los Pinos, Rio Florida, Rio Las Animas, Rio La Plata (also mentioned by the name of San Joaquin), and Rio Mancos (which they also called San Lazaro).

On August 12, they arrived at Rio Dolores at the place where it turns from the southwest to the northwest near the present city of Hogg. From here they followed the general downward course of the river but usually at some distance to the west of it.

Upon touching it on the 17th, somewhere in the vicinity of Disof t!he United States in the principal archives of Mexico, pp. 28, 39); the Archivo General de Indias, Seville (Chapman, Catalogue of materials in the Archivo General de Indias for the history of the Pacific coast and the American Southwest, p. 425); and in the British Museum (Pascual de Gayangos y Arce, Catalogue of the manuscripts in the Spanish language in the British Museum, p. 412). The first printed edition is. that published as a part of Documentos para la historia de Mexico (ser. 2, tomo 1, pp. 375-558) Mexico, 1854. Recently P. Otto Maas published a portion of the journal from a manuscript copy in the Archivo General de Indias, in his Viages de misioneros franciscanos a la conquista del Nuevo Mexico (Sevilla, 1915), but unfortunately there is only a portion of the return trip included in this publication. Rev. W. R. Harris, in The Catholic Church in Utah (Salt Lake City, 1909), printed a translation of the diary. It is so poorly done, however, that the work is practically worthless. Such mistakes 'as the following occur frequently: Septentrional is rendered "southern"; ochenta, "eight"; de, "to"; o, 'and." Also, entire phrases which are essential to the meaning of the context are frequently omitted altogether, and there is a complete confusion as regar'ds directions.

14 Harris concludes that they crossed the Chama River at about the present site of Chama on the Denver and Rio Grande railroad and from there followed the present route of the railroad west. This however, seems improbable from the fact that they reached the Chama after traveling only three leagues from the Nutrias and at a point where the river was said to run to the south and from which point it turned to the east (de oeste). To the west they were told there were two lakes.

Stinking Lake is directly west of El Vado and Boulder Lake is about six miles to the north. In going about four leagues to the northwest and north from their crossing they passed an opening in the mountains "in which is another lake." Boulder Lake satisfies this condition if the party crossed the Chama in the vicinity of El Vado (The Ford).

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

9

appointment Creek, they discovered recent signs of Yuta Indians whom, however, they were unable to locate.

An effort was now made to find a road leading to the west but after searching a day and a half nothing was discovered but a trail to the southwest which was seen to be soon obstructed by table-lands and canons. A council was then held in which each member of the party disagreed with each of the others as to the direction that should be taken. With this feeling of uncertainty prevailing, they finally decided to follow the trail to the Yutas and there endeavor to obtain a guide. Leaving the Dolores they pursued a northeasterly course crossing the San Miguel River, which they called Rio San Pedro, 15 and the Uncompahgre Plateau, which they referred to as the Sierra de los Tabehuachis, and finally on the 26th of August, "entered the pleasant valley and river of San Francisco, called by the Yutas the Ancapagari."

From about thirty miles from the junction of the Uncompahgre with the Gunnison they descended to within about ten miles of the mouth of the Uncompahgre when they turned north to the Gunnison, which they named San Xavier and which they said the Indians called the Tomichi. 15a Going up the Gunnison and the North Fork of the Gunnison they came to the villages of the Sabuaganas Yutas. Here they met some Timpangotzis or Laguna Indians 16 "to whose country," the journal significantly states, "we were already intending to go." 17 Thus far their course had led over territory fairly well known.

The interpreter, Andres Mufiiz, had been over most of it at least twice before, and probably other members of the party had also been over part of it. But from now on their route was to lead them into territory apparently never before explored by white men.

Having secured the services of two Lagunas as guides, the party set out on September 2, intent on finding the home of the Lagunas. , Going generally to the northwest they crossed the Grand and White rivers and, on September 13, arrived at the banks of Green River (called by them San Buenaventura) near the mouth of Brush Creek a little above the present site of Jensen, Utah. Crossing the river they directed their course to 15 The San Miguel is the first river to be referred to by a different name than that by which it is known today.

15a One of the main branches of the Gunnison is still known by its Indian name—the Tomichi.

16 Perhaps more commonly referred to at present as Timpanogos.

Listed by Hodge in his Handbook (II, 751) under the name Timpaiavats.

17 "A cuya tierra intentabamos ya pasar." Doc. para la hist, de Mex., ser. 2, tomo I, p. 411.

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T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the s o u t h w e s t until t h e y arrived a t t h e j u n c t i o n of t h e U i n t a h and D u c h e s n e rivers. G o i n g u p t h e D u c h e s n e a n d S t r a w b e r r y rivers and crossing t h e s u m m i t t h e y seem to h a v e descended along D i a m o n d Creek a n d S p a n i s h F o r k R i v e r t o t h e settlem e n t s of t h e T i m p a n o g o s on t h e eastern shores of U t a h Lake, w h e r e t h e y arrived S e p t e m b e r 23, 1776. 18 Of this region—its g e o g r a p h y , i n h a b i t a n t s , and possibilities of d e v e l o p m e n t — t h e p a d r e s speak in considerable detail. T h e y m e n t i o n four rivers w h i c h flow into t h e lake, t h e first of which b e g i n n i n g at the south, w a s A g u a s c a l i e n t e s on account of the hot s p r i n g s t h a t h a d been observed while d e s c e n d i n g it. This w a s Spanish F o r k River, d o w n w h i c h t h e p a r t y h a d j u s t come.

T h e second, t h r e e leagues to the n o r t h , w a s n a m e d San Nicolas, and c o r r e s p o n d s fairly well t o H o b b l e Creek except for the s t a t e m e n t in t h e diary t h a t it c o n t a i n s m o r e w a t e r t h a n the first one, w h i c h is h a r d l y t h e case. H o w e v e r , t h e y seem to have left t h e A g u a s c a l i e n t e s s h o r t l y after it entered t h e open plain and to h a v e s t r u c k the San Nicolas farther d o w n in t h e valley, which w o u l d m a k e it a p p e a r relatively larger t h a n if c o m p a r e d w i t h the A g u a s c a l i e n t e s at t h e s a m e distance from t h e m o u n t a i n s . Three and a half leagues farther to t h e n o r t h w e s t w a s the t h i r d river, c o n t a i n i n g m o r e w a t e r t h a n t h e o t h e r t w o . T h i s t h e y named San A n t o n i o de P a d u a . I t is clearly the p r e s e n t P r o v o River. To the n o r t h w e s t t h e y could see a fourth river w h i c h t h e y w e r e told carried as m u c h w a t e r as t h e o t h e r s . T h e y n a m e d this the Rio de S a n t a A n a , b u t did not visit it. I t w a s , evidently, t h e American F o r k River of today. 1 9 18 There seems to be considerable disagreement as to the route followed by the party after leaving the summit. Bancroft has them coming down the Provo River which he imagines they called the Purisima. As a matter of fact the river they called the Purisima was on the east of the summit and, according to the diary, runs to the southeast (sueste). The company crossed it on September 21 and then climbed to the summit and, on the 23d, descended a stream running to the southwest which turned to the west as it joined another small stream. Just below the junction of the two were a number of hot springs which suggested the name of Aguascalientes for the river. They continued down the Aguascalientes to the open plain and then northwest six and a half leagues to the Indian villages. These various details and the daily routes traveled and the directions of the rivers seem to indicate that they came down Diamond Creek to its junction with Spanish Fork River and then on down that stream. The Castilla Hot Springs just below the mouth of Diamond Creek seem to make this conclusion imperative.

19 Bancroft identifies the four rivers flowing into the lake as follows: "Their Aguascalientes," he says, "is Currant Creek; the second, their San Nicolas though more than three leagues from the first, and not corresponding in every other particular, is the Spanish Fork River; the San Antonio de Padua is the Provo; and the Santa Ana, the River Jordan" (History of Utah, p. 14). But the diary distinctly states that

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The valleys of these rivers, it was said, contained widespreading meadows of rich irrigable land with plenty of water for irrigation so that there might be established in the region as many pueblos of Indians as there were in New Mexico.

The Indians were said to be good featured. They spoke the Yuta language but with a noticeable variation of accent. They were docile, living principally upon fish, rabbits, wild fowls, seeds, and herbs. They were but poorly clothed; their most decent dress being a shirt or jacket of buckskin with moccasins and leggings of the same material. For cold weather they had blankets made of rabbit skins. Their dwellings were huts made of willow brush.

The Spaniards were told of a larger lake of salt water to the north with which this one connected, but they did not visit it.

Obviously, this was Great Salt Lake.

After .spending three days visiting the tribes on the eastern shore of the lake as far north as Provo River, the party resumed its journey towards Monterey. Taking a course south-southwest they arrived on the 29th, unexpectedly, on the banks of the Sevier River, named by them the Santa Isabel. Here they made special note of meeting Indians having extra thick beards— "much thicker," they said, "than those of the LagUnas"—by which circumstance these Indians were said to be differentiated from all others hitherto known. 20 From the statement that the territory of these bearded Indians began at the Santa Isabel (Sevier) River it is possible to trace more definitely the routes of later expeditions which refer to these Indians as the Bearded Yutas.

Crossing the Santa Isabel (Sevier) River near the site of the present town of Mills they traveled south about five leagues and then west until they again" reached the Sevier, in the vicinity of the party entered the valley along the Aguascalientes. How they could have done this if Currant Creek were the Aguascalientes Bancroft does not explain. Furthermore Spanish Fork is at too great a distance from Currant Creek to be the San Nicolas if Currant Creek be the Aguascalientes and Provo River is too far from the Spanish Fork to be the third if the Spanish Fork be the second. Also looking to the northwest from Provo River the company certainly would have seen the American Fork instead of the Jordan. Moreover, they regarded all four as flowing into the lake whereas the Jordan flows out of it. Harris identifies the four rivers as follows: The Aguascalientes was the Spanish Fork; the San Nicolas, the Provo; the San Antonio de Padua, the American Fork; and the i Santa Ana, the Jordan (The Catholic Church in Utah, p. 248).

The objection to this arrangement is the fact that the Provo is at too great a distance from the Spanish Fork, Hobble Creek is ignored, and the Jordan flows in the wrong direction. °Doc, para la hist, de Mex., ser. 2, tomo 1, pp. 473, 476.

12

THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the present Oasis and Deseret. Here they turned to the southwest, taking the course at present followed by the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake Railroad through the valley of Beaver River.

On October 5, when in the vicinity of the present town of Blackrock, their Laguna guide, whom they had secured before leaving Utah Lake, left them after a quarrel with members of the party. To add to their difficulties, a heavy snow storm -set in, which brought very forcibly to their minds the nearness of the approaching winter. Being snowbound and out of provisions, on October 8, they recorded: "The winter had now set in with great rigor, and all the mountain ranges that we could see were covered with snow." They began to realize that long before they could reach Monterey the mountain passes would be closed, and they feared that they would be obliged to remain some two or three months on some mountain where they would be unable to provide themselves with the necessary food to sustain life.

Under these conditions it was finally decided to give up the pro-' ject and return to Santa Fe by way of the Cosnina, Moqui, and Zuni Indians. It was hoped that in this way a better road might be discovered by a more southern route.

But without a guide the return trip was no simple matter.

Directing their course to the south through Cedar V a i l e v > down Ash Creek, and across the Virgin River they soon reached the high tablelands of the canon of the Colorado. For a month they wandered over extremely difficult trails seeking a crossing of the great river. Finally after much tribulation, the river was crossed, November 7, at a point about thirty miles below the mouth of the San Juan just north of the Utah-Arizona line. Concerning the crossing, which has subsequently been known as the Crossing of the Fathers, the record says: "The ford of this river is very good; it is a little more than a mile wide at this point and here the Navajo and Dolores co|me incorporated with all others that we have mentioned in this diary as flowing into either of them." 21 The effort was now made to find the Cosnina Indian villages, which, however, were discovered to be empty when they were finally reached on November 14—the Indians apparently being away in search of pine-nuts in the adjacent mountains. On the 16th the party arrived at the town of Oraybi, one of the Moqui villages. The Moquis both here and at the towns of Xongopabi, Mossanganabi, and Gualpi were willing to supply the Spaniards with provisions and help them on their way but were not willing to treat with them on other matters, saying that they wished to be friends with the Spaniards but not Christian.

2i Ibid., p. -S35.

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

13

L e a v i n g t h e M o q u i t o w n s on N o v e m b e r 20, t h e priests w i t h three c o m p a n i o n s h u r r i e d on t o t h e Zuni s e t t l e m e n t s l e a v i n g the rest of t h e c o m p a n y t o follow m o r e leisurely w i t h t h e w e a k e r animals. 2 2 After t w o or t h r e e w e e k s s t a y at Zuni t h e y continued their j o u r n e y , p a s s i n g t h r o u g h San E s t e b a n de Acoma, San Jose de la L a g u n a , A l a m o , San A g u s t i n de la Isleta, San Francisco de A l b u q u e r q u e , N u e s t r a Sefiora de los D o l o r e s de Sandia, S a n t o Domingo, 2 3 and, finally, on J a n u a r y 2, 1777, arrived .at t h e city of Santa Fe. So far as o p e n i n g a r o a d -to California' w a s concerned the D o m i n g u e z - E s c a l a n t e expedition w a s a failure. B u t by m e a n s of it a large p o r t i o n of t h e i n t e r i o r of N o r t h A m e r i c a w a s explored for the first time b y w h i t e m e n , t h e G r e a t Basin w a s visited and, the Indian tribes a b o u t U t a h L a k e a n d t h e Sevier River w e r e made friends of t h e S p a n i a r d s .

W h e n at t h e T i m p a n o g o s s e t t l e m e n t s , D o m i n g u e z and Escalante h a d p r o m i s e d t o r e t u r n t h e following y e a r a n d establish a mission. I n d e e d this w a s given as one of t h e r e a s o n s for not going on to M o n t e r e y , as t h a t w o u l d delay t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the mission too long. 2 4 B u t ft s e e m s t h a t t h e priests w e r e unable to convince t h e a u t h o r i t i e s of the necessity of such a move, and so the p r o m i s e w a s n o t fulfilled. N o mission w a s established in the Great Basin, but, a s w e shall see later, S p a n i a r d s from N e w Mexico continued to visit t h a t region for t h e p u r p o s e of t r a d i n g with the I n d i a n s .

Anza's expedition through the San Luis Valley, 1779. U p to this time t r a v e l n o r t h from N e w Mexico a n d w e s t of t h e continental divide s e e m s t o h a v e t a k e n a n o r t h w e s t e r l y r o u t e a r o u n d the s o u t h e r n s p u r of t h e L a P l a t a M o u n t a i n s a n d t h e n n o r t h easterly a l o n g t h e w e s t e r n slope of t h o s e m o u n t a i n s t o t h e G u n nison River. 2 5 S o far as is k n o w n n o w h i t e m a n had passed 22 At Zuni the priests forwarded a report of their travels to Governor Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta. See Bolton, Guide, p. 37, and Chapman, Catalogue, p. 434.

23 A11 the stops between Zuni and Santa Fe were referred to as mission's except Alamo. < 24 Doc. para la hist, de Mex., ser. 2, tomo 1, p. 484.

25 East of the continental divide there had been a number of expeditions north from New Mexico previous to this time. In 1706, Juan de Uribarri led a company over the mountains from Taos, and north along the eastern foothills through Jicarilla, thence north and east to El Cuartelejo in what is now southeastern Colorado. In 1719 Valverde, governor of New Mexico, led an expedition over very much the same ground except that he did not go as far east as El Cuartelejo. And in 1720 the fateful Villasur expedition made its way along the eastern foothills to the South Platte and thence to its junction with the North Fork.

14

THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

through the San Luis Valley until Juan Bautista de Anza led an expedition there in 1779.26 The occasion for this expedition was Indian disturbances. The Comanches had been especially troublesome for some time. One of their chiefs, Cuerno Verde (Green Horn), whose father had been killed in an encounter with the Spaniards, had taken it upon himself to avenge his father's death. He had- led numerous attacks against the Spaniards, "killing hundreds and taking many prisoners whom he afterwards sacrificed in cold blood."

In an effort to quell these disturbances Anza, who had recently been made governor of New Mexico, organized an expedition against the Comanches. In making his attack he says that he selected a different route from that by which all previous expeditions against the Comanches had been made in order that he might not be discovered long before reaching the country inhabited by the enemy as had been the case with all former operations against them.

With an army of 645 men he set out from Santa Fe on the 15th of August, 1779. Following the Camino Real to the northwest and north, they passed through San Juan, crossed the Rio del Norte, and continued to Ojo Caliente, some seven leagues from their crossing, where the Camino Real ended. Between Ojo Caliente and their next crossing of the Rio del Norte the diary mentions passing the following six streams: Las Nutrias (Nutritas), San Antonio, Conejos, Las Jaras (La Jara), Los Timbres (Rio Alamosa), and San Lorenzo (Piedra Pintada Creek).

While on the Rio del Norte, Anza took occasion to record a few items that throw light on the geographic information of the time. He says, "This river, as is known, empties into the North Sea and Bay of Espiritu Santo. It has its own source fifteen leagues or a little more from this place in the Sierra de la Grulla which is the same one on the skirts of which we have traveled since the 17th . . 2 7 The Yuta nation accompanying me, 28 who reside at the said source, and three civilians who have explored it, tell me that it proceeds from the interior of a great swamp, which is. formed . . by the constant melting of the snow on some mountain peaks that are very near it.

26 Our authority for this expedition is Anza's diary Ms. in the Archivo General de Mexico, Seccion de Historia, Tomo XXV, no. 36, a copy of which is in the Bancroft Library (Doc. para la historia de Nuevo Mexico.

II, 861-922).

27 For a description of La Sierra de la Grulla (sometimes called La Sierra de las Grullas) see above, note 9.

28 On August 20, while on Rio Conejos, two hundred Yutas and Apaches had joined the expedition.

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

15

" T h e s a m e p e r s o n s tell m e t h a t after c r o s s i n g fifteen leagues b r e a d t h of t h e l a n d seven rivers come for v e r y s h o r t distances, and after u n i t i n g t h e y form one of c o n s i d e r a b l e size w h i c h flows to t h e west. T h i s river . . . I j u d g e to b e t h e river called Colorado, which, after u n i t i n g w i t h t h e Gila, e m p t i e s into t h e Gulf of California, w h e r e , a m o n g t h e n a t i o n s w h i c h live on it a n d w i t h w h o m I h a v e c o m m u n i c a t e d in m y j o u r n e y s t h e r e , I h a v e received information q u i t e c i r c u m s t a n t i a l of t h e Y u t a n a t i o n from which I infer t h a t t h e t w o are n o t far d i s t a n t from each other." 2 0 Anza further said t h a t t h e t h r e e civilians m e n t i o n e d above explored t h e said seven r i v e r s b y o r d e r of G o v e r n o r D o n T o m a s Velez. T h e y w e r e , therefore, p r o b a b l y m e m b e r s of the Rivera party.

F r o m t h e Rio G r a n d e del N o r t e t h e c o m p a n y proceeded north t h r o u g h t h e San Luis valley, 3 0 a n d t h e n crossed t h e m o u n tains t o t h e head w a t e r s of t h e A r k a n s a s River, w h e r e , b y coming upon t h e C o m a n c h e s from t h e n o r t h A n z a w a s able to surprise and defeat t h e m . T h e location is still recorded in t h e n a m e of Greenhorn ( C u e r n o V e r d e ) M o u n t a i n s . Fie t h e n recrossed the divide 3 1 a n d c o n t i n u e d s o u t h a l o n g t h e foothills to T a o s and Santa Fe. 29

Doc. para la historia de Nuevo Mexico, II, 872.

It is difficult to trace the exact route of the expedition through the San Luis Valley. Judging from the course pursued from the time the company crossed the Rio del Norte near San Juan until they reached it again at the point they named El Paso de San Bartolome, the latter place must have been in the vicinity of the present Del Norte. From San Bartolome the journal states that they traveled four leagues to the north and then four to the north-north-west when they arrived at a beautiful lake (cienaga) which they named San Luis. If the present San Luis lake is meant the direction traveled must be inaccurate. Furthermore, there is no place on the Rio del Norte from which they could have reached the San Luis lake after traveling the given distance and directions.

There seems to be a mistake in the direction given. San Luis lake is about due east from where they must have crossed the river. But notwithstanding the confusion at this point, it. is perfectly clear that they proceeded north until the mountains on the west (La Grulla) and the ones on the east (Sierra Almagre) approach each other so closely that there is nothing but canon between them. It was here that the crossing was made to the waters of the Napeste (Arkansas).

30

31 There is confusion again at this point. The diary states that they reached the arroyo of La Sangre de Cristo on September 3, and that they crossed the divide the following day and at the foot of the mountains arrived at the place of the lake (al sitio de la cienaga). It seems that they must have called one of the tributaries of Huerfano River the arroyo of La Sangre de Cristo and that they must have crossed the mountains by either the Sand Hill or Mosca Pass and not by the pass known as the Sangre de Cristo Pass today as would naturally be supposed from reading the diary.

16

THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

This was the last official expedition north or northwest of New Mexico during the period in which Spain held control, of which we have any record. The reason for this apparent lack of interest in the region may not be difficult to understand when one looks at the activities of Spain as a whole. The strained European conditions, the war with England which directed attention to the Mississippi valley and the Atlantic coast, and the increasing demand for protection of California and the Pacific northwest gave little time for further exploration of the Rocky Mountain region. The fact, also, that no important pueblos had been found tended to cool the ardor for govermental activity.

Spanish traders in the Great Basin. But the Indian trader usually knew or cared little about international affairs. Nor was he dismayed by not finding Indian pueblos. He was frequently of that type of individual who cared little for settled life and was just as much at home with a tribe of roving Indians as in the more highly civilized pueblos. To him the Yutas along the tributaries of the Colorado and in the Great Basin offered opportunities for both a life and living which were highly suitable to his inclinations. As we have already seen, at least as early as the time of Dominguez and Escalante, traders were in the habit of visiting the Yutas and staying with them for months at a time for the purpose of gathering peltries. That these activities continued, there can be but little doubt, although, for the next twenty-five years or so we have slender data on which to make any very definite statements. At the end of that time, however, there are a few documents which enable us to pick up the thread again.

On September 1, 1805, Joaquin de Real Alencaster who had but recently become governor of New Mexico, in writing to the commandant-general on the merits of a Yuta interpreter says: "Manuel Mestas, a Genizaro, seventy years old, who for approximately fifty years has served as Yuta interpreter, was the one who reduced them to peace." Further in recounting Mestas' virtues Alencaster says "In the short time that I have governed this province, he has recovered from the aforesaid heathen eight horses which he himself search for and brought back. In the month of July he went back to the country of the aforesaid people and not only succeeded in bringing back eleven mules and horses, but, according to the report of other Yutas, called Jimpipas, sia shortly started out on a trip of about a month's duration for the purpose of retaking, not only the aforesaid eleven animals, but also twenty mules and eight horses, which 31 *It is not clear who the Jimpipas were. I am not even certain that the spelling is accurate as the Spanish text is very difficult at this point.

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

17

among other things, had been stolen from men of this province last year in the country of the said Timpipas, by Comaches, and were retaken by the Yutas Timpanogos during a war with the aforesaid Comanches."

It seems from this that Mestas had set out for the land of the Timpanogos for the purpose of recovering the animals stolen from the Spaniards by the Comanches and retaken by the Timpanogos.32 On November 20, 1805, Alencaster again wrote to the commandant-general informing him that Mestas had returned "without recovering more than nine animals, since the pack mules of which he went in search, as a result of the cruel war which the the Caiguas (Kiowas) were waging against the Yutas Timpanogos, in an attack, had been captured by the Caiguas." 33 These communications suggest more or less continual intercourse between the Spaniards of New Mexico and the Yutas, some of which seems to have been carried on as far as the Timpanogos, that is, to the Utah Lake region of today.

The Arze expedition to Rio Sebero (Sevier River), 1813. Recently I discovered a document in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico, now at Santa Fe, which throws new light upon the activities of the period. It gives an account of a trading expedition to the Timpanogos, and the Bearded Yutas west of the Sevier River in the year 1813.- The company consisted of seven rnen under the command of Mauricio Arze and Lagos Garcia. They left Abiquiii on the sixteenth of March, 1813, and returned to that place after a trip of some four months, on the twelfth of July. On the first of September the governor of New Mexico, having received information regarding the affair, ordered the members of the party to appear before Manuel Garcia as alcalde of the "Villa de Santa Cruz de la Canada" and report what had taken place on the trip. Between the sixth and tenth of the month affidavits were sworn to by the following five members of the party: Miguel Tenorio, Felipe Gomez, Josef Santiago Vejil, Gabriel Quintana, and Josef Velasques. 34 In the main these affidavits duplicate each other, with only here and there a unique detail. None of the accounts give any 32

Alencaster to Commandant-General Salcedo, September 1, 1805 (Ms. Spanish Archives of New Mex., Santa Fe; photographic copy in Bancroft Library; cf. Twitchell, Spanish Archives of New Mexico, II, 478, no.1881.)

33 Alencaster to Commandant-General Salcedo, November 20, 1805.

(Ms. Spanish Archives of New Mex., photographic copy in Bancroft Library; cf. Twitchell, Spanish Archives of New Mexico, II, 487, no. 1925).

34 The document has no title, but is listed by Twitchell as number 2511 in his Spanish Archives of New Mexico, II, 577. A photographic copy is in the Bancroft Library.

18

T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

particulars as to the route followed between Abiquiu and the lake of the Timpanogos, possibly because that route was so well known that nothing needed to be said. The company remained at the lake of the Timpanogos three days carrying on a little trade while waiting for the Indians of two rancherias to come together. When all were assembled a council was held, but, if we may rely upon the statements of the Spaniards in their affidavits, the Indians would trade nothing but Indian slaves, "as they had done on other occasions," 35 the documents add. This the Spaniards claimed they refused to do. Whereupon some of the Indians fell upon and began killing the horses of the Spaniards. Before the chief could quiet his people and stop the slaughter eight horses and a mule had been killed. Warned by this injury the Spaniards collected their remaining horses and, after standing guard over them all night, set out on the following day for Rio Sebero (Sevier River).

Here they met a Yuta of the Sanpuchi (Sanpete) nation who promised to take them to a place where they could trade with a tribe of Yutas as yet unknown to them. Two of the company, Felipe Gomez and Gabriel Quintana, were left in charge of the pack train while the other five, guided by the Sanpuchi, set out to the west. After traveling three days they came upon a tribe of Indians who were characterized as having heavy beards, clearly the bearded Indians of the Dominguez-Escalante journal, whose territory we were there told began at the Rio Santa Isabel (The Sevier of today). 36 They were evidently the Sanpuchi or Sanpete Indians as an Indian of that tribe would not be apt to lead the traders to Indians of some other tribe.

Dominguez and Escalante had found these Indians very gentle and affable, but now they met the Spaniards with "their arms in their hands, saying their trade would be arrows." They were finally quieted, however, and arrangements were made to trade on the following day. But in the evening the Spaniards overheard the Indians discussing a plan by which they proposed to kill their visitors. Taking advantage of this information the Spaniards stole away "traveling stealthily all night and day until they reached the place where their companions and pack train were." Thence they took the road to the Rio Grande (Colorado), 37 at which place they found the rancheria of Guasache (Wasatch), who was waiting on the road to trade with them "as was his custom."

35

"Como lo abian verificado en otras ocasiones."

Doc. para la hist de Mex., 2 ser. I, 473, 47^6.

37 The Rio Grande here, and usually during this^period, refers to the Colorado, not the Rio Grande del Norte.

3G

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

19

At the rancheria of Guasache the party met with the same sort of treatment that they had received on the other portions of their trip. At first they were treated kindly but when they refused to trade for the Indian slaves offered them, the Indians took offense. This time, however, the commandant, having been informed of the extremity of the resentment of the Indians, called his men together and gave them permission to purchase the slaves, "in order," as the affidavits state, "not to receive another injury like the first one." As a result of this decision, twelve slaves were bought, after which, the Spaniards continued their journey with no other incident worthy of note except the loss of a mule and a horse by drowning in crossing the Rio Grande (Colorado).

Besides the slaves mentioned above, the Spaniards collected on their trip a total of one hundred and nine pelts. This, however, was stated to be "but a few." None of the statements tell what kind they were.

That the country over which the company had traveled was fairly well known seems to be implied from the fact that nothing to the contrary is stated and that no difficulties regarding the route are mentioned. The only place where they speak of having had a guide was from the Rio Sebero to the Bearded Indians.

Two members of the party, however, understood the language of these Indians sufficiently well to be referred to as interpreters.

These Indians, it was stated, were unknown to the traders, which seems to imply that the traders were at least somewhat acquainted with the others whom they visited.

American traders with the Spaniards on the Colorado. By 1824, Americans from Missouri were trapping and trading with the Indians in the mountains along the tributaries of the Colorado and Green rivers, and it is frequently supposed that the Spaniards had given way to the more aggressive traders from the United States. This is hardly a correct statement of the case, however. While it is true that American traders built up an extensive industry on the waters of the Colorado with Santa Fe as a supply base, and that they continued active in that region and from there to California for the next twenty years or more, it is also true that the Spaniards from New Mexico carried on an important trade with the Indians of the same region all during that period. What is more, they resented the American encroachment into this territory as a breach of neutrality, and complained (1828) of the establishment of a fort four days beyond Lake Timpanogos for the beaver trade. 38 This was evidently the tem38

Bolton.Guide, p. 225.

20

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

p o r a r y post or r e n d e z v o u s of S m i t h , J a c k s o n , a n d S u b l e t t e on Bear L a k e , 1827-1828.

Continued activity of the Mexicans among the Yutas of the Great Basin. F o r t h e n e x t t w e n t y y e a r s S a n t a F e w a s a recognized supply base for t h e R o c k y M o u n t a i n fur t r a d e . Enterprising A m e r i c a n s , like A n t o i n e R o b i d o u x , carried on a n extensive c o m m e r c e a l o n g t h e t r i b u t a r i e s of t h e Colorado a n d Green rivers, t r a n s p o r t i n g a large portion of t h e i r furs to S a n t a F e w h e r e they p r o c u r e d t h e i r outfits and supplies. Miles M. Goodyear, in 1841, is supposed to h a v e obtained a M e x i c a n g r a n t for t h e region now k n o w n as O g d e n , U t a h , and to h a v e stocked it as a r a n c h o with sheep, g o a t s , cattle, a n d horses from N e w Mexico. 3 9 B u t not all of the t r a d e fell into t h e h a n d s of t h e A m e r i c a n s . Dick W o o t t o n , w h o w a s t r a p p i n g in t h e G r e a t Basin in 1838, says t h a t he sent a lot of p e l t r y b a c k t o T a o s w i t h a p a r t y of Mexican traders w h o m he h a p p e n e d to m e e t t h e r e . T h i s is given as a typical case, not a t all u n u s u a l . T h e s e t r a d e r s , like t h e ones w e h a v e already noted, w e r e m o r e i n t e r e s t e d in t r a d i n g for I n d i a n captives ana children t h a n for furs. 4 0 E v e n after t h e M o r m o n s established t h e m s e l v e s in t h e G r e a t Salt L a k e V a l l e y c o m p a n i e s of Mexican t r a d e r s continued t o frequent t h a t region. F r i c t i o n b e t w e e n these parties and t h e M o r m o n a u t h o r i t i e s is responsible for a number of d o c u m e n t s t h r o w i n g l i g h t on t h e activities of t h e Mexican t r a d e r s of t h a t period. S o m e of t h e s e m a y h e r e b e noted. I n the t h e p r e a m b l e of a law "for t h e further relief of I n d i a n slaves and p r i s o n e r s , " passed b y t h e U t a h legislature J a n u a r y 31, 1852, 41 it w a s s t a t e d t h a t " F r o m t i m e i m m e m o r i a l , t h e practice of purchasing I n d i a n w o m e n and children, of t h e U t a h t r i b e of Indians 39 O. A. Kennedy, "First building built in Ogden. Story of Miles M. Goodyear" (The Ogden Standard, Ogden, Utah, July 11, 1914). Kennedy quotes freely from old pioneers who arrived in Ogden soon after the purchase of the Goodyear claim by Captain James Brown. One of these was Joseph Wood who is quoted as saying "I cannot recall the amount of stock, horses and cattle and goats. Certainly about 30 horses, 100 cattle, 250 goats, perhaps. The goats were every possible color and shade, some spotted as leopards. They were a pretty sight. We used them for meat and I thought it was the sweetest meat I ever tasted." James M. Brown, the son of Captain Brown, is quoted as saying: "When we got through to the fort that fall [1848] we found father and my older brothers living in the cabins at the fort. They had got about 50 cattle from Goodyear and there were 40 milk cows that were milking . . . . There were about 100 Mexican goats and 20 Mexican sheep, the kind with long straight wool. There were more than 50 horses, mostly of Spanish and Indian breed."

