Discourse and Grammar: Focussing and Defocussing in English by Veacesav Filimon

Forschung pStudium ¿¡¿Anglistik 4

Herausgegeben von Wolf-Dietrich Bald, Rudolf Emons und Leonhard Lipka

Peter Erdmann

Discourse and Grammar Focussing and defocussing in English

Max Niemeyer Verlag TĂźbingen 1990

CIP-Titelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Erdmann, Peter : Discourse and grammar : focussing and defocussing in English / Peter Erdmann. - Tübingen : Niemeyer, 1990 (Forschung & [und] Studium Anglistik ; 4) NE: GT ISBN 3-484-41004-3

ISSN 0178-7861

© Max Niemeyer Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, Tübingen 1990 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeichening und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Printed in Germany. Druck: Weiheit-Druck GmbH, Darmstadt

Preface

Grammatical

structures,

addition

to being

describable

terms

f o r m and content, f u l f i l a function in speech or writing. In this monograph, the examination of a series of syntagms w i l l centre on two main functional aspects, those of focussing and defocussing. I w i l l

not adhere to any

the f o r m a l or functional linguistic theories which have so far f a i l e d to deal satisfactorily or in sufficient detail with the relevant data, but w i l l use a data-based presentation of the facts to attempt a critical

stock-

taking of the literature on the topics in question. I would like to thank my c o l l e a g u e . P r o f . Bald, f o r his encouragement with this work, and for his inclusion of it in the series "Forschung und Studium A n g l i s t i k " . I would particularly like to thank M s Birgit

Kellner,

who managed, despite adverse conditions, to convert my handwritten manuscript into a l e g i b l e f o r m .

SaarbrĂźcken, M a r c h 1990

Peter

Erdmann

Contents

1.0

Introduction

1.1

The subject-matter to be investigated

1.2 1.2.1 1.2.2

Focus(sing) and defocussing Focus(sing) Defocussing

3 3 4

1.3 1.3.1 1.3.2 1.3.3 1.3.4

Functional differences Theme ( / rheme) Topic Information: given/ new Constituent weight

2.0

The English sentence

2.1 2.1.1 2.1.2

The nominal group Nominal pre-modification Nominal post-modification

14 15 17

2.2 2.2.1 2.2.1.1 2.2.1.2 2.2.1.3

The verbal group Verb modification Primary modifiers of the finite verbal group Secondary modifiers of the finite verbal group . . . . Modifiers of the non-finite verbal group

18 19 20 22 23

2.3

The adverbial group

3.0

Defocussing syntagms

3.1 3.1.1 3.1.1.1 3.1.1.1.1

Inversion Types of inversion Sentence-type inversion Independent interrogative clauses

28 29 30 30

6 7 8 9 10

VII

3.1.1.1.2 3.1.1.1.3 3.1.1.1.4 3.1.1.1.5 3.1.1.1.6 3.1.1.1.7 3.1.1.1.8 3.1.1.1.9 3.1.1.1.10 3.1.1.1.11 3.1.1.2 3.1.1.2.1 3.1.1.2.2 3.1.1.2.3 3.1.1.2.4 3.1.1.2.5 3.1.1.3 3.1.1.3.1 3.1.1.3.2 3.1.1.3.3

Dependent interrogative clauses Imperative sentences Exclamatory sentences Simple sentences expressing modality Adverbial relative clauses Accompanying clauses Appended clauses Conditional clauses Concessive and temporal clauses Comparative clauses Inversion of clause elements Negative expressions The absence of inversion after negative expressions. Negative correlative expressions Intensifying expressions Pro-elements Predicator inversion PRED inversion A D V / PREP inversion Ways of utilizing predicator inversion

31 31 33 33 34 34 35 35 36 36 36 37 38 39 40 41 41 42 44 47

3.2 3.2.1 3.2.1.1 3.2.1.2 3.2.1.3 3.2.1.4 3.2.1.5 3.2.1.6 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.3.1 3.2.3.2 3.2.4 3.2.4.1 3.2.4.1.1 3.2.4.1.1.1 3.2.4.1.1.2 3.2.4.1.1.2.1 3.2.4.1.1.2.2 3.2.4.1.1.2.3 3.2.4.1.2 3.2.4.1.3 3.2.4.1.4

There sentences The form there Nominal and adverbial there: homonymy or polysemy? The syntax of there The semantics of there The function of there The logic of there Alternatives to nominal there Concord in there sentences The verbal group Main verbs in there sentences Verb modifiers in there sentences The post-positioned nominal group Common nouns, pronouns and proper nouns Common nouns and determiners Indefinite determiners Definite determiners The This {those)/ that (those) Possessives and s forms Pronouns in there sentences Proper names The so-called "definite restriction"

51 53 58 59 59 60 62 63 65 67 67 73 78 79 79 79 82 82 86 87 88 90 91

VIII

3.2.4.2 3.2.4.3 3.2.4.3.1 3.2.4.3.1.1 3.2.4.3.1.2 3.2.4.3.1.3 3.2.4.3.1.4 3.2.4.3.1.5 3.2.4.3.2 3.2.4.3.2.1 3.2.4.3.2.1.1 3.2.4.3.2.1.2 3.2.4.3.2.2 3.2.4.3.2.2.1 3.2.4.3.2.2.2 3.2.4.3.2.2.3 3.2.4.3.2.2.4 3.2.4.3.2.3 3.2.4.3.2.4 3.2.4.3.2.4.1 3.2.4.3.2.4.2 3.2.4.3.2.5 3.2.4.3.2.5.1 3.2.4.3.2.5.2 3.2.4.3.2.6 3.2.4.3.2.7 3.2.4.3.2.8 3.2.5 3.2.5.1 3.2.5.2 3.2.5.3 3.2.6 3.2.6.1 3.2.6.2

Nominal clauses (Non-)post-modified nouns Nouns without nominal post-modification Nouns denoting entities Nouns denoting events Nouns denoting actions or movements Nouns denoting commodities used by people The verb be and its lexical equivalents Nouns with nominal post-modification Finite clauses Apposition Relative clauses Non-finite clauses For...to constructions 7o infinitives Ed forms Ing forms (Non-)finite clauses Prepositions and prepositional phrases Prepositions Prepositional phrases Adjectives and nouns Adjectives Nouns Adverbs Be clauses and lexical converses The analysis of there sentences with nominal modification There in non-finite clauses For...to constructions To infinitives Ing forms Uses of there sentences Textual use There and there-It ss sentences

3.3 3.3.1 3.3.1.1 3.3.1.2 3.3.1.2.1 3.3.1.2.2 3.3.2 3.3.3

Extrapositional it sentences Grammatical analysis Predicates in the it clause The subsequent component Finite clauses Non-finite clauses Analyses of the extr. it sentence Uses of the extr. it sentence

96 97 97 97 98 98 99 99 100 101 101 101 105 105 106 108 109 Ill Ill Ill 113 114 115 117 117 118 post120 121 121 122 123 123 123 125 127 128 129 132 132 133 134 135

3.3.3.1 3.3.3.2 3.3.3.3

Extraposition and non-extraposition The principle of complementary weight Textual reference

4.0

Focussing syntagms

4.1 4.1.1 4.1.1.1 4.1.1.2 4.1.1.3 4.1.2 4.1.2.1 4.1.2.1.1 4.1.2.1.1.1 4.1.2.1.2 4.1.2.1.2.1 4.1.2.1.3 4.1.2.1.4 4.1.2.2 4.1.2.2.1 4.1.2.2.2 4.1.2.3 4.1.2.4 4.1.3 4.1.3.1 4.1.3.2 4.1.3.3 4.1.3.4 4.1.4

Focussing it sentences Grammatical analysis The complete sentence The pre-clause The post-clause Focussability of constituents Nominal groups The subject Lack of connecting word The object Indirect and prepositional objects Predicatives Attributive genitives Adverbial groups Adjuncts Subjuncts and disjuncts Multiple focussing Ascriptive foe. it sentences Analyses of foe. it sentences Formal grammar Logical semantics Functional grammar Psycholinguistics Uses of foe. it sentences

141 142 143 143 144 145 145 146 147 147 148 149 151 151 151 153 154 154 156 156 162 164 167 171

4.2 4.2.1 4.2.1.1 4.2.1.1.1 4.2.1.1.2 4.2.1.2 4.2.1.3 4.2.1.4 4.2.2 4.2.2.1 4.2.2.1.1 4.2.2.2.

Focussing whsentences Grammatical analysis The complete sentence Grammatical concord Tense agreement The pre-clause The be form The post-constituent Focussability of constituents Nominal groups Nominalized clauses Predicatives

175 176 176 176 178 178 180 181 181 181 182 183

135 137 138

141

4.2.2.3 4.2.2.4 4.2.3 4.2.4

Verbal groups Adverbial groups Analyses of the foe. whsentence Uses of the foe. whsentence

184 186 187 190

4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2

Focussing copula sentences Transposed foe. whsentences Generalizing nominal expressions

193 193 196

5.0

Summary

19 9

References

201

Corpus texts

211

Index

219

To GUESâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;

you

know

1.0 Introduction

The title of this monograph, "Discourse and Grammar", indicates that we a r e concerned with the analysis and description of grammatical s t r u c tures, against the background of their use in written and spoken texts. We use language and linguistic forms for various purposes: to convey information; to develop or strengthen social contacts; to declare our individual point of view; to exert influence, and many more. Linguistic forms serve particular purposes in communication, whether spoken or written. The intentions of s p e a k e r s / writers form only one aspect of what is s a i d / written; their h e a r e r s / readers must understand these intentions, assimilate them, and, in some cases, translate them into action. When the various communicative reasons for the use of language are included in one's research, then the investigation must also take account of the partners in the discourse. This leads one to conclude that linguistic forms, grammatical structures, etc. a r e constructed in such a way that they are centred on the communicative aims of their s p e a k e r s / writers, as well as on the interpretatory needs of their h e a r e r s / readers. In consequence, when describing a grammatical structure, one must always place it in its communicative relationship to the participants in the discourse. This monograph thus belongs to the functional, or, to be more precise, discourse-functional investigations which have increasingly appeared over the last twenty years. I take discourse to be a linguistic activity, in spoken or written form, which is part of a communicative event. Its static side can be emphasized, this being the result of a communicative event which may be set down in the relevant medium, e.g. on audio tape or in a transcript, and which can be the subject of linguistic investigation. The word "discourse" can also describe the dynamic side of linguistic activity, the course of the communicative event between the participants. The emphasis on grammar and discourse in the title of this book indicates that the syntagms which are to be examined play a part in the formulation of the speakers'/ writers' intentions and a r e understood by the h e a r e r s / readers as signals in their reconstruction and interpretation of the transmitted linguistic activity. In the following, I will refer only to speakers and hearers, thus avoiding the clumsy device of always mentioning either s p e a k e r s / writers or h e a r e r s / readers. In the definition of "text", I follow Halliday and Hasan (1976: l):

T h e word T E X T is used in linguistics to r e f e r to any passage, spoken or w r i t t e n , of w h a t e v e r length, that does form a u n i f i e d whole. We know, as a g e n e r a l r u l e , w h e t h e r any s p e c i m e n of our own language c o n s t i t u t e s a TEXT or not."

There is a wealth of literature concerned with defining discourse and text, including Brown/ Yule (1983: chapter l), Edmondson (1981: chapter 1), H a l l i d a y / Hasan (1976: chapter l) and Widdowson (1979).

1.1

The subject-matter to be investigated

In English, there are many grammatical opportunities for introducing clause elements into a text, or for emphasizing their importance in discourse. The grammatical means available for this include certain types of element order and sentence structures. In this monograph, our attention will be principally centred on examining those syntagms in which the subject (or, to be more precise, the notional subject) appears after the finite verb. These comprise: -

inversion there sentences extrapositional it sentences focussing it sentences focussing whsentences

In the above-mentioned cases, the notional subject (underlined in the following examples) comes after the finite verb form. (1)

Over the bed h u n g a mosquito net.

(2)

T h e r e h a v e been many wars.

(3)

It is obvious that s h e is right.

(4)

It is h i s s i l e n c e s w h i c h a r e most

(5)

What w a s needed w a s a political

telling. breakthrough.

In this monograph, I will attempt to describe these syntagms grammatically and lexically, as well as to specify their function and use in discourse. In order to delimit the area of study and to describe the semantic and pragmatic properties of the above-mentioned syntagms, it is essential to make use of spoken and written texts. The latter have been dominant in text-based research so far, and the present work is no exception. As far as possible, authentic textual examples will be used as illustrations in the following chapters.

1.2

Focus(sing) and defocussing

The constructions referred to in the first section may be placed in two different functional categories, according to their grammatical structure and their rĂ´le in texts. One group has the attribute of directing attention to particular constituents of the sentence by means of emphasis. This function will be referred to here as focussing, with the emphasized constituent being called the focus. The last two syntagms mentioned above belong to this group: focussing it and whsentences. The other group has the attribute of removing subjects from the centre of the interest which they usually have when they occupy the position before the finite verb. I will refer to this function as defocussing. The first three syntagms mentioned above belong to this group, i.e. sentences with inversion, as well as there and it extrapositional sentences. The terms "focussing" and "defocussing" will be explained more fully in the following two s e c tions.

1.2.1

Focus(sing)

The terms "focus" and "focussing" are used in linguistic literature to mean different things. They may, for instance, refer to the emphasizing of parts of sentences through phonological and grammatical means. Taglicht (1984: l) says: "I shall use ' f o c u s i n g ' as a g e n e r a l term for t h e a s s i g n m e n t of p r o m i n e n c e by phonological or s y n t a c t i c means."

"Phonological means" refers to the emphasizing accent which a clause element can bear. It is indicated in (6) by capital letters. "Grammatical (= syntactic) means" refers to changes in word order (topology), as in (7), and also to sentence structures, e.g. the focussing it sentence in (8). (6)

We called BOB yesterday.

(7)

Bob we called yesterday.

(8)

It was Bob we called yesterday.

Alternatively, the term is limited in its use to expression either through phonological or grammatical means. Halliday, for instance, uses the term 'focus' exclusively in the phonological sense, referring in this connection to "information focus'. Couper-Kuhlen (1986: chapters 4.2 and 7) has a thorough account of Halliday's position and closely-connected views. My use of the term 'focus' here has this differentiation: - I describe emphasis through phonology (phonological as emphasis, and the main accent with phonological as information focus.

prominence) prominence

We called BOB yesterday.

- Emphasis through word order (topological prominence)

I call

fronting.

Bob w e called yesterday.

- Emphasis through grammatical

prominence

I call

focus.

It w a s Bob w e called yesterday.

With focussing, it is necessary to distinguish between the linguistic means, the part in focus, and the rest of the construction. In the example sentence "It was Bob we called yesterday.", the focussing syntagm (it was...) would be the grammatical means, Bob would be the focus, and what remains of the sentence would be the rest of the construction. Of the focus constructions available in English, focussing it and whsentences and a few other focussing copula sentences will be discussed in this monograph. What they have in common is the fact that they use identifying be as a grammatical means for opening up a position after the finite form of the copula for the clause element which is to be focus. Focussing structures a r e grammatically more complex than the c o r r e sponding non-focussing syntagms. Prominence has been seen as the linguistic expression of general human perceptual strategies, according to which we do not perceive at any one time the totality of the component parts of an object such as a picture, but direct our attention successively to individual details, leaving the others unobserved. Linda K. Jones, for example, makes the following analogy (Jones 1977: 3): T h e h u m a n m i n d is incapable of assigning equal i m p o r t a n c e to all the data it receives f r o m its sensory sources, probably b e c a u s e it is incapable ÎżÎ&#x201C; paying equal a t t e n t i o n to all t h e data at once. W h e n we look at a picture, w e never perceive all its details s i m u l t a n e o u s l y . T h e r e a r e c e r t a i n parts of t h e p i c t u r e that w e notice immediately, w h i l e the rest w e do not. Always in h u m a n perception t h e r e a r e f o r e g r o u n d and b a c k g r o u n d , f i g u r e against ground, important and n o n - i m p o r t a n t . . . "

Prominence achieved by linguistic means is known as foregrounding (/ backgrounding) or highlighting. For a possible analogy between linguistic structure and perceptual strategies see Jones (1977: chapter l) and above all Langhoff (1980).

1.2.2

Defocussing

In contrast to the constructions already mentioned, which give g r a m m a t ical prominence to parts of sentences in a syntagm introduced by it or what after identifying be, and which, as a rule, can be related to nonfocussing sentence equivalents, the three remaining possibilities - inversion, there and extrapositional it sentences - a r e positional variants of sentences of equal complexity.

(9)

There's

a fly in my soup.

(10) A fly is in my soup.

These two sentences are differentiated by the position of the subject. In the less usual sentence (10), a fly appears before finite be, whereas in (9), it follows it. If the nominal group (o f l y ) is removed from subject position, then, in accordance with the strict subject-predicate structure of assertive and interrogative sentences in modern English, there must be a pro forma subject. In (9), this is the pro-form there, which can be seen to function as subject from the way it behaves grammatically, e.g. in tag questions. (11) T h e r e ' s a fly in my soup, isn't

there/

*it?

I refer to this removal of a nominal group from its usual position as defocussing. A similar situation obtains with inversion. (12) In the window sits an old lady. (13) An old lady sits in the window.

If the prepositional phrase opens the sentence, the subject comes after the finite verb form. In this example, the pro-form there can also be introduced, e.g. In the window there sits an old lady. Extrapositional it sentences are a similar case. (14) It is true (thai) h e lost the key. (15) T h a t he lost the key is true.

In (14), the clause he lost the key (functioning as subject) appears after the predicator, i.e. after the finite form of be. The subject-predicator structure requires a minimal subject indicator (= it) in the vacated position. Some comments about the term "defocussing" may be helpful here. In English, the subject (in contrast to the object, for example) is marked by being in grammatical agreement with the predicator, e.g. The book/ books sells/ sell well. In German, for example, it is also marked for case (= nominative). Moreover, in English, the subject usually appears before the predicator. The placing of the subject after the predicator is connected with particular conditions, which may be collectively discussed under the heading of "inversion". There are various references in psychological literature to the fact that the speakers' interest is extremely significant with regard to the choice of subject. We have a selective perception of our surroundings and make a (partly-unconscious) decision as to what we will make the subject, according to the degree of attention the various objects command from us. Therefore, acting in accordance with an egocentric scale, we tend to make people or other life-forms into the subject, rather than inanimate objects, likewise choosing the concrete rather than the abstract, and so on. In psychological literature, this interest of speakers which affects their choice of subject is called

"focus", an expression taken over by representatives of form-content analysis into linguistic description. This linguistic school assumes that German has a (morphological) focus system, with the contrast of focus (nominative) and non-focus (dative, accusative). Through choosing the nominative, speakers express where their main interest lies. In English, this would relate to the contrast between focus (subject) and non-focus ((in)direct object). When subjects do not appear in front of the finite verb, they nevertheless remain the focus according to this terminology, i.e. in German, the noun is still in the nominative case, while in English, it continues to function as the subject. Placing the subject after the verb does not turn the focus into a non-focus, i.e. into a dative or an accusative object, or into a direct or indirect object. Drawing on this terminology, I will use the term "defocussing" here. The subject still functions as a subject, but it is not in its usual position in front of the finite verb. In other words, it b e c o m e s / is defocussed. For the extensive psychological literature on the speaker's choice of subject see Bock (1982: 14-18), Ertel (1977) and Zubin (1979: 474, fn 4). Form-content analysis is discussed by Garcia (1975: chapter 3). See Zubin (1979) on the focus system (in German). In the more recent linguistic literature, the distinctions I refer to in this work as "focussing" and "defocussing" are covered by different terms. Taglicht distinguishes between "cleft focus" (Taglicht 1984: chapter 4.1) and "sequential focus", where inversion and there sentences represent a subsection (Taglicht 1984: chapter 4.2). Within the framework of generative grammar, Rochemont differentiates between "cleft focus" and "constructional focus" (Rochemont 1986: chapters 4 and 5).

1.3.

Functional differences

The discussion of the functional characteristics of the syntagms mentioned in the first section necessitates the use of terms which are still the subject of dispute and are defined in different ways by those involved in this area of research. This is a situation which can lead to conceptual confusion if the terms are not sufficiently clearly established. The present work is not concerned with providing an exhaustive survey of the varied terminology currently used for functional concepts, but with defining and specifying the various concepts which have a rĂ´le to play in the discussion presented in the following chapters. There are four functional concepts which are particularly important in this respect.

1.3.1

Theme ( / rheme)

The hallmarks of the Prague school are the division of the communicative structure of the sentence into two areas (theme - rheme) or into three (theme - transitional zone - rheme) and the simultaneous assumption that this is the basic order if there is no co(n)textual reason for changing it. The division of the sentence into three segments of structure - grammatical (subject - predicator - object), semantic (agent - action - patient) and communicative (theme - transitional zone - rheme) - has been a feature of the research conducted by this linguistic school since Mathesius. However, there is still no agreement about the definition of theme ( / rheme) in a sentence. Some authors try to determine the theme and rheme by means of the information value for the discourse of the various parts of the sentence. According to this theory, the theme is what is known/ given in the text, and the rheme is the unknown/ new. Others assess the theme and rheme according to the contribution of parts of the sentence to the (further) development of a discourse. If the contribution is slight, then the relevant part of the sentence is described as the theme, and if it is considerable, it is called the rheme. Grammatical, lexical and contextual factors work together here to allow the contribution of a part of a sentence towards the development of the discourse to be established. A different functional definition of theme ( / rheme) is to be found in the works of Halliday (1985: 36), who has the following interpretation: "The T h e m e is a f u n c t i o n in Ihe CLAUSE AS A MESSAGE. It is w h a t the message is c o n c e r n e d with; t h e point ÎżÎ&#x201C; d e p a r t u r e Tor w h a t the s p e a k e r is going to say."

For Halliday, the theme is obviously the starting point that a speaker chooses for his message. In English, the theme introduces the sentence: "As a g e n e r a l guide, the T h e m e can be identified as that e l e m e n t w h i c h c o m e s in f i r s t position in the clause." (Halliday 1985: 39).

In the following examples, the underlined parts of the sentence are theme. (16) T h e d u k e h a s given my a u n t that teapot. (17) T h a t teapot the d u k e has given to my a u n t . (18) Very c a r e f u l l y s h e put him back on his f e e t again.

The schools of thought commented on above relate the term to the sentence. To make the concept clearer, one could speak of sentence theme. The concept of "theme" is also applied to the text. For example, Jones (1977: V) says: T h e ideas about t h e m e developed in i n t u i t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e m e that school - that is, that t h e m e is "main is its "central thread". T h e m e also may of a text: a s t a t e m e n t broad e n o u g h

this study have their roots in the r a t h e r most of u s had in primary and secondary idea" in a text. T h e t h e m e - l i n e of a text be desribed as a " m i n i m u m g e n e r a l i z a t i o n " to r e p r e s e n t t h e e n t i r e text, yet s p e c i f i c

e n o u g h to r e p r e s e n t its uniqueness."

Jones uses the term "theme" in the sense of a textual theme - i.e. what the text is concerned with or what the text is about. However, in the following chapters, I will use "theme" only in the sense of sentence theme. T h e literature on theme ( / rheme) is extensive and diverse. Two works by Firbas summarizing the Prague school theories are recommended - Firbas (1974, 1983). A wide-ranging discussion of Prague school linguists can be found in Jones (1977: chapter 3). Halliday has developed his ideas on this topic in a number of publications, e.g. Halliday (1967, 1985: chapter 3). For theme as textual theme see for example Jones (1977: chapter l) and Brown/ Yule (1983: chapter 4).

1.3.2.

Topic

One distinction competing with the t h e m e / rheme structure of sentences is that found in topic and comment, which can be defined as follows (Hockett 1958: 201): "... t h e s p e a k e r a n n o u n c e s a topic and then says s o m e t h i n g about it... In English and the f a m i l i a r languages of Europe, topics a r e usually also subjects and comm e n t s a r e predicates."

Topic (as characterized by Hockett) has a strong correlation with the grammatical concept of subject, but is not always identical to it. In the more recent literature, especially in the sphere of generative grammar, the term "topic" is often used to describe the fronting of constituents. Thus, the underlined parts of the following example sentences should be regarded as topic (cf. Creider 1979: 4). (19) Apples he never

liked.

(20) Tasty that c a k e was.

In the following chapters, "topic" will be understood to be a narrative, rather than a grammatical notion - topic in the sense of the subject-matter of a conversation, or what a discourse is about. What the theme (in Hockett's informal understanding of the term) or subject-matter of a conversation is can usually be determined from the interplay of speaker and hearer. It is not always something fully formulated and grammatically marked, but rather something which can be inferred from the conversation or when reading. For this reason, it has rightly been pointed out that it is not sentences or texts that have topics, but s p e a k e r s / writers or h e a r e r s / readers. It is they who have to reach agreement about the subj e c t - m a t t e r of a text, negotiate it, or allow the search for it to lead them to different conclusions.

The literature on topic (/ comment) suffers from the confusion of grammatical ("the first constituent in the sentence") with narrative ("what a text is about") features. I follow Allan (1986: chapters 7.5 and 7.9), Brown/ Yule (1983: chapter 3), Gundel (1974) and Reinhart (1982) in regarding the topic to be the subject-matter of a discourse.

1.3.3

Information: given/ new

Another functional distinction is that of the informational value of constituents. Clause elements are parts of sentences, and sentences in their turn form parts of a text. In discourse, the individual utterance contributes to the development of the conversation as a whole, and is understood against the background of the current (non-)linguistic knowledge of the discourse partners. Using this background knowledge, the information conveyed by the sentence constituents is divided into given/ old and new. The literature contains various methods of ascertaining what should be regarded as given or new in a sentence. "Given" is often perceived as what has already been mentioned in the text. Assistance with this may be given by certain linguistic forms such as determiners. In the second of the two example sentences which follow, a signal is given that "the three men" have already been mentioned, whereas the first sentence could appear at the beginning of a story or paragraph where people not yet mentioned are introduced. (21) T h r e e m e n boarded the plane. (22) T h e t h r e e m e n boarded t h e plane.

Whether something is known or not is often dependent on the way it is embedded in a situation, or results from our knowledge of objects or processes in the world. The exclamation below refers to pictures which are known because they are obvious features of the conversational situation, whilst the item "brake" in the second example is known as a result of our world knowledge about cars, which includes the fact that a car has a brake. (23) Look at these b e a u t i f u l pictures! (24) We bought a car. T h e b r a k e does not w o r k .

Judging from the above examples, "given" refers to the co- or contextual, linguistic or non-linguistic givenness of an object, whilst "new" means its non-derivability from the text, the situation or our knowledge. This definition includes the interpretatory rĂ´le of the hearer, but not the c o r responding part played by the speaker when establishing what is "given" and what is "new". In the end, it is speakers who decide what to mark as given and new for the listener, on the basis of their estimation of

the way the discourse is developing. Halliday formulates it as follows (Halliday 1985: 277): T h e s i g n i f i c a n t variable is: i n f o r m a t i o n that is presented by the s p e a k e r as recoverable (Given) or not recoverable (New) to the listener. What is treated as recoverable may be so because it has been m e n t i o n e d before; but that is not the only possibility. It may be something that is in the situation, like I and you-, or in the air. so to speak; or something that is not a r o u n d at all but that the s p e a k e r w a n t s to present as Given for r h e t o r i c a l purposes. T h e m e a n i n g is: this is not news. Likewise, w h a t is treated as n o n - r e c o v e r a b l e may be s o m e t h i n g that h a s not been m e n t i o n e d ; but it may be s o m e t h i n g unexpected, w h e t h e r previously m e n t i o n e d or not. T h e m e a n i n g is: attend to this; this is news."

"Given", therefore, is what speakers regard as information obtainable by the hearer; "new" is information that they regard as non-recoverable by the hearer. There is wide-spread agreement that there is a kind of fundamental order for the distribution of information in the English assertive sentence. When co(n)textual reasons do not dictate otherwise, the known/ given/ old information precedes the new. The given tends to appear at the beginning of the sentence, with the new usually coming at the end. This distribution is explained by the fact that utterances can then be processed more easily. The procedure used by speakers to process incoming information involves first identifying what is known, and then using this as the basis for the understanding of new information. The given/ new sequence facilitates this processing strategy (cf. C l a r k / Haviland (1977)). The determining of what is given/ new has been achieved independently of the linguistic form of the two informational values. Halliday links the distinction to a prosodie realization. He believes that the primary accent of a sentence always lies on a constituent with the informational status of New. In the unmarked case, this applies to the last lexical item in the sentence, and when it is marked, the primary stress lies on another constituent. In the first of the two examples below, the main accent is on blame (= unmarked), whereas in the second it is on you (= marked). (25) You w e r e to blame. (26) You w e r e to blame.

The literature is extensive and, at times, contradictory; important works are Brown/ Yule (1983: chapter 5), Chafe (1976), Halliday (1967, 1985: chapter 8) and Prince (1981a).

