Acta Diurna: Issue I

Acta Diurna: Palingenesis

Spring 2021 Issue 1 A Classics Society Publication in Collaboration with the Classics Department of the University of Western Ontario

Disclaimer Copyrights remain with the artists and authors. The responsibility for the content in this publication remains with the artists and authors.

The content does not reflect the opinions of the Arts and Humanities Students’ Council (AHSC), the University Students’ Council (USC), the Classics Society, or Western’s Classics Department. The AHSC, USC, the Classics Society, and the Classics Department of UWO assume no liability for any errors, inaccuracies, or omissions contained in this publication.

What are We? Acta Diurna is published annually by the Classics Society under the Arts and Humanities Students’ Council and the Classics Department of the University of Western Ontario. Acta Diruna is generously funded by the Arts and Humanities Student Donation Fund. We would like to thank the Donation Fund Committee, the students who submitted their creative and academic works, and the Publications Team members who worked tirelessly to review and edit the pieces, as well as the countless other tasks that were asked of them.

Acta Diurna accepts A-grade essays and creative pieces from undergraduate students enrolled in any full or half credit Arts and Humanities course within the University of Western Ontario. For more information or any questions about Acta Diurna, please contact the Classics Society at westernclassicssociety@gmail.com Cover Art by Sophia Belyk, Son of Peleus

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Letter From The Editor Palingenesis.

The Greek term for a rebirth and renewal.

Over the past few years, many students have asked the Classics Society to create a publication that gave the opportunity to showcase their particular passions and studies. I am proud to say that we have finally seen that plan to fruition. The Publication Team was blown away by the positive response to our announcement, and pleasantly surprised by how many submissions we received. The fact that we have a first issue of Acta Diurna at all is because of your support.

Thank you.

I am honoured to have been the Editor-in-Chief for this flagship issue. Thank you to the Classics Society for approaching me for this position, thank you to the Classics Department for supporting and believing in us, specifically Dr. Meyer for being our Faculty Advisor.

Thank you to the Publication Team. They were amazing colleagues, I could not have managed without them; they brought such immense talent and creativity to the project. Once I no longer hold this post, I am excited to see what the next issue brings.

While we make plans for the future, I hope you enjoy Acta Diurna: Palingenesis.

From Your Editor-in-Chief, Victoria Burnett Victoria Burnett - Editor in Chief Cashel Findler & Lily Azzopardi - Classics Society Consuls Mikhail Salnikov - Layout Editor Amanda Currie & Gwyneth Sutherland - Copy Editors

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Table of Contents Submission The Giza Plateau - Michael Kalaparambath Octavia: the Ambassador-wife for The Caesars - Hope Mahood Classics in Video Games: The Past

5 6-9 10-15

A Balanced Universe - Kaitlyn Lonnee

16-17

Thanatos - Lily Azzopardi

18-19

Actaeon and Pentheus' Unjust Punishment in Ovid's Metamorphosis III - Najah Suojhayer

20-22

Cynthia’s Power to Disrupt the Traditional Roles of Roman Men Waleed Raza

23-26

Fragments - Celine Tsang

27-28

The Anagnorisis of Orpheus - Izzy Siebert Hadestown: A Classic Myth for the Modern Dreamer - Angelina Dhanoa

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Page

29 30-35

Submission The Best of the Achaeans - Sophia Belyk

Page 36

Change in Athens - Jade Sears

37-44

Social Function of Korai - Sophia Belyk

45-48

A New Life for Persephone - Emily Rusin

49

The Temple of Poseidon, Sounion Alyssa Thulmann

50

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The Giza Plateau By: Michael Kalaparambath (he/him) HSP Biology 4th Year

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Octavia: The Ambassador-wife for the Caesars By: Hope Mahood (she/her) Double Major English & Classical Studies 3rd Year

Critic Eleanor Huzar argues that, in her marriage to Marc Antony, “Octavia was capable of loves and loyalties to both brother and husband … she undertook the role of mediatrix between the rivals” (Huzar 104). While this argument is in-line with Plutarch’s intended characterization of Octavia as a dutiful, virtuous Roman wife in contrast to Cleopatra, a closer examination of the primary sources reveals Octavia’s political position to be more complex than that of a simple “mediatrix between rivals” and more in-line with the role of an ambassador for her brother’s political interests (Plutarch 53.1-3, Huzar 104). The honours conferred upon Octavia in 35 BCE, the nature of her divorce from Antony, and Plutarch’s commentary on her role in spreading propaganda against her husband all suggest Octavia “married [Antony] as a matter of public policy and for the sake of her brother [Octavian]” and his political interests (Plutarch 53.5). Huzar’s argument that “Octavia’s loyalty to her husband remained firm” throughout their marriage is suspect, as evidence suggests that her role as wife can be more aptly characterized as an ambassador for her brother in his tempestuous political relationship with Antony (106). While Octavia may have been motivated to preserve the alliance between her husband and brother, evidence suggests her loyalties ultimately lay with Caesar, and accounts of her as a virtuous, matronly Roman wife were likely exaggerated to further alienate Antony from Rome.

Many of the ancient literary sources for Octavia hold inherent faults in their writing on her, either due to anti-Antonian biases or lack of reliable coverage on Octavia’s life. The most detailed source for Octavia is Plutarch’s Life of Antony. However, Plutarchwrites his biographies with an agenda, as he states in his preface to the Life of Alexander, “it is not histories that I am writing, but lives” (Plutarch 1.1). Plutarch writes his biographies to evaluate the “virtue or vice” of his subjects’ character and therefore is more focused on what he sees as the moral themes of Antony’s life rather than chronological historical fact (Plutarch Alexander 1.1). In-line with this goal, Plutarch writes Octavia and Cleopatra as foils to reflect Antony’s character. Octavia is presented as an ideal Roman wife with “dignity of her character and the power of Caesar, her pleasurable society and … assiduous attentions to Antony” (Plutarch 53.3) in Life of Antony while Cleopatra is the “crowning evil” of Antony’s life. Plutarch goes so far as to blame Cleopatra for encouraging the civil war and credits Octavia with the power to stop it, writing that Cleopatra feared “that Octavia would again succeed in putting a stop to the war” (Plutarch 25.1, 61.2). Plutarch aligns Antony’s good Roman character with Octavia, and his abandonment of her for Cleopatra is presented as an abandonment of Rome for the east, a narrative device that opens significant portions of Octavia’s presentation as a loyal and dutiful wife to scrutiny.

Plutarch’s dissonant passages on Octavia further call into question his reliability as a

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source for her life, most notably when he writes “Octavia was a sister of Caesar [Octavian], older than he, though not by the same mother; for she was the child of Ancharia, but he, by a later marriage, of Atia” (Plutarch 31.1). He seems to have “likely, failed to realize that there were two [sisters]” (Singer 269). Mary Singer’s argument seems plausible given that Plutarch’s assertion contradicts another literary source–namely, Suetonius 4.1 and archaeological finds that have revealed inscriptions naming two distinct sisters (271). Some ancient historians who cover the period are far removed from the events of the Augustan and triumviral periods, such as Cassius Dio, who wrote his Roman History almost two centuries after Octavia’s death and therefore would have relied on oral history and other literature rather than eyewitness accounts. Other historians deal minimally with Octavia’s character, such as Suetonius. In short, while Plutarch remains by default the primary source for the details of Octavia’s life, it is important to note his biases and glean information within the context of his attempts to reflect on Antony’s morals.

Even in Plutarch’s narrative, Octavia’s actions do not always benefit Antony, and on occasions when they do, her actions achieve equal or greater gains for her brother. Huzar’s primary evidence for Octavia’s role as an equal “mediatrix between rivals” is her negotiation between the brothers-in-law during the peace agreement at Tarentum in 37BCE, which renewed the triumvirate for five years (Huzar, 104-105; Plutarch 36.4-5; Dio 49.33.4). While both Plutarch and Dio emphasize that the agreement at Tarentum ended with Caesar promising to send Antony multiple legions for his Parthian campaign and a personal guard of 1,000 for Octavia, it is important to note that Antony promised Caesar 120 ships in exchange, and while Caesar got his ships, Antony’s legions seemingly never materialized, with Octavia bringing him only her own guard and provisions from her brother (Plutarch 36.4-5). Not only did Antony honour the bargain, but the agreement came at a particularly opportune time for Caeser. While Plutarch claims that Caesar was preparing an army for war before Tarentum, it is important to note that Sextus Pompey was starting to cause significant trouble in 37 BCE (Plutarch 35.5). As much as Antony needed troops and provisions for his Parthian campaign, Caesar was arguably in more dire straits, needing to defend Sicily from Sextus Pompey without the vast resources of the East at his disposal (Plutarch 35.5). Caesar had more to gain in extending the triumvirate, and Octavia’s mediation at Tarentum ultimately benefited Octavian far more than her husband.

Octavia’s behaviour in Rome also significantly contributed to her husband’s fall from favour in the city. Plutarch writes that “Caesar ordered [Octavia] to dwell in her own house.

But she refused to leave the house of her husband” (Plutarch 54.1). A closer examination of the text reveals a more complex situation was possibly at work. Staying in Antony’s house and raising his children did no harm to Caesar but greatly damaged Antony’s reputation and popularity in Rome. Octavia’s role as “she dwelt in her husband’s house, just as if he were at home, and she cared for his children” fed neatly into Caesar’s propaganda; this would later be mirrored by Plutarch as Antony abandoned Rome for the East just as he hadabandoned his perfect Roman wife for an Eastern queen (Plutarch 54.1). Plutarch notes that the Roman citizens “hated [Antony] for wronging such a woman [as Octavia]” (Plutarch 54.3). He also includes a brief mention of how Octavia “received such friends of Antony as were sent to Rome in quest of office or on business and helped them to obtain from Caesar what they wanted” (Plutarch 54.3). On the surface, helping her husband’s friends while he was out of the city seems like a benign action. However, by enlisting her brother to help them, Octavia in a

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sense transferred their debt to him and ultimately may have gained her brother new friends and allies from among Antony’s acquaintances.

The circumstances of Octavia’s divorce also bear resemblance to the dismissal of an ambassador rather than the divorce of a wife. Not to mention that even during her marriage, Octavia was often honoured and presented as a member of her brother’s household over Antony’s. Dio writes that Antony summoned a senate-like meeting of his advisors when he received word that Caesar was beginning a more vigorous propaganda campaign against Antony “and after considerable talk on both sides of the question had taken up the war and renounced his connection with Octavia as his wife” (Dio 50.3.2). This line from Dio directly connects Octavia’s divorce to the declaration of war, more similar to the dismissal of an ambassador from an enemy state than the end of a marriage. Even in coinage iconography from before their divorce, Octavia is depicted with both Caesar and Antony, facing them both like a political negotiator rather than standing by Antony’s side as a wife (Grueber). Octavian Caesar also distinguished Octavia with honours in 35 BCE that presented her as equal in the family to his own wife Livia in terms of loyalty to Caesar and further separated Octavia from the normal relationship of a wife to her husband. These honours “granted to Octavia and Livia statues, the right of administering their own affairs without a guardian, and the same security and inviolability as the tribunes enjoyed” (Dio 49.38.1). It is the second honour– which allowed Octavia to manage her own financial affairs without a male guardian–that separated her from Antony and further marked Octavia out as a political force on behalf of the Caesars rather than simply “fill[ing] the expected role of aristocratic women—serving as pawns in their families' political and economic chess games” (Huzar 104).

Octavia’s marriage to Mark Antony was more than a common political marriage alliance, and evidence suggests that Octavia, in many ways, acted as an ambassador to Antony for her brother above any wifely duties or loyalties. Through her political mediation and the honours conferred upon her, Octavia achieved politicalgains for her brother and showed a deeper connection to her brother’s family than her husband’s. This evidence is especially noteworthy given the biases present in Plutarch’s writings, which attempt to contrast Octavia’s character with Cleopatra’s to present Antony as a morally corrupted character. In short, Octavia’s marriage to Antony was a successful political move for Caesar, putting an ally in his rival triumvir’s house and supporting his anti-Antonian propaganda campaign.

Bibliography Dio, Cassius. Roman History. Trans. Earnest Cary, Herbert B. Foster. Loeb Classical Library.

1914.

Grueber, Herbert A. Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum II. British Museum, Department of Coins and Medals. 1970 Huzar, Eleanor. “Mark Antony: Marriages vs. the Careers”. The Classical Journal. Vol. 81 No. 2. 1985. pp 97-111 Plutarch. Life of Alexander. Trans. Bernadotte Perrin. Loeb Classical Library. 1919.

Plutarch. Life of Antony. Trans. Bernadotte Perrin. Loeb Classical Library. 1920.

Richardson, J.S. Augustan Rome 44 BC to AD 14. Edinburg University Press. 2012.