40

H. L. Conard, Uncle Dick Wootton, p. 81.

Utah. Laws, statutes, etc. Acts, resolutions, and memorials (Great Salt Lake City, 1855), p. 171.

41

SPANISH AND MEXICAN EXPLORATION

21

by Mexican traders, has been indulged in, and carried on by those respective people, until the Indians consider it an allowable traffic, and frequently offer their prisoners or children for sale; . . . . " A little over a year later, under date of April 23, 1853, Brigham Young, as governor of Utah, saw fit to issue the following proclamation :42 "Whereas it is made known to me by reliable information, from affidavits, and various . other sources, that there is in this Territory a horde of Mexicans, or outlandish men, who are infesting the settlements, stirring up the Indians to make aggressions upon the inhabitants, and who are also furnishing the Indians with guns, ammunition, etc., contrary to the laws of this Territory and the laws of the United States: "And whereas it is evident that it is the intention of these Mexicans or foreigners to break the laws of this Territory and the United States, utterly regardless of every restriction, furnishing Indians with guns and powder, whenever and wherever it suits their designs, convenience, or purposes: "Therefore, I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of Indian affairs for the Territory of Utah, in order to preserve peace, quell the Indians and secure the lives and property of the citizens of the Territory, hereby order and direct as follows: "1st. That a small detachment consisting of thirty men, under the charge of Captain Wall, proceed south through the entire extent of the settlements reconnoitering the country and directing the inhabitants to be on their guard against any sudden surprise. * * * * * * * "3rd. The officer and party hereby sent upon this service are hereby authorized and directed to arrest and keep in close custody every strolling Mexican party, and those associating with them â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and leave them safely guarded at the different points of settlement to await further orders. * * * * * * * "ith. All Mexicans now in the Territory are required to remain quiet in the settlements and not attempt to leave under any consideration, until further advised; and the officers of the Terri42 This proclamation appeared in the Deseret News (Salt Lake City) of April 30, 1853, (see Bancroft, History of Utah, p. 476) and from that was translated and published in an extended editorial, by La Cronica de Nuevai York from which it was copied by El Siglo Diez y Nueve (Mexico) in its issue of July 16, 1853. It is reproduced in O. F. Whitney, Hist, of Utah (Salt Lake City, 1892), I. 512. On July 20, 1853, El Siglo Diez y Nueve devoted its entire front page to the subject in opposition to the action taken by the Governor of Utah. This is especially interesting in view of the fact that New Mexico was at that time United States territory rather than that "of Mexico.

22

T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tory are hereby directed to keep them in safe custody, treating them with kindness and supplying their necessary wants . . ."

Slave buying expedition to the Great Basin led by Pedro Leon, 1851. A single specific case will serve to illustrate the practice which seems, from the documents quoted, to have been a rather common custom. On November 15, 1851, the Deseret News called attention to the fact that one Pedro Leon and a party of about twenty Mexicans were at Manti in Sanpete Valley for the purpose of trading horses for Indian children and that he had a license dated Santa Fe, August 14, 1851, and signed

by Governor James S. Calhoun. 43 Leon and seven of his companions were arrested and tried before the Justice of the Peace at Manti during the winter of 1851-52. The case later came before Zerubbabel Snow as judge of the First District court. In summing up the case, Snow made the following statement: "In September last, twenty-eight Spaniards left New Mexico on a trading expedition with the Utah Indians, in their various localities in New Mexico and Utah. Twenty-one of the twenty-eight were severally interested in the expedition. The residue were servants.

Among this company were the Spaniards against whom these suits were brought. Before they left, Pedro Leon obtained a license from the governor of New Mexico to trade on his own account with the Utah Indians, in all their various localities.

Another meniber of the company also had a license given to blank persons by the Governor of New Mexico. The residue were without license. They proceeded on their route until they arrived near the Rio Grande, where they exchanged with the Indians some goods for horses and mules. With these horses and mules, being something more than one hundred, they proceeded to Green River, in this territory, where they sent some five or six of their leading men to see Governor Young, and exhibit to him their license; and as the Spanish witness said if that was not gocCd here, then to get from him another license. Governor Young not being at home, but gone south, they proceeded after and found him November 3rd at Sanpete Valley. Here they exhibited to the Governor their license, and informed him they wished to sell their horses and mules to the Utah Indians, and buy Indian children to be taken to New Mexico. Governor Young then informed them that their license did not authorize them to trade with the Indians in Utah. They then sought one from him, but he refused it, for the reason that they wanted to buy Indian children for slaves. The Spaniards then promised him they would not trade with the Indians but go immediately home. Twenty of the number, with about three-fourths of the horses and mules, left 43

Bancroft, Hist, of Utah. p. 475. Whitney, Hist, of Utah, I, 508-510.

JEDEDIAH S. SMITH ON THE SALT DESERT TRAIL

23

pursuant to this promise and have not been heard from since.

The eight who were left behind are the men who are parties to these proceedings." 44 Snow decided against the eight defendants, and the Indian slaves in their possession were liberated and the Mexicans sent away.

Spaniards on Spokane River. New Mexicans, of course, were, at this time, United States citizens, but that they were regarded still as Mexicans in language and sentiment not only by the Mormons but by themselves and United States government agents is indicated by an incident narrated by Lieutenant R. Saxton in his "Report of the Route from the Columbia Valley to> Fort Owen and thence to Fort Benton," in 1853. When in the vicinity of Spokane River in the northeastern part of the present state of Washington, Saxton found the Indians suspicious and almost inclined to be hostile. As an explanation he recorded in his journal under date of August 2, 1853: "The Indians told me that a Spaniard had been along a few days before, and told them that a large body of American soldiers were coming to cut them off and take possession of their homes." 45 It is not stated that this Spaniard was from New Mexico, but it may, perhaps, be safely presumed that such was the case. Incidentally, this indicates the extent to which activity of Mexican traders was carried as late as the middle of the nineteenth century.

JEDEDIAH S. SMITH ON T H E SALT DESERT TRAIL

By Charles Kelly West of Great Salt Lake lies Great Salt Lake Desert, a barren and level plain extending approximately 100 miles north and south, and 75 miles in width. In geologically recent times the lake covered this whole area; but evaporation has gradually removed the water from this older and larger part, leaving the old lake bottom exposed, with the salt formerly contained in its waters spread out over the surface.

No streams flow into this great salt basin surrounded on every side by volcanic hills and granite mountains; and around its borders are to be found only a half dozen small springs of fresh water. On the eastern "shore" of this old lake bed only two insignificant springs are to be found in a distance of over a hundred "Whitney, Hist, of Utah, I. 510- 511.

45 U. S. Engineer dept., Reports of explorations and surveys to ascertain the most practical and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to' tWe Pacific Ocean. I. 256 (U. S. 33d cong., 2d sess., Senate, Ex. doc. 78).

24;

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

miles, and the country approaching from both the east and the west is almost equally destitute of water.

The surface of this desert is composed of the silt and clay left by the ancient lake, and the whole basin, which is without drainage, seems to be supplied with subterranean moisture. This underground supply, aided by the melting of snow accumulated during the winter, keeps the surface constantly damp the year round, even in the very hottest weather. The salt-impregnated mud, which is bottomless, makes travel across this desert in wheeled vehicles, almost impossible. Add to this difficulty its great width of 75 miles without water, and it can be easily understood why Great Salt Lake Desert was such a serious obstacle in the path of westward emigration in pioneer times.

Across this great stretch of salt-mud and waterless desert passed the Donner party in 1846, following the trail of Lansford W. Hastings, for whom the Hastings Cutoff was named. The experiences of this company of emigrants and their tragic fate in the Sierra Nevada Mountains is comparatively well known.

It is also well known in Utah that they were compelled to abandon some of their wagons in the Salt Desert.

It is generally believed that the Donner party was the only emigrant company who ever attempted to cross the Salt Desert in early days. This, however, is not the case, since history records at least ten different crossings before the route was finally abandoned in 1851; and it is with these little known experiences of exploring and emigrant parties which this series of articles will deal.

A glance at the map of Utah will show that Great Salt Lake and the desert to the west of it presented great natural obstacles to emigrant travel bound for California in early days. In order to avoid these obstacles it was necessary to make a long detour to the north around the lake and down the Humboldt river. It was in attempting to find a shorter route that Hastings crossed the Salt Desert with wagons and oxen in 1846, passing to the south of Great Salt' Lake, the results of which will be recounted later.

The first white man known to have crossed Great Salt Lake Desert was Jedediah S. Smith j 1 and before we recount the difficulties of the emigrants with wagons, it might be well to hear his story.

In July, 1826, General Ashley, who had made his fortune trapping in the Great Basin, sold out his interests to Smith, Jackson and Sublette. Jedediah S. Smith, who was a man of imagination and a born explorer, decided to find a route through iAshley-Smith Explorationsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Dale.

JEDEDIAH S. SMITH ON THE SALT DESERT TRAIL

25

the mountains to California, thinking it would offer a nearer market for his furs. He also hoped'to locate the fabled Buenaventura river and open up new and rich trapping grounds. With these objects in view he set out with a small company of jmen from the Great Salt Lake on August 22, 1826â&#x20AC;&#x201D;four years more than a century ago.

After various experiences he reached San Gabriel Mission, near Los Angeles, on November 26, having discovered a new route to the coast which is approximately the route of the modern highway between Salt Lake City and Los Angeles. Upon arriving at Los Angeles Smith and his party were forcibly detained by the Mexican authorities, but after a few weeks were released after promising to leave Mexican territory at once and by the way they had come. . Jedediah S. Smith, being by nature an explorer, did not relish the idea of retracing his steps, so instead of returning directly to Salt Lake, he took his men north, trapping as he went, until they were far from any Mexican settlement. Here they spent the winttr. In May of the following year, Smith made an attempt to cross the Sierras on his return east, in the neighborhood of the Stanislaus river. On account of the great depth of snow on the mountains he failed in his first attempt, losing several horses.

In his second attempt he was accompanied by only two men, with seven horses and two mules, but succeeded in crossing on the hard-packed snow in eight, days, with the loss of only /two horses and one mule.

Concerning his journey from the eastern slope of the Sierras to the Salt. Lake we have only a very little information, being that contained in a letter written July 17, 1827, on Bear Lake, probably near Laketown, Utah, to General W m . Clark, Superintendent of Indian affairs, as follows: "After traveling twenty days from the east side of Mount Joseph, (Probably Mount Stanislaus) I struck the southwest corner of the Great Salt Lake, traveling over a country completely barren and destitute of game. We frequently traveled without water, sometimes for two days, over sandy deserts, where there was no sign of vegetation, and wrhen we found water in some of the rocky hills, we most generally found some Indians who appeared the most miserable of the human race, having nothing to subsist on (nor any clothing), except grass seed, grasshoppers, etc. When we arrived at the Salt Lake, we had but one horse and one mule remaining, which were so feeble and poor that they could scarce carry the little camp equippage which I had along; the balance of my horses I was compelled to eat as they gave out."

26

T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

From this description, brief as it is, one who is familiar with the desert can trace his route with reasonable accuracy. In order to strike the southwest corner of the Salt Lake, coming from the west, it would be necessary to cross the southern end of the Salt Desert. The "country completely barren and destitute of game," and the "sandy deserts where there was no sign of vegetation" describe this desert exactly. ' There is another clue, however, which helps to locate his route a little more accurately. Isaac K. Russell, in "Hidden Heroes of the Rockies," says: "For years after Smith's journey, the Piute Indians of Skull Valley, Utah, repeated the tradition that the first white men they ever saw were three who staggered, almost naked, in from the western desert, and were half crazy from breathing alkali dust."

Mr. Russell obtained this information many years ago from old mountain men and trappers who still remember the stories of early days and who were well acquainted with these Indians.

I think it may be considered reliable.

Skull Valley extends north and south for a distance of thirty or forty miles, its northern end opening on Great Salt Lake and its southern end separated from the Salt Desert to the west by only a low range of hills. Smith and his two companions could have struck the southwest corner of Salt Lake after crossing the desert, by no other route than through Skull Valley, unless they crossed from Pilot Peak, which is many miles too far north.

From Smith's own account he did not follow the Humboldt river, the route later taken by the emigrants, and therefore would have struck the desert nearer its southern end. H e most probably followed near to the line of the Beckwith survey of 1854, which is practically identical with what is now known as the Goodyear or Sieberling Cutoff, of the old Lincoln Highway, in which case he would have left Goshute Springs, Utah, on the western edge of the desert, traveled 20 miles to Granite mountain, about 30 miles to the southern end of Skull Valley, and from there nearly twenty miles to the springs, where he probably encountered the Indians who remembered seeing three men come in famished from the desert. There is one small spring in Granite mountain which he may have found. But even if he obtained water there, it was still two day's hard travel to the next water in upper Skull Valley.

It is certain that Smith did not cross the desert over the route of the present Victory Highway, since there is no water within a day's journey of Wendover on the western side, the present water supply being piped 22 miles. Besides, if he had used that route, he would most likely have made mention of the great salt beds lying just east of Wendover.

AMERICAN POSTS

27

Taking into consideration the nature of the country, the information in Smith's letter, and the story of the Indians, I believe it can be stated with a reasonable degree of accuracy, that Jedediah S. Smith crossed the Great Salt Desert over approximately the route of the present Goodyear or Sieberling Cutoff of the original Lincoln Highway, (now abandoned), running between Orr's Ranch in Skull Valley and Gold Hill, western Utah.

The feat of crossing this great unknown country between the Sierras and the Salt Lake, with only two companions, has never been fully appreciated by historians, partly because Smith himself makes such brief mention of it, but principally because of the historians' lack of knowledge concerning that section of the west. Few persons todayâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;few even in Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;have ever seen the Great Salt Desert or the country which lies to the west of it.

The desert between the Sierras and the Sink of the Humboldt is desolate enough, dangerous enough, even for the hardiest explorer. But the Great Salt Desert, stretching for 75 miles without water and without any vegetation whatever, reflecting froim its salt-encruste.d surface all the heat of the summer sun, confusing the traveler with its beautiful mirages and choking him with its salt-laden winds; enmeshing his feet in its bottomless mire and sapping his energy with its shifting sand dunes, presents the most desolate and dangerous stretch of desert in America, with the exception of Death Valley itself.

Jedediah S. Smith, crossing this desert for the first time, with no knowledge of what lay before him, achieved one of the greatest single exploits in the whole history of western exploration.

The next article of this series will deal with the BartlesonBidwell party of 1841, the first to cross the Salt Desert with wagons.

AMERICAN P O S T S (Continued)

By Edgar M. Ledyard Hindrnan, Fort. ("Arkansas Post"). Left bank of the Arkansas River; fifty jmiles above the mouth, in the southern part of Arkansas County. Built by the Confederates. Arkansas.

Holabird Quartermaster Intermediate Depot. Five and one-half miles .southeast of Baltimore, Maryland. Maryland.

Holmes, Fort. On Mackinac Island, north of Fort Mackinac. Michigan.

Holt, Fort. Temporary work at the mouth of the Ohio, opposite Cario, Illinois. Kentucky.

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T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Hook, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, eleven miles south of Fort Wheelock on Orange Lake, and 17 miles west of Fort King. Florida.

Hoover, Fort. In Rockingham County, at Harrisonburg.

Virginia.

Hope, Fort. Canada.

Hoskins, Fort. (Military). On left.bank of the south fork of Yamhill River, present town of Hoskins, Benton County.

Oregon.

Hot Springs Army and Navy Hospital, Hot Springs, Arkansas.

Houston, Fort Sam. Fort Sam Houston was founded in 1865; it is the headquarters of the Eighth Corps Area. Ordinarily about 12,000 troops are barracked at Sani Houston and every branch of the service is representedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;infantry, cavalry, artillery, tank and transport. The original size of the post was about one fourth of the present area of 1,000 acres. In addition, the Government has the use of 20,000 acres nearby for field maneuvers. Fort Sam Houston is one of the most desirable stations, among the various posts, in the United States. The Alamo, located in the business center of San Antonio, is of great interest to Americans.

The Alamo was built about 1718. On March 6, 1836, while garrisoned by Texans, it was attacked by General Santa Ana of the Mexican Army. All but a few of the garrison were killed; among them were Travis, Crocket and Bowie, of frontier fame. Those who surrendered were immediately put to death by General Santa Ana. Albert Sidney Johnson, Robert E. Lee, George H. Thomas, W. H . Carter, Henry T. Allen and many other noted soldiers have been on duty at Fort Sam Houston. The Fort and military reservation are located near the City of San Antonio, Texas.

Howard, Fort. Seventeen miles southeast of Baltimore; established in 1900. The reservation covers 149 acres and the post is situated at North Point on Patapsco River. In 1914 four companies of Coast Artillery were stationed there. Maryland.

Howard, Fort. One of the defenses before Petersburg. Virginia.

Howard, Fort, on left bank of Fox River, 14 miles from its mouth at Green Bay, Brown County. Wisconsin.

Howell, Fort, in the vicinity of Hilton Head, due east from Fort Wells. South Carolina.

Howes' House (1810-11), Hudson's Bay Company Post.

Montana.

Hoyle, Fort, at Edgewood. Maryland.

AMERICAN POSTS

29

Huachuca, Fort. Located in Cochise County, Arizona, 22 miles from Tombstone, Arizona, near the southern border. Arizona.

Hudson Battery. On Staten Island; right bank of Narrows, entrance to New York Harbor. New York.

Hudson, Camp. At second crossing of the San Pedro, 34 miles from its mouth on the Rio Grande. Texas.

Huger, Fort, at the junction of the Blakely and Apalache Rivers, northwest of Spanish Fort. Built by the Confederates to command Blakely River and nearby points. Alabama.

Hugh, Camp, Bibb County. Alabama.

Hughes, Camp, Manitoba. Canada.

Hughes, Fort, on the island of Pulo Caballo, Manila Bay. Philippine Islands.

Hulbert, Fort. Temporary fort established during Florida War, about 13 miles from coast, and midway between Forts Andrews and Frank Brooke. Florida.

Hull, Fort. In central part of Macon County, five miles due south from Tuskegee, near the Caleebee Creek, tributary of the Tallapoosa River. Alabama.

Humboldt, Fort. The site of this old post is at Bucksport, about three miles south of Eureka, in Humboldt County. The site of the post is well defined and well-known to residents in the vicinity. Some of the old buildings were standing in 1924.

In August, 1853, U. S. Grant was promoted to the grade of full captain in the Fourth United States Infantry, at Fort Vancouver, Washington Territory; in October of the same year, Captain Grant was ordered to Fort Humboldt and took command of Company " F . " While a captain at Fort Humboldt, Grant and three other officers Teased the Union Hotel on Kearny Street, San Francisco, at $500.00 per month, with the idea of subletting it. This enterprise was a financial failure. When Grant was at Fort Humboldt, the nearest town was Eureka, three miles north.

The principal citizen of Eureka at that time was James F. Ryan who surveyed the town, operated a sawmill and afterwards became a brigadier general of the militia and a member of the California Senate. Grant and Ryan were great friends, according to Albert D. Richardson, one of Grant's biographers. Richardson states that Ryan kept a barrel of whiskey on tap and that his table was loaded with local game and bread made from Genesee, New York flour. Visitors to Old Fort Humboldt are still shown a well-worn path, said to have been established by Grant while making pedestrian trips from the fort to a nearby saloon. Grant called the Humboldt Bay clams "a first-rate substitute for gutta percha oysters." California.

Humphreys, Camp, (Engineers), Accotink. Virginia.

30

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Humphreys, Fort. Fifteen miles southwest of Washington, D. C , in Fairfax County, on the Potomac River, at Accotink.

Virginia.

Hunt, Fort. In the District of Washington; lV/2 miles south of Washington, D. C. Virginia.

Hunter, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, right bank of St. John's River, about 1/4 miles south of Pilatka. Florida.

Hunter, Fort, Montgomery County. New York.

Hunter, Fort, Daughin County. Pennsylvania.

Huntington Smith, Fort. One of the Civil W a r defenses of Knoxville, east of the city and north of the Holston River.

Tennessee.

Hyndshaw, Fort. On January 12, 1756, Benjamin Franklin issued instructions from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, addressed to Captain Vanetta of Upper Smithfield Township. Captain Vanetta was directed to raise a company of soldiers of not less than 30 able men to be engaged for a period of one month. The Province had no money to furnish arms or blankets and each man who enlisted was directed to bring his own equipment, for the use of which he would be allowed $1.00, for the entire period of enlistment. Captain Vanetta was directed to keep a journal in which all the activities of the men, including desertions or deaths were to be reported. The men were advised that if attacked by the Indians, they were to kill and scalp them; also that they would be paid $40.00 for each scalp brought in. Drunkenness and immorality were forbidden. Some fifty soldiers signed the following obligation: "Jany. 12th, 1756.

"We, the Subscribers, do hereby engage ourselves to Serve as Soldiers in his Majesty's Service, under the command of Captain John Vanetta, for the space of one Month, and whoever of us shall get drunk, desert, or prove cowardly in Time of Action, or disobedient to our Officers, shall forfeit his Pay. This Agreement we make in Consideration of being allow'd at the rate of Six Dollars per Month, Wages, one Dollar for the Use of a Gun and Blanket, to each Man who shall furnish himself with them, and the Provisions and Rum mentioned in a Paper hereunto annex'd." (Penn. Arch., ii, p. 547.)

This was one of the shortest enlistments in the history of. this country. Henshaw was one of the Lieutenants and from the inclusion of his name in the records, the name, Henshaw, q. v., may have become confused with Hyndshaw. When the fort was completed it was about 70 feet "each way" and very "slightly Staccaded." The bastians were later rebuilt and all trees and other obstacles cleared for a distance of 300 yards around the post. Pennsylvania.

AMERICAN POSTS

31

Independence, Fort, in Owens River Valley. California.

Independence, Fort, (Castle William). On Castle Island.

Built on former site of Castle William at the inner entrance to Boston Harbor. Massachusetts.

Independence, Fort. On south bank and at mouth of East Creek, Orwell County. Vermont.

Indianapolis Arsenal, Indianapolis, Marion County. Indiana.

Indianhead Naval Station, Maryland. Washington, D. C. Inge, Fort. Left bank of Big Leona River, about 5 miles below its source at Leona Spring, in Uvalde County. Texas.

Iona Island Naval Magazine, Iona Island. New York.

Jackson Barracks, on left bank of the Mississippi, three miles below New Orleans. Louisiana.

Jackson, Camp. Six miles east of Columbia. South Carolina.

Jackson, Fort. Temporary work, left bank of the Coosa, two miles northeast from the junction of Alabama and Tallapoosa River. Formerly Fort Thoulouse." Alabama.

Jackson, Fort. Temporary fort, established during Florida War, 13 miles.southwest from Columbus, on the road to Tallahassee. Florida.

Jackson, Fort, on right bank of Savannah River, three miles below Savannah. Georgia.

Jackson, Fort. On right bank of the Mississippi at Plaquemines Bend, nearly opposite Fort St. Phillip, and 70 miles below New Orleans, at Triumph, Plaquemines County. Some writers give the distance below New Orleans as 78 miles. Fort Jackson was built during the years 1824 to 1832 and enlarged and repaired in 1841. The State authorities of Louisiana seized Fort Jackson and Fort St. Phillip in 1860 and fortified them strongly.

These forts were captured on April 28, 1862, by Commodore Porter of the Federal Navy. Louisiana.

Jackson, Fort, (1833). North bank of Milk River. Montana.

Jackson, Fort, St. Lawrence County. New York.

Jackson, Fort. On James Island. The first independence -flag displayed in South Carolina'was at the taking of Fort Jackson, September 13, 1775. It was blue with a white crescent in one corner. This was the flag rescued by Sergeant Jasper in the attack on Fort Moultrie on June 28, 1776. South Carolina.

Jackson, Fort. One of the Civil W a r defenses of Washington, D. C.; south side of the Potomac, at Long Bridge. Virginia.

Jackson, Fort. At Mineral Point. Built during the Black Hawk War. Wisconsin.

Jacqua, Camp. In northwestern California on Fort Humboldt and Fort Gaston Road. California.

James, Fort, on right bank of Alatamaha River, two miles above the mouth of Beard's Creek. Also called Old Fort. Georgia.

32

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

James, Fort. On right bank of Ogeechee River. Built by the Confederates. Georgia.

James, Fort. About the year 1664 the Dutch Settlement at Fort New Amsterdam was captured by the English and the name of the Fort was changed to James (See Fort William Henrik).

New York. ^ James, Fort. At junction of Firesteel Creek with the James River, Alexandria, Hanson County. South Dakota.

Jameson Battery. One of the defenses of Washington on right bank of Eastern Branch. District of Columbia.

Jasper House. This post was situated at the outlet of Lake Jasper, an expansion of Athabasca River. It was an important trade outpost of the Hudson's Bay Company on the east side of the Rocky Mountains between the eastern ends of the Athabasca and the Yellow Head passes. It was named in honor of Jasper Haws, a clerk in the Northwest Company. This post was built about 1800. The name "Jasper House" is preserved in the name of a station on the Canadian National Railroad in this vicinity.

Canada.

Jay, Fort, now called Fort Columbus. On Governors Island, New York Harbor. (See Governors Island). A United States military post, established in 1806. The area of Governors Island, on which this fort stands has been increased by refilling the shallow waters near its shores. The island is so named because it was a perquisite of the royal governors, from which it derived its name. Governors Island has been used as a quarantine station and garrisoned by American and British troops at various times.

The Island was deeded to the United States in 1800 and a per : manent fortification was built upon the site of the original Fort Jay which was an early earthwork. In 1812, the "South Battery" was added. Extensive improvements were begun in 1901.

These included docks, warehouses, barracks and officers' quarters. New York.

Jefferson Barracks, on right bank of the Mississippi, below St. Louis. This post was established by Order No. 66 on October 23, 1826. It is located near the city of St. Louis and one of our most important army posts. Jefferson Davis, Lee, Johnson and many noted officers have been stationed here. Blackhawk was confined here. Washington Irving visited Blackhawk here and Catlin painted Indian pictures at this post. In South St. Louis; ten miles south of St. Louis. Missouri.

Jefferson, Fort. On Tortugas Island. Garden Key, Dry Tortugas, in the Gulf of Mexico. Florida.

Jefferson, Fort. On the Mississippi River; longitude 89.54 west, latitude 36.36 north. Kentucky.

(Continued)

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl.

1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.

Utah State Historical Society BOARD O F C O N T R O L (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

J O E L E. R I C K S , Logan P A R L E Y L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. F E L L O W S , Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. S N O W , Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City L E V I E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. S E E G M I L L E R , Salt Lake City E X E C U T I V E O F F I C E R S 1929-1930 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President Librarian and Curator WILLIAM J. SNOW, Vice President

J. C E C I L A L T E R , Secretary-Treasurer Editor in Chief

All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society.

Checks should be made" payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

CONTRIBUTIONS The Society was organized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the State. To effect this end, contributions of writings are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present day writers on any phase of early Utah history.

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Pilot Peak, and the Desert

Trail

Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City .

Volume 3

April 1930

Number 2

THE SALT DESERT TRAIL

By Charles Kelly II. The second attempt to cross the Great Salt Lake Desert was made by Joseph R. Walker and a company outfitted by Capt.

B. L. E. Bonneville, who were under instructions to make a survey of the Great Salt Lake and surrounding country, in July, 1833, according to Washington Irving. (See also Zenas Leonard's narrative.) Leaving their encampment on Bear river this party followed the northern shore of the lake and struck west across the northern end of the Salt Desert.. But the country was found to be without water and so forbidding in appearance that it was deemed unsafe to proceed further in that direction. Turning north into the mountains, they abandoned their original purpose and proceeded to California along the Humboldt river.

The second actual crossing of this desert was made in 1841 by a party under Col. John Bartleson. While their route followed along the northern borders of the desert where they found occasional waterholes and saline springs, this was the first party of emigrants to cross any part of the desert with wagons.

Their trail, along its western edge was seen in 1846 by Edwin Bryant, who traveled the Hastings Cutoff. While the major portion of their route was never used again, the story of the Salt Desert trail would not be complete without their record.

John Bidwell, to whom we are indebted for the most accurate information concerning this expedition, was only twenty years old when he arrived at Sapling Grove, below Independence, Missouri, expecting to find a number of emigrants who had agreed to meet at that place and travel overland to California. They had been induced to emigrate through reading the letters of Dr. Marsh, who had settled near Sutter's Fort a few years previously.

Missouri, in those days, was a very unhealthful region, everyone

36

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

being subject to attacks of the ague. Dr. Marsh represented California to be free of this plague, and it was primarily for this reason that so many Missourians crossed the plains between 1841 and 1848.

Arriving at the appointed meeting place, young Bidwell found only one .wagon ready to proceed. In a few days, however, several others came in, enough to form a small company.

Among these newcomers was Col. John Bartleson, who.appointed himself captain of the train. Bidwell had invested his last cent in a wagon and supplies, but had no oxen. However he prevailed upon another young man who owned a fine riding horse to trade the animal for some young unbroken oxen, which were yoked to the wagon. In the whole company there was less than $100 in cash.

After the company was ready to start it was discovered that none of them knew anything whatever about the route they were to travel. But fortunately for them, Father DeSmet and a company bound for Oregon arrived at the encampment about that time, guided by the old mountaineer and trapper, Thomas Fitzpatrick. Attaching themselves to this company the Bartleson party traveled across the plains without mishap as far as Soda Springs, where DeSmet and Fitzpatrick left them, going on to Oregon.

The Bartleson party, after parting with DeSmet, consisted of 31 (or 32) men, one woman and one child. No wagons had as yet traveled the California trail nor crossed the Sierras. None of the members of this party had any knowledge of the intervening country except a vague general description obtained from trappers at Fort Hall.

The only known records of this journey are the statements of J. B. Chiles, Charles Hopper, Josiah Belden, and the diary of John Bidwell, all of which were preserved by H. H. Bancroft, and extracts from which, so far as they concern Utah, Idaho and Nevada, are here reproduced through courtesy of the Bancroft Library.