1.3.4

Constituent weight

Besides the functional distinctions already mentioned, there is another principle which applies to the way texts are constructed and understood:

the weight of t h e constituents t e x t u a l organization and our of a constituent is taken to s t a n c e , a nominal group may in the following e x a m p l e s ) .

and their sequence in the s e n t e n c e influence processing s t r a t e g i e s as h e a r e r s . T h e weight mean the size of a c l a u s e e l e m e n t . For inconsist of only a single l e x e m e (underlined

(27) Sugar dissolves in water. (28) Bert went to the zoo. (29) T h i s is correct.

Nominal groups may also be composed of a head with p r e - a n d / or p o s t modification. (30) T h e silent majority will decide. (31) Guests w h o pay a r e w e l c o m e . (32) We can only give you a c r u d e e s t i m a t e of t h e cost.

At one e x t r e m e , t h e r e a r e constituents composed of one l e x e m e , and at the o t h e r , t h e r e a r e c l a u s e e l e m e n t s which, according to t h e number of their p r e - a n d / or p o s t - m o d i f i e r s , a r e not, in principle at l e a s t , subject to any finite size limit. T h e s e endpoints of the s c a l e a r e c a l l e d light and heavy. Another set of t e r m s is based on length, with the division of constituents into short and long. C l a u s e e l e m e n t s can t h e r e f o r e b e either l i g h t / short or h e a v y / long, or can b e a r r a n g e d on a sliding s c a l e b e t w e e n the two poles. A range of f a c t o r s (which will b e discussed b e l o w ) i n f l u e n c e the sequence of light and heavy constituents in the s e n t e n c e . As h e a r e r s , we find it easier to process u t t e r a n c e s which a l t e r n a t e b e tween light and heavy components. Weight of constituents as a f a c t o r has long been known. As e a r l y as 1909, the G e r m a n i s t O t t o Behaghel included in his essay on the size and sequence of c l a u s e e l e m e n t s ( " B e ziehungen zwischen U m f a n g und Reihenfolge von S a t z g l i e d e r n " ) a mention of a " l a w of increasing constituent size" ( " G e s e t z der w a c h s e n d e n G l i e der"), which he c h a r a c t e r i z e d as follows: "... t h e r e is a tendency not only to choose the later position Tor the longer expression, but also to f o r m a longer expression for the later position. In this way, l a n g u a g e s unconsciously develop a p a r t i c u l a r r h y t h m i c feel, a t e n d e n c y to move f r o m the s h o r t e r to the longer constituent; t h u s evolves w h a t I wish to call (in order to have a c o n v e n i e n t expression for it) ' t h e law of i n c r e a s i n g c o n s t i t u e n t size'." (Behaghel 1909: 139)

T h e principle of s e n t e n c e rhythm has been taken up again in the r e c e n t l i t e r a t u r e of p r a g m a t i c s and also in psycholinguistics. See, for instance, A l l a n (1986: c h a p t e r 7.4), Bock (1982: 18 f), H a r t v i g s o n / Jakobsen (1974: c h a p t e r 4.1) and L e e c h (1983: chapter 3.3.3).

2.0 The English sentence

To prepare the way for the terminology involved in the grammatical analyses of this chapter, it is perhaps necessary to give a brief review here of the range of sentences in English. These are either simple or multiple. Simple sentences are those which contain a syntagm whose components are not in themselves clauses. (1)

Joan can be nasty.

(2)

The prices went up again.

(3)

Our learn lost the game.

(4)

Last night, he gave me three letters.

Sentences like (5) and (6), on the other hand, are seen as multiple, b e cause the object or adverbial is itself composed of a clause. (5)

Nobody knows what will happen next.

(6)

Don left, although I had asked him to stay.

If clauses appear as post-modifiers of sentence components, then these sentences are evaluated as simple. (7)

The family that prays together stays together.

(8)

I remember the time when he was young.

The simple sentence in English consists of three groups (or nominal, verbal and adverbial. (9)

The prices

went up

nominal group

verbal group

phrases):

again. adverbial group

They express different grammatical functions: the nominal group has the function of subject; indirect, direct and prepositional object; the verbal group functions as predicator; and the adverbial group functions as adverbial. (10) LasI night adverbial (11) He

gave

subject predicator convinced

subject predicator direct object

three

letters.

indirect direct object object of his

innocence.

prepositional object

The multiple sentence is either compound or complex. In the former case, two or more clauses are co-ordinated to produce a sentence on a single level. In the latter, two or more clauses are arranged in such a way that one is subordinated to another, forming a sentence on two or more levels. (12) illustrates co-ordination, and (13) subordination. (12) D a n a sent m e some money, and we had a good time. (13) If you agree, the row will be over.

There are three types of clause in English: declarative, interrogative and imperative. This division rests on criteria of a grammatical nature. If a clause has a subject which agrees with the predicator, then it is either a declarative or an interrogative clause. If there is no subject in the clause which agrees with the predicator, then this is an imperative clause. Declarative clauses differ grammatically from interrogative clauses in that the subject precedes the predicator in the former, while in the latter, the subject (with the exception of the subject question) follows the predicator. (14) Everyone will be happy, (declarative) (15) W h e r e a r e the horses? (interrogative) (16) Give m e a hand! (imperative)

This grammatical classification of clauses into three types is quite distinct from what a clause expresses. Declarative clauses can be interpreted as commands, e.g. There's a draught, interrogative clauses as requests, e.g. Could you help me?, and imperative clauses as wishes, e.g. Have a nice day! The way a sentence is understood is only partly determined by its grammatical structure. For a comprehensive discussion of the English sentence and clause types, see various chapters in Quirk et al. (1985).

2.1 The nominal group The nominal group consists of an obligatory nominal head and two s a t e l lites which either precede or follow the head, and which are both optional. The nominal head may take the form of a common noun or a proper noun, which are underlined in the following examples. (17) A big dog chased our cat. (18) My f r i e n d does not like meat. (19) Susan visited Arundel Castle last year. (20) Everyone w a s happy.

For the further discussion, it may be helpful to list the different classes of pronouns here:

1. Personal pronouns, e.g. 1/ me, she/ 2. Possessive pronouns, e.g. mine,

her etc.;

his etc.;

3. Reflexive pronouns, e.g. myself,

ourselvesÂˇ,

4. Reciprocal pronouns, e.g. each other, one

anotherÂˇ,

5. Relative pronouns, e.g. wh- forms, thatÂˇ, 6. Interrogative pronouns, e.g. wh- forms; 7. Demonstrative pronouns, e.g. this (these)/

that

(those);

8. Indefinite pronouns, e.g. all, both, each, everyone; one, some(one), many, (a) little, several, enough, another, anything; neither, none, nobody. Standard grammars such as Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 6) provide further information on the individual groups. The subject matter of the present work makes it unnecessary to go into further detail about common and proper nouns. The satellites of the head-word will be described below as nominal modifiers, and distinguished as nominal pre- or post-modifiers according to their position. The nominal group can thus be either simple, i.e. comprising only a noun or a pronoun, or extended, i.e. the nominal head is p r e - and/ or post-modified. Fig. (21) nominal group

pre-modifier(s)

head

post-modifier(s)

simple extended

2.1.1

Nominal pre-modification

To simplify matters, nominal pre-modification can be divided into three syntagms: determinative, adjectival and nominal qualifiers. (22) Basil

lost h j s e x p e n s i v e C a r t i e r

watch.

(23) T h e c h i l d r e n r e m e m b e r e d a l i t h e o t h e r b e a u t i f u l a n i m a l b o o k s .

The pre-modification of the nominal groups underlined in (22) and (23) consists of determiners (his; all, the, other), adjectives (expensive; beautiful) and nouns (Cartier; animal). The last two need no further explanation within the thematic framework of this monograph, but the determiners do require further subdivision and explanation. Based on their sequential ordering, three groups can be distinguished: one group which forms the

core of the determiner, and two others which function as p r e - or postdeterminers, according to whether they come before or after it. (24) T h e judge rejected the evidence. (25) T h e judge rejected a great deal of the evidence. (26 ) T h e judge rejected a great deal of t h e additional evidence.

The sequence of determiners in these examples illustrates the three classes. The definite article the is the focal point of the determiner syntagm, around which the p r e - (partitives a great deal o f ) and postmodifiers (additional) are grouped. The pre-determiners comprise: 1. quantifying all (my) sons, both {his) brothers,

half

the

plums·,

2. expressions describing a multiple of a quantity: twice the e f f o r t , three times the size (of mine); 3. exclamatory formulae like such

a nice party,

what a mess;

4. partitive constructions like plenty of books, lots of rain, deal of trouble, a good number of complaints.

a great

There is a lack of consensus in the literature about the analysis of partitive constructions. I follow Sinclair (1972: 156 ff), in regarding them as pre-determiners (pre-deictics in his terminology). The determiners at the core of the syntagm consist of: 1. the articles the, a(n) and zero (0); 2. the demonstratives this (these)/ 3. the possessives my, your,

that (<Λθίβ);

his, her etc.;

4. the relative and interrogative whwhich, whose; 5. the generalizing wh- ever

forms which,

whose;

what,

forms;

6. the quantifying expressions every, each, either; (any), enough, several; no, neither.

any, another,

some

In examples such as: You may take any apple you like, any is the stressed determiner, in contrast to the unstressed any which can be replaced by some, e.g. Charles is (not) buying some (any) chocolate. The p o s t - d e t e r miners comprise: 1. the cardinal and ordinal numbers: one, two, three ond, third etc.; 2. sequencing words, such as last, past, next; 3. the quantifying expressions many,

other,

(a) few;

etc.; first,

additional,

much,

(a) little.

sec-

further,

A comparison with the pronouns will show that various expressions can function both as determiners and pronouns, for instance the wh- forms, the demonstratives and the group of quantifying expressions.

2.1.2. Nominal post-modification The following syntagms and word classes are found in nominal post-modification: 1. Finite clauses; these can appear on the one hand in the function of appositions after head-nouns such as chance, doubt, fact, hope, rumour etc., e.g. the chance that he might win, the rumour that the President will resign. On the other hand, they can appear as relative clauses with a nominal or adverbial antecedent, e.g. the team who won, the car (which) they bought; the hotel where we stayed. 2. Non-finite clauses; these are infinitive and verbal ed and ing forms. The infinitives occur as to infinitives, with or without a subject (introduced by for). In both cases, they, like the finite clauses, appear in the function of appositions and relative clauses. (For...) to infinitives which function as appositives occur after head-nouns such as call, move, need, plan, tendency etc., e.g. the need (for the law) to be precise, the tendency (for planners) to neglect environmental factors. (For...) to infinitives which function like relative clauses have the same types of antecedent as finite relative clauses, e.g. the man to help you, the question (for you) to ask, the place (for tourists) to relax. Verbal ed and ing forms occur as non-finite components of the passive, the have tense forms and the expanded form, as well as participles. It is important to make this distinction with regard to the ing forms. There are participial ing forms such as belonging and containing, which cannot be interpreted as non-finite components of an expanded form, e.g. the bottle containing water ('the bottle is containing water), the boys running across the street (the boys are running across the street); the lecture given by a colleague. 3. Prepositions and prepositional phrases; locative prepositions which appear as nominal post-modifiers are, for example, above, below, inside, underneath, within - the sky above, the enemy within. Prepositional phrases are frequently used in post-position.

Various classes of locative, temporal etc. prepositions occur, e.g. about, before, concerning, for, till - the time before the meeting, the plan for his release. 4.

Adverbs;

there are locative and temporal adverbs: everywhere, today, - the bedroom upstairs, the trouble today. 5.

indoors,

upstairs,

Adjectives;

there are adjectives describing a state which is temporary and which may change, e.g. available, evident, interested, missing, present - the money available, the information missing. 6.

Nouns;

in the literature, the post-modification of nouns by nouns is treated as apposition, e.g. by Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 17.65). Examples of this are: our friend Walter, Kermit the frog. On the one hand, the content expressed by nominal post-modification can determine the way the head-noun is understood by the hearer. This case is known as restrictive post-modification. The examples given in this section are of this type. On the other hand, nominal post-modification can give additional information which, although it does not determine how the head-noun is understood, nevertheless contains details which enhance and extend it. This is known as non-restrictive post-modification. There are various terms for the distinction between restrictive and nonrestrictive, such as appositive/ non-appositive, necessary/ unnecessary. The division into restrictive and non-restrictive is most familiar with reference to relative clauses, but it occurs with all (post-) modifiers, cf. Quirk et a l . (1985: chapter 17.3-6).

2.2

The verbal group

The verbal group consists of an obligatory lexical head plus a series of satellites which either precede or follow the head, according to their status as f r e e or bound morphemes. Main verbs usually constitute the lexical head of the verbal group, auxiliary verbs the satellites. G r a m m a t ical criteria a r e used for deciding whether a verb is an auxiliary. They have frequently been discussed, for instance by Palmer (1974: chapter 2.2) and Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 3.22-30). H e r e are some of the relevant points:

1. Auxiliary verbs function as operators, i.e. they do not require do support in questions, negations or inversions. (27)

They (will) like Ihe new show.

(28)

Will they like t h e new

show?

(29) ' L i k e t h e y / Do they like t h e new show?

2. Auxiliary verbs appear in anaphoric constructions. (30)

Ann has helped us a lot and so has Sue.

(31) ' A n n helped us a lot and so helped Sue. (32)

Ann helped us a lot and so did Sue.

3. Adverbs such as often, never, or certainly, auxiliary verbs, but not main verbs.

probably

(33)

T h i s shop can probably deliver goods to your door.

(34)

T h i s shop probably delivers goods to your door.

can follow

(35) ? " T h i s shop delivers probably goods to your door.

4. Terms expressing quantity, such as all, both and each after auxiliary verbs, but not after main verbs. (36)

All the children w e r e having a good time.

(37)

T h e c h i l d r e n w e r e all having a good time.

can occur

(38) ' T h e c h i l d r e n had all a good time.

Verb forms are whether or not predicator of a the third person clauses, i.e. by

either finite or non-finite. The difference is based on there is grammatical concord between the subject and clause. This concord is revealed by the inflection of present tense (indicative) in declarative and interrogative the suffixal morpheme s.

(39) Janet r u n s ten m i l e s a day. (40) Have t h e police been i n f o r m e d ?

Verb-forms showing concord (e.g. runs and have in the two examples given) are called finite; verb-forms showing none (such as been and informed) are non-finite.

2.2.1

Verb modification

The structure of the verbal group can be described in terms of the number and types of its satellites, i.e. of its verb modifiers. As mentioned above, these are sub-divided into two groups: those modifiers which are expressed by bound morphemes, and those expressed by f r e e morphemes. In a verbal group, a bound morpheme appears as the ending of the following f r e e morpheme of its syntagm, whether that f r e e morpheme is an auxiliary

or a main verb. Verb modifiers, which are subject to a fixed linear sequence, a r e divided into primary and secondary modifiers.

2.2.1.1

Primary modifiers of the finite verbal group

Different numbers of primary verb modifiers occur in finite and non-finite verbal groups. Only finite groups have the full range. In English, the following modifiers a r e recognized. 1. the passive (fee-en); The passive is expressed by the complex (fee-en), i.e. by the f r e e morpheme fee and the bound morpheme en, which appears as the past participle ending of the following free morpheme. (41) No one will be prosecuted. (42) Our cat w a s r u n over by a car.

the expanded f o r m / EF (be-ing);

The expanded form (EF), often referred to by traditional grammars as the continuous or progressive form, is expressed by the complex (be-ing), i.e. by the f r e e morpheme fee and the bound morpheme ing, which appears as the present participle ending of the following f r e e morpheme. (43) It is r a i n i n g hard. (44) T h e paper was being criticized by almost everybody.

anteriority

(have-en);

The time-phase of anteriority is expressed by the complex (have-en), i.e. by the f r e e morpheme have and the bound morpheme en, which appears as the past participle ending of the following f r e e morpheme. The terms present perfect or pluperfect are used in connection with the present or past. In the same way, future perfect is used in connection with will. Temporal have also occurs, of course, with other modal auxiliary verbs. (45) T h e team has been very s u c c e s s f u l lately. (46) H e r b r o t h e r h a s declined the o f f e r . (47) T h e n e w s will h a v e shocked the o f f i c i a l s . (48) T h e r u m o u r may have been t r u e .

modal auxiliary verbs (can etc. - 0);

Modal auxiliary verbs are expressed by the relevant f r e e morphemes, which are followed by another auxiliary verb or by the lexical head in the zero form. The core group of modal auxiliary verbs consists of can/ could, may/ might, shall/ should, will (Î&#x160;Î&#x2122;)/ would {'d), and must. Modal auxiliary verbs have other special features, two of which should be mentioned: they have no non-finite verb forms, i.e. no infinitive, gerund or participles. In the sequence of the verb modifiers which are expressed by f r e e morphemes, they occur only in the first position. The second feature is clearly a result of the first: since modal auxiliary verbs have no non-finite verb-forms, they cannot appear as infinitives or participles after a finite verb. (49)

We could have come.

(50) " W e have could come.

In some dialects of British and American English, it is possible to find examples such as He might could come in the sense of "He might be able to come." The other members of the modal auxiliary group of verbs include dare, need, ought to and used to. These occur in paradigms of auxiliary and main verbs and also show mixed paradigms of both these categories. The latter applies particularly to dare. She dared not explain herself to him... (Fowles, Tower: 133) She looked longingly towards the door of her room, but did not dare to go towards it. (Lessing, Marriage: 159) ... h e did not dare w r i t e to him direct... (Fraser, Cromwell:

541)

the p r e s e n t / past tenses;

the two tenses in English - the present and the past - are expressed by bound morphemes, i.e. by endings. In the case of the present, this is done by the morpheme s in the 3rd person singular, and by zero in all other persons, singular and plural; for the past it is expressed by the morpheme ed for all persons, whether singular or plural. (51) Wood f l o a t s on w a t e r . (52) T h e c l e r k m e n t i o n e d our n a m e .

Of the five verb modifiers already mentioned, four a r e expressed by f r e e morphemes, i.e. by auxiliary verbs. They can be subdivided into the modal auxiliary verbs already mentioned, such as can, may etc., and the non-modal group, which includes be and have. The latter group also includes the auxiliary do, which, in contrast to non-modal be and have, must be followed by an infinitive without to. The auxiliary verb is found in conjunction with negation, with emphasis and with certain

interrogative clauses. Its distribution has been fully documented in grammars of English. The following diagram illustrates the complete group of primary verb modifiers: Fig. (53) primary verb modifiers

bound m o r p h e m e s

free morphemes

temporal

/ I \

s ed

ni non-modal

core

have

I can/ could may/ might shall/ should will (ΊΙ)/ would Cd) must

Syntagmatically, the verb modifiers are subject to the following sequence: tense - modal auxiliary verb - anteriority - expanded form (EF) - passive, e.g. The report will have been being studied for a considerable time now. (Modification by the bound morpheme s is expressed by a zero ending with modal auxiliary verbs, e.g. The car "wills/ will come.)

2.2.1.2

Secondary modifiers of the finite verbal group

As well as the groups of auxiliary verbs already mentioned, there are verb modifiers whose grammatical behaviour is increasingly similiar to that of main verbs. They will be referred to here as secondary modifiers. The first group has no non-finite forms, and therefore cannot be modified, for instance by auxiliary verbs: had {'d) better, would rather/ sooner, have got to, am (is, etc.) to. They are described by Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 3.45) as "modal idioms". (54) You had better follow the

instructions.

(55) Nobody is to leave the room.

The following groups of secondary modifiers have non-finite verb forms and can be combined with auxiliary verbs or with each other. These are modal expressions which, with the exception of have to, are used predicatively. According to their morphology, they are either ed forms or morphologically unmarked. The latter group includes be able to, be about to, be apt to, be certain to, be due to, be going to, be liable to, be (un)likely to, be sure to,· have to. (56) T h e plane was about to land.

(57) She is always having to babysit.

Among the ed forms which are treated as secondary modifiers, I include be bound to, be reputed to, and be said to. They cannot be related to constructions in the active. (58)

T h e company was said to be in trouble.

(59) ' T h e public said the company to be in trouble.

Apart from the different types describing some accompanying viewpoint. This class contains to, happen to, prove to, seem

of modal modifiers, there is another class circumstance a n d / or giving the speaker's verbs such as appear to, chance to, come to, tend to and turn out to.

(60) T h e w e a t h e r happened to be Tine. (61) Progress seems to be slow.

Finally, there are aspectual verbs, which describe the beginning, continuation or cessation of a process or state, e.g. begin, start; continue, go on, keep, remain; cease. (62) It began to rain. (63) T h e bell kept ringing for five minutes.

The full range of secondary modification can be illustrated as follows: F i g . (64) secondary verb modifiers

rinite I had ('d) better have got to

(non-)finite

modal predicators

be about to be going to have to be said to

2.2.1.3

verbs of circumstance/ viewpoint I happen to seem to turn out to

aspectual verbs

begin continue cease

Modifiers of the non-finite verbal group

In the non-finite verbal group, only verb modifiers expressed by free morphemes can occur, and these appear as non-finite verb forms. Hence, none of the following modifiers mentioned in sections 2.2.1.1 and 2.2.1.2 appear: tense (present/ past), modal auxiliary verbs and modal secondary modifiers such as had ("cf) better, would rather/ sooner or have got to. The auxiliary verb do is also absent. All other primary and secondary modifiers can occur in the non-finite verbal group. 23

(65) T h e student was delighted to have passed his exam. (66) T h e police asked the crowd to start moving again.

Of the primary modifiers, three (active/ passive, the non-expanded/ expanded form and z e r o / temporal have) occur in non-finite verb forms, which can be positive or negative. ACTIVE no EF

(not)

PASSIVE

to take

(not)

to be

taken

no anteriority EF

(not)

no EF

to be taking

(not)

to have

taken

(not)

to have been taking

(not)

to be being

(not)

to have taken

taken been

anteriority EF

(not) to have been being taken

Table (67): Primary verb-modification in the non-finite verbal group

2.3

The adverbial group

The adverbial group functioning as an adverbial can be classified according to different criteria: 1. According to grammatical factors, i.e. according to the morphological a n d / or grammatical structure of the adverbial. For example, the adverbial group may consist of an adverb, a nominal syntagm, a prepositional phrase or a clause.

{

yesterday.

last night. in the a f t e r n o o n . w h i l e we w e r e crossing Iran.

2. According to syntactic factors, i.e. where the adverbial may be placed in the clause, or for example whether it is related to the clause as a necessary complement or as an optional adjunct. (69) Nonetheless/ Moreover, the meeting turned out to be a success. (70) T h e meeting turned out to be a success, n o n e t h e l e s s / ' m o r e o v e r . (71) He has lived in London all his life. (72) He has many f r i e n d s (in London).

3. According to semantic factors, i.e. according to the manner in which adverbials situate objects or facts in space and time or through as causality (73) Dana such took links the children to the and zoo. modality.

( 7 4 ) Perhaps Don missed the bus.

For our discussion of the various focussing and defocussing constructions, it is not necessary

for adverbials

to be

considered

exclusively

under

one o f the three classifications above. Depending on the particular aspects considered in the following sections, a classification according to

gram-

matical and semantic c r i t e r i a may b e helpful.

3.0 Defocussing syntagms

This section will deal with the first t h r e e methods

of introducing

item into a discourse, as mentioned in 1.1. They a r e : -

inversion

- there s e n t e n c e s - e x t r a p o s i t i o n a l it s e n t e n c e s W h a t they have in common is that the notional subject is p l a c e d before

bui after

not

the finite v e r b . Either adverbial e l e m e n t s or n o n - r e f e r r i n g

expressions such as there

and it p r e c e d e the finite v e r b .

(1) Across t h e street is a bakery. (2) T h e r e is s o m e o n e outside. (3) It is incredible w h a t h e did.

I consider these t h r e e s t r u c t u r e s to b e defocussing syntagms, since their subjects (which, f r o m the language psychologist's point of view, a r e the c e n t r e of the s p e a k e r ' s

interest

(= focus)) occupy a d i f f e r e n t

f r o m the normal English one b e f o r e the finite v e r b . They a r e

position construc-

tions in which, for various reasons, t h e subject is not given the topological prominence that word o r d e r would usually allow. In the m o r e recent l i t e r a t u r e , defocussing syntagms such as inversion, there extrapositional

it s e n t e n c e s

a r e primarily

characterized

sentences with

and

reference

to one of their most f r e q u e n t uses, which is to introduce a topic into the discourse. Consequently, they a r e r e f e r r e d to under t h e g e n e r a l heading of " p r e s e n t a t i o n s e n t e n c e s " (Rochemont 1986: c h a p t e r l), and their function is described as " p r e s e n t a t i o n a l " or " p r e s e n t a t i v e " . Let us take the d e s c r i p tion of psychological functions o f f e r e d by H e t z r o n (1975: 347) as s e n t a t i v e of many similar

repre-

characterizations:

"When we speak of context, w e should not only take the preceding discourse and situation into account, but also the Tact that any given s e n t e n c e uttered may also c o n t r i b u t e to t h e b a c k g r o u n d ÎżÎ&#x201C; the stibsequenl s e n t e n c e s . A s e n t e n c e may be r e s t r u c t u r e d in such a m a n n e r that one c o m p o n e n t of it will be given a s t a t u s of p r o m i n e n c e in t h e short-range memory, so that it will d o m i n a t e the i m m e d i a t e sequel to that p a r t i c u l a r u t t e r a n c e . T h e most obvious motivation for promoting an e l e m e n t to such a privileged status is that it is going to be m e n tioned or r e f e r r e d to in the s u b s e q u e n t discourse, but this is not an a b s o l u t e necessity. T h e r e may be o t h e r reasons Tor it. such as providing an o t h e r w i s e unexpressed contrast For w h a t c o m e s later, or, at the other extremity, it may u r g e t h e h e a r e r / reader to r e m e m b e r the e l e m e n t in question - as a m e r e ges-

ture... I call the motivation f o r this type of p r o m i n e n c e the presentalive

T h e section b e l o w

function."

is concerned with the different types of inversion in

English, and the ways in which they are used.

3.1

Inversion

T h e literature contains two principal definitions of the term

"inversion".

In the first, "inversion" is understood as "the placing of the subject after the finite v e r b " (Jacobsson 1951: 51). According to the f o r m of the finite v e r b , two types of inversion are then distinguished. T h e

first

known as "absolute inversion" (Jacobsson 1951: 11), has a verb

these,

form

the present or past, f o l l o w e d by the subject. ( 4 ) "He w i l l

never

understand," grumbled

(5) On the table lay several

The

second

indicating

type

is known

the

books.

as "partial

inversion"

that only part of the predicator

be of the expanded f o r m or temporal (6) When

are you

(7) Never

b e f o r e have

President.

(Jacobsson

1951:

11),

f o l l o w s the subject, e.g. the

have.

leaving? his comments been

nastier.

T h e definition of inversion as "the placing of the subject behind the finite v e r b " raises problems with all English verb

forms which do not have a

contrast b e t w e e n the finite and the non-finite. For e x a m p l e , the

modal

auxiliary verbs lack infinitives and participles, i.e. they do not have nonfinite

verb-forms.

Since

"finite"

normally

contrasts

with

"non-finite",

the use of the t e r m " f i n i t e " in such cases deviates f r o m the normal use. For this reason, the second definition

inversion

is not based

the distinction between finite and non-finite verb forms, but on the function of the components

of the verbal

group. A s

was

shown

chapter

2.2, the verbal group consists of a l e x i c a l nucleus and a modifying ponent. T h e f o r m e r specifies the l e x i c a l run,

eat,

obvious,

here

and down.

content of predicatore

T h e latter

com-

such as

contains the l e x e m e s

se-

l e c t e d f r o m the list of possible predicator modification, such as the passive, the expanded form, temporal

r e f e r e n c e (/love) and modality.

With

inversion, the subject can f o l l o w either a predicator or a l e x e m i z e d m o d i f i e r , and it is immaterial whether the modifier has the contrast of " f i n i t e v. non-finite" in its forms (e.g. in the passive), or not (e.g. the auxiliary verbs). In both cases, the subject appears

after

the

modal

modifier.

If there is more than one modifier in the verbal group, then the subject comes after the first of these. (8) Why

w a s he g i v e n

so much

money?

(9) Why will h e be given so m u c h

money?

Corresponding to the division of the verbal group into predicators (= verbs) and modifiers (= operators), Quirk et al., in "A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language" (1985: chapter 12.22-24), make the distinction between "subject-verb inversion" and "subject-operator inversion".

3.1.1

Types of inversion

Inversion in English is triggered by a variety of linguistic factors. First, the type of (simple or complex) sentence determines whether there is post-position of the subject. Obligatory or optional inversion occurs with polar and W H - questions, negated imperatives, exclamations, comparative sentences and other constructions which will be discussed in detail later. These can be termed sentence-type inversion. (10) Do you r e m e m b e r her

name?

(11) Isn' t the w e a t h e r b e a u t i f u l ?