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Suetonius. Lives of the Caesars 2: The Deified Augustus. Trans. J. C. Rolfe. Loeb Classical Library. 1914 Singer, Mary White. 1948. “The Problem of Octavia Minor and Octavia Maior”.

Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. Vol. 79. pp.

268-274

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Classics in Video Games: The Past is Now By: Fionntan Ferris (he/him) HSP Classics 4th Year

Classical history and mythology have always been prominent in popular culture, through literature, art, and politics; what changes is how we present these classical themes and stories.

In the modern world, we have an increased ability to retell them through movies, books, television, and music. However, arguably the best medium to retell these stories is often overlooked in academic examinations of Classics in pop culture: video games. Video games allow for a total re-creation of historical settings and provide an immersive, interactive element for the user. Despite the lack of academic studies on the subject, these historically-set video games have more recently been used as a means of historical education—thus raising questions about their degree of historical accuracy and authenticity and whether they are a valid medium for such education. This essay will look to unpack the concepts of authenticity and accuracy in regard to digital re-creations of Classical settings and examine how these concepts influence re-creations in two prominent historical video games: Assassin’s Creed Odyssey and Total War: Rome II. What exactly do authenticity and accuracy—two seemingly similar ideas—refer to?

In historical re-creations, the concept of authenticity refers to an environment that is historically correct (Lancaster). From major elements in-game—like the depiction of historical characters or geopolitical situations—to proper re-creations of art or armour, an authentic recreation features a historically correct setting for the time, place, and people being depicted (Moyzhes 68). In short, if the background information is correct, then a re-creation can reasonably be deemed historically authentic (Roussou 93). Alternately, historical accuracy can refer to a correct chronology of events. In a historically accurate film, TV show, or video game the events will proceed as we generally accept them to have unfolded historically, in the same sequence with the same outcome.

The best way to understand these concepts is to use an example. A particularly useful one to point to is the Netflix TV show The Crown. In a blog post on authenticity and accuracy in historical TV, Raelee J. Lancaster illustrates how The Crown is authentic but not accurate. She explains that the show is authentic because it is rooted in historical facts, concerning actual historical figures in an actual historical setting. However, the show is not accurate because the events and characters in the show are situated and develop differently from the way in which we understand them historically. Essentially, The Crown creates a historically authentic setting in which historically inaccurate events play out. A historical reconstruction could thus embody historical accuracy but not authenticity, both elements, or neither; re-constructions can be largely accurate with a few historically incorrect elements or almost totally inauthentic with only a few correct elements.

Before jumping into our specific games, two important questions must be answered:

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why is any of this important and why focus on these two games specifically? While scholarly debate exists over the value of video games and similar portrayals of the past as tools for teaching history, one thing is clear: these historical re-constructions are some of the most popular ways in which history is consumed (Chapman 313). Despite their popularity, they have been neglected by modern scholarship, this form of ‘popular history’ often being seen as lesser than ‘academic history’. Within this popular history it is important to be aware of the degree of accuracy and authenticity being presented to the public. Additionally, it is important to understand why and how the developers—those who control this historical media—choose to incorporate varying levels of authenticity and accuracy into their games. For example, when is accuracy sacrificed to create a more compelling narrative and how does this impact the experience of the game and its reception?

Regarding the previous question of why we are focusing on Assassin’s Creed Odyssey and Total War: Rome II, it is because they help with this examination of popular history.

They pride themselves on their historical accuracy and authenticity, while being massively popular bestsellers and maintaining a large player base years after release (Politopoulos 317).

This makes them excellent case studies for examining the tension between user experience, sales, and a promise of authenticity.

It would be fair to argue, despite the claims of accuracy and authenticity by developers, that the primary purpose of these games is to make money via sales and that to do so they commodify history rather than teaching it. This is rather cynical; however, it is reasonable to examine whether, in an effort to generate sales, these games are producing only a pale imitation of their historical settings. In answering this inquiry, I would point to the fact that these games increase their sales by being historically accurate and authentic. It has been shown that players will mod games, where they re-write the code of the game to change its appearance or performance, thus creating an even more historically accurate experience for the player (Carter 2). This demonstrates that both the desire for historical accuracy by the consumer and the desire for sales by the game’s producers can co-exist without infringing on one another.

Assassins Creed Odyssey is what is known as a third-person action-adventure game (see Figure 1). The game is set during the Archidamian phase (431-421 BCE) of the Peloponnesian War in a non-linear open world format centered on Greece and its surrounding islands (Figure 2).

Figure 1. Screenshot of the perspective of the player in-game, and Figure 2, a compressed photo of the extent of the game’s map with each visitable region labelled. Ubisoft (Firm).

2018. Assassin's Creed: Odyssey, screenshot taken by Author.

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The story allows the player to step into the shoes of a Spartan mistios or mercenary and presents them with an equal mix of historical fact and fiction. On the historical side, the player is directly involved in major events of the time such as the Battle of Amphipolis (421 BCE), the rise of Cleon in Athens, and the Olympics. However, the driving force of the game’s story is its fictional element. The player spends their time hunting the Cult of Kosmos, a secretive entity with members including Cleon, Aspasia, and King Pausanias, all of whom scheme to start the Peloponnesian War to gain power and wealth in a divided Greece. For the purpose of this paper, it is simply important to note that the details of the game are rooted in actual historical events and characters, but these events and characters are linked to a fictional plot within the game.

In terms of the historical accuracy of the events portrayed in the game, Assassin’s Creed Odyssey (hereafter referred to as ACO) does a good job at demonstrating the progression of the Peloponnesian War as well as broader Greek history. Clever references are made by the player’s character to past events in Greek history including a reference to the “scars of the Persian War” made when passing Plataea and a remark about “bastard” Theban medizers when entering the city of Thebes. Through the course of the game, the progression of the Archidamian War is broadly consistent with our understanding of the corresponding historical events; this consistency includes conflicts in Megara early in the war, the ruin of Plataea, and the Athenian victory at Pylos. Because ACO is what is known as a ‘sandbox game,’ the player has a degree of choice in many situations and can thereby change the course of historical events or even initiate and fight in battles that never historically occurred (Politopoulos 319). However, these battles—being only subplots of the game’s narrative—are clearly made distinct from the historical ones that serve as major plot points of the game’s narrative. Overall, when separated from its fictional elements, ACO does a commendable job at portraying a chronology of relatively accurate historical events in a straightforward and accessible way for the player.

One interesting element in ACO is its subtle integration of historical elements into its fictional narrative. For example, Thucydides has notably portrayed Cleon in a negative light within his narrative on the Peloponnesian War, painting him as a manipulative demagogue more interested in his own power than the people (Woodhead 290-291). In ACO, Cleon is essentially all of these things, but they are explained by his role in the fictional Cult of Kosmos: Pericles is killed by the Cult of Kosmos in 429 BCE to allow Cleon’s rise to power.

Using a populist rhetoric reminiscent of Trump, his slogan is “make Athens great again”; ultimately, Cleon takes power in an upheaval that the player later discovers was only designed to advance his and the Cult’s power. This is obviously a fictional story, but it is one built on a historically authentic foundation.

ACO has been widely praised for its creation of a historically authentic setting (Kouremenos). It has specifically been lauded for its attention to detail, featuring everything from its painted statues to its winding path up to Delphi. These details have solicited praise from academics for portraying an authentic Archaic Greek world (Ouelette). Although some of these same academics have raised a few small critiques regarding the repeated use of identical decorations on more minor temples, this is a common technique used in games with maps of such a large scale and is merely an inevitable by-product of graphic design shortcuts as designers leverage existing assets to help expand the game’s setting.

ACO’s authenticity is no accident; rather, it is a result of intensive research and

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consultations with classical scholars. In an interview with Archaeogaming, Dr. StephanieAnne Ruatta—a historian and classical language specialist—describes the variety of ancient sources ACO drew on, including Aristophanes and Pausanias (Ruatta). She also notes that in its development, the game heavily referenced the field of experimental archaeology to better understand and recreate day-to-day activities like extracting dyes. Overall, Dr. Ruatta highlights ACO’s authentic creation of an actual historical world filled with everything from a bustling agora to a realistic background soundscape.

In this same interview, Dr. Ruatta briefly discusses a novel feature in ACO: its Discovery Tour. This mode allows players to experience the world without the typical violence of the game, either by journeying through the game’s historical landscapes or participating in a tour of notable monuments by a historical guide (Campbell). This tour can even end with a quiz from the guide, emphasizing the educational focus of the tour. This feature allows the authentically crafted world of Archaic Greece within ACO to be used educationally. Being as the Discovery Tour’s creation and development were heavily funded for use within a commercially-driven video game, ACO presents a far more engaging platform than any lessfunded alternatives created exclusively for education. This discovery tour has been commended by academics as a genuine effort from ACO’s creator Ubisoft to make the game’s world more appreciated and understood by a wider audience (Politopoulos 322).

Moving to the second game in question, Total War: Rome II, we are now examining what is known as a grand strategy game. This type of game does not feature a narrative storyline nor does it let the player take control of a single character. Rather, the player selects a nation or empire in the year 272 BCE and controls it through the following years, decades, and even centuries—ultimately controlling the development of cities, recruitment of troops and political officials, diplomacy, and declarations of war. This is a true sandbox game: a player who takes control of Rome could emulate history attacking the Etruscans to the north or forge their own path and sail south to conquer Egypt immediately.

Figure 3. Total War: Rome II Map with playable nations marked.

Sega (Firm). 2013. Total War: Rome II, screenshot taken by Author.

Efforts to present historical authenticity can be a challenge in a game that spans from the British Isles to India, owing to the difficulty of conveying the nuanced geopolitical situation across this expanse of the world. ‘Provinces’ that a nation controls are far larger than they would have been historically. For example, Sparta begins the game controlling a

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province that encompasses the entire Peloponnesus. These simplifications can be found throughout the game, both in diplomacy wherein a player can simply request a trade route between nations and in technological advancement wherein a player can research a topic like ‘philosophers.’ These simplifications represent unfortunate, yet understandable sacrifices made in accurately representing how complex processes like trade and technology played out across the ancient world. However, for those unfamiliar with Roman history they still hold educational value. Players can come to understand the prominence of Sparta in the Peloponnesus, the importance of international trade, and the role of technological advancement in shaping historical trajectories.

Rome II also aims to foster a degree of understanding of cultural traits and political institutions within its playable factions and nations. For example, if the player chooses to play as Carthage, they receive a 40% reduction in the upkeep cost of mercenary troops in their armies, representative of Carthage’s historical reliance on foreign mercenaries. Alternatively, if the player selects the Suebi—an amalgamation of Germanic tribes— they receive a bonus to income gained from raiding and looting enemy territory, a nod to the frequency and ferocity with which these tribes were known to conduct raids. Additionally, players who select Rome can choose to operate one of three prominent political families—Cornelia, Julia, and Junia— each based on a major historical Roman house and each conferring additional unique benefits to the player (Brown). Further historically-representative elements can be found in the garb and architecture of a faction, which is determined by its corresponding faction’s culture (Eastern, Germanic, etc.). The developers themselves acknowledge that while these various effects are important to the authenticity of the game, they are often insignificant or superficial (Brown). Nevertheless, the other elements of Rome II discussed previously, help to create an in-game environment that provides a basic education for the casual player while offering a nod to a deeper understanding of history for the more scholarly player.

Rome II and ACO take different approaches toward historical accuracy and authenticity in their games. These differences can be creative choices, motivated by improving sales, or a product of the game’s format. However, what they have in common is a focus on incorporating relatively accurate historical elements into their games. While neither game could substitute for a higher education in history or classics, they have each been designed to exhibit some degree of appreciation for their historical context, if not a comprehensive education in the era. From the understanding of Mediterranean culture and geopolitics in Rome II to the player’s experience of the Archidamian War in ACO, the use of historical accuracy and authenticity in the re-creations these games provide are a unique method of education. Looking to the future, instead of yet another passage from Thucydides perhaps teachers will begin to assign a level in Assassin’s Creed Odyssey, thereby promoting a modern format for the retelling of classical history.

Bibliography Brown, F., “Placing authenticity over accuracy in Total War: Rome II.” PC Games News, 2013. https://www.pcgamesn.com/totalwar/placing-authenticity-over-accuracytotal-war rome-ii

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Campbell, Colon “Assassin’s Creed Odyssey’s Discovery Tour is an inspiring journey through ancient Greece.” In Polygon, 2019. https://www.polygon.com/reviews/ 2019/9/10/20859403/assassins-creed-odysseys-discovery-tour-review-ancient-greeceeducation-game Carter, M., Chapman, A., “Fiction as History: ‘Truth’ and ‘Authenticity’ in Total War: Rome 2 and Total War: Warhammer.” In Digital Games Research Association.

University of Melbourne, 2017.

Chapman, Adam, “Is Sid Meyer’s Civilization History?” Rethinking History, 17, 2013: 312-332.