Extract from, "A Journey to California," by Tohn Bidwell in 1841. " * * * The Missionary Company consisted of 11 persons, viz., Capt. Fitzpatrick, the pilot, Father De Smet, Pont and Mengarine, missionaries; John Grey, hunter; Rornaine, and 5 Teamsters."

"Our company was composed of the following individuals: T. H. Green, G. Hinshaw, Charles Hopper, J. P. Springer, A. G.

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37

Patton, J. Bartleson, N. Dawson, Josiah Belden, J, M. Jones, J. W. Chandler, John De Swart, H. S. Brolaske, M. C. Nye, Elias Barnet, Major Walton, A. Walton, Green McMahan, J. McDowel, R. H. Thomas, Elisha Stone, Isaiah Kelsey, Saml. Kelsey and family, William Towler, Richard Williams and family, E. W. Flugge, W. P. Overton, Geo. Simpson, V. W. Dawson, Andrew Kelsey, Benj. Kelsey and family, Edw. Rogers, D. F. Hill, A. Cook, Jones, Carroll, Jas. Ross, Henry Huber, John Roland, Wm. Belty, Thos. Jones, Augustus Fifer, Jas. John, R. Rickman, H. Peyton, Chiles, Charles Weaver and James Shotwell, the last six did not overtake us at Kanzas river."

"The trappers for the mountains are the following: Jas. Baker, Piga, a Frenchman and W m . Mast, A. E. Frye and Rogers on a pleasure excursion; Williams, a preacher, on a visit to Ore8fon ^ ^ Friday, June 18, 1841. About 12 o'clock today we passed another object, still more singular and interestingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it is called by the mountaineers the Chimney, from its resemblance to that object; and is composed of clay and sand so completely compact, as to possess the hardness of a rock. It stands near the hugh bluffs that bound the valley on the south, and has been formed from a high isolated mound which, being washed on every side by the rains and snows of ages, has been worn down till nothing is left but the centre which stands upon an obtuse cone, and is seen towering like a huge column at the distance of 30 miles. The column is 150 feet above the top of the cone and the whole, 250 feet above the level of the plain. * * * * * * * Sat., 19th. W e gradually receded from the river in order to pass through a gap in a range of high hills called Scott's Bluffs.

As we advanced towards these hills, the scenery of the surrounding country became more beautifully grand and picturesqueâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; they were worn in such a manner by the storms of unnumbered seasons, that they really counterfeited the lofty spires, towering edifices, spacious domes and in fine all the beautiful mansions of cities. W e . encamped among these envious objects having come about 20 miles. * * * * * * * Tuesday, 22nd. Eight miles this morning took us to Fort Laramie, which is on Laramie's fork of Platte about 800 miles from the frontiers of Missouri. It is owned by the American Fur Company. There is another fort within a mile and a half of this place, belonging to an individual by the name of Lupton.

The Black Hills were now in view. A very noted peak, called

38

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the Black Hill Mountain, was seen like a dark cloud in the western horizon. * * * * * ' * * Thursday, 24th. Left the Fort this morning and soon began to wind among the Black Hills. Two of our men stopped at the Fort, (Simpson and Mast) but, two other men with an Indian and his family joined us to travel to Green River.

SjS

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Monday, July 5th. The hills continued to increase in height.

After travelling 16 miles we encamped at a noted place called Independence Rock. This is a huge isolated rock covering an area, perhaps of half a square mile, and rising in shape of an irregular obtuse mound to the height of 100 feet. It took its name from the celebration of the 4th of July at this place by Capt.

Wm. Sublette, and it now bears many names of the early travellers to these regions.

Tuesday, 6th. This morning John Gray and Romaine were sent on to Green river to see if there were any trappers at the rendezvous, and then return to the company with the intelligence. All hands were anxious to have their names inscribed on this memorable land mark, so that we did not start until near noon.

Tuesday, 13th. Left our hunting encampment and met John Gray and Romaine returning from Green river, they found no person at the rendezvous on Green river, nor any game ahead.

It was therefore thought best to lay in more meat while we were in the vicinity of the buffalo. We therefore came to a halt having travelled about 15 miles.

Wednesday, 14th. Company engaged in hunting and curing meat.

Thursday, 15th. As many of the company had articles of traffic which they wished to dispose of at Green river, a subscription was raised to recompense any who would go and find the trappers. John Gray started in pursuit of them, while the company marched on slowly waiting his return.

Sunday, July 18th. Left Sweet Water this morning, course S. W. Crossed the divide which separates the water of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and after a travel of 20 miles reached Little Sandy, a branch of Green river—1 buffalo was killed.

M. 19th, 15 miles took us on to Big Sandy, which is likewise a branch of Green river—2 buffalo were killed.

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39

T. 20th. Traveled about 18 miles in a circuitous direction, first west and then south, country was extremely dry and dusty —no game seen but a few antelope—encamped on Big Sandy, having come about 18 miles.

W. 21st. Descended Big Sandy about 15 miles and again encamped upon it—no grass, had a little rain this evening but not enough to lay the dust.

T. 22nd. Descended Big Sandy about 12 miles and stopped where we found plenty of grass—this was very acceptable as our teams were already much jaded for the want of grass. The oxen, however, stood travel &c. as well as the horses and mules.

Gray returned this evening having found Trapp's (Fraeb) company, which consisted of about 20 men; they had returned to meet our company though on their way to hunt buffalo, and were now encamped on Green river about 8 miles distant. Gray had suffered much in overtaking the trappers. His mule gave out, there being no water for a great distance, and he, himself, was so much reduced by hunger and thirst that he was unable to walk, he was therefore compelled to crawl upon his hands and feet, and at last came up with the company in the most forlorn situation imaginable—if they had been another half mile farther, he never could have reached them.

F. 23rd. Went to Green river—distance 8 miles—spent the remainder of the day trading with the hunters.

S. 24th. Remained at this encampment and continued our traffic with the hunters. Chiles sold his oxen, 2 yoke, and wagon; another also was left.

S. 25th. Left the rendezvous this morning, six of the company viz, John Gray, Peyton, Frye, Rogers, Jones and Romaine, started to return to the United States. Baker stopped in the mountains to trap. Crossed Green river and descended it about 8 miles, Trapp (Fraeb) and his company likewise left in pursuit of buffalo.

I will not omit to state the prices of several kinds of mountain goods. Powder which is sold by the cupful (pint) is worth $1 per cup. Lead, $1.50 per lb.; good Mackanaw blankets, 8 to 15 dollars; sugar, $1 per cupful; pepper, $ 1 ; also cotton and calico shirts, from $3 to $5 ; rifles, from $30 to $60; in return you will receive dressed deer-skins at $3, pants made of deer skins, $10; beaver skins, $10; moccasins, $ 1 ; flour sold in the mts. at 50c per cupful, tobacco at $2 per lb. Butcher knives from $1 to $3. A good gun is worth as much as a horse; a cap lock is preferred.; caps worth $1 per box. We crossed Green river; went about 8 miles downstream and encamped.

40

T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

M. 26th. Left Green river—moved off in a w. direction —distance 12 miles—encamped on a branch of Green river called Ham's fork—land high, dry and barren, except upon the streams, which afford grass in abundance; also black currants, which, though not delicious, are acceptable.

T. 27th. Advanced upstream about 12 miles.

W. 28th. Advanced upstream about 12 miles.

T. 29th. Advanced upstream about 12 miles.

F. 30th. Traveled about 5 miles and encamped. Guess what took place; another family was created! Widow Gray, who was a sister to Mrs. Kelsey, was married to a man who joined our company at Fort Laramie, his right name, I forget; but his every where name, in the mountains, was Cocrum. He had but one eye—marriage ceremony performed by Father De Smet.

S. 31st. Left Ham's fork this morning. A distance of 14 miles, over an uncommonly hilly road, took us to Black's fork of Green river, on which we encamped. Here we found a little grass and no wood. The hills, which everywhere rose to view, were thinly clad with shrubby cedars. The fruit, found in this lonesome part of creation, service berries on the mts. and currants on the streams. In the afternoon we descried a large smoke arising from beyond the intervening chain of hills, from this and other signs, we were assured that there were plenty of Indians in the country. It was necessary, therefore, to keep a vigilant look-out, lest the Black Feet should leave us minus a few horses.

S., August 1st. Ascended Black's fork about 12 miles.

M. 2nd. Retraced about 2 miles of yesterday's travel, and went up another defile, in order to find a practicable route across, the divide between the waters of Green and Bear rivers; plenty of grass, good spring water; distance 11 miles.

T. 3rd. Ascended a high divide and passed down by a most difficult route into the valley of Bear river. The course of this stream was marked out as it wound its way through the vale by the willows that skirted its banks. Reached the river, where we found abundance of grass, having come about 20 miles.

W. 4th. Did not travel.

T. 5th. Proceeded downstream about 18 miles.

F. 6th. Had a fine road down the valley of Bear river and made about 25 miles during the day. Found many kinds of wild currants, red, black, yellow, &c, some of which were of an excellent quality.

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S. 7th. This morning we were obliged to make an inland circuit from the river, the bluffs approaching so near the river as to render it impossible to continue along its banks. We, however, reached it again by a most beautiful defile, and beautifully watered by a small rivulet proceeding from a spring. In the afternoon we again left the river on account of the hills, and did not reach it again until dark. The bluffs were exceedingly high, and no person could ever believe that wagons ever passed these huge eminences of nature, did he not witness it with his own eyes. But the pleasing view we had from their top, just as the sun was going to sleep behind the western mountains, paid us for all our trouble. A most beautiful landscape presented itself to view, the rugged summits of almost every shape were fantastically pictured upon the sky, bounding the western horizon, a beautiful little lake was seen to the south, whose surface was fancifully mottled with numerous islands, while the river meandered proudly through the valley among willows and scattering cotton-woods, till it disappeared among the hills in the shades of the evening. Distance traveled today, 16 miles.

S. 8th. Started about noon and went ten miles, scenery of the country was grand.

M. 9th. Distance 18 miles.

T. 10th (August, 1841). The day was fine and pleasant; a soft and cheerful breeze and a sky bedimmed by smoke brought to mind the tranquil season of autumn. A distance of 10 miles took us to the Soda Fountain 1 , where we stopped the remainder of the day. This is a noted place in the mountains and is considered a great curiosityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;within the circumference of 3 or 4 miles there are included no less than 100 springs, some bursting out on top of the ground, others along the banks of the river which are very low at this place, and some, even in the bottom of the river. The water is strongly impregnated with soda, and wherever it gushes out of the ground, a sediment is deposited, of a reddish color, which petrifies and forms around the springs large mounds of porous rock; some of which are no less than fifty feet high. Some of these fountains have become entirely dry, in consequence of the column of water which they contained, becoming so high as to create sufficient power by its pressure to force the water to the surface in another place. In several of the springs the water was lukewarmâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but none were very cold. The ground was very dry at this time, and made a noise as we passed over it with horses, as though it were hollow underneath. Cedar grows here in abundance and the 'Soda Springs, Idaho, a famous stopping place on the Oregon Trail.

42

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

scenery of the country is romantic. Father De Smet, with 2 or 3 Flathead Indians, started about dark this evening to go to Fort Hall 2 , which was about 50 miles distant.

W. 11th. Having traveled about 6 miles this morning the company came to a halt 3 —the Oregon company were now going to leave Bear river for Fort Hall which is situated on Lewis river 4 , a branch of the Columbia—many, who purposed in setting out, to go immediately through to the California, here, concluded to go into Oregon so that the California company now consisted of only 32 men and one woman and child5, there being but one family. The two companies, after bidding each other a parting farewell, started and were soon out of sight, several of our company, however, went to Fort Hall to procure provision, and to hire, if possible, a pilot to conduct us to the Gap in the California mountains 6 , or at least to the head of Mary's river 7 , we were therefore to move on slowly 'till their return. Encamped on Bear river, having come about 12 miles 8 .

I, in company with another man (J. John) 9 , went some distance below the camp to fish in the river; fished some time without success—concluded we could spend the afternoon more agreeably. The day was uncomfortably w a r m ; could find no place to shelter us from the burning sun, except the thick copses of willows—these we did not like to enter on account of the danger of falling in with bears. W e concluded to ascend the mountain 10 , where were two spots of snow in full view, in order to enjoy the contrast between a scorching valley and a snowy mountain. Supposed the snow no more than 4 miles distant, set out without our guns knowing they would be a hindrance in ascending the mountain. Our march was unremitted for at least 4 miles, had only gained the side of a hill which we at first supposed not more than a half mile off; here we lingered to observe several kinds of trees which we had not 2 01d Fort Hall, on the Snake River west of the present Ft. Hall Indian Reservation.

'At Alexander, Idaho. The Bear River here turns back to the south.

'Snake River. Formerly called Lewis Fork of the Columbia.

5 Mrs. Benjamin Kelsey and daughter, the first woman and child to see any part of the Salt Desert, or to cross the Sierra Nevada mountains into California.

"Sierra Nevadas.

'Humboldt river, so named by Fremont. Formerly called Ogden's river and later Mary's river after Peter Skene Ogden's Indian wife.

"West of Niter, Idaho.

"James John, called "Jimmy John," a peculiar character. '"Snowy Mountain, northeast of Downey, Idaho.

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43

before observed, among which were a kind of rock maple, choke cherry &c. But conscious of being defeated in our object, if we lost much time, we ran up the eminence with renewed vigor, till at last gained the summit. But being determined not to be outdone, we continued on under all the strength we could command; crossed a valley three quarters of a mile wide, ascended craggy steeps and passed through thickets of the densest kind, night obscured the valley below us, lost sight of the snow above us, afraid to return, lest we might fall in with bears, as their signs were plenty and fresh, continued to ascend the mountain till midnight, could not find the snow—we were cold, not having our coats. Clouds drifted against the mountain and made us wet—slept under a pine tree which afforded us a good shelter —morning came, it found us about half a mile below the snow, took as much as we could conveniently carry; took another route down the mountain, running and jumping as fast as our strength would permit, arrived at the camp about noon. They supposed, without doubt, that the Blackfeet had got us, had been up all night on guard, every fire had been put out, they had been out twice in search of us and were about to start again, when we arrived. W e were received with a mixture of joy and reprehension, the company was soon under way and traveled about 4 miles.

F. 13th. Traveled about 10 miles in a southerly direction.

It was the intention of the company to stop and hunt in Cash valley, which is on Bear river 3 or 4 days' travel from its mouth.

S. 14th. Left the river on account of the hills which obstructed our way on it, found an abundance of choke cherries, many of which were ripe; road uncommonly broken, did not reach the river, distance about 14 miles 11 .

S. 15th. Continued our journey over hills and ravines, going to almost every point of the compass, in order to pass them.

The day was very warm—the grass had been very good, but it was now very much parched u p ; having come about 15 miles, we encamped on a small stream proceeding out of the mountains at no great distance from us 12 . But we were surprised at seeing it become perfectly dry in the course of an hour, some of the guards said there was plenty of water in it about midnight, i M. 16th. This morning there was abundance of water in the little stream and it was running briskly when we left it.

"Northwest of Preston, Idaho.

"Near Utah-Idaho state line.

"Near Newton, Utah.

44

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

If the w a t e r w a s not supplied b y t h e m e l t i n g of t h e snow in t h e m o u n t a i n s , it w a s really an i n t e r e s t i n g s p r i n g , found an a b u n d a n c e of choke cherries, v e r y large a n d exquisitely delicious, b e t t e r t h a n a n y I ever eat before, d i s t a n c e traveled, 12 miles 13 .

T . 17th. T r a v e l e d a b o u t 16 m i l e s 1 4 ; s a w a l a r g e s m o k e rising out of the m o u n t a i n s before us. It h a d p r o b a b l y been raised by t h e I n d i a n s , as a t e l e g r a p h , to w a r n the tribe, t h a t their land w a s visited b y s t r a n g e r s 1 5 . W e w e r e u n a b l e to procure any fuel this e v e n i n g ; w e therefore slept w i t h o u t fire. T h e Indians, found in this region, are S h o s h o n e e s , t h e y are friendly.

W . 18th. T r a v e l e d b u t a short distance, w h e n w e discovered t h a t a deep salt creek p r e v e n t e d o u r c o n t i n u i n g n e a r t h e river.

In a s c e n d i n g this s t r e a m in search of a place t o cross it, we found on its m a r g i n a h o t spring, v e r y deep a n d clear. T h e day w a s very w a r m a n d w e w e r e u n a b l e t o r e a c h t h e r i v e r ; encamped on this salt creek a n d suffered m u c h for w a t e r , t h e water b e i n g so salt w e could not drink it, distance 15 miles. 1 6 T . 19th. S t a r t e d early, h o p i n g soon t o find fresh w a t e r , when we could refresh ourselves a n d a n i m a l s , b u t a l a s ! T h e sun beamed heavy on o u r h e a d s as t h e day a d v a n c e d , a n d we could see n o t h i n g before us b u t extensive arid plains, g l i m m e r i n g with heat and salt, at l e n g t h t h e plains b e c a m e so i m p r e g n a t e d with salt, t h a t v e g e t a t i o n entirely c e a s e d ; t h e g r o u n d w a s in many places w h i t e as snow w i t h salt and perfectly s m o o t h . T h e midday sun, b e a m i n g w i t h u n c o m m o n splendor u p o n t h e s e shining plains, m a d e u s fancy w e could see t i m b e r u p o n t h e plains, and w h e r e v e r t i m b e r is found t h e r e is w a t e r a l w a y s . W e marched forward w i t h u n r e m i t t e d pace till w e discovered it w a s an illusion, a n d lest o u r t e a m s should give o u t w e r e t u r n e d from S. to E. and h a s t e n e d to the river w h i c h w e reached in about 5 miles 1 7 .

A high m o u n t a i n overlooked u s on t h e east a n d t h e river w a s thickly b o r d e r e d w i t h w i l l o w s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; g r a s s p l e n t y b u t so salt our a n i m a l s could scarcely eat i t ; salt g l i t t e r s u p o n its blades like frost. D i s t a n c e 20 miles.

"East of Garland, Utah. '"All early travelers through Salt Lake valley speak of fires in the mountains. These were set by the Indians to kill and roast crickets and grasshoppers for their winter food supply. See Howard Egan in "Pioneering the West." '"The emigrants here strike the salt flats on the shore of Bear River Bay, south of Corinne. They are still traveling south on the west side of Bear river, but have not yet seen the lake.

"If they had continued south they would have struck Bear river where it turns to the west. This camp was near the bend, south of Corinne.

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45

F. 20th. Company remained here while two men went to explore the country, they returned bringing the intelligence that we were within ten miles of where the river disembogued itself into the great salt lake. This was the fruit of having no- pilot —we had passed through cash valley, where we intended to have stopped and did not know it.

S. 21st. Marched off in a N. W. direction, and intersected our trail of Thursday last, having made a complete triangle in the plain. At this intersection of the trails, we left a paper elevated by a pole, that the men, returning from Fort Hall, might shun the tedious rounds we had taken. Found grass and water which answered our purpose very well, though both were salt. Distance ten miles 18 .

S. 22nd. This morning a man (Mr. Brolaske) returned from the fort and said the reason why he came alone, was, the other men had left him, because he was unable to keep up with them; he having a pack horse laden with provision. He had seen the paper at the intersection of the trails, and was guided by it to the camp; the others were undoubtedly going the rounds of the triangle; sure enough, they came up in the afternoon, having gone to the river and back, no pilot could be got at the fort.

The families, that went into Oregon, had disposed of their oxen at the fort and were going to descend the Columbia river with pack horses—they in exchange, received one horse for every ox; their wagons they could not sell. They procured flour at 50c a pint, sugar same price and other things in proportion; near where we encamped here, were a few hackberry trees 19 .

M. 23rd. Started, bearing our course west, in order to pass Salt Lake—passed many salt plains and springs in the forenoon, the day was hot—the hills, and lands bordering on the plains, were covered with wild sage. In passing the declivity of a hill, we observed this sage had been plucked up, and arranged in long windrows, extending near a mile in length. It had been done by the Indians, but for what purpose we could not imagine20, unless it was to decoy game. At evening we arrived in full view of the Salt Lake 21 , water was very scarce. Cedar grows here both on the hills and in the valleys. Distance 20 miles.

T. 24th. Cattle strayed this morning to seek water—late "Southwest of Corinne.

18 Apparently no travel that day.

"These brush fences were erected by Indians for "cricket drives.''

See Howard Egan in "Pioneering the West."

"North point of Bear River Bay.

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T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

start—day was warm—traveled about 10 miles in a W. direction, encamped where we found numerous springs, deep, clear, and. somewhat impregnated with salt 22 . Here we procured salt of the best quality. The grass, that grew in small spots on the plains, was laden with salt which had formed itself on the stalks and blades in lumps, from the size of a pea to that of a hen's egg, this was the kind we procured, it being very white, strong and pure.

W. 25th. Remained here all day.

T. 26th. Traveled all day over dry, barren plains, producing nothing but sage, or rather it ought to be called, wormwood, and which I believe will grow without water or soil. Two men were sent ahead in search of water, but returned a little while before dark unsuccessful.

Our course intersected an Indian trail, which we followed directly north toward the mountains, knowing that in these dry countries, the Indian trails always lead to the nearest water.

Having traveled till about 10 o'clock p. m. made a halt, and waited till morning. Distance about 30 miles 23 F. 27th. Daylight discovered to us a spot of green grass on the declivity of the mountain towards which we were advancing.

5 miles took us to this place, where we found to our great joy, an excellent spring of water and an abundance of grass—here we determined to continue till the route was explored to the head of Mary's river and run no more risks of perishing for want of water in this desolate region.

S. 28th. Company remained here. A Shoshonee Indian came to our camp; from him we learned that there were more Indians not far off, who had horses. Several men and myself went in search of them; having gone about 5 miles, up hills and down hills covered with thick groves of cedar (red), we unexpectedly came to an Indian, who was in the act of taking care of some meat—venison—which he had just killed; about half of which, we readily purchased for 12 cartridges of powder and ball. With him, as a pilot, we went in search of other Indians; he led us far up in the Mountains by a difficult path, where we found two or three families, hid as it were from all the world, by the roughness of nature. The only provision, which they seemed to have, was a few elder berries and a few seeds; under a temporary covert of bushes I observed the aged Patriarch, "Probably in the vicinity of Rozell.

23 Probably turned north up Hansel Valley to the slopes of the Hansel mountains.

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47

whose head looked as though it had been whitened by the frosts of at least 90 winters. The scars, on his arms and legs, were almost countless—a higher forehead I never saw upon man's head.

But here in the solitude of the mountains and with the utmost contentment, he was willing to spend the last days of his life among the hoary rocks and craggy cliffs, where perhaps he, in his youthful gayety, used to sport along crystal streams which run purling from the mountains—not succeeding in finding horses, we returned to the camp.

S. 29. Capt. Bartleson with C. Hopper 24 started to explore the route to the head of Mary's river, expecting to be absent about 8 or 9 days—the company to await here his return.

M. 30th. Nothing of importance occurred.

T. 31st. No success hunting.

Sept., W. 1st. An ox killed for beef.

T. 2nd. Idle in camp.

F. 3rd. 4 or 5 Indians came to camp—bought three horses of them.

S. 4th.

Bought a few service berries of the Indians.

S. 5th. Grass having become scarce, we concluded tojnove on a little every day to meet Capt. B. and H. Traveled about 6 miles and encamped by a beautiful cedar grove 25 .

M. 6th. Traveled about 7 miles.

T. 7th. plenty.

Traveled about 7 miles, antelope appeared to be

W. 8th. Exceedingly cold; ice in our water buckets. Part of the company remained on account of the cold—2 wagons with owners being contrary, went on.

T. 9th. The part of the company that remained yesterday, wenton and overtook the 2 wagons. Capt. Bartleson and Hopper returned, bringing intelligence that they had found the head of Mary's river—distant about 5 days' travel, distance traveled today about 12 miles S. W . direction 26 . The Indians stole a horse—day cool.

24

See Hopper's Narrative in this issue.

"During the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th they were traveling south and southwest. !

"Probably met Bartleson and Hopper in the neighborhood of Kelton.

There are few distinguishing landmarks on this part of the trail, and the location-s are only approximate.

18

F . 10th. water 2 7 .

S. 11th.

W. 2 8 -

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

T r a v e l e d a b o u t 15 miles a n d e n c a m p e d

without

T r a v e l e d a b o u t 15 miles a n d c a m e t o w a t e r , course

S. 12th. Mr. K e l s e y left his w a g o n s 2 9 a n d took his family and goods on pack horses, his oxen n o t b e i n g able to keep up.

D i s t a n c e t o d a y a b o u t 12 miles 3 0 .

M. 13th. T r a v e l e d a b o u t 15 miles south, b e t w e e n Salt plains on t h e E . and h i g h m o u n t a i n s on t h e W. 3 1 .

T . 14th. T r a v e l e d a b o u t 25 miles and stopped a b o u t 9 o'clock at night, in t h e middle of a d r y plain, d e s t i t u t e of water 3 2 .

W . 15th. S t a r t e d v e r y early, day w a s exceedingly warm, passed t h r o u g h a g a p in a r i d g e of m o u n t a i n s 3 3 , c a m e into a high, dry plain, traveled some distance i n t o it, saw t h e form of a high m o u n t a i n 3 4 t h r o u g h t h e s m o k y a t m o s p h e r e — r e a c h e d it, having come a b o u t 15 miles—found plenty of w a t e r 3 5 — o u r animals were nearly given out. W e w e r e obliged t o g o so m u c h further, in order to get a l o n g w i t h the w a g o n s . W e concluded to leave t h e m and p a c k as m a n y t h i n g s as w e could 3 6 "Probably below where Dove Creek disappears in the desert. !S Probably on Muddy Creek, about ten miles north of Terrace.

29 On the bottom of this page of Bidwell's diary is written: "We cooked our supper and breakfast with fires made from the remains of these wagons.—G. McKinstry, Jr." McKinstry was an emigrant of 1846, who traveled with Edwin Bryant and members of the Donner party through Kansas. His route is not definitely known, but he probably traveled the Fort Hall road to Sutter's Fort which ran through Thousand Springs Valley on the west side of the Grouse Creek mountains, about fifty miles directly west of this camp. George McKinstry, Jr., must have seen other deserted wagons along the Fort Hall road which he took to be Kelsey's. H. H. Bancroft, who obtained Bidwell's diary, had McKinstry make notes in the margins, but the lastiprevious note referred to springs east of South Pass, and it is hard to believe that he actually saw Kelsey's wagons here, unless he got lost and wandered off the Fort Hall road into the Salt Desert.

M West toward the Grouse Creek mountains.

I "Grouse Creek mountains.

"This would probably be south of Lucin.

"North end of Pilot Peak range.

"Pilot Peak, 22 miles north of Wendover.

"Springs at base of Pilot Peak, several miles north of Cummings ranch.

"Charles McKeller, rancher at Pilot Peak, saw the remains of a wagon in this vicinity about ten years ago. These springs are north of those at which the Hastings party and the Donner party camped in 1846, and they were unaware that any other emigrants had passed that way. Edwin Bryant, who crossed the Salt Desert over the Hastings

T H E SALT DESERT T R A I L

49

T . 16th. All h a n d s w e r e b u s y m a k i n g pack saddles and getting ready to pack. W h i l e t h u s e n g a g e d , an I n d i a n , well advanced in y e a r s , c a m e d o w n out of t h e m o u n t a i n s to our camp.

He told us b y signs, t h a t t h e G r e a t Spirit h a d spoken to him, to go down upon t h e plains in the m o r n i n g , and on the E. side of the m t s . he w o u l d find some s t r a n g e people, w h o w o u l d give him a g r e a t m a n y t h i n g s , accordingly he h a d come. W e gave him all such t h i n g s as w e had i n t e n d e d to t h r o w a w a y ; w h e n ever he received a n y t h i n g w h i c h he t h o u g h t useful to him, he paused, and looking steadfastly at t h e sun, addressed him in a loud voice, m a r k i n g o u t his course in the sky, as he advanced in his invocation, w h i c h took him a b o u t 2 m i n u t e s to performâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; as he received quite a n u m b e r of articles, it took him a considerable part of t h e day to r e p e a t his blessings. N o P e r s i a n , in appearance, could be m o r e sincere.

F . 17th. A b o u t 11 a. m. all w e r e ready to s t a r t ; horses, mules, and 4 oxen, p a c k e d ; proceed south a l o n g t h e mts. 3 7 seeking a place t o pass t h r o u g h . A t l e n g t h an I n d i a n trail took us across a dry plain, perfectly d e s t i t u t e of g r a s s and w a t e r .

Traveled till a b o u t m i d n i g h t , h a v i n g come a b o u t 17 miles, this plain w a s w h i t e in m a n y places w i t h salt 38 , and the cool evening Cutoff earlier in the same year, says: "After traveling about ten miles (from Pilot Peak) we struck a wagon trail which evidently had been made several years. From the indentations of the wheels, where the earth was soft, five or six wagons had passed here. The appearance of this trail in this desolate region was at first inexplicable; but I soon recollected that some five or six years ago an emigrating expedition to California was fitted out by Colonel Bartleson, Mr. J. Chiles and others of Missouri, who under the guidance of Captain Walker, attempted to enter California by passing round the southern terminus of the Sierra Nevada; and that they were finally compelled to abandon their wagons and everything they had. * * * This it appeared to me, was evidently their trail. * * * My conjectures, above stated, have been subsequently confirmed by a conversation with Mr. Chiles. Following this old trail some two or three miles, we left it on the right."

Bryant's subsequent conversation with Chiles was in reference to Chiles' expedition of 1843 (see John Boardman Journal in October, 1929 issue of this quarterly) when Walker took Chiles' wagons to California, over the Cassia Creek road, later abandoning them near Tulare lake.

Bartleson was not connected with that expedition, and Walker was not connected with this expedition of 1841.

According to Bidwell, the wagons had been left a day's journey to the north of this place. Either some of the party still had their wagons and abandoned them a day or two later, or some other party of which there is no record made these tracks seen by Bryant.

"South end of Pilot Peak.

"This valley between Pilot Peak and the Toano range is now covered with sagebrush, but Bidwell, Clyman and Bryant all speak of it as being

50

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

c o n t r a s t i n g w i t h t h e color of t h e salt on t h e g r o u n d , gave a s t r i k i n g similarity to w i n t e r — t w o of t h e oxen, t h a t w e r e carryi n g packs, g o t lost from t h e c o m p a n y in the n i g h t , a b o u t 8 miles from w h e r e w e encamped, b u t it w a s s u p p o s e d t h e y w o u l d follow on.