There is also post-position of the subject in declarative sentences when introduced by adverbial elements such as nowhere or seldom, quantifying elements like little and few, intensifying expressions like Ă?O or such, or pro-forms like as or Ă?O. These can be called clause-element inversion. (12) Nowhere could h e f i n d a job. (13) D a n a 1 iked t h e movie, and so did Bob.

Inversion also occurs in declarative sentences when certain lexical conditions of the verbal group are fulfilled. The details affecting the predicators and modifiers of the verbal group are discussed in 3.1.1.3. To simplify matters, I will refer to this type of inversion as predicator inversion. The following are typical examples: (14) On the floor squatted t h e m a n w e had been looking for. (15) Spearheading the campaign w a s Max Spinks, the party o f f i c i a l .

So we can distinguish three types of inversion in English: 1. sentence-type inversion, 2. clause-element inversion and 3. predicator inversion. Postposition of the subject can be triggered by the type of simple or complex sentence, by certain adverbial and nominal elements at the beginning of declarative sentences, and by the lexical character of predicators (and modifiers) in declarative sentences. The three types will be discussed in this order below.

3.1.1.1

Sentence-type

inversion

This kind of inversion can be sub-divided according to the type of simple or c o m p l e x sentence. I f there is post-positioning of the subject in a simple sentence, it is essentially restricted to questions and negated

imperatives.

In a c o m p l e x sentence, inversion occurs above all in n o n - f a c t i v e clauses, as w e l l as in comparative and r e l a t i v e clauses. A c c o r d i n g matical

analysis

the clause

accompanying

position of the subject in this case or the c o m p l e x

3.1.1.1.1

may be

to the

direct

speech,

included

under

gram-

the the

postsimple

sentence.

Independent interrogative clauses

Inversion occurring

in polar

and W H -

questions

is too

well-known

require further discussion here ( s e e Quirk et al. 1985, chapter 11). P r e d i cators with no predicative be require the v e r b do

in independent

inter-

rogative clauses, with the exception of the subject question. (16) D o e s Dana

books?

(17) Is Bob responsible

Tor the

(18) W h o

me?

came

to see

(19) W h o ( m ) do you want

mess?

to see?

This peculiarity of the subject question can be explained if one considers that inversion

causes

the subject

come b e f o r e

its predicator,

d e c l a r a t i v e sentences. In the e x a m p l e sentences, the subjects all b e f o r e their predicators

- Dana

like.

Bob

and you

responsible

as in appear

want.

the v e r b do is inserted into the subject question, as in the e x a m p l e did

come

to see

then the

me?,

sequence

"subject

predicator"

*Who would

be interrupted. It must be stressed that this does not apply to s o - c a l l e d "emphatic

do"

which usually

expresses

a contrast

and which

does

not

belong to the sentence modality system of English. (20) I k n o w Bill and Joe and M a r y didn't c o m e to your party. So w h o did c o m e ?

some

fossilized

expressions,

interrogative

" s u b j e c t - v e r b inversion", e.g. How

fares

the

sentences world?

have

and How

retained goes

it?

( c f . Jespersen 1940: ยง 25.55 on this point). T h e use of do in interrogative sentences as described for predicators also applies to modifiers. If contain predicative be, interrogative (21) W h y

then

this does

not

appear

they

corresponding

sentence. w a s Dana

(22) D i d Bob happen

likely

to Tail?

to meet

you?

S i m i l a r l y , there are d i f f e r e n c e s in the use of

in the

with

other

modifiers

such as dare (to), need (to), ought (to) and used (to) in interrogative (and negative) sentences (cf. Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 3.41-44).

3.1.1.1.2

Dependent interrogative clauses

Inversion is found in dependent polar questions (when they do not contain whether or i f ) , as well as in dependent W H - questions. The former occur particularly often in non-standard forms of English. "If you mean have we found out what you've got up your sleeves, yes, we have!" said Ena the implacable. (Kershaw, Coronation Street: 92) "I wonder does any boy know what it means to be in a state of grace?" (Naughton, Boy: 68)

In examples such as these, the indirect polar verbs that admit the conjunctions whether or and wonder. In standard English, inversion in has the function of lending greater immediacy

questions are preceded by i f , e.g. ask, know, mean dependent polar questions to a reported utterance.

Truman had been trapped once before by that device, when a reporter asked him did he not consider the Hiss case a red herring. (Spectator 18 January 75, 68 f: 3-1) "Before I forget, Julian said would I pick up her copy of Hamlet which she left with you." (Murdoch, Prince: 214)

As the following examples show, parenthetic polar questions are employed by a speaker as a rhetorical means of presenting a fact indirectly and in a weakened manner. In this case, the modifiers dare and need are frequently used. Within the political world, the days of broad agreement between the main political parties on matters of basic, dare I say patriotic, concern, seem to be ending... ( Times 27 June 74, 19: 4-5) We believe that more employers should consider this arrangement, and need we add that it costs less than employing temporary staff. (Times 5 June 74, 22: 8)

Inversion is rare in dependent W H - questions, in both standard and nonstandard English. I asked where was a good place to go. (Powell, Philosophers: 191) "I wonder what are the unthinkable depths of awfulness..." (Sayers, Night: 105)

3.1.1.1.3

Imperative sentences

The imperative is essentially the zero form of a predicator, e.g. Be quiet! and Hurry! The addressee can be mentioned by name. This applies equally to affirmative and negative imperative sentences. As to form, the addressee can be a pronoun in either the second or third person, or a

nominal group. In the latter case, the fact that it is also an imperative sentence is made clear by the (pro)nominal expression not showing concord with the predicator, e.g. Somebody

open this door,

please!

The expression referring to the addressee can precede the zero form of the predicator. In modern English, there are rare occurrences

with

the pronoun in the second person, e.g. you be quiet! Similarly, the prepositioning of you

occurs even less frequently in conjunction with

called "emphatic do",

e.g. Do you

obey your

mother!

With

you occurs more often in pre-position in imperative sentences, e.g. you think you are something

so-

negation, Don't

special!

"Don't you talk to an o f f i c e r like that!" (Pownall, War: 136) "Don't you be cheeky or you'll get another crack," Ma says. (Cochrane, Head: 4)

There

are

some

formulaic

expressions

in modern

have the addressee in post-position, e.g. believe mind

English which

you

still and

me, mark you

you.

"When I see you bourgeois girls I think of my mother and what she had to take from her ΙίΓβ, and believe you me you could learn a thing or two from her." (Lessing, Ripple: 105) "Very strange. Mark you, the whole thing's strange, fortune-telling by cards, I mean." (Amis, Hide and seek: 200)

A you

negative version of

this

formula

is impossible,

e.g. *Don't

me. Not to be confused with this type of phrase are

used for cursing and swearing which you

such as Damn

you!

and Fuck

does not refer to the addressee, who remains

believe

expressions you!,

unmentioned,

but to the object, which is referentially identical with him/ her, as is made clear by the following example: {You) fuck

yourself!

As already

mentioned, the addressee can also be a third-person pronoun or a nominal group. Here, it is also possible for it to precede the zero form of the verb, e.g. Somebody

give me a hand, won't you!

"Swim - everybody swim"... (Adams, Dowtt

21)

"Stop firing! Everybody stop firing!... All police cease fire!" (Source unknown)

This type of imperative sentence is only occasionally found in the negative, e.g. Don't

anybody

move!

(Huddleston

1971: 56).

Post-positioning

of the addressee in this form occurs in stage directions such as

Enter

Horatio! Fade up Bernard pulling forward a chair. (Mercer, Haggerty.

39)

Enter, out of the blue, the later legendary Billy Rose... (Daily Telegraph 75, 13: 2)

18 March

It is only possible for stage directions to be in the negative in metalinguistic usages, e.g. IDon't

enter

Horatio!

3.1.1.1.4

Exclamatory

sentences

Inversion occurs in e x c l a m a t o r y s e n t e n c e s both with and without a part i c l e {how(ever)

or what(ever)).

E x c l a m a t o r y s e n t e n c e s can b e either g r a m -

m a t i c a l l y independent or can appear as s e n t e n c e components. Breakfast was strong tea, a brittle bit of bacon with the rind on, and as much bread and margarine as you could eat. And could some of them eat it! (Dickens, Feel: 22 f) What a feast of the imagination too are the interminable meals he eats... (Durrell, Nimquam: 26) This development shows how false are the fears of those who argue that worker participation is a recipe for disaster. (Times 22 June 74, 9: 2) If Hamilton knew what lay behind Colmore's presence here, how intently would he probe and advise... (Fuller, Comedy: 78)

3.1.1.1.5

Simple sentences expressing modality

Another group of independent s e n t e n c e s with postposed subjects e x p r e s s e s rules, wishes, demands and requests, or c o n c e d e s the e x i s t e n c e of objects and facts. S e n t e n c e s expressing this type of meaning contain subjunctive verb forms or modal expressions, which correspond to the named i l l o c u tion. In some c a s e s , formula, e.g. Long be it from

the s e n t e n c e s

live

me to doubt

the Queen! your

have b e c o m e Suffice

fossilized

it to say

that

into

I agree,

set Far

answer.

S o m e s e n t e n c e s are used to e x p r e s s a request. T h e subject of

the

s e n t e n c e takes on the rôle of someone requesting permission to say s o m e thing. The most c o m m o n l y - u s e d modal auxiliary here is

may.

May I therefore draw to your attention, and to that of the post office, three features of the New Zealand postal service which differ from the British... (Economist 18-24 May 74. 6: l) Sir, May we claim your indulgence to correct a misrepresentation. (Times 17 June 74, 16: 8) Other s e n t e n c e s (containing may)

express the wishes of the speaker.

May God and my liberal ancestors forgive me for writing it [• about American education], (Wilson, Zço: 210) May the final victor be football itself. (Times 13 June 74, 11: 1) Another group of s e n t e n c e s contains demands, e.g. Last month Mr. Ushiyama was informed that he would be voted out of the chairmanship... and would he please repay £70,000 he had borrowed from the company... (Economist 1-7 June 74, 98: 3 - 99: 1) There was a whispered exchange and General Siilasvuo announced a 15-minute adjournment, during which, he said, would the gentlemen of the media please be good enough as to remove themselves. ( Times 1 June 74, 1: S)

The following examples (with subjunctive fee) represent connection with introductory fee acknowledging facts.

commands in

It [• the task] has been brilliantly done, by a remarkable separation οΓ the candidate from the minister, and sometimes, be it said, from the facts. (Economist 18-24 May 74, 29: 2) If this is something that Mr. Benn and his colleagues have no mind to support on an adequate scale, so be it. (Economist 3-9 August 74, 20: 3)

Finally, sentences containing subjunctive be which have a postposed subject can concede the existence of an entity or fact. Where a marriage breaks down, be it by separation or divorce, both husband and wife are subsequently treated as single persons for income tax and capital gains tax purposes. (Times 1 June 74, 24: 6) Be that as it may, I cannot remember finding a record-reviewing job that has given me more pleasure... (Times IS June 74, 11: l)

3.1.1.1.6

Adverbial relative clauses

Post-positioning of the subject is occasionally found in relative with an adverbial connector such as where or whence.

clauses

He saw now that this road ran through the native quarters, the haphazard collection of shacks where lived such as Polly, Edward and the old man... (Fuller, Comedy: 140) ... light came to them... from the open door, whence too came the sounds of the winch... (Waugh, Scoop: 58)

3.1.1.1.7

Accompanying clauses

Inversion is found in sentences which introduce, conclude or interrupt direct speech. The post-positioning of the subject which occurs when a quotation is introduced is most commonly seen in cases where an u t terance is introduced aphoristically in order to present it as characteristic of a situation or person. This device is often used in joke-telling or by journalists. In some cases, its use is characteristic of the style of a newspaper or magazine, as with the American news magazine Time. In British English, this phenomenon may be observed particularly in tabloids such as The Daily Mirror, where it is employed with great relish. Complained Aussi non-playing captain Neale Fraser: "Roche lost concentration because he was well on top." (Daily Mirror 27 September 75, 26: 7)

All three types of sentence accompanying direct speech display the same lexical classes. These can be verbs of communication like declare, report or say; of a dialogue situation like ask, beg or reply; of attitude like complain, quip or remark·, of acoustic reaction like bark, grumble or

roar,

and others. The verb is usually in the simple present or past form. "Where the banks are rich, the people are poor", declared a monarchists spokesman. (Economist 11-17 May 74, 32: 2) "Don't get so... worked up" begged Lynda, "it'll start me off again." (Lessing, City: 452) "If you have a daughter, monsieur", remarked Simone Weil's mother to Jean Tortel, the French poet, "pray that she won't be a saint." (Times 1 June 74, 16: 3) "I make a good waiter at the table," roared Alexandres... (Spark, Gale: 145)

Pronouns rarely occur as postposed subjects in accompanying

3.1.1.1.8

clauses.

Appended c l a u s e s

Finally, post-postioning

of the subject

occurs

in a construction

which

conveys information about the subject, and which is first introduced by a pronoun and then specified by means of a noun phrase in an appended c l a u s e . T h e construction is particularly prevalent in non-standard

forms

of British English. ... she prefers grease-covered mechanics, does our Caroline che'rie. (Wiseman, Englishwoman: 150) "He backs horses with other people's money, does Nick..." (Sands, Sam: 61) There

are grammatical

and

intonational

differences between

c l a u s e s and (non-)polar tag questions such as Oh, Dana again,

has she?,

3.1.1.1.9

and the two types should b e c l e a r l y

Conditional

has{n't)

appended married

distinguished.

clauses

Inversion in hypothetical conditional

clauses

is marked by the

absence

of introductory i f . (23)

If you should call Bob, ask him to come.

(24)

Should you call Bob, ask him to come.

(25)

If Dana had gone, I would have been desperate.

(26)

Had Dana gone, I would have been desperate.

(27)

If the train arrives on time, we will catch the plane.

(28) "Arrives the train on time, we will catch the plane. The verb forms should,

were

in contingent conditional

clauses.

to and were

are found in initial

position

This is actually a defensive move should some shareholder take it into his head to sue the managers for dereliction of duty. (Economist 25-31 May 74, 116: l) Were the people of Northern Ireland to seek independence, possibly as a Protes-

tant state, it would have a damaging impact on the whole οΓ the United Kingdom. (Times S June 74. 14: 6) She supposed that, were she so silly as to marry Malcolm, fineness would become an everyday matter;... (Hansford Johnson, Carter: 197)

In contra-factual conditional clauses, the verb in initial position usually occurs in the pluperfect form. Abdul... would have joined the British army had they accepted him. (Spark, Gate: 96) ... I think he would have gone on forever had he not been led away by Henniker. (Durrell, Nunquam: 211)

3.1.1.1.10

Concessive and temporal clauses

Whilst inversion is obligatory in conditional clauses when there is no subordinating conjunction, it is optional in concessive clauses. In fact the demonstrations of the past few days - substantial though is the public reaction and repugnance for them - ... have not resulted in disorder. (Times 11 June 74, 10: l)

In temporal clauses, the subject is in post-position in the set phrase come χ. For however the Government gets through the summer, come October Mr Wilson will find, as Mr Heath found earlier this year, that he has no other way to turn except to the country. (Economist 3-9 August 74, 13: 1)

3.1.1.1.11

Comparative clauses

Similarly, inversion is not obligatory in comparative clauses. It is found in constructions with correlative expressions like as... as or as... so. ... as her love took greater hold of her, so did she take hold of it. (Spark, Gate: 44)

Apart from comparative sentences, inversion is also found in fixed expressions like the more... the better. ... it seems to me that the National Front has a far more constructive policy than have any idealistic left-wingers... (Economist 13-19 July, 4: 2) Such a chance came rarely, and the more he dwelt on it the more did his fear of actually stealing it increase. (Sillitoe, Tree: 79)

3.1.1.2

Inversion of clause elements

There are two distinct groups of elements which trigger this second type of inversion. The first group contains expressions which modify sentences

or parts of sentences, and which necessitate inversion when they occur before the subject. This applies to negative expressions like not, never, hardly and to i n t e n s i f i e s like JO and such. The other group consists of expressions like so and as, which take up part or parts of the preceding clauses and which cause subsequent inversion when they precede the subject of the clause.

3.1.1.2.1

Negative expressions

Negative expressions are either explicit or implicit. The negative particle not is one of the former, and it can be connected to verbal, nominal or adverbial groups. Of these, it is most commonly linked with adverbials, e.g. those of duration, of position in time and of frequency. Negated nominal and verbal groups introducing clauses are rare, and a r e generally used to express contrast or emphasis. Not until the reign οΓ Constantine was Christian influence more widely spread. (Todd, Britain: 226) Not a wasted word did he speak, not a friend, neither man, woman nor beast did he have, (le Carré, Spy·. 29)

In addition to the negative particle, there are other explicit negative expressions: the determiner no and the pronoun none, as well as adverbs, e.g. of time and place, such as never and nowhere. For by no means easily had she become what Thomas insisted she must be. ( Lessi ng, Landlocked: 105) September came. And still Ned failed to see his danger. None of the symptoms of his undoing had he yet recognized as such. (Strachey, Weather. 194) He stared at her in astonishment. Never before had he seen her in the exasperation of real anger. (Hansford Johnson, Carter. 480) Nowhere could I find any f u r t h e r evidence of dangerous negligence. (Wilson, Zoo: 86)

Implicit negative expressions vary in their grammatical status, as do the explicit type. Only, which is a kind of implicit negative particle, occurs in conjunction with adverbial, nominal and verbal groups, and causes inversion when placed in front of the subject. As in the case of not, implicit negation of adverbial groups, e.g. of time, place, frequency, condition and manner, is the rule. Only after she had gone did I feel... her heart beating violently against my heart. (Murdoch, Child: 118) Only with his father had he spoken English, and his father was a man of few words. (Greene. Consul: 156)

The implicit negative adverbs barely, hardly, rarely, also occur with the subject in post-position.

scarcely

and

seldom

Rarely is the contrast made between what a heavy left wing can dictate in opposition and what is then propounded as policy when in power. (Economist, 11-17 May 74, 124: 3) Seldom has there been a longer or more successful partnership... (Times 1 June 74, 16: 8) The same

applies

to little,

few

and t h e i r

comparative

and

superlative

f o r m s , which p r o d u c e inversion w h e n u s e d as a d v e r b s or p r o n o u n s . Little did she really know her mother. (Hawkesworth, UpstairsÂˇ. 192) In all t h e c a s e s m e n t i o n e d so f a r , t h e s c o p e of t h e n e g a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n s is t h e w h o l e c l a u s e . F r o m t h e n e g a t i o n . This

is i m p o r t a n t

s e m a n t i c point

of v i e w , this

clause

for t h e discussion of t h e e x a m p l e s

f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n , which will

consist

explicit

and

implicit

the

negative

e x p r e s s i o n s o c c u r r i n g at t h e beginning of s e n t e n c e s , b u t without t h e s u b j e c t in p o s t - p o s i t i o n .

3.1.1.2.2

T h e a b s e n c e of inversion a f t e r n e g a t i v e

expressions.

T h e n e g a t i v e p a r t i c l e not is not a c c o m p a n i e d by i n v e r s i o n w h e n it o c c u r s with a d v e r b s like surprisingly

and

unnaturally.

Not surprisingly, the local community live in mortal fear of the Alligator People's deadly onslaughts - until they are finally destroyed. (Woodward, Monsters: 10) Not unnaturally, in the light of what he had just been told about a wedding taking place in the Castle, he mistook the implications. (Powell, Harmonies: 199) In t h e s e e x a m p l e s , only t h e s e n t e n c e a d v e r b is n e g a t e d and not t h e w h o l e s e n t e n c e . T h i s is a p p a r e n t f r o m e q u i v a l e n t s t r u c t u r e s s u c h as tion, e.g. It is not surprising

that...,

It is not unnatural

that...

ly, t h e s i t u a t i o n is s i m i l a r with t h e n e g a t i o n in t h e f o l l o w i n g

extraposiSemanticalsentences,

w h e r e only t h e r e l e v a n t a d v e r b i a l is n e g a t e d , i n s t e a d of t h e e n t i r e

sen-

tence. "Not long ago the whole town was alight with shooting, Mr Westerby," he said, (le Carre", Schoolboy: 362) Not on the bed but upon some cushions near the front of the stage two girls were lying in a close embrace. (Murdoch, Prince: 259 f) T h e s a m e a p p l i e s to f r o n t i n g of a d v e r b i a l s with t h e d e t e r m i n e r no.

Post-

positioning of t h e s u b j e c t does not o c c u r w h e n t h e s e n t e n c e as a w h o l e is not n e g a t e d s e m a n t i c a l l y , e.g. w i t h s e n t e n c e a d v e r b i a l s l i k e no and n o

doubt

wonder.

No doubt we never hear, or hear too late, of their [â&#x20AC;˘ the KGB's] greatest successes... (Listener 22 October 81, 455: 3) With the Police Commissioner on the firm, no wonder he could take it easy. (Donaldson, English way: 226)

It is the same with fronting of adverbials which do not negate the whole sentence. In no time at all the e n t i r e staff w e r e on the scent of Mr Nixon's lost parcel. (Ward, How to complain: 16) For no reason that he k n e w of, the sweat began r u n n i n g off him... (le Carre, Schoolboy: 366)

The implicitly negative expression only also occurs without inversion. Here, two cases should be distinguished. The first is illustrated by the following two sentences, where only functions as an element introducing the clause. This is referred to as a "conjunct" by Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 8.24). "I feel I've loved you for years only I was blind to it." (Murdoch, Dream:

157)

Adelaide dabbed her f a c e with a soaking wet h a n d k e r c h i e f and tried to powder it again, only now the powder puff seemed to have got wet too. (Murdoch, Dream: 255)

Only does not restrict the subject I or the adverb now, but expresses a limitation made by the speaker about the relationship between two matters. In the second case, however, only functions as an element modifying adverbials: Only a f e w w e e k s ago its [โ ข Ibiza's] people w e r e dying in the street, now every one is plump and busy. (Lee, Slay long: 159) But she thought that only three days ago, she had been a sort of aide to Mrs M a y n a r d on the night the s t r i k e began. (Lessing, Landlocked: 266)

A marked difference is observable when this is compared with the case where only causes post-positioning of the subject. The only that triggers inversion expresses the limitation of a state of affairs with regard to a particular circumstance. Looking at an example given in the previous section, Only with his father had he spoken English, what is meant is that he had spoken English with his father and with no-one else. In contrast, the speaker in the examples with non-inverting only is expressing his surprise at how long ago, or how recently, the event took place. For more on negation and inversion, see Erdmann (1988), Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 10.58 f), Rudanko (1982) and Taglicht (1984: chapters 5.3.4 and 6.1.6.2). Parts of this topic are covered by generative grammarians such as Klima (1964), Kรถnig (1988) and Rochemont (1985: chapter 3).

3.1.1.2.3

Negative correlative expressions

Negative correlative expressions can be divided into various groups, according to their first and second elements. One of these groups consists of the sequence not only/ merely... but. The second element may be omitted.

Not only had they seen Freddy the day before, but she had seen Abdul that morning. (Spark, GateÂˇ. 271) Not only would he refuse to help her; he would see that no one else helped her either. (Hansford Johnson, Carter. 95) ... The British knew that not merely had they checked the U-boats but that they had defeated them. (Economist 8-14 June 74. 106: 2) A s e c o n d g r o u p i n v o l v e s t h e c o r r e l a t i v e neither... ther/ new

nor.

nor

and N E G . . .

nei-

In t h e l a t t e r c a s e , t h e s e c o n d e l e m e n t is o f t e n i n c l u d e d in a

sentence. "... she has no children but then neither have I..." (Golding, Spire: 44) "Lady Rivers does not like to think she is old," said Catherine, after a pause, "and of course she isn't, and nor are you." (Hansford Johnson, Carter: 237) In the country where he lived now, truth could not decide his choices. Neither could happiness. (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 232) There will be no easy touches in the new Europe. Nor were there in the old. (Economist 11-17 May 74, 61: 2)

Finally, there a r e temporal barely...

when,

hardly...

correlatives with negative

before,

scarcely...

when

expressions,

e.g.

and n o s o o n e r . . .

than

(when). "... your father, whom you love, dies, you are his heir, you came back to find that hardly was the corpse cold before his young brother popped on to his throne and into the sheets..." (Stoppard, Rosenkrantz: 36) But the transitory nature of all predictions was underlined when no sooner was the Government's report released last week than a new, significant oil find was announced. (Economist 1-7 June 74, 78: 2)

3.1.1.2.4

Intensifying expressions

T h e r e a r e t w o i n t e n s i f y i n g c o r r e l a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n s - Ă?O... that

and

that.

function.

T h e so of t h e f i r s t c o r r e l a t i v e a l w a y s h a s a n a d v e r b i a l

such...

"It was a most mild evening and yet so concerned was I lest Gloria be exposed to the least ripple of air that I put my arm over her shoulders." (Ableman, Julia: 54) So recent and so startling was the advent of Bobby Fischer that it hardly needs mentioning. (Times 1 June 74, 12: 5) T h e f i r s t e l e m e n t of t h e

correlative

such...

that

is u s e d

predicatively.

A c c o r d i n g t o t h e c o n t e x t , it c a n b e i n t e r p r e t e d by t h e r e a d e r in a q u a n t i t a t i v e ("so b i g . . . t h a t " ) or q u a l i t a t i v e ("so c o n s t i t u t e d . . . t h a t " ) w a y . In fact such was my euphoria that I missed a step on the ramp and fell headlong into a snowdrift. (Durrell, Nunquam: 103) ... they will hold up a train or provoke an accident - but such is the state of the Spanish national rail service that few people would notice. (Economist 10-16 August 74. 41: 2)

3.1.1.2.5

Pro-elements

Inversion follows expressions like so and as when they appear at the beginning of a sentence. These expressions can take the place of predicators and their complements (with the exception of the subject) and modifications. A form of the verb do appears when there is no predicator with predicative be or a primary modifier in the verbal group. Secondary modifiers behave like predicators. Some examples of this with Ă&#x17D;O are: The Greeks and the Romans were planners; so too were the great medieval architects and builders and their seventeenth and eighteenth century successors. (Times 10 June 74, 8: 7) But once lay-offs become more apparent consumers will quickly change their presumptions. So will politicians. (Economist 17-23 August 74, 71: 4) While the price was rising, so were Japan's imports... (Economist 10-16 August 74, 73: 1)

The meaning of Ă?O and as is very similar, but a slight difference could lie in the fact that whilst so expands the validity of the predicator by one subject, as establishes the predicator as being equally valid for two subjects. The Philadelphia Symphony Orchestra is one of the world's greatest, as is the city's art museum. (Times 27 June 74, 34: 7) "Another curious scientific phenomenon is the fact that the fingernails grow after death, as does the beard." (Stoppard, Rosenkrantz: 12)

In an elevated style, such is used as a pro-form referring to a previous sentence. 'You may fear that I am going to institute divorce proceedings. Such is not my intention." (Powell, Books: 215) But now it had become a fight for survival - such was their feeling as they ran from trap to trap... (Sillitoe, Tree: 184)

3.1.1.3

Predicator inversion

Inversion of predicators is found in declarative clauses where there is neither a negative nor an intensifying expression, nor a pro-form like so, such or as to require the subject to be in post-position. With predicator inversion, the sentence is opened by adverbials, prepositional objects or by the predicating part of the verbal group. Below the Eastern drop of the land lay a cloud of dust and smoke. (Sillitoe, Tree: 171) On the result of this trial would depend... the destiny of Anne Boleyn... (Bruce, Boleyn: 132)

We will deal first of all with post-positioning of the subject which is

l i n k e d w i t h fronting of t h e p r e d i c a t i n g part of the v e r b a l group, a t e d as

PRED.