Copplestone, Tara, “But That’s Not Accurate: The Differing Perceptions of Accuracy in Cultural-Heritage Videogames Between Creators, Consumers and Critics.”

Rethinking History, 21, 2017: 415-438.

Kouremenos, Timos, “Assassin’s Creed Odyssey’s Stunning Recreation of Ancient Athens.”

In Greece Is, 2018.

Lancaster, R., “Based on a True Story: Accuracy and Authenticity in Historical Television.”

RaeleeJLancaster.com, Jan. 2018. https://raeleejlancaster.com/2018/01/28/based-ona-true-story-accuracy-and-authenticity-in-historical-television/ Moyzhes, Leonid, Review of “Digital Games as History: How Videogames Represent the Past and Offer Access to Historical Practice,” by Chapman, Adam. Forum for Inter-American Research, 11.2, 2018: 68-70.

Ouelette, Jennifer, “Those Painted Sculptures in Assassin’s Creed: Odyssey are True to History.” In ArsTechnica, 2018. https://arstechnica.com/gaming/2018/10/thosepainted-sculptures-in-assassins-creed-odyssey-are-true-to-history/ Politopoulos, A., Mol, A., Boom, K., Ariese, C., “‘History Is Our Playground’: Action and Authenticity in Assassin’s Creed: Odyssey.” Advances in Archaeological Practices, 7, 3, 2019: 317-323.

Roussou, Maria, “Virtual Heritage: From The Research Lab To The Broad Public.”

VirtualArchaeology, 2002: 93-100.

Ruatta, S., “Consulting for Ubisoft-on Assassins Creed Odyssey.” Reinhard, A., ArchaeoGaming, 2019.

Sega (Firm). 2013. Total War: Rome II Ubisoft (Firm). 2018. Assassin's Creed: Odyssey Woodhead, A.D., “Thucydides' Portrait of Cleon.” Mnemosyne, 13, 1960: 289-317.

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A Balanced Universe By: Kaitlyn Lonnee (she/her) HSP Creative Writing, English Language, Literature, and SASAH 4th Year An eternity ago, long before the world was even a dream in the subconscious of the universe, there was simply being, and the only quality of being was perfect balance, utter spiritual harmony: Cothromaíocht.

Yet beneath the surface of universal equilibrium, beneath the immaculate outward façade, lay a raging war between the two opposite aspects of balanced existence: order and chaos, body and mind—Neamromaíocht and Mihromaíocht.

For eons, the two counterparts clashed, constantly caught in a ceaseless struggle for dominance, battling to be the one to wrest control from the always unchanging Cothromaíocht. The conflict between the two extremes shook the very fabric of creation, and with every blow, the world as it is now known was created. But neither could gain the upper hand, and after millennia of fighting, something had to change… and it did.

Out of their divine, unadulterated essences, Neamromaíocht and Mihromaíocht forged powerful bodies to do battle on the physical plane of existence. The former took the shape of an éun, a bird, while the latter assumed the form of a creilluch, a rodent. When their battle began anew, the world once again rumbled and shook with the force of their vehemence—but this time was different. This time, their presence was corporeal and known.

The creilluch’s savage claws scored deep gashes into the land, canyons, as it burrowed beneath the surface, digging deeper and deeper systems of caves as it evaded the deadly beak and talons of its adversary. Mighty wind from the éun’s wings battered the world, displacing rich layers of sediment to swell into mountains and recede into valleys, forever pushing away its rival's gnashing teeth and lashing tail.

Much time passed, and though the struggle continued, it was never more than a strenuous and futile stalemate.

Air escaped freely into the world from Neamromaíocht’s throat, rustling its stained and mangled feathers, while earth poured from its many gaping wounds. Mihromaíocht filled the world’s basins with its watery tears and licked at the flames that bled from several slashes in its hairy hide. Neither had won, and neither had lost. Existence was still balanced.

Cothromaíocht still prevailed.

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However, as the old rivalry would not be vanquished so easily, instead of further destruction, the two finally started down a new path: creation. If they could not conquer each other on the battlefield, being perfectly matched in combat, perhaps they could attempt to shift the universal dynamic a different way.

And so, within the scarred and empty expanse of the world upon which they had fought, Neamromaíocht and Mihromaíocht came together in peace and created the beginnings of life. Marvels of nature and extraordinary beasts sprang into existence at their slightest touch, filling the barren world, which they named Domlamh, with fantastic wonder and enchanting magic. Some creations were the work of Neamromaíocht, some were the work of Mihromaíocht, and some were the work of them both—always balanced.

As their elation grew, so did their ambition, and with a helping spark from Cothromaíocht, their final creation was brought into being: the dhaonnin—humanity, perfectly flawed. These strange and beautiful creatures would determine whether Neamromaíocht or Mihromaíocht was the stronger unbalance and, consequently, decide the fate of all existence.

At birth, the dhaonnin would be wholly balanced, free from the influence of the two extremes, but as they grew, they would be tested and tempted by the world around them, swayed from the balanced path by curiosity while their own battles between Neamromaíocht and Mihromaíocht raged within them.

However, as a final influence in the war for dominance, Cothromaíocht bestowed a gift upon the dhaonnin meant to encourage equilibrium: the more balanced an existence they attempted to lead, the longer they could spend on the physical plane, having faithfully followed the present path of existence.

And it is said that when the universal balance between Neamromaíocht and Mihromaíocht finally tips, when Cothromaíocht no longer reigns, the world will be remade by the victor in their own image, and life as it is known will cease to

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Thanatos By: Lily Azzopardi (she/her) HSP Classics, Minor in Ancient Greek & Latin Language, & Museum and Curitorial Studies Certificate 2nd Year The message was clear.

Life cannot escape Death.

Death and destruction followed Natos wherever he went, but he was more than used to it. The young man's days were calmer recently, he still had a job to do, which one could trust would always be completed quickly and efficiently. His job took him all over the world, but usually, he found himself in Greece and the surrounding islands. Natos was attempting to enjoy his day, sitting in a cafe along the coast, admiring the Pindus mountains while enjoying a cup of what he called 'nectar of the Gods'. It's all that kept him going. He watched as the waves from the Aegean Sea crashed methodically against the sandy beach. His gaze torn between the beach below and the mountains up high. Natos chuckled and swirled the almost golden brown liquid in his cup. He supposed his inability to focus on the above or below could pertain to a certain aspect of his job that caused him many troubles.

It was while he contemplated the issues in his life, that he felt a tug to his soul, a strong pull that would drag him across the earth in a single heartbeat because sometimes, that's all the time they had left.

With one blink, the porcelain glass clattered to the table, the forgotten nectar sloshing in the cup after Natos's disappearance.

Natos found himself in his common black cloak, his sword sheathed at his side and his bright and blinding wings splayed across his back.

Surrounded by green grass, he noticed he was among people who practiced Hellenism, one of the religions that kept him working, and therefore worthy of immortally that was bestowed upon him. Four pillars connected over a tiled floor upon the clearing and grass, a sickly child laid in the middle, the followers circling around her. He stood tall and invisible to all in the area, except for the child, watching as each life tried to prevent death. It was too late, he was

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here, and this child's life was ending, just as it was destined to be by the Fates.

Natos's eyes looked upon the small girl, her face had lost its rosy glow, being replaced with pale skin and cracked lips. Her brown hair once full of curl lay flat and lifeless against her head. Her eyes which once held the brightest of greens now only held a dull pained gaze.

When their eyes connected, the child looked upon him in fear, as most did, finding a minuscule amount of energy to try and push herself back. The crowd around her faded away, the words her family and friends spoke falling on deaf ears to the child.

"I do not wish to die." She cried out, her voice raw as she choked back tears.

Natos stood silent, observing the girl and her cries, as he also regarded those around her and their pleas to the girl to stay with them, and to the gods, so she could live. No matter where Natos went, he was either feared, resisted, blasted with negative emotions or even given gratitude and acceptance of their deaths. He hated it all, whether it is a negative or positive response to death, he cast it aside each time. Why? Because each of these were emotions and aspects that contributed to life. Life gave way to all this and every time he came to collect a soul, whether it was mortal or immortal, life presented itself in the cruelest of ways. Death didn't have anything like that at all.

Natos shook his head at the girl and held out a hand, the crying fearful girl having no choice but to place her small fragile hand within his large cold one. Just like that, she was pulled from the mortal plain, her mortal body laid upon the tiles and coins placed over her eyes. The girls' spirit looked upon her body with such sorrow before turning over the two coins in her hands. Natos, with her hand in his, carried her over, a wave of remorse drowning out his former anger and frustration.

Death is everywhere. Each life is told to be fearful of him, each one flaunting what life gave them, and watching as death destroyed life.

The truth is, life was always right around the corner, stalking death, overcoming him. Life would always keep coming back to him, haunting him at every turn.

Until finally the message was clear.

Death cannot escape Life.

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Actaeon and Pentheus' Unjust Punishment in Ovid's Metamorphosis III By: Najah Suojhayer (she/her) Ovid’s Metamorphoses III recounts the story of Cadmus, the founder of Thebes, and the stories of several of Cadmus’ cursed descendants. Two of these descendants are Actaeon and Pentheus, who are both punished for seeing what they should not have seen. After returning from a hunt, Actaeon accidentally stumbles upon the goddess Diana while she is bathing in a grove. Enraged, Diana splashes Actaeon with cursed water and he metamorphosizes into a stag who is subsequently hunted and destroyed by his hounds. Pentheus, the King of Thebes, rejects the god Bacchus despite several warnings. The Thebans begin to worship Bacchus freely, and Pentheus is enraged at the prospect of his subjects succumbing to the god of wine.

Determined to put an end to the worship of Bacchus, Pentheus locates and watches a group of Bacchus’ worshippers as they perform religious rites. Spotted by the worshippers and mistaken for a wild animal, Pentheus is attacked by his mother and her sisters and they tear him limb from limb gruesomely. Many versions of the stories of Actaeon and Pentheus exist where their punishments can be justified because they are guilty of crimes. I will argue that in Ovid’s Metamorphoses III, neither Actaeon’s nor Pentheus’ punishments were justified and that both of them were the victims of unjust divine retribution.

Diana assumed that Actaeon had deliberately entered the grove to find her bathing nude and she punished him for it. John Heath explains his reasoning that “Diana is uniquely sensitive to the affront. She interprets the unintentional voyeurism as an attack on her virginity, a conclusion which would normally be (and up to this point in the text had always been) a correct one for the sequence of narrative events” (242). I contend that Actaeon’s fate was neither Actaeon’s nor Diana’s fault, but the fault of the goddess Fortune. Ovid writes, “but if you seek the truth, you will find the cause of this in Fortune’s fault and not in any crime of [Actaeon’s]. For what crime had mere mischance?” (Met. 3.141–142). This suggests that Actaeon’s fate was predetermined by the goddess Fortune and that Actaeon was innocent of the crime that Diana punished him for. Ovid emphasizes the role of Fortune by writing, “and while [Diana] is bathing there in her accustomed pool, lo! Cadmus’ grandson, his day’s toil deferred, comes wandering through the unfamiliar woods with unsure footsteps, and enters Diana’s grove; for so fate would have it” (Met. 3.173–176). This quotation also provides evidence of Actaeon’s innocence, specifically because he entered the clearing with unsure footsteps. Carl C. Schlam points out that, “in the archaic and classical Greek tradition Actaeon was guilty of an intentional assault on the divine, one version of which was the erotic pursuit of [Diana] herself” (106). However, Ovid repeatedly emphasizes in this poem that

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Actaeon unwittingly found Diana and is therefore not guilty of any crime. Thus, Actaeon’s punishment was undeserved and the divine retribution of Diana was the result of Fortune’s will.

Pentheus suffered a terrible fate that seems justified in Metamorphoses III. Joanne McNamara argues that “Ovid does not allow the psyche of his Pentheus to be explicitly controlled by strong and present supernatural forces: the reader witnesses a (Romanized) Pentheus succumbing to his anger” (188). However, I will argue that it was the supernatural forces of Bacchus and the actions of his worshippers in this poem that stirred Pentheus into his rage and eventually led to his punishment. Ovid writes: [Pentheus’] mad rage is fretted by restraint and grows apace, and [Bacchus’ worshippers’ attempt] to delay him but make him worse. So have I seen a river, where nothing obstructed its course, flow smoothly on with but a gentle murmur; but where it was held in check by dams of timber and stone set in its way, foaming and boiling it went, fiercer for the obstruction (Met. 3.567–571).