S. 18th. M o r n i n g found u s on the east side of a mountain 3 9 not far from its b a s e b u t t h e r e w e r e n o signs of w a t e r ; the lost oxen n o t h a v i n g come u p , I, in c o m p a n y w i t h a n o t h e r young m a n , w e n t in search of t h e m , while t h e c o m p a n y w e n t on, promising t o stop as soon as t h e y found w a t e r . I w e n t back about ten miles, b u t found n o t h i n g of their t r a i l — t h e sun w a s in a m e l t i n g m o o d — t h e y o u n g m a n b e c a m e d i s c o u r a g e d a n d in spite of all m y e n t r e a t i e s r e t u r n e d t o t h e c o m p a n y . A b o u t an hour after I found the trail of t h e oxen w h i c h b o r e directly north 4 0 (the c o m p a n y w e r e t r a v e l i n g S. W . ) After p u r s u i n g it some distance, I discovered fresh moccasin t r a c k s u p o n t h e trail, and t h e r e b e g a n t o be h i g h g r a s s w h i c h m a d e m e m i s t r u s t t h e Indians h a d g o t t h e oxen. B u t m y horse w a s good and m y rifle ready, a n d I k n e w t h e I n d i a n s in t h e s e p a r t s t o be v e r y timid, for t h e y w e r e generally seen in t h e a t t i t u d e of flight. B u t what m a d e m e m o s t a n x i o u s to find t h e oxen, w a s t h e prospect of our w a n t i n g t h e m for beef. W e h a d a l r e a d y killed four oxen and t h e r e w e r e b u t 13 r e m a i n i n g , i n c l u d i n g t h e lost ones, and the c o m p a n y w a s n o w killing an ox every t w o or t h r e e days. Having followed t h e trail a b o u t 10 miles directly n o r t h , t o m y great delight I found the oxen. I w a s soon in rnotion for the company, b u t not b e i n g able to o v e r t a k e t h e m , w a s obliged to stop a b o u t dark. I passed t h e n i g h t r a t h e r u n c o m f o r t a b l y , having neither fire nor blanket. I k n e w I n d i a n s t o b e p l e n t y from n u m e r o u s signs, a n d even w h e r e I slept, t h e g r o u n d had been d u g u p t h a t v e r y day for r o o t s , t h e plains here w e r e almost b a r r e n , t h e hills w e r e covered w i t h cedar.

S. 19th. T h i s m o r n i n g , I m e t 3 m e n w h o w e r e coming to b r i n g m e w a t e r & c , arrived at c a m p , t h e y j o u r n e y e d yesterday about 12 miles 4 1 , did n o t travel t o d a y . barren or covered with salt and alkali. The vegetation has grown there since 1846, and the salt has been washed into the Salt Desert northwest of Pilot Peak. The Salt Desert was probably a lake in comparatively recent times.

3 °A peak of the Toano range just north of Silver Zone pass, west of Wendover. '"Toward an opening at the north end of the valley.

"Probably stopped at the springs at Johnson's ranch, foot of the Pequop range, across the valley directly west from Silver Zone pass.

THE SALT DESERT TRAIL

51

M. 20th. Passed along one of the highest mountains 42 we had seen in our whole journey, seeking a place to scale it, as we wished to travel W. instead of S. being convinced that we were already far enough south. At length passed through 43 and descended *into a beautiful valley 44 , inclining toward the W All now felt confident that we were close to the head waters of Mary's river—distance 25 miles. Two hunters slept out last night, the company taking a different direction from that which they expected.

T. 21st. Hunters returned; many antelopes were seen and 2 or 3 killed. About 10 o'clock a. rn. as we were coasting along the mountain 45 in a W. direction, we came to some hot springs, which were to me a great curiosity. Within the circumference of a mile there were perhaps 20 springs, the most of which were extremely beautiful, the water being so transparent, we could see the smallest thing 20 or 30 feet deep. The rocks which walled the springs, and the beautifully white sediment lodged among them, reflected the sun's rays in such a manner, as to exhibit the most beautiful combination of colors, blue, green, red, &c, I ever witnessed. The water in most of them was boiling hot. There was one of them, however, more beautiful than the rest; it really appeared more like the work of art than of nature. It was about 4 feet in diameter, round as a circle, and deeper than we could see—the cavity looked like a well cut in solid rock, its walls being smooth and perpendicular. Just as I was viewing this curiosity, some hunters came up with some meat, we all partook, putting it into the spring, where it cooked perfectly done in 10 minutes—this is no fish story!

The earth around the springs was white with a substance which tasted strongly of Potash, and the water in the springs was of this quality. Traveled about 15 miles—several Indians came to our camp, several of whom had guns. From signs, the valley contained thousands.

W. 22nd. This morning, 80 or 90 Indians were seen coming full speed from the W., many had horses—one was seen about half a mile in advance of the rest—so we ought also to have done, but Capt. B. was perfectly ignorant of Indian customs, and the whole band of savages was suffered to come directly up "Pequop range.

"Flowery Lake pass is probably the only place where they could have crossed.

"North end of Ruby valley, called by the Donner party "The Valley of Fifty Springs."

"Probably the south end of the East Humboldt range.

52

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

to us, and a l m o s t s u r r o u n d our c a m p , w h e n B . K e l s e y showed by forcible g e s t u r e s , t h e y w o u l d be allowed to proceed no further. T h e I n d i a n s w e r e well a r m e d w i t h g u n s and bows and a r r o w s . T h e only w o r d s I recollect of h e a r i n g Capt. Bartleson say, w e r e : "let t h e m gratify t h e i r c u r i o s i t y ! " The* Indians w e r e S h o s h o n e e s , b u t like o t h e r s a v a g e s a l w a y s t a k e t h e advant a g e w h e r e t h e y can. Besides, t h e y w e r e n o t a little acquainted w i t h warfare, for t h e y u n d o u b t e d l y visited t h e buffalo country ( h a v i n g m a n y r o b e s ) w h i c h r e q u i r e s m u c h b r a v e r y to contend w i t h t h e Blackfeet and Chiennes, w h o continually g u a r d the buffalo in t h e region of t h e R o c k y m o u n t a i n s , t h e y traveled as n e a r as t h e y w e r e allowed, till a b o u t noon, w h e n t h e y began to drop off, one b y one, and a t n i g h t t h e r e w e r e b u t 8 to 10 r e m a i n i n g â&#x20AC;&#x201D; d i s t a n c e a b o u t 12 miles.

F r o m here on t o S u t t e r ' s F o r t t h e p a r t y experienced t h e most t r y i n g a d v e n t u r e s , failing t o find a n y pass over t h e Sierras, bec o m i n g lost, a n d b e i n g continually a t t h e point of starvation.

W h e n their oxen w e r e g o n e t h e h o r s e s w e r e eaten, a n d when the horses w e r e g o n e t h e y existed on coyotes, wildcats, crows, and a n y living t h i n g t h e y w e r e f o r t u n a t e e n o u g h to find. "Jimm y J o h n " alone succeeded in c r o s s i n g directly over t h e mountains and carried w o r d of t h e condition of his companions to Capt. Sutter, 4 6 , w h o sent o u t several expeditions for their relief, b u t did n o t succeed in finding t h e m for m a n y days.

J o h n Bidwell obtained e m p l o y m e n t w i t h S u t t e r , w h e r e he remained until after t h e discovery of gold in 1848, w h e n he located Bidwell's b a r and took o u t $100,000 in a s h o r t time. He afterwards became one of California's first capitalists and phila n t h r o p i s t s , and a P r o h i b i t i o n c a n d i d a t e for president.

J. B. Chiles, a n o t h e r m e m b e r of t h e B a r t l e s o n p a r t y , made several s u b s e q u e n t trips across t h e plains t o California. His s t a t e m e n t c o n c e r n i n g t h e j o u r n e y of 1841 follows : "Letter from Capt. John A. Sutter to Governor Alvarado: " * * * A strong body of American farmers are coming here, a young man of the party got lost since ten days, nearly starved to death, and on foot; he don't know which direction the party took. I believe they will come about the direction of the Pueblo. I was also informed that another company is coming- stronger than this under Mr. Fanum.

"Some very curious reports come to me, which made me at first a little afraid but after two hours I get over the fit.

"I remain, Excellent Sir! "Very respectfully, "J. A. SUTTER. "Neuva Helvetia, November 4 de 1841.

"P. S.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;In a very short time I shall have a secretary who is able to write Spanish."

A VISIT TO CALIFORNIA IN EARLY T I M E S

53

Extract from "A Visit to California in Early Times" by Col. J. B. Chiles (Bancroft L i b r a r y , 1878) . , . After m u c h p r e p a r a t i o n had been m a d e for t h e journey Mr. B a l d r i d g e w a s detained on a large c o n t r a c t for building mills, and t h e c o m p a n y w a s formed w i t h a m a n by t h e n a m e of Bartleson 1 at t h e head, hence it w a s called the' Bartleson company, w h i c h consisted of t h i r t y - o n e m e n a n d one w o m a n and one child 2 I t w a s considered a l m o s t r a s h for a w o m a n to venture on so perilous a j o u r n e y , b u t M r s . K e l s e y said, " W h e r e my h u s b a n d goes I can go, I can b e t t e r s t a n d the h a r d s h i p s of the j o u r n e y t h a n the anxieties for an a b s e n t h u s b a n d , " so she was received in t h e c o m p a n y a n d her cheerful n a t u r e a n d kind heart b r o u g h t m a n y a r a y of s u n s h i n e t h r o u g h the clouds t h a t gathered r o u n d a c o m p a n y of so m a n y w e a r y t r a v e l e r s . She bore the fatigue of t h e j o u r n e y w i t h so m u c h heroism, patience, and kindness t h a t t h e r e still exists a w a r m t h in every h e a r t for the mother a n d her child, t h a t w e r e a l w a y s forming silvery linings for every d a r k cloud t h a t assailed t h e m . T h u s on they traveled seven l o n g a n d w e a r y m o n t h s , w i t h no guide, no compass, n o t h i n g b u t t h e s u n to direct t h e m . T h e y had learned through Dr. M a r s h ' s l e t t e r s 3 the l a t i t u d e of San F r a n c i s c o Bay, and they . t h o u g h t t h e s u n w a s sufficient to g u i d e t h e m t h e r e .

But alas, the j o u r n e y p r o v e d l o n g e r t h a n they had supposed and t h e y w e r e tired a n d h u n g r y . L o n g before t h e y reached that point t h e y had been s u b s i s t i n g on horse flesh a l m o s t entirely and t h a t not of t h e choicest kind. B u t little g a m e could be found in t h a t p a r t of t h e j o u r n e y and o t h e r provision w a s not known. I m a g i n e t h e wild delight of so m a n y h u n g r y men, one m i g h t say s t a r v i n g m e n , w h e n t h e y reached t h e Stanislaus river. . . .

'Col. John Bartleson.

T h e number after parting with DeSmet.

'An early settler in California who wrote letters to friends in the east, urging them to emigrate. His reception of the Bartleson party when they arrived in a starving condition from the mountains, was anything but hospitable. See Bidwell's "First Emigrant Train to California," Century Magazine, Vol. 19.

54

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Extract from "Narrative of Charles Hopper, A California Pioneer of 1841." Written by R. T. Montgomery at Napa, 1871 (Bancroft L i b r a r y 1871) " . . .

I set out a b o u t t h e 1st d a y of M a y , 1841 with a p a r t y of 30 m e n , 1 w o m a n a n d 1 child, from J a c k s o n County, M o . Col. J o h n B a r t l e s o n w a s Captain of o u r c o m p a n y , b u t our n u m b e r w a s increased t o 75 before s t a r t i n g , b y a n o t h e r party w h i c h w a s b o u n d t o Oregon 1 , and w h i c h s e p a r a t e d from ours at Soda S p r i n g s , n e a r F o r t H a l l . I t w a s c o m m a n d e d b y Capt.

F i t z p a t r i c k . Of t h o s e in our c o m p a n y I r e m e m b e r only the n a m e s of t h e following p e r s o n s : Col. J o h n Bartleson, Col. J. B . Chiles, J o h n Bidwell (Hon. J o h n Bidwell of B u t t e Co.), Charles H o p p e r , A n d r e w Kelsey ( a f t e r w a r d s killed by t h e I n d i a n s at Clear L a k e ) , N a t h a n Toms, Michael N y e , Capt. R i c k m a n , M c M a h a n , Benj. Kelsey, C. M. W e b e r , Welden, C h a n d l e r , J o h n McDowell, Green M c M a h a n , S p r i n g e r , G r o v e Cook, Mrs. Benjamin K e l s e y a n d child 2 .

W h i l e e n c a m p e d n e a r Soda S p r i n g s , M r . Bidwell became excited on b e h o l d i n g t h e snow u p o n t h e m o u n t a i n s apparently close to c a m p and asked " C a n ' t I g o t o it a n d g e t b a c k this even i n g ? " H e w a s a s s u r e d t h a t he could not, a n d t h a t t h e mountains w e r e a t a long distance. H e p r e t e n d e d t h a t he w a s g o i n g fishing, b u t s t a r t e d for the m o u n t a i n s t o see t h e snow. H e w a s gone all night, and the c o m p a n y m a d e s u r e h e w a s killed b y t h e Indians. I took his t r a c k for t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d a t last found him. Bidwell came l a u g h i n g into c a m p , b u t h e g o t soundly rebuked b y t h e captain for b e i n g so v e n t u r e s o m e a n d giving trouble t o t h e c o m p a n y w h e n t h e r e w a s n o need of it 3 .

W e got safely notice except t h a t a t t e m p t i n g t o pull The company

t h r o u g h to F o r t H a l l . N o incident w o r t h y of a y o u n g m a n shot himself at A s h H o l l o w in his g u n out from a w a g o n . concluded a day or t w o 4 after leaving Soda

'Father DeSmet and party.

There is some doubt about Andrew Kelsey being a member of this party; he is thought to have come later. Bartleson soon returned to Missouri. Belden became the first mayor of San Jose. Weber founded the town of Stockton.

'This probably accounts for Bidwell's unfriendly attitude toward Bartleson in his "First Emigrant Train to California."

'Eight days.

HISTORICAL FACTS ON CALIFORNIA

55

Springs to stop and recruit the animals, and meanwhile sent Capt. Bartleson and myself ahead to the forks of the Humboldt, to select a route. We were gone 12 days, and when we met the company they had started on without us, thinking we had both been killed by the Indians. W e traveled on till we struck the California mountains, as the Sierras were called. . . ."

Extract from "Statement of Historical Facts on California" by Josiah Belden (For Bancroft Library, 1878) ". . . We struck Bear river some distance below where the town of Evanston now is, where the coal mines are and the railroad passes 1 , and followed the river down. It makes a long bend to the north there, and comes down to Salt Lake.

We arrived at Soda Springs, on Bear river, and there we separated from the company of missionaries, who were going off towards Snake river or Columbia. There we lost the services of their guide Fitzpatrick. Several of our party who had started to go with us to California also left us there, having decided to go with the missionaries. Fitzpatrick advised us to give up our expedition and go with them to Ft. Hall, one of the Hudson Bay stations, as there was no road for us to follow, nothing was known of the country, and we had nothing to guide us, and so he advised us to give up the California project. He thought it was doubtful if we ever got there, we might get caught in the snows of the mountains and perish there, and he considered it was very hazardous to attempt it. Some four or five of our party withdrew, and went with the missionaries. About 31 of us adhered to our original intention, and declined to give up our expedition. As we had attempted to go to California, we determined we would not give it up, but continue the attempt, and do the best we could to get through. After separating from the missionaries, we followed Bear river down nearly to where it enters Salt Lake, about where Corinne is now. We had some knowledge of the lake from some of the trappers who had been there. W e turned off more to the west, and went round the northerly end of Salt Lake. There we found a great difficult) in getting water for several days, all the water near the lake being very brackish. W e had to make it into strong coffee, to drink it.

We went on, hunting our way along the best we could, amongst the rocks and gullies, and through the sage brush, 'The old railroad route, Knight, Wyo.

5C>

THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

working along slowly for a number of days, aiming to travel westward as fast as we could, having no other guide than our intention to get west. After traveling several days, passing over a very desert country where there was scarcely any food for our animals, and very rough getting along with our wagons, we finally came to a spot where there was moist ground, some springs, and a little patch of green grass, which we denominated the oasis. We camped there for about a week to recruit our animals 2 . While there we did not know which direction to take, nor how to go, but we had heard, before leaving Missouri, that there was a river somewhere in that section of the country, which was then called Mary's river (afterwards called the Humboldt), which ran to the westward, and this we thought might be a guide to us in some measure, if we could strike the headwaters of it and follow it west. So while the company were camping there, three of the party who had the best animals started out in a westerly direction, to explore by themselves, and see if they could find any such river, any water running west. After waiting there several days, these men came back, and reported that they had found a small stream of water that seemed to be running westward, and they thought that might perhaps be the head waters or some branch of the Mary's river that we wished to find. After they returned, we raised camp, and under their direction, as near as we could follow it, we traveled two or three days, I think, and struck this little stream they had spoken of."

A WASHAKIE ANECDOTE

By Mrs. Elizabeth Arnold Stone One of the outstanding memories of my childhood is my first and only sight of the famous Indian , Chief Washakie, known as "The Friend of Peace." For over sixty years he was head of the Shoshones, trusted alike by red and white men.

The time was July, 1875, and the .scene a vacant lot on the outskirts of Evanston, Wyoming. A band of Shoshones was encamped on Yellow Creek, and one glaring afternoon fifty or more of them "trekked" into town. The men were mounted, also some of the squaws; but most of the women rode on hammocklike seats drawn by horses. Two poles fastened on either side of a horse furnished the frame-work, and a blanket slung from one pole to the other made a sagging vehicle for a mother and two or three little children. The older boys were riding cayuses. !

Aug. 27 to Sept 5 (Bidwell).

T H E KAIHAB INDIANS

57

In spite of beaded ornaments and vermilion-painted cheeks they were a sorry looking lot after the four-mile ride over the sage covered hills in the summer dust. Bright-eyed papooses peered over the rims of baskets hung on their mothers' backs, and larger children clad only in breech-cloths, or less, stretched grimy hands to the white people who had gathered, with the request for "cold bisikee" (biscuit), their only attempt at English.

Then some one called out, "Here comes Washakie!" And down the street toward the disheveled crowd rode half a dozen mounted braves, Washakie in the lead. He rode a well groomed horse and made an imposing figure wrapped in his gorgeous blanket. He was said by many to resemble in looks Henry Ward Beecher. Above the grizzled locks that hung smoothly on either side of his finely chiseled face was a wide sombrero.

We gazed in admiration until a bright-eyed youngster suddenly called out: "Look at the coffin plate!"

Sure enough! On the very front of Washakie's hat was a shining piece of polished silver, bearing the amazing inscription, "OUR BABY"!

Horror gripped my heart, for like all frontier children of that day 1 had not escaped stories of Indian atrocities. Had he robbed a grave for it? Fortunately for my peace of mind the answer was at hand, for one of our playmates, Emil Foss, whose father kept a furniture store, with funeral supplies as a side-line, came up and proudly exhibited a bow and arrow which he had got from the old chief in exchange for the coffin plate. And I have no reason to think that the gallant Washakie was not equally pleased over his side of the trade as he headed his little band back to Yellow Creek late in the afternoon for he was still wearing his strange decoration.

T H E KIABAB INDIANS

By E. A. Farrow, Superintendent and Physician Paiute Indian Reservation, Cedar City, Utah The following is a sketch of the history of the Indians at Moccasin, between Kanab, Utah, and Pipe Springs, Arizona, so far as I have been able to obtain it. I lived with them on the Kaibab Indian Reservation from the early part of 1917 to the latter part of 1926. I was directly associated with these Indians, and the data contained in the sketch was obtained from conversations with them and with older white residents, and from personal knowledge and observation.

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The history of the Kaibab-Paiute tribe of Indians is legendary.

It seems that they once lived on the Kaibab Mountain, now the Kaibab National Forest. They numbered probably about 200. They were peaceful and were molested considerably by the wandering bands of Navajos who came across the Colorado river on predatory expeditions. On the advent of the white settlers these Indians gradually drifted towards the settlements and made their home near the so-called Moccasin or Sand spring and vicinity. From here they were driven out by white settlers and became nomadic, making their base in and around Kanab, Utah. Later the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints at Kanab, Utah, obtained a grant from the squatters at Moccasin Spring of one-third of the flow of the spring and they were allowed to farm a small tract of land nearby, watering it from the spring. They made more or less permanent homes at this place, and in later years their children were sent to various Indian boarding schools, most of them to a school established for the purpose at Panguitch, Utah.

In 1907, a reservation 12 by 18 miles in extent was established below the Utah state line in Arizona. A day school was established and a pipe line installed to carry their portion of the Moccasin Spring to the school about two miles distant, where a few buildings were constructed and the transfer of the settlement from the location near the spring to this point was effected.

At the time of the establishment of the school the numbers had greatly decreased, being less than 100. During the years immediately following there was an increase in population to upwards of 100; later epidemics and removals have reduced this number to about 100.

Sentiment on the part of the whites against the admission of these children into the public school at Moccasinâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;2 miles distant from the settlementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;has made it necessary to maintain the day school to the present time. The more advanced pupils are sent to the various boarding schools with the consent of their parents, the day school only carrying the lower grades. The attitude of these Indians toward education is good, many of them asking to have their children given more advantages than the local day school affords.

Industrially these Indians are energetic and willing but running true to type are unable to carry themselves successfully through the high and low points of economic levels. At the time the reservation was established cattle were issued to them in the hope that they would become cattle raisers as the limited water supply made extensive farming impossible. As a result of this cattle issue there was a very satisfactory herd developed,

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59

but for some reason which does not appear the herd became disseminated, many owners dropped out until the individual herds amounted to practically nothing. In the fall of 1916 a small herd was brought in and called a tribal herd and kept under control of the agent, it having been purchased on the reimbursable plan.

Later on, after the debt was liquidated and the herd reached a point of development where the stock was full-blood Hereford, heifer calves were sold to the Indians for money or labor at a price somewhat below the market value. This plan was developed as a preventative against the squandering by the Indians of something that to them required no effort and advanced a hope of a future issue when the present ones were gone. The project was successful. The Indians at first doubtful became enthusiastic and even the young boys are getting into the cattle business. The outlook of these Indians is as good as that of their white neighbors and their knowledge of the cattle business gleaned from watching the growth and development of the tribal herd will enable most of them to be self-supporting without the need of searching for labor on the outside as they have been doing, and still do.

The health conditions of these Indians has been at par with their white neighbors, in fact, they have been more free from epidemics than the whites. There have been some cases of tuberculosis but not high in numbers compared with the population.

From the so-called social diseases these Indians have been free.

Their marital relations have been very good. They have in later years absorbed considerable knowledge of sanitation, disease prevention, and the value of personal cleanliness.

One feature is notable and worthy of mentionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in the family life the father assumes an equal share of the responsibility and care of the children with the mother. The drudgery is not -shunted upon the women although they take their equal share and many of them are capable of work in the fields and gardens along with the men.

AMERICAN POSTS (Continued)

By Edgar M. Ledyard Jefferson, Fort. Five miles south of Greenville, in Darke County, on road to Eaton. Built by General St. Clair in 1791.

Ohio.

Jeffersonville, Q. M. Inter. Dept., Jeffersonville. Indiana.

Jennings, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, on left bank of the Wakassassa, 12 miles from its mouth. Florida.

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T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Jennings, Fort. Left bank of Auglaize River, Putnam County, 18 miles north of Fort Amanda. Ohio.

Jesup, Camp, three and one-half miles south of Atlanta, near Fort McPherson. Georgia.

Jesup, Fort. On the dividing ridge between Red and Sabine Rivers, 25 miles southwest of Natchitoches, Sabine County, Louisiana.

John Brown, Fort. Under the name of Isaac Smith, John Brown rented an impoverished farm in Maryland in 1859, about four miles from Harper's Ferry. "Isaac Smith" and his 22 prospectors, who had been apparently engaged in examining soils and moving long boxes (containing Sharpe's rifles), crossed the river from Maryland, Harper's Ferry, on October 16th and made an attempt to capture Harper's Ferry. Armed Virginians pressed Brown and his companions and they took refuge in the Armory fire engine house, since known as John Brown's Fort. Marines, under Robert E. Lee, broke down the doors of the engine house and captured the small garrison. At this time Brown revealed his real name. John Brown's fort was taken to the World's Fair at Chicago, for exhibition purposes, later re-erected at a park above Harper's Ferry and again taken down and removed to the grounds of Storer College on Boliver Heights, Harper's Ferry, where it was reconstructed and stands at present as originally built. West Virginia.

John, Fort (1834). General John Bidwell, founder of the town of Chico and later candidate for President of the United States on the Prohibition Ticket, in "Echoes of the Past" ("The First Emigrant Train to California"), page 12, makes the following statement: "till we came to Fort Laramie, a trading post of the American Fur Company, near which was Lupton's Fort, belonging, as I understand, to some rival company;". "Echoes of the Past" was written from memory "about twenty years ago."

We may believe that General Bidwell's memory of the name is good, but the proximity of Fort Laramie to Lupton's Fort (1836 or 1837 to 1847) is not so clear unless his mind comprehended only long distances.

Hebard & Brininstool in "The Bozeman Trail," volume I, pages 101-3, make the following statement: "A combination of realism and romanticism have found their way into literature descriptive of old Fort Laramie. No fortification on the Oregon Trail had such a varied and prolonged history as this fur trader's post that ultimately expanded into a fort that served the purpose of a harbor of safety for the emigrant, a place where the red men exchanged pelts for beads, tobacco, and whisky, where the white man held councils with the

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Indian and signed treaties with their chiefs, and where the soldier, who was to battle with the hostile savage, made his headquarters. Fortunately many descriptions of trie old fort from gifted pens have been given to posterity.

"In 1834, Nathaniel J. Wyeth, on his way over the Oregon Trail to the Oregon country, recorded in his journal, under date of June 1st: 'William L. Sublette has built such a fort as Fort Clark (at the Mandan villages) on Laramie Fork of the river of the Platte, and can make it a central place for the Sioux and Cheyenne trade.' Thirteen of Sublette's men were working on this fur post on the date indicated.

"This fort or post was originally constructed in 1834 and was known as Fort Williams (Fort William?) named for its builder, William Sublette. After this fur post was sold to Fontenelle, the name was changed to Fort John, in honor of John B. Sarpy, bearing this name until 1846. Occasionally the fort was called "Fort Laramie on the North Platte," or, at least, shipments were made for the fort marked with that address, but it was not known by the name of Laramie until the American Fur Company erected a new building on another nearby site.

The original post was on the left bank of the Laramie River about one mile above its junction with the North Platte; the new site selected was still about another mile up the stream. At this last named site the fort was rechristened being called Fcrt Laramie, named for a French Canadian free trapper, Jacques Laramie, or La Rame'e, La Ramie, or de la Rame'â&#x20AC;&#x201D;no one seems to know the exact spellingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;for whom have been named the Laramie River, Laramie Peak, Laramie Plains, Laramie City, and Laramie County, all in the locality where this fearless fur trader before the year 1820 conducted his lucrative occupation of fur trapping. Fort John was torn down soon after the erection of Fort Laramie, the latter post being sold to the government in 1849 by the American Fur Company, and remained in our government's possession until it was sold in 1890 to private parties, the main purchaser being Mr. John Hunton, who, since 1867, has lived in the vicinity of the fort, and who at this present time (1920) lives on this old site of the most noted and famous fort in the West."

While the post may have borne the name of Fort John until 1846, Fremont designates one of two which he reached in this vicinity on July 15th, 1842, as "Fort John or Laramie." According to Preuss, whose journal is appended to Fremont's, Fort Laramie was reached on July 13, 1842. Fremont gives the location of Fort Platte at the junction of the Laramie with the Platte, while Preuss dined at Fort Platte on July 13th, "situated at the junction of the Laramie river with the Nebraska." A

0L>

T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

warning letter written by Bissonette at Fort Platte on July 1st is referred to by Fremont under date of July 16th and by Preuss under date of July 21st. John Boardman, whose journal was published in the Utah Historical Quarterly, October, 1929, "arrived at Laramie Fort on July 13th" and the next day "went to Fort Platte to a dance, where some of the party got gay."

Clayton in his "Emigrants' Guide," under "Prominent Points and Remarks," makes the following reference: " 'Fort John' or Laramie Ford" and one page 23, (loc. cit.) under note III, writes as follows: "Fort 'John, or Laramie,' lays about one and a half miles from the river, in near a south-west course, and is composed of a trading establishment, and about twelve houses, enclosed by a wall eleven feet high. The wall and houses are built of adobes, or Spanish brick. It is situated on the Laramie Fork, and is a pleasant location: the latitude of the Fort is 42°12T3"; longitude 104°11'53"; and altitude above the sea, 4,090 feet."

It is also apparent from what Clayton, careful observer, wrote, that the post was known as Fort John as late as 1847.

L. V. Loomis in "A Journal of the Birmingham Emigrating Company" reached this locality on June 1, 1850 and writes as follows: "June 1st—This morning got an early start and rooled (rolled) on to the ferry on platte river, opposite Fort Laramie, there being some 30 or 40 teams ahead of us, we were obliged to wait until late in the after noon, for our turn, when we commenced ferrying, which took us untill a little after dark, we got over however without the least accident, of any kind, and encamped this evening on the west bank of Platte, ferriage here Si.00 per load, and had to do the work our selves, while waiting for our turn to ferry some of us went up to the Fort, to see what was to be seen,— and found our selves very agreeably, disappointed in this place, insted of 6 or 8 little Log huts, we found 30 or 40 Buildings, and some of them of a pretty fine stile, some firstrate fraim buildings two-storys high, and quite large, the fort was enclosed by a wall about 11 feet high, made of Adoby's or Spanish Brick, in the fort were plassed 2 Brass cannon of a pretty good size, about 9 pounders, the parade ground was situated joining the Fort, which was a beautiful level spread over by nature with small gravel, their stabling joined the parade ground, this was a long row of buildings or two long buildings, being some 3 or 4 hundred feet long, everything about these stables were kept in splended order, they were very neat and clean. As luck always turns to our hand, it happened that the day we passed they were Drilling the Soldiers, we saw them all dressed in uniform, and marched on the parade ground and drilled for some time, they looked splended, I tell you, neat as new pins, the Fort is situated about l 1 ^ miles from the ferry,—"

AMERICAN POSTS

63

From the account of Loomis, it may be rather safely concluded that the "military Fort Laramie, established by the United States in 1849, was a combination of the American Fur Company post and modern frame buildings. The American Fur Company post, described as of adobe, was called "Fort John or Laramie"

by Clayton, also by Stansbury who visited this post in 1849â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Fort Laramie, formerly known as Fort John," page 53, "Exploration and Survey." Fremont and Stansbury "picture" the fort in pleasant, hilly surroundings, not a river bottom. Stansbury recounts the beginnings of improvements noted by Loomis a year later. If there was a Fort John a mile or more distant from the adobe post, it probably was destroyed in the late Forties or the early Fifties. It appears that no sharp distinctions can be drawn regarding the chronological use of "Fort John" or "Fort Laramie" in connection with this post. "While Fort Platte ,complicates the issue, it is apparent from Boardman's journal that his "Fort Platte" and "Fort Laramie" were in the same immediate locality. The United States Government sold the reservation here to private parties in 1890; John Hunton purchased part of the holdings. An Omaha man was the sole or principal owner in 1927. One of the tenants at Fort Laramie told the writer (1927) that Fort John was about a mile below the "military" Fort Laramie and in line with that post and Laramie Peak. In 1930 a movement was on foot to preserve part of the site and some of the old buildings.

Johnson, Fort, Montgomery County. New York.

Johnson, Fort. Northeast point of James Island, Charleston Harbor, opposite Fort Sumter. South Carolina.

Johnson, Fort, in Iron County, near Parowan. Utah.

Johnston, Camp J. E., (Q. M. Training Camp), Jacksonville.

Florida.

Johnston, Camp, on right bank of the North Concha, a branch of the Colorado. (See Camp Concho.) Texas.