3.1.1.3.1

PRED

abbrevi-

inversion

T h e p r e d i c a t i n g part of t h e v e r b a l group that i n t r o d u c e s the s e n t e n c e formed from predicative elements a) a d j e c t i v e s l i k e available,

blessed,

of crucial,

gone,

interesting

and

remark-

able: Blessed are the coward and the indolent: what a lot of trouble they save. (Lessing, City. 557) More interesting as works of art are his [• Richard Dadd's] n u m e r o u s drawings of ships... ( Times 27 June 74, 21: 7) Prominent among these needs is a modern telecommunications system. ( T i m e s 3 June 74. 19:2) Even more remarkable was the discovery of a huge subterranean ( Times 22 June 74. 4:8) b) nouns w i t h c e r t a i n

mausoleum...

determiners:

Not the least of its [· this volume's] attractions is a brief account by Professor Marinatos of his celebrated excavations of Thera... (Economist 27 July - 2 August 74, 107: 2) The most comfortable piece of f u r n i t u r e in the room was a big sofa facing the fireplace... (Powell, Books: 76)

c ) a d v e r b s and a d v e r b i a l s , e . g of p l a c e , t i m e and

distance:

Everywhere in it [« this material (books)] were gleams of life, the a u t h e n t i c note or throb of vitality, the unmistakable pulse. (Lessing, City·. 531) To the east, from the top of Tabor, was the valley of Jordan... (Spark, Gale: 48) Today is the Queen's official birthday. ( T i m e s 15 June 74, 16: l) A very long way was she now from the light, easy-walking c r e a t u r e of only half an hour ago... (Lessing, City. 54) d) m o n o - or m u l t i - v a l e n t

prepositions:

She felt a gratitude so deep that it was like pain: yet within was resentment that she should be pitied at all. (Hansford Johnson, Carter: 268) Among the m e a s u r e s expected are a tightening of the credit squeeze; tougher price controls; improved incentives to export... (Economist 8-14 June 74, 86: 2) Underneath these starry figures are gloomy predictions. (Economist 11-17 May 74. 109: 1) Straight in front of them, however, was a white gate... (Murdoch, Sandcaslte:

87)

e) m o n o - or m u l t i - v a l e n t prepositional

expressions:

At stake in today's election was the national standing ÎżÎ&#x201C; the Social Democrats... (Times 10 June 74, 6: 6) In favour of the revenue-sharing idea is its elegance. (Economist 18-24 May 74, 59: 1) f) ordinal numbers such as first,

second,

third

etc.:

First to go was the luxury liner France which was costing taxpayers 10m annually. (Economist 27 July - 2 August 74. 90: l) Second were the stresses on Mr Fenton... Third was an excessive amount of alcohol. Fourth was "the last straw phenomenon". (Times 13 June 74, 2: 6) A s another category, non-finite verb forms constitute the fronted, predicating part, e.g passive ed forms and the ing forms of the EF. P a s s i v e ed

forms:

Also handed in was a letter to Mr. Wilson demanding 17 immediale reforms... ( Times 7 June 74, 4: 3) Usually regarded as (he second largest among stock companies is the Reliance Insurance Company... (Times 27 June 74, 30: 8) It is o f t e n difficult to distinguish passive ed

forms from adjectival

ones

when no decisive evidence is available from the co(n)text. The p r e s e n c e of d e g r e e adverbs in syntagms such as very

embarrassed

or so

pleased

establishes the ed form as adjectival. Ing

forms of the EF:

Militating against these efforts is the fact that industry generally is short of labour of most kinds, but particularly of skilled labour. ( Times 17 June 74, 16: 2) Sharing a room in the young woman's flat was a sad and polite couple, a boy and a girl. (Lessing, City: 545) It is easier to differentiate b e t w e e n the ing forms of the EF and adjectival u s e s than in the c a s e of ed forms, b e c a u s e gradable adjectives as alarming,

disturbing

and touching

such

are commonly used in t e x t s with a

particle of comparison in sentence-initial

position. H o w e v e r , there is a

different problem here: Also belonging to the immediately pre-Roman period in Britain are (he three cast bronze masks from Welwyn, Herts. (Ross, Britain: 103) Opening off the staircase on the north is a turret called the "Lollards' Prison". (Banks. Cuide: 322) In t h e s e two e x a m p l e s , the ing form at the beginning of the cannot b e analysed

sentence

either as the non-finite form of the EF or as

adjective. Relational verbs such as belong

to and open

o f f have no

an ex-

panded form. Neither are there (non-)gradable adjectives for t h e s e verbs.

One explanation given for this is that sentences like those just mentioned above have developed according to the pattern of sentences with verbs which do have expanded forms, and that there constructions containing ing forms of verbs such as belong to function as a point of contact b e tween the two syntagms, e.g. in sentences like There are bronze masks belonging to the pre-Roman period. This argument is put forward by Erdmann (1981) and Sundby (1970: 87-92, 1976). The cases illustrated so far have involved the PRED inversion of predicators. The same categories of inversion occur with modifiers. But starting to loom large a r e moves by Russia, including the "dumping" of shipping space on the Western m a r k e t at u n c o m m e r c i a l rates. ( D a i l y Telegraph 21 M a r c h 75, 19: 3) Also likely to be at the f r o n t a r e the West Kirby pair of Alan Price and Ricky Walters... ( D a i l y Telegraph 21 M a r c h 75, 29: 7)

Finally, clause-initial ed and ing subject complements occur with inversion in connection with predicators of position and motion. E n t h r o n e d opposite, beside one of the windows, sat Demoyte, his s h o u l d e r touching one of t h e rugs w h i c h h u n g behind him upon t h e wall. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 102) Bringing up the e v e n t u a l rear of this c a m e Lord Baldock... (Amis, Want: 42)

3.1.1.3.2

A D V / PREP inversion

As well as the fronting of the predicating part of the verbal group, which I have called PRED inversion, there is what I will refer to as A D V / PREP inversion, i.e. the post-positioning of the subject in connection with the fronting of adverbials or of prepositional objects. ADV inversion The most common adverbial expressions are of place, time, accompaniment and sequence. "Here comes the great novelist," H u m p h r i e s sneered. (Greene, Consul: 171) T h e r e w a s a m o m e n t ' s pause, during w h i c h w a s audible the steady voice of t h e stream and the buzz of the s u r r o u n d i n g woodland. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 97) All along the D e l a w a r e a r e s t r u n g the oil r e f i n e r i e s of c o m p a n i e s like Sunoil. Atlantic R i c h f t e l d , Gulf and Getty. (Times 27 J u n e 74. 32: 2) With t h e m would go the w h o l e pattern of English society as it had existed in this country s i n c e the Middle Ages. (Times 27 J u n e 74, 10: 8) First, in t e r m s of h u m a n s u f f e r i n g , m u s t c o m e a solution of t h e r e f u g e e problem. ( Economist 29 J u n e - 5 July 74. 4: l)

The finite verb which appears in ADV inversion can be either a predicator or a modifier. Modifiers take both primary and secondary forms.

Primary modifiers: passive

be,

... before her eyes were displayed gardens rising vertically in receding banks... (Lessing, City: SIS) ... one hand rested upon the Trame of the mirror wherein was seen the reflection of her face... (Murdoch. Sandcastle: 241) be of the expanded form, The waiter appeared with two glasses of local white wine. In them were floating two chips of ice... (Spark, GateÂˇ. 19) He peered towards the flamingo pool past which were riding children mounted on camels. (Wilson, ZooÂˇ. 58) temporal have

(often found with m u l t i - v a l e n t verbs).

Simply, what had happened was that she had married Mr. Quest; and therefore had she spent her life as a farmer's wife on the highveld... (Lessing, City: 260) For years, so her face and pose said, had she watched people crying, screaming, cracking... (Lessing, City: 230) modal auxiliary verbs, Beyond him through the door could be seen a dazzling expanse of sea. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 239) Behind that apparently bland criticism will appear the great divide between Tories and Socialists on agriculture policy and the EEC. (Times 22 June 74, 1: 2) Secondary modifiers: ... in, or under, the thick light of this room seemed now to shimmer another light... (Lessing, Survivor: 166) Predicators in A D V inversion either require predicative be or appear as verbs. predicative

be:

Through the window was visible a small piece of the garden, some trees, and above the trees in the far distance the tower of the school. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 102)

The Civil Affairs Branch... had sprung into being about a year before. In it were already collected together a rich variety of specimens of army life. (Powell, Philosophers: 120) M o n o - v a l e n t predicators of the following l e x i c a l c l a s s e s occur as verbs: Verbs of position and of e x i s t e n c e , e.g. crouch, and

exist,

hang,

reside

stand.

Beside him... crouched a tall, grey-haired man... (Adams, Shardik: 170)

Beside Ihe tricky elevated g r e e n stands a grimy red-brick railway station... ( E c o n omist 20-26 July 74, 22: l) V e r b s o f o c c u r r e n c e , e . g . develop,

fall,

gleam,

occur,

roar

and

shine.

In t h e s a m e w e e k o c c u r r e d a f u r t h e r event to blight Anne's c h a n c e s . (Bruce, Boleyrt. 150) Behind t h e m roared t h e Tlaming tower... (Pownall, War: 257) V e r b s of m o t i o n , e . g . arrive,

come,

dance,

go,

run

and

walk.

In every m i n d suddenly danced images of love... (Lessing, City: 440) Down t h e cobbled lane w a l k e d a pleasant-looking man... ( M a r s h , Constables: A s p e c t u a l v e r b s which d e s c r i b e individual lexical

classes,

e . g . appear,

begin,

s e g m e n t s of the first

continue,

on;

die

and

14) three

end.

T h u s began one of the most... s u c c e s s f u l of r e c e n t literary c a r e e r s . (Murdoch, Prince: 30) But under their noses... went on this quiet kind of exchange... (Lessing, City: 631) At his death ended the great and long i n f l u e n c e of Wren. (Sitwell, Architects: In c o n t e m p o r a r y E n g l i s h , m u l t i - v a l e n t do not o c c u r w i t h p r e d i c a t o r

v e r b s in t h e p r e s e n t or p a s t

inversion. They

are only

v e r b a l g r o u p h a s a m o d i f i e r , e . g . t e m p o r a l have

found w h e n

165) tense their

or modal a u x i l i a r y

verbs.

Exactly, so she understood, had the jester gained exemption w i t h his and his bells;... (Lessing, City: 14)

bladder

Once t u r n e d in her own m i n d to God, t h e n would Bettie r e c e i v e God's s t r e n g t h and power "to allay all b l u s t e r i n g storms and tempests". (Fraser, Cromwell: 665)

PREP

inversion

Post-positioning

of the subject can a l s o occur

valent prepositional verbs w h o s e object

in c o n n e c t i o n

with

multi-

fronted.

I could tell f r o m the old m a n ' s sidelong g l a n c e s that to his p l e a s u r e in telling the story was added the e n j o y m e n t of d i s c o m f o r t i n g his listener. (Wilson, Zoo: 15) To this period [• C r o m w e l l ' s time in Ireland] a c c r u e m a n y Cromwell·. 341) As

with P R E D

inversion,

the

finite verb

in P R E P

legends... (Fraser.

inversion

is a

predi-

c a t o r or a m o d i f i e r . Honor m e a n t nothing to the starving [• i n h a b i t a n t s of the bidonville]. To them belonged the m o r e serious fight for survival. (Greene, Consul: 27) Against these have to be put a mass of studies of t h e a c a d e m i c nude... (Reynolds, Constable: 39) Multi-valent

prepositional

predicatori

with a modifier, e.g. with temporal

only

occur

the

verbal

group

have.

To such quickly e f f a c e d emotions had y e a r s of w a r a l a r m s brought so m a n y of us. (Wilson, Zoo: 63)

3.1.1.3.3

W a y s of utilizing p r e d i c a t o r

inversion

T h e t w o f o r m s of p r e d i c a t o r inversion, i.e. initial positioning of t h e p r e d i c a t i n g p a r t of t h e v e r b a l g r o u p and t h e f r o n t i n g of an a d v e r b i a l

expres-

sion or p r e p o s i t i o n a l o b j e c t , o c c u r with d i f f e r e n t f r e q u e n c i e s in t e x t s . T h e c o r p u s of w r i t t e n British English upon which this c h a p t e r is b a s ed ( E r d m a n n 1979) r e v e a l s that P R E D inversion is e n c o u n t e r e d m o r e than A D V /

P R E P inversion, p a r t i c u l a r l y

in n e w s p a p e r s

frequently

and

magazines.

As for A D V / P R E P inversion, A D V is u s e d m o r e o f t e n than P R E P . f o l l o w i n g d i a g r a m shows t h e distribution of t h e d i f f e r e n t t y p e s of c a t o r i n v e r s i o n in t h e c o r p u s m e n t i o n e d predicator

Economist (London)

Diagram

1: D i s t r i b u t i o n

PREP inversion

189

227

238

5 15

325

plays total

inversion

Times

novels

above.

ADV i n v e r s i o n

PRED inversion

of p r e d i c a t o r

The

predi-

inversion

P r e d i c a t o r inversion can b e u s e d in a n u m b e r of w a y s in a t e x t . t h e r e a r e d i f f e r e n c e s in t h e f r e q u e n c y of c e r t a i n

textual

uses

Whilst between

t h e t w o f o r m s of inversion, no f u n d a m e n t a l distinction can b e m a d e . P r e d i c a t o r inversion is p r i m a r i l y u s e d for t e x t u a l c o h e s i o n . H e r e , it is s i g n i f i c a n t that e l e m e n t s such as p r o n o u n s , anaphorically prepositional

adverbs

and

determiners

f r e q u e n t l y a p p e a r in t h e f r o n t e d p r e d i c a t i n g e x p r e s s i o n , and t h e s e

elements

refer

used

adverbial

to p r e v i o u s

sections

of t h e t e x t and t a k e t h e m up again. H e [Âť J i m m y W o o d ] w o r e s t r o n g s p e c t a c l e s . B e h i n d t h e m w e r e l o o k i n g e y e s . ( L e s s i n g , City: 160)

small,

strained-

J u s t h o w bad t h o s e d e b t s w i l l t u r n out to be d e p e n d s on t h e p r o p e r t y m a r k e t . On t h a t h a n g s t h e f a t e of m a n y m e r c h a n t b a n k s in t h e C i t y . ( E c o n o m i s t 13-18 J u l y 74, 88: 3)

T h e l i t e r a l r e p e t i t i o n of a l e x e m e is s e l d o m e n c o u n t e r e d , but is t i m e s u s e d when

d i f f i c u l t i e s might

of its p r o n o m i n a l

equivalent.

otherwise

occur

with

the

some-

reference

H e stood t h e r e f o r s o m e t i m e , e n j o y i n g t h e s i l e n c e , a n d w i t h t h e s i l e n c e a l i t t l e a w a r e n e s s of h i m s e l f a s h u m a n , m o r e or less. ( G o l d i n g , Spire: 93)

came

T h e y [â&#x20AC;˘ t h e w i n d o w s ] r e v e a l e d a s h o r t f r o n t g a r d e n a n d a h e d g e of g o l d e n p r i v e t c u r l i n g l i m p l y in t h e f i e r c e h e a t . B e y o n d t h e g a r d e n lay t h e road w h e r e t h e n e a t s e m i - d e t a c h e d h o u s e s f a c e d e a c h o t h e r l i k e m i r r o r i m a g e s . ( M u r d o c h , Sand-

castleÂˇ. 7)

Lexical as well as grammatical means are available. Particularly conspicuous is the use in predicator inversion of lexemes which are semantically related to preceding words, e.g. through synonymy, antonymy, hyponymy, etc. Economic decline after the First World War was an important factor, but equally significant was the earlier exodus of the professional and middle classes from the city centres of Liverpool and Manchester to the Wirral and the Cheshire suburbs. ( Times 13 June 74, 15: 3) It [â&#x20AC;˘ the sea of anxious doubts] was followed by a more selfless yet no less genuine sorrow for the obliteration of human creation... Yet this also was too customary a sadness to last for more than a minute or two. To such quickly effaced emotions had years of war alarms brought so many of us. (Wilson, Zoo: 63)

There need not be identity of word class between the semantically-related expressions in such cases. It was the window, bright and open. Something divided it. Round the division was the blue of the sky. (Golding, Spire: 223) Of course I love her. It was the first time he had admitted it even to himself, and with the admission came a relief so intense that for a moment he was in love not only with her but with every face in the world... (Hansford Johnson, Carter: 313)

Grammatical and lexical means of textual cohesion are the outward expression of the fact that there is an intrinsic relationship between the elements. These connections between individual entities, which are generated by our direct perceptions, experience, knowledge, culture, and other factors, is the basis for our understanding of them as components of a text. They do not need to be verbally explained to us. For example, we know that a room has walls, a floor and a ceiling, and a speaker can draw on this common knowledge about co-occurring parts of a whole. He walked down, along the corridor to Richard's room. It seemed amiable and light... On the walls were maps in enlarged detail... (Sillitoe, Tree: 39 f)

Our knowledge of connections and the usual course of events in the world tells us, for instance, that when a knock is heard at the door, someone is usually about to enter. There were steps on the stairs - firm steps. Then a knock on the door - a confident knock. In came Margaret, smiling. (Lessing, City: 154)

Things may often remain unmentioned because they are always an integral part of the features of an event or situation. For instance, most of us accept that it is not unusual to keep clothes in a suitcase. He opened his suitcase on a wooden bench and hastily searched through it. Under the clothes lay stacks of loose papers in foolscap sheets... (Sillitoe, Tree: 356)

Question and answer relate to each other, forming a natural

sequence

in a discourse. "I asked him straight out why he didn't let his wife divorce him. Î&#x;Î&#x201C; course, out came all the "family" nonsense. No Rivers had ever been involved in court proceedings... " (Hansford Johnson. Carter: 428)

The examples given illustrate another feature of predicator inversion which is not restricted to its connective use, but which is observable in all types: the post-positioned subject is overwhelmingly "heavy", i.e. it evinces a complexity or sequencing of constituents, which is reflected grammatically through the various forms of nominal post-modification, co-ordinated nouns or in appositions. A little farther along the promenade was the Casino, its walls still displaying tattered paybills, just like the one Charlus [sic], wearing his black straw hat, had pretended to examine, after an attempt at long range to assess the Narrator's physical attractions and possibilities. (Powell, Philosophers: 172) On a ledge over the suits stood a whisky bottle, a half-finished bottle of wine and a few glasses - one of them chipped - a pile of cutlery and a bowl of bread. (Greene, Consul: 183) Behind him strolled the resplendent kavass - the negro dressed in scarlet and brocade, carrying the drawn scimitar of his office with the blade laid back along his forearm. (Durrell, Nunquam: 33)

Post-positioned subjects mainly introduce into the text items which are significant for the continuation of the discourse. This usage occurs for instance at the beginning of paragraphs, with the fronted adverbials, prepositional objects etc. providing a link, and the post-positioned subject introducing the topic of the continuing discourse. For example, in a r e view of books about the successful Allied landing on the Normandy beaches in 1944, the following appeared: ... Within a week the invading forces were well-established and the battle for France had begun.* * Behind this success lay years of high-level planning and months of detailed logistical work. Every detail of the equipping, training, transporting and supplying of the vast army had to be worked out, and all in complete secrecy. (Economist 8-14 June 74, 103: l)

Apart from its use as a cohesive device, predicator inversion has a p r e sentative function, whereby it serves to introduce a scenario and to develop relevant parts. This function often occurs in novels and plays, where places or groups of characters are introduced. Beyond the wood, alongside the arterial road, which skirted the school grounds on that side, lay the squash courts and the swimming pool - and upon the other side, upon the edge of the housing estate, were the music rooms and the studio. At the bottom of the hill was a ragged lawn, a half-hearted attempt at a flower garden, and beyond these a white stucco Victorian house inhabited de officio by Mr. Everard. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 41)

A further example is the description of the Porters' home in Osborne's "Look back in anger", together with the directions for the positions to be occupied by the cast before the first act.

T h e ceiling [of the fairly large attic room] slopes down quite sharply from L. [ l e f t ] to R. [right]. Down R. are two small low windows. In front of these is a dark oak dressing table. Up R. is a double bed... Down R. below the bed is a heavy chest of drawers... Up L. is a door. Below this a small wardrobe... Standing L., below the food cupboard, is ALISON. She is leaning over an ironing board. Beside her is a pile of clothes... (Osborne, Anger: 9 f) In this t y p e of u s e , p r e d i c a t o r i n v e r s i o n o c c u r s at t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g the text. T h e following e x a m p l e shows

t h e b e g i n n i n g of an a r t i c l e

with

t h e t i t l e " S t o r m o v e r oil". ** T h r e e miles out to sea, off the most popular beaches of the area and along 80 miles that stretch from San Clemente past Santa Malibu, lie enticing proven oil fields on the continental shelf. T h e e r n m e n t has marked them for leasing next year, if environmental be overcome. (Economist 24-30 August 74, 45: 2) Post-positioning matical

of t h e s u b j e c t

possibility

c a n b e kept

the narrative.

in p r e d i c a t o r

delaying

tenterhooks

the

inversion offers

appearance

to w h o

W i t h this u s e of t h e

an i t e m .

what

presentative

about

function,

fronted, predicating a d v e r b i a l / prepositional components

is i n t e n t i o n a l l y

the

introduces a

increased.

figure,

In t h e f o l l o w i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n ,

t h e n i d e n t i f i e s it as f e m a l e , and o n l y

t h e s e n t e n c e r e v e a l s her p r e c i s e

Los Angeles Monica and federal govprotests can

the

gram-

The

reader

appear

the

range

complements author

first

at t h e end

identity.

However, the last f i g u r e in the cortège made the rest seem h u m d r u m enough. At the rear of this wedge-shaped phalanx, a long way behind the others, moving at a stroll that suggested she was out by herself on a long lonely country walk, her thoughts f a r away in her own melancholy daydreams, walked, almost glided, W i d m e r p o o f s wife. Her eyes w e r e fixed on the ground as she advanced slowly, with extraordinary grace, up the aisle. (Powell, Books: 52 f) A p a r t f r o m its c o n n e c t i v e and p r e s e n t a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , p r e d i c a t o r is a l s o a m e a n s

of l e n d i n g g r e a t e r

attention often being directed

directness

to the

object

t o an i t e m , means

inversion

the

reader's

a particle.

r e f e r to this as " a t t e n t i v e " u s a g e . "Henry's a wag, said Willy... "You mustn't tell him that, of course; his trick's to pretend he's not joking w h e n he is. That's how he catches you. He m a k e s you laugh and then, w h e n you do, up goes an eyebrow and he stares at you as though you're laughing in church." (Hansford Johnson, Carter: 101 f) Bump, bump, bump, went the drums; scream, scream, scream, went the guitar; yowl, yowl, yowl, went the crooners. (Sands, Sam: 59) J o u r n a l i s m , a rich s o u r c e of p r e d i c a t o r i n v e r s i o n , u s e s it to d r a w a t t e n t i o n t o i t e m s and e v e n t s . B e l o w a r e t h e o p e n i n g l i n e s of an concerning

political

changes

France

after

the

election

graphic article Giscard

d ' E s t a i n g as p r e s i d e n t in 1 9 7 4 . »« Out go the gaullists, in come the Reformists, the non-gaullist right and the non-political professionals. Out go the old men, in at the top, though not yet elsewhere, come the young ones. And in, everywhere, come the graduates of the Ecole Nationale d'Administration that has given F r a n c e its new elite of bright young civil servants... (Economist 1-7 June 74, 27: l)

Finally, predicator inversion is found in proverbs or other set phrases, which present their contents in aphoristic form. Out of w e a k n e s s comes forth strength. ( Times 5 June 74, 17: 4) Blessed are the cowards and the indolent: what a lot of trouble they save. (Lessing, City: 557) "But just now, I say just now, the lady of the house said her piece and I for one am knocked over by the s e n t i m e n t s she expressed. Lucky is the man who's at the receiving end, that's what I say." (Pinter, Party: 56)

For further literature on the uses of inversion, see Drubig (1988), Erdmann (1981), Green (1980) and Hartvigson/ Jakobsen (1974: chapter 4).

3.2

There

sentences

The second group of defocussing syntagms we will deal with are there sentences. In declarative there sentences, the notional subject also follows the verb instead of preceding it. Non-referential there takes subject position in its place. The last 15 years have seen intensive research into there sentences from different viewpoints, and it is important to begin by giving a precise definition of this construction. For our purposes, a there sentence is understood as a construction in which the morpheme there displays the grammatical function of a subject; in which there is a (non-)finite form of be or of a lexical verb (such as those discussed in 3.2.3.1); and a possibly pre-modified noun following the verb, which for its part can have post-positions, i.e clause components, partial clauses or clauses.

The following examples illustrate different types of there (29)

T h e r e have been many wars.

(30)

T h e r e is someone in the garden.

(31)

T h e r e a r e soldiers m a r c h i n g down the street.

(32)

T h e r e was nothing we could do.

(33)

T h e r e is something wrong (with him).

sentence:

(34) T h e r e a r e important papers for her to sign. (35)

T h e r e developed a serious crisis.

(36)

T h e r e seems to be no alternative to our proposal.

(37) I want there to be no misunderstanding about the procedure. (38)

T h e r e is no mistaking his threat.

There are differences of opinion among grammarians as to how a there sentence should be defined. One popular view sees those sentences which 51

contain a form of be as having the semantic status of existential sentences. A l l e n (1962: 253) writes: "This [= there

is/ there

o r e ] is the most usual

way of denoting existence in English, when the subject has not already been defined." Exactly what is meant by an "existential sentence" is often left unexplained. Whose existence and what type of existence is asserted in a there sentence? The following pair of sentences may help to clarify this point. (39) T h e r e

was a c o m p l e t e l y

new w o r l d opened

to us.

( 4 0 ) T h e r e was a c o m p l e t e l y n e w w o r l d w h i c h w a s opened to us.

Whereas in the second sentence the existence of an entity is asserted, in the first, the hearer has the course of an action revealed to him. Does the defining of there entities as well

sentences as existential therefore mean that

as states-of-affairs can be asserted

means? This is the opinion of Hannay two ways of reading there

to exist

(1985: chapter

this

3.1), who posits

sentences: the so-called "entity reading" and

the "state-of-affairs reading". According

to his theory,

sentences

the second of the two above display the "entity reading", i.e. the existence of an object (entity) is asserted. In the sentence shown, this is the existence of "a completely new world". Hannay refers to this type of there

sentence

as "E (= entity)-existentials". In the first example sentence, on the other hand, the existence of the state-of-affairs "that a completely new world was opened to us" is asserted. Hannay calls this type of there

sentence

"SOA (= state-of-affairs)-existential". In discussions of this kind concerning the existence of objects and states-of-affairs, the term "existence" does not usually have an absolute or ontological sense. There the problem of being or not-being, e.g. There

sentences about

is a God,

do not occur

with great frequency. Rather, the existential sentence should be understood as a construction which introduces There

a referent

into a

discourse.

sentences declare something (either for the first time, or

again)

to be the topic of conversation in a discourse. The group

grammatically-defined

contains only those there

existential

sentences

usually

sentences which have a form of be. Hannay

(1985: 6) states: "... existentials are constructions involving the unstressed introductory there together with some form of the verb to be". According to this definition, cases which have a lexical verb like begin, occur

are distinguished from existential

there

move

sentences. In the

recent literature, they are described as "Mere-presentatives" (cf. chapter 3.2.3.1 on this point). The term "there

sentence", chosen for use in this

monograph, functions as a general term for existential and presentative there

sentences, and is also based on a grammatical definition of both

types. Existential sentences can be defined semantically as well as gram-

matically; a semantic definition does not derive from the presence of there plus one of the above-mentioned verbs, but solely from the content of the verb. According to this definition, an existential sentence is one where the verb, which might be a form of be or a lexical verb like emerge, lie or stand, describes the existence of something, or its cominginto-existence. Thus, Breivik (1983: 5 f) writes: "... the term existential clause... will be reserved to designate all and only clauses containing existential/ locative be or an intransitive verb which has included in it the meaning T>e in existence' or 'come into existence'." Accordingly, the following are examples of existential sentences: (41) Two books are on the table. (42) On the table are two books. (43) The table has two books on it. (44) A woman appeared at the window.

The grammar of Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 18.44-54) follows this approach in part. A semantic definition of existential sentences is unsatisfactory in that there is not yet a specific enough definition of the term "existence" as used here. A logical definition of existential sentences complements the grammatical and semantic definitions. Lipirfska (1973: 87) defines existential sentences as those "for which the corresponding logical formulae contain the existential quantifier and the presence of this operator is overtly manifested on the language level." The possible importance of a logical analysis for the form and semantics of there sentences is discussed more thoroughly in connection with the interpretation of the introductory formula there is (chapter 3.2.1.5) and the so-called "definite restriction" (chapter 3.2.4.1.4). 3.2.1

The form

there

There is an ambiguous form. Sometimes it is an adverb of place, and together with here it forms a deictic field which specifies the proximity of objects to the speaker. "Here were some rusty curtain rods, with the rings still on themÂĄ there a great iron tub full of water which might recently have been used for washing... (Hartley. Eustace: 187) There lay a summer dream fulfilled in a vegetable reality. But here sat a schoolmaster in solitude, merely thinking ÎżÎ&#x201C; another man's wife. (Strachey, Weather: 222)

Here signals a greater degree of physical the speaker, whilst there signals a lesser as an adverb at the beginning or end of referred to by there may be mentioned in

or psychological proximity to degree. There often appears a sentence, and the location the sentence itself.

It [· a noise] opened his eyes for him; and there, on one side of the small fire, opposite to the window, was a great bed of crumpled linen with a bolster. (Golding, Spire·. 207) I sat t h e r e o n the verandah, unable to speak for a while... (Lessing, Notebook·. 141) E q u a l l y , there

c a n r e f e r t o p o i n t s or p e r i o d s in t h e c o u r s e of t i m e

of a d i s c o u r s e . I read to the bottom of the page and decided to stop there. (DCE: there1: 2) We did not question this reasoning, and there lay our mistake. (Waugh, head: 110) There

Brides-

c a n a l s o b e u s e d t o d i r e c t t h e h e a r e r ' s a t t e n t i o n to s o m e t h i n g .