This passage suggests that it was not Pentheus’ fault that he descended into a state of rage, but rather that his anger was a natural result of the repeated warnings that he received about rejecting Bacchus. Ingo Gildenhard and Andrew Zissos propose that Pentheus listens to Acoetes’ long story because, “Pentheus is torn between the desire immediately to execute the prisoner and the more rational course of acquiring some intelligence about the cult of Bacchus and its followers first” (167). However, I contend that Pentheus listened to Acoetes so that he might become less angry at Bacchus and his worshippers because he did not intend to be so full of rage. This is illustrated when Ovid writes, “Then Pentheus said: “We have lent ear to this long, rambling tale, that by such delay our anger might lose its might” (Met. 3.692– 693). Furthermore, the poem emphasizes that when Pentheus’ slaves put Acoetes into the dungeon, “of their own accord the doors flew open wide; of their own accord, with no one losing them, the chains fell from the prisoner’s arms” (Met. 3.699–700). This text suggests that Pentheus’ slaves were the ones who released Acoetes and that they were likely to be followers of Bacchus. When Pentheus is attacked by the throng of Bacchus’ worshippers at Cithaeron, his attitude instantly changes and instead of being consumed by rage he is “frightened now, and speaking milder words, cursing his folly and confessing that he has sinned” (Met. 3.716–718). This is evidence of the supernatural influence that was the cause of Pentheus’ destruction. When Pentheus’ anger was lifted, he immediately confessed that he had sinned. I argue that Pentheus’ only crime was that he was made to be Bacchus’ pawn.

Ovid writes: “taught by such a warning, the Thebans throng the new god’s sacred rites, burn incense, and bow down before his shrines,” after Pentheus was made to be an example to the Thebans (Met. 3.732–733). Thus, Pentheus’ punishment was unjustified because Bacchus manipulated Pentheus’ brewing anger and destruction to make an example of him and to secure the worship of the Thebans.

Ovid further marks the divine punishments of both Actaeon and Pentheus as unjustified by emphasizing that both of their final thoughts and actions are pious. When Actaeon is being mauled by his hounds, “he groans and makes a sound which, though not human, is still one no deer could utter, and fills the heights he knows so well with mournful

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cries. And now, down on his knees in suppliant attitude, just like one in prayer, he turns his face in silence towards them, as if stretching out beseeching arms” (Met. 3.237–241).

This suggests that Actaeon remained pious despite being punished by the goddess Diana, and therefore did not deserve his punishment. When Pentheus is being attacked by his mother and her sisters, his arms are torn off his body and Ovid writes, “and now the wretched man has no arms to stretch out in prayer to his mother; but, showing his mangled stumps where his arms have been torn away, he cries: ‘Oh, mother, see!’” (Met. 3.723–725). This narrative event mirrors Actaeon’s actions before his death and implies that Pentheus was just as innocent as Actaeon was and that both of the men were subject to unjust divine retribution. This is further illustrated by Ovid when he describes that Pentheus was “torn limb from limb by … impious hands” (Met. 3.730–731). This indicates that Bacchus’ worshippers killing Pentheus was not righteous at all. Hence, the poem illustrates that the punishments of Actaeon and Pentheus were unjustified because both of them were pious in their final thoughts and actions.

Actaeon and Pentheus were both unjust victims of divine retribution in Ovid’s Metamorphoses III. Actaeon’s fate was predetermined by Fortune to be disastrous. Pentheus’ fate was devised by Bacchus to warn Thebans of his power. Actaeon and Pentheus both remained pious in their last moments and they proved to be unworthy of their gruesome deaths. Ovid presented the characters of Actaeon and Pentheus as innocent bystanders of their fates. Both men were struck with unjustified misfortune and faced destruction at the hands of those closest to them because they accidentally angered a god or goddess.

Bibliography Gildenhard, Ingo, and Andrew Zissos. "572–691: The Captive Acoetes and His Tale." In Ovid, Metamorphoses, 3.511-733: Latin Text with Introduction, Commentary, Glossary of Terms, Vocabulary Aid and Study Questions, 163-206. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2016. Accessed December 7, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/ j.ctt1fzhh5b.14.

Heath, John. "Diana's Understanding of Ovid's "Metamorphoses"." The Classical Journal 86, no. 3 (1991): 233-43. Accessed December 7, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/ 3297428.

McNamara, J. The Frustration of Pentheus: Narrative Momentum in Ovid's Metamorphoses, 3.511–731. The Classical Quarterly, 60(1), (2010) 173-193. doi:10.1017/ s0009838809990528 Ovid. Metamorphoses, Volume I: Books 1–8. Translated by Frank Justus Miller. Revised by G. P. Goold. Loeb Classical Library 42. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1916.

Schlam, Carl C. "Diana and Actaeon: Metamorphoses of a Myth." Classical Antiquity 3, no. 1 (1984): 82-110. Accessed December 7, 2020. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25010808.

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Cynthia’s Power to Disrupt the Traditional Roles of Roman Men By: Waleed Raza (he/him) HSP Health Science 4th Year

In a time anxious of the emancipation of women, elegiac poetry presented an unparalleled challenge to the traditional gender and sexual norms present in Roman ancestral customs (henceforth mos maiorum). These poems called into question the power relations that lay at the heart of the traditional Roman life, by being centered around the exclusive love affair between the female women of the house (henceforth domina) and the male slave of love (henceforth seruus amoris) (Miller 4). Miller argues that the end of the Third Punic War saw the appearance of powerful and sexually liberated women who paved the path to elegiac poetry (7). Poets like Catullus, Tibullus, and Ovid portrayed powerful women and invited controversial topics to the forefront of elite, aristocratic readers. Propertius was one of these elegiac poets and Cynthia, the domina of his books, could also be interpreted as a powerful woman. I argue that Propertius’ Cynthia was incredibly powerful in her prevention of the Roman man from fulfilling his roles and duties of the mos maiorum; she specifically executed such prevention through inhibiting the production of a legitimate heir, reversing traditional male dominance, and halting military duty.

Cynthia’s power both disrupted traditional marriage norms and had the ability to cease the production of Roman heirs. In the Monobiblos, Cynthia’s power is derived through an oppressive, overwhelming love referred to as amor, which enamours Propertius from the moment he sets his eyes on her (1.4, 1.1). This love consumes him throughout the book; he is seen denouncing it and even begging for it to be removed but is eventually rendered powerless against its control. It is through this love that Cynthia gains her power (1.31-1.38, 1.27-1.28). Miller argues that all elegiac relationships were extramarital and irregular as they threatened legitimate relations of power and property, specifically the marital rights of another (5). Although Propertius is not engaging in adultery with Cynthia—neither being married—he is still imposing on another man’s love interest. This is reflected in the Monobiblos, specifically when the poet engages in paraclausithyron while Cynthia is with another lover and again when he pleads her to stay away from other men at Baiae despite the two not being vowed to one another (16.17-16.24, 11.21-11.30). Furthermore, Miller proclaims the chief role of marriage was to cement political and economic relations and to produce legitimate heirs; this is further attested to by Cicero, who states marriage is the source of the Roman state and nursery of the Republic (6, Treggiari). Cynthia does not act in accordance with these laws and through her power of love she influences Propertius to ignore both his duties towards marriage and to the production of legitimate heirs. In fact, in Book 2 of the Elegies, when a marriage law was proposed, the two “wept for ages in case it might divide

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[them]” but celebrated once it was repealed (7.1-7.20). Additionally, in Book 4 of the Elegies, the poet declared that the “god of marriage was not [his] friend”, indicating his disapproval of the duty to marry (3.7-3.8). Ultimately, in Book 2 of the Elegies, Propertius laid down his Roman identity (henceforth romanitas) entirely in favour of Cynthia, proclaiming “You are the only one who pleases me: let me please you, Cynthia, alone: and this love will be more to me than being called father” (7.19-7.20). Propertius dedicates himself entirely to Cynthia, sacrificing both his marriage and children in her name. Clearly, Cynthia has led him astray from engaging in his civil duty to marry and proclaim heirs, thereby promoting an agenda that would be intimidating to the Roman elite of the time. These actions challenge the structure of traditional Roman society, undermine its family values, and threaten to derail the manner in which aristocracy is passed down through legitimate heirs. These unorthodox views were powerful and threatening in the Late Republic; in fact, many argue that Augustus exiled Ovid for similarly threatening poetry (Miller 3).

It can be further argued that Cynthia stripped men of their masculine dominance. Roman women belonged to their fathers and husbands and throughout their lives were subject to their control (Treggiari). However, Cynthia was not subject to such control. According to James, Propertius’ power was secondary to Cynthia’s (15). Her dominance is indicated from the start of the Monobiblos as the first line declares, “Cynthia first” (1.1). The book then depicts the decline of Propertius’ control and follows his submission and acceptance of her power.

Additionally, in Poem 1 of the Monobiblos, the autonomous Propertius tries to escape Cynthia’s control through any means necessary, being willing to go so far as to endure open heart surgery (1.1.25-1.1.30); yet towards the end of the poem he announces that he “was not ordained to love another or break with her”, thereby suggesting his submission to her control (1.12.19). Miller argues that elegiac poets “submit to the will of a woman” and “accept the label of effeminate softness” and further that this gender reversal “threatens the very bases of traditional power relations between genders” (4). Propertius echoes these sentiments in Poem 4 of the Monobiblos, denouncing his romanitas once again by pronouncing himself as seruus amoris to Cynthia (4.3-4.4). Thus, Cynthia—a non-aristocratic woman—has absolutely removed any power and control held by Propertius, an aristocratic man, thereby altering the power dynamics between them (1.1.1-1.1.8). This removal of masculine dominance could have major consequences to Roman mores. Miller argues that marital fidelity was an expectation of women and that the only ethical obligation of men was to respect another man’s property, in this case his wife (6). This is illustrated by Horace in Book 1 of the Satirae, wherein he advises young men to expel their sexual frustrations on slave boys and girls but not on another man’s wife (1.2). Therefore, Cynthia inverted the conventional power relations between men and women as she was in power and Propertius was not; she further disrupted the power relations and property rights amongst men because Propertius was faithful to her, not the other way around (Miller 6).

Additionally, Cynthia prevents men from fulfilling their duty of joining the army. According to Miller, Roman men were “expected to settle down in a traditional arranged marriage and pursue a career in law, the military or politics”, later arguing that Cynthia “prohibits the poet from following a normal career path,” one that would “involve direct participation in the political structures sponsored by the Augustan regime” (4, 26). Her ability to coerce Propertius out of his military duties is made evident in the Monobiblos when Propertius declares:

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and may Cupid never bring you torments such as mind and all the sorrows known to my tears!

Allow me, whom Fortune willed to lie ever prostate, to give up my final breath to this worthlessness. …I was born unfit for glory, unfit for arms: love is the warfare fate wishes me to undergo.

(6.23-6.26, 6.29-6.30) Propertius is invited by Tullus to embark on a service mission that would be highly advantageous but he rejects this invitation because he refuses to leave Cynthia. It is apparent that Cynthia not only renders Propertius unable to fulfill his duty as a Roman soldier but also negatively impacts his future career endeavours and honours. In addition, Propertius speculates that it is fate that prohibits him when in reality it is Cynthia; thus, Cynthia’s power is likened to that of fate, suggesting her supreme state. Furthermore, in Book 2 of the Elegies Propertius announces: Is it for me to supply sons for our country’s triumphs?

There’ll be no soldiers from my line.

But if I followed the true camp of my mistress, (7.8-7.10) Here Propertius states that he will not be enlisting in the army nor will he be fathering heirs that would enlist in the army. Thus, Cynthia has prevented not only Propertius but also his potential lineage from engaging in their Roman duties.

Cynthia wielded immense power over Propertius which prohibited him from fulfilling many of the duties appointed to him as a Roman. Her love pushed Propertius away from marrying and fathering heirs. Her dominance over Propertius reversed conventional gender roles and power dynamics amongst men as well as those between men and women. Her love further deterred Propertius from participating in military duty. Miller argues that the Monobiblos weaves together a story that refuses to conform to the traditional Roman values and much of this is explicable by the consequences of Cynthia’s power (26). Elegiac poetry was curated for an elite group of people who controlled the political and cultural life of Rome; thus, Cynthia’s influence extended not only to fictional poets but also to real, powerful leaders of the time. The essence of this influence was a reflection of the effeminate East and it could be conceived as the same threat that Augustus faced when fighting Antony and Cleopatra— Antony being the seruus amoris and Cleopatra the domina.Ultimately, it is possible that Elegiac poetry and Antony falling victim to the threat it produced allowed Augustus to become the pater patriae (father of the country) and defender of Rome (Miller 11).

Bibliography Horace. Satire. Edited and translated by Miller, Allen, P. 2002. Latin Erotic Elegy. 1st ed.

London, Routledge.

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James, S. 2003. Learned Girls and Male Persuasion: Gender and Reading in Roman Love Elegy. 1st ed. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Miller, Allen, P. 2002. Latin Erotic Elegy. 1st ed. London, Routledge.

Propertius. Elegies. Edited and translated by G. P. Goold. Loeb Classical Library 18.

Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990.

Treggiari, S. 1991. Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges From the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian 1st ed. Oxford, Clarendon Press.