Johnston, Fort, on right bank of Cape Fear River, three miles from its mouth at Smithville. North Carolina.

Johnston, Fort. Built by Confederates, now Fort Geary, Leesburg. Virginia.

Jones, Camp Harry J. Arizona.

Jones, Fort, in Scott's Valley, 15 miles southwest of Yreka, Siskiyou County. California.

Jones, Fort R. Temporary fort in Florida War, right bank of the Ocilla River, 23 miles from its mouth. Florida.

Junction, Camp, Jayess, Lawrence County. Mississippi.

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T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Junction, Camp, Watha, Pender County. North Carolina.

Junction, Camp, Waco, McLennan County. Texas.

Jupiter, Fort, on right bank of Lochahatchee River, about three miles from its mouth at Jupiter Inlet. Florida.

Kalispel House. (See Kullyspell House.)

Kamehameha, Fort. Nine miles from Honolulu on Queen Emma Point, Oahu, Hawaii.

Kamiah Mission (1839). This mission and post stood on the left bank of Clearwater river, branch of the Snake. Nearby missions were Whitman's at Waiilatpu (1836) and Spalding's (1836) at Lapwai. According to Rees' "Idaho, Chronology Nomenclature Bibliography," Kamiah was named for Kamiakam, chief of the Yakimas and later of the Confederated tribes who participated in the Yakima W a r of 1855-58. Kamiakam was a son of a noted warrior of the Nez Perce tribe; his mother was a princess of the Yakimas. Kamiakam is a Shoshoni word meaning "He does not want to go." Idaho.

Kaministiquia, Fort (1679 & 1717). Same as Fort Williams, (1802). Canada.

Kansas City Remount Purchasing Headquarters, Kansas City. Missouri.

Kaskaskia, or more properly Notre Dame de Cascasquias, is not only the oldest permanent settlement by Europeans in Illinois, but also in the entire Mississippi Valley. Kaskaskia was located on the left bank of the Kaskaskia river about six miles above the point where it empties into the Mississippi. Fort'St. Louis, (1682-1702) founded by La Salle on Starved Rock, was in existence some 10 or 15 years before the founding of Kaskaskia, prior to the year 1700, although the exact date is unknown.

Kaskaskia was a frontier stronghold and a gathering place for trappers, traders and Indians. Pictures of the site are shown in Randall Parrish's "Historic Illinois," pages 132 and 138. Randolph County. Illinois.

Kearny, Camp. Fifteen miles north of San Diego, near Linda Vista, California.

(Continued)

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl.

1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.

Utah-State Historical Society BOARD OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL A L T E R , Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , Salt Lake City

J O E L E. R I C K S , Logan P A R L E Y L. W I L L I A M S , Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. F E L L O W S , Salt Lake City W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City L E V I E: YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. S E E G M I L L E R , Salt Lake City EXECUTIVE OFFICERS 1929-1930 ALBERT F. P H I L I P S , President Librarian and Curator W I L L I A M J. SNOW, Vice President

J. C E C I L A L T E R , Secretary-Treasurer Editor in Chief

All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society.

Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

CONTRIBUTIONS The Society was organized essentially to collect, disseminate and preserve important material pertaining to the history of the State. To effect this end, contributions of writings are solicited, such as old diaries, journals, letters and other writings of the pioneers; also original manuscripts by present day writers on any phase of early Utah history.

Treasured papers or manuscripts may be printed in faithful detail in the Quarterly, without harm to them, and without permanently removing them from their possessors. Contributions and correspondence should be addressed to" the Editor, Utah Historical Quarterly, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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55

Utah Historical QuarterlyState Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 3

July, 1930

Number 3

T H E HASTINGS CUTOFF

By Charles Kelly The Hastings Cutoff has been made immortal through the story of the Donner party which crossed it in 1846. Nearly everyone is more or less familiar with the tragedy which overtook that company of emigrants 1 , but the real cause behind the tragedy has remained obscure. W h o discovered this cutoff? Why did Hastings act as guide over this route without remuneration? Had it ever been traveled before? In this article these questions will be fully answered.

Jedediah S. Smith, trapper and explorer, had crossed the Salt Desert in 18272. The Bartleson party had crossed parts of it in 18413, with wagons, which were, then abandoned. No further attempt was made by either explorers or emigrants until 1845, when Captain John Charles Fremont, then on his third exploring expedition to the Rocky mountains, crossed the desert over the route which was later called the Hastings cutoff4 Fremont's chief scout and guide on this expedition, was the famous Kit Carson, and another almost equally well known trapper and explorer, Joseph Walker 5 , had been hired to guide the party through the country west of the Salt Desert to the pass in the Sierras which still bears his name.

After spending two weeks exploring the valley of Salt Lake, Fremont left his camp, somewhere near the mouth of the Jordan river, on the 19th of October, 1845, passed the point of the mountain near Black Rock, crossed Tooele valley, passed through what is now the town of Grantsville, circled the Stansbury range 'See "History of the Donner Party," by McGlashan.

'Utah Historical Quarterly, Dec. 1929.

"Utah Historical Quarterly, March, 1930. "'Memoirs of My Life," by John Charles Fremont.

B "The Narrative of Zenas Leonard," by Wagner. Joseph Walker had discovered Walker's Pass in 1833.

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T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

approximately where the highway now runs, and camped in Skull valley at the springs just north of Iosepa on the 25th. Fremont then records his crossing of the desert as follows: "Some days here were occupied in deciding upon the direction to be taken for the onward journey. The route I wished to take lay over a flat plain covered with sagebrush. The country looked dry and of my own men none knew anything of it; neither Walker nor Carson. The Indians declared to us that no one had ever been known to cross the plain, which was desert; so far as any of them had ventured no water had been found.

It was probably for this reason Father Escalante had turned back. Men who have traveled over this country in later years are familiar with the stony, black, unfertile mountains, that so often discouraged and brought them disappointment. Nearly upon the line of our intended travel, and at the farther edge of the desert, apparently fifty to sixty miles away, was a peakshaped mountain 6 This looked to me to be fertile, and it seemed safe to make an attempt to reach it. By some persuasion and the offer of a tempting reward, I had induced one of the local Indians to go as a guide on the way to the mountain; willing to profit by any side knowledge of the ground, or water-hole that the rains might have left, and about which the Indians always know in their hunts through the sage after small game.

"I arranged that Carson, Archambeau and Maxwell should set out at night, taking with them a man having charge of a pack mule with water and provisions, and make for the mountain. I to follow with the party the next day and make one camp out into the desert. They to make a signal by smoke in case water should be found.

"The next afternoon, when the sun was yet two hours high, with the animals rested and well watered, I started out on the plain. As we advanced this was found destitute of any vegetation except sage-bushes, and absolutely bare and smooth as if water had been standing upon it 7 . The animals being fresh I stretched far out into the plain. Traveling along in the night, after a few hours' march, my Indian lost his courage and grew so much alarmed that his knees really gave way under him and he wabbled about like a drunken man. He was not a true Utah, but rather of the Pi-utes, a Digger of the upper class, and he was becoming demoralized at being taken so far from his gite. Seeing that he could be of no possible use I gave him his promised re"Pilot Peak, 22 miles north of Wendover, Utah.

'Water does stand upon this desert during the winter.

THE HASTINGS CUTOFF

69

ward and let him go. He was so happy in his release that he bounded off like a hare through the sage-brush, fearful that I might still keep him.

"Sometime before morning I made camp in the sage-brush 8 , lighting fires to signal Carson's party. Before .daybreak Archambeau rode in; the jingling of his spurs a welcome sound indicating as it did that he brought good tidings. They had found at the peak water and grass, and wood abundant. The gearing up was quickly done and in the afternoon we reached the foot of the mountain where a cheerful little stream broke out and lost itself in the valley 9 . The animals were quickly turned loose, there being no risk of their straying from the grass and water. To the friendly mountain I gave the name of Pilot Peak. . . . Some time afterward when our crossing of the desert became known, an emigrant caravan was taken by this route, which then became known as the Hastings Cutoff."

Fremont then proceeded to California through Walker's pass, where he remained, doing exploration work, until the "Bear Flag Revolution" in 1846, which ended in California becoming a part of the United States.

Lansford W. Hastings, after whom the Cutoff was later named, was a young lawyer from Mt. Vernon, Ohio, who had gone to Oregon in 1842 with Dr. Elijah White's emigrating company10. He was a very ambitious young man, and had replaced Dr. White as captain of the train soon after starting. Wintering in Oregon, many of the emigrants became dissatisfied with the country, and in the spring of 1843 Hastings guided a company of them to California. The climate and prospects in the Sacramento valley appealed very strongly to Hastings. Many Americans had settled there, under grants from the Mexican government, and Hastings soon conceived the idea that California would make an ideal independent republic, after the manner of Texas, if enough emigrants could be brought in to seize the territory from Mexico. Several of the influential Spanish and Mexican residents were also anxious to see the country independent, having become tired of the inefficient Mexican rule.

Hastings conceived himself as the proper person to be first president of the Republic of California11, and with this grand idea Trobably in the vicinity of Crater Island.

"At what is now called the McKeller ranch, homesteaded fifty years ago by Eugene Munsey, still living in Wendover. The stream has now been piped to Wendover, siphoned over Silver Reef. ""Dr. White's Travels and Oregon Adventures," by Allen.

"Statements of John Bidwell and others, Century Magazine, Vol. 19.

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T H E UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in mind, returned to the east in 1844, where he lectured extensively and wrote a book called "The Emigrants Guide to\Oregon and California."

This book was published at Cincinnati in 184512, and .soon enjoyed a large circulation. Hastings returned to California late in the autumn of 1845, arriving at Ft. Sutter on Christmas day with ten men 13 , the vanguard of the great emigration which was soon to follow.

An extract or two from Hasting's book will give an idea of the character of the information it contained: "In my opinion there is no country in the known world possessing a soil so fertile and productive, with such varied and inexhaustible resources, and a climate of such mildness, uniformity and salubrity; nor is there a country now known which is so eminently calculated by nature herself in all respects to promote the unbounded happiness and prosperity of civilized and enlightened man."

"The time is not far distant when genuine republicanism and unsophisticated democracy shall be reared up and tower aloft, even upon the now wild shores of the great Pacific; where they shall ever stand forth as enduring monuments to the increasing wisdom of man and the infinite kindness and protection of an all-wise and overruling providence.."

Regarding the route to California Hastings said: ". . . those who go to California travel from Ft. Hall w. s. w. about fifteen days to the northern pass in the California mountains ; thence seven days to the bay of St. Francisco. The California route from Ft. Hall to the Sacramento lies through alternate plains, prairies and valleys, and over hills amid lofty mountains. The Indians are entirely inoffensive. Wagons can be as readily taken from Ft. Hall to the Bay of St. Francisco as they can from the States to Ft. Hall; and in fact, the latter route is found much more eligible for a wagon-way than the former.

"The most direct route would be to leave the Oregon route about two hundred miles east of Ft. Hall; thence bearing w.s.w. to the Salt Lake; and thence continuing down to the Bay of St. Francisco by the route just described."

This last paragraph refers to what was later to be the Hastings Cutoff, but which, at the time the book was written, had not yet been traveled by Fremont, and of which Hastings had no knowledge whatever.

M The copy carried by the Donner party is now in the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

"Bancroft's "History of California.''

T H E HASTINGS C U T O F F

71

Hundreds of persons had promised Hastings that they would emigrate the next year (1846), and Hastings therefore made preparations to meet them on the trail and guide them to California. These were to be his conquering army, the army which would soon elect him to be president of the Republic of California—but of course they had not been informed of this. Hastings' plans had been made known to only a very few of his closest friends.

Early in April, 1846, Hastings started east from Sutter's Fort to meet the emigrants 14 . He was accompanied by his friend, James M. Hudspeth, two old trappers, James Clyman and Caleb Greenwood, and several dissatisfied emigrants including some women and children, all on horses.

Following the regular California trail eastward, they at last found the place, on the Humboldt river, where Fremont's trail of 1845 came in after crossing the Salt Desert. Hastings Tiad learned of this cutoff from Fremont and determined to take it, believing that it was the logical cutoff which he had hoped to find—a cutoff which would shorten the distance to California by several hundred miles and thus induce a great many who had originally intended to go to Oregon, to take the shorter and better route into California.

James Clyman 15 says in his diary of this trip: "May 21 (1846)—. . . At 14 miles we encamped, this being the point where Mr. Fremont intersected the wagon trail last fall on his way to California and Mr. Hastings our pilot was anxious to try this route but my belief is that it is very little nearer and not so good a road as that by Ft. Hall . . . .

"22—After long consultation and many arguments for and against the two different routes, one leading northward by Ft. Hall and the other by the Salt Lake, we all finally took Fremont's trail by the way of Salt Lake late in the day. . .

"28—Left our camp at the Snowy, or more properly the Spring Butte 16 , for this butte affords several fine brooks, and took the trail east and soon entered the great salt plain. The first ""James Clyman," (edited by Camp).

"James Clyman had been employed by Gen. Ashley in 1823, and had been one of the party, probably including Jim Bridger, who circumnavigated the Great Salt Lake in a bull-boat in 182S. He states that Salt Lake appeared to be about four times as large in 1825 as it did when he saw it in 1846.

"Pilot Peak.

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plain is six or seven miles wide and covered in many places three inches deep in pure white salt. Passed an island of rocks in this great plain 17 and entered the great plain over which we went in a bold trot until dusk, when we bivouacked for the night without grass or water and not much was said. In fact all felt discouraged as we had been informed that if we could follow Mr. Fremont's trail we would not have more than 20 miles without fresh water.

In fact this is the most desolate country perhaps on the whole globe, there not being one spear of vegetation and of course no kind of animal can subsist, and it is not yet ascertained to what extent this immense salt and sand plain can be south of where we are now. Our travel today was 40 miles.

"29â&#x20AC;&#x201D;As soon as light began to show in the east we were again under way. Crossed one more plain and then ascended a rough low mountain 18 . Still no water and our hopes were again disappointed. Commenced our descent down a ravine. Made 14 miles and at length found a small spring of brackish water 19 which did not run more than four rods before it all disappeared in the thirsty earth. But mean and poor as the water was, we and our animals quenched our burning thirst and unpacked for the day after our rapid travel of about 20 hours and 30 hours without water."

Passing the big salt spring at the north end of Skull valley, Hastings and his party traveled on to Salt Lake valley. Crossing the Jordan river they lost Fremont's trail and instead of going north along the foot of the mountains, they turned up Emigration canyon, got lost, and after wandering around several days came out on the Weber just below Echo canyon. Here Clyman was on familiar ground and the party soon reached Ft. Bridger.

Clyman and the other emigrants then waited for another company to come up, which they knew to be on the Ft. Hall road, going east, while Hastings and Hudspeth went on to Black's Fork of Green river to meet the emigrant wagons coming west.

Neither James Clyman nor Caleb Greenwood believed that wagons could be safely taken across the Salt Desert. Clyman, who passed the Donner party east of South Pass, strongly urged James F. Reed of the Donner party not to attempt the new cutoff. Clyman, Reed, Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln had all been members of the same company in the Black Hawk war (1829). Caleb Greenwood 20 , who had come east for the "Now called Silver Reef or Silver Island.

"Cedar mountain, western boundary of Skull valley.

"Now called Redlum spring, at the eastern foot of Hastings pass in

T H E HASTINGS C U T O F F

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purpose of guiding emigrants over the Sierras, now contracted to guide Capt. Aram's train for $10 a wagon, and started back over the regular Ft. Hall road 21 .

Hastings, from his camp on Black's Fork, sent letters east along the trail by a lone traveler, to the emigrants then on the road, advising them to take the new cutoff, which would save two or three hundred miles, and which he represented as a perfectly safe road with only one dry drive of perhaps twenty or thirty miles. He had crossed the desert on horses without undue suffering, but he did not take into consideration the fact that oxen drawing heavy wagons could only make 15 miles a day on an average, whereas he had crossed it on horses in approximately twenty hours. His ambition to be president of California got the better of his judgment; otherwise he would never have recommended such a route for the slow-moving ox teams.

On the trail that year were hundreds of emigrant wagons moving westwardâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the largest emigration ever recorded up to that time. Evidently Hastings' book had done its work. The men who were then on the road to California were of the better classâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;not the usual dissatisfied wanderers of the frontier, but men of character and substance, many of whom later became famous in pioneer history. Most of these men were accompanied by their families and took with them valuable goods for trade on the Pacific coast.

Col. William H. Russell, who later founded the Pony Express, was elected captain of one of the largest wagon trains which left Independence, Missouri, in 1846. Russell's train was soon joined by George and Jacob Donner, James F. Reed, and the others who later became known as the Donner party.

When this train reached Ft. Laramie, Capt. Russell, Edwin Bryant and seven other men traded their wagons for mules and started on ahead of the wagon train in order to make better time. These nine men comprised what is known as the Bryant party, since Bryant has left such a wonderful record of their experiences22. The Bryant party, pushing on ahead of all the Cedar mountain. The only drinkable water in the whole mountain with the exception of one spring about 35 miles south.

"Caleb Greenwood had also been one of Ashley's men. He was at this time (1846) eighty-two years old. He had guided the StevensMurphy-Townsend party over the Sierras in 1844, the first wagons to cross the mountains. ""Across the Continent in a Caravan," J. T. Watson, in Journal of Am. Hist. Vol. 1, No. 4, 1907. Greenwood later went back on the trail searching for the Hastings party, but could not find them. !2 "Rocky Mountain Adventures," by Edwin Bryant

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wagons then on the trail, were the first to reach Hastings' camp on Black's Fork. Here they stopped while Hastings explained to them the advantages of his new cutoff. Bryant was not favorably impressed with the description of the shorter route, and wrote to his friends in the rear warning them not to attempt it; but being mounted on mules, he considered it safe enough for himself, and engaged Hudspeth to guide him to the edge of the desert.

Reaching Salt Lake valley.after a difficult descent of Weber canyon, the Bryant party followed south along the foot of the Wasatch, camping one night near the ashes of one of Fremont's camp fires on the present site of Salt Lake City. Crossing the Jordan they then struck for the point of the mountain near Black Rock, crossed Tooele valley, camped on Willow Creek, south of where Grantsville now stands, and then crossed the Stansbury range at Willow Creek pass to the southwest, which brought them into Skull valley. Crossing the valley, they camped at the foot of the pass in Cedar mountain where Fremont had crossed the year before. Bryant says : "Rousing Mr. Jacob, who slept soundly, and after him the other members of our small party (nine in number), we commenced our preparations for the long and much-dreaded march over the great Salt Desert. Mr. Hudspeth, the gentleman who had kindly conducted us thus far from Ft. Bridger as our pilot, was to leave us at this point . . . . Consequently, from this> time forward we are without a guide. . . The march across the salt plain, without water or grass, was variously estimated by those with whom I conversed at Ft. Bridger, at from sixty to eighty miles. Captain Walker, an old and experienced mountaineer, who had crossed it at this point as the guide of Captain Fremont and his party, estimated the distance at seventy-five miles, and we found the estimate to be nearly correct.

"We gathered^ the dead limbs of the cedars which had been cut down by Captain Fremont's party when encamped here last autumn, and igniting them, they gave us a good light during the preparation of our frugal breakfast. .

"A small powder keg, holding about three or four pints of coffee, which had been emptied of its original contents for the purpose, and filled with that beverage made from the brackish spring near our camp, was the only vessel we possessed in which we could transport water, and its contents composed our entire liquid refreshment for the march. Instructions were given to Miller who had charge of this important and precious burden, to husband it with miserly care, and to make an equitable division whenever it should he called into use. . . .

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"Everything being ready, Mr. Hudspeth, who accompanied us to the summit of the mountain, led the way. . . . Bidding farewell to Mr. Hudspeth we commenced the descent of the mountain.

We had scarcely parted from Mr. Hudspeth, when, standing on one of the peaks, he stretched out his long arms, and with a voice and gesture as loud and impressive as he could make them, he called to us and exclaimed: 'Now-, boys, put spurs to your mules and ride like hell!' The hint was timely given and well meant, but scarcely necessary, as we all had a pretty just appreciation of the trials and hardships before us.

"The descent from the mountain on the western side was more difficult than the ascent; but two or three miles . . . brought us to the foot and into the valley where, after some search, we found a blind trail which we supposed to be that of Captain Fremont, made last year. Our course for the day was nearly due west; and following this trail where it was visible. . . . we crossed a valley some eight or ten miles in width, sparsely covered with wild sage and greasewood 23 . . . . After crossing the valley we rose a ridge of low volcanic hills24- . . . W e passed over this ridge through a narrow gap. . . . From the western terminus of this ominous-looking passage 25 we had a view of the vast desert plain before us, which as far as the eye could penetrate, was of a snowy whiteness, and resembled a scene of wintry frosts and icy desolation. Not "a shrub or object of any kind rose above the surface for the eye to rest upon. . . . It was a scene which excited mingled emotions of admiration and apprehension.

"Passing a little further on, we stood on the brow of a steep precipice. . . . immediately below and beyond which a narrow valley or depression in the surface of the plain, about five miles in width, displayed so perfectly the wavy and frothy appearance of highly agitated water, that Col. Russell and myself . . . . both simultaneously exclaimed, 'We must have taken a wrong course and struck another arm or bay of the Great Salt Lake' . . . . But soon, upon a more calm and scrutinizing inspection, we discovered that what represented so perfectly the 'rushing waters' was moveless, and made no sound 26 !"

28 Bryant's trail crosses the Victory Highway about 14 miles west of the station of Delle, near the emergency landing field.

"Called Grayback mountainâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the last ridge on the north of the highway before entering the salt flats near Mounds.

2S An old volcanic blow-hole.

"This stretch of five miles between Grayback and the sand dunes, is now overgrown with stunted greasewood, but still retains its peculiar appearance of breaking waves.

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Bryant's beautiful description of the mirage which he saw later that day on the desert, is too long to quote here. Continuing through the sand dunes the party finally struck the vast level white salt flats, over which they rode with all possible speed.

About five o'clock ". . . . we reached and passed, leaving it to our left, a small butte 27 , rising solitary from the plain. . . . Eight miles brought us to the northern end of a short range of mountains 28 , turning the point of which and bending our course to the left, we gradually came upon higher ground. . . . When I had reached the most elevated point of this ridge the sun was setting, and I saw my fellow travelers still far in advance of me, entering upon a plain or valley of salt, some ten or twelve miles in breadth. On the opposite side of this valley rose abruptly and to a high elevation another mountain, at the foot of which we expected to find the spring of fresh water that was to quench our thirst, and revive and sustain the energies of our faithful beasts. ". . . . W e left the seemingly interminable plain of salt and entered upon the sagey slope of this mountain about 10 o'clock.

Hallooing as loudly as we could raise our voices, we obtained, by a response, the direction of our party who had preceded us and after some difficulty. . . . we came to where they had discovered a faint stream of water, and made their camp. Men and mules, on their first arrival, as we learned, had madly rushed into the stream and drank together of its muddy watersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;made muddy by their own disturbance of its sliallow channel and sluggish current. ". . . . After considerable search among the reeds, willow and luxurious grass, we discovered a spring 29 . Buchanan was so eager to obtain a draught of cold, pure water, that in dipping his cup for this purpose, the yielding reeds under him gave_way and he sank into the basin. . . . The next morning this basin was sounded to the depth of thirty-five feet, and no bottom found. . . . . The Salt Plain has never at this place, so far as I could understand, been crossed but twice previously by civilized men, and in these instances two days were occupied in performing the journey 30 . Distance 75 miles."

"Crater Island, just east of Silver Reef. "'Silver Reef, a volcanic ridge extending into the desert from the south. It contains but one spring, never discovered by the emigrants.

2 °At the Cummings ranch, three miles north of McKeller's. The "reeds" are a species of cane-grass, peculiar to springs on the western edge of the Salt Desert. '"Referring to Fremont and Hastings.

T H E HASTINGS CUTOFF

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Several wagon trains came up to Hastings' camp after Bryant had passed, and were persuaded to attempt the cutoff, guided by Hastings in person. Of this first wagon train to cross the Salt Desert we have very little information. Leaving Ft. Bridger. they passed down Echo canyon and then followed the Weber river to Salt Lake valley. So difficult was the going that they often made no more than a mile a day, and in places had to let their wagons down the steep slopes with a windlass, which they carried for that purpose. After the greatest difficulty they emerged from Weber canyon, followed the foot of the mountains to Beck's hot springs, crossed the Jordan there 31 , and then followed Fremonts' trail to Skull valley, on the edge of the desert.

The party which Hastings was guiding consisted of Samuel C. Young and his family, with several married sons and daughters; George Harlan and family, with Peter Wimmer and wife32, the latter Harlan's "daughter; the Gordon family with several married sons and daughters, and many others, constituting in all about eighty persons with sixty-three wagons.

The only record known of their troubles in the desert is contained in a biographical sketch of Samuel C. Young, published in the San Jose Pioneer, Nov. 9, 1878. He says: "Hastings had made them (the emigrants) believe that the desert was but 40 miles across. When they arrived there they made every possible preparation that the country and their circumstances would allow; they filled all their vessels full of water, .procured all the grass they could take with them, to feed and sustain their stock; and when they had finished their preparations, they began their perilous journey in the evening'and traveled all night, stopping now and then to give their stock a little hay.

Morning came at last; and such a sight! The sun rose in full splendor, reflecting his rays on this vast salt plain, as white as snow, and as far as the eye could reach not a thing to be seen, not a spear of grass or a drop of water, and the end could not be detected by the eye. The stock was showing great signs of fatigue ; a little hay and some water revived them, and a cup of coffee and a cold snack had as good effect on the emigrants. It was a blessing that they were ignorant of what was before them.

They were led to believe that they would reach water and grass by noon; full of hope they again started their jaded and trusty teams. They traveled until noon, the stock showing great signs 31

See "Clayton's Journal."

Mrs. Wimrrfer first identified the metal found by John Marshall in 1848, as gold. ,2

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of distress; they stopped to feed them some grass and give them a little water, which comprised nearly all they had laid in.

"The emigrants by this time had become very much discouraged. The eye could not detect the end of the plain. But no time was to be lost, so they started again, in the midst of the glare of the sun at noon-day, upon this still, vast, white salt plain.

Every mile traveled that eventful evening 33 produced its effect; oxen gave out and lay down, some to rise no more; others from extreme thirst became crazy and nothing could be done with them, and finally they would become exhausted and drop down dead.

From the middle of the evening one disaster after another happened nearly every step of the way. Wagons were abandoned; such of the oxen as could travel were taken out and driven along; others would give up and lie down, even after the yoke was taken off, and neither persuasion nor the whip could make them budge. These misfortunes continued and increased during that evening until it seemed all were lost.

"But night came at lastâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that at least shut off the reflection of the sun. In the midst of all but despair they stopped to give the last pound of grass to the surviving stock, and a few favorites got a little water, and such as had wagons left went to them and got out and ate and divided with others their frugal meal. At last they started on their long night tramp, hoping to get to water and grass before morning. On they traveled, every mile so full of disaster that the recital would fill pages; but they struggled on through that long, dark and lonely night, still praying for water and grass, but the morning was again ushered in with the sun's reflection upon the white salt plains, with no sign of the end. The loss of stock through the night could now be realized. A halt was ordered, a little rest was taken, with a morsel to break the fast, and the order was given to make the last effort to get through. From this until noon more stock was lost than during the last twenty-four hours.

"At noon they reached water and grass in a most worn-out and despondent condition. Some of the teams were left, some as far back as 30 miles. Water and grass were hauled back and some of the stock saved and some of the wagons brought in. Others were abandoned and it took many days to collect everything together and get ready to start again. Here was eighty-two miles of desert these emigrants had passed over, instead of forty. Vol33 Samuel C. Young was from Tennessee; by "evening." he means "afternoon."

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umes could be written on the sufferings of man and beast that occurred during this eighty-two-mile march across the desolate wastes.

"At last they reached St. Mary's river 34 with the loss of most of their stock, worn out and greatly discouragedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to find that the Ft. Hall emigrants had passed on, three weeks ahead of them, posting notices of the fact 35 ."

The Donner party, after receiving the letter sentJby Hastings, hurried on, hoping to reach Hastings camp in time to be guided by him over the new cutoff which they had determined to follow in spite of the warnings of Bryant, and of Clyman and Joseph Walker, who passed them traveling east. But Hastings had already passed on to Ft. Bridger. Arriving at Bridger they were disappointed to learn that he had left more than a week before. His trail was plain, however, and they decided to follow and try to overtake him. After spending a few days repairing their wagons, they again started over what was from that time on known as the Hastings Cutoff. It led southwest past Bridger's Butte; across the Little Muddy, across Bear River at what is now called Myers' crossing; then over rolling hills to the divide between the waters of the Bear and Weber Rivers; down a small canyon which led them into Echo canyon at the point where the Mormon pioneer monument now stands; down Echo canyon to the Weber; down Weber canyon to Henefer.

Here they found a note from Hastings stating that it was almost impossible to take wagons down Weber canyon, a'nd that they should take another route which he tried to outline (the route by which he had come to Bridger's Fort). The instructions were very indefinite, however, and James F. Reed, Charles T. Stanton and William Pike volunteered to go ahead, overtake Hastings and bring him back to guide them. Eight days later Reed returned, having found Hastings, who refused to leave his own company, but took Reed to the top of the Oquirrh mountains where he pointed out the route as best he could. Reed had returned alone, Stanton's and Pike's horses having given outâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;he supposed they had died on the desert.

Forcing their way over Little Mountain and Big Mountain (the road followed the next year by the Mormon pioneers) the Donner party with great difficulty cut their way through the thick underbrush, frequently making less than a mile a day. After eight more days Stanton and Pike returned, more dead than alive. These "Now called the Humboldt.

"Posted by Capt. Aram, at the suggestion of Greenwood.

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t w o t h e n g u i d e d the w a g o n s d o w n t h r o u g h E m i g r a t i o n canyon 3 6 w h e r e t h e y e m e r g e d into t h e valley of t h e Salt L a k e and t h o u g h t their t r o u b l e s w e r e over.

C r o s s i n g t h e J o r d a n and finding the trail of H a s t i n g s , the D o n n e r p a r t y , n o w consisting of eighty p e r s o n s , crossed t h e valley and b e g a n p a s s i n g b e t w e e n the m o u n t a i n s a n d the lake n e a r what is n o w Garfield. H e r e one of their n u m b e r , L u k e H a l l o r a n , died and w a s buried beside the n e w l y - m a d e g r a v e of J o h n Hargrave 3 7 , a m e m b e r of the H a s t i n g s p a r t y .

T h e b'est record of t h e D o n n e r p a r t y ' s c r o s s i n g t h e Salt Desert has been left b y J. Q u i n n T h o r n t o n , w h o s t a r t e d from Independence w i t h Col. Russell's train, b u t later took t h e A p p l e g a t e Cutoff to O r e g o n . T h o r n t o n m a d e his w a y t o California the next y e a r w h e r e he took n o t e s of this d i s a s t r o u s j o u r n e y from the survivors. H e s a y s : " O n S e p t e m b e r 6th t h e y r e s u m e d their j o u r n e y , and after dark encamped at a place to w h i c h t h e y g a v e the n a m e of t h e T w e n t y Wells. T h e n a m e w a s s u g g e s t e d b y the c i r c u m s t a n c e of their being at this place t h a t n u m b e r of n a t u r a l wells, filled t o t h e very surface of t h e earth w i t h t h e p u r e s t of cold w a t e r . T h e y sounded some of t h e m w i t h lines of m o r e t h a n s e v e n t y feet w i t h o u t finding b o t t o m . T h e y varied from six inches to nine feet in diameter.

