Spatialising Protests by Varun S

SPATIALISING PROTESTS Perceiving the role of urban public spaces in the culture of dissent in the national capital of India.

Thesis

by Varun Sangani Bachelors of Architecture Student ID: 16191039 2021 Under the guidance of Professor Pratyush Shankar School of Environmental Design and Architecture, Navrachna University, Vadodara, Gujarat.

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SPATIALISING PROTESTS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN AND ARCHITECTURE, AS PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARCHITECTURE 2020-2021

Varun Sangani

Pratyush Shankar

Student

Guide

Dean SEDA

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Declaration I, hereby declare that the thesis titled, Spatialising Protests, perceiving the role of urban public spaces in the culture of dissent in the national capital of India; is an independent work by me and has not been submitted at any other forum. I am submitting this work for as partial fulfillment of the Thesis course for the Bachelor of Architecture Program at SEDA, Navrachana University.

Varun Sangani Student In my capacity as a guide of the student’s thesis, I certify that this work can be submitted for partial fulfillment of the Thesis course for Bachelor of Architecture Program at SEDA, Navrachana University.

Pratyush Shankar Guide

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Acknowledgement First and foremost, I would like to thank my parents and my entire family for their unshaken support through my journey and giving me the opportunity to learn and explore my interests. I would like to thank Professor Pratyush Shankar for adeptly guiding and providing perspective through my thesis as well as his support throughout my time at this school. His invaluable expertise on the subject has helped me immensely in pursuing my research as extensively as I have. He has always been an ongoing source of inspiration. I wish to express my sincere thanks to Professor Percy Pithawala and Shekhar Goradia for always mentoring me in the right direction. I take this opportunity to express my gratitute to all of my Architecture Department faculty members of SEDA for their help and support. I would also like to thank my fellow classmates and friends for constantly supporting me throughout this venture. Lastly, I would like to thank Audarya Bansal and Nishi Shah for their immense support and guidance throught the past 5 years.

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fig.1 Preamble to the Constitution of India (c. Trolley Times)

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Abstract Public spaces represent familiarity, safety and accessibility. In India, though compromised in many respects, public spaces have lent themselves to the changing conversation on many occasions. In the past decade itself, there have been many different networked social movements, not expected by anyone, not led by anyone, were largely spontaneous, and affected literally thousands of cities in over 100 countries. These movements display similar characteristics despite the huge diversity of contexts from which they come from but are essential to the democratic process as a whole. But again, campaigns, protests and movements are not the only pictures public space paints. Public spaces are essential because they are safe and familiar common spaces. They have to be open to all, accessible by all without fear or discomfort. Public spaces are enablers of free speech, dissent and dialogue. Right from our independence movements under colonial rule to our present-day political protests, democracy and access to justice has grown only from uninhibited access to public spaces. The connection between the two is NOT just the physical possibility of a meeting place. Public space catalyzes change because it allows communities to come together to develop a collective conscious. It is a form of democracy. It is a space of freedom of movement, expression, and most importantly, it is our first contact with a city. In order to discover the mood or behavior of a neighborhood, city or even a country we often turn to these spaces. Therefore, there is a threat of constantly shrinking physical space for dissent in many cities of the “largest democracy in the world”. Today’s urban public spaces tend to represent governments and cities rather than people and citizens. That is quite relevant in the new design of the central vista plaza in Delhi. So, the question here is ‘how can city support or inhibit protests through their spatial characteristics and settings?’ Power relationships has been the foundational relationship of our society and public spaces have emerged as a resistance to this power and a space that provides citizens with opportunities to engage in political and social debates. Dissent and dialogue cannot take place in an environment where public spaces are not held to the same standards as the democracy is.

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Content 01. Preface

i. Aim ii. Key Research Questions

14 14

iii. Objective of the Study iv. Methodology v. Scope and Limitation

15 15 16

vi. Criteria for the selection of Case Studies vii. Case Study Identified

16 17

02. Introduction

2.1 Networked Social Movements 2.2 Space of Autonomy

21 22

2.3 Disconnected Protest in India 2.4 Digital Expansion and Information Control 2.5 Urban Design & Politics

25 27 31

03. Capital

3.1 Pre-independence 3.2 Post-independence

35 38

3.3 Significance of Lutyens’ Delhi 3.3.1 Shahjahanabad 3.3.2 ‘New’ Delhi

41 41 45

3.4 Reflection

04. Dissent

4.1 Culture of Protests in India 4.2 Shifting Spaces of Protests 4.3 Protest Elsewhere

51 53 55

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05. Present

5.1 Jantar Mantar 5.1.1 Idea of “designated” Space of Protest

61 63

5.2 Relationship Between Protesting People and Chosen Space

5.3 Spatial Configurative Analysis of Jantar Mantar and Boat Club Lawns

06. Conclusion

Bibliography

List of Figures

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The Constitution of India is a fascinating piece of art in itself. It guides our present, ensure our future while constantly acknowledging our past. While Constitution is a document that protects our rights as a citizen it also has each part that begins with art that traces over 5000year old history.

fig.2 Zebu Bull The majestic zebu bull, with its heavy dewlap and wide curving horn is perhaps the most impressive motif found on the Indus seal. Generally carved on a large seal with short inscription, the zebu motif is found almost exclusively at the largest cities of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa.

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Chapter 1. Preface i. Aim ii. Objective of the Study iii. Key Research Questions iv. Methodology v. Nature of Thesis vi. Scope and Limitation vii. Criteria for the selection of Case Studies viii. Case Study Identified

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i. Aim The aim of this thesis is to study the idea of a “designated” protest space in context of Jantar Mantar, Delhi. How it became the ‘go-to’ space to showcase dissent as the center shifted to New Delhi. Consequently, the end goal is to understand the role of urban public spaces as an enabler of free speech and expression and what will be the future of these spaces be in a democracy.

ii. Objectives of the Study The overall objective of the study is to understand the spatial characteristics surrounding a protest site. The many aspects that come together to make an urban public space into an ‘ideal’ space to exchange ideas and dialogue. An attempt is being made to undertand, and question, certain facets of a public space that have been analyzed and discussed quantitatively over the course of time. This shall be accomplished by inquiring into the following objectives. 1. To examine the need for an architectural autonomy in public spaces. 2. To identify the patterns or common values that define the space - post analysis of case studies. 3. To identify the forces that gave rise to or influenced the nature of spaces over the period of time. 4. To study how the spaces has evolved along with idea of protests itself. 5. Examining the uncanny idea of ‘designated’ spaces, through various qualitatives aspects like the context of site, morphology and typology.