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Fragments

By: Celine Tsang (she/her) Linguistics & SASAH 2nd Year

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Translation A gaping ravine meets Its first droplet Of dew Teach me how [In liminality] Enough of you

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The Anagnorisis of Orpheus By: Izzy Siebert (she/her) English & Psychology (Brescia) 2nd Year

I am the one they call Orpheus: musician, poet, tragedy.

As the story goes, I know a song so deep and lovely It convinces the gods that mortal hearts beat beneath their ribs.

I have a voice powerful enough to make the people I love Walk backwards out of death, out of distance, out of goodbye.

In this tale, I am an icon of mistake, a figurehead of folly.

I fail to find a faith strong enough to save us, To come out unscathed with your hand in mine.

Yet, when they ask me of my regrets, I sing of none, Although I turn around in every retelling.

In tragedy, we are mourned, we are elegized.

Post-mortem, our grief is given power to move heaven and earth.

We become remembered as greater than we were.

In myth, we outlast whatever pale lifetime This side of the underworld could have promised us.

We escape the bounds of our mortal bodies and pass into art.

In this way, we become story, legend.

We become not poets, not musicians.

Love, we become the song itself.

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Hadestown: A Classic Myth for the Modern Dreamer

By: Angelina Dhanoa (she/her) Biology Major & Classical Studies Minor 5th Year “Music gives a soul to the universe, wings to the mind, flight to the imagination, and life to everything.”

– Plato1 Musical theatre has been a unifying force of the 21st century. No longer just a place for the upper-class, Broadway has become home to all genders, races, ages, and backgrounds. In the ancient world, myths were passed through generations by oral tradition. The important stories transcended time and became a point of reverence for the people. This tradition has continued in the modern world through performing art. Humanity’s greatest strength lies within its ability to feel emotions and express them, which is what musical theatre encapsulates.

One such revolutionary musical is Hadestown, a reinvention of the classic myths of Orpheus and Eurydice, along with Hades and Persephone. The story, though old, rings anew and sets the scene of a world desperately needing hope. Hadestown sings a song that resonates uniquely to each listener and echoes a tune that will be heard for generations to come.

Therefore, through the reiteration of myth, the lyrics of the music, and the political implications of the show, Hadestown is a musical whose message will live on, creating a modern myth for the ages.

Hadestown was created and written by Anaïs Mitchell in Vermont in 2006. It premiered on Broadway on April 17, 2019 to resounding success and has gone on to win eight Tony Awards and a Grammy Award for Best Musical Theatre Album.2 The creation of this musical makes Mitchell the first woman in a decade to be the solo author of a new musical, and only the fourth woman in Broadway history to accomplish this.3 The director of the original run, Rachel Chavkin, was also the only female director of a debut that Broadway season, making Hadestown revolutionary in more ways than one.4 When speaking with Robert Sullivan, a Vogue Magazine reporter, Mitchell quotes Ernest Hemmingway for an explanation of her inspiration behind the show, “The world is a fine place and worth the fighting for and I hate very much to leave it” (sic).5 Regardless of how desolate the world is, 1 Harding, Kendra. “A Soul to the Universe.” UNCSA, 2020 2 Sullivan, Robert. “Hadestown, Anaïs Mitchell's Musical Where Work Is Hell, Makes It to the Big Time.” Vogue, 19 Apr. 2019 3 ibid 4 Grady, Constance. “The New Broadway Musical Hadestown Has All the Makings of a Cult Hit.” Vox, 22 Apr. 2019 5 Sullivan, 2019

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or perhaps in spite of that desolation, Mitchell gives insight to the resolve one has to make a difference and fight for what they believe in. She wields mythology as her tool, using its power to make the past memorable, but also to make the present understandable.

The characters of Hadestown bring the myth and Mitchell’s vision to life in a time when it is needed most. The curtain rises on a depression-era New Orleans, with all hope lost, and more problems than one can count.6 The gods are very present and real, but it is a world of great poverty for the people. The show is narrated by Hermes, the Greek messenger god and patron of travelers. He is an active member of the cast, interacting with those on stage, but also interacting with the audience. He shines a light on Orpheus, a young man optimistic to his core, hoping to write a song that fixes the world. Coinciding with the original myth, Orpheus is the original musician.7 He has not let the bleak world he lives in get the better of him and continues to pursue his passion for music. His aim is to help everyone else see things the way that he does; to see the world the way that it could be, in spite of the way that it is.

Mitchell’s version of the classic myth can be represented by a coin. The focus is wealth, with Orpheus on one side of the coin, and Eurydice on the other. Though living in poverty, Orpheus is confident that his music will provide a good life for him. He never once wavers in his faith that his song is what the world needs, and that the earth will give him what he needs in return. Orpheus is characterized as the original dreamer; a penniless poet with a gift he has to share.8 A parallel can be made between his drive and the realities of a capitalist society.

Money runs the world and without it, you are essentially powerless. Orpheus has nothing to his name aside from a song he claims will change the world. In this society, he means nothing because he has nothing. Following his dreams has cost him a living wage, alluding to the 21st century, where unorthodox methods of work are frowned upon for that very reason. Being a dreamer and the connoisseur of the arts is deemed unimportant because it does not always have a monetary reward. The arts, however, are exactly what the world needs, making Orpheus and his song priceless.

Contrastingly, Mitchell’s version of Eurydice is refreshingly strong-willed. She has grown up in extremely dire circumstances and has a cynical attitude towards life. The world has not been kind to her, and she has lost all hope for a better life. The poverty she has suffered has settled deep in her core and she has adopted a “hurt or be hurt” mentality.9 When Eurydice meets Orpheus she scoffs at his idealism, but soon realizes that for once, the fates have worked to help her. When questioning whether Orpheus is worth getting to know, she asks “…why would I become his wife” and Hermes replies “maybe because he’ll make you feel alive”.10 Eurydice is incredulous at this response and in turn says, “alive, that’s worth a lot” portraying how truly damaged this harsh world has left her.11 The love she and Orpheus have for each other is beautiful and strong, but it is not enough. Eurydice craves stability, but Orpheus and his music cannot give that to her. While he is writing his song to fix the world, 6 Levitt, Hayley. “In Hadestown, What Is Myth and What Is Musical?” TheaterMania, 11 May 2019 7 ibid 8 Oosterhuis,, Dave. “Orpheus, the Original Penniless Poet: Plutus/Pluto in Anaïs Mitchell’s Hadestown.”

Syllecta Classica, vol. 23, no. 1 9 Levitt, 2019 10 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. André De Shields, Eva Noblezada & Reeve Carney) – Come Home with Me.” Genius, 26 July 2019.

11 ibid

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she is unraveling and succumbing to the pressure of a capitalist society. No matter how much Eurydice calls for him, Orpheus cannot hear her over his music, so she decides to help herself.12 In a divergence from the myth, Eurydice voluntarily goes down to the Underworld with Hades. She chooses the money and stability he offers her over the love she has for Orpheus, as it is all she has ever wanted.13 Mitchell gives Eurydice autonomy; she is her own person, and chooses to put herself and her own needs above those of others. Whether it is on reproductive rights, marriage, education, the workforce, or countless other issues, women have to fight for their place and their right to be heard. Hadestown subverts expectations and gives a voice to the voiceless through Eurydice.

The most prominent gods in Hadestown are Hades and Persephone. Both embody their mythical roles, but Mitchell sculpts them into original characters. Hades’ Underworld exists, but in this world it is a foundry at the end of the railroad line; it is Hadestown.14 Here, riches and protection from the harsh world are promised at the low cost of labour. Hades is a ruthless warden who built his empire to manage the pain of losing his wife. In this musical, Persephone is also granted a voice, and though her autonomy is more limited, she still has it.

The story of Hades and Persephone is one of love lost. She was not coerced into loving the god of the Underworld, rather choosing to be with him. As time continued, they grew apart, casting them in a mundane light. In the present setting, Persephone resents Hades and everything that he stands for. She prefers to live her life to the fullest “up on top” and only goes to Hadestown when she absolutely must.15 In a way, the gods parallel Orpheus and Eurydice as both the men have hope for something, and both the women are cynical.

Orpheus and Hades both have hope that their love will be enough to fix the wrongs they have committed in their relationships while Eurydice and Persephone resent their situations entirely. Hades is the antithesis of Orpheus with riches and success of plenty but he is the unfulfilled one. Orpheus, though penniless, is happier with his life.16 Persephone also has a life where she never wants for anything materialistic, but that does not mean she is without problems. Mitchell uses these parallel situations to suggest that circumstances are not all that make a person. It follows that message of hope for the 21st century listener, that situations are what one makes of them.

A pivotal point of the musical is “Hey Little Songbird” with Hades and Eurydice interacting for the first time. At this point in the show, Hades is upset with Persephone, and Eurydice is frustrated. This song encompasses the theme of wealth and hope through its lyrics and imagery. Hades is referred to as a rattlesnake and Eurydice as a songbird. The two go back and forth in this hauntingly beautiful song about love and necessity. Hades seduces Eurydice with the promise of riches and stability. The comparison to a songbird is intentional; they are powerful and important, but often caged. Eurydice would be moving from the cage of poverty to the cage of Hades’ mine. This is further emphasized when Hades says, “And the choice is yours if you’re willing to choose/ Seeing as you’ve got nothing to 12 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Eva Noblezada & Patrick Page) – Hey Little Songbird.”

Genius, 7 June 2019 13 Levitt, 2019 14 ibid 15 ibid 16 Oosterhuis, 2013

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lose/ And I could use a canary”.17 The ability to choose exists, but having nothing, Eurydice has only things to gain by choosing Hades over Orpheus. In response to the offer, Eurydice reflects, “I wanna fly down and feed at his hand/ I want a nice, soft place to land/ I wanna lie down forever”.18 Eurydice herself makes the comparison to a bird seeking nourishment and comfort, she is tired of being tired and hungry. Hades also reinforces the capitalist agenda by remarking on Orpheus’ lack of professional success, “He’s some kind of poet and he’s penniless/…He’ll write you a poem when the power is out”.19 Orpheus cannot provide Eurydice and give her the life she deserves because he is an artist with his head in the clouds.20 Eurydice cuts her losses and chooses to go with Hades; the songbird chooses the rattlesnake in hopes of a better life.

The songs most meaningful to Hadestown are the epics. Just like in mythology, the epics are the stories worth telling, that survive through time and tell something of importance. The final musical consists of “Epic I” and “Epic II”, but “Epic III” was cut. All three of these songs sum up the theme and heart of the show.21 Epic I is in the first act of the musical, and it is Orpheus’ incomplete masterpiece. This is the song he has been working on to right all the wrong in the world. It is the love story of Hades and Persephone that was said to have made the world run smoothly. The love that they had between them was echoed by those on earth, and everything was in a beautiful harmony. It was when that song was interrupted that the world became as it is.22 In the second half of the musical, Orpheus sings Epic II, his completed song, to Hades. This song is sung not only to fix the world, but to bring Eurydice up from Hadestown. The song moves Hades so much that he agrees to give the lovers a fighting chance.23 Epic III was originally the version of the song that Hades would sing, of his love for Persephone.24 This is the melody that inspires Orpheus, it is the story that starts it all.

Mitchell may have removed it from the final version of the musical as it can be seen as repetitive. The song speaks of Hades and Persephone’s journey, increasing the parallels between Orpheus and the gods. The progression of these epics is the story of love being lost and re-won. Both epics kept in the show bring love back to the characters who hear them.

The hope that Orpheus has in his music, and the love that he has for Eurydice is essentially what brings the world back into tune.

To represent the spirit of uprising, Mitchell invokes the symbolism of the red carnation.

The flower itself represents love, longing, passion and bravery, but also has significant ties to 17 Genius. Hey Little Songbird 18 ibid 19 ibid 20 Oosterhuis, 2013 21 Lee, Ashley. “Anais Mitchell on the Very Public Evolution of 'Hadestown' in the Digital Age.” Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, 4 June 2019 22 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. André De Shields & Reeve Carney) – Epic I.” Genius, 26 July 2019 23 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Reeve Carney) – Epic II.” Genius, 26 July 2019 24 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Amber Gray, André De Shields, Patrick Page & Reeve Carney) – Epic III.” Genius, 26 July 2019

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rebellion. During the French Revolution, the rebels wore red carnations on their lapels while rioting. Later, the flower was used in the fight for gender equality in Germany in the early 1900s. The USSR also used the red carnation to symbolize their revolt against fascism and imperialism.25 The same is done in Hadestown, with the red carnation appearing during pivotal scenes of the musical. Orpheus carries his flower with him to the Underworld, and when Hades and Persephone finally reconcile, the flower appears.26 The uprising of the workers in Hadestown shows how the spirit of the people is resilient and will survive no matter the circumstances. Regardless of the outcome of the events where the flower was worn, it represents the eternal pursuit of the ideal. The rebels may not always rise to the top, but their passion for their ideals is what makes them, and the red carnation, so powerful. The flower is the symbol of the musical because it encapsulates that very idea of hope; no wall can keep it away.27 The interpretation of “Why We Build the Wall” is that America and Hadestown parallel each other.28 Perhaps the only thing that can save the modern world, is the people itself and the hope that they have.