None of t h e m o v e r f l o w e d ; and, w h a t is m o s t e x t r a o r d i n a r y , the g r o u n d w a s dry and hard n e a r the very edge of the w a t e r , and upon t a k i n g w a t e r out, t h e wells w o u l d i n s t a n t l y fill u p again 3 8 . " O n the m o r n i n g of t h e 7th, t h e y left c a m p ; and after m a k i n g a long h a r d drive, e n c a m p e d in a l a r g e a n d beautiful meadow, a b u n d a n t l y supplied w i t h the very b e s t g r a s s . H e r e t h e y found a n u m b e r of wells, differing in no r e s p e c l r f r o m t h o s e j u s t mentioned 3 9 . H e r e t h e y found a letter from Lansford W . H a s t i n g s , informing t h e m t h a t it w o u l d occupy t w o d a y s and n i g h t s of hard "The tracks of the Donner wagons, made as they came out of Emigration Canyon, are still plainly visible on the south side of the canyon, where they pulled up an incredibly steep slope. The Mormon pioneers took the north side of the canyon at this point a year later. ""The California Gold Book," by Allen and Avery. The exact location of these two graves has not been found. They are somewhere in the vicinity of Lakepoint. John Hargrave and Luke Halloran were the first emigrants to be buried in Tooele valley.

'Twenty Wells is now the site of Grantsville, where several of the "wells" may still be seen. They are kept filled by the underground flow from Willow Creek. '"Springs and meadows in Skull valley, north of Iosepa, or Kanaka Ranch.

T H E HASTINGS CUTOFF

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driving to reach the next water and grass-. They consequently remained in camp on the eighth, to rest and recruit their cattle.

Having done this, and cut grass to carry on the way, they resumed their journey at daylight on the morning of September 9th, with many apprehensions, and at about ten o'clock a. m., of the 12th, Mr. Eddy and some others succeeded, after leaving his wagons twenty miles back, in getting his team across the Great Salt Plain, to a beautiful spring at the foot of a mountain on the west side of the plain, and distant eighty miles from their camp of the 7th and 8th40.

"On the evening of the 12th, just at dark, Mr. Reed came up to them, and informed them that his wagons and those of the Messrs.

Donner had beerf left about forty miles in the rear, and that the drivers were trying to bring the cattle forward to the water. After remaining about an hour, he started back to meet the drivers with the cattle, and to get his family. Mr. Eddy accompanied him back five miles, with a bucket of water for an ox of his that had become exhausted, in consequence of thirst, and had lain down.

Mr. Reed met the drivers ten miles from the spring, coming forward with the cattle. He continued on, and the drivers came into camp about midnight, having lost all of Mr. Reed's team after passing him41. The Messrs. Donner got to water, with a part of their teams, at about 2 o'clock a. m., of September 13th. Mr. Eddy started back at daylight on the morning of the 13th, and at dawn of day on the 14th, he brought up Mrs. Reed and children, and his wagon. On the afternoon of the 14th, they started back with Mr. Reed and Mr. Graves for the wagons of the Messrs. Donner and Reed; and brought them up with horses and mules, on the evening of the 15th.

"It is impossible to describe the dismay and anguish with which that perilous and exhausting drive filled the stoutest hearts.

Many families were completely ruined. They were yet in a country of hostile Indians, far from all succor, betrayed by one of their own countrymen. They could not tell what was the character of the road yet ahead of them, since the man in whose veracity they reposed confidence, had proved himself so utterly unworthy of it. To retreat across the desert to Bridger was impossible. There was no way left to them but to advance; and this they now regarded as perilous in the extreme. The cattle that "The Donner party reached the spring at Cummings' ranch, foot of Pilot Peak.

"These cattle were never recovered. Mr. Eugene Munsey, 80 years old, of Wendover, Utah, says that the Indians claim to have finally killed and eaten most of those which escaped from the emigrants.

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survived w e r e e x h a u s t e d and b r o k e n d o w n ; b u t t o r e m a i n there, w a s to die. Feeble and dispirited, therefore, t h e y slowly resumed their j o u r n e y . " O n this drive 36 head of w o r k i n g cattle w e r e lost, and the oxen t h a t survived w e r e g r e a t l y injured. O n e of Mr. Reed's w a g o n s w a s b r o u g h t to c a m p ; and t w o , w i t h all t h e y contained, w e r e buried in the plain. George D o n n e r lost one w a g o n . Keseb e r g also lost a wagon 4 2 ."

H a s t i n g s ' a n x i e t y to r u s h a g r e a t m a n y e m i g r a n t s into California in 1846 a n d proclaim it a republic w i t h himself as president finally resulted in t h e d e a t h b y s t a r v a t i o n of t h i r t y - s i x of the original e i g h t y m e m b e r s of the D o n n e r p a r t y , in the snows of the Sierra N e v a d a s . H a v i n g been so l o n g delayed b y the Cutoff and its v a r i o u s disasters, t h e y reached t h e m o u n t a i n s too late to cross t h a t year.

T h e only p u n i s h m e n t H a s t i n g s ever received for his part in this t r a g e d y , w a s t o see t h e S t a r s and Stripes flying over Sutter's F o r t w h e n he arrived t h e r e w i t h his c o m p a n y of emigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the end of his d r e a m of empire. All those w h o suffered on the Cutoff and survived, swore v e n g e a n c e a g a i n s t t h e m a n w h o had misled them. B u t since H a s t i n g s w a s elected captain of a company of e m i g r a n t v o l u n t e e r s t h a t year, and later elected to t h e Constitutional Convention of t h e S t a t e in 1849, it w o u l d a p p e a r t h a t their anger soon cooled.

T h e entire H a s t i n g s Cutoff,. except w h e r e obliterated by m o d e r n h i g h w a y s , is still visible. A n d in the Salt D e s e r t itself, due to u n u s u a l and peculiar conditions, t h e actual wheel tracks of the w a g o n s , t h e footprints of t h e oxen and of t h e men, w o m e n and children w h o walked w h e n the oxen g a v e out, are still preserved after eighty-four y e a r s . i2 Parts of what is supposed to be one of Reed's wagons, were recovered from the desert in '1927 by Capt. Charles E .Davis and shipped to the Sutter Historical Museum, Sacramento, together with various old guns and relics found on the trail.

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS OF SALT L A K E VALLEY

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REMINISCENCES OF JOHN R. YOUNG Extracts from letters written by John R. Young, pioneer of 1847, to his grandson, John A. Young, by whom they were submitted.

Early Recollections of the Salt Lake Valley "My father harvested the first acre of wheat raised in Utah.

It grew about on the lot where the Salt Lake Theatre stands. It grew about twelve inches high, short straw but good heads. My brother Franklin and I pulled every spear of that wheat, laid it in piles, then went to the creek and cut willow switches with which my brother William bound it. It yielded about eighteen bushels to the acre.

"From our cabin in the mouth of City Creek canyon, in 1847, one could see a lone cedar tree on the plain southeast of us, and on the south fork of the creek, about where Main and Third South Streets intersect, stood seven, wind swept, scraggy cottonwood trees. On the north side of City Creek stood a large oak tree. No other trees were visible in the valley.

"The plain was covered with scattering bunch grass eight or ten inches high and occasional patches of low flat prickly pears.

We barefooted lads had to be careful where we stepped. Along the banks of the creek were thin strips of willows, rose briars, and squaw bush. In the swamps were patches of coarse wire grass, bull rushes, and cat tails. If ever lawyer Baskin wet his moccasins while riding through the valley on horseback it would be because he rode across the sloughs. For several years, in the early days of Salt Lake, people went to Tooele, American Fork, or Ogden to get hay.

"Looking toward the Great Salt Lake the view was more desolate and discouraging. Scarcely a summer day passed but one would see whirling clouds of alkali dust sweeping southward, covering with a poisonous substance the short prickly brush that tried to grow on the sand dunes of that vicinity.

"Such to my boyish vision was the Salt Lake Valley in 1847.

To me, when Brigham Young refused to take Samuel Brannan's advice and go to California, was the bravest and most inspired act of that great leader's life. The destiny of the Latter-day Saints was trembling in the balance. On their way westward seeking homes beyond the power of Christian mobs, Bridger, the experienced mountaineer said, "If .you stop in the Salt Lake Valley your

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people will perish. I have lived here twenty-five years and I know it freezes every month in the year." Brannan, who had bravely crossed the desert said, "For heaven's sake don't stop in this God forsaken land. Nobody on earth wants it. Come on to California to a land of sunshine and flowers." Then Brigham said, "Brannan, if there is a place on this earth that nobody else wants, that's the place I am hunting for." That settled the question.

Jim Brigder I knew Jim Bridger. In the summer of 1848 my father, who came to Utah with the pioneers, built the first house outside the fort, a two-room log house on the ground where the Lion and the Beehive houses now stand. Charley Decker and myself went back as far as Pacific Springs with a bunch of oxen to help uncle Brigham's company. Father drove two yoke of oxen ori the wagon, while Charley and I drove the loose cattle.

At Ft. Bridger, not hearing from uncle, we were advised to wait awhile as it was rumored that a band of Sioux were in the country on the war path against the Shoshones. We lay at Ft. Bridger for two weeks. Every day I was at the fort watching the Indians run horse races and gamble. One day Bridger gave me five dollars. I bet it and won. Then Bridger said, "My boy, don't you ever gamble again, for I have noticed that gamblers nearly all die with their boots on, and you are too fine a boy to die that way." I never gambled again.

Jim Bridger was of a Puritanical mold. I never saw him laugh, yet he loved humor and fun. One day a vagabond Mormon boy came along and claimed to be a trusted secret messenger of Brigham Young. Bridger looked him over, then said, "If you will stay here and marry the Indian -squaw that I will pick out for you I will give you a tent and make an Indian trader out of you." The" dude accepted the offer, the tent was pitched, night came on, and the Indian woman was sent to the tent. At the camp fire where the Indians were gambling, the mountaineers gathered around the "new fledged trader," congratulated him upon his good fortune, and bade him good night. He retired to his lodge and silence reigned. In a few minutes were heard yells of pain, and a white man in his shirt tail burst from the tent with an angry squaw, armed with a heavy quirt, following close upon his heels. The mountaineers roared with laughter, but Bridger laconically said, "He has just remembered that secret message Brigham had int strusted him with." Father got one of the men to go get his breeches and take them to him. We saw no more of the "trusted messenger."

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85

Brigham Young and the Mountain Meadow Massacre In September, 1865, Brigham Young visited St. George where I then lived. Just before he started on the return trip I got a program of the meetings to be held, so I could follow and attend.

The one at Cedar City was held at 2 P. M. When I reached Cedar City the meeting was in session. Hitching my horses to the wagon so they could eat I slipped into the meeting and found a seat near the- door. At the close of the meeting I passed out and lingered on the outer circle of the crowd. Uncle Brigham came out, paused at the door and looked to the south. Then he glanced hurriedly over the crowd and came direct to me and asked if I had time to take a walk with him. With joy I placed my hand in his. W e walked to the street and then turned southward. Just as we came to the last house in Cedar we met John D. Lee. He had a blind bridle in his right hand. He changed it over to the left and reached out his hand to shake with uncle Brigham. But uncle refused to shake hands with him and said, "John, what made you lie to me about the Mountain Meadow Massacre?" Lee looked down to the ground. Uncle upbraided him and told him'that he never wanted to see him again. Then he walked from Lee and I knew, if nobody else did, that John D. Lee had lied to Brigham Young about the Mountain Meadow difficulty.

My brother-in-law, Samuel Knight, gathered the seventeen little helpless children into his wagon a"rrd cared for them until provision was made for their protection. George Adair and I were sleeping together near the bridge at Marysvale when Adair was arrested by deputy marshals and taken to Beaver and put in irons and treated cruelly for months trying to bribe him to testify falsely against Brigham Young. For years I was closely associated with Jacob Hamblin, Ira Hatch, and James Pearse who knew all about that unfortunate Mountain Meadow tragedy. Our historian, Orson F. Whitney's statements about that most regrettable deed are correct. John D. Lee was the, most active white agitator in that shameful butchery. He was justly punished. Beyond that the mantle of charity and forgetfulness should be dropped. It was in a day of nervous tearfulness, of a tremulous dread lest the cruel experiences of Missouri and Nauvoo would be visited again upon the heads of the Latter-day Saints. It was that dread that brought about the Mountain Meadow Massacre."

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The Establishment of Fort Windsor at Pipe Springs Some time in the early sixties, Mr. J. M. Whitmore, a man of wealth and a recent convert to the Mormon faith, moved to southern Utahâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;I believe in '61 or '62â&#x20AC;&#x201D;and established a herd of cattle and sheep at the now called Pipe Springs. At that time it was a wild, uninhabited desert; and when he located there it was the southeastern frontier post of Utah.

In "Indian Depredations in Utah," by Gottfredson, pp. 179-80, we are told that about the 1st of January, 1866 (I Relieve it was in 1863), J. W. Whitmore and his stepson, Robert Mclntyre, were killed by Navajo Indians. The sheep and the cattle were driven across the Colorado river and never recovered. The men were killed on the plain about four miles east of the spring. From the Pahvant Indians rumors of the killing reached St. George and a search party was sent out. On the 20th of January the bodies were found. Soon after the killing 18 inches of snow fell so the bodies were covered and kept in good condition until they were found.

About the 1st of April, 1866, another sorrowful murder took place some 12 or 15 miles northwest from the springs and 4 miles east from Maxwell's ranch. Joseph and Robert Berry, and Robert's wife were returning to their homes in Long Valley. At Cedar point, on the old Elephant road, 4 miles from Maxwell's they were ambushed by Piede Indians. Evidently Robert was taken prisoner and tied to the front wheel of his wagon, where he had to witness the brutal, torturing of his wife. Then he was shot full of arrows. The horses were taken, and that wagon looted.

The boys killed one Indian, the leader. I think these shocking murders led up to the building of Ft. Windsor at the Pipe Springs.

In the meantime the Church had obtained possession of Dr. Whitmore's claims and had established a cattle ranch in care of ex-Bishop A. P. Windsor. At that time my brother, Joseph W., was president of the St. George Stake and uncle Brigham directed him to make some improvements on the ranch. Joseph planned the fort with aunt Tamar. I went and boarded the men.

My nephew, Joseph C. Young, hauled the rock with my team.

They were quarried at Moccasin Spring, a mile and a half to the north. Elisha Everett, a mason on the Nauvoo Temple, was foreman in charge of building. I was timekeeper and general director of the work. I am a poor hand to remember dates. I may be wrong but I think the fort was erected in 1871. I may be wrong in dates but my memory is good on incidents and I desire to give proper praise and credit to all men who unselfishly sacrificed and toiled to build up the grand Commonwealth of Utah.

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EARLY JUSTICE IN UTAH Dictated by John Nebeker, in 1884 Born in Delaware, 1813. Arrived at Nauvoo the winter the people left that place. Came to Utah with the first company following the Pioneers to Council Bluffs in '47. Left Nauvoo in '46.

Crossed the plains in Smoot's 100, Wallace's 50. The company consisted of 566 wagons. At Loop Fork we found a ford and 566 wagons crossed the same day; the next day the quicksands moved down stream some 200 yards and a crossing could not be effected without wetting the luggage and contents of wagons. In 1853 President Young and I raised the first applesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;one each. Both were put together and Mrs. Nebeker made the first apple pie. Cut the first wheat in 1848, with a sickle. It was called May wheat.

Yes, I had quite an experience with the crickets. They came from Arsenal Hill in great numbers. Channels were dug, and filled with water to prevent their travel, but they would throw themselves across; it was impossible to fight them back. While receiving word from his son that his corn in Hill Creek was in jeopardy, his attention was called to a dark cloud which proved to be a flock of gulls. They made a line for the crickets and remained half an hour until they cleaned them out. The farming land commenced near the Warm Springs, running thence northwest, thence south to Big Cottonwod. This was all fenced to keep out stock. The crickets covered all this land; they were most destructive in spots. The Indians got fat on them. They would gather them in baskets, then put them in willows and set fire to the willows; by the time the willows were burned the crickets would be cooked. That season a great number of Indians came to the Warm Springs suffering from measles. They died off about as fast as they went into the water. Some they buried and some they didn't bury. I helped to bury those that were left unburied.

We buried 36 in one grave; and 44 dogs in another. Their custom was to kill their dogs when their masters died. This was the first time measles appeared here. It was a new disease to them, and they didn't know how to cure it, or where they got it.

First "house (adobie) was built by Jesse Turpin in the 14th Ward. In the Spring of '49 they began to move out of the fort to live in wagons and to build log houses. The Council House, now destroyed by fire, was built in '49. This was the first public building of any importance. It stood on the north-east corner of the block south of the Temple Block. There was a small public building used as a post office and general business office before this.

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Some of our people were able to fit out teams and send to California. When they returned they brought large quantities of gold dust. John Kay, who came in '48 was appointed to coin hioney out of the dust as a matter of better convenience. He coined $2.50 pieces, $5.00 and $20.00 pieces.

The Council House was commenced in '48 and finished in '49.

The building was two-storey; the first storey of dressed rock; the second of adobie, plastered. It was about 40 feet square. It was used for general purposes, and afterward as Court House.

We had been used to law; but when we came here in '47 we found none. Having no jails we instituted the Whipping Post.

One or two were whipped. I had to chastise one in that way for stealing but there was very little of this, however. We had been forbidden to cut green timber except for certain purposes; certain fines was the penalty. We were required to use dead timber for fuel, and there was plenty of it, but some would not do it. These laws were made in '47 after President Young went back. John Taylor and Parley P. Pratt were left. Father John Smith was looked on as President of the Camp; but Taylor and Pratt took the lead and in fact were in charge. Through them this understanding about the'timber, etc., occurred. They and the leading men agreed upon them and the people concurred in them. These laws gradually died away by the time President Young returned.

These laws provided for the office of public complainer. I was one of them. On one occasion I had to prosecute a case before the High Council, and also execute the judgment. The case was for stealing; the judgment was $10.00 fine or ten lashes. The article stolen was a lariat, and he was.caught at it. I volunteered myself to help him pay the fine, but he would not, so he was whipped.

The Bell Post—a pole on which a public bell was hung to call the people together—was the place designated.. I proceeded to tie him, but he refused to be tied ; said it was not in the decision. C. C. Rich was appointed by the Council to see that the whipping was carried out in the spirit and meaning of the judgment. I appealed to him whether he should be tied or not. Rich decided that as the decision did not mention it and the man didn't want to be tied, it was his right to choose for himself inasmuch as he would stand to be whipped. He said he would stand up to it. He was then told to strip. He refused to on the ground that it was not in the decision. But his refusal would not count. He stripped and the lashes were administered in the presence of the public. The penalty for stealing in cases generally, in cases when people would promise to do better, was to make proper confessions and restore four fold, if the person upon whom the theft was committed required it. There was one case that created a great deal of fun.

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89

A certain man persisted in keeping a dog. Now a dog would eat pretty much of what, under the circumstances, could be eaten by the people and therefore all could not afford to keep dogs. This dog stole some biscuits from a man and the fellow borrowed a shot gun and shot the dog. The case was brought before me for arbitration, and I gave the man who had lost the biscuits the full benefit of the law, namely, allowed him four foldâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or 16 biscuits, which kept the fellow a whole week.

MATERIAL PROGRESS OF UTAH Dictated by William Jennings, ex-Mayor of Salt Lake City in 1884 (Bancroft Library) One of the most important articles brought by the pioneer women were their looms. For many years homespun woolen linseys were all there was to wear. Brigham Young at one time decreed that the men mustn't dance with ony one in other than home-spun garments; this was to discourage vanities and extravagance and to encourage home manufacture's. They undertook to raise cotton in St. George, but it didn't pay. Considerable cotton was shipped about '58 or '60; still it was not a paying experiment. The freight upon it was lessened as they sent it in the otherwise empty wagons to Omaha on the Missouri, whence they had gone for the emigration for Utah. Sometimes as many as 500 wagons, and cattle would be sent out to meet them.

In the spring of 1858, when Johnston's army entered Salt Lake, not a soul was to be seenâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;everybody had fled the city. It was not long before the clothing became exhausted; women were so scantily dressed as scarcely to cover their nakedness; barefooted and bleeding, too, with no means for supplying their needs. They dressed sometimes in sacking or with remnants of rag carpets thrown about them. There were cattle and sheep, however, in abundance.

The railroad coming into Utah was a great blessing as an educator. It is impossible for a people to live by itself without communication more than once in six years with the outside world, without becoming narrow-minded a n d retrograding.

Boys eighteen or twenty years old, sons of Brigham Young and other dignitaries, satisfied their highest ambition when they would ride about the town on horseback, dressed fantastically, with leathern leggings, Spanish spurs, soft slouch hat with fur twisted around it and hanging down like a coon's tail. A Bowie knife would be

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stuck in his legging, and he would race about the place shouting and halloaing as he went. They were in no way above the cowboy of today and played the part of a Mexican or Spanish rough.

The railroad brought higher civilization and education. Even greater attention to dress and fashion has its elevating influences, stimulating ambition and self-respect.

The plague of grasshoppers has been a most serious matter.

They would come suddenly, millions of them and eat every green thing in their way; even shawls or sheets thrown over plants or trees to protect them, would be quickly destroyed. They would be found among the skirts, under a muslin dress, eating and destroying everything. Every means was used for their, destruction ; they devastated hundreds of acres, and as they would rise and fly high in the air, the air would be darkened with them. They seemed to be massed together and to take but one direction, flying not more than 8 or 10 miles perhaps and then settling upon another field of action. The only exterminator seems to be the sea-gulls.

They gorge themselves on this rich diet; they suddenly appear in the wake of the grasshoppers and will swallow them, throw them up and swallow them again. Mr. Jennings says he has seen them someiimes coming like a cloud and alighting apparently not knowing where; that on one occasion most of their number perhaps dropped into the Lake, and were blown on shore by the wind in rows of sometimes two feet deep for a distance of two miles. There was one place on the Weber, the first settlement there, where the crops were destroyed five years in succession.

AMERICAN POSTS (Continued)

By Edgar M. Ledyard Kearney, Fort. The first post here was built by a detachment of Missouri Volunteers. It was named Fort Childs in honor of their commanding officer. Fort Childs, also Fort Kearney, was made a depot by the Mormons while crossing the plains to Utah. In 1848, Colonel Phil Kearny arrived at the post with the Second United States Dragoons. The post was renamed in his honor, although the spelling is not the same as his family name, which was, however, spelled variously by different army officers.

Colonel Kearny rebuilt the fort, planted shade trees and made other substantial improvements. The fort was located on the main overland road across the plains in the midst of powerful and hostile tribes of Indians. For that reason, it became the

AMERICAN POSTS

91

central point of rendezvous between the settlements in the eastern part of the state and the Rocky.Mountains, affording protection to many emigrants and traders. Almost every branch-of the service, including volunteers, dragoons, infantry, artillery and cavalry were stationed at the post. Many officers of note also commanded it. The first buildings of the fort were made of sod and sun-dried brick, or adobe. In 1858, when Colonel C. A. May took command, he erected two sawmills arid rebuilt the post from cottonwood lumber sawed from timber on the islands of the Platte. Pawnees made demonstrations against the post at different times but inflicted no serious damage. In 1861, Captain C. L. Tyler of the Second United States Dragoons was in command of the fort. His, sympathies were with the South and under the pretext that a large body of Confederates might take the post, he ordered the sixteen field pieces there to be spiked so they might be rendered useless to the enemy. His troops became very excited at the order and threatened to take his life. Tyler became a general in the Confederate Army; he was captured and confined later at Fort La Fayette. The first settlement near the post wras made in 1859 and Kearney City, nearby, was made the county seat of Kearney county in 1860.

Nebraska.

Kearny, Fort Philip. One of the defenses of Washington, north of the Potomac. District of Columbia.

Kearney, Fort Philip. This post, commonly known as Fort Phil Kearney, was on the Little Piney. The Little Piney is a branch of Clear Fork, which empties into the Powder River.

The fort was built in 1866 and was abandoned in 1868. Fort Phil Kearney was located in a country overrun with hostile Indians who resented intrusions and settlements of the whites.

The fort was well built and well designed to resist the 51 attacks it sustained. John Phillips rode out from this post into the night to give notice of the Fetterman disaster of December 21, 1866 and to bring relief to the garrison. Wyoming.

Kearny, Fort Philip. Subpost of Fort Greble, Rhode Island, one and one-half miles south of Saunderstown, Rhode Island, seven miles from Newport. Newport, Rhode Island.

Kellogg's Grove, Fort. In Northwestern Illinois, built during Black Hawk War. Illinois.

Kelly Field. Five miles south of San Antonio, Texas.

Kellyspell House: (See Kullyspell House.)

Kemble Battery. One of the defenses of Washington north of the Potomac. District of Columbia.

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Kendrick, Camp. Lakehurst.

New Jersey.

Kennebec Arsenal.

Maine.

Augusta.

Kent, Fort. Junction of Fish River with the St. John's on the Canadian Frontier. This post was located about two hundred miles north of the present town of Bangor. Aroostook County. Maine.

Kent Mills, Fort. Aroostook County. Maine.

Kent Pit, Fort.

Aroostook County. Maine.

Keogh, Fort Military (1876). South bank of the Yellowstone River. Named in honor of Captain Myles Keogh, Seventh United States Cavalry, killed in the Custer massacre. The reservation contains 57,600 acres. Two miles south of Miles City.

Montana.

Key West Barracks,

On the Island of Key West.

Florida.

Kiawa, Fort (1822) (Also spelled Kiowa; more modern). At site of Fort Lookout (1822-57). West bank of the Missouri River. South Dakota.

Kindley Field. Aviation Field, Fort Mills, Corregidor. Philippine Islands.

King, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War in the vicinity of the Ocklawaha, seven miles west of Fort Fowle, at the junction of six roads. West of the Ocklawaha River and southeast of Ocala in Marion County. Florida.

King's Fort.

Levy County.

Florida.

King's Fort. Established prior to 1763. Georgia.

Kingdon, Fort. The section of the country just south of Ogden is sometimes called South Weber. Fort Kingdon was the scene of a conflict here between Morris and his followers and the Government authorities. Morris was killed and the members of the Morrisite sect scattered. The buildings were later used for school purposes and finally passed into the hands of private individuals. Artillery was used in subduing the Morrisites. Some of the original buildings remain. Utah.

Kingsbury Battery. One of the defenses of Washington, north of Potomac, near Fort De Russey. District of Columbia.

Kingsbury, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, north side of Lake Monroe on the St. John's River, opposite Fort Mellon.

Florida.

AMERICAN POSTS

Kiowa, Fort.

93

See Fort Kiawa.

Kipp, Fort. Same site as Fort Stewart (1854). North bank of the Milk River at Poplar. Poplar is in Sheridan County on the east of Valley County. Milk River runs through this county. Montana.

Kipp, Fort (1871).

Canada.

Kipp's Post (1825-26).

North Dakota.

East bank of the Missouri River.

Kirby Battery. One of the defenses of Washington, D. C , north of the Potomac, near Fort Sumner. Maryland.

Kissimmee, Fort. Temporary post on the west side of the Kissimmee River. Established in Florida War. Florida.

Klamath, Fort. Near Klamath- Lake, forty miles north of California boundary. Klamath County. Oregon.

Knox, Camp (Including Godman Field). south-west of Louisville. Kentucky.

Knox, Fort. On White River. tude 39.37 north. Indiana.

Thirty-one miles

Longitude 85.10 west; lati-

Knox, Fort. Left bank of the Wabash River, four miles above Vincennes, near the mouth of Maria Creek (effaced).

Indiana.

Knox, Fort. Opposite Bucksport at the "Narrows of the Penobscot." Maine.

Kootenay, Fort (1811). Northwest Fur Company. Montana.

Kootenay House (1807-08). Northwest Fur Company. Canada.

Kullyspell House. According to John E. Rees in "Idaho, Chronology Nomenclature Bibliography," page 85, "This was the first establishment erected in the Columbia River Basin and was built by David Thompson for the Northwest Fur Company in the fall of 1809 on Pend Oreille Lake where Hope, Idaho, now stands. It was called Kulleyspell for the Pend Oreille Indians, that being their own name for themselves, and which is now called Kalispel (q. v.) This house was a simple log building which was soon after abandoned an'd has been totally destroyed by forest fires. Some evidences of old rock chimneys remain."

Idaho.

LaBarge, Fort (1862). Possibly same as Fort McKenzie (1832-43) and Fort Brule. On west'bank of the Missouri River.

Montana.

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T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

La Baye. Fort.

F r e n c h fort on Green Bay, L a k e Michigan.

Wisconsin.

La Fayette, Fort (See Fort Diamond). Verplanck's Point is the site of Fort La Fayette. "Near middle of the Narrows entrance to New York Harbor," also "in front of Fort Hamilton." New York.

Lafitte, Fort.

Fort Livingston.

Grand Terre Island, Barataria Bay, north of Louisiana.

La Formboise, Fort (1817-21). West bank of Missouri River.

South Dakota.

La Gallette, Fort. Now Ogdensburg, St. Lawrence County, (French and Indian W a r ) . New York.

Lake, Camp. Kenoska County. Wisconsin.

Lakehurst Naval Air Station. Lakehurst. New Jersey.

Lake Pepin, Fort (1727), Now Pepin, Pepin County. Wisconsin.

Lake View, Camp. Lake City. Minnesota.

Lamar, Fort. Danielsville, Madison County. Georgia.

La Moote, Fort. On La Motte Creek above Vincennes. Indiana.

Lamotte, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, two miles southeast from Fort Floyd. Georgia.

Lancaster, Fort. Near the junction of Live Oak Creek with Pecos River at Ozona, Crockett County, Texas.

Lane, Fort, Military post. Southwestern part of Oregon, near Table Rock, eight miles north of Jacksonville, Oregon.

Lane, Fort. Temporary fort in Florida War, west side of Lake Harney, St. John's River, Florida.

Langley Field. Hampton, Virginia.

Langley, Fort. The site of this fort was selected on June 29, 1827, on the left bank of the Fraser River about thirty miles above the Gulf of Georgia. Construction was begun on June 30th by a party under command of James McMillan. The post was quite well established by September 18th. On October 10th, 1828, the post was inspected by Governor Simpson and Archibald MacDonald was assigned to the post. In April, 1840, this fort was destroyed by fire. The new post was built three or four miles further up the Fraser. Fort Hope and Fort Thompson are north and east of this post. Canada.

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95

La Point, Fort. Near present town of Ashland, Wisconsin.

Lapwai, Fort. Near Fort Walla Walla, Washington Territory.

The Whitmans settled near Walla Walla and the Spaldings at Lapwai, Sweetwater. The first printing press in the Northwest was set up at Lapwai. Nez Perce County, Idaho.

Laramie, Fort. Following Fremont's recommendation, Congress, on May 19, 1846, made an appropriation of $3,000 for every post established on the Oregon road. An official order was issued from the War Department on March 30, 1849, carrying the following provision relating to the establishment of Fort Laramie: "Under the same instructions of the Secretary of War, it now becomes necessary to establish the second station at or near Fort Laramie, a trading station belonging to the American Fur Company. The garrison of this post will be two companies of the Regiment of Mounted Riflemen to be halted on the route, and one company Sixth Infantry." This same General Order No. 19 states that Fort Kearney had already been established and the establishment of Fort Hall was contemplated. A more specific supplemental order was issued April 9, 1849. The sections relating to Fort Laramie are quoted below: "I. There will be a post established at or near Fort Laramie.