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iii. Reseach Questions What role does spatial functions of public spaces play in encouraging or curbing the dissent in urban public environment? How did Jantar Mantar became the “protest square” of India?

iv. Methodology The structure of the thesis can be divided into three distinct sections described below: 1. The first section of the thesis intends to understand the protest culture of India. An inquiry is conducted to examine the spaces used in the past to showcase dissent. The significance of those spaces in current time and transition to new spaces as the city center shifted. 2. The second section can be further divided into 3 parts. i. Studying the history of Lutyens’ Delhi to understand the current spaces of protests. ii. Inquiries into what is considered as a “designated” space of dissent. iii. Futher, the understanding from both these parts are taken to undertstand why Jantar Mantar was chosen as the official space of protest and what are the spatial characteristics around it. 3. The last part deals with the laws surrounding the protests and gathering of citizens. Exploring the idea of what will be the future of these space in a democractic urban environment. Inquiring if these spaces of protests are shrinking and laws that curb the movements.

v. Nature of Thesis Reseach and Analysis.

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vi. Scope and Limitations The study primarily focuses on the space of protests in and around Delhi, India. The study will also cover the surrounding of a protest site and what purpose does it serve when not used to showcase dissent. Understanding the relationship between public and power and how public spaces such as squares and streets serve multiple purposes. What are the key factors that have lead to choosing a particular site to protest. There is a component of social and cultural along with the individual’s influences drawn in the dissertation. They are drawn on the basis of secondary source of literature and informal coversations and author’s own experiences. These observations are qualitative in nature.

vii. Criteria for the selection of Case Studies The thesis presupposes that most public spaces do allow the space to gather and show dissent in itself. However what distinguishes one from another is that degree of effect that certain spaces induce and most importantly its expressive quality that instantly evokes a dialogue with the mass. The search for this quality and the long history of dissent in India sets the criteria for the selection of the cases. The first criteria was to look for spaces which has effectively evoked this character in the past and served as the catalyst for change. The second criteria was the consious attempt the identify the spaces which currently served as the official site to show dissent.

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viii. Case Studies Identified primary: Jantar Mantar, New Delhi Boat Club Lawns, Nr. India Gate, New Delhi secondary: Parade Ground, Opp. Red Fort Queen’s Garden, Delhi Ramlila Maidan, Turkman Gate

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fig.3 The Gurukul The chapter on citizenship is represented by India’s Vedic Age.

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Chapter 2. Introduction 2.1 Networked Social Movements 2.2 Space of Autonomy 2.3 Disconnected Protest in India 2.4 Digital Expansion and Information Control 2.5 Urban Design & Politics

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‘Houses make a town, but citizens makes a city.’ Jean-Jacques Rousseau

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2.1 Networked Social Movements Throughout history, social movements have been major agents of social change; in fact, they have been the major agent of social change. Social change, (castells, 2014), is inseparable from spatial change. All urban forms result from the relentless interaction between the reproduction of urban forms by institutions and resistance, or counteraction, by citizens who don’t feel included in the processes of automatic reproduction of the existing urban structure. Urban form results from urban structure and social movements interacting with one another. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century there have been many social movements which were mostly unplanned, leaderless and all over the world. They display similar characteristics despite the huge diversity of contexts from which they come from. Communication has always been central to social movements. Without communication there’s no social movements and each movement uses the tools available. So today, networked movements have powerful effects of rapid diffusion, most importantly, communicative autonomy. Even if corporations control the platforms, movements have greatly increased autonomy in communication, media and other institutions. These networks exist online as well as offline. There is no identifiable center to networked movements; they can connect, reconnect, and form themselves. Thus, forming a rhizomatic dynamics of sorts. They can relatively easily escape repression: even if you round up the usual suspects, you can’t eliminate the network, which doesn’t necessarily have a formal leadership. But the movements become movements by occupying urban space. That is the critical moment, in which the networks go from outrage to hope. In public space, they can begin deliberating and debating. They can symbolically lay claim to the city. They are simultaneously tactical and symbolic: if you block the main square or street, the city grinds to a halt. But they are urban social movements that demand recognition in public space. At the same time, the movements inhabit the net. So, the space of Autonomy is a hybrid connection of internet and urban space. Fundamentally, occupation of the streets is a key aspect of the current cycle of movements. It’s also retaking urban space, creating instant public space, which is the key issue in the speculative processes of urban development. To enact any real social change, we must construct autonomous structures and counterpowers in both the space of places and in the space of flows.

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We have brought down the wall of fear U brought down the wall of our house We’ll rebuild our homes But u will never build that wall of fear Tweet from @souriastrong (Rawia Alhoussaini)

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2.2 Space of Autonomy There is a direct connection between urban spaces and social movements- how individuals come together into collectives to advocate for social change. There is constant push-pull between the “space of places” in which people’s experiences and activities quite literally take place, and the “space of flows” of the increasingly rapid movements of capital investment, communications messages, and people going from one place to another. (Castells, 2014) “Public spaces, as sites of spontaneous social interaction, are the communicative devices of our society.” The primary function of planning is to link the space of places of city-regions to the space of flows of economic competition, while ensuring de-segregated schooling, affordable housing, a diversity of land uses, and widespread availability of child care. The role of architecture is “marking places in the space of flows, with the creation of symbolic meaning through building designs that “stir a debate that marks space a living form.” The risk, however, is that celebrity architecture and globally-recognized buildings (such as the Bilbao Guggenheim museum) become tourist attractions and create “new cathedrals of the Information Age, where the pilgrims gather to search for the meaning of their wandering”; in other words, Castells is concerned that architecture can become so prominent with globally-recognized images that disconnect the local space of places from the accelerating space of flows. Finally, urban design involves the “socio spatial treatment of urban forms” beyond the scale of individual buildings, in the entire fabric of a city-region. Here, the most important function is public space, which “is the key connector of human experience, opposed to private shopping centers as the spaces of sociability.” Important features of good urban design are “the spontaneity of uses, the density of the interaction, the freedom of expression, the multifunctionality of space, and the multiculturalism of the street life.”

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fig.4 God The part on fundamental rights have popular epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata illustrated.