"There you are with a lot of money instead of a lot of land, what will you do with the money?" (Murdoch, Henry and Cato: 133) "Well, there she is, you see, very womanly and all that, lots of hair and shoulders and legs and what-have-you." (Amis, Take a girl: 204) "Look out, there goes the whistle, chaps." (Naughton, Boy: 164) "There speaks a true Scot." (Fowles, Martin: 352) A d v e r b i a l there

a l s o o c c u r s in s p e e c h f o r m u l a e in a n u m b e r of

n i c a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , s o m e of w h i c h a r e i l l u s t r a t e d

commu-

below:

There you are! (Here you are!) A nice cup of tea. There you are! Didn't I say this would happen? There you go, talking about people behind their backs. These examples you

are)

There

and

a r e taken from W o o d /

from

the

Dictionary

Hill

(1979: t h e

Contemporary

entry

a l s o a p p e a r s in e x p r e s s i o n s t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e s p e a k e r

a c t i o n b e c a u s e it a c c o r d s w i t h his or h e r

there (there1).

English

praises

wishes.

"Run along to Nanny, there's good boy." (Mitford, Blessing: 204) "Pour me out another whisky, would you, Percival, there's a good chap." (Greene, Factor: 32) "Don't be silly, Laura, just don't be silly, there's a dear." (Murdoch, Child: 131) "Now don't look so cross, there's a good fellow." (Hansford Johnson, 132) P r a i s e and e n c o u r a g e m e n t

c a n a l s o b e e x p r e s s e d in t h e f o r m of a

s e n t e n c e or a n i m p e r a t i v e ( c f . W o o d / and there

Skipton:

Hill

(1979), t h e

entries

for

that that

's).

Before leaving she said: "Do see that he's not left in too much of a muddle, there's a good girl." (Lessing, City: 140) "Stay there, that's a good girl, and don't make a noise." (Waugh, Mischief:

34)

"Now, then, Matty, we must s u f f e r in the cause of beauty, be a good girl." (Lessing, Martha Quest: 160) There

can

also be used

predicatively,

when

expresses

the

"mental

presence" of a person, all, and

especially

in connection with intensifying

[not)

quite.

... ÂĄÎ&#x201C; Mark Coldridge had been photographed by television cameras and newspapers, then there is no doubt that he would have been more 'there' than if mentioned merely in print;... (Lessing. City: 425) I don't think she's all there. (DCE, there1Âˇ. 5) "Is he, shall we say. not always quite there after a convivial evening with friends?" (Dennis, Cards: 26) Predicative there or availability

has a further use, in that it can e x p r e s s the

of whatever

is described by the subject

presence

noun.

... it was herself she cleverly produced and marketed; herself that other people needed so much she did not have to do more than be there, on offer. (Lessing, City: 545) Our marriage is there, but it is thoroughly tired, exhausted, the spirit has left it I fear for ever. (Murdoch, Prince: 253) "I fancy the desire is there, but so are the inhibitions." (Gordon. Facts: 152) T h e y don't want to drink whisky all the time, but they want to feel it's there." (MacKenzie, Whisky galore: 69) It is possible, in s o m e c a s e s , to u s e there

sentences

be, as w e l l as s e n t e n c e s with predicative there,

with the

nucleus

without n o t i c e a b l e d i f f e -

rences in meaning (cf Hannay 1985: 13 f, 172). T h e r e isn't the work, you know," said Mr Smeeth, earnestly, I don't say they all want it, but there isn't the work." (Priestly, Angel: 94) The work isn't there. The opportunity isn't there. (Blythe, Akenfield: 112) There isn't the opportunity. Finally, there

is used as an interjection, and in this function is a l w a y s

stressed. There! There! Never mind, you'll soon feel better. (ALD-. entry for there3: I) Demoyte was sorry at once, and said, T h e r e now Mor, I didn't really mean it, but you provoked me." (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 118) The above-mentioned uses of there

(adverbial, signalling or predicative)

should be distinguished from its u s e in sentences of the following type: (45) There was an accident last night. (46) There's some milk in the fridge. In such s e n t e n c e s , there

usually appears in the s o - c a l l e d "weak form",

i.e. the neutral v o w e l [a], o f t e n c a l l e d "schwa", forms the s y l l a b l e . The diphthong [ e s ] can also form the s y l l a b l e , i.e. there or "normal" form. The entry nouncing

Dictionary

for there

appears in the "strong"

in Daniel

Jones' English

Pro-

( l 4 t h edition, 1977) runs as f o l l o w s :

"there" des* (normal form), da* (weak form), Ar (alternative weak form before

vowels). Note. - The weak forms occur only when the word is used expletively, as in there is. there are. there was. there won't be, etc. The form Ă e s * is also used in such expressions."

The "strong" or "normal" form of non-adverbial there (= used expletively) seems to be particularly prevalent among slow, deliberate speakers (see Breivik 1983: chapter 2.3). The entry quoted earlier from Jones' dictionary makes it clear that when there is used as an adverb and a signalling device, it can only occur in the "strong form". There is also a difference of emphasis between the ways already illustrated in which there is used. Although in its adverbial, signalling and predicative uses (also bearing in mind its use as an interjection) it can or must be stressed, non-adverbial there is usually unstressed (cf. Sweet 1891: Â§ 344, and Jespersen 1949: 107). Discussions of the problem whether non-adverbial there can also be stressed are to be found in Sampson (1972), Allan (1972) and Breivik (1976, 1983: chapter 2.3). Finally, there are paralinguistic differences between the two uses of there. The reference of adverbial there can be demonstrated, clarified a n d / or underlined by gestures and other non-verbal means, whilst this option is not available with non-adverbial there (cf. Allan 1971). What distinguishes non-adverbial there from its adverbial, signalling or predicative uses are its phonetically "weak" form and its lack of emphasis and indexicality. Grammatical differences are also involved. A variety of syntactic patterns lead one to conclude that non-adverbial there behaves grammatically like a nominal group in subject position. This is evident, for instance, with inversion, where there behaves like proper nouns, personal pronouns or other nominal groups such as some milk, this building, etc.: 1. in polar questions; (47) Teddy is in the garden. (48) Is Teddy in the garden? (49) There is someone in the garden. (50) Is there someone in the garden?

2. in W H - questions; (51) Why is Teddy in the garden? (52) Why is there someone in the garden?

3. in tag questions; (53) Teddy is in the garden, isn't he? (54) There is someone in the garden, isn't there?

4. in conditional sentences without i f ; (55) Had Teddy been in the garden, I would have seen him. (56) Had t h e r e been someone in t h e garden, I would h a v e seen h i m .

5. after negating adverbials which introduce sentences; (57) At no time had Teddy been in the garden. (58) At no time had t h e r e been s o m e o n e in the garden.

In these examples, non-adverbial there behaves in inversion like the proper name Teddy, i.e. as regards its grammatical function, it corresponds to a nominal rather than an adverbial expression. The difference in the grammatical function is underlined by the fact that both the nominal and adverbial uses of there can occur together in one sentence. A. Have you been to Salisbury? B. No, but I k n o w t h e r e ' s a f a m o u s c a t h e d r a l there.

In the answer sentence (B), the second there refers to the place (Salisbury) where the famous cathedral is to be found, whereas the clause introduced by the first there announces the fact that there is a famous cathedral in that city. The foregoing discussion has shown that non-adverbial there functions in subject position like a nominal expression. Does this mean that it is itself a nominal expression, e.g. a pronoun like he, she or ĂĂ? Research has so far failed adequately to determine the grammatical status of nonadverbial there. It can be included in a group of nominal expressions whose referent lies exclusively inside a sentence. The pronoun it also belongs to this group when used in the following ways. (59) It w a s a pleasant s u r p r i s e that he helped h i s f r i e n d . (60) It is useless to contradict him.

The pronoun it (in the function of subject, as is required in English) refers to the post-positioned that clause or to the to infinitive. The e x a m ple sentences below show the alternative possibility, under suitable textual conditions, of using a that clause or a to infinitive in subject position instead of it. (61) T h a t he helped h i s f r i e n d s w a s a pleasant surprise. (62) To contradict him is useless.

Similarly, many sentences with non-adverbial there have, under certain discourse conditions, an alternative form without there. (63) T h e r e w a s nobody killed. (64) Nobody w a s killed.

In these examples, there

is a nominal expression, rather like it, whose 57

referent appears within the sentence itself. (65) T h e r e w a s nobody killed.

(66) It is useless to contradict

him. 1

With nominal expressions of this type, there can be no reference to extra-linguistic entities or states-of-affairs. It should be remembered that adverbial there can refer to actual localities in the world. In exactly the same way, the pronoun it can refer to objects in the world. An Englishman or an American, on seeing Neuschwanstein Castle, might exclaim delightedly, It's gorgeous!, the it referring to the magnificent building in Bavaria. In it or there sentences with a postposed that clause and to infinitive or with a postposed nominal group, however, the reference remains within the sentence. Henceforward, I will use the term "nominal there" to describe the usage of there in sentences such as There's some milk in the fridge and There was nobody killed, as shorthand for the characteristic that, in this type of sentence, the grammatical behaviour of there is like that of a nominal expression whose noun referent appears in the same sentence. There is a plethora of names for this in the literature, such as "anticipatory there" (Curme 1931: 9-10), "empty there" (Jespersen 1949: 107), "existential there" (Jespersen 1924: 155), "expletive there" (Fillmore 1968: 82), "formal there (Kruisinga/ Erades 1953: Â§ 3), "introductory there" (Zandvoort 1962: Â§ 684), "preparatory there" (Jespersen 1933: 104), "presentative there" (Hannay 1985: chapter 1.1.3) and "weak there" (Poutsma 1928: 133). To differentiate it from nominal there, I will call the use of there as an adverb of place "adverbial there".

3.2.1.1

Nominal and adverbial thereÂˇ, homonymy or polysemy?

So far, we have referred to the adverbial and nominal uses of there, so as to leave open the question of whether it is a case of homonymy or polysemy. From the historical point of view, this question is connected with whether contemporary there is the result of two or more morphemes which used to have quite separate meanings having merged (as with the word ear which can refer to the organ used for listening or to the top part of a stalk of wheat, corn etc.) or whether the diverging functions have developed from a single form (as is the case with mouth, which has developed the two meanings of a facial feature and the part of a river where it flows into the sea). There have not been many investigations into the origin and development of there, and indeed, we can only speculate about much of it, due to the lack of relevant historical sources. Breivik (1983: chapter 6) puts forward the theory that nominal there

developed from the adverbial. He believes that nominal there diverged from the adverbial during the pre-documented Old English period, because the adverbial in initial position in a sentence was no longer always understood in a spatial-deictic way. Instead, it developed in this position the function of a connective device, and possibly also the function of an element which prepares the way for an object about to be discussed (= topic there). With the development and consolidation of "subject-predicator" word order, it was syntactically re-interpreted as a subject (= subject there). Lakoff (1987) derives nominal there from the adverbial within the framework of cognitive grammar.

3.2.1.2

The syntax of

there

The question of how the two ways of using there originated also plays some part in synchronic treatments, as reflected in recent developments in linguistics, to which I will now confine my attention. In the field of generative grammar, defining the categorial status and syntactic function of there is of central importance. Grammarians are unanimous in their view that the there of sentences like There is a devil among us is a noun phrase functioning as subject. However, there is disagreement about whether there is introduced transformationally, or whether it is already present in the syntactic deep structure. Milsark (1976) can be mentioned as representative of the first (transformational) hypothesis (= "iAere-insertion"), whilst Jenkins (1975) represents those who support the second, non-transformational derivation (= "phrase-structure hypothesis" or "zero hypothesis"). Proponents of generative grammar separate nominal there very strictly from adverbial there, whether the former is introduced transformationally or generated by phrase structure rules. They tend to regard the identity of form as coincidental, and often comment sarcastically on attempts to infer possible content-functional similarities from this identity. Syntactic analyses contribute little or nothing about the semantics of there. Characteristic of this is the recurrent description of there as "dummy there", indicating that it has no meaning.

3.2.1.3

The semantics of

there

The greater interest in semantics in the sixties and the development of alternative models of sentence semantics breathed new life into the question about the meaning of there. Authors such as Anderson (1971: chapter 7.32), Fillmore (1968: 4 4 - 4 7 ) and Kuno (1971: 349) interpret the there of sentences like There are many toys in the box as a p r o - f o r m for the adverbial in the box, which has been put in subject position. Lyons 59

takes a similar, albeit weaker, line in a series of publications (Lyons 1967, 1968: chapter 8.4). H e too believes that there derives from the adverbial in the box, but that it only contains its "deictically neutral component" (Lyons 1975: 73, fn l). Apart from the locative hypothesis, which regards there as a copy or anticipation of adverbials of place, direction etc., there are attempts to ascribe independent meaning to there. Bolinger writes: "... e x i s t e n t i a l ' there is an extension οΓ locative there, w i t h a m e a n i n g that r e f e r s to a g e n e r a l i z e d 'location'... (Bolinger 1977: 91)

The author later makes clear what he means by "generalized location" when characterizing the syntagm there is: "... [there is] 'brings s o m e t h i n g into a w a r e n e s s ' , w h e r e 'brings into' is t h e contribution of t h e position of there and o t h e r locational adverbs, and ' a w a r e n e s s ' is the contribution of there itself; specifically, a w a r e n e s s is t h e abstract location to w h i c h I r e f e r r e d above [ m e a n i n g the description "generalized 'location'" of t h e f i r s t quotation - P E j " (Bolinger 1977: 92 f)

So, for Bolinger, there is not a reflection of an adverbial group, but has its own meaning, which he calls "abstract location". This refers to the consciousness of the hearer, made aware of objects by the position of there. Bolinger attempts to support the plausibility of his theory chiefly by comparing sentences with and without there. There sentences make us aware of objects in a scenario. Once objects to be discussed have been introduced, whether on the basis of the situation, our world knowledge or the antecedents of the relevant utterance, sentences without there are the norm.

3.2.1.4

The function of

there

Breivik (1981, 1983: chapter 3) has a similar approach, but with the difference that he attributes a pragmatic function, instead of a meaning, to there, and he calls this the "signal function": "there¡ [• non-locative there - PE] c a r r i e s a kind of p r a g m a t i c i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h we will call signal information: it f u n c t i o n s as a signal to the addressee that h e must be prepared to direct his attention towards an item of new i n f o r m a t i o n . " (Breivik 1983: 205 f)

He disallows any kind of locative sense for there in sentences like There is a book on the table, and characterizes it grammatically as a nominal group. Breivik's interpretation can be grouped with attempts to ascertain and explain the function of there in utterances. Functional interpretations, in particular those of the Prague School, centre on what rôle there plays when the sentence is regarded as a theme-rheme structure and as a conveyor of information. The following is a simplified version of the Prague School theory. A sentence has not only a grammatical and a

semantic structure, but also a thematic one: the sequence in which information is conveyed. This usually takes the following form: first, items known to the speaker and hearer a r e mentioned, creating a mutual basis for the hearer to receive unknown and new items of information, or those which have escaped him or her. Since speech is situated in time, the conveying of information is tied to its linear structure. This is reflected grammatically in the word-order rules of a language, and these have, to a large extent, become fixed in English. In declarative sentences, the subject usually precedes the predicator. In compliance with this general rule, the subject, as the sentence opener, should convey the information which is already known to the discourse partners. Indeed, this is very often the case. Last year I w e n t to Portugal. T h e trip was most enjoyable. I really liked it.

In the text, the trip, as the subject of the second sentence, conveys information known to both speaker and hearer. However, no one-to-one r e l a tionship exists between the status of the information and the grammatical functions expressed by a sentence. Subjects, for example, do not always convey known information. What happens in such cases? According to proponents of functional linguistics, language has ways and means of ensuring a high degree of correlation between grammatical and thematic structures. The there sentence is just such a grammatical means. In it, the "real" or "logical" subject occurs after the finite verb; from a functional point of view, this sentence position is the one in which clause elements tend to appear which convey new information. It has often been pointed out that a sentence like A map is on page five does not normally occur in English. The form There is a map on page five is more acceptable. In this sentence, the subject a map gives new information, and this is supported by the use of the indefinite article, which often indicates new information. The unusual nature of the sentence A map is on page five is obviously connected with the fact that a nominal group expressing new information appears in subject position, a position which is usually reserved for nominal groups conveying information which has already been introduced. The there sentence offers the grammatical possibility of allowing the rhematic (= informationally-new) element to appear in the typical position, i.e. after the finite verb. Similar reasons are given in functional explanations influenced by the Prague School. Kirkwood, who has conducted several investigations into there sentences and analogous structures from a contrastive point of view (German and English), says of the function of thereÂˇ. "The subject, a n o n d e f i n i t e n o u n carrying high c o m m u n i c a t i v e v a l u e , does not open the u t t e r a n c e , but is introduced by some f o r m of deictic w h i c h p r e p a r e s t h e way for t h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e core. T h e i n t r o d u c i n g e l e m e n t a c t s a s a k i n d of r u n - i n towards t h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e core... One might a r g u e that t h e f/iere-introd u c e r allows t h e n o n d e f i n i t e n o u n f u n c t i o n i n g as subject to m o v e into a position

w i t h high c o m m u n i c a t i v e value." (Kirkwood 1969a: 102)

The functional characterizations of there given within the framework of Halliday's systemic grammar are comparable to this. Allan (1971: 6) writes: "Indefinite n o u n - p h r a s e s a r e typically associated with the introduction οΓ ' n e w ' i n f o r m a t i o n and d e f i n i t e n o u n - p h r a s e s a r e typically associated w i t h ' g i v e n ' i n f o r mation... In a d e c l a r a t i v e s e n t e n c e w h e n n e w ' i n f o r m a t i o n is presented as the t h e m e of d i s c o u r s e instead of in the r h e m e , t h e i n f o r m a t i o n f o c u s is marked... (16) a b

A s t r a n g e m a n is outside. T h e r e , is a strange m a n outside.

Despite t h e synonymy of the two s e n t e n c e s (16 a) is m o r e d r a m a t i c and impressive t h a n (16 b); this r e s u l t s f r o m the t h e m a t i s a t i o n of ' n e w ' i n f o r m a t i o n . I would suggest that t h e ordinary way of introducing ' n e w ' i n f o r m a t i o n as t h e r h e m e of discourse is by m e a n s of w h a t Halliday calls a 'predicated t h e m e ... w i t h there in an existential sentence."

3.2.1.5

The logic of

there

Finally, it has been suggested that nominal there is identical to the existential quantifier of predicate logic (sometimes known as "quantifier logic"). This area of modern logic is concerned with the analysis and presentation of the logical structure of statements. Logical analysis of simple sentences like Henry is sleeping shows that it is composed of a predicate (sleep) and an argument (Henry). As well as proper names such as Henry, etc., the arguments in this type of elementary statement can be general names, such as child, animal etc. General terms describe either some, or all, of the representatives of a class, i.e. they can be quantified. For this, predicate logic uses two quantifying terms - one to indicate the whole of the class, and the other to indicate at least one representative of the class. The first is known as a universal quantifier and the second as an existential quantifier. These are represented by the symbols A or A, and V or 3 respectively. The symbols A or V are the expanded signs for the logical junctors and (Λ) and or (v). The logical representation of the sentences Some children are sleeping and All children are sleeping is as follows: Vx r(x)

(x - child,

f •

sleep)

3x f(x)

(x - child.

f •

sleep)

"There is (at least) one x, such that χ is a child and χ is sleeping." Λχ f(x)

(x - child,

f -

sleep)

Ax f(x)

(x • child,

f ·

sleep)

"For e a c h χ it is the case that χ is a child and that χ is sleeping."

Correspondingly, a there sentence like There are still some tickets

avai-

lable is regarded as a natural language equivalent of the predicate logic formula 3x f(x) (x = ticket, f = available). Various authors identify the existential quantifier H with nominal there. For instance, Mihailovic (1971: 69) writes: "We shall assume that the existential there is the existential q u a n t i f i e r ÎżÎ&#x201C; formal logic..."

Milsark (1977: 259) talks about the "existential import of the expression there be", and offers an explanation for the special characteristic of there sentences (i.e. that they cannot occur with universally-quantified nouns) by pointing to the contradiction which would result from universal quantifiers appearing in an existential-quantifying there be construction. "If there be is to be interpreted as an expression of existential quantification of the following NP, no NP which itself contains a quantifier, i.e., a strong determiner [â&#x20AC;˘ universal q u a n t i f i e r - PE] may appear in this position, since this would result in double quantification of the set denoted by the NP."

The thrust of analyses of this kind is to explain by means of predicate logic the fact that universal-quantifying expressions cannot appear in there sentences. However, the use of quantifier logic in the analysis of there or there be is semantically too undifferentiated. There sentences like those below, which seem to approximate to their predicate logic representation, often do not express the fact that there is at least one representative of the class named; instead, they direct attention to the fact that there is a specific individual or a particular set to whom the statement refers. T h e r e is a type of mind, like Willi's, that can only accept ideas if they a r e put in the language he would use himself. (Lessing, Notebook: 106) "I know there are always m e n who want to believe you a r e finding the same pleasure that they do." (Greene, Consul: 89)

3.2.1.6

Alternatives to nominal

there

In standard English, nominal there is the usual grammatical means for allowing subjects to appear in the position after the finite verb. However, other linguistic possibilities are available in various social and functional varieties, in British English (BrE) as well as in American English (AmE). One of these is to omit nominal there, and this occurs in the spoken usage referred to as familiar English. The following examples are taken from the grammar by Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 12.47): (67) Ought to be some c o f f e e in the pot. (68) Must be somebody waiting for me. (69) Appears to be a big crowd in the hall. (70) Won't be anything left for supper.

Such e l l i p s e s

appear in written English in passages

which

attempt

reproduce natural conversation in the form of dialogue. "Nothing's ever been heard of him again, has there, Carter?" (Wilson, Zoo: 307) "Here now, hold it a second, chaps, the young lady still has a drink to dispose of. No huge rush, is there?" (Amis, Take a girl: 47) S e n t e n c e s without there English. The

a l s o occur in non-standard v a r i e t i e s

following e x a m p l e s

are taken from AmE,

their social status by the use of ain't instead of isn't.

and

spoken

emphasize

They are used by

white speakers (passage taken from Jack Kerouac's "On the Road" (1955)) as w e l l as by black

(passage taken from Eldridge C l e a v e r ' s

"Soul

Ice" (1968)). "Ah, listen, we'll take a nice walk in the prairie flowers." "There ain't no flowers there," she said. "I want to go to New York. I'm sick and tired of this. Ain't no place to go but Cheyenne, and ain't nothin in Cheyenne." "Ain't nothin in New York." "Hell there ain't," she said with a curl of her lips. (Kerouac, Road: 31) "Ain't no such thing as an ugly white woman." (Cleaver, Soul: 146) "Ain't nothing more beautiful than a white woman's hair being blown by the wind." (Cleaver. Soul: 146) In non-standard speech, it can also b e used in p l a c e of nominal

there.

It has o c c a s i o n a l l y been observed and described in the s p e e c h of black and white speakers

of A m E . The following quotations

are taken

from

an essay by H e n c h which appeared in 1937, the "American English G r a m mar" (1940) by Fries

and a research report by Labov and

colleagues

about a project dealing with the s p e e c h of blacks and Puerto Ricans in N e w York City. "The expression it is, familiar to students of Old and Middle English as used in a sentence like "It is somebody at the door", instead of T h e r e is somebody etc.", still survives among negroes and less educated whites of the Southern section of the United States." (Hench 1937: 209) "... only in Vulgar English appeared the older use of it equivalent to the function word there as in 'if it is any way that I can get him out please...'" (Fries 1940: 244 f) "The use of dummy it [for there - PE] is an excellent sociolinguistic marker of a speaker's distance from the NNE [non-standard Negro English] vernacular... For some speakers, it for there is categorical, but in general it appears as a variable of a high degree of frequency." (Labov et al. 1968: 302) Kirchner has recorded e x a m p l e s of the use of it for there

in the

first

v o l u m e of his book "Die syntaktischen EigentĂźmlichkeiten des A m e r i k a nischen Englisch" ("The syntactic characteristics of A m e r i c a n

English")

(1970: Â§ 5 4 . 2 j ) . Finally, a non-standard form occurs, which is written as they.

Evi-

d e n c e for this has b e e n found among white speakers of A m E in the A p palachians and the South ( W o l f r a m / Christian 1976: 1 2 4 - 1 2 6 )

(71) T h e y ' s n o t h i n ' lo keep 'em f r o m t u r n i n ' . (72) T h e y ' s copperheads round here.

The examples above are taken from "Appalachian Speech" by Wolfram and Christian (1976). There is plenty of literary support for them. "Hey - w h e r e can I get some peanuts?" "They ain't a p e a n u t in t h i s w h o l e town. I been all over." ( G r i f f i n . Black:

32)

"... I read the w h o l e Bible a n d T e s t a m e n t . Hey-hey - ... you k n o w they's some r e a l hot t h i n g s in that Bi-ble." (Kerouac. Road: 209)

Further examples may be found in the above-mentioned book by Kirchner (1970: § 54.2 2 ). Wolfram and Christian point out that the they form appears in the function of adverbial as well as nominal there. This form is also used in place of the possessive their and the contraction they're. No form of they with any of the four functions mentioned above is known in the history of English. According to a theory of Labov's (1969: 756), its phonetic evolution could have been as follows: [ d e a ] (vocalization of the r to the schwa a) -» [ d e ] (omission of the schwa a) -» [ d e i ] (raising of e to a high front vowel which was identified with the sound of they).

3.2.2

Concord in there

sentences

In there sentences, the post-positioned notional subject usually has grammatical concord with the finite verb. (73) T h e r e is a book on the table. (74) T h e r e a r e several books on the table.

Exceptions can be observed with subjects which consist of co-ordinated nouns. In the vast majority of examples, concord is based on the number of the nominal group which directly follows the finite verb, i.e. the verb will be in the singular or plural, matching this nominal group. It is i r r e l evant whether the other nominal groups are singular or plural. This phenomenon can be seen to relate to the "principle of proximity" (Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 10.35). T h e r e w a s a w r y n e s s , a spirit of parody or of s e n d i n g oneself up, expressed in w h a t looked like f a n c y dress, or c a r n i v a l c o s t u m e . (Lessing, City: 427) T h e r e w a s no f i r e and no candles; but t h e r e was m u c h light and shadows moving over t h e windows. (Golding, Spire: 204) In t h e original plan t h e r e w e r e to have been t h r e e resident priests and a visiting Sacred Heart n u n . ( M u r d o c h . Henry and Cato: 40) T h e r e a r e c a r a v a n s and motor boats for sale by t h e side of t h e road. (Wiseman, Englishwoman: 233)

Plural concord of the predicator in conjunction with co-ordinated nominal groups in the singular is rare.

T h e r e w e r e also, sitting in a row on the opposite cot, Jorky, a n u n and a policem a n . (Cary, Mouth: 373) ... and in t h e hall t h e r e w e r e a pail, two spades, a n d a long piece of h a n g i n g by the door as a barometer. (Greene, Rock: 70)

seaweed

Singular concord of the finite verb in conjunction with co-odinated or simple nominal groups in the plural is a typical feature of colloquial spoken English, with is and has always appearing in the contracted form 's. "There's my rights and t h e rights οΓ the people that have t h e g u t s a n d t h e brains." (Wilson. Attitudes·. 147) "Come and play a n o t h e r hand, sure t h e r e ' s no c u s t o m e r s in." (Cochrane, Head: 83) "There's got to be wigs." (Burgess, Enderby

outside: 34)

"But surely t h e r e ' s a bit m o r e to it. I m e a n , t h e r e ' s t h e names." (Symons, 30)

Problem:

Some authors interpret this phenomenon as evidence that English is in the process of developing an invariable "presentative formula there^s" (Breivik 1983: 206), comparable to the French voilà: "the emergence of an invariant particle [daz], parallel for instance to French voilà, seems imminent" ( H a r r i s / Vincent 1980: 806). Concord is very seldom lacking in the past tense. T h e r e w a s the pictures, and the jazz sessions at the Ivy Bush, and a day at t h e race-track..., and a Labour Party m e e t i n g w i t h an M.P.... and t h e dances... (Amis, Take a girt: 176)

Singular concord with a plural subject is often used by writers to c h a r a c terize the speech of protagonists as non-standard. This is seen, for e x a m ple, in the way Piggy speaks in Golding's "Lord of the Flies", or in the teenage slang of "Clockwork Orange" by Anthony Burgess. The lack of concord after the notional subject can also be found in several regional and social dialects of English. Personal pronouns are a special case. They a r e used in conjunction with the introductory formula there is/ was, without any differentiation as to number and person. (75) T h e r e is (*am) me. (76) T h e r e is ("are) us. "There isn't anybody else, t h e r e ' s only me." (Murdoch, Henry

and Cato: 284)

Almost a l o n e - t h e r e w a s m e and t h e r e was Hugo. (Lessing, Survivor:

139)

"There's only us, not life." (Sillitoe, Start: 282) "No. T h e r e w a s only us. We a r e the only survivors. (Uris, QB VII: 17)

In this corpus, is appears in both the contracted and uncontracted forms.