Hadestown is a musical whose message will live on, creating a modern tale for the ages through its reiteration of myth, the lyrical composition of the music and the political implications of the show. Orpheus is a true hero for the modern age, returning spring to the people even though his ending is not what he desires.29 In the final notes of the musical Persephone and Eurydice raise their cups not only to Orpheus, but to all the dreamers.30 The idea of hope is what keeps the human spirit alive and this multicultural cast of characters invites everyone to share in this vision.31 The world can be dark and dreary, but with hope and love, it does not have to remain that way. The next time the songs are sung, the result might be different; the next time the musical is performed, the world might be different. Through Hadestown, Mitchell gives viewers and listeners a chance to see the world the way Orpheus does.

Bibliography Catenaccio, Claire. “‘Why We Build the Wall’: Theatrical Space in Hadestown.” Didaskalia, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2019, www.didaskalia.net/issues/15/13/.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Amber Gray, André De Shields, Patrick Page & Reeve Carney) – Epic III.” Genius, 26 July 2019, genius.com/Hadestownoriginal- broadway-cast-epic-iii-lyrics.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Amber Gray & Eva Noblezada) – We Raise Our Cups.” Genius, 1 Jan. 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadwaycast-we-raise-our-cups-lyrics.

25 Simón, Paty. “The Red Carnation: The Symbol of Hadestown: Bway Idiot.” Bway Idiot Blog, 9 Feb. 2020 26 ibid 27 Catenaccio, Claire. “‘Why We Build the Wall’: Theatrical Space in Hadestown.” Didaskalia, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2019 28 ibid 29 Oosterhuis, 2013 30 Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Amber Gray & Eva Noblezada) – We Raise Our Cups.”

Genius, 1 Jan. 2019 31 Grady, 2019

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Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. André De Shields, Eva Noblezada, Jewelle Blackman, Kay Trinidad & Yvette Gonzalez-Nacer) – Any Way the Wind Blows.” Genius, 26 July 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadway-cast-anyway-the-wind-blows-lyrics.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. André De Shields, Eva Noblezada & Reeve Carney) – Come Home with Me.” Genius, 26 July 2019, genius.com/ Hadestown-original-broadway-cast-come-home-with-me-lyrics Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. André De Shields & Reeve Carney) – Epic I.” Genius, 26 July 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadway-cast-epic-ilyrics.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Eva Noblezada & Patrick Page) – Hey Little Songbird.” Genius, 7 June 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadwaycast-hey-little-songbird-lyrics.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Patrick Page) – Why We Build The Wall.” Genius, 7 June 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadway-cast-whywe-build-the-wall-lyrics.

Genius. “Hadestown Original Broadway Cast (Ft. Reeve Carney) – Epic II.” Genius, 26 July 2019, genius.com/Hadestown-original-broadway-cast-epic-ii-lyrics.

Grady, Constance. “The New Broadway Musical Hadestown Has All the Makings of a Cult Hit.” Vox, Vox, 22 Apr. 2019, www.vox.com/culture/2019/4/22/18508067/ hadestown-review-broadway-anais-mitchell-rachel-chavkin.

Harding, Kendra. “A Soul to the Universe.” UNCSA, 2020, www.uncsa.edu/community/ community-engagement/artistcorps/artist-corps-stories/20160118-music-soul.aspx.

Lee, Ashley. “Anais Mitchell on the Very Public Evolution of 'Hadestown' in the Digital Age.” Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, 4 June 2019, www.latimes.com/ entertainment/arts/la-et-cm-hadestown-anais-mitchell-history-20190604-story.html.

Levitt, Hayley. “In Hadestown, What Is Myth and What Is Musical?” TheaterMania, 11 May 2019, www.theatermania.com/broadway/news/in-hadestown-what-is-mythand-what-is-musical_88694.html.

Noveck, Jocelyn. “No, That 'Hadestown' Song Isn't Really about Donald Trump.” The Seattle Times, The Seattle Times Company, 4 June 2019, www.seattletimes.com/ entertainment/no- that-hadestown-song-isnt-really-about-donald-trump/.

Oosterhuis, Dave. “Orpheus, the Original Penniless Poet: Plutus/Pluto in Anaïs Mitchell’s Hadestown.” Syllecta Classica, vol. 23, no. 1, 2013, pp. 103–126., doi:10.1353/ syl.2013.0006.

Simón, Paty. “The Red Carnation: The Symbol of Hadestown: Bway Idiot.” Bway Idiot Blog, 9 Feb. 2020, www.bwayidiot.com/post/the-red-carnation-the-symbol-ofhadestown.

Sullivan, Robert. “Hadestown, Anaïs Mitchell's Musical Where Work Is Hell, Makes It to the Big Time.” Vogue, Vogue, 19 Apr. 2019, www.vogue.com/article/hadestownanais-mitchell-broadway-review-interview.

Wernick, Adam. “In 'Hadestown,' Greek Mythology and Climate Change Come to Broadway.” Public Radio International, 30 July 2019, www.pri.org/stories/2019-0730/hadestown-greek-mythology-and-climate-change-come-broadway.

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The Best of the Achaeans By: Sophia Belyk (she/her) MIT & SASAH 4th Year

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Change in Athens By: Jade Sears (she/her) HSP History & Minor in Classics 4th Year Roman conquest of Greece started in 211 BCE during the First Macedonian War, and Roman imperial control began after the battle at Actium in 31 BCE under Augustus.1 Imperial control was a marked difference from Greece prior to a Roman presence, in that it did not involve itself significantly in Greek internal affairs. However, beginning with Augustus, the Roman imperial government became very involved in Athenian residents' daily lives, changing and transforming Athenian topography and customs. There are many ways in which Athens experienced transformation and change due to the Roman conquest, but this essay will focus on the continuity and change of Athenian politics, public spaces, and religion between 31 BCE to the mid-2nd century. It will begin by analyzing the "independence" Athens retained after imperial control was established and the change in political activity. Next, it will look at how public spaces in Athens were both archaized and Romanized. Starting with an analysis of how the space of the Athenian Agora was transformed, and its function transferred to that of a Roman Agora, and the effects of commerce that took place in this space. Finally, this essay will show how religion in Athens became more oligarchical, dominated by Athenian elites, and had new gods introduced, but retained many of their old practices and gods despite introducing the imperial cult and changes to religious festivals.

During the early imperial period, Athenian politics emphasized independence and a united community, when the city depended on the Athenian elite and Roman imperial patronage. Augustus slowly reduced Athens' political power by acclimating them to an orderly constitutional government, establishing the principate in 21 BCE, then declaring himself Pontifex Maximus in 12 BCE. He became the intermediary between gods and men, and the ideal benefactor of Athens, a role that was later passed on to Claudius and Trajan.2 Augustus also sharply curtailed political assemblies' power, removing the Altar of Zeus Agoraios from the Pnyx, where political assemblies met, to the Athenian Agora. Shear discusses this removal's importance as it is the preoccupation of Zeus to preside over political assemblies.3 Additionally, Shear mentions that the annual lists of the boule executives ceased to be published at the same time as the removal.4 The removal of Zeus from his seat of authority to 1 Hoff, Michael. "Greece and the Roman Republic: Athens and Corinth from the Late Third Century to The Augustan Era." in Companion to the Archaeology of the Roman Republic edited by J.D. Evans, 559-577. WileyBlackwell, 2013, 571.

2 James H. Oliver, "Roman Emperors and Athens," Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 30, no. 4 (1981): 414, 419.

3 T. Leslie Shear, "Athens: From City-State to Provincial Town," Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 50, no. 4 (1981): 365.

4 ibid

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the agora clearly shows the lack of autonomy Athens possessed, as it would have been a powerful symbolic move to the superstitious Athenians. Historically, the agora had political significance, but Augustus had attempted to discourage the use of the site as an assembly point. He did this with the construction of several monuments and altars, such as the Odeion of Agrippa in 15 BCE, and later the temples of Ares and Aphrodite.5 By filling in the traditionally open space with buildings that announced Rome's presence, the Athenian people were less likely to gather in large groups for political purposes. However, Athens did continue to use political titles such as "hoplite general" and "archon," suggesting at least some political activity still took place if only ceremonial.6 Athens retained its independence as a "free city" after Augustus consolidated power in the early 1st century BCE.7 Due to that status, Athens was allowed to mint their own coins and determine the denominations they used and the designs on them. The continuation of traditional coinage practices is evident in the 2nd century CE, as is the revival of such coinage under Hadrian. Even when weight standards fell, Athens continued to use traditional coinage, which ultimately lasted 800 years.8 When they decided to honour Roman emperors, it was not with an image of their heads but something that symbolized them in Greek religion, as the representation of Augustus' victory at Actium as an owl on a warship.9 Although this seems like a good indication of Athenian independence from Roman control, significant transactions and payments were made in Roman denarii and aurei, with Athenian coins being used in large quantities to supplement silver coinage.10 Athenian coinage demonstrates that the demos was very concerned with maintaining the image of independence from Rome, even though it did not exist in practice. Furthermore, after Augustus was insulted by the Athenian demos in 22 BCE, due to a story that circulated of Athena's statue turning to face Rome and spitting blood, he punished them by taking away their sovereignty over Aegina and Eretria and removing their ability to sell Athenian citizenship.11 Roman emperors seemed to allow Athens the appearance of independence until they overstepped the boundaries laid out for them, at which point Rome reminded them who was in charge.

During the early imperial period, Athenian politics became more oligarchical as the new landholding system under Roman rule favoured large wealthy estates.12 Previously, the Athenian demos would provide public works in the city, but as time went on, it became less common and what was contributed often used scavenged material from old projects.13 With 5 Vasilis Evangelidis, “Agoras and Fora: Developments in the Central Public Space of the Cities of Greece During the Roman Period,” The Annual of the British School at Athens 109 (January 1, 2014): 338.

6 Susan Walker, "Athens under Augustus," in The Romanization of Athens, ed. by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 73.

7 John H. Kroll, “Coinage as an Index of Romanization” in The Romanization of Athens, ed. M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 145.

8 Kroll, “Coinage,” 144-146.

9 Ibid., 144.

10 Ibid., 146.

11 Michael Hoff, "The Early History of the Roman Agora at Athens," Bulletin Supplement: University of London. Institute of Classical Studies, no. 55 (1989): 4.

12 Susan E. Alcock, Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993): 215.

13 Shear, “From City-state,” 368.

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the decline of political-administrative power and the economic downturn Athens suffered since the sack of Sulla, the Athenian public relied on wealthy individuals and imperial patronage to provide funds for renovation and construction projects as well as provide provisions in case of food shortages.14 One such wealthy benefactor was Herodes Atticus, who ordered the creation of a ship-car for the Panathenaic Games of 143 CE, built a bridge over the Ilissos River, and rebuilt an old stadium in white marble under Ardettos Hill. His contributions took place when Athens was almost completely healed from its economic depression.15 Elites were also required to petition for imperial patronage. Eukles, an ancestor of Herodes Atticus, managed to acquire funds from Augustus to finish the Roman Agora. These elites were often priests of the imperial cult and possessed the political titles of "archon" and "hoplite general," as Eukles did.16 The need to position themselves between the Roman government and their local population took many forms in their public works and monuments.

A classic example is the tomb of Philopappos, who was a descendent of Hellenistic rulers, a Roman Consul, and an Athenian citizen.Just the construction of this tomb shows Rome's influence on Athenian politics as Hellenistic leaders prohibited the use of expensive grave reliefs, while Rome encouraged displays of wealth and social mobility.17 Roman rule transformed Athenian politics along more oligarchical lines and created an elite with multiple identities.

Public spaces in Athens were both archaized and Romanized during the early imperial period. Roman emperors capitalized on Athens through this process; they refurbished classical Athenian buildings in disrepair, moved archaic temples into Athens, and completed unfinished works. Augustus's most well-known renovation was the Erechtheion, which was damaged by Sulla in the early 1st century BCE, but repairs were done on the Temple of Athena Polias as well.18 These repairs display Rome's desire to return Athens to its previous glory, to claim themselves as its inheritorsofthatmemory,anddemonstratetotheAthenians that their future significance would be cultural, not political or military.19 Another way Roman patrons archaized Athens was through moving partial or whole fifth-century BCE temples from Acharnai, Sounion, and Thorikos into Athens. The Temple of Ares from Acharnai was one such temple, and it utilized parts from the Temple of Poseidon Sounion upon its arrival in the Athenian Agora. Additionally, the Southeast Temple in the Athenian Agora, although more Roman in its design, used eight ionic columns from the Temple of Athena Sounion, and the Southwest Temple used columns from an unidentified structure from Thorikos.20 Moving classical structures only occurred in Athens, and the reuse of building material is a well known Athenian practice, but moving the 14 Julia Louise Shear, "Polis and Panathenaia: The History and Development of Athena's Festival" (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2001), 925; John L. Bintliff, The Complete Archaeology of Greece: from HunterGatherers to the 20th Century AD (West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012): 340; Alcock, Graecia Capta, 113 15 Shear, “Polis,” 925.