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2.3 Disconnected Protest in India State governments in India have executed approximately half of the world’s known network shutdowns – largescale, deliberate disruptions of Internet connectivity, cell phone service, or social media. Network shutdowns are the primary instrument of these restrictions, whose ultimate goal is most often to quell public dissent. India is unique in the scale, number, and diversity of both protest and network shutdowns, and connectivity levels vary widely. Several social movements in India have generated or inspired nationwide demonstrations; however, most are restricted in space, and blackouts are invariably executed on a district or state level. Why is the case of India necessary? There is a common notion that expanding and stable democracies with strong growth in Internet connectivity interferes less but that has been cast into doubt in India, which executed 134 network shutdowns in 2018 alone and more than 100 in 2016-17. At the same time, the government’s national digitization campaign has enabled rapid advances in the digital information channels, embodying the contradiction of facilitating information flows while attempting to control them. It is also important to account for the uneven spatial distribution of network shutdowns and collective action. The trajectory of shutdowns in India has shown that they were initially executed in the northeastern border states and the trend continued down south over the course of time. Thus, shutdowns in India are localized responses to largely localized grievances. Few conclusions can be drawn from national-level studies about the decision process of government institutions addressing localized expressions of dissent, whether via shutdowns or violent crackdowns. India’s democracy prominently relies on allocating authority to state level institutions. Since responses to local protest tend to be spatially targeted and rarely orchestrated as a countrywide, centrally coordinated campaign, the ultimate responsibility for implementing them belongs to state- and district-level institutions whose authority is rarely overridden by central actors. India, therefore offers a strong starting point.

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fig.5 Before the Battle State Policy begins with the iconic scene of Arjun and Krishna’s conversation before war.

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2.4 Digital Expansion and Information Control Technology and politics are increasingly intertwined in India. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu nationalist party with a near-absolute majority in India’s lower house as of 2018, has consistently supported efforts to expand digital literacy through urban and rural connectivity programs, including a countrywide initiative to provide high-speed Internet to rural areas through the Digital India program. It has also linked digitization to otherwise unrelated policies such as the demonetization scheme of 2016, which abruptly removed most of the country’s currency from circulation and produced a surge in the use of digital payments (Gupta & Auersald 2017). The controversial Aadhar program is advancing in its goal of creating digital identity documents for every citizen of India, including biometric information and bank account data. This has generated heated debates on privacy and potential theft of personal data. BJP’s endorsement and adoption of digital tools for political purposes have extended into the party’s own campaigns, ensuring high visibility for BJP on social media through a combination of active engagement and the employment of ostensibly independent users as political agents (Bradshaw & Howard 2017, Narayan & Narayanan 2016). But India’s accelerated entry into the ranks of connected countries has been accompanied by widespread misinformation and disinformation whose spread is enabled by the increased availability of connected mobile devices and digital communication tools. The dissemination of such content has been circumstantially linked to escalations of communal tension, protests, and riots. WhatsApp and Facebook, the dominant social media platforms in India, are also the primary digital conduits of false information (Kaur et al. 2018). Despite the prolific use of network shutdowns across the country, neither India nor any other national government has conducted publicly acknowledged studies on the effectiveness of shutdowns as a means of suppressing unrest. India’s case is particularly noteworthy for a number of reasons. First, it has a rich and diverse history of social movements, of which some are rooted in the Gandhian ideals of peaceful resistance. Second, it hosts an immense variety of ethnic and castebased configurations as well as extreme inter-state disparities in levels of human development.

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fig.6, 7, 8 Average marginal effects of each consecutive shutdown day (top left; blue line in combined graph below) and each consecutive day of riots (top right; red line in combined graph below) on the linear prediction of the number of riots per day. This allows us to trace the temporal dynamics of violent collective action in two scenarios. Combined graph (below) included to facilitate comparison.

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Nineteen out of 36 states and union territories have implemented shutdowns as of April 2018, with no clear common socioeconomic thread aside from political unrest connecting them (SFLC 2018). Before August 2017, shutdowns were executed primarily under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure – a legal provision with roots in the British Raj which grants states broad powers to prevent or disperse unlawful assemblies during curfews. Blackouts are thus perceived as “a logical extension of curfews” and measures whose purpose is to inhibit public gatherings (Narrain 2018). Colonial-era laws such as the Telegraph Act of 1885 have also been used to justify blackouts such as the disconnection of 22 social media services in Jammu and Kashmir in April 2017 (Human Rights Watch 2017). fig.9 Number of protests and riots in Jammu and Kashmir in 2016, by week, based on ICEWS. Dotted line represents number of days in a given week that a network shutdown was in place. This visualization of dissent trajectories in Jammu & Kashmir suggests that, in some cases, network shutdowns may be followed by a surge in both violent and non-violent mobilization. In many ways, India is a Petri dish of information control in the developing world. As a democratic state and an emerging economic power, it sets examples for similar countries to follow. However, the rapid growth of the Internet user base in India has had contradictory impacts on both society and democratic governance. It is necessary to hold at least two parallel discussions: one on how information control can turn into digital repression and another on the repercussions of information diffusion in diverse communication environments.

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fig.10 Number of protests and riots by state in India, 2016. Source: ICEWS (Boschee et al. 2015).

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2.5 Urban Design & Politics Space, the argument went, wasn’t just where things happened. It was more than that: particular things happened because of the space one designed. The classic example was the public square. Spaces that allowed the public to gather were the essence of democratic practice. The spaces associated with protest-whether it was Rajpath or Janpath-were designed as spaces of the state, not of the people. Spaces that were reminders of the majesty of power. In many ways, this is true of the planning of most cities. In Athens, only men of property and letters gathered in the famous public squares. In Paris, Hausmann created grand boulevards that made revolutionary barricades less effective. In Cairo, it was on the lines of the same Hausmann’s ‘Paris on the Nile’ design that, so deeply ironically, Tahrir Square was built. When the Boat Club lawns were occupied repeatedly as a space of protest before Independence, it was not by design but by defiance. Spaces of protest are not planned, they are claimed. They are born through the occupation of space that-almost alwaysseeks to refuse them. Almost more than the slogan, it is presence itself that is protest. Putting protest in its proper and designated place, it is following a rich tradition, not of planning and design of appropriate public spaces but of spatial control, of putting the people in their place.

fig.11 Map and Diagram of Protests at Tahrir Square (The New York Times)

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fig.12 The Awakening The image of Buddha’s Enlightenment is lent to the part on rules of related to the President and Vice President.

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Chapter 3. Capital 3.1 Pre-independence 3.2 Post-independence 3.3 Significance of Lutyens’ Delhi 3.3.1 Shahjahanabad 3.3.2 ‘New’ Delhi 3.4 Reflection

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A famous couplet by Iqbal goes thus: “Sukoon Muhaal hai qudrat ke kaarkhaane mein Sabaat ek taghiyur ko hai zamaane mein” This would roughly translate into “The universe is in perpetual flux change is the only constant.” The point of starting with this quotation is to underline the fact that the world – and Delhi being a part of this world – has not been a stranger to change.

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3.1 Pre-independence At first, before the great 1857 rebellion, the colonialist sought to mingle with the local population and live inside Shahjahanabad. However, soon after the British assumed power over the subcontinent and had expelled the then Mughal emperor, they developed a practice of separating themselves. They gradually relocated, first to the north with the military cantonments and residences in the Civil Lines area, then to the south in 1911, founding a new imperial city known as New Delhi. A significant event in the pre-independent India, the rebellion of 1857, has been demonstrated over a few maps. One particular pocket map, titled Siege of Delhi from that year, highlights the military operations planned by the British.