3.2.3

The verbal group

There

sentences are composed of non-referential there

plus the verbal

group, whose construction we have already described (chapter 2.2). It consists of the nucleus of the predicate, the main verbs, and the two groups of primary and secondary modifiers preceding it. The

following

sections deal with the component parts of the verbal group in this s e quence: main verb - verb modifiers (primary/ secondary).

3.2.3.1

Main verbs in there

sentences

We will now look at main verbs in the present and past tenses. As a rule, there sentences only contain intransitive verbs of certain lexical classes. These are, for instance, verbs of position or of being, which describe the presence or location of something, or perhaps its absence, e.g exist, hang, lack, lie, live, loom, reside, run "stretch", sit, spread, stand, stretch, wait, or want "lack". ... THERE EXISTS A BASIC FLAW IN THE HUMAN RACE AND THAT IS MAN'S INEVITABLE DRIVE TOWARD SELF-EXTINCTION. (Uris, QB VIIÂˇ. 171) Beside the door they w e r e to leave by. t h e r e h u n g a p i c t u r e f a m i l i a r to Hubert f r o m c o u n t l e s s facsimiles, T i n t o r e t t o ' s 'Lepanto', o n e of t h e most r e n o w n e d w o r k s of art in the world. (Amis, Alteration: 109) Above the w a r e h o u s e t h e r e lived an Italian f a m i l y , q u a r r e l l i n g at night b e a t i n g c a r p e t s in t h e morning, (le Carre', Spy: 28)

and

T h r o u g h all G r e e k f o l k poetry t h e r e r u n s a deeply tragic note that is not f o u n d in o t h e r folk poetry... (Brenan, Thoughts: 35) B e f o r e him, no m o r e than a f e w y a r d s away, t h e r e stood, m o r e t h a n twice as tall as a man, a beast w h i c h could have no place in the mortal world. (Adams, Shardik: 177 f) Near us t h e r e also waited a m a n of about thirty... (Amis, Take a girl: 58) "... t h e r e w a n t s f i r e w h e r e t h e r e a r e no lively sparks of roughness." (Powell, Restaurant: 48)

A second group of intransitive verbs is made up of verbs of occurring and happening such as beat go "pass", happen,

occur,

(heart),

sound,

and

come

"arise", develop,

echo,

form,

unfold.

"Beneath this w e l l - w a s h e d exterior t h e r e beats a heart as black a s a cockroach..." (Adams, Shardik: 235) "Perhaps t h e r e have come and gone a dozen h u m a n c i v i l i z a t i o n s in the past billion years that w e know nothing about." (Uris, QB VII: 445) Between H a r r i e t and Mr. P o m f r e t t h e r e o c c u r r e d one of those s i l e n c e s into w h i c h the first word spoken f a l l s like the stroke of a gong. (Sayers, Night: 235) Outside in t h e corridor t h e r e sounded a patter of feet, t h e n a k n o c k and door opened. (Naughton, Boy: 191)

the

A t h i r d g r o u p c o m p r i s e s v e r b s of m o v e m e n t , float,

gather,

intrude,

lurch,

move,

paw,

l i k e come,

run

and

depart,

enter,

travel.

Soon there came another family, and then another... (Lessing, Martha 54 f) Every ten minutes... there departed one of the green-painted (Hardwick, Duchess: 8)

Quest:

horse-omnibuses...

There now entered a young man with a King Charles haircut, jeans and a frilly silk shirt. (Lessing, Summer. 167) Very solid in his stomach there pawed and pranced a sort of equestrian statue that symbolized both Time and London. (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: SO) Immediately in front of me in our tour of inspection there travelled a very stout, rich lady from America, some of whose conversation I was privileged to overhear. (Waugh, Going: SS Î&#x201C;) In t h e

last

group, t h e r e

are

aspectual

verbs

describing

the

beginning,

c o n t i n u a t i o n or c e s s a t i o n of e v e n t s , s t a t e s or e n t i t i e s . T h e s e v e r b s i n c l u d e appear,

begin,

oneself),

diminish,

start,

emerge,

survive

and

open,

persist,

remain,

rise,

show

(itself/

vanish.

Inside he sank back into the musty leather seat and closed his eyes; and in his mind there appeared a consoling image. (Fowles, Woman: 2S8) A car drove up and there emerged a stocky figure in a black cossack hat. (Waugh, Going: 269) T h e r e persists a congeries of solid proven fact which cannot be ignored..." (Cohn, Demons: 121) There started another phase, after that row. (Lessing, City: 266) Here at least there survived an atmosphere of normal tranquillity. (Waugh. Mischief: 201) T h e l e x i c a l c l a s s e s m e n t i o n e d for s i m p l e i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s a r e to b e

found

with

compound

examples,

m o n o - v a l e n t s u c h as drift

across;

up, grow

up or start

up, pop up, spring

t i o n a l v e r b s s u c h as pass into;

come

out

of;

steal

across; over;

pass

steal come

whether away; up,

come

are

in;

likewise

semantically

break

out;

or whether they a r e

back

through;

they

to; come cling

to;

down leap

on; upon

curl

preposicreep or

with. T h e s a m e c a n b e said of t h e l e x i c a l c h a r a c t e r of f i x e d p r e p o s i t i o n a l expressions swim

into

f o u n d in there

view,

spring

into

sentences, being,

waft

l i k e come into

into

existence;

heave/

range.

... from above the trees round the theatre there stole away not only colour but time. (Bowen, Heat: S) At this moment, up in the wood, there broke out an excited yelping and a jay began to scold. (Adams, Down: 47) Who could blame these officials if occasionally there crept into their despatches phrases tending to estimate with some generosity the importance of the land of their exile? (Waugh, Going: 77) With it [â&#x20AC;˘ a private toast] there went a solemn wish for the kind of fulfillment to this beginning that they dreamt of. (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 25)

Now and again there swam into view a man or boy sitting sidesaddle on a donkey... (Amis, Want·. 58)

In modern English, it is most unusual to find there sentences containing transitive verbs. However, this was possible in earlier times, as it still is in contemporary German. (77)

Es unterhält Sie das Synphonieorchester des NDR.

(78) ' T h e r e entertains you the symphony orchestra of the NDR.

This construction can be found in English texts from 1225 in the material used by Breivik (1983: chapter 4) as the basis for his historical examination of there sentences. There are numerous examples in Chaucer, and it remained in regular use in the early modern period (for example, in the Pastori Letters). And yit to proeve this conclusion ther helpeth me this, that I have schewed herebyforn, that alle power is to be noumbred among thinges that men oughten requere... (Chaucer/ Boece, Book IV, p. 361, lines 241-4) And ther knoweth no man how soon God woll clepe hym, and therfor it is good for every creature to be redy. (Pasión Letters 363, vol. Ill, p. 124)

The Oxford English Dictionary (see under there 4b) gives the date of the last entry for a transitive verb modified by a modal in a there sentence as 1548. Visser (1963: § 66) writes that this construction "seems to have died out in the course of the sixteenth century". Nevertheless, it is still possible in present-day English, under certain circumstances. As Bolinger indicates (1977: 102), fixed expressions which appear to be grammatically transitive, but which correspond semantically to monovalent predicates, are possible in there sentences, e.g. hold sway (= rule), make one's way (= approach), take place (= occur). In that realm (there) held sway (• ruled) a hated despot. (Bolinger 1977: 102) Yet there had taken place what is called 'intimacy'. (Sansom, Heart: 71)

Another group contains grammatically transitive verbs, which correspond to semantically mono-valent (prepositional) expressions, e.g. ascend the throne (= come to), await y (= wait for), enter y (= go into), follow y (= come after), precede y {= go before) and reach y (= arrive at). Wherever the Nazi conqueror set foot, there awaited him a prepared group of adventurers, traitors to their country... (taken from Hartvigson/ Jakobsen 1974: 71) Suddenly there reached Ta-Kominion's ears a confused, distant clamour... (Adams, Shardik. 160)

Another illustration of this is reflexive verbs like attach present oneself (= appear).

oneself

and

To this rather absurd little band there attached himself a spectral figure named Jagger. (Waugh, Going: 213) If Mary had been in this hotel, there would have presented himself in her room late one night a doorman or waiter... (Lessing, Summer: 61)

Otherwise, transitive or multi-valent verbs occur in there sentences only when they are modified, e.g. in the passive or expanded form. ... there was no person more hated, vilified, and distrusted by the comrades, at that particular time, than people like Martha. (Lessing, City: 216) There was something troubling Margo, something she wanted to verbalize if she could only find the words. (Bainbridge, Dressmaker: 40)

The lexical classes of verbs which can appear in there sentences are the same as those involved in inversion (see chapter 3.1.1.3.2). This is underlined by the fact that the same verbs or some of their meanings are possible in both constructions, e.g. verbs like extend, live, stand; burn, occur, soundÂˇ, arrive, enter, return; arise, emerge, issue. Between the water and the wooded crags at the mountain's foot there extended a narrow strip of flat land... (Adams, Shardik: 424) On either side extended a steep bank... (Adams, Shardik: 81) Suddenly, in the midst of the play, there sounded a buzzer. (Naughton, Boy: 43) In the far distance sounded the gentle lowing of an Air Raid Warning. (Powell, Philosophers: 68) ... two days later there arrived a letter from Douglas. (Lessing, Marriage: 332) Surprisingly quickly... arrived the hoped-for missive from Knight. (Bruce, Boleyrv. 82)

... there issued from it [â&#x20AC;˘ the radio]... a short play about putatively comic clergymen. (Amis, Ending up: 20) From this mask-like face issued a plaster voice. (Britton, Language: 150)

Why is it that the intransitive verbs that occur in the present or past tenses in both constructions can be ascribed to the four lexical classes mentioned (which certainly overlap to some extent), and what is the connection between them? The common denominator seems to be that none of the four classes requires its subject to take on the rĂ´le of an agent in terms of sentence semantics. The lexical contrast which can be seen within the four groups mentioned lies in the opposition of state verbs and verbs of motion. Event verbs form a special group of state verbs because of what is denoted by their subjects, whilst aspectual verbs form sub-classes of both state verbs and those of motion. Logically, state verbs can be interpreted as predicators of position, of a particular physical or mental state. Verbs of motion, on the other hand, describe a change of position, a series of individual stages seen as states. Now the relationship between state and movement can be seen in two different ways, according to whether one takes the individual position or a series of states as the basis. In the former case, the movement can be seen as a string of minimal stages, and in the latter case, the state could be regarded as the borderline case of a chain of positions, which is composed of only one elementary section. Both of these viewpoints are ten-

able, and no decisive argument can be put forward for either explanation. The relationship between state and motion is similar to that between a point and a line. They are related to each other and define each other. It would therefore be inappropriate to call the entity involved in a position or sequence of positions an agent. Rather, it should be described as the carrier of a state or movement, which is put into a certain state or goes through a sequence of states. Depending on the nature of the carrier or situation, elements of intention may be included; however, these do not play a part in the constitution of the relationships between position and movement, or vice versa. The obligatory presence of a carrier element is the factor shared by state verbs and those of motion, both of which describe the position of an entity. Intransitive verbs occurring in the present and past tenses in inversion and there sentences, evince this shared lexical feature. An essay by Firbas (1966) was the starting point for various attempts (cf. Kimball 1973) to characterize the intransitive verbs in there sentences as "verbs of appearance or existence on the scene". Firbas describes this group of verbs as follows: T h e s e verbs or verbal p h r a s e s undoubtedly imply or even explicitly express ' a p p e a r a n c e - a kind of coming into existence - on the s c e n e ' (i.e. the s c e n e c r e a t e d by the narrow, ad hoc context at the m o m e n t of u t t e r a n c e ) or simply ' e x i s t e n c e ' on this scene." (Firbas 1966: 243)

This description is often taken over in this form, or with minor alterations, because it can be related to a textual function of there sentences, that of introducing items into the discourse (see Breivik 1983: chapter 3.1.3, for example). It is a fact that the majority of intransitive verbs describe the appearance or presence of something. As is evident from the foregoing discussion, there are also verbs that express the absence or disappearance of an entity, e.g. lack, want (= "lack"); go (= vanish), steal away; depart, diminish, vanish into oblivion. T h e r e only lacked the moon; but a growing pallor in t h e sky suggested the moon might soon be coming. (Hartley, Eustace: 139) It w a s in this r a t h e r inadequate s e n t e n c e that t h e r e v a n i s h e d into oblivion his b r o t h e r ' s probable stand - the probable reason for his disgrace and his exile. (Lessing, City: 380)

The fact that primary and secondary verb modifiers (as described in chapter 3.2.3.2) can occur, as well as the lexical classes of main verbs mentioned above, indicates that these modifiers should be interpreted as mono-valent. If this is so, then both there sentences and inversion can be said to contain only mono-valent predicatore and modifiers of the lexical classes mentioned. In the literature to date, there have been too few attempts to analyze there sentences containing main verbs. Milsark (1976: chapter 7), who calls them "verbal ES" [= existential sentences], distinguishes between

two types: "inside verbal ES" and "outside verbal ES". With the first, the notional subject immediately follows the lexical verb; with the second, they are separated by an adverbial. (79) There arose many trivial objections during the meeting. (Âˇ inside verbal ES) (80) There walked into the room a Tierce-looking tomcat. (Âˇ outside verbal ES)

Aissen (1975: l) describes "outside verbal ES" as "presentational there sentences", and Safir (1985: 121 f) distinguishes between the two types as "ergative impersonale" (= inside verbal ES) and "presentational impersonale" (= outside verbal ES). According to Milsark, the division of there sentences with main verbs into two types is based primarily on the following distinctions (Milsark 1976: 152-154): 1. "inside verbal ES" are subject to the "definite restriction", whilst "outside verbal ES" are not. (81) ' T h e r e arose that huge riot. (82)

Suddenly there flew through the window that shoe on the table.

2. "inside verbal ES" permit only a small class of intransitive verbs to appear within them: those "expressing various concepts having to do with being, e.g. arise, emerge, develop, ensue, begin, exist, occur". This lexical restriction does not apply to "outside verbal ES". Leaving aside the question of whether there sentences the restriction that no definite determiners can appear are countless examples of the, this/ that etc. appearing in under the same conditions of usage as a r e observable in be.

are subject to in them, there there sentences sentences with

When they had arrived at the docks, and duly driven the cars to the appointed berth, there remained the two usual formalities. (Wain, Hurry: 107) The left-hand hair of the double door opened and there appeared the fat little housekeeper he remembered from a previous visit. (Amis, Riverside: 30) Within, there existed, rather unexpectedly, that somewhat empty, insistently correct appearance of the private dwellings of those who have spent most of their lives in official residences of one kind or another. (Powell, Market: 186) And a f t e r breakfast, instead of the relaxation of the past three days,... there came her voice at which other conversation died, and the ominous 'Now, today...' (Hartley, Go-between: 223)

Similarly, the textual material fails to support Milsark's second feature. The range of lexical verbs found in the "inside verbal like that described for there sentences with main verbs. In other these sentences contain not only verbs of being, but also verbs of

special ES" is words, move-

ment like curl up, drift

across,

move and travel,

for example.

Beside them there curls up a twist οΓ blue smoke... (Fowles, Martin: 14) There moved a team οΓ oxen, a plough, a native driver with his long whip... (Lessing, Martha Quest: 17)

The sub-division of the "verbal ES" into two types is also questionable. The semantic basis for this is not supported by concrete textual examples. The differences in the sequence of the constituents in there sentences are obviously related to the position of the sentence in the text. There are two principles at work here: 1. There sentences introduce or r e i n t r o duce items into a discourse; as a result, the constituent fulfilling this function tends to occur last in the sentence. 2. The principle of complementary weighting of constituents decrees that the weight of constituents should be distributed throughout the there sentence. The rhythm of a there sentence tends to avoid the juxtaposition of heavy constituents. For our purposes, post-modfied nominal and adverbial groups a r e heavy. The heavier constituent comes at the end of the sentence, preceded by the lighter one. If there are several heavy constituents in the sentence, they are distributed according to the extent to which they a r e known: the more familiar constituent comes at the beginning, the less familiar at the end of the sentence. The principle of distribution is illustrated by the following sentences. There came to Charles then a sharp revulsion - not against her, but against the situation: his half-truths, his hiding οΓ the essential. (Fowles, Woman: 328) He was not, after all, in danger οΓ death, yet instead there now returned to him the recollection of all that he had forgotten in sleep - the wounding Shardik, the burning hall, Zilth lying on the stones and his own injuries. (Adams, Shardik: 247) ... between the front door and that of the waiting-room there moved a fellowpatient he had seen at least once before under this roof... (Amis, Thing: II) Into the moment of absolute stillness which fell upon us when we faced each other, there intruded the sound of loud knocking and louder voices from outside, and I realized that the police had arrived. (Butler, Pandora: 214)

3.2.3.2

Verb modifiers in there

sentences

The verb modifiers introduced in chapter 2.2.1 are found in there sentences. From the group of primary modifiers, the tenses (present and past) need no further illustration, since they are obligatory in finite there sentences. A discussion of passive be and the auxiliary verb be in connection with nominal post-modifiers can be found in chapter 3.2.4.3.2.2.3 and 4. The temporal auxiliary have is seldom used. "There has been some talk about their being engaged, or being unengaged or something," said Josephine. (Compton-Burnett, Women: 120)

In our small town... t h e r e had come into existence... a small o r c h e s t r a , r e a d e r s ' circles, two d r a m a t i c groups... (Lessing, Notebook: 84)

Of the group of primary verb modifiers, there remain the modal auxiliary verbs. Members of the core group, such as can, may and should, are frequently found. ... I hope that t h e r e may be no deception in store for her. (Bowen, House: 131) "... t h e r e might be a c h a n c e to negotiate?" ( G r e e n e , Consul: 152) T h e r e should not be any problem, if t h e r e is goodwill on both sides." (ComptonBurnett, Present: 29) It was said... that t h e r e would be no w i r e l e s s facilities... (Waugh, Going: 282)

The modal auxiliary verb must can also be found in conjunction with the adverb needs, which either precedes or follows it ( n e e d s must or must needs). "There needs must be a leaven in the lump." (Spark, Jean

Brodie: 9)

Four other verbs, included as a marginal group (dare, and used to), also occur.

need,

ought

... t h e r e needn't be a n y t h i n g in such crackpot prophesies at all... (Sillitoe, 381)

Start:

T h e r e ought to be some mode of l i f e w h e r e all love is good..." (Golding, 214)

Spire:

T h e r e used to be a well h e r e long ago..." (Adams, Down: 87)

In normal English usage, the individual representatives of the four groups of secondary modifiers are found with varying degrees of frequency. Whereas examples of modal verbs like be to, have (got) to, be going to, be likely to, and catenative verbs like happen to and seem to abound in texts, others such as would rather, be apt to, chance to and cease are rare. We will now examine the individual groups in more detail, starting with modal verbs that are found only in the finite form. These are: had ('d) better, would rather/ sooner, have got to and be to. T v e never breathed a word about this to anybody, so there'd better not be a whisper f r o m you." (Barstow, Tomorrow: 25) T h e r e ' s got to be s i l e n c e in the h o m e w h e n Baby is asleep. (Naughton, 220)

Darting:

T h e y m e n a c e d everyone in the neighbourhood, and t h e r e was to be a big m e e t i n g about it tomorrow on the pavement. (Lessing, Survivor: 159)

In the literature of generative grammar, tion" is occasionally used. For Milsark to the alleged characteristic that be to modal") functions as a grammatical unit, between its components be and to. (83)

the phrase "semi-modal restric(1976: 145 f), the phrase refers (which he describes as a "semii.e. nominal groups cannot appear

T h e r e w e r e to be no other guests tonight.

(84) ' T h e r e w e r e no other g u e s t s to be tonight.

If this type of insertion is possible, then Jenkins (1975: 65 ff) thinks that the syntagm involved is always made up of existential be and a complex nominal group, and not of sentences with the modal be to. In the following example, the complex group is composed of the pronoun nothing followed by a post-modifying passive infinitive. (85) [ T h e r e ] is [[nothing] to be f r i g h t e n e d of].

This structural analysis is supported by the fact that modal auxilliary verbs can be used. (As has already been mentioned, be to cannot be modified by modal auxilliary verbs, because it does not have non-finite forms.) (86) T h e r e should be nothing to be f r i g h t e n e d of.

The syntagmatic restriction of be to is unconvincing from various points of view. Hannay (1985: chapter 4.3.2) points out that sentences such as the following are acceptable in BrE. (87) T h e r e ' s nobody to leave this room until I say so. (88) T h e r e ' s no h o m e w o r k to be done until the TV's been t u r n e d o f f . (89) T h e r e ' s only a prize to be a w a r d e d if everyone a r r i v e s on time.

This kind of sentence may be used when the context (which in the foregoing examples means the adverbials) makes it clear that the there sentence describes an action and not the presence of an object. The following corpus examples support Hannay's thesis. T o w a r d s midday, however, we c a m e into bush country, f e a t u r e l e s s and dismal; t h e r e w a s no g a m e to be seen, only occasional clouds of w h i t e butterflies...

(Waugh, GoingÂˇ. 178) ... t h e r e was a good deal of bramble and crackly f e r n to be slithered through b e f o r e Felicity could see w h a t m a n n e r of c r e a t u r e s h e was stalking. (Murdoch,

Sandcastte: 129) The decisive factor governing whether or not a nominal group can be used between the components be and to is not so much the modal verb as the verb of the predication. For instance, with a be requiring the use of nominal there, the nominal group must follow it because, in English, the finite verb follows the grammatical subject, regardless of the presence or absence of be to. (90)

Last night t h e r e was a big dance.

(91)

Last night t h e r e w a s to be a big dance.

(92) ' L a s t night t h e r e a big d a n c e was. (93) ' L a s t night t h e r e was a big d a n c e to be.

In (90) and (91), the nominal group a big dance comes after the be (underlined in the text), which is semantically equivalent to verbs like occur

or take

place.

T h e p o s i t i o n f o l l o w i n g be

is t h e o n l y o n e

point is r e f l e c t e d in t h e f a c t that s e n t e n c e s

possible.

This

like ( 9 4 ) are impossible.

t h e y w e r e p o s s i b l e , t h e n t h e r e l e v a n t n o m i n a l group w o u l d a p p e a r

before

t h e be; h o w e v e r , a s is a l s o e v i d e n t f r o m ( 9 3 ) , this is i m p o s s i b l e in E n g l i s h . A n o t h e r c l a s s of s e c o n d a r y m o d i f i e r s c o n t a i n s v e r b s w i t h n o n - f i n i t e f o r m s . One sub-group

of t h e s e

e x c e p t i o n o f have e i t h e r ed in there going to,

to,

consists

modal

predicators

which,

to, a r e a l l u s e d p r e d i c a t i v e l y and a r e

with

f o r m s or s o m e o t h e r t y p e . A m o n g o t h e r s , t h e f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s : be able be

be reputed

liable to,

to,

to, be about (un)likely

be said

to,

be certain

sure

to;

the

morphologically

to,

have

due

to;

appear to,

bound

to.

She went on that there w e r e not many girls in their position able to learn the trade as she was able to teach it... (Green, Loving: 38) She was married to a solicitor at Carlisle: two of their children were away fighting, there was another son just about to go; and then their youngest child, Barbara, who was six months older than myself. (Fowles, Martin: 404) ... there is almost certain to be powerful Communist representation. ( S p e c t a t o r 31 May 75, 649: 2) "According to our present information there a r e due to return to Britain soon, probably to prepare for an invasion of Europe, the First and the Second SAS R e g i m e n t s a n d the Third and the Fourth F r e n c h P a r a c h u t e Battalions." (Higgins, Eagle: 79) T h e r e is going to be a revolution, so keep off the roads." (Blythe, Akenfietd:

46)

"I think we'll go round the city if you don't mind; there's liable to be rather a hold-up getting in and out." (le Carre', Small tovrt S3) In a small firm there's likely to be more give and take. (Barstow, Watchers:

45)

... there is unlikely to be any place in this for the much-discussed Tyumen project... (Economist 1-7 June 74, 91: 3) "The way things were shaping earlier on there's sure to be a row if I go over there." (Amis, Take a girt: 142) ... there had to be a bit of sermonizing. (Burgess, Testament:

28)

T h e r e ' s bound to be someone for someone as nice as you." (Amis, Take a girt: 171) T h e r e is also reputed to be a field about a mile away in which no a n i m a l will stay. (Coxe. Haunted Britain: 31) ... there were said to be twelve [servants] in the house. (Hartley, 60) The syntagmatic ("semi-modal

r e s t r i c t i o n p l a c e d on be

restriction")

to by g e n e r a t i v e

is a l s o said to apply

to be

going

Go-between:

grammarians to.

t a k e M i l s a r k (1976: 1 4 5 f ) to e x e m p l i f y this v i e w . H e a t t e m p t s t o the u n g r a m m a t i c a l l y

of t h e

f o l l o w i n g e x a m p l e by s t a t i n g that

p o s s i b l e t o insert a n o m i n a l group b e t w e e n be and going (94) ' T h e r e ' s a demonstration going to be in the gym. (95)

T h e r e ' s going to be a demonstration in the gym.

to.

Let

explain it is

not

F i r s t , it s h o u l d b e b o r n e in mind that t h e r e a r e m a n y e x a m p l e s in E n g l i s h of t h e d i s c o n t i n u i t y of be going

to.

T h e r e ' s nothing going to happen to you, is there?" (Green, Loving: 175) "There's no bitch going to tell me how to spend my money." (Cochrane, 92) T h e r e a s o n why s e n t e n c e s the gym

l i k e "There's

a demonstration

going

MadnessÂˇ.

to be

a r e u n g r a m m a t i c a l is c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e f a c t that n o m i n a l

is o b l i g a t o r y , as in t h e c a s e o f be t h e n it is p o s s i b l e

to insert

to.

If n o m i n a l

a nominal

group

there

can be

in b e t w e e n

there

omitted,

and

going

to. (96) *A demonstration is going to be in the gym. (97)

Nothing is going to happen to you.

If t h e be in s e n t e n c e s l i k e ( 9 4 ) is r e p l a c e d by o n e o f its l e x i c a l l e n t s ( e . g . take piace), there,

i.e. nominal

there

is o p t i o n a l . T h e n t h e r e

of putting a n o m i n a l group b e t w e e n be and going

also

the

A demonstration is going to take place in the gym.

(99)

T h e r e ' s a demonstration going to take place in the gym.

H a n n a y ( 1 9 8 5 : c h a p t e r 4 . 3 . 1 ) g i v e s s i m i l a r r e a s o n s for t h e of t h e s o - c a l l e d s y n t a g m a t i c r e s t r i c t i o n of be going second

sub-group

secondary

verb

possibility

to.

(98)

equiva-

then this t y p e of s e n t e n c e c a n o c c u r w i t h o u t n o m i n a l

implausibility

to.

modifiers

with

non-finite

form comprises catenative verbs. S o m e e x a m p l e s of these which can

found in there

to,

prove

to,

seem

s e n t e n c e s are: appear to,

tend

to and turn

to, chance out

to,

come

to,

happen

to.

T h e r e appeared to be nobody to meet him... (Forsyth, JackalÂˇ. 72) "There c h a n c e s to be one of them [- members of a c o n f e r e n c e ] I am particularly anxious to meet..." (Powell, Kings: 114) T h e r e ' s nothing to scream about." "Not yet. T h e r e might come to be." (Butler, Pandora: 76) ... I'll read any book there happens to be on ornamental metal work... (Blythe, Aken/ield: 141) ... he had no doubts there would prove to be no Englishman of the calibre of the man Lebel sought on the books of the Special Branch. (Forsyth, Jackal: 284) T h e r e seems to me to be nothing that I can do." (Bowen, House: 99) T h e r e tends to be oscillation between attending to these interpersonal problems and getting on with the group's work... (Argyle, Interaction: 231) "I hope there'll turn out to be some beer left," said Moreland. (Powell, art: 149) A third and

final

sub-group

composed

aspectual

t h e b e g i n n i n g , c o n t i n u a t i o n or c e s s a t i o n of a p r o c e s s l o w i n g h a v e b e e n found to o c c u r in there

verbs

Soldier's

describing

or s t a t e . T h e

s e n t e n c e s : begin,

start;

fol-

continue,

go on, keep, remain;

cease.