16 Walker, “Athens,” 73.

17 Bintliff, The Complete Archaeology, 348.

18 Shear, “Polis,” 905.

19 Ibid., 906-907.

20 Shear, “From City-State,” 364; Walker, “Athens,” 72

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property of a deity from its sacred space was not done in the Greek tradition.21 Here, one can see the use of Greek tradition for Roman purposes, a departure from tradition to display Rome's power and the imagery of past glory.

Lastly, Hadrian used archaization in his completion of the Olympieion in 131/2 CE, a project which started construction in the 6th century BCE. In this promotion of himself in Athens, many altars were dedicated to him and Hadrian received the epithet of "Olympian" due to the project’s completion. Archaization was also brought into Rome, such as in artistic styles. Augustus favoured the classic idealized art form in his public images, while later emperors used the more intellectual Hellenistic form.22 Athenians, for their part, were happy to accept this trend. They wanted Rome to be continuously reminded of past Athenian glories because it meant they would continue to receive patronage, visitors, and prestige that was distinguishable from other majorhistoricalGreek cities.23 Atheniansalsoarchaizedthemselves; inthe1stcenturyCE,astatue of Athena was created when interest in Pericles' Panathenaic festival was renewed. The head of the Athena statue remains, and it is thought that the statue was commissioned by a wealthy individual who sought to increase the prestige of Athens and themself.24 During the 1st century BCE, only a few buildings used Roman design, namely the Odeion of Agrippa, the Roman Agora, and the Temple of Aphrodite. Furthermore, Roman influence can be detected in the monumental approach to the Hephaisteion and the aforementioned buildings' axial design.25 The Odeion and the Temple of Ares were linked together by the principle of axial design, sitting almost precisely at right angles to each other, establishing a focal point where an Altar of Ares sat in the Athenian Agora.26 This situation links the classically styled temple with the Roman Odeion, taking over the Greek space and buildings with Roman designs. In the 1st century CE, the Athenian Agora received monumentalized entrances and gates and colonnaded streets. The Panathenaic Way was framed by two stoas near the agora in the Eastern imperial fashion, while Claudius monumentalized the entrance of the Acropolis with a broad marble stairway circa 42, and Trajan gave Athens its first colonnaded street in 100.27 A great deal of Romanization of public space took place under Hadrian, who constructed large aqueducts that allowed for Roman baths and amenities; twenty-four baths are installed in Athens.28 Some of these amenities were constructed in Athenian buildings, with the interior renovated along more Roman lines, like with the baths, while latrines and monumental fountains were created from scratch.29 Finally, Romanization took place through Hadrian's complex in the Athenian Agora, including a library, basilica, and Pantheon. The 21 Makayla Benavides, "The Romanization of Attic Ritual Space in the Age of Augustus," (PhD diss., The University of Arizona, 2019), 51.

22 Mary Boatwright, “Further Thought on Hadrianic Athens,” Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 52, no.2 (1983): 176; Bintliff, The Complete Archaeology, 347.

23 Alcock, Graecia Capta, 195.

24 Aileen Ajootian, "A Roman Athena from the Pnyx and the Agora in Athens," Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 78, no. 4 (2009): 497.

25 Shear, “From City-State,” 368.

26 Ibid., 362.

27 Evangelidis, “Agoras and Fora,” 343-344, Shear, “From City-State,” 367, 369 28 Alcock, Graecia Capta, 125.

29 Evangelidis, “Agoras and Fora,” 346-347.

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Pantheon remains are unknown and are thought to be East of the Roman Agora, but the library and basilica were very Roman in design.30 By the end of the 2nd century, Athens possessed all the luxuries of Roman life.

The Athenian Agora was transformed in many ways during the early imperial period; it lost its political importance, open space and was dominated by Roman designs, but additionally, it lost much of its commercial purpose. The Athenian Agora's commercial activity was transferred to the newly completed Roman Agora, demolishing shops and houses along the street leading from the old to the new.31 The Roman Agora was started by Caesar and finished by Augustus in 11/10 BCE.32 The Athenian Agora retained some commercial activity, acting as a centre for small workshops like bankers, manufacturers, metalworkers, and sculptors.33 The change in makeup of the marketplace can also be connected to the differing needs from consumers, going from retail to a wholesale market dealing with large-scale transactions. This change is supported by Hadrian's inscription that regulated the sale of olive oil, requiring large quantities of olive oil to be made available for purchase by the state.34 With the rise of commercial activity in Athens, the elite could control surplus production, although the taxation that Romans enforced on these Athenian elites brought greater interaction with the imperial market.35 This allowed all classes access to trade goods.36 The effects of greater access to imperial markets can be seen through the influx of red-gloss tableware, including cups and plates between 100 BCE and 100 CE.37 Pottery and lamps took longer to be Romanized, with pottery imitating Roman forms in the late 1st century CE and lamps soon after also started mixing Athenian and Roman forms.38 Through the shift in function and space for the Athenian Agora, along with the change in the market, Rome had a significant effect on incorporating Athens into its empire.

Finally, religion in Athens became more oligarchical and had new gods introduced due to Roman conquest yet retained a significant amount of their old practices as they did in politics. Elites in Athens had been exerting direct control over religious affairs since Hellenistic times, and under Roman rule it became more acute.39 As the demos started to lose power, public life and religious authority ceased to be a public affair. An example of this is the disappearance of public inventories, lists that announced the number of offerings going to each Athenian sanctuary.40 The loss of inventory lists meant the public could not ensure their priests' honesty, who were often elites.41 Priesthoods became an avenue for social prestige.42 Augustus turned democratic offices that used to be annual into lifelong titles and created a 30 Shear, “From City-state,” 373, 375-376 31 ibid 358-359.

32 Michael Hoff and Fred S. Kleiner, “The Roman Agora at Athens” (ProQuest Diss. Publishing, 1988), 280.

33 Evangelidis, “Agoras and Fora,” 343.

34 Hoff, “The Early History,” 7.

35 Bintliff, The Complete Archaeology, 319, 330 (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 111.

36 Ibid 37 Ibid, 333.

38 Susan I. Rotroff, “From Greek to Roman in Athenian Ceramics,” in The Romanization of Athens, eds. by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 111.

39 Elena Muñiz Grijalvo, "Elites and Religious Change in Roman Athens," Numen 52, no. 2 (2005): 259.

40 Grijalvo, "Elites,” 265-266.

41 Ibid., 267.

42 Ibid., 275.

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new honorific "high priest".43 Festivals and building projects were rarely funded by the demos but were now funded by foreign benefactors, the Roman imperial family, or occasionally a wealthy citizen.44 Moreover, the Roman conquest brought new cults and gods, namely Asklepios, Isis, Serapis, and Zeus Hypsistos.45 These new cults began a societal turn towards the individual instead of the traditional demos mentality, promising personal health, security and a good life after death.46 Some traditional Athenian cults disappeared while others remained strong, such as the Eleusinian Mysteries and Panathenaic Festival, which remained prominent in the early imperial period.47 The Panathenaic Festival also underwent multiple changes. Some of these changes were the end of tribal events and contests during Hadrian's time, an added competition for encomia in the musical games, triumphal chariot rides home for victors, and the introduction of ship-cars.48 Although there were transformations to Athenian religion, there were few radical changes.

Regarding the Imperial Cult in Athens, Rome seemed to allow for a continuity of Athenian customs through their combination with the imperial worship agenda. Beginning in the 3rd century BCE, Athens bestowed cult honours on benefactors for their lifetime.49 Therefore, the move to imperial cults was to worship these benefactors after their death through deification and only the members of the Imperial Family were deified.50 This was done by associating members of the imperial family with Greek gods. Augustus had several priests for himself, and in conjunction with the deity "Roma", his wife Livia was worshipped as Artemis Boulaia, his adopted son Gaius as Ares, Julia Domna as Athena Polias, and Claudius as Apollo Patroos.51 Hadrian is compared to the Greek mythological founder Theseus, being labelled on the Arch of Hadrian as the "new founder" of Athens.52 Several places in Athens have been cited as imperial sites, such as at the Temple of Roma and Augustus on the Acropolis, built around 19 BCE by Athens, Theoi Sebastoi in the Agoranomion of the Roman Agora, twin temples in the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios for Tiberius and Livia, and the Temple of Ares in the Athenian Agora.53 The Temple of Ares is a contested spot, but Benavides argues that it was built at the same time as its Roman counterpart Mars Ultor in Rome, 2 BCE. The Temple of Aphrodite's construction around the same time reinforces this argument, as the connection between Ares and Aphrodite as lovers is evident in Greek and Roman mythology.54 Both Augustus and Caesar claimed descendancy 43 Grijalvo, "Elites,” 270-271; Antony Spawforth, “The Early Reception of the Imperial Cult in Athens,” In The Romanization of Athens, ed. M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 185-186.

Benavides, "The Romanization,” 26.

44 Ibid., 270.

45 Ibid., 276, 278.

46 Bintliff, The Complete Archaeology, 343.

47 Benavides, "The Romanization,” 26.

48 Shear, “Polis,” 927, 958 49 Ibid. 958 50 Ibid., 30.

51 Alcock, Graecia Capta, 195, 182; Kevin Clinton, “Eleusis and the Romans,” in The Romanization of Athens, ed.

M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff (Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997), 166, 167; Shear, “From City-State,” 364.

52 Alison Adams, "The Arch of Hadrian At Athens," Bulletin Supplement: University of London. Institute of Classical Studies, no. 55 (1989): 11.

53 Clinton, “Eleusis,” 168; Shear, “Polis,” 904-905; Walker, “Athens,” 74 54 Clinton, “Eleusis,” 62.

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from Aphrodite and Aeneas, and statues of Aphrodite were placed inside the temple.55 Although the introduction of the Imperial Cult was an important change in Athenian religion, it was more of a continuation.

Although Athens underwent many changes and transformations due to the Roman conquest, it should not be viewed as merely "Romanized." Every aspect of Athenian society retained a semblance of its old traditions, negotiating with the imperial power for middle ground in everyday life. This essay has shown the continuity and change in Athenian politics, public spaces, and religion between 31 BCE to the mid-2nd century CE, analyzing the "independence" Athens retained after imperial control was established and the change in political activity. It then looked at how public spaces in Athens were both archaized and Romanized and how their function transferred to the Roman Agora and the effects of commerce in this space. Finally, this essay showed how religion in Athens became more oligarchical and introduced new gods yet retained much of their old practices and gods despite introducing the imperial cult and changes to religious festivals.

Bibliography Adams, Alison. "The Arch of Hadrian At Athens." Bulletin Supplement: University of London. Institute of Classical Studies, no. 55 (1989): 10-16.

Ajootian, Aileen. "A Roman Athena from the Pnyx and the Agora in Athens." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 78, no. 4 (2009): 481-99.

Alcock, Susan E., “Graecia Capta: The Landscapes of Roman Greece”. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Benavides, Makayla. "The Romanization of Attic Ritual Space in the Age of Augustus." PhD diss., The University of Arizona, 2019.

Bintliff, John L. “The Complete Archaeology of Greece: from Hunter-Gatherers to the 20th Century AD”. West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012.

Boatwright, Mary. "Further Thought on Hadrianic Athens." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 52, no.2 (1983): 173-176 Clinton, Kevin. "Eleusis and the Romans." in The Romanization of Athens, edited by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff, 161-181. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997 Evangelidis, Vasilis. "Agoras and Fora: Developments in the Central Public Space of the Cities of Greece During the Roman Period." The Annual of the British School at Athens 109 (January 1, 2014): 335–356.

Grijalvo, Elena Muñiz. "Elites and Religious Change in Roman Athens." Numen 52, no. 2 (2005): 255-82.

Hoff, Michael. "Greece and the Roman Republic: Athens and Corinth from the Late Third Century to The Augustan Era." in Companion to the Archaeology of the Roman Republic edited by J.D. Evans, 559-577. Wiley-Blackwell, 2013.

55 Benavides, "The Romanization,” 59.

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Hoff, Michael, and Fred S Kleiner. "The Roman Agora at Athens". ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 1988.

Hoff, Michael. "The Early History of the Roman Agora at Athens." Bulletin Supplement: University of London. Institute of Classical Studies, no. 55 (1989): 1-8.

Kroll, John H. "Coinage as an Index of Romanization." in The Romanization of Athens, edited

by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff, 135-150. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997.

Oliver, James H. "Roman Emperors and Athens." Historia: Zeitschrift Für Alte Geschichte 30, no. 4 (1981): 412-23.