Following the rebellion, the British built a railway line and demolished parts of the Red Fort to prevent future mutinies. The maps and sketches of the city post- 1857 reflects the New Delhi that the British planned to set up. One such sketch, titled Lay Out Plan of New Delhi, gives details of the imperial New Delhi and illustrates land occupied by the government and its plans for future acquisitions. It marks out Connaught Place, the Viceroy house, the secretariats and the parliament. A 1945 map in the Indian archives also shows the impact of World War II and where temporary buildings were erected for military purposes in Delhi. Apart from its importance as a military document, the map is insightful from an urban planning perspective. It is interesting to note that the map confirms that Lodi Colony had already been planned by this time as part of the Imperial Capital. Compared to the colonies of Karol Bagh or Jangpura, a visible improvement in the conception of design and layout becomes evident; the geometry of each block demonstrates a conscious relationship between residential buildings, per se, and the open spaces, private or semi-public, around it.

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fig.13 Sketch of the Environs of Delhi, 1807. National Archives of India (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

fig.14 Siege of Delhi, 1857. Delhi State Archives (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

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fig.15 Lay Out Plan of New Delhi, pre 1930. Delhi State Archives (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

fig.16 Plan Showing All The Temporary Buildings in New Delhi erected in Connection with the War, 1945. Delhi State Archives (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

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3.2 Post-independence Right after independence, there was an explosion of settlements in Delhi owing to the influx of refugees from all social strata into Delhi which gave birth to various inconsistently built colonies. One of the maps created after independence, includes many of these refugee colonies – Patel Nagar, Lajpat Nagar and Nizamuddin. As we progress to the late 1990s, digital maps become the medium of choice. The last map shows the forthcoming Master Plan 2021 by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi. It depicts a vast increase in the urbanised area and the undeveloped areas in the map have been marked as “urbanisable”. Even though there is an indication to monuments, the map of the city has seemingly become detached from its conventional purpose; historical information is neglected and artistic and aesthetic values compromised in favour of a more methodical and arid scientific analysis.

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fig.17 Development Plan of Greater Delhi, 1947-1955. Delhi State Archives (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

fig.18 Master Plan - 2021. INTACH Delhi Chapter. (Image from ‘Maps of Delhi’ by Pilar Maria Guerrieri; Niyogi Books).

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fig.19 Mahavir Advancement of spiritual and philosophical speculation (8th century).

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3.3 Significance of Lutyens’ Delhi Delhi breathes history, not only pollutant emissions. It goes back to the tenth-century BC. From the time of former slaves, to the Khiljis, the Tughlaqs, the Lodis and Mughals, Delhi has been receiving an endless stream of new arrivals who have made the city their home. The new settlers have changed in the process and have changed Delhi even as Delhi was changing them. Time and again, great builders have fallen in love with the locale and contributed immensely to the evolution of Delhi. The affection is epitomised by the Persian inscription on the ceiling of Diwane-Khas at the Red Fort, composed by the poet Firdaus- ‘Agar Firdaus barre zamin ast, hamin asto, hamin asto, hamin asto’ (If there is paradise on earth, it is this, oh! it is this, oh! it is this).

3.3.1 Shahjahanabad Shahjahanabad immortalizes Shahjahan in its landmarks, Chandni Chowk, the Red Fort and the Jama Masjid built during 1650–1656, and various other mosques, structures and parks. Shahjahan as ‘a great city planner among the nobles’ built the magnificent city of Shahjahanabad with wide streets and parks, occupying the territory by the river to the north of the Indraprastha said to be the city of the Pandavas. Around it Shahjahan built a wall with a circumference of about four miles, outside which the suburbs lay, such as Ferozshah Kotla, Humayun’s Tomb, Nizamuddin, Purana Kila, Tughlakabad and Mehrauli (then called Delhi). Shahjahanabad was planned along the river Yamuna (Jumna), which was a major element in its design. The river was also used for navigation, connecting Agra, where the earlier Mughal capital existed. Three main boulevards radiated from the Red Fort. The first was Chandni Chowk with a canal in the middle; the second was the Jama Masjid. The third led to Delhi Gate. The other three main streets radiated from Jama Masjid towards Chandni Chowk, Ajmeri Gate and Turkman Gate. The spatial form of Shahjahanabad comprises introverted open spaces and narrow lanes: a compact, high density living space.

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fig.20 Cities of Delhi in chronological order. Source: Jain A.K., 2010, Lutyens’ Delhi, Bookwell, New Delhi.

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The spatial structure of the community corresponds to its occupational division. The unclean occupations cluster on the periphery – low lying areas or in the west. The trade and business of the dominant groups occupy the prime locations, usually high lands, central areas or the north side. The patches of occupational clusters are separated by open ground and community facilities, e.g. chowk, chopal, temple and bazaar, allowing all levels to interact. Sometimes the boundaries are simply common walls of houses, courtyards, or streets between groups of houses. The clusters are clearly defined in terms of social structure. An inhabitant traditionally relates to his mohalla, i.e. a geographical area that defines the spatial pattern of the community. Social mobility over time has made it difficult to relate a man to his mohalla, but groups even today related by practice, customs or geographic origin continue to cluster in specific mohallas. The closely knit fabric of structures helps to keep out the harsh sun and provides shaded courtyards and streets. During the night, the open courtyards radiate out the heat, creating a cooling effect. This form, using the principle of thermal comfort through passive means, presents a framework of energy conscious design. The spatial structure is a logical outgrowth of a self-contained community, governed by its own social and economic norms. The focal point of a mohalla in this traditional morphology is the chopal. This is often a semi-public open space at the junction of streets, or at the termination of a gali, which acts as a connector between different mohallas and communities. In 1858, the British razed more than one-third of the city. The heavily built-up areas surrounding the Red Fort were cleared. The entire population of the Walled City was ejected. After the annoucement to shift the capital from Calcutta to Delhi, many influences and individuals went into the plan for New Delhi. As Brett-Crowther has said, ‘New Delhi is probably more “on the human scale” than Washington or Canberra because of the intellectual endeavour to create it. The realities of India had to be expressed”.

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fig.21 Edwin Lutyens’ initial sketch of Capital Complex (June 1912). Source: Jain A.K., 1994, The Cities of Delhi, Management Publishing Co.