... t h e r e began to be heard in the b a c k g r o u n d that a w f u l and inimitably m e n a c i n g sound of an o r c h e s t r a t u n i n g up. (Murdoch, Prince: 257) Inside h i m t h e r e c o n t i n u e d to lie a dissolving Mogadon [Âˇ a muscle-relaxant]... (Amis, Thing: 203) Also t h e r e w e n t on... being never a word as to hopes of leave f r o m Tom... (Bowen, Heal. 297) Once John Constable had defected to his art t h e r e only r e m a i n e d to carry on the f a m i l y business... (Reynolds, Constable: 47) T h e r e r e m a i n t h r e e broader questions to be asked about the A m e r i c a n position in t h e world. (Buchan, End: 188) Since last month, w h e n Naomi had decided upon this m a r r i a g e , t h e r e had ceased to be [sic] question of v a c a n c i e s for any m o r e girls. (Bowen, House: 129)

The continuum of verb modifiers that ranges from the core group of modal auxiliary verbs to aspectual verbs is completed by main verbs which allow a to infinitive as a complement, but which do not appear in there sentences, because they are used as bi-valent predicatore. They include arrange, demand, endeavour, o f f e r , strain and try. T h e r e seemed... to be no raincoated m e n w a i t i n g a n y w h e r e for him on t h e passage over the t a r m a c to the airport building. (Burgess, Enderby outside: 72) (100) ' T h e r e o f f e r e d to be no raincoated m e n w a i t i n g for him.

This kind of bi-valent predicator occurs in there sentences only in conjunction with verb modifiers, e.g. with the be of the expanded form. T h e r e a r e so m a n y trying to get the f e w really good jobs and so m a n y bad jobs. (Blythe, Akenfield: 112) (101) " T h e r e try so m a n y to get the f e w really good jobs.

Some can also be used intransitively, and are then found in there sentences. In the following example, the verb promise is used in the sense of "seem likely" (cf. The weather promises to be fine). ... t h e r e p r o m i s e s to be long-run damage to the competitive position of the company... (Galbraith, Society: 180)

Bolinger (1977: 122, fn 18) gives other examples in a footnote.

3.2.4

The post-positioned nominal group

In chapter 3.2, it was pointed out that there sentences consist of three parts: 1. non-referential there, which was discussed in chapter 3.2.1; 2. the predicator, which is composed either of a form of be or a related lexical verb; and 3. the nominal group following the predicator, which is the real, i.e. the notional subject of the there sentence. This third part will be examined more closely below.

3.2.4.1

Common nouns, pronouns and proper nouns

In there sentences, three classes of terms occur after the predicator and form the core of a nominal group (see chapter 2.1): common nouns, pronouns and proper nouns.

3.2.4.1.1

Common nouns and determiners

All three sub-groups of common nouns are found in there sentences: countable (e.g. house), uncountable (e.g. music) and collective nouns (e.g. police). The determiners used with them are sometimes divided into definite and indefinite. Definite determiners include the definite article, the demonstratives this/ that, the possessives my, her etc. and some quantifying expressions such as every and each. None of these is said to be possible in a there sentence. On the other hand, there sentences can contain indefinite determiners like the indefinite or zero article, and quantifying expressions such as some/ any, several, no, many and (a) little. This view is not reconcilable with the linguistic facts.

3.2.4.1.1.1

Indefinite determiners

There sentences always make non-generic statements. They express the presence of an item or quantity. They therefore contain no universalquantifying determiners or expressions which are used to make statements about classes. From the group of central determiners, for instance, the indefinite article and the zero article are never used generically. Î¤ knew there was a very dangerous person at large..." (Christie, Murder: 185) Hurry while there's time! (Golding, Spire: 197) ... there are rules which say you should not simply take. (Lessing, City: 399) "... there were people he liked but they didn't interest him." (Amis, Thing: 271)

It is clear from the last two examples that they are not meant to be understood as statements about "rules" and "people" in general, but as comments on certain representatives of these classes. The nominal group rules/ people with the zero article is understood to mean there are some rules/ people. Of the group of central determiners, interrogative W H forms also occur. I don't see any point in writing any more - what point has there ever been? (Lessing. City. 668) ... they heard how little light there was in it [Âˇ the pit]... (Golding, Spire: 45)

Quantifying expressions like another,

some

(any),

enough,

several

and

no are a l s o used. There were some filthy old pots strewn over the floor... (Dennis, House: S) "Are there any operations planned for today?" (Higgins, Eagle: 97) T h e r e ' l l be enough people blaming themselves." (Sands, Sam: 23) "I do hope there were no bones broken or anything." (Amis, Take a girl: 312) Certain u s e s of the central in there

determiners every

s e n t e n c e s . The determiner every

and any

are to b e found

can be used contrastively,

for

example. "It's somebody I met before I went away, but there's no point talking about it." T h e r e ' s every point." (Sillitoe, Stari: 257) He added, filling the silence, "Well damn it, there was no reason to suppose the phone was tapped." T h e r e was every reason." (le Carre", Tinker: 63) On the other hand, every miner

before

symptom

can also be used n o n - c o n t r a s t i v e l y as a d e t e r -

such abstract

nouns

likelihood,

and, from the last e x a m p l e , reason

probability,

prospect,

in the s e n s e of "the greatest

or best possible". Under authoritarianism... there is every likelihood that innovations in a field such as school-teaching will be widely adopted without being on balance beneficial. (Sampson, Liberty: 99) On Christmas Eve 1895 Mary and Curzon were alone at the Priory, and there was every symptom that her baby was about to be born prematurely... (Nicolson, Curzon: 96) The determiner any in the s e n s e of an unlimited a m o u n t / number occurs in there number

s e n t e n c e s in fixed partitive

expressions

such as any

amount/

of.

You'll have no difficulty in buying green velvet - there's any amount of it on sale in the shops. (Chambers' Idioms, entry for any) He was wearing a green knitted cardigan under his jacket and there were any number of pens and propelling pencils in his top pocket. (Amis, Take a girl: 71) Among

the

pre-determiners,

find

the

exclamatory

formulae

such

(a), what (a) and several partitive constructions such as plenty

o f , lots o f ,

a lot o f , a good/

of, a

great

deal

o f , a bit o f , a part

o f , a number

score

o f , etc. ... he was so still that for the second I thought he was dead, there was such a quality of absolute stillness. (Lessing, Notebook: 537) We had an excellent luncheon, during which they told me how, one evening, they had climbed into the Parsees' death-house, and what a row there had been about it. (Waugh, Going: 145 f) ... there were lots of rooms... (Amis, Take a girl: 124) There would be a good deal of talking and explanation; she was afraid they might press her to have breakfast again. (Bowen, House: 68) ... there were a number of people close behind him... (Amis, Thing: 96)

Of the quantifying p r e - d e t e r m i n e r s , all determiners every

and any,

is of special

interest. Like

it is found under certain conditions in

the there

s e n t e n c e s . It does not occur as a universal-quantifying e x p r e s s i o n . (102) All horses are animals. (103) ' T h e r e are all horses animals. All is used in two ways: 1. as the pre-determiner of partitive tions like kind/

sort/

type

construc-

o f , in the s e n s e of "the greatest possible";

There were all kinds of things to be said against Stringham's conduct... (Powell, Market. 50) "There used to be all sorts of stories of secret passages from the house to Pixy's Cave." (Christie, EvilÂˇ. 40) 2. as a p r e - d e t e r m i n e r , to e m p h a s i z e the totality of a quantity by the or this/

limited

that.

There were all the doings to make tea with and so on. (Fowles, Collector: 29) Ingrid's voice is still quiet, but under it there's all the jealousy in the world and the hate one woman feels Tor another who's touched something ÎżÎ&#x201C; hers. (Barstow, Watchers: 203) There's all this fuss made about the front, but I love women's backs. (Naughton, Darling: 7) "Just before the Congress, when there was all that disquiet in our circles..., it so happened that I met them... " (Lessing, Notebook: 67) Among the post-determiners, cardinal numbers and sequencing words like past,

other,

additional

and further

are found.

There were two young men riding beside us now... (Cochrane, Madness: 43) There was no other noise. (Wilson, Zoo: 219) Mona went to tell the servants that there would be an additional guest. (Powell, Acceptance world: 85) He had promised to let her know by a message to Tollard Lock if there was further news of Alleyn's return. (Marsh, Constables: 106) There are also quantifying expressions like many,

(e) few;

much

and (a)

little. T h e r e ' s not much light," Henrietta said in a far-away voice. (Bowen, House: 17) There was a little rain blowing... (Golding, Spire: 114 f) There are many plants that should be brought in. (Dennis, House: 30) By God, there are few real men left, and I'm going to see she gets one of them. (Lessing, Notebook: 395)

3.2.4.1.1.2

Definite determiners

So far, we have been primarily concerned with there sentences containing an indefinite determiner such as the indefinite article or unstressed some (any). However, such sentences can also contain nominal groups with definite determiners - with the definite article the, the demonstratives this/ that, the possessives my, her etc. and the s form, e.g. Mike's. Below me, halfway along the south coast of the island, there was the bay with the three small cottages. (Fowles, Magus: 63) "The point is," said the young ginger man, "that you've had this cancellation, and there's this gentleman here anxious to fill it." (Burgess, Enderby outside: 55) "But look - there is my body in that looking-glass." (Woolf, Waves: 165) Then there came out of nowhere Sarah's face... (Fowles, Woman: 262)

3.2.4.1.1.2.1

The

The occurrence of the definite article in there sentences depends in part on the pre-modification of the noun. In English, ordinal numbers, adjectives in the superlative and adjectives such as same or usual require the definite article. Consequently, nominal groups with this type of pre-modification occur in there sentences with the definite article. ... he moved forward into what he felt certain was an empty room. There wasn't even the faintest sound of breathing to break the silence. (Greene, Consul: 305) It was hot, yet there was still the same grey ceiling of cloud over the countryside. (Strachey, Weather. 116) The vehicle he had driven down, a light van, had been taken away for loading at once, and before they could leave the dock for the warmth of some bar or cafe', there was the usual delay over the official clearance forms. (Wain, Hurry: 143) ... many years later, there appeared the first massive volume of his still unfinished work on Byzantine Art... (Waugh, Brideshead: 45)

In these examples, we can deduce from the meaning of the that the definite article is obligatory. Hawkins (1978: chapter 5) interprets its use as a grammatical reflection of the so-called "inclusiveness" of the definite article, which requires that, apart from the entity mentioned, there should be no other that fulfils the specifications of the expression referring to it. The definite article describes the totality of the referents of the referential expression in an utterance. The semantics of the definite article is consistent with the meaning of the superlative, which asserts that the characteristic mentioned does not apply to any other entity. It also accords with the sense of the two expressions "same" and "usual". The possible referents a r e restricted to "the same grey ceiling of cloud" and "the usual delay over the official clearing papers". No other referents

come into consideration. Finally, a publication of several volumes can only have one first, second etc. volume. Superlatives can have the meaning of very or extremely, and when used in this way can be combined with either the definite or indefinite article: a most extravagant dress. In there sentences, they also occur with this meaning. T h e voice w a s quiet, though the c o n s o n a n t s had t h e s h a r p n e s s of some s p e a k e r too close to a m i c r o p h o n e , and t h e r e w a s t h e f a i n t e s t tang ÎżÎ&#x201C; e d u c a t e d Scots. (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: 56) T h e r e w a s only the smallest c h a n c e of an u n d i s t u r b e d night... (Greene, 161)

Consul:

The definite article can also be determined by nominal post-modification. Common to all examples of this type is the fact that the post-positioned noun modification forms the area of reference in which the noun referent is located for the hearer. This may be achieved through restrictive relative clauses, for instance. T h e l e f t - h a n d half of the double door opened and t h e r e appeared t h e fat little h o u s e k e e p e r he r e m e m b e r e d f r o m a previous visit. (Amis, Riverside: 30) And t h e r e c a m e gently to his nostrils the e l u s i v e expensive p e r f u m e that Rosam u n d D a r n l e y used. (Christie, Evil: 111)

In both of these examples, there is a clause embedded in another, one of which expresses the presence of an entity, e.g. There appeared a fat little housekeeper and There came to his nostrils an elusive expensive perfume, the other expresses the possible referents for that item, these being restricted to those which fulfil the conditions mentioned in the relative clause. This excludes all other referents. Apart from relative clauses, appositive clauses also occur with the same function. ... t h e r e is no doubt at all that t h e r e does persist the f e e l i n g , and it is probably t h e deepest one we have, that w h a t m a t t e r s most is that w e learn t h r o u g h living. (Lessing, Summer: 8) T h e r e c a m e back into his c o n s c i o u s n e s s the thought... that at a q u a r t e r past t h r e e he w a s to m e e t the portait painter, Miss Carter... (Murdoch, Sandcaslle: 39)

Prepositional phrases can also convey the restriction on referents. M e a n w h i l e t h e r e w a s t h e problem of avoiding contact. (Wain, Hurry:

38)

T h e r e was, f u r t h e r , the practical d i f f i c u l t y of invoking this c r u e l power against Stefan w i t h o u t h u r t i n g a lot of innocent people as well. ( M u r d o c h , Flight: 230)

The definite article is also found in nominal groups where it signals that an intrinsic relationship exists between the noun determined by the and the noun in the following of phrase. Now s h e saw heavy c a r t s c o m i n g along the roads, laden w i t h t r e e t r u n k s , w h i c h they w e r e taking, she k n e w , to be sawn for firewood; and then t h e r e appeared t h e roofs and b e l f r i e s and towers and c o u r t y a r d s of her own home. (Woolf, Orlando: 106) And instead of the sound of m a c h i n e r y in the distance, t h i n g s being s h i f t e d

about, men working together, there was only the drone of a car and the sound of a branch moving in the wind... (Amis, Take a girl: 168)

The house mentioned in the first example has roofs, towers and courtyards belonging to it; the unity of the individual parts listed is expressed by the. A car makes a certain sound when it is being driven; a branch swayed by the wind makes a different sort of sound. The definite article signals this type of intrinsic relationship. Hawkins refers to such combinations as "associative clauses", describing them as follows (Hawkins 1978: 139): "... they incorporate both the trigger and the associate of a pragmatically permissible associative anaphoric sequence."

Thus, the sea, for example, can function as a 'trigger', permitting 'associates' like the bottom, the waves and the marine life. The resulting ' a s sociative clauses' are the bottom of the sea, the waves of the sea and the marine life of the sea. 'Associative clauses' are therefore prepositionally-linked combinations of nominal groups whose appearance together is part of our experience of the world. The use of the definite article in the examples above is consistent with its semantics. It functions as an indication to the hearer of how to determine the entity introduced or r e introduced into the discourse on the basis of the given verbal specifications from among the possible objects in the area of reference. Now the nominal (pre- or post-)modifier is not alone in the rĂ´le of creating a field of reference in which the hearer can locate the entity introduced by the speaker; the situative and socio-cultural contexts also fulfil this function. The entity referred to by the speaker in a speech situation may be part of that situation, which allows the hearer to identify it by extra-linguistic means. Equally, the knowledge common to both speaker and hearer about entities or s t a t e s - o f - a f f a i r s in the social or natural world can provide the basis for identification by the hearer of the object mentioned by the speaker. We know, for instance, that our world has only one sun, and that every night ends in a dawn. As a result, it is normal for nominal groups like the sun or the dawn to occur in there sentences. Sometimes I passed out and then I came to myself and there was the sun, rilling the sky, everything hot and glittering, and I thought I was dead already, because there was no sensation in my body anywhere. (Lessing, City: 67) To all things an end, to every night its dawn: even to the longest night when dawn never comes, there comes at last the dawn. (Maclean, Ulysses: 189)

A there sentence can also be used as a formulaic structure for introducing entities that are typically associated with a particular area of reference. For instance, a starter, brakes, clutch, accelerator pedal etc. a r e all normal parts of a car. The following example is based on a situation where one person describes the parts of a car to another, whilst both are sitting inside it. She [â&#x20AC;˘ Miss Carter] seemed very elated and watched Mor with delight as he

looked doubtfully at the dashboard. He could remember nothing. "How do I start it?" he asked. T h e r e ' s the ignition, it's switched on, there's the starter, there's the gear lever. You remember how the gears go? There's the clutch, the foot-brake, the accelerator. The handbrake's in front here." Miss Carter was perched sideways in her seat with the gleeful air of a little boy who sees his father about to make a mess of things. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 88)

This is Hawkin's "associative" use of the definite article (Hawkins, 1978: 123-130), which has already been noted with post-modified nouns. A similar use can be seen when the definite article is used in there sentences giving an enumeration of things which, although not typically connected with a field of reference, nonetheless group themselves to form an area of reference in a particular situation. The size of the group may be fixed, as can be seen from the first of the two examples below. ... there were at this time three sorts of formal invitation card; there was the nice sensible copy-book hand sort with a name and At Home and a date and time and address; then there was the sort that came from Chelsea...; and finally there was the sort that Johnnie Hoop used to adapt from Blast and Marinetti's Futurist Manifesto. (Waugh, Bodies: 52) Eric repeated to himself, in irritation, there's the Abbey to see first, because that's what you came for... Then there's the sketch book... And, lastly, there was Madame Bovary, by which for part of the time he was moved... (Wilson, Hemlock: 32)

In all the cases illustrated so far, the definite article is not anaphoric. Rather, the determiner is used to mention something for the first time: in our case, the speaker is introducing or re-introducing an entity as new, either because he assumes that the hearer has forgotten the referent, or because he wants to present it as new for rhetorical reasons. When the definite article is used non-anaphorically, the hearer has the chance to identify the entity and locate it in its area of reference, as the conditions for this have been met, either linguistically (in the form of p r e or post-modifiers), or through the speech situation or on the basis of the knowledge shared with the speaker. Both the definite and indefinite articles can introduce referents into a discourse. In contrast to the determiner the, the indefinite article does not emphasize the totality of the entities that can be located in an area of reference common to both speaker and hearer, but emphasizes the fact that there are other referents apart from t h a t / those referred to by the speaker. The shared textual function (of introducing entities) allows the determiner the of the first mention to appear in there sentences co-ordinated with the indefinite article. There was a lot of clapping and the usual competition to see who would be the one to give the last clap. (Amis, Take a girlÂˇ. 251) "Where shall I go then? To some museum, where they keep rings under glass cases, where there are cabinets, and the dresses that queens have worn?" (Woolf, Waves: 138)

In this liTe, t h e r e was no hope, no luck, only m e t i c u l o u s plotting and t h e c e r t a i n t y of w h a t had already happened. (Sillitoe, Tree: 125) ... Dolly w a s trailing slowly down the back staircase..., h e r lace train w o u n d r o u n d and r o u n d h e r a r m . From out of t h e v o l u m i n o u s folds of this t h e r e peeped a cork and the top of the neck of a bottle. (Strachey, Weather: 47) T h e r e w a s the C a u c a s i a n m a n a g e r of t h e Haile Selassie Casino, t h e F r e n c h editor of the Courier d'Ă&#x2030;thiopie. an i n f i n i t e l y h e l p f u l man..., an E n g l i s h m a n in t h e employ of the Abyssinian G o v e r n m e n t ! a F r e n c h a r c h i t e c t m a r r i e d to an Abyssinian; a b a n k r u p t G e r m a n planter obsessed by grievances; a tipsy old Australian prospector, w i n k i n g over his whisky... (Waugh, Going: 88)

In the first three examples, the nominal pre- or post-modification provides the area of reference for the first mention, whilst in the fourth, it is the associative connection between top, neck and bottle. In the last e x ample, a set is created in a particular situation, and its members are specified.

3.2.4.1.1.2.2.

This {those)/

that

(those)

The determiner this occurs with nouns which are mentioned for the first time in a text (cf. Perlman 1969, Wald 1983). "... t h e r e ' s this little doofer that sort of h o i c k s out t h e old cap and p u s h e s a new one in you see." (Amis, Take a girl: 123 f ) T h e r e w a s this fellow who was c a r r y i n g this big wardrobe, you see, f u l l of clothes. So this silly little boy c a m e across t h e street, he goes, isn't a n y o n e h e l p i n g you? So h e goes ah ya, m e m a t e is inside the cubboard, h e ' s c a r r y i n g t h e clothes. (McCosh, Children's humour: 289)

In this usage, this may be replaced by a/ an, e.g. There was this Irishman who.../ There was an Irishman who... Prince (198lb) describes this type of this as "indefinite this". It is often used in the introductory formulae of stories, anecdotes, jokes, etc., and is considered to be colloquial and informal (cf. The Concise Oxford Dictionary: entry for thisÂˇ, and Collins English Dictionary: entry for this 3.). It expresses the proximity of the s t o r y - t e l l e r to his subject and is a way of attempting to evoke in his h e a r e r / s an interest in it parallel to his own (cf. Lakoff 1974: 3 4 7 - 3 4 9 , and H a l l i d a y / Hasan 1976: 61). The determiner this is used in the same way in connection with post-modified nouns. "There is this mystery about people w h e n they leave us." (Woolf, Waves: 38) ... in all of us brought up in a W e s t e r n democracy t h e r e is this built-in belief that f r e e d o m a n d liberty will s t r e n g t h e n , will survive pressures, and the belief s e e m s to survive any e v i d e n c e against it. (Lessing, Notebook: 548)

In such cases, this can also be replaced by a/ an. The determiner that is used in there sentences to discuss things familiar to both speaker and hearer. This is possible because the referents being introduced belong to the fund of knowledge which they share. The determiner that is not

used anaphorically in there sentences. It is used by the speaker more as a way of alluding to, or reminding the hearer of, things about which they are both fully aware. By using that, the speaker calls up and appeals to their mutual knowledge, which may have been formed from information about a particular situation, from shared experiences, from generalizable human experience, etc. Lakoff (1974) subsumes this use of that under "emotional deixis", which should be separated from "spatio-temporal deixis" and "discourse deixis". It also occurs with this, as already explained and illustrated. "He's never h o m e b e f o r e midnight these days - t h e r e ' s that girl in his office." (Lessing, Notebook: 258) " T h e r e ' s that young a r c h i t e c t c h a p Gosling w h o built those c o u n c i l houses n e a r t h e motorway, he would do a good job - " (Murdoch, Henry and Cato: 133) Quite suddenly, as I spoke to Elisabeth on the phone, t h e r e c a m e into my m i n d those images, f o r m e d out of a h u n d r e d u n k n o w i n g l y assembled details - of voice, of timing, of silences; out of this tone of voice c a m e t h e s e b i z a r r e sights that the eye c o n s t r u e s in d e f i a n c e of a n a t o m i c a l possibilities... (Wiseman, Englishwoman: 51) If one is with a man, 'in love', or in the condition of loving, t h e n t h e r e comes to l i f e that hungry never-to-be-fed, never-at-peace w o m a n w h o needs and w a n t s and must have. (Lessing, City: 313)

3.2.4.1.1.2.3

Possessives and s forms

The use of my, her,

our etc. and of s forms like Paul's

determiners in there

sentences is comparable. They are all found under

or Sarah's

the semantic and pragmatic conditions already described for the definite article. Possessives and s forms are used as determiners for nouns whose area of reference is limited by nominal post-modification, e.g. by a relative or appositive clause, as in the following two examples. At the s a m e t i m e t h e r e was also his doggy, r a t h e r p a t h e t i c look about the eyes that had reminded m e of Widmerpool... (Powell, Market: 250) For one thing, t h e r e was our decision that so m a n y links with m e n t a l hospitals w a s a m i s t a k e and that this should be changed... (Lessing, City: 650)

They also occur as determiners for nouns which refer to things familiar to both speaker and hearer. The speaker introduces into a discourse items which he assumes the hearer also knows about because of their shared knowledge. "But Willi - you stupid clod, t h e r e ' s my child, I'm responsible for it living in that slum back there." (Lessing. Notebook: 140) Are you aware, quite apart f r o m Matty t u r n i n g up h e r e tonight, t h e r e h a n g s on the stairs of this very h o u s e Barnby's drawing... of Norma, that little w a i t r e s s at Casanova's C h i n e s e R e s t a u r a n t ? (Powell, Kings: 235)

Possessives and s forms also appear in enumerative there

sentences.

T h e r e w e r e two s t u d e n t s in one big room, her d a u g h t e r in a n o t h e r , and h e r own bedroom and living-room w e r e organised for two people - h e r s e l f and M i c h a e l . (Lessing, Notebook: 71) T h e r e w e r e two hopeless cases of m a l n u t r i t i o n in t h e barrio of t h e poor, t h e r e w a s a police o f f i c e r h e w a s a t t e n d i n g w h o would soon be dead of throat c a n c e r , t h e r e w a s Saavedra's m e l a n c h o l y and Doctor H u m p h r i e s ' dripping shower... (Greene, Consul·. 77)

3.2.4.1.2

Pronouns in there

sentences

The phenomenon illustrated above for determiners, that only those which are not universal quantifiers can be used in there sentences, is confirmed for indefinite pronouns. H e r e are a few examples: some (any), somebody/ -one (anybody/ -one), nobody/ -one, something (anything), nothing, enough, (an)other; one, two, three; much, (a) little, many, (a) few, several; plenty, a lot, a good/ great deal, a bit. T h e r e ' s s o m e o n e I have to see." (Bainbridge, Adolf·. 138) T h e r e is s o m e t h i n g I w o u l d like to ask you, doctor." ( G r e e n e . Consul: 95) ... [Sally] a l w a y s lived inside h e r own emotional c l i m a t e w i t h a p p a r e n t l y n e v e r a suspicion that t h e r e m i g h t be others. (Lessing, City: 118) Phoebe kept w i s h i n g that Mrs. Johns w o u l d come to t h e point: t h e r e m u s t be one, s u r e l y ? (Lessing, City: 406) Besides t h e p i n k c h e r r y tree, t h e r e w a s not m u c h in t h e garden... (Bowen, 108)

House:

"Actually t h e r e isn't a great deal that needs doing..." (Amis, Take a girl: 127)

Similarly, universal-quantifying pronouns such as everything contrastively in there sentences.

can be used

T h e r e ' s n o t h i n g w r o n g with t h i s place..." T h e r e is e v e r y t h i n g w r o n g with this place f r o m my point of view." (Forsyth, Jackal: 157) I f t h e r e is a n y t h i n g m u c h . " T h e r e is everything." (Amis, Want: 88)

In the literature, indefinite pronouns are sometimes said not to occur as the nucleus of partitive constructions in there sentences. According to Milsark (1977: § 3), sentences like the following should not be possible. (104) ' T h e r e a r e some of the p r i s o n e r s still at large. (105) ' T h e r e w e r e m a n y of our politicians under a t t a c k .

Examples with partitive constructions like one o f , some/ any o f , many, none o f , etc. frequently occur in texts (cf. Hannay 1985: chapter 5). T h e n the s m i l e c h a n g e d and b e c a m e dry, t h e r e w a s one of t h e m o m e n t s , outside t h e analyst-patient r e l a t i o n s h i p that I w a i t e d for. (Lessing, Notebook: 528) But he w a s of that sex [• m a l e ] and t h e r e c a m e to him s o m e of its old devious

cowardice... (Fowles, Woman: 306) "When the pillars began to sing, and then bend, there was none οΓ the chapter, none of the laity, no one who dared to worship there." (Golding, Spire: 165) This is always used as a cataphoric pronoun in there

s e n t e n c e s . It points

to a topic of the discourse which will b e discussed or specified in the succeeding t e x t . There was this to be said Tor New York: it was not dull. (Burgess.

Testament:

111)

Anna lifted her hands in a real French person's way and laughed. "You see? Our problem's solved. There's this to do. The morning coffee. Hurrah." (Amis, Take a girl·. 97) The pronoun that has a cataphoric u s e in there

s e n t e n c e s , when it means

"something, the thing". He moistened his lips, allowed his fists to unclench: yet there was that within him which he could not unclench. (Golding, Spire: 82) There was that in his manner which meant that it came as no complete surprise when he flung back his head and produced one of those stares he and Curnow went in for... (Amis, Thing. 89 f) That is a l s o used as a nominal

pro-form, when it has the meaning

"the one". "There is the old French nobility and that of the Holy Roman Empire..." (Mitford, Blessing: 72) "... technically speaking there are two sutures of great importance, that of the musculature and that of the mandible itself." (Durrell, Nunquam: 162) Those,

referring to people, occurs

in there

sentences

in the

"some people, the ones" - a plural equivalent to the u s e of

sense

that.

The promised volume of poems (or possibly belles lettres) had never appeared; though there were still those who firmly declared that Truscott would "write something" one day. (Powell, Market: 140) And then there are those who are lonely, and the Party is their family. (Lessing, Notebook: 177) Very often, those

is contrasted with another group in the s a m e s e n t e n c e ,

perhaps e x p r e s s e d in the form of

others.

There were those who twittered in English, others in German, he even heard a French phrase which his mother would appreciate, "George est très coupable." (Greene. Consul: 158) But there were those who said that Mark's continuing marriage with Lynda was not sensible; others who complained that for a busy man with responsibilities..., to spend months at a time with a mad woman... was not sensible. (Lessing. City: 499) Demonstrative

pronouns

are not used

anaphorically.

Instead,

they

are

used to mention referents for the first time, or as a linguistic means of recalling topics to the hearer's

consciousness.