Rotroff, Susan I. "From Greek to Roman in Athenian Ceramics." in The Romanization of Athens, edited by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff, 97-116. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997.

Shear, Julia Louise. "Polis and Panathenaia: The History and Development of Athena's Festival." PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2001.

Shear, T. Leslie. "Athens: From City-State to Provincial Town." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 50, no. 4 (1981): 356-77.

Spawforth, Antony. "The Early Reception of the Imperial Cult in Athens." In The Romanization of Athens, edited by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff, 183-201. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997.

Walker, Susan. "Athens under Augustus." in The Romanization of Athens, edited by M.C. Hoff and S. Rotroff, 67-80. Oxford, England: Oxbow Books, 1997.

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The Social Function of Korai By: Sophia Belyk (she/her) MIT & SASAH Minor 4th Year In an examination of the social values and practices of Archaic Athens, one need not look for a stronger starting point than ancient art. Artistic representations of everyday scenes from aristocratic Athenian life, both in vase painting and sculpture, reflect the virtues that ancient Athenians hoped they could emulate themselves. These qualities are arguably best depicted in sculptures, the medium that allows the artist to explore their vision in three dimensions without the constraints of a vase shape. There are two types of free-standing Greek sculpture particularly prevalent throughout Athens in the archaic period: the nude male kouros and the clothed female kore. The kouros, most often used in funerary contexts, embodies the ideal male form, and its social function is generally agreed upon by scholars (Holloway 270).

The kore, in contrast, is more enigmatic in its function. There is general scholarly disagreement as to what korai mean, and indeed as to who they are meant to represent. In this essay I will argue that dedicatory korai on the Athenian Acropolis represent the ideal Athenian aristocratic woman in the eyes of an Athenian man, and that this idealized representation subsequently renders them pleasing gifts for the gods.

Out of the many documented votive offerings found on the Athenian Acropolis, the standing female sculpture, or the kore, accounts for more than half (Holloway 267). Athenian korai dedicated upon the Acropolis have consistent identifying iconography. They are all clothed, arranged in a front-facing position, sculpted with decorative hair (often held up with a diadem and additional bronze hair ornaments), and often posed with one or both forearms extended (Keesling 122-124). If only one forearm is extended, the other is loose by its side or tightly clutching the clothing to better accentuate the form of the legs (Stieber 80). In their outstretched hands they often hold either birds or pomegranates. Unfortunately, given how the offerings were sculpted separately and attached late in the creation process, many have been lost or damaged beyond recognition (Keesling 107-108).

Before assessing what it is that these korai are meant to represent, it is first necessary to determine who they represent. There are a multitude of theories as to who the draped female figures are supposed to emulate. They could be, of course, representations of the specific Athenian dedicating them to Athena (Keesling, Richter). Other scholars argue that they may be representations of the dedicatory deity, or in the case of korai on the Acropolis, depictions of Athena herself (Keesling, Steidl). Others still argue that these are mortal women in the position of high priestesses of Athena (Keesling, Richter, Steidl). The most popular theory, however, is that korai are not in fact meant to represent any particular woman, but rather the typical Athenian female worshipper.

The theory of korai as generic yet idealized female worshippers draws its strongest

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evidence from refuting competing theories. To begin, the argument of korai being representative of the dedicator is problematic, particularly when considering that many men dedicated korai on the Acropolis (Richter 3). It is only in exceptional circumstances that the inscriptions of dedicatory korai contain any information on the identity of the sculpted figure.

Instead, they contain information on who dedicated the sculpture, and occasionally who the sculptor was. This creates what Keesling refers to as a “disjunctive representation”, in which the statue’s inscription is speaking in the first person in an attempt to describe its dedicator rather than itself, making it unlikely that the sculptures were meant to represent specific individuals (16). In addition, korai are not sculpted in the pursuit of realism, but rather in an idealized fashion (Stieber 80). Consider, for example, the angular faces of early Daedalic Korai, or the incredible height and musculature of Antenor’s Kore, who is almost seven feet tall (Karakasi 125-127). Korai are representative of a dichotomy of presenting the female body as consistently young and beautiful while being layered with clothes to protect her from the public gaze. The consistency of this imagery throughout the Acropolis korai casts doubt on any claim of the sculptures representing a unique dedicator or Athenian woman.

The argument of korai depicting deities or lesser immortal figures, despite their lack of identifying inscriptions, stems largely from the fact that we, through a contemporary lens, are incapable of viewing korai in the appropriate social or physical context (Keesling 102).

Keesling argues that the lack of description is appropriate because Athenians were capable of recognizing a deity without an inscription solely from the context of the sculpture and the social practice of the time. Indeed, what would be a more appropriate offering to Athena than an image of herself? (Keesling 102-104). Yet the sculptures are lacking in any defining characteristics that would hint at the representation of a specific deity, most of whom are much less generic than the korai (Steidl 42). In addition, korai are fairly consistent in appearance even when being dedicated to different deities (Keesling 107-108). In this way, given their lack of distinctly divine qualities and their generally modest appearance, this seems to indicate the position of korai as mortal women rather than goddesses.

The final major argument, that of korai being representations for high priestesses and arrephoroi, young girls who played integral parts in preparations for the Panathenaic festival, similarly struggles to gather convincing proof (Steidl 38). Many korai are sculpted in sacred clothing, which indicates their place within a religious Athenian context, as well as marking them as members of the aristocratic class (Steidl 74). It seems apparent, however, that korai, being representative of the ideal marriageable age of an Athenian girl, have either already reached puberty or, in the case of those with tightly pulled cloth showing off accentuated figures, have progressed past it. Arrephoroi on the other hand are pre-pubescent young women, making korai too old to be in their image (Keesling 101). High priestesses, in contrast, would be older than the maiden korai, making them similarly unlikely figures of reference (Richter 3).

Thus, given the frustrating lack of concrete evidence to the contrary, many scholars settle for the theory that korai are depictions of generic Athenian women. The sculptures are well-dressed, a class marker of aristocratic status, and their hair is well-decorated, often held in place with a diadem and (frequently missing) bronze ornaments (Steidl 12). Yet their attire and their dedicatory offerings held in outstretched hands are not remarkable enough to indicate them as distinct from ordinary individuals (Steidl 42). This, along with the lack of identifying inscriptions, indicates at the very least an attempted anonymity, and further an intended generic identity (Keesling 109). Women in ancient Athens typically led a life

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secluded from the public eye, and it would seem backwards to sculpt one realistically for public view, even in a sacred context (Seltman 119). Thus, given the lack of evidence pointing to some theories and the unrealistic far-reaching of others, I argue that the korai on the Acropolis depict an idealization of the female form and female virtues, not specific individuals.

One can observe in creative decisions informing the appearance of korai how the artist was not attempting to create a realistic appearance of a woman, but rather an idealized depiction of what Athenians, particularly the men both sculpting and dedicating the statue, thought women should be. As the kouros represents the ideal of aristocratic athleticism in young men, so too the kore represents an aristocratic ideal, but of the female form and role (Holloway 270). Through an examination of how korai are presented, one can gather a better understanding of how men thought women should present themselves and what virtues they should embody. Korai, the word itself translating to ‘maiden’ depict women in the prime of their youth, after pubescence but before full womanhood (Richeter 2,Steidl 40). This is the prime age for an Athenian woman, similar to how the kouros represents the peak of athletic youth. This is the age at which a woman is newly marriageable, when she has reached puberty and is therefore fertile, while still being unmarried and therefore preserved in her chastity.

This marriageable age is important, as the primary function of an Athenian woman, being herself not a public figure, was to birth and raise valuable new members for the state (Steidl 8485). Thus, to sculpt a chaste young woman is to present her at the fullest of her potential, ready to provide new citizens to serve the city state in its future. In addition, korai are always fully clothed. Chastity was one of the most important values for a young woman to have, alongside modesty and the desire to remain removed from public view (Seltman 119). Yet korai are also depicted as beautiful in form, presenting a perplexing sexualization of the deliberately hidden female body. The clothes are meant to imply modesty, yet the later archaic korai pull their skirts tight around their legs to show off their form (Steidl 89). This implies that beauty or desirability is integral to ideal female presentation alongside chastity, even if the beauty cannot be overtly appreciated.

Korai are depicted in elaborate and sacred clothing, as described above. Some korai, such as the Peplos Kore, are in fact depicted in specifically sacred festival clothing (Siapkas 66). This attire indicates that this idealized representation of a woman holds a prominent position in sacred rituals, demonstrating that her devotion is not only active, but eternal.

Similarly, korai are most frequently depicted with an outstretched arm or with a hand over their chest in the Greek worshipping gesture. Piety was, of course, an important ideal for any Athenian, but especially for those leaving dedicatory offerings at the Acropolis. Korai, with their eternally outstretched arms holding offerings, represent something that a real woman could never hope to achieve, unwavering and eternal devotion (Keesling 108). Additionally, Korai are always sculpted with their legs together, in very static positions. This is in comparison to the more active kouroi, who are in contrast sculpted with one leg in front of the other, implying movement and power (Holloway 270-271). This puts the women in a more passive physical position than their male counterparts and aligns well with the overall thematic state of korai being submissive. In this way korai become an unrealistic representation of what the ideal woman should be, not unlike the impossible eternal youth presented by the nude male kouros. As gifts for the gods, women are reduced to infinite servitude to a deity, much like the servitude to the state and to the husband that was expected

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from real Athenian women.

Understanding that the korai dedicated on the Acropolis are representations of the idealized Athenian aristocratic woman upholding immortal religious dedication and chastity, one now has to wonder why this is what so many Athenians decided to dedicate to their deities. Keesling argues that so many korai are dedicated upon the Acropolis, even by men, because dedicatory figures needed to be the same gender as the deity to which they are given (109). Thus, dedicating to Athena upon the Acropolis would require a female figure, explaining why korai vastly outnumber kouroi. In addition to the practice of matching the sculpture’s gender to that of the dedicatory deity, cultural practices involving women also indicated that they were generally viewed as pleasing gifts for the gods. As mentioned previously, women hold prominent positions in religious festivals, particularly Athena’s Panathenaic festival. They are dressed up, and dance and sing in honour of deities. They are meant to be devoted, and their purity is more valuable than that of their male counterparts.

Real women are presented as temporary offerings during festivals while being sculpted as eternal gifts through korai (Keesling 108).

The lack of evidence surrounding who and what korai are meant to represent is frustrating, particularly given the abundance of sculptures recovered on the Athenian Acropolis. Upon investigation, however, the logic supporting korai as representations of generic yet idealized Athenian women seems sounder than the arguments stretching for what are perhaps more dynamic identities. Women themselves, given their existing roles in religious festivals, are already pleasing gifts for deities, and are therefore appropriate for votive sculptures. In this way, we can see how these sculptures are not only valuable as pieces of art, but also as social and historical artifacts that supply a greater wealth of knowledge and insight if examined thoroughly.

Bibliography Holloway, Ross. R. 1992. “Why Korai?”. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 11: 267-274. https:// onlinelibrary-wiley-com.proxy1.lib.uwo.ca/doi/epdf/10.1111/j.1468-0092.1992.tb00271.x.

Karakasi, Katerina. 2003. Archaic Korai. Los Angeles, CA: Getty Publications.

Keesling, Catherine M. 2003. The votive statues of the Athenian Acropolis. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

Richter, Gisela M. A. 1968. Korai: Archaic Greek Maidens. New York, NY: Phaidon Publishers Inc. Seltman, Charles. 1955. “The Status of Women in Athens.” Greece & Rome 2: 119-124.

Siapkas, Johannes and Sjogren, Lena. 2014. Displaying the Ideals of Antiquity: The Petrified Gaze.

New York, NY: Routledge.

Steidl, Catherine A. G. 2011. Interpreting Votives, Interpreting Women: The Acropolis Korai and the Social Implications of Their Dedication. http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/ download?doi=10.1.1.645.6989&rep=rep1&type=pdf Stieber, Mary. 2004. The Poetics of Appearance in the Attic Korai. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

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A New Life for Persephone By: Emily Rusin (she/her) English 2nd Year She controls me, Demands too much of me They all do I am more than nothing I am a strong woman I will not be controlled, Demanded of, Talked down to by anyone Not even my mother I bloom like a new spring day Flourish and become my own Enable and surround myself Follow the pedals of my choices Choose my own fate Not the fate Zeus and mother wish for me I turn and meet a curious eye A flash A feeling I bloom again He sees me All of me The true me Picking flowers among the tall full fields I wish to choose my own future A new future A future with him Forbidden but desired He reaches I am helpless to follow He tempts me I am quick to accept

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I eat what I can 6 seeds Gone For now, I am truly myself Living a life I choose Do not pity me Or think me captured Next to a king Away from watchful, judging eyes I am Queen of the Underworld

The Temple of Poseidon, Sounion By: Alyssa Thulmann (she/her) English and Creative Writing 2nd Year

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