Its garrison will consist of Companies A and E, Mounted Riflemen, and Company G. Sixth Infantry, under the command of Major W. F. Sanderson, Mounted Riflemen.

"The officers named above to command these posts, will immediately take the necessary measures for moving to and establishing their commands at their respective stations, in conformity with these orders and the special instructions that will be given them.

"III. Major Sanderson will leave Fort Leavenworth by the 10th of May with Company E, Mounted Riflemen (rationed for two months), and such quartermaster's stores (tools, etc.) as may be necessary until the arrival of the remainder of his command, and will proceed to locate a post in the vicinity of Fort Laramie, agreeably to the special instructions that will be given him. The remainder of the garrison for this post (Companies A, Mounted Riflemen, and G, Sixth Infantry) will follow on the 1st of June, with the year's supplies already ordered for their post. The trains carrying supplies to the post near Fort Hall, and that in the vicinity of Fort Laramie, will immediately return to Fort Leavenworth.

"IV. Assistant Surgeon C. H. Smith is assigned to duty with the troops for Fort Laramie, and Assistant Surgeon William F. Edgar with those of Fort Hall. They will immediately join those troops and report to their commanding officers, respectively."

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In the fall of 1849, a private party erected a toll bridge for emigrants across the Laramie river near the fort. The bridge went out in '53, after which a toll ferry boat was established. Routine duty prevailed at Fort Laramie for the first few years: Letters and newspapers were far between; drinking and gambling relieved the monotony of garrison life. Many distinguished civilians visited Fort Laramie, among others, Sir George Gore, who conducted a hunting expedition of magnitude; Lord Fitzwilliams of England, noted astronomer and scientist, also spent some time at Fort Laramie; Bridger was a frequent visitor." In addition to references under Fort John, posts here have been referred to or described by Bonneville, Wislizenus, Joel Palmer, St. George Cooke, Bryant and others. "Bedlam," bachelor officers' headquarters, has been made famous through the writings of General Charles King. Bedlam is in a fair state of preservation at present (1930). It is hoped that the efforts being made to preserve this post, one of the most famous in the West, will be fruitful. Touching previous history of posts in this section, Mrs. Whitman, wife of Dr. Marcus Whitman, who reached this locality in July, 1836, made the following entry in her journal: "The buildings at Fort William, on Laramie Fork of the Platte, are made the same, but are larger and more finished than here. Here we have stools to sit onâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there we had very comfortable chairs bottomed with buffalo skin. Thus you see we have a house of entertainment almost or quite as often as Christian of the Pilgrim's Progress did." In the opinion of the writer, the best account of the establishment of posts in this region previous to the formal inauguration of Fort Laramie by the United States in 1849, is given by W. H. Ghent in "The Road to Oregon," (1929) pp. 133 and 134: "The original post at this point, as has already been noted, was built in June, 1834, by Robert Campbell. In honor of his partner, William L. Sublette, he named it Fort William. A year later it was sold to Fitzpatrick, Milton G. Sublette, and Bridger, but as these men had reached an understanding with their powerful rival, the American Fur Company, it thus became virtually a company post, and in the following year (1836) the transfer was formally made. It was afterward, in honor of John B. Sarpy, renamed Fort John. To the trappers, missionaries, and travelers, however, it came to be known as Fort Laramie. Mrs. Whitman, in 1836, uses the name once, though in two other instances calling the post Fort William. Just when, if ever, the company accepted the name for the original structure cannot be said.

(Continued)

UTAH

HISTORICAL QUARTERLY J. CECIL ALTER

Editor Vols. 1-6 incl.

1928-1933 By many authors

Utah State Historical SocietySalt Lake City 1934.

Utah State Historical Society BOARD OF CONTROL (Terms Expiring April 1, 1933) J. CECIL ALTER, Salt Lake City WM. R. PALMER, Cedar City ALBERT F. PHILIPS, Salt Lake City

JOEL E. RICKS, Logan PARLEY L. WILLIAMS, Salt Lake City

(Terms Expiring April 1, 1931) GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Salt Lake City WILLIAM J. SNOW, Provo HUGH RYAN, Salt Lake City LEVI E. YOUNG, Salt Lake City FRANK K. SEEGMILLER, Salt Lake City EXECUTIVE OFFICERS 1929-1930 ALBERT F. PHILIPS, President Librarian and Curator WILLIAM J. SNOW, Vice President

J. CECIL ALTER, Secretary-Treasurer Editor in Chief

All Members, Board of Control, Associate Editors

MEMBERSHIP Paid memberships at the required fee of $2 a year, will include current subscriptions to the Utah Historical Quarterly. Non-members and institutions may receive the Quarterly at $1 a year or 35 cents per copy; but it is preferred that residents of the State become active members, and thus participate in the deliberations and achievements of the Society.

Checks should be made payable to the Utah State Historical Society and mailed to the Secretary-Treasurer, 131 State Capitol, Salt Lake City, Utah.

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Utah Historical Quarterly State Capitol, Salt Lake City Volume 3

October, 1930

Number 4

MEMORIES OF SILVER REEF

By Mark A. Pendleton* Copyright 1930 by Mark A. Pendleton

There was a glow in the east as we headed our auto northward from St. George. Soon the red peaks and pinnacles resplendent, proclaimed the rising sun. Streamers of light flowed through the gorges and canyons, glorifying in places the desert wastes. To the north the Pine Valley Mountains loomed blue and protectingly. As the sun peeped over the horizon the red mountains to the west, stretching twenty miles northward, were a blaze of glory.

Near the north extremity of this resplendent arched ridge of broken mountains was our goal for the day. Here was not a pot of gold, but the strangest deposit of silver in the world, that in the years 1876-1903 yielded silver valued at over $10,500,000.

Near Leeds, a short turn to the left from the highway brought us in full view of a ridge where once flourished the noted mining camp Silver Reef. The changes that had come to the camp were most tragic. Where once dwelt 1500 souls, only two buildings were intact and occupied. Ruins everywhere. The once well kept cemetery, with grass, Lombardy poplars, shrubs, flowers and white picket fence, was desolate save for a riotous growth of Trees of Heaven. Now almost as silent as a grave, fifty-odd years ago this lusty camp was a challenge to St. George for the county seat, and the Temple City, alarmed, appealed to the territorial legislature for aid. *Mr. Pendleton is the son of Dr. Calvin C. Pendleton, a pioneer of 18S2, who settled at Parowan, and Mary J. Coombs, a pioneer of 1860.

With his mother and step-father, George O. Harroun, he went to silver Reef in 1878, where he lived thriteen years. Thus he knew the camp in its prime and saw it decline to the vanishing point.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;J. C. A.

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The white metal camp is commandingly lqcated on a boulderstrewn ridge. To the north are the deep blue Pine Valley Mountains, protecting Dixie from winter blasts, and from where cool breezes in summer flow when the shades of night fall, pushing back the hot breath of the desert. To the east stretches a desert wasteâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;then mountains, black, grey and red. To the southeast three large craters of extinct volcanoes dominate a broken plain black with lava, and beyond, capping the escarpment of the great Hurricane fault are colorful, fantastic peaks and pinnacles where the shadows and lights play, making it a region of enchantment which my boyish fancy had peopled with strange beings. To the southward desert wastes and tawny shifting sands, where whirl-winds sport, and broken mountains as far as the eye can see. To the west are red mountains in all their beauty of coloring. An entrancing panorama at sunrise, at sunset, or by moonlight. As of yore, great masses of white clouds of fantastic shapes ever changing floated lazily in the blue sky, casting shadows on the landscape.

Thrilled as I was by the wonderful panorama about me, I did not forget the heat of summer, the whirlwinds that sported with the desert sands, or the cold blasts that howled down Ash Creek Canyon, chilling Dixie's inhabitants, blasting fruit crops and vexing the desert. And I remembered the reptiles and insects; the venomous rattlesnake; the giant lizzardâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Gila monster; the fearsome spider called the tarantula; and the many-legged swiftmoving centipede.

And who could forget the flowers in spring? I have seen this desert region transformed by miles of floweTS of many hues.

The Indian paintbrush; the brilliant honeysuckle; the pink marigold ; the desert "willow," a shrub with a pink-white bloom; the tree cactus with yellow-green flowers; the white daisy; the blue larkspur; the four o'clock; the infinite variety of prickly pear, many "mighty lak a rose." The most conspicuous plant was the yucca. One variety we called "Adam's needle," and another "Spanish bayonet." Two or three years had passed and the yucca had not bloomed. Then our hearts were gladdened because out of the heart of the plant shot stems several feet high that branched and produced great clusters of white wax-like flowers.

The plant, thus adorned, seemed like a shrine. I fancy it was a trail-breaking padre, who, as he journeyed afoot over the desert and beheld this beautiful cluster of flowers, knelt in adoration and called it the "Candle of Our Lord."

To a boy from a quiet village, Silver Reef, with its brightly lighted saloons and stores and ceaseless activities, was a neverending delight. Peddlers and freighters were constantly coming

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and going. Wagons loaded with ore and others loaded with cord-wood were ever on the move to the mills where the stamps pounded the ore to powder. Hundreds of miners were on the trails mornings and evenings on their way to or from the mines, carrying the regulation dinner pail. These men, Americans, Cornishmen, Irishmen, fine specimens of manhood, after ten hours of toil in the mines emerged from their cabins dressed in the best that money could buy and walked the streets with the air of kings. Chinatown with its queer inhabitants and strange tongue, its unusual merchandise and Oriental coloring, was a source of wonder. Saloon brawls, and gun plays that often resulted fatally, certainly took the monotony out of life.

Fond memories rushed upon me as I paused at the foundation of the Catholic Church where I had often heard Father Scanlan preach and where the Sisters' School was held. Sister Bonita, the kind, the cultured, has been a blessed memory all these years, and Father Scanlan was beloved by all.

There was no mistaking the basement of the hospital. On this site the Sisters of Mercy had served humanity, restoring the sick and injured and soothing the hour of the dying.

Another rock foundation recalled Citizen's Hall, the educational, religious and social center of the non-Catholic inhabitants.

Here Miss Carrie D. Walker and Miss Minnie Carbis had taught the first district school in 1880. Here Reverend A. B. Cort, Reverend Edwin N. Murphy, Bishop Tuttle, Bishop Iliff, and the eloquent miner-preacher. Matthew Mills, had proclaimed the justice and mercy of God; and here political rallies, theatricals and concerts had been staged. And I must not forget that flourishing Union Sunday School taught by men and women of many faiths.

Silver Reef's streets were paved by Natureâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;one boulder after anotherâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a thorough job, but a rough surface. This pavement is in a "high" state of preservation and recalled an amusing event. A peddler's wagon was being driven by a boy while his father was soliciting customers, when the tongue slipped out of the neck-yoke. The wagon took to the air like a bucking bronco as the tongue hit boulder after boulder, catapulting cabbage, onions, apples, melons, etc., in all directions. The boy was rocked and pitched as if "on the hurricane deck of a cayuse pony," but he held the lines and stopped the horses as a gathering crowd cheered.

As I looked at the west mountains I recalled burros, heavily loaded with cord-wood, creeping slowly and cautiously over steep winding paths, and remembered a day spent with "Rowdy"

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Smith, a wood contractor. He told me the following story as we entered a box canyon in these mountains. To the west rim, cordwood was packed on the backs of burros and pitched to the canyon floor where it was loaded on wagons. A burro lost its balance and fell to the bottom of the canyon. Of course the burro landed on his own load, his feet in the air. As the pack saddle was well padded he was not seriously injured. When released from his load the burro staggered about, dazed, and then opened his mouth, not to speak as did Baalam's ass, but to broadcast to the world his woe, his agonizing trumpet call of distress subsiding to a wail of despair. When his companions on the rim answered his cry the mountains echoed with anguish till it seemed that Hell had broken loose.

The race track, now an alfalfa field, was the scene of many animated events. During the mild winters race horse owners from the Sevier and other valleys to the north, from the Kanab region and St. George brought their horses to sunny Silver Reef.

Here were seen the typical cowboys, Indians in paint and feathers, old prospectorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the flotsam of many a western camp, professional and "tinhorn" gamblers. A temporary bar to dispense refreshments ( ?) was in evidence; the grandstand was gay with feminine finery. In fact, it was a colorful and animated gathering of westerners and men from many climes. On the race track were to be .seen William and Henry Gurr of Parowan, Marshal of Sevier Valley, whose slit nose gave him a sinister appearance, the virile Capt. James Andrus of St. George, Kitchin of Kanab, tall and slender and dressed like a southern gentleman, Ketchum of Long Valley, the dashing Moroni (Rone) Spilsbury of Toquerville, Shoemaker, chewing tobacco and nervously stroking his beard, and John H. Cassidy, "Honest John"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;attracted attention anywhere for he had a fine form and a noble head and a voice that would have comanded attention in the Hall of Congress.

It was here that "Pole" Roundy of Kanarra and Col. E. A. Wall had their noted rifle shooting contests. The Colonel was then in his prime, tall and straight, and on these occasions dressed as a sportsman. Roundy with his long rifle took deliberate aim, always scoring four, while Col. Wall with a modern rifle took quick aim, .sometimes scoring a bullseye. He made the higher score, but was handicapped, hence Roundy and his backers "took home the bacon." There was a great outpouring of inhabitants from all the nearby settlements, for interest in these contests ran high.

I could not forget the jail built of two thicknesses of plank with an iron door and windows guarded by iron bars. The jail

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103

was gone, yet in imagination I saw a frightened man at one of the windows peering out at a turbulent scene. This man was Herbert Steele, a dope fiend, but a brilliant fellow, on the staff of the "Silver Reef Miner." The night before he had entered the Capitol Saloon in a crazed condition, shot at the bar-tender, John Quillen, and mortally wounded a bystander by the name of William Rafferty.

What Steel beheld was a big crowd of excited men who were being addressed by James Lynch who was standing on an improvised platform on the running gears of a wagon. He called to mind the many murders that had been committed and that the courts and jurors had failed to give justice, that the time had come when the people must take the law in their own hands if justice was to prevail. The crowd had become a mob crying, "Hang him! Hang him!" when Capt. Henry Lubbeck, general manager of the Christy Mining and Milling Co., dashed up on his pacer. The crowd parted and Capt. Lubbeck sprang from his horse to the platform and faced Lynch. Silence reigned. Capt.

Lubbeck, an aristocrat of the South, faced a younger and much larger man, but Lynch blanched under the Captain's piercing gaze and sat down on the coil of rope without a word when Capt. Lubbeck shouted, "Sit down I" The Captain in a few short ringing sentences, urged the people to commit no rash act that would disgrace them and the camp, to stand for law and order. Father Galligan then jumped to the platform. He was tall, slender, and bent. His eyes flashed as he spoke with impassioned eloquence, urging the people to do no murder. As the crowd was melting away John Fortmann led out toward the jail, calling out, "All in favor of hanging come this way!" But less than a score followed him.

The ruins of a large stone building brought to mind the following incident: One Sunday evening there was a wild time in the hurdy house or dance hall, when a woman, crazed by drink, shot the proprietor, who died the following morning. His money could not be found. The women who frequented this notorious dance hall departed and the building was occupied as a store until James N. Louder moved his goods to Beaver and sold the building to Peter Anderson, who was developing a ranch near Toquerville. When Anderson was removing the mopboard from the south wall be found a leather sack containing about $2,000 in gold coin. This he wisely spent, as travelers to the south see as they linger at an oasis in the desert. ,

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Weary after a day tramping about the townsite, over reefs and ravines, we spent the evening with Mr. and Mrs. Colbath, whose home is in the John H. Rice bank building, telling stories of the ghost camp. As we were leaving Mrs. Colbath said, "If you will wait up until about eleven o'clock, you will witness an inspiring moon-rise. The moon is full tonight." Under a wide spreading cottonwood tree, planted by Col. Wall some 50 years ago, by a brook murmuring among the boulders, we watched a golden light increase in the east. Directly beyond that region of peaks and pinnacles, the enchanted land of my boyhood, the moon, appeared in wondrous beauty, casting a glorious light over Utah's Dixie. The day was doneâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a long, rare day in June.

Several legends have grown up pertaining to the sandstone mining camp. Salt Lake City papers have published articles stating that the St. George Temple is built of white sandstone from Silver Reef and is unique among buildings of the world in that its walls contain about 15 ounces of silver per ton. In fact, the foundation of the temple is volcanic rock and the superstructure is red sandstone, quarried near the temple, plastered and painted white.

There are reputable citizens who were in Silver Reef when the camp was young, who will object to seeing the frog story under the caption legends. They claim the story is true, that they saw the frog and sandstone that had enclosed it on exhibition in John H. Cassidy's saloon, and were acquainted with Bob Campbell and other miners who fired the blast that liberated the frog from the solid rock after untold ages of suspended animation. Believe it or not, miners in the Barbee and Walker mine, returning to a stope after a blast, were startled by weird sounds, and being superstitious, fled, except Bob Campbell who did not believe in spirits good nor bad. As Campbell advanced into the stope this is what he sawâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;The blast, (black powder had been used) had ripped a slab along a seam in the sedimentary formation. This slab was still hanging, and in the crevice a frog was struggling and screaching. It lived but a short time when brought to the surface.

The grindstone story reads like a fanciful tale, but it is substantially true. An assayer at Pioche, Nevada, was in the bad graces of the prospectors in that region. It was charged that he was crooked, and to test him a piece of grindstone was pulverized and given him to assay for precious metals. His returns showed about two hundred ounces silver per ton, proof positive that he was dishonest, for who had ever heard of silver in sandstone ? According to one version of the story he was hung by the enraged prospectors, and another version says he was

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told to go while the going was good and having learned where the grindstone came from, made haste to Southern Utah and became the discoverer of a mineral deposit that amazed the geologists.

Oscar McMullin states that this particular grindstone was made by Alma T. Angell of Leeds and was taken to Pioche by a wood-chopper by the name of "Mone" Alexander.

J. R. Richard, a resident of Silver Reef practically through its entire history, and who came from Pioche, Nevada says:â&#x20AC;&#x201D; "Isaac Duffin, Sr., of Toquerville made grindstones from slabs quarried from what later became the famous Tecumseh ledge.

Duffin took several loads of grindstones and peddled them off at Pioche. It was one of these stones broken in a fall out of the wagon that was pulverized and taken to the suspected assayer.

At that time it was the generally accepted theory of prospectors and geologists that metal never existed in sandstone formation.

The assayer, named Murphy had so universally reported values in samples of rock submitted to him that the prospectors grew suspicious. They dubbed him "Metaliferous" Murphy. The grindstone was agreed upon as a test, and true to form Murphy found value in it. Whether or not he was the first to discover silver in sandstone is not known."

According to an oft repeated story, the discovery of silver in sandstone occurred as follows: During one of those unusual cold snaps, when freezing winds howl down Ash Creek Canyon a traveler took shelter in a house at Leeds in which there was a fireplace made of sandstone from a white reef nearby. As this traveler hovered before the fire, he observed drops of white metal ooze from the back of the fireplace. Recovering some of the metal, he had it tested for silver, had no trouble in finding the quarry, and discovered hornsilver in sandstone.

The true story follows: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; John Kemple was an inveterate and experienced prospector.

His operations covered a wide area, but it was not until his hair was white that he made good in Arizona. His claims at Silver Reef and in Beaver county were sold for small sums, and fortune had not smiled on him in California, Montana or Nevada.

In 1866 John Kemple brought a band of horses from Montana, and wintered at Harrisburg, Washington County, Utah.

He had with him an assayer's outfit. After finding rich "float" he did much prospecting near Harrisburg, but did not find high grade ore, but he did become the original discoverer of silver in sandstone formation as will be shown further on. The following

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

spring he departed for White Pine county, Nevada. In 1874 he returned and with others organized the Harrisburg Mining district, Orson Adams becoming the first recorder.

In 1904 when John Kemple was making preparations to leave Utah for Arizona, he visited David McMullin in his blacksmith shop at Leeds and told the story of his life.

He said in part: "Dave, you remember that soap-stone vein in the White Reef on the north side of the pass through which Quail creek flows, and is now covered with a swamp? You got soap-stone there and made slate pencils. That is where I got the ore from which I extracted the silver button I showed you nearly forty years ago. The soap-stone assayed 36 ounces in silver."

William Tecumseh Barbee arrived at Leeds two miles north of Harrisburg in June, 1875. Some say that Barbee was a spiritualist, and that spirits directed him southward. Others connect him with the grindstone story.

According to Ira McMullin, Elijah Thomas and'his partner John S. Ferris, who had located the Leeds claim on the White reef, gave some ore to J. B. Francis who was developing a coal mine near Kanarra. Francis sent the sample to Walker Brothers, Salt Lake City, who had it assayed and finding that it contained silver, outfitted Barbee and sent him with Thomas McNally and Ed. Maynard, an assayer, to Leeds. Some prospecting was done.

Barbee and McNally returned to Salt Lake City leaving Ed Maynard to carry on. Barbee and McNally came back to Leeds in October bringing with them blacksmith tools, an assayer's outfit, provisions, groceries and mining tools.- With Barbee and McNally were Pete McKelve, Bill Lusk and Jake Sproat, blacksmith. They made their camp on Quail Creek west of the White Reef. In a letter to the Salt Lake Tribune dated Harrisburg, Aug. 18, 1875, Judge Barbee describes this reef at some length, naming it the Pride of the West lode and states that 22 claims had been located on it.

In November, Joe McCleave of Leeds was hauling a load of wood from the north end of the Buckeye reef when his wagon skidded, tearing up soft rock for several feet. Barbee passed by and examined the earth that had been displaced and found that it was rich in silver chlorides and hornsilver. He located a claim and named it Tecumseh. Judge Barbee writes to the Salt Lake Tribune, Dec. 13, 1875â&#x20AC;&#x201D;"The lucerne is green and growing, and flowers are in bloom; the rising generation are running around barefooted, and chasing lizards for amusement."

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"In addition to our climatic blessings we have an abundance of rich silver mines which your correspondent is now developing and bringing to the surface their rich chlorides and hornsilverâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; all in sandstone, too."

"About a month ago I discovered the Tecumseh mine located on a hill by the same name. The vein is small but rich and easily worked."

On a flat east of Tecumseh hill, Judge Barbee began to build a new camp which he called Bonanza City, designating it the "Metropolis-to-be of Southern Utah." He writes: "Bonanza City is growing fast. It is only about three weeks old, and can boast of an assay office, blacksmith shop, sampling works, boarding house and several other wick-a-ups of smaller dimensions, and will soon have a miner's supply store to meet the growing demands of the country."

In a letter dated Bonanza City, Feb. 7, 1876, Judge Barbee states: "This sandstone country beats all the boys, and it is amusing to see how excited they get when they go round and see the sheets of silver which are exposed all over the different reefs "This is the most unfavorable looking country for mines that I have ever seen in my varied mining experience, but as the mines are here, what are the rock sharps going to do about it."

"I am of the opinion that this great basin has been the bed of a great inland ocean, and at some time there has been a great upheaval from volcanic disturbances which threw these sandstone reefs in their present shape, and in their upheaval, fissures were formed connecting with the ore sources in the depths of the earth. The sandstone and wood being porous, received and retained the gasseous emanations escaping through these fissuresâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; hence the anomaly of rich silver ore in sandstone and petrified wood."

Richard P. Rothwell, editor of the New York Engineering and mining Journal in a report dated June, 1879, states: "With regard to the diffusion of silver through the strata, there can be but one logical conclusion, namely: That the deposition of silver was perfectly contemporaneous with the formation of the sandstone strata in which it lies; and that it was precipitated from watery solutions, at and during the time that the beds of sands were being deposited, before it became rock, and while they were yet in a horizontal position. This being true, the precious metal should be co-existent and co-extensive with the beds themselves."

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A petrified tree encountered in the Buckeye mine yielded over 17,000 ounces of silver. It is also claimed that a fossilized frog was unearthed that was rich in silver. It is related that Col. E. A. Wall sent a piece of petrified wood shot through with hornsilver to the Smithsonian Institute. The person acknowledging receipt of the specimen stated it was an interesting fake as silver in nature was not formed in petrified wood.

Walker Brothers, following the advice of their mining expert, refused to further finance Judge Barbee's operations. But we have noted that fortune had favored the Judge when he discovered the Tecumseh. In April, 1876, a total of 33^2 tons of ore from this claim were shipped to Salt Lake City and Pioche, Nevada, which assayed from $350 to $750 per ton. Judge Barbee writes exultingly: "Our miners are our capital; our banks are sand banks; we draw on them at will, and our drafts are never dishonored."

Judge Barbee on his arrival in Southern Utah had observed: "They (the Mormons) have a hard time serving the Lord in this desolate god-forsaken looking country, and it is about time for something to turn up to take the place of sorghum and wine as a circulating medium." Now that he had turned up "something" that promised to bring prosperity to Utah's Dixie, Apostle Erastus Snow at Sunday services in the St. George Tabernacle prayed God's blessing on "Brother" Barbee for opening up the mines.

Judge Barbee's Bonanza City became the far-famed Silver Reef, a postoffice by that name being established Feb., 1877 The first issue of the Silver Reef Echo, published and edited by Joseph E. Johnson appeared Feb. 24, 1877. This paper was probably purchased by Crouch and Louder, and renamed The Miner, which was successively edited by Jas. N. Louder, Scipio A. Kenner and Edward and John Pike. Brightly lighted stores, hotels, boarding houses, saloons, appeared on the boulder-strewn ridge to the north of Bonanza Flat. John H. Rice opened a bank, Wells Fargo & Co. Express opened an office, and Peter and Leo Welte operated a brewery. A notorious dance hall was a great attraction.

Father Scanlan arrived at Silver Reef December, 1878. Money was raised, and under his directions a church and hospital were built, and a "Sisters" School opened in the church. Rev. Edwin N. Murphy representing the Presbyterians came in 1881, and organized a church and held services in the Citizen's Hall. L. D. S. Church authorities rented a hall and for several Sundays sent elders to preach.

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The fraternal societies were represented by the Masons, Odd Fellows and Ancient Order of United Workmen.

The population of Silver Reef is often placed at 3,000 souls.

The census of 1880 throws some light on this matter giving the population of Silver Reef precinct at 1046, and the Leeds-Harrisburg precinct at 334, so the total population of the Harrisburg (Silver Reef) Mining district was less than 1,400. True in 1880 the boom days were over. The peak in population was probably reached in the winter of 1878-79, but at no time did more than 1,500 persons dwell in the sandstone mining camp, it is believed.

By 1878 most of the producing claims had been consolidated under the following companies: The Christy with a five stamp mill; the Stormont with a ten stamp mill, the Leeds with a mill of ten stamps, and the Barbee and Walker with five stamps. The Pioneer or Little Mill, located near Leeds, had three stamps.

These mills had a maximum stamp capacity of about 230 tons daily. The first mill called an arastra was located at the head of Barbee Gulch. A few tons of ore were crushed daily by a revolving stone run by water power. All these plants used the amalgam process. Watson N. Nesbitt was pioneering with a hyposodium plant.

Harding, Ba'iley and Nesbitt in 1886 purchased the Leeds mill and converted it into a leaching plant by erecting tanks and by installing Cornish rollers. This venture that promised so much failed because the ores of the White reef contain copper.

As each consignment of ore contained a different per cent of copper, frequent changes in the leaching solution had to be made which proved too expensive.

Judge Barbee financed his operations by selling one of his "sand banks"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the noted Tecumseh mineâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to the Christy company. He and his partner, J. B. Van Hagen, managed their own properties.

About nine million ounces of silver were produced at the sandstone camp during the years 1877-1903, at an average price of $1.15 per ounce.

The Buckeye mine before it was sold to the Stormont company was mined by leasers who sought the richest ore which was milled at the Pioneer. During the year 1877 from April to the last June, this mill turned out a thousand ounce brick every day, of an average fineness of 990, which each day was delivered to Wells Fargo & Co. Express. The ore for this period averaged over $400 per ton. In marked contract to this sensational "run" is the record of the Christy mill for the year 1878,

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which milled 10,249 tons, producing silver bullion to the value of $302,597, an average recovery of $29.10 per ton. The cost of mining, hauling and milling was about $13.00 per ton.

With silver worth about $1.20 per ounce, and the ore high grade and easily mined and milled, all went well. But silver declined in price and the ore became less rich. Water was encountered in the Stormont, Buckeye and California mines which added to the expense of mining.

The stockholders of the Stormont Mining and Milling Company in the East, murmured because their dividends had been decreased and demanded a cut in wages.

The miners organized a union with a membership of over 300.

"On the first of February, 1881, Col. W. I. Allen of the Stormont Company * * * * gave notice to the miners that wages would be reduced from $4.00 to $3.50 per day * * * * The Miners' Union promptly refused to accept such terms, and put out the fires at the reduction works and stopped work at the mines.

After waiting a month some 60 or more union miners (led by big red-haired Jim Fitzsimmons) went to Mr. Allen's office and told him to leave the camp. He mounted his horse and was escorted by a detachment of the Union to the Black Ridge on the road north."â&#x20AC;&#x201D;(James G. Bleak.)

Col. W. I. Allen lost no time in reaching Beaver, the seat of the Federal District Court, and appealed for an investigation.

The "tyrant" had been expelled, but apprehension brooded over the camp, yet the next move came without warning so quietly did the civil authorities proceed.

The Federal Grand Jury found indictments against about forty miners who had participated in the outrage against Col. Allen and warrants for their arrest were placed in the hands of U. S. Marshal Arthur Pratt, who called on Sheriff A. P. Hardy of Washington county to raise a posse. About 25 men were assembled at Leeds. (Anthony W. Ivins was one of the deputies.)

An unusual snow storm was raging at the time that screened Sheriff Hardy's movements, so that no hint of what was about to take place reached Silver Reef. Marshal Pratt swore in these men as deputies and he and Sheriff Hardy at their head, early in the morning rode to Silver Reef taking the camp completely by surprise. As the jail was small, the large stone dance hall was commandeered and by night thirty-six men were under arrest.

It was a hectic day.

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That the authorities at St. George viewed with apprehension the departure of twenty of their young men for Silver Reef is shown by the following interesting letters written by the Presidency of the St. George (L. D. S.) Stake, to Sheriff Hardy: "St. George, March 15, 1881.

Bro. Augustus P. Hardy: "We understand you have summoned 20 men from this city to form part of a posse t o assist you in the service of writs on certain parties at Silver Reef; and take the liberty of offering the following suggestions: Be careful of yourself and those thus summoned. In making service of your writ or writs, do not have all your men go in at once, have enough around to watch that no person being served or their friends have opportunity to draw arms and use them.

"Have total abstinence from anything intoxicating strictly observed in your posse. Should the brethren be fatigued, a cup of coffee is recommended.

"Do not stroll away from each other, nor visit saloons or gambling halls. Keep together and be on the watch. All attend to your prayers in the morning and at night before retiring.

"Do not forget your God and He will not forget you.

"John D. McAllister."â&#x20AC;&#x201D;(L.D.S. Library).

Thirty-six men in irons were taken to Beaver for trial. As the roads were muddy and the weather cold, the prisoners and guards endured great discomfort.