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3.3.2 ‘New’ Delhi

Imperial Delhi was laid out by Edwin Lutyens as a garden city covering 8200 acres to accommodate a population of 65,000. It was accessible from the Walled City only through two underpasses, Minto and Harding Bridges. New Delhi was designed with a geometric pattern over a triangular base formed by Connaught Place, Viceroy’s House and India Gate. With its wide avenues and double row of trees, the Central Vista called Kingsway (now Rajpath) directed the eyes to the Secretariats and the Viceroy’s House. The residential areas were planned with lower and middle income employees to the north of the vista and senior British officials to the south. Imperial Delhi became a parallel to Hausmann’s improved Paris, or Le Notre’s Washington and – eventually – Walter Burley Griffin’s Canberra. The work of Baker and Lutyens in New Delhi was as much a tribute to India’s greatness as it was intended to be a consolidation of British power. The new city was planned adjacent to Shahjahanabad, yet separated from it by an open space buffer and railway embankment. New Delhi was designed with hexagonal and triangular patterns, the triangle reflecting three major functions; commercial, governmental and recreational. Connaught Place, Government complex (Government House and the Secretariats) and the India Gate were the respective centres of these major activities. Connaught Place was conceived as the city centre, with its location in the geographical centre of Old and New Delhi. It was to act as a link between the two Delhis and a Railway Station was laid adjacent to it in order to link the city to the region. The viceroy’s palace (Government House) on Raisina Hill was the focal point for the entire city. To the south of the fashionable shopping centre of Connaught Place and along the river Yamuna, the India Gate, National Stadium and recreational activities were planned. The plan of New Delhi can be viewed in 2 parts – a rectangular grid or main central axis that has the monumental government buildings and the hexagonal layout that focuses on the local and residential aspects of the city. The central axis, which was known as Kingsway and is now called Rajpath, runs through the layout of the new city with several avenues and streets radiating from it.

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fig.22 Delhi Municipality Notified Area, Imperial City and Western Extension, 1914.

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It was designed by Lutyens as a processional avenue that linked the Viceroy’s House (the title chosen by George V himself) now the Rashtrapati Bhavan at the west end to the War Memorial Arch or India Gate and the monumental statue of George V (now removed) at the east end of the axis. The Central Vista and the vast green avenues accentuated the grandeur of the new city. Various roads cross the main avenue at right angles, but the general street pattern is diagonal to the main axis. The diagonal avenues in Delhi provide directness of movement for vehicular traffic. Lutyens had a far sighted perspective and planned the roads with liberal widths. That is why today when the population of Lutyens’ Delhi far exceeds (perhaps by ten times) what the city was planned for most of the roads have been able to bear the burden of multiplying traffic. In contrast to a compact and introverted Walled City, the new city was designed on an extroverted and low density pattern.

3.4 Reflection

Lutyens’ New Delhi is the only garden city in India which has been holistically conceived and built. It must not become another Fatephpur Sikri. The true significance of New Delhi is that even today the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. It has been acknowledged as the ‘most beautifully designed urban form in India’ (New Delhi: INTACH, 01).

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fig.23 Nalanda The Gupta period was golden age of India- the combination of brilliant intellectual and spiritual development was also characterised by great art and literature. At that time, India was contributing 25% of World’s GDP and held onto number 1 position for 1000 years. The Gupta rule manifests itself in this artwork representing the Nalanda University (established at that time) where the intermingling of culture was common.

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Chapter 4. Dissent 4.1 Culture of Protests in India 4.2 Shifting Spaces of Protests 4.3 Protests Elsewhere

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fig.24 Ongoing farmer’s protest at the borders of Delhi.

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4.1 Culture of Dissent in India

Now almost the century over, the strip opposite Capital’s iconic Jantar Mantar became the official site that people deemed fit for everything from farmers’ protests, to hartals by factory workers, to One Rank One Pension demonstrations, to the Jan Lokpal Andolan, the Boat Club was the venue for some of the biggest protests in Independent India. But the history of democratic dissent in the national capital goes back much further. And it has a strong connection with the Father of the Nation. During British Rule, people were not allowed to protest in New Delhi. Therefore, most protest meetings during the Independence movement took place in the Old City. During the 1920s and even the early 1930s, while the contours of the new city were slowly emerging, all major protests were held in whatever open spaces existed with in Shahjahanabad, and among them were the Queen’s Gardens, earlier known as Company Bagh and originally known as the Bibi Ka Bagh, the garden laid out around the Bibi ki Sarai by Jahan Ara Begum, the daughter of Shahjahan when she got the main markets built along the central arterial road connecting the Lahore Darwaza of Red Fort to the Fatehpuri Masjid. That large space, that was the most popular site for public meetings, has now been fenced in and cut up into four little spaces. It was at this site, then known as the Queen’s park that meetings in support of the Salt Satyagrah were organised in 1930 and Kasturba Gandhi asked people to take a pledge to join the struggle for freedom after Mahatma Gandhi was arrested. Even after Independence, large rallies by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were held at the Parade Ground near Town Hall in Chandni Chowk. The area around Town Hall continued to be popular as a site of protest for the next few decades. The grounds in front of the Red Fort were used for rallies till the early 1970s. A watershed moment, says Hashmi, came with the Bangladesh War of 1971. “India Gate was turned into a Memorial for the Unknown Soldier.” Before 1971, the identity of Delhi was symbolised by the Red Fort. The 1857 rebellion was led from here. That’s why Nehru chose to address the nation here after Independence. This shift was the beginning of a process that cut out Shahjahanabad and made New Delhi the centre of political activity. 51

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Queen’s Garden

1920

1930

Parade Grounds

Urdu Maidan

1940

1950

1960

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From then on the discourse shifted: even the Republic Day parade transformed into a display of weapons rather than a ceremony for the people. Apart from big public demonstrations such as one that led to Jayaprakash Narayan’s mammoth rally at the Ramlila Maidan in the 1970s, most demonstrators converged on the lawns of the Boat Club to listen to popular leaders. The Boat Club was where leaders such as Raj Narain sat on a fast and former PM Charan Singh addressed his supporters. “The Boat Club’s location was symbolic. Across the street you had Parliament going on. With North Block, South Block and Rashtrapati Bhavan in the vicinity, there was a continuum between protests in the streets and the proceedings in the Parliament. Whatever was discussed by the legislative was echoing in the streets and on campuses. The governments of the day were less wary of public gatherings and public demonstrations.”

4.2 Shifting Spaces of Protests

The anti-corruption movement, in the 80s, led by Jayaprakash Narayan was the high point of this public-private engagement. “After the Emergency, the power managers became nervous and the space for articulating dissent began to shrink.” It continued in this manner till the seizure of Boat Club and the India Gate lawns by farmers led by Mahendra Singh Tikait of the Bharatiya Kisan Union in 1988. “With close to 5,00,000 farmers occupying Rajpath for close to a week, restrictions were bound to come in.”