The ring leaders of the strike were in prison. Col. Allen was back in his office. Two or three stores that had extended credit to the striking miners were closed. The mines and mills were operating at reduced wages, but many of the employees were inexperienced as most of the "old timers" had departed. Both miners and operators had lost the strike. Silver continued its toboggan slide, and all companies had ceased operations by 1891.

In the early days of the year 1892 Robert G. McQuarrie and Albert Grant obtained a lease on the mines and mill of the Christy Company, and sub-leased to Chloriders. Over 400 tons of ore were on the mill platform when the stamps were dropped.

By the time the bullion was sold the price of silver had declined from eighty to sixty-five cents an ounce, thus the prospective profits were wiped out, the 400 ton yielding only $6,000.

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THE UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The following year Woolley Lund and Judd took a hand in the game by obtaining control of the Barbee & Walker mine and mill and leasing other properties. Robert G. McQuarrie was made general manager, and placed in charge of the store. Being a close observer, his year spent at the Christy mill had made him an experienced amalgamator and a good judge of ore.

The Barbee and Walker mill was converted into a water driven plant, the water of Quail Creek being used in the winter when not needed for irrigaton. This change greatly reduced the cost of milling. For several years the chloriders made fair wages and Woolley, Lund and Judd made money.

In 1898, Brundage and Co. of Cleveland, Ohio purchased the Woolley, Lund and Judd interests and most of the patented claims in the district and planned to operate on a large scale, but these plans were frustrated by a further decline in the price of silver. The last mill run was made in 1903. The mills and buildings were torn down, the celebrated sandstone camp becoming a memory.

During the period from 1892 to 1903, bullion to the value of a quarter of a million dollars was shipped.

It is irony of Fate that John Kemple left Silver Reef a poor man; and that John S. Ferris and Elijah Thomas, who were responsible for the advent of William T. Barbee, lost their claimâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; the rich Leedsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in a law suit, the claim having been "jumped" by prospectors from Pioche.

Col. E. A. Wall was popular and energetic, but ill luck pursued him at Silver Reef. He became invloved in litigation with the Christy Mining Company and lost. The rich vein of ore in the Kenner was cut off by a fault. These reverses involved him in financial difficulties. He was not able to borrow money to pay his employees and other creditors. As he was leaving he said, "Boys, the time will come when I will pay you two dollars for every dollar I owe you." He kept his promise.

Out of this incident has grown a story that runs about as follows: When a second month passed and no pay, Col. Wall was taken captive by his employees and held under guard at the Harrison House. A friend by the name of Shaughnessy, passing by, said. "Colonel, let's go to Cassidy's and have a drink."

When Col. Wall had made explanation Shaughnessy said, "Keep your eye peeled for me." Presently this friend in need appeared again, driving a span of fine horses attached to a buckboard."

As Shaughnessy covered the guard with a Henry rifle, Col. Wall seized the lines and sprang to the seat. Shaughnessy in the rear

MEMORIES OF SILVER REEF

113

held his rifle on the guard as Col. Wall sped the horses to freedom. Thus did the future millionaire depart from Silver Reef.

Many a small fortune was lost at the Reef in the search for silver; other fortunes were lost in the mercantile game. The enterprising J. R. (Bob) Rickard lost his all when his scheme to get logs for mining timber and lumber failed.

High on the precipitious south slope of the Pine Valley mountains were groves of timber that "tempted the attempt." Fromthis timber a trail was made on a ledge, and at the end of the trail a long steep chute was constructed at great expense. The The completion of the chute was the occasion for a celebration.

Leading men of the camp gathered in the canyon on Quail Creek to watch the logs shoot the chute, a supply having been "snaked" to the end of the trail. The first log went down all right, and there was a shout of rejoicing, but the second log in its swift descent caught an obstruction, leaped into the air and fell with a crash on the chute. Other logs following completed its destruction.

James N. Louder was a prominent character in Silver Reef for more than ten years. He first appeared on the scene as prospector and correspondent for the Salt Lake Tribune. He was chosen editor of the Silver Reef Miner, hung out his shingle as a lawyer, and was appointed postmaster. The last period of his life at the Reef he spent as merchant and U. S. Commissioner.

He took an active part in establishing the free school and served several terms as trustee. He was always a promoter of mining enterprises. Reefers will recall Mr. Louder's jaunty energetic stride, his suave manners, and his meticulous attire. He dearly loved to tell a story. Old Reefers will recall his deliberate speech and careful choice of words, how when he had made his point he would turn on his heel, double over and ha! ha!

James C. Liddle, leading merchant when the camp was young, was an intense American, having a keen sense of the duties of a citizen to the community. He was the father of the public school and brooked the opposition of those citizens who taught the parochial school should be given a clear field. Misfortune seemed to pursue him, but he was "Genial Jim" to the last.

The Reef's super-sport was M. G. Shoemaker, familiarly known as Shoemake. He made headquarters at Cassidy's Saloon, where he would separate any would-be sport from his money on the square, or cheerfully lose. Usually he had a horse in training and spent much of his money in importing pure bred dogs. His beautiful red Irish Setter was the pride of the camp. Shoemake loved the dog and the dog loved Shoemake. When the dog

114

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

sickened and died Shoemake was greatly grieved and consumed more whiskey than usual. The dog's body was coffined and carried to a grave in Woolley, Lund and Judd's delivery wagon.

Shoemake followed bare-headed. About twenty of us boys and a dozen saloon bums trailed behind. Among the rocks, with a huge granite boulder for a headstone, we burried "Pike," as Shoemake's eyes welled with tears.

Louis Jacobs made an enviable reputation in business, and had a host of friends and admirers. There are persons in Southern Utah who smile with pleasure as they recall the young courteous clerk who divined their wants, and sold merchandise that pleased. His motto was "yours for trade" and he knew how to get it. He had an understanding mind and heart, and was often appealed to for aid and advice.

Jacobs and Sultan's delivery wagon, drawn by a fine span of bays, was used as a hearse, the handsome well dressed Louis Jacobs being the driver at many a funeral.

George Miller grew very stout as the years went by. He could hardly get through an ordinary door and special chairs had to be made for him. He got to his feet with difficulty. Miller staved on after the camp was almost deserted and died there. A hanger on made too free use of Miller's free lunch and Miller had hit him with a billiard cue. The assault rankled in the breast of this fellow who was down and out. So, one Sunday he got a sixshooter and went to the rear of Miller's saloon. Miller was sitting alone under the shade of a tree. His enemy flourished his gun and called, "Say your prayers, I have got you now." Miller in a high pitched voice, said, "Well, I iss here. Shoot avay." Two shots rang out but went wild.

When Julius Jordan was Justice of the Peace and Anthony W. Ivins county prosecuting attorney, a trial took place that caused the spectators merriment and the defendant amazed grief.

Michael Quirk had sent to Ireland for his brother, Timothy.

Now Mike was a large fine looking man and quick witted, but Tim was short both physically and mentally. He was janitor at his brother's saloon, and amused customers by his queer wavs and rich Irish brogue.

Indian Jack had a thirst for fire-water. About New Year's as his thirst became stronger his wits even sharpened and his hone for means to assuage his burning thirst centered on Tim. One quiet day Mike went to lunch leaving Tim in charge of the saloon. Indian Tack was watching his chance. He slipped around to the back door, motioned to Tim to come out, and

MEMORIES OF SILVER REEF

115

showed him a check that he claimed was worth "heap big money." He offered to "trade" it for three bottles of whiskey and two silver dollars. Tim jumped at the chance. What Mike said to Tim when he returned is not recorded, but Mike's worst fears were soon to be realized for Indian Jack's yells and howls were splitting the air before sundown, and his fellow red men had to lasso him and tie him to a boulder.

Tim was arrested for selling whiskey to an Indian, and Anthony W. Ivins called upon to prosecute the case. At the trial it was brought out that the check Indian Tack had passed on Tim was drawn on the Bank of Goodwill, entitling the holder to 365 days of happiness. Tim was anything but happy. An Indian had "chated" him out of five dollars, and now he had been fined fiftv dollars for being "chated." America was a queer country. A "hathen" Indian, a Jew judge and a Mormon lawyer had brought him to grief and 'ridicule.

Sam Wing, merchant and autocrat of Chinatown, was a man of sterling character, and enjoyed the friendship of boys who purchased fire crackers of him and of leading citizens. In his declining years he longed to see his native land, but did not have the means to gratify his desire. It was Col. E. A. Wall who gave him the money to make the trip to China and return.

Uncle Manuel, a Peruvian Indian, manufacturer and dispenser of cream, was a familiar figure at the race track and on the streets. His temperamental thin bay horse was known far and near. Uncle Manuel, dressed in white cap, black blouse, white pants, and yellow sash, blew his trumpet as he advanced, leading his horse attached to a white covered cart. This horse often balked, not because the load was heavy but from pure cussedness. It is related that once neither beating nor stratagem changed his "stand pat" attitude. Manuel, in exasperation, gathered some brush and paper and started a fire under him.

The horse did step forward, but again became contrary-minded when the blaze was under the cart. Manuel frantically extinguished the fire, hastily detached the cart from the horse, got in the shafts himself, and beat it for the race track.

The Reef was noted for its stocks of wines and liquors, and Peter Welte knew how to make good beer. One saloon keeper had the reputation of making a barrel of whisky last a long time by adding tobacco, strychnine and water, but it was Dixie's red wine that had a kick worse than a government mule, as many newcomers learned to their sorrow. Leeds, with its wine cellars, was a convenient distance away. Wine was placed on the tables in goblets. The natives were immune, but woe to the "stranger

116

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

within the gates." Often he was brought back to the Reef in a helpless condition, or returned hatless, spurring his horse and shouting. Recovering consciousness some twelve hours later with a terrible headache, he wondered who he was, where he was, and what had happened and was not fully sober for several days.

The first Justice of the Peace was not popular with the miners. When he was up for re-election, the miners, under the leadership of Roy Bemis, decided to humiliate him by voting for John Hill, bootblack, called "Johnny the Shiner." When the votes were counted it was revealed that "Shiner" had been elected two to one. The camp went wild. Johnny spent all his savings treating the "boys" as he went with them from one saloon to another. It was a glorious victory, and many miners were gloriously drunk. Poor "Johnny the Shiner" could not qualify as Justice and had to shine shoes again. His head was sore and his pocketbook deflated, but the miners had their shoes shined often, and tipped generously, so Johnny was smiling once more while the old judge continued to grind out justice.

The disastrous fire of the spring of 1879, that wiped out one third the business section, afforded us one of our greatest thrills.

At that time the camp's only fire equipment was pails made of powder kegs. These pails were filled at the creek, and passed by men who stood in line, to a point near the fire where they were seized by strong, active men who dashed the water on the flames, or on buildings that were in danger of burning. Another line of men facing the first line passed the empty pails back to the creek; thus a flow of water was provided.

The heat from a burning store across the street, caused Kate Dugery's restuarant to scorch and smoke. Laughter and cheers greeted the Chinese cook as he threw milk on the endangered building.

An incident that connects the white metal camp and the Temple City is often referred to with pleasure by residents of StGeorge and by Reefers who are scattered over the West.

Father Scanlan had gained the confidence and esteem of the Mormons, and was invited by the authorities to speak in the Tabernacle at St. George. The choir, under the leadership of John M. Macfarlane, Sr., immediately began to learn a Mass for the occasion. "They committed the Latin to memory, and studied the music, executing it with great credit to themselves, rendering the 'Gloria' and 'Hosanna' in clear sweet tones." The sermon was most favorably received.

MEMORIES OF SILVER REEF

117

The Diamond-Truby duel was a double tragedy. John Truby was Col. Wall's foreman at the Kenner, when Captain Lubbeck brought suit to dispossess Col. Wall. Pending a final decision, the Court issued an order closing the mine. Deputy U. S. Marshall, John Diamond who served the papers on "Jack' Truby, attempted to enter the mine but was stopped by Truby who said "We will obey the order of the court but you have no authority to enter the mine. Get off and stay off." Of course this embittered relations between these men, especially so as "Johnie" Diamond was unmercifully taunted by John H. Cassidy and others.

Shortly after this event, an evening session of thejustice of the Peace court was being held in the rear of the dance hall adjoining Qeorge Miller's saloon, when Truby entered with his hat on.

Diamond ordered him to take it off. Truby replied "Come outside and tell me that." Diamond replied, "All right, go outside.

I will meet you soon." As Diamond stepped out he said to Truby, "Give me your gun." Truby whipped out his .41 caliber pistol and commenced shooting. Diamond's pistol of the same caliber commenced to bark at the same time. When firing ceased Diamond was dead with a bullet through his heart, and three other wounds. As Truby staggered into the street he said, "I am dying, but I got Diamond." The clothing of both men was powder burned. Truby had been shot five times. Two wounds in front made by bullets (if .41 caliber, and three in the back made by ,.45 caliber bullets..

Harry Clark and faro dealer, Saxey, killed each other in a card game, and many others met violent deaths.

The Carbis-Forrest tragedv stirred the camp most deeply.

By order of Supt. Johnson Vivian of the Stormont Mining Company, Michael Carbis, foreman, discharged Tom Forrest, an agitator. The following morning as Carbis was on his way to the Buckeye mine he was stabbed by Forrest and died that day. Men saw red and there were open threats of lynching. The camp was in mourning and all mines were closed the afternoon of the funeral, which was held under the auspices of the Masons.

As the vast cortege moved slowly to the cemetery, Forrest was taken from the local jail and lodged in the county jail at St. George.

That night a body of armed men suddenly appeared at the county jail, overawed Sheriff Hardy, and secured possession of Forrest. A block to the east of the court house they attempted to hang Forrest to the arm of a telegraph pole. Failing in their attempt, they dragged him to a large cottonwood tree in front of George Cottam's home, where he was hanged to a limb, the loose

118

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

end of the rope being secured to a young honey locust a few feet away. The next morning small groups of men appeared here and there near the Cottam home, silent or talking in whispers.

The town "wag" passed by. For a while he, too, was deeply impressed and silent. Then a smile played over his face and he said, "I have watched that tree grow nigh onto twenty years, and this is the first time it has borne fruit." Forty-eight years have passed, but old timers still talk of the surprise and shock that came with the morning when the body of a man was found swinging from a tree, in the street at St. George.

PAHUTE BISCUITS

By Albert R. Lyman The Pahutes of southeastern Utah in 1929 are but a degenerate remnant of the fat-and-saucy belligerents who held sway there in 1879. What those fifty years have done to them is a tragedy. Yet it is not by the guns of invading white men that they have been reduced; very few of them have gone in that way, yet during those fifty years in the San Juan country their slaughter of settlers and hunters runs up to more than forty men.

It is not the white man's weapons but his biscuits that have proved deadly. Of course the morals, or rather the immorals, that he brought have been fatal enough, but when the old Pahute biscuit was supplanted by the fine-flour variety, and by the highly-milled artificial preparations which arrived with that variety it spelled doom to the Pahute more than the fiercest imprecation of cow-boys or soldiers who camped on his trail.

The Pahutes of today eat freely when they can, which is often, of hot tamales, bananas, candy, chilli-hot concoctions, in fact they refuse nothing on which the white man puts a food label and a price. They smoke or chew his tobacco, guzzle his locoed drinks and are ready victims of his imbecility without getting his wisdom. Disdaining the limited garb of his fathers the Pahute loads himself with clothing, stubbs along in high-heeled boots and courts baldness with a heavy hat.

And the sturdy squaw who fifty years ago stood straight as a spruce stump in her moccasins, and could climb hills like a bighornâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;who could chase her goats and her cayuses till they waited with lolling tongues to be capturedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;where is she? She too is covered with loud evidence of the newfangled life. She apes the scanty wardrobe of the village belles, slouches by in

PAHUTE BISCUITS

119

low shoes with Paris heels cruelly run over, and she chews a ponderous cud of strongly-scented gum always. She is losing the skill of her splendid horsewomanship and prefers riding in a wagon, or even in a car.

When the most alluring of these genteel food preparations are not handy in tin cans or paper sacks, there is still hot bread, hot coffee and plenty of things modern to preserve a wide departure from the vigorous ways of those fat-and-saucy forbears of 79.

No wheat grew then in San Juan County, and no store offered prepared delicacies to the hardy natives. Did they fare the worse for that ? Hardly. They had the absolute menu which had sustained their fathers in riproaring health from an indefinite past.

The country abounded in deer and other game; they feasted on fresh venison in times of plenty and had ample stores of dried meat for winter or days of shortage. They had wild fruit, wild potatoes and the rich milk of their invincible goats. They raised a little blue or red corn and a few hardy vegetables, and from the rocky hillsides they gathered fat pods of the giant yucca to roast in the coals and they found bushels of delicious nuts under the pinion trees. They kept always on hand a supply of fragrant cambium bark from the tall pines and an abundance of medical herbs for their simple disorders. Really they had a wonderful little world and a unique and safe system of preserving themselves as a vigorous race within its borders.

But more than all this they had their native biscuits, their staff of life to which these other things were but a necessary and harmonious supplement. Never since they turned in disdain from those old biscuits have they been the rugged people they were before.

This extraordinary bread of the hills, coming in timely answer to some stern necessity or thought out by dusky cooks of the obscure past, was the one unfailing dependence never withdrawn by the hand of drought nor hung on prices too high for the shortest of them to reach. Like the manna of old Israel it abounded for them there in the wilderness, and they nibbled it with poor estimates of how much they were favored in having it, or what it meant to them as a race.

These obsolete cakes may have been baked sometimes in loafsize, but all that the writer ever saw of them were more like small biscuits, though nothing light nor fluffy about them. They had come from the oven weeks or months before and were sufficiently

120

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

durable to throw at rabbits or to carry uninjured in buckskin sacks on a jolting cayuse for a thousand miles. They had a reddish-brown appearance, very coarse in texture, and at first sight of them, without being told what they were, you might take them for something quite different to bread. Yet with more careful scrutiny and a little explanation they really did look good to eat though the writer couldn't overcome his childish prejudice to get them to his lips.

They consisted of squawberries, bullberries, sandgrass seed, a sprinkling of coarse corn meal and a liberal percentage of the yellow seed from a blue weed ripening in latter May or early June.

The berries appeared to have been dried and then ground between btones with the seeds and the corn. Apparently nothing had been added to the mixture to make it raise and it certainly had not raised in the least, though it may have settled considerably. Stirred up with water and no salt it had apparently been placed in an improvised stone oven and there transformed in two hours to the wonderful staff of Pahute virility.

It was not all at once fifty years ago, nor all at once any other time that the Pahutes jumped from this solid rock of their infallible diet, but the white biscuit with its winning appearance, its appetising smell and its moreish taste became a winning rival and gradually assumed the supremacy. For years after that rivalry began the squaws spent weeks or months every season gathering the grass seed and the yellow seed to thresh and winnow it out by hand. On the sandhills and along the streams they could be seen in early summer with their sacks full of the precious grain. Also they gathered and dried the berries, ground the blue corn in old metates and held at first with firm hand to the ancient custom.

The Pahutes are called a degraded and filthy people, but their native ways are more sanitary and more conducive to their health than the practices they have borrowed from so-called civilization.

They lived always in the outdoors and the sunshine; they moved camp at frequent intervals, even though it were but a short distance that their surroundings might be clean. They had no tainted water supply, no tainted or unnatural foods, no injurious style of dress. They lived so nearly in accord with nature that they attained unusual age. They preserved higher moral standards and greater vigor as a race half a century ago with their durable old biscuits than they have ever had since discarding them for the newfangled, fluffy variety.

UTAH STATE FLOWER

121

SEGO L I L Y , U T A H S T A T E F L O W E R Be it enacted by the Legislature

of the State of Utah:

Chapter 97, Section 1. U t a h State Flower. T h a t the Sego Lily is hereby selected as, and declared t o be the U t a h State Flower.

Approved M a r c h 18th, 1911.

Laws of Utah, 1911.

122

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

OFFICIAL STATE SONG OF UTAH Senate Joint Resolution Number Four designating "Utah, We Love Thee," as the official State song. Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Legislature of the State of Utah, the Governor concurring therein; Whereas, it is fitting and proper that the state should select and officially recognize an appropriate state song; and Whereas, the people of Utah are especially favored with patriotic songs which have been produced by both the native and adopted sons and daughters of the State; and Whereas, it is universally recognised that the song, by Evan Stephens, entitled, "Utah, We Love Thee," possesses the supreme merits of a peoples' song; and Whereas, its author and composer is the most venerated and distinguished of Utah's splendid array of poet-musicians; and Whereas, this song has historical significance in that it was composed especially for the festival held on the 6th day of January, 1896, in celebration of the admission of Utah into the Union, on which occasion it was sung by a chorus of one thousand children under the direction of its author and composer; and Whereas, the author has graciously consented to dedicate this song to the people of this comonwealth as an evidence of his affection and patriotism toward the State of his adoption and lifelong residence and activities; Now, Therefore It Is Hereby Resolved, that the song, "Utah, We Love Thee," is hereby recognized and designated as the official State song of the State of Utah, and that the gratitude of the State of Utah is hereby expressed to Professor Evan Stephens for his praiseworthy production and generous gift.

It Is Further Resolved, that this resolution and the text of the song be entered in the Senate Journal.

Approved February 21, 1917.

Laws of Utah, 1917.

Music plate from "Deseret Sunday School Songs," published by the Deseret Sunday School Union, Salt Lake City, Utah.

128

OFFICIAL STATE SONG OF U T A H

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124

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

INDEX V o l . 1, 1928. V o l . 2, 1929. V o l . 3, 1930 Alter, J. Cecil, Some Useful Early Indian References, Vol 1, No. 1, p. 26; Vol 1, No. 2, p. 52.

F a t h e r Escalante and the Utah Indians, Vol. 1, No. 3. p. 75; Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 106; Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 18; Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 46.

American Posts, E d g a r M. Ledyard, Abercrombie F o r t to Benicia Barracks, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 56.

Benjamin F o r t to Camp Chase, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 86.

Chauncey F o r t to D r u m Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 114.

Drum Fort to Fort Foote, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 25.

F o r k Fort to Halleck Fort, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 55.

Halifax F o r t to H e m s t e a d Fort, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 90.

H e m s t e a d F o r t to Hill, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 127.

Hindman F o r t to Jefferson Fort, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 27.

Jefferson F o r t to Kearney Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 59.

Kearney to Laramie Fort, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 90. Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 90.

Articles of Incorporation, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 1.

Belden, Josiah, Historical Facts on California, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 55.

Beller, Jack, Negro Slaves in Utah, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 122.

Bennion, Israel, Indian Reminiscences, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 43.

Bidwell, John, A J o u r n e y to California, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 36.

Blood, H e n r y H., Early Settlement of Kaysville, Utah, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 14.

Boardman, John, T h e Journal of, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 99.

Bridger, Jim, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 84 Brown, Dr. John Zimmerman, T h e Journal of J o h n Brown, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 122.

By-laws, E x t r a c t s from, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 2.

California, A J o u r n e y to, John Bidwell, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 36.

Catholic Church in Utah, T h e W . R. H a r r i s , Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 75; Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 106; Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 18; Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 46.

Chiles, Col. J. B. A visit to California in E a r l y Times, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 53.

Condition of the Indian Tribes, Report of Joint Special Committee, T h e Doolittle Report, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 87.

Early Justice in Utah, John Nebecker, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 87.

Escalante, Father Journal of Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 75; Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 106; Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 18; Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 46; Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 7.

INDEX

125

Escalante, Father and the Utah Indians, J. Cecil Alter, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 75; Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 106; Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 18; Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 46.

Explorations and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, Spanish and Mexican.

Joseph J. Hill, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 3.

Farnum, T. J., Indians on the old Spanish Trail, Vol 2, No. 2, p. 76.

Farnum, T. J., Life, Adventures and Travel in California, Vol. 2 No. 3, p. 76.

Farrow, E. A., The Kaibab Indians, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 57.

Fort, Duchesne's Beginnings Henry Fiack, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 31.

Fort Windsor at Pipe Springs, The establishment of Reminiscences of John R. Young, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 86.

Forts, See American Posts.

Forty Years Among the Indians, Daniel W. Jones, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 81.

Garces', Francisco, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 52.

Gibbs, Josiah F., Gunnison Massacre, Indian Version, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 67.

Moshoquop, the Avenger, as Loyal Friend, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 3.

Goshute Chief, Greenjacket, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 45.

Great Salt Lake, Earliest knowledge of Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 26.

Gunnison Massacre, Indian Version, Josiah F. Gibbs, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 67.

Hastings Cutoff, The

By Charles Kelly, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 67.

Hill, Joseph J., Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 3.

Hopper, Charles, Narrative of R. T. Montgomery at Napa, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 54.

Hurt, Dr. Garland, Indian Agents Report on Indian Slavery, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 86.

Indian Agents Report on Slavery, Dr. Garland Hurt, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 86.

Indians, Few Navajoes in Utah Mrs. A. H. Spencer, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 13.

Indian Government and Laws, Pahute Wm. R. Palmer, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 35.

Indian Language, and Indian Philosophy.

Israel Bennion, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 43.

Indian Names in Utah Geography,

By Wm. R. Palmer, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 5.

126

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

Indian References, Some useful early Utah J. Cecil Alter, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 26; Vol 1, No. 2, p. 52.

Indian Reminiscences, Israel Bennion, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 43.

Indian Slavery, Utah Laws Against Legislative Acts, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 84.

Indians, Past and Present, Utah An Etymological and Historical study of tribes, tribal names, and tribal lands, from original sources.

Wm. R. Palmer, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 35.

Indians, The Kaibab E. A. Farrow, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 57.

Indian Tribes, Condition of the Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 87.

Indians, Utah, and Spanish Slave trade Dr. Wm. J. Snow, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 67.

Indian Slavery, Some Source Documents on Utah Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 73.

Indian Tribes of the Interior of Oregon, Charles Wilkes, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 73.

Indians on the Old Spanish Trail, T. J. Farnum, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 76.

Jennings, William, Material Progress of Utah, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 89.

Jones, Daniel W., Brigham Young Opposes Indian Slavery, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 81.

Jones, Daniel W., Forty Years Among the Indians, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 81.

Jones, Kumen, First Settlement of San Juan County, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 8.

Kaibab Indians, The E. A. Farrow, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 57 Kaysville, Utah, Early Settlements of Henry H. Blood, Vol 2, No. 1, p. 14.

Kelly, Charles, Jedediah Smith on the Salt Desert Trail, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 23.

The Salt Desert Trailâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;II., Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 35.

The "Hastings Cutoff, Vol. 3, No .3, p. 67.

Lahontan, Baron.

New Voyages to North America, Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 26.

Legal Prosecution of Slave Traders, O. F. Whitney, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 83.

Laws Against Indian Slavery, Utah Legislative Acts, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 84.

Ledyard, Edgar M. American Posts, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 56; Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 86; Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 114; Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 25; Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 55; Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 127; Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 90; Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 27; Vol. 3, No. 2, p 59; Vol. 3, No. 3 p. 90.

Life, Adventures, and Travel in California.

By T. J. Farnham, Vol. 2, No. 3, p 76.

INDEX

Lyman, Albert R , First W h i t e m e n in San J u a n County, Vol. 2, N o . 1, p. 11.

Pahute Biscuits, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 118.

Material Progress of Utah, William Jennings, Vol. 3, N o . 3, p. 89.

Members, Charter U t a h Historical Society, Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 98-99.

Memories of Silver Reef, Mark A. Pendleton, Vo. 3, No. 4, p. 99.

Montgomery, R. T., Narrative of Charles H o p p e r , Vol. 3, N o . 2, p. 54.

Mountain Meadow Massacre, Reminiscences of John R. Young, Vol. 3, N o . 3, p. 85.

Moshoquop, T h e Avenger as Loyal Friend, Josiah F. Gibbs, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 3.

Narrative of the U. S. E x p l o r i n g Expedition,

By Charles Wilkes, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 73.

Navajoes in Utah, F e w Mrs. A. H . Spencer, Vol. 2, N o . 1, p. 13.

Nebeker, John, Early Justice in Utah, Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 87.

Negro Slaves in Utah, Jack Beller, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 122.

New Voyages to N o r t h America,

By Baron L a h o n t a n , Vol. 1, N o . 1, p. 26.

On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, The diary and itinerary of Francisco Garces, Vol. 1, N o . 2, p. 52.

Pahute Biscuits, Albert R. Lyman, Vol. 3, N o . 4, p. 118.

Pahute Indian Government and Laws, Wm. R. Palmer, Vol. 2, N o . 2, p. 35.

Palmer, W m . R., Indian Names in Utah Geography, V o l . 1, No. 1, p. 5.

Pahute Indian G o v e r n m e n t and Laws, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 35.

Utah Indians Past and Present, Vol. 1, N o . 2, p. 35.

Pendleton, Mark A., Memories of Silver Reef, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 99.

Philips, Albert F., Salutatory, Vol. 1, N o . 1, p. 3.

Book Review, Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 127.

Pipe Springs, T h e Establishment of F o r t W i n d s o r at Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 86.

Posts, See American Posts.

Salt Desert Trail I I , T h e Charles Kelly, Vol. 3, N o . 2, p. 35.

San Juan County, Utah, First Settlement of Kumen Jones, Vol. 2, N o . 1, p. 8.

San Juan County, Utah, First W h i t e men in Albert R. L y m a n , Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 11.

127

128

T H E U T A H HISTORICAL Q U A R T E R L Y

Sego Lily, Utah State Flower, Vol 3, No. 4, p. 121.

Silver Reef, Memories of Mark Pendleton, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 99.

Slave Trade, Utah Indians and Spanish Dr. W m . J. Snow, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 67.

Slave T r a d e r s , Legal Prosecution of O. F. W h i t n e y , Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 83.

Slavery, Laws against Indian Utah Legislative Acts, Vol. 2, No. 3, p . 84.

Slaves in Utah, Negro Jack Beller, Vol. 2, No. 4, p. 122.

Smith, Jedediah, on the Salt Desert Trail.

Charles Kelly, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 23.

Snow, Dr. W m . J., Utah Indians and Spanish Slave T r a d e , Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 67.

Spanish and Mexican Exploration and T r a d e N o r t h w e s t from New Mexico into the Great Basin, Joseph J. Hill, Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 3.

Spanish Slave Trade, Utah Indians and Dr. W m . J. Snow, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 67.

Spencer, Mrs. A. H., Few Navajoes in Utah, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 13.

Stephens, Evan, Utah, W e Love Thee, p. 122-123.

Stone, Mrs. Elizabeth A., A Washakie Anecdote Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 56.

Utah Historical Society, F o u n d i n g of Vol. 1, No. 1, p. 3.

Utah State Flower Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 121.

Utah State Song Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 122.

Utah, W e Love Thee, Vol. 3, No. 4, p. 123.

Visit to California in Early Times, A Col. J. B. Chiles, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 53.

Washakie, Chief of the Shoshones, Personal Recollections of P. L. Williams, Vol. 1, No. 4, p. 101.

Washakie Anecdote A Mrs. Elizabeth Arnold Stone, Vol. 3, No. 2, p. 56.

Whitney, O. F., Legal Prosecution of Slave T r a d e r s , Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 83.

Wilkes, Charles, Indian Tribes of the Interior of O r e g o n , Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 73.

Williams, P. L., Personal Recollections of Washakie, Chief of the Shoshones, Vol. 1, N o , 4, p. 101.

Young, Brigham, Opposes Indian Slavery, Daniel W. Jones, Vol. 2, No. 3, p. 81.

Young John R. Reminiscences of Vol. 3, No. 3, p. 83