Outside Border

Ramlila Maidan

Jantar Mantar Boat Club Lawns

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

Present

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After the incident of 1988, gathering of mass became much more difficult and had its conditions. Subsequently, a cocktail of reasons from government strictures, to the directions of the National Green Tribunal ensured that the space for protests shrunk further. Instructions to take the protests near the Red Fort and subsequently, outside city limits, came in. But it didn’t quite work out. Elsewhere, thousands would gather in front of the White House to protest every day. Those gathering in the heart of London are never stopped. There still is a right to assemble, but only with police permission. A vibrant democracy must give space for protest has shrunk. We have come to see protests as an avoidable nuisance. It is a shrinking of the democratic imagination. Sometimes, excessive restrictions give legitimacy to those who employ non-peaceful ways of articulating dissent.

fig.25 Shift of spaces of dissent from (red) old parts of city to (blue) new parts of the city as the seat of power and authority changes. New Delhi.

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Protests Elsewhere Mumbai Azad Maidan is Mumbai’s address for dissent. Part of the ground is where Mumbai’s budding cricketers practise their craft. The Special Branch, the intelligence wing of the Mumbai Police, and an outpost of the Azad Maidan Police station, mark the entrance to the ground. They act as a channel between protesters and the government.

Hyderabad For years the city’s version of Jantar Mantar was the Dharna Chowk at the Indira Park, located close to the state secretariat and Assembly. In May this year, however, the Telangana government’s decision to bar protests at Indira Park and move the designated site to a spot on the outskirts of the city sparked clashes between Opposition parties and residents of colonies near the park.

Chandigarh The Rally Ground in Chandigarh has been the hub of protests since 2010, when a rally at the earlier earmarked site, Matka Chowk, turned violent. In Jalandhar, the proximity of the protest hub, the Desh Bhagat Yaadgaar Hall, to the deputy commissioner’s office (500 metres away), where protests culminate, ensures the city is never shut down by protesters

Guwahati The city has no legal space for protests as the Gauhati High Court has banned protests on the banks of the Dighalipukhuri, the traditional venue for dissent. While the court ordered the government to identify an alternative site, authorities have so far failed to do so.

Kolkata With the shift of the secretariat from Writers’ Building to Nabanna, protests at the Benoy-Badal-Dinesh Bagh, formerly the Dalhousie Square, have stopped. But protests at Esplanade or Dharmatala, in the heart of the city, continue till date, including the TMC’s annual Martyrs’ Day celebrations.

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Chennai The space near the Valluvarkottam campus and a part of the road outside Chepauk stadium are usually allowed for protests, though only under strict police guidelines. But the city has no venue for sustained protests. In January 2018, a gathering at Marina Beach of a dozen students, who were protesting against the Jallikattu ban, had emerged as a mass movement.

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fig.26 Casting of first election after independence.

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fig.27 Nataraja The transition from ancient to early medieval times.

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Chapter 5. Present

5.1 Jantar Mantar 5.1.1 Idea of “designated” Space of Protest 5.2 Relationship Between Protesting People and Chosen Space 5.3 Spatial Configurative Analysis of Jantar Mantar and Boat Club Lawns

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fig.28, 29, 30, 31 Streets of Jantar Mantar (Jan,2021).

“The street is the river of life of the city, the place where we come together, the pathway to the center.” -William H. Whyte

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Jantar Mantar The story of Jantar Mantar as a protest site began in 1993. There was no ordinance, no official declaration, yet the treelined boulevard that connects Tolstoy Road to the Ashoka Road roundabout came to be the only place in New Delhi where Section 144 — the 19th-Century British-era law that prohibits the assembly of more than five people — was not imposed. That year, the capital got its new dissent square — Jantar Mantar. Jantar Mantar has a history beyond its contemporary function as a protest site. It is one of five such structures built by Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II of Jaipur in the early 18th century. Inspired by contemporary Islamic astronomy, these astronomical observatories were meant to monitor celestial bodies in space and keep time on earth. As modern instruments replaced traditional ones, Jantar Mantar exited the realm of cutting-edge science and became a part of India’s architectural heritage. In the 1980s, it became an observatory once more — not of planets this time, but of India’s young democratic spirit. Until then, at a time when Delhi was still to expand its boundaries southwards and eastwards, it was the Boat Clubs, with its view of Janpath, Rajpath and Parliament, that was the iconic space for resistance. But with the Ram JanmabhoomiBabri Masjid movement gripping the country, the Congressled government, already rattled by an earlier agitation in 1988, imposed a ban on gatherings at the Boat Club. After the agitation of 1988, it became apparent to successive governments that the protest venue had to be controlled. Jantar Mantar seemed ideal at the time. Though it was close to Parliament, it was not large enough to hold a big crowd. Besides, the topography of Jantar Mantar, with its two main entry and exit points, was easier to manage. At Jantar Mantar, democracy and dissent shared a complicated relationship. While some protests fizzled out, others led to momentous shifts in political realities. Jantar Mantar has witnessed hundreds of protests since then, some of prominent ones being Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement and the outpouring of people over the Nirbhaya gangrape case.

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fig.32 Juxtaposing protestors and Jantar Mantar, Delhi

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Governments have mostly chosen to shift the designated protest site progressively further away from the political center and towards the periphery. Ironically, the sentiment which brings protesters to Jantar Mantar is that of having been pushed to the peripheries of the nation-state. Having tried all other channels of redressal, dharnas emerge as the last resort.

5.1.1 Idea of “designated” Space of Protest

In 2018, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) directed the Delhi government to immediately stop all protests at the Jantar Mantar area in the national capital, the new place for sit-ins is another iconic place - the Ramleela Grounds at Ajmeri Gate. (Since then the decision has been revoked). This is the second time when the official venue for protests in the national capital has been changed. Before Jantar Mantar, it was the historic Boat Clubs near Rajpath. The decision to shift the dharna venue from Boat Club to Jantar Mantar was taken in 1993 after the massive protests by Mahendra Singh Tikait in 1988. The NGT’s order to move protests to Ramlila Maidan (six km from Parliament, while Jantar Mantar is less than three km) is seen as a repeat of this trend. Originally, the Jantar Mantar area was outside the city of Shahjahanabad (today’s Old Delhi). In 1857, the area had served as a refuge for the inhabitants of Shahjahanabad, who had been turned out of the old city by the British. But when Lutyens was designing the new city, he actively ignored existing spaces and inhabitants — the new capital wasn’t for common people. The same attitude continues today. The only time in recent years that protesters entered the observatory was during a farmer rally in 2009. A more amicable approach would be to make the process of agitation more organized for citizens, as well as the government. Instead, the decision to move out the protest site was reflective of the “fragmentation” of the city, reminiscent of how the British designed Imperial Delhi.

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fig.33 Arjuna Arjuna’s presence at Mahabalipuram

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5.2 Relationship Between Protesting People and Chosen Space The configuration of a city has a syntactical nature. While a change in segregated parts has minimum influence, a change at the core of an urban configuration affects the entire city, an effect that has a much larger scale than its physical size. This idea is usually used to examine physical interventions in cities; however, it also helps to articulate the effect of claiming public spaces by protesters. Throughout history, politicians have been in favour of reshaping cities in order to practise, maintain and manifest their authority. The major change in the city of Isfahan (Iran) during the Safavid era in the seventeenth century and the drastic transformation of Paris by Baron Haussmann are only two examples of this. The same can be said about shifting the colonial capital to Delhi in twentieth century. ‘The creation of a new imperial order’. Powerless people, however, could challenge authorities by temporarily deforming the city, claiming public spaces and altering the everyday life of the metropolis. The everyday tempo of city life could be interrupted by official events as well. However, if disruptions occur without the permission of the authorities, it is a protest that pushes the city into an antistructural status, a situation that governments usually call disorder. Examining the built spaces in order to cast the light on the spatial processes involved in the manifestation of crowds, rather than regarding space as the cause, or even catalyst, of an uprising. By shifting from a symbolic to a configurational paradigm, it helps to understand the spatially articulated spontaneous crowd occurrences in a city at large. The important places in the cities often becomes the crucial space for challenging or maintaining authority. This inevitably adds further symbolic significance to such places and establishes them as crucial emblems for hibernating movements aiming to keep the demand for change alive over a much longer period of time.

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OCCUPY

fig.34 Strategically chosen circulation route to paralize the normal life of a city; this is how the message of a protest spreads out more quickly and effectively. Together. Together with dissatisfaction of people.

MONUMENT

fig.35 Protesting people choosing to gather around important landmark or a monument to occupy important spaces of the city. It also ease the flow of communication and directs as much attention as possible.

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AGORA

fig.36 Public space or public square usually with different (multiple) levels can be benefitted for announcement space as well as important gathering point. Often circles, squares, mark the city center.

SHELTER

fig.37 Shelter is for long stay. Often used in a lasting protest, where people choose to occupy space in city for weeks, months not minding the time of day, weather condition or environmental difficulties.

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fig.38 Akbar’s court Scenes from Akbar’s court depicting the Mughal rule.

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5.3 Spatial Configurative Analysis of Jantar Mantar and Boat Club Lawns Anonymous organisers distributed a twenty-six page manual entitled “How to Protest Intelligently: Important Information and Tactics” via Facebook and email as they tried to attract protesters and keep them safe. One of the organiser’s suggestions was to start non-violent protests in secondary streets and alleyways.

(iRevolution, 2011)

Starting in the alleys … makes tactical and strategic sense ... Starting small and away from the main protests is a safe way to pool protesters together. It’s also about creating an iterative approach to ‘strength in numbers’ dynamic. As more people crowd the smaller the streets, this gives a sense of momentum and confidence. Starting in alley ways localizes the initiative. In a similar way, there can be identified four ‘socio-spatial’ characteristics of ‘streets of discontent’- 1) centrality— spaces that enable building up of considerable number of protesters swiftly such as sites in close proximity of a university campus or a large open maidan; 2) proximity— sites that have historical or cultural value; 3) accessibility— the hot spot of mass transportation (e.g. metro lines, taxi, bus, etc.); and 4) flexibility—“a manoeuvrable space where protesters can easily flee from the police” (Bayat, 2009, p. 167-168).

Context The spatial map of New Delhi suggests that both Jantar Mantar and Boat Club Lawns are located in the most integrated part of the city, where red (the highest values) and orange lines are located. Connaught place and India Gate near both are highly trafficked, attract movement-seeking functions, and have a central location. Boat Club Lawns is surrounded by important buildings, such as Parliament, Museums, hotels, as well as several ministries and important government buildings. Likewise, Jantar Mantar is also close to many important landmarks. Both are connected to highly accessible roads. These accessible routes link different parts of the metropolis with each other. Jantar Mantar represents a junction between Rajiv Chowk and old parts of Delhi. Accordingly it is a hot spot of mass transportation where metro lines and buses intersect. The accessibility is higher in Jantar Mantar.

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fig.39, 40 The visibility graph analysis (VGA) and agent-based analysis of Boat Club lawns (top) and Jantar Mantar (bottom). Using space syntax software.

The Role of Road Road width alone is not enough to influence how and where protests take place. Other spatial factors such as urban block length, degree of permeability to the neighbourhood and symbolic values of the place also plays a role. Short urban blocks and high degree of connections to other streets reduce the speed of bulldozers, watercannons and help protesters to escape quickly.

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Unlike Jantar Mantar, Boat Club lawns does not have the advantage of being a pedestrian area due to its close proximity with various important building and also because of national security threat.

Morphology Large urban blocks create fewer urban islands. This encourages more vehicular movement than pedestrian movement. Smaller urban blocks foster walkability by virtue of minimising trip lengths and increasing choices. The difference between the two areas in terms of fine-grained versus coarse-grained urban blocks can also be seen where Jantar Mantar has a larger number of street segments (node counts) in a short metric distance than the central vista where Boat Club lawns is located.

Character When comparing the protest behaviour with the spatial configuration of the two spaces, the spatial layout in Boat Club lawns prohibits protesters from fleeing from the police in case of a chase. It lacks flexibility. In opposed to Jantar Mantar, where narrow streets and alleyways enables the demonstrators to escape and gives much more flexibility. The usefulness of Boat Club lawns as a place to stage a sit-in may not have been the best since the grid layout of Rajpath creates mere intersections. Marching up and down might be more effective for protesters than to stage a sit-in. Crowd behaviour is a key factor in emergency evacuation. In Boat Club lawns, the spatially integrated streets shaped the sit-in. The entrances to the space where the demonstrators would cluster are limited in number due to the central road and water body. Here the boundaries of space are defined and the street capacity is known. This type of crowd is called a ‘closed crowd’ (Canetti, 1960). On the other hand, the crowd in Jantar Mantar was not confined to the space, but filtered into the surrounding streets and alleyways as well. Here, the boundaries of the crowd are poorly defined. And that is the second type of crowd, the ‘open crowd’. According to Canetti (1960) a ‘closed crowd’ is difficult to disperse since ‘it is protected from outside influences’ (Canetti, 1960: p.17), whereas an ‘open crowd’, though has the potential to grow, is dangerous and can be disintegrated.

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fig.41 Shivaji and Guru Gobind Singh Shivaji and Sikh regime eventually weaked the Mughal rule and European trade gave way to Imperial rule.

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6. Conclusion Although advanced media and communication technologies can initiate political movement and guide protesters, the physical layout of a built environment also influences how a crowd behaves during a protest. Protesters seek public squares that are locally as well as globally well integrated in the city. Moreover, these squares need to have a symbolic value. The virtual agora is not enough since meanings are shaped, shared and expressed in physical urban space. Both Jantar Mantar and Boat Club lawns has symbolic value functioning as a suitable location for protests and have been in use for decades to show dissent. To what extend a protesting crowd can confront government forces; depends on the degree of porosity of the vicinity of the squares. A square that is well connected to its vicinity makes it easier for demonstrators to escape and hide from police forces. The reverse is true; a square that is poorly connected to its vicinity makes it easier for the police forces to control the crowd. Both Jantar Mantar and Boat Club lawns are accesible at a city scale. Main routes linking the various areas of the New Delhi intersect them both. They also have attracted large amount of protesting people in past. Moreover, Jantar Mantar is surrounded by narrow streets and alleyways, which enables protesters to escape from security forces. Therefore, a high amount of both vehicular and pedestrian movement aggrandize the success of the square as a space of discontent. Conversely, Boat Club lawns is poorly connected to its vicinity (central vista is a protected zone), which makes it easier for the police to control revolts. The analysis shows that Boat Club lawns is more suitable for public speeches than Jantar Mantar. The space in Boat Club lawns is more visible and accessible and can bear more people than Jantar Mantar. However, the network of narrow streets and alleyways in close vicinity of Jantar Mantar help political escapees to hide from police. Notably, Boat Club lawns lacks this network and consequently lacks the advantage of being a pedestrian friendly zone. In other words, large urban block length in Boat Club lawns prohibits protesters from protecting themselves and escaping security forces in the event of conflict.

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In the end, the perfect protest space must be integrated at both the city and settlement levels. However, the findings of this inquiry are just a preliminary step towards a better understanding of space and power. As the results show, a strategy for reducing revolts and demonstrations is to block local streets leading into large squares in cities of conflicts. Taken together, the spatial configuration of urban space combined with the symbolism of power, can strengthen, or constrain, protest. In other words, in protests, the symbolic value and the spatial configuration tend to complement each other. Simply, the symbolic value of artefacts attracts protesters, but the spatial configuration of the neighbourhood influences the behaviour pattern of the crowd and the control mechanism of state.

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fig.42 Dandi March The freedom struggle is depicted by a series of heroes Rani Laxmibai to Tipu Sultan to Gandhi’s Dandi March.

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Bibliography Castells, M. (2015). Networks of outrage and hope: Social movements in the Internet age. John Wiley & Sons. Lefebvre, H. (2014). The production of space (1991) (pp. 323-327). Routledge. Mayer, M. (2006). Manuel Castells’ the city and the grassroots. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 30(1), 202-206. Chattopadhyay, S. (2015). Cities of power and protest: spatial legibility and the colonial state in early twentiethcentury India. International Journal of Urban Sciences, 19(1), 40-52. Mehra, D. (2013). Planning Delhi ca. 1936–1959. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 36(3), 354-374. McGarry, A., Erhart, I., Eslen-Ziya, H., Jenzen, O., & Korkut, U. (2019). Introduction: The Aesthetics of Global Protest: Visual Culture and Communication. In The Aesthetics of Global Protest: Visual Culture and Communication (pp. 1535). Amsterdam University Press. Markussen, T. (2013). The disruptive aesthetics of design activism: enacting design between art and politics. Design Issues, 29(1), 38-50. Rojo, L. M. (2014). Occupy: The spatial dynamics of discourse in global protest movements. Journal of Language and Politics, 13(4), 583-598. Sbicca, J., & Perdue, R. T. (2014). Protest through presence: Spatial citizenship and identity formation in contestations of neoliberal crises. Social Movement Studies, 13(3), 309-327. Rydzak, J. (2019). Of blackouts and bandhs: The strategy and structure of disconnected protest in India. Available at SSRN 3330413. Karduni, A., & Sauda, E. (2020). Anatomy of a protest: spatial information, social media, and urban space. Social Media+ Society, 6(1), 2056305119897320. Jain, A. K. (2016). The significance of Shahjahanabad and Lutyens’ Delhi. International Journal of Environmental Studies, 73(4), 651-672.

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List of Figures fig.1 Cover Page Produced by Author fig.2 Constitution of India Trolley Times Souce: https://www.trolleytimes.online/all-pdfs fig.3 Zebu Bull Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.4 God Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.5 Before the Battle Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.6, 7, 8 Average marginal effects of each consecutive shutdown day ICEWS fig.9 Number of protests and riots in Jammu and Kashmir in 2016 ICEWS fig.10 Number of protests and riots by state in India, 2016 Source: ICEWS fig.11 Map and Diagram of Protests at Tahrir Square Source: https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/ interactive/2011/02/03/world/middleeast/20110203-tahrirsquare-protest-diagram.html#panel/5 fig.12 The Awakening Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.13 Sketch of the Environs of Delhi, 1807. Source: National Archives of India

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fig.14 Siege of Delhi, 1857. Source: Delhi State Archives fig.15 Lay Out Plan of New Delhi, pre 1930. Source: Delhi State Archives fig.16 Plan Showing All The Temporary Buildings in New Delhi erected in Connection with the War, 1945. Source: Delhi State Archives fig.17 Development Plan of GreaterDelhi, 1947-1955. Source: Delhi State Archives fig.18 Master Plan - 2021. Source: INTACH Delhi Chapter fig.19 Mahavir Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.20 Cities of Delhi in chronological order. Source: Jain A.K., 2010, Lutyens’ Delhi fig.21 Edwin Lutyens’ initial sketch of Capital Complex (June 1912). Source: Jain A.K., 1994, The Cities of Delhi fig.22 Delhi Municipality Notified Area, Imperial City and Western Extension, 1914. Source: Delhi State Archives fig.23 Nalanda Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.24 Ongoing farmer’s protest at the borders of Delhi. Produced by Author

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fig.25 Shift of spaces of dissent Produced by Author fig.26 Casting of first election after independence Source: Unknown fig.27 Nataraja Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.28, 29, 30, 31 Streets of Jantar Mantar Produced by Author fig.32 Juxtaposing protestors and Jantar Mantar, Delhi Edited by Author fig.33 Arjuna Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.34, 35. 36. 37 Occuping the streets, Monument, Agora, Shelter Produced by Author fig.38 Akbar’s court Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.39, 40 The visibility graph analysis (VGA) Produced by Author fig.41 Shivaji and Guru Gobind Singh Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india fig.42 Dandi March Govt. of India Source: https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india

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