One use of personal pronouns in there s e n t e n c e s is c o m p a r a b l e to the use of that in the e x a m p l e s given above, e.g. There is that in me which will frighten them. And f i n a l l y t h e r e was he whose type had never b e f o r e w a l k e d mortal earth, the m i r a c l e Quiz-King f r o m Brooklyn, a plump youth of twenty, already bald... (Lee, Stay long: 154)

Personal pronouns a r e also used in there of people in a situation.

s e n t e n c e s to remind the h e a r e r

' T h e r e ' s only Edith and m e here," said Robert, as if w a r n i n g C h a r l e s that by coming h e was exposing himself to an u n p l e a s a n t ordeal; w h i c h was true. (Wain, Hurry: 15) And he thought, now there is only m e left in the world, m e and my relation to me. (Murdoch, Henry and Cato: 239)

Of course, personal pronouns may also be found in e n u m e r a t i v e

there

sentences, in which possessive and r e f l e x i v e pronouns a r e also found. "All is real; all is f i r m w i t h o u t shadow or illusion. Beauty rides our brows. T h e r e is mine, t h e r e is Susan's." (Woolf, Waves: 121) T h e r e w e r e present myself and my w i f e Nancy, C h a r l e s and Felicity, a couple of other m e m b e r s of our team - as I like to call it! - and a visitor f r o m America. (Lessing, Descent: 189)

For the sake of c o m p l e t e n e s s , it should be noted that i n t e r r o g a t i v e nouns and generalising wh-

ever

pro-

forms also occur.

... behind this door, w h i c h was just like so many others, w h a t will t h e r e be? (Lessing, City·· 34) "But w h a t e v e r t h e r e is to it [· a s e n t i m e n t a l state about this girl], now you must just stop." (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 199)

Pronouns

are

sometimes

divided,

definite. T h e f o r m e r include some

like d e t e r m i n e r s , (αη,ν), many,

into

several

indefinite

and

and nobody,

the l a t t e r a r e composed of the demonstrative, personal

and

possessive

pronouns. It is c l e a r that both indefinite and definite pronouns can appear in there

s e n t e n c e s . This is possible if their use does not conflict

the semantics of the there

with

sentence, i.e. introducing topics as new into

the discourse. This condition is met if pronouns a r e used as a linguistic means of mentioning

r e f e r e n t s for the first time or

reminding

the

h e a r e r of topics.

3.2.4.1.3

Proper names

Proper names a r e found in there

s e n t e n c e s when the people or objects

they r e f e r to - usually known to the r e a d e r - a r e r e - i n t r o d u c e d by the author b e c a u s e they a r e important at a p a r t i c u l a r stage in the story. ...a little procession was coming up the north aisle; and t h e r e was Rachel Mason

a m o n g them, c a r r y i n g a dear bundle;... (Golding, Spire: 58 f) From the door of the Library Wing t h e r e issued slowly Miss de Vine, and behind her, g r a v e and d e f e r e n t i a l , Lord Wimsey. (Sayers, Night: 342)

The use of proper names known to both author and reader in (here sentences is comparable to the use of pronouns as shown above. The author uses them to refer to people whom the reader can locate in the area of knowledge they share. "Surely they've grown up now?" "Not all of them, t h e r e ' s T i m m i e and Robbie - " (Murdoch, Henry "We a r e not alone; t h e r e is Leopold." (Bowen, House:

and Calo: 90)

223)

Finally, proper names are also found in enumerative there

sentences.

People c a m e to jeer and torment him, there w a s Rachel, t h e r e w a s Roger, t h e r e was Pangatl, and they k n e w the c h u r c h had no spire nor could have any. (Golding, Spire: 64 f) T h e r e w e r e the c a m e r a m e n f r o m the beach party. T h e r e w e r e the two cropped boys f r o m the balloon. And t h e r e w a s Mr Eddie C o n s t a n t i n e . (Lee, Stay long: 166)

3.2.4.1.4

The so-called "definite restriction"

The literature on there sentences contains many references to a "definite restriction". This refers to the alleged characteristic of there sentences that definite determiners, pronouns and proper nouns of the kind dealt with in sections 3.2.4.1.1.2, 3.2.4.1.2 and 3.2.4.1.3 cannot have the rĂ´le of subject. Milsark (1977: 8) ranks the following "definites" with the expressions that cannot occur in there sentences: "the, demonstratives, pronouns, possessive determiners". When such a "definite restriction" is taken to exist, the occurrence of such things as the definite article in there sentences is interpreted as a case of apparent definiteness, i.e. as an example of the use of grammatically definite determiners as semantically indefinite. A sentence like There was still the unsolved problem of what to do with the surplus of grapes can be seen as a syntactic reduction of two sentences - There was still an unsolved problem. This was the problem of what to do with the surplus of grapes. Milsark (1977: 6) accordingly describes definite nominal phrases of this kind as "cryptoindefinites". However, as we have seen, not all definite nominal groups can be derived from indefinite ones. The discussion of this second type of "definite" has concentrated on enumerative there sentences ("there sentences with a list-reading"), i.e there sentences that list items as members of a set. Rando/ Napoli (1978) represent this view. The position of those who assert that a there sentence is subject to a "definite restriction" is undermined by the fact that, despite all their formal ingenuity, they have so far only been able to give a selective

description of the linguistic facts. Let us examine two attempts to deal with this problem. Safir (1985: chapter 4.2.1) explains this supposed r e striction, which he calls a "definiteness effect", by means of the interplay of the general conditions governing grammatical structures within a grammatical framework based on Chomsky's (1982) "theory of government and binding". He attempts to use this theory to explain the alleged contrast in the grammaticality of the following two sentences. (106)

T h e r e was a m a n in the room.

(107) ' T h e r e was the m a n in the room.

Safir (1985: chapter 4.4) admits that definite nominal phrases can occur in there sentences containing lists of items. AJ Who do we have to play Othello? B: Well, t h e r e ' s John, his uncle, and the m a n with a limp.

He evolves the following explanation for the pair of sentences There a man/

* the man in the room, using as a starting point the structures

[e is [ s c a m a n ¡ [e is [ s c the m a n ¡

in the room ]] in the

room]]

(e is a notation for an empty position; sc stands for ornali clause - a clause without a verb, as originally suggested by Williams (1975); a/ the man are referring nominal expressions which have been allocated an index - i). The initial structures show that Safir takes the view that in these sentences the verb be requires a small clause, does not allocate an argument function (the so-called "θ(= theta)-rôle") to its subject [a/ the man) and also does not assign it a grammatical case. Instead, a/ the man derive their argument function from the prepositional phrase in the room. However, on the level of the initial structure above, a/ the man cannot be assigned a case. Since a/ the man are lexical noun phrases, they must be assigned a case in the final (or "S") structure, because they would otherwise not be possible as sentences ("Case Filter at S structure"). This condition can be met in two ways. First, the subject of the small clause can be brought into the empty position by means of the transformational rule "MOVEot", when, as the subject of a finite clause, it would be assigned its case. The structures that result from this derivation are the following: Qnp

a m a n ¡ ] is [ s c

e¡

in the room]].

[ [ n p t h e m a n ¡ ] is [ J C

e¡

in the room]].

(Every element that is moved leaves behind a "trace" in its former position - e- in this case.) The second possibility is for there to replace e, which, as subject, is in turn accorded its grammatical case and marked as referentially-identical to a/ the man. If this happens, there and a/

the man form a so-called argument-function chain ("Q-chain"), which means that the argument function of a/ the man is transferred to there, whilst by the same token, the case description passes from there to a/ the man. This is called "Case Inheritance". The result is as follows: [ T h e r e ยก is [ s c a man;

in the room]].

[ T h e r e ยก is [ J C t h e m a n ; in the room]].

However, this result is not in accordance with the third of the otherwise applicable conditions for the indexing of expressions, which requires that referring expressions ("names") such as a/ the man be "free" in an argument-function chain, i.e. they may not, for instance, derive their case assignment from another expression (there in this example). Hence, the general conditions governing indexing should mean that both the final structures quoted above are ungrammatical. However, according to Safir, only *There is the man in the room is in fact ungrammatical. A simple solution is offered within the theory. Whilst the ungrammatically of the latter sentence can be explained by the general conditions, Safir suggests that the grammatically-correct There is a man in the room demonstrates a special feature of indefinite noun phrases, the so-called "Indefinite Noun Phrase Property (INPP)", which frees noun phrases like a man from the general conditions which would otherwise govern it. Although this is a possible way of dealing with the problem within the particular linguistic framework, it is difficult to see the value of such an "explanation" of an area of English grammar, when it is discussed in such a fragmentary and inadequate way as regards the linguistic facts (cf. Woisetschlaeger 1983 on this last point; for more recent generative contributions see Heim 1987, Higginbotham 1987, Lumsden 1988: chapters 3 and 4 and Safir 1987). Milsark (1976 and 1977) has tried to give a semantic explanation for the so-called "definite restriction". H e believes that, semantically, the expression there be is one of existential quantification; in other words, in the sentence There is a man at the door, the there be formula e x presses the fact that "there is at least one member of the class of men such that...". On the other hand, Milsark observes that universal-quantifying determiners of pronouns like each or everyone do not usually appear in there sentences, e.g *There was everyone at the door. The fact that this is impossible can be explained by the semantic incompatibility of existential-quantifying there be and universal-quantifying everyone. So the formula there be allows only existential-quantifying determiners, pronouns or nouns to appear in there sentences. Milsark now attempts to incorporate the so-called "definite determiners" like the definite article, demonstratives etc. into the quantifying framework which has been evolved. In this attempt, he makes use of Chomsky's (1975: 100-102) suggestion that the definite article should be interpreted semantically as an expression

of universal quantification. Milsark uses this idea to suggest an analogy for there sentences between the alleged non-occurrence of definite determiners and the absence of universal quantifiers, in that the former also seems to be the result of the semantic incompatibility of existential-quantifying there be and universal-quantifying the. Quite apart from the descriptive inadequacy of Milsark's otherwise interesting explanation, his interpretation of the definite article as an expression of universal quantification in the sense of all, every and each is based on a failure to distinguish between universality and totality. Generic terms in the singular or plural, or collective nouns occurring with the definite article express the totality of the verbally- or situationally-restricted items or classes described by the noun, e.g. the woman in the shop, the members of parliament, the wine we like. Rather than expressing universality in an absolute sense, the definite article emphasizes the completeness of the components and classes belonging to an area of reference delimited by post-modification, as shown in the example above. Hawkins formulates this characteristic of the definite article as follows: "... the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e seems to be very s i m i l a r to a u n i v e r s a l q u a n t i f i e r . It states that the s e n t e n c e q u a n t i f i e d into holds of alt the objects in the domain of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n - but with one important d i f f e r e n c e : not of all objects in any a b s o l u t e sense, but instead of all t h e objects w i t h i n a domain of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n w h i c h is pragmatically restricted." ( H a w k i n s 1978: 160)

Other researchers deny that there is a "definite restriction" on there sentences, being of the opinion that definite and indefinite determiners can occur in these constructions if they are semantically or pragmatically compatible with the there sentence. This group includes Nathan (1978: 116-119), Breivik (1983: chapter 3.1.1.3), Holmback (1984) and Hannay (1985: chapter 5). Hawkins (1978: chapter 3) posits five other uses of the definite article (apart from its anaphoric use), with the functioning as the determiner of the first mention ("first-mention the"). These uses can all be found in there sentences, as described in section 3.2.4.1.1.2.1. The inference is that the definite article can appear in there sentences when used as a "first-mention the". Hawkins explains this with the help of the inclusiveness of definite reference: "... the overall regularity for the seems to be that the r e f e r e n c e must be to t h e totality of objects or mass, w h a t e v e r the n u m b e r or the size of this totality." (Hawkins, 1978: 160) "This property of the d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e to r e f e r to all objects or all the m a s s in t h e p r a g m a t i c a l l y limited domain of q u a n t i f i c a t i o n , w h e r e u p o n the s e n t e n c e as a w h o l e m a k e s some claim about these objects, I shall r e f e r to as ' i n c l u s i v e n e s s ' . T h i s term is intended to c a p t u r e the fact that the r e f e r e n c e is all-inclusive, i.e. all the objects in the s h a r e d set s a t i s f y i n g the descriptive p r e d i c a t e a r e being r e f e r r e d to. and n o n e a r e being excluded." ( H a w k i n s 1978: 161)

Pursuing Hawkins' line of reasoning, Holmback concludes that the "definite restriction" does not exist. The term merely conceals the fact that deter-

miners cannot appear in there

s e n t e n c e s when their s e m a n t i c s

t h e function of such s e n t e n c e s .

She describes

contradicts

the r Ă´ l e o f the l a t t e r

follows: ' T h e expletive element there â&#x20AC;˘ be introduces the existence of some entity into the discourse..." (Holmback 1984: 208)

line with this

function

must b e f i r s t - m e n t i o n

sentences,

there

definite

nominal

groups

nouns:

"Since an existential TS into the discourse and is entity is being presented and its existence is being

[ t h e r e sentence - PE] functions to introduce entities asserting their existence rather than assuming it, the as a first-mention in the present context/ discourse defined for the hearer." (Holmback 1984: 209)

H o w e v e r , they c a n b e f i r s t - m e n t i o n nouns only if they m e e t the

criterion

of " i n c l u s i v e n e s s " . "For the inclusiveness condition on a derinite description to be satisfied while still being compatible with the meaning of there, there must be a shared set independent of current context or discourse within which inclusiveness can be satisfied." (Holmback 1984: 209)

Hannay submits a s i m i l a r , if m o r e strongly f u n c t i o n a l l y - o r i e n t e d

explana-

tion. H e does not a c c e p t that t h e r e is a " d e f i n i t e r e s t r i c t i o n " ,

either:

"... definite terms are perfectly acceptable if they present salient information in the given setting." (Hannay 1985: 101)

H e introduces the t e r m " f o c a l i t y condition" to e n c a p s u l a t e t h e f a c t definite d e t e r m i n e r s c a n appear in there duce

first-mention

their

reference.

items,

i.e.

not

s e n t e n c e s as long as they

those

items

which

are

that intro-

anaphoric

"It is appropriate to assert the existence of an entity or state of a f f a i r s if the target term is salient in the given setting." (Hannay 1985: 141)

" T a r g e t t e r m " is H a n n a y ' s description for the nominal group in the p o s i tion

following

mistake

made.

the

form in e x a m p l e s

By " s a l i e n t " , Hannay

which is not the " t o p i c " . T h e s e n t e n c e There an a c c e p t a b l e answer to a query such as What but not to the type of question Where second c a s e , my

car

c a s e , on the other hand, my car a

focussing

was

been

was my car was your

Îą

terrible

in s u b j e c t in the

function garage

(there)

in the

car?,

because,

function

car

garage?, in

would b e the " t o p i c " of the a n s w e r s e n t e n c e ,

it would b e c o - r e f e r e n t i a l with the my it has

There's

means an i t e m

of the question. In the

the i.e. first

can appear as part o f the a n s w e r , b e c a u s e

here,

i.e.

it is

not

co-referential

with

the

s u b j e c t o f the question.

3.2.4.2

Nominal

clauses

Various types of nominal c l a u s e are also used as postposed subjects there

s e n t e n c e s . For instance,

it is possible to have a nominal

clause

with a W H - pronoun. There would happen what always happened. (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 176) Al the feel of them there came back to his mind how he'd held them in bed at night when he was small in Ireland. (Naughton, Boy: 263) There are also nominalized ing forms of verbs with their c o m p l e m e n t s . There was bathing them [â&#x20AC;˘ the babies] and changing them and feeding those that were on bottles... (Dickens, FeetÂˇ. 192) He did not seem drunk, there was no fumbling after his glass; just that ocular symptom of possession by an old demon. (Fowles, Tower. 44) Nominalized ing forms are most often encountered in the fixed e x p r e s s i o n "there

be-

no V-ing

nominal group." As w e l l as the determiner no,

any

is also found. The be forms usually occur in the simple present or past. Modal auxiliary verbs are rare. The e x p r e s s i o n has implicit modality in the s e n s e of CAN. Nominal groups with the full range of structural p o s s i bilities, from pronouns to finite c l a u s e s , appear as objects of nominalized verbs. Well, once she'd got going there was no stopping her. (Naughton, Darling: 68) Mr. Pettigrew-Robinson gave a vivid account of the quarrel, and asserted very positively that there could be no mistaking the sound of the Duke's bedroom door. (Sayers, Clouds: 206) There was no doubting the sincerity of her tone. (Murdoch, Child: 311) I didn't understand the word, but there was no mistaking what he meant. (Butler, Pandora: 78) T h e r e ' s no telling whether he loses his temper." (Adams, Shardik: 404) I could see he already had an idea that it was the truth, but there was no getting him to swallow it. (Naughton, Alfte: 87) This fixed e x p r e s s i o n can also b e found with verbs lacking a direct object, the implicit modality being retained. "Ah, they can have as many meetings as they like, he was saying, "but when things have got this far, there's no going back." (Wilson, Zoo: 83) Her people would suffer but there was no staying on the island. (Pownall, War: 257) In s o m e c a s e s , the nominal group may be regarded as a noun of activity or a nominalized ing form. The s e n t e n c e There corridors

was

no smoking

the

could mean either "No one was smoking in the corridors" or

"No smoking was a l l o w e d in the corridors". This e x a m p l e is taken from Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 15.14). For a recent treatment of this c o n s t r u c tion, s e e K j e l l m e r (1980).

3.2.4.3

(Non-)post-modified nouns

As shown in section 3.2.3.1, the nominal group may contain nouns of different classes on their own, i.e. with no nominal post-modification, or followed by an adjective, a prepositional phrase or a (non-)finite clause. This sub-section will discuss in greater detail the range of nominal postmodification and the meaning of non-post-modified nouns in there sentences.

3.2.4.3.1

Nouns without nominal post-modification

There sentences of the type There was no mistake and There was a riot express the occurrence of items or events in a situation. There are very few there sentences that make statements about the existence or nonexistence of items in an absolute sense, as in the sentence There is a devil. Nouns which occur in there sentences without nominal post-modification show a great variety of reference. They denote entities, events, actions and commodities used by people, among other things.

3.2.4.3.1.1

Nouns denoting entities

These are nouns which denote either animate beings, inanimate concrete things, or feelings, ideas and abstract concepts. The first type includes nouns such as doctor, giant, God, student and woman. "Don't you ever spin coins up to see whether there's a God or not?" (Sillitoe, GeneralÂˇ. 49) "Oh, Karen, there are no giants." (Bowen, House: 98) It would appear that there aren't so many strong-minded women... (Lessing, City: 444)

Some examples of nouns denoting inanimate concrete objects a r e chair, door, flag, radio and tank.

book,

There are too many dirty books and movies and also violent ones... (Burgess. Testament: 81) There was only one decent chair, and Joanna was on it. (Lessing, City: 107) "My nephew, a commandant, tells me there are no tanks and no aeroplanes and hardly even a pop-gun." (Mitford, Blessing: 211)

A further group of nouns denotes feelings, ideas or values. These include nouns such as duty, gloom, hope, justice,

rule and

truth.

... there is always hope. (Greene, Consul: 10) Of course, if there were any justice, his reputation would be larger. (Lessing. City: 180)

"My dearest, you know as well as I do that t h e r e is never only one t r u t h and always many truths." (Mitford, Blessing: 159)

3.2.4.3.1.2 Nouns denoting events Nouns can also denote events, for example natural events or processes, such as draught, moon, rain, snow, sun(shine) or wind. "Shut the window, t h e r e ' s a f r i g h t f u l draught." (Murdoch, Henry

and Cato: 170)

"The n e w s f r o m Lord's: the u m p i r e s have just inspected the pitch and have a n n o u n c e d that, if t h e r e ' s no f u r t h e r rain, play will c o m m e n c e at t h r e e o'clock." (Amis. Take a girlÂˇ. 272) T h e r e w a s brilliant s u n s h i n e and a cool breeze. (Waugh, Going. 285)

Another group of nouns denotes events or occurrences in the world of human activity, for example accident, boycott, election, marriage, trouble, violence. P e r h a p s s o m e t h i n g t e r r i b l e had happened, perhaps t h e r e had been an (Murdoch, Sandcaslle: 233)

accident.

' T h e y ' r e w o r k i n g quietly and well. T h e r e ' s no trouble at all." (Golding, 92)

Spire:

My own aim now was to get to M a r t h a and t a k e her away in case t h e r e was real violence. (Wilson, Zoo: 323)

Finally, there are also nouns denoting acoustic events in nature or in the human sphere of activity, e.g. crack, hush, noise, pause, rear and silence. His thought w i t h d r a w s and t h e r e is an attentive h u s h - but all the same, they a r e m a k i n g a child of him. (Bowen, House: 115) "Why is t h e r e still so m u c h noise?" (Sillitoe, General:

35)

T h e r e w a s a long silence; p e r h a p s she had t a k e n him in h e r arms. (Wain, 213)

3.2.4.3.1.3

Hurry:

Nouns denoting actions or movements

Some nouns describe actions carried out by people or other agents, and in many cases these nouns also depict the result of the activity. They include digging, embracing, inquiry, laughter, reply and stink. At the crossways of the c a t h e d r a l there was no m o r e digging. (Golding, Spire: 52) T h e r e w a s m u f f l e d l a u g h t e r and some f r a g m e n t a r y applause, though a h u m of conversation c o n t i n u e d to be heard round about us. (Powell, Market: 123) "You stand to lose e v e r y t h i n g if t h e r e ' s a real stink - and I w a r n you I'd stir one up." (Wain, Hurry: 213)

There is a plethora of nominalizations with the suffix ing, such as banging,

hugging, quarrelling

and shooting,

and the subjects or objects of the related

verbs can occur as prepositional objects. "Grigorie" w e all cried and (here was m u c h e m b r a c i n g and dashing away of happy tears. ( D u r r e l l , Nunquam: 203) T h e r e w a s a scraping of c h a i r s and one or two people seemed to be going out of t h e door at t h e f u r t h e r end. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 252)

Nouns describing movement include forward

and stampede.

arrival,

escape,

hurry,

jolt,

lurch

As with the action nomináis, nouns of movement

also present the situation resulting from a movement. T h r e e dirty cups, pushed to one end of the table, a n n o u n c e d that t h e r e had been e a r l i e r arrivals... (Priestly, Companions: 22) T h e r e was no h u r r y , u n l e s s you lacked c o n f i d e n c e and did not believe in w h a t you w e r e h u r r y i n g towards. (Sillitoe, Tree: 355) T h e r e was a violent jolt, and t h e car stopped again. (Murdoch, Sandcastle:

3.2.4.3.1.4

Nouns denoting commodities used by people

This group comprises nouns which play a rôle in people's

day-to-day

lives and includes words describing means of transport, like boat, train or

94)

bus,

tram.

' T h e r e must be a bus service or t r a i n s or taxis or something." (Burgess, Mr Enderby: 160)

Inside

... it will be very early m o r n i n g w h e n we get t h e r e [• to Southampton]; t h e r e will be no trams... (Morgan, Sparkenbroke: 529)

Similarly, there are nouns portraying the pleasures or facilities of daily life, and these include bath, chips,

egg, tea and

whisky.

It w a s an e x h a u s t i n g day and we had to come h o m e by bus w h i c h m e a n t a lot of w a l k i n g and waiting. Still t h e r e w a s beer and cold beef and c h i p s at the end of it, t h e n a bath and bed. (Pym, Private eye: 185) T h a n k God t h e r e ' s still plenty of whisky." (Greene, Consul: 224)

There

sentences of this kind do not make general statements about the

relevant means of pleasure or transport as such, but establish the availability or unavailability of these means.

3.2.4.3.1.5

The verb be and its lexical equivalents

The examples given in the last four sections show there must contain nominal there. (108)

sentences which

T h e r e a r e ghosts.

(109) »Ghosts are.

(110)

There was an accident.

(111) *An accident was.

Sentences without there a r e possible where an ontological matter is being dealt with, for instance in philosophy or theology. Sentences like There is a God will be found along with <Aere-less sentences like God is. However, examples without an introductory there a r e few and far between, even in this sort of context. Love isÂĄ and makes all the rules itself, according to the multiple needs of the lover. (Lee, Stay long: 57) Summer had died, autumn was. (Fowles, Tower: 112)

Fixed expressions are another source of these sentences, such as in a phrase like time was, e.g. Time was when children were supposed to keep silent until a grown-up spoke to them (Longman Dictionary of English Idioms: the entry for time was). An alternative is to use constructions that have verbs of e x i s t e n c e / position or of e v e n t / movement as predicatore. The first group contains verbs like exist, live and stand, and the second has verbs like come, occur and take place. "No real tradition of how women behave exists in English writing." (Powell, WorldÂˇ. 75) Further introductions took place. (Powell, Market: 197)

English has verbs which typically collocate with certain nouns, like blow, or (sun) shine.

(wind)

Snow Fell, east winds blew, pipes froze, the water main... passed beyond insulation or control. (Powell, Books: 151) A sort of silence fell at last. (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 248)

Finally, aspectual verbs occur as predicators aspect of a state or event.

describing the

temporal

Polite clapping broke out. (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 290) One of those pauses followed for which my uncle's conversation was noted within the family circle. (Powell, Market: 164)

The verbs just mentioned also appear in there 3.2.3.1).

3.2.4.3.2

sentences (cf. chapter

Nouns with nominal post-modification

The nominal group usually consists not of a simple noun, but of a postmodified noun. (Post-modification was discussed in chapter 2.1.2.) The sub-sections below give a survey of the various forms of nominal postmodification in there sentences.

100

3.2.4.3.2.1

Finite clauses

Post-positioned finite clauses are found in there sentences either as appositions or as relative clauses.

3.2.4.3.2.1.1

Apposition

A great number of appositive that clauses can be found after nouns such as belief, chance, doubt, f eeling, hope, impression, legend, need, possibility and rumour. ... there was always a chance that they'd forgive you... (Sillitoe, TreeÂˇ. 228) There was no doubt that he had changed. (Durrell, Nunquam: 65) There was a local legend that those who once visited the city always returned... (Greene, Consul: 62) ... she told me there was a rumour I was an agent... (Lessing, Summer.

3.2.4.3.2.1.2

166)

Relative clauses

Relative clauses used as nominal post-modifiers occur in all the familiar grammatical functions. The relative clause can post-modify a noun which has the grammatical function of subject in the clause, or which functions as a subject complement or an object. Relative pronouns in subject function: "There are still Tew people who are prepared to pay for nice things," he remarked. (Powell, Marketâ&#x20AC;˘. 99) ... there were a number of chairs which had been kept free... (Murdoch, castle: 247)

Sand-

... there was so much that never got said. (Fowles, Martin: 310) "... there can't be many that plot things out like that." (Amis, Take a girl: 164)

Relative pronouns in subject complement function: Î&#x160; probably know more about them than you do..., and if there's one thing they're not it's Bolshevists." (Mitford, Blessing: 112) ... I don't think there's anybody I could be... (Amis, Take a girl: 182)

Relative pronouns in object function (indirect, direct object):

prepositional

"Lady Cordelia, there are men walking about in hearty old age whom their doctors gave a week to live." (Waugh, Brideshead: 304) ... there was nobody in this complex and so-sophisticated [sic] society, that she

101

could ask. (Lessing, City: 333) I f there's one thing I can't stand it's an ordered life." (Sillitoe, Tree: 374) "... there are things they keep their own counsel about." (Barstow, WalchersÂˇ. 156)

All of the above examples contain restrictive relative clauses, recognizable by the fact that they a r e not separated by a comma from their antecedent noun. Non-restrictive relative clauses are rare, but here are two examples: Because I knew from my mother that in her time, before the old Queen lost her prince, there were many good clergymen, who tried to be saints... (Cary, Herself surprised: 184) There were too many daily pleasures, of which breakfast in bed was by no means the least. (Mitrord, Blessing: 150)

The relative pronoun may be omitted if it occurs in the postposed clause in object or subject complement function. There are examples of this in the above sentences. However, the relative pronoun also seems to be lacking in sentences where it functions as subject. If there's one thing puts me off marriage it's married women. (Naughton, Alfie:

11) There was never a day went past without him thinking up a new scheme. (Pownall, War: 179) "There's some have had enough already..." (Adams, Shardik: 162) "If you know them, there's a lady inside can tell you all about it." (Powell, Soldier's ari: 157)

Such examples a r e colloquial, and are typical of the spoken variety of Standard English. As far as the history of English is concerned, it is a phenomenon which can be traced back to Old English. It is found in several regional and social varieties of contemporary British English. There is no agreement on how this type of sentence should be analysed, though two views predominate. One sees it as a complex sentence, i.e. one with a main clause and a subordinate relative clause with no subject pronoun; the other regards it as the continuation ofÂˇ the old conjunctionless (= asyndetic) series of clauses, which lack the relationship of grammatical subordination. This problem is discussed in the following publications: Erdmann (1980), Hannay (1985: chapter 4.4), H a r r i s / Vincent (1980), Jespersen (1927: chapter 7), Nagucka (1980), Shnukal (1982), van der Auwera (1984). T h e there sentences shown above, which apparently lack a relative pronoun in the subject position, share the functional characteristic of many other there sentences with a post-modifying relative clause, i.e. their introductory there clause presents a nominal group to which the hearer's attention is to be directed. There was nobody, ever, who could approach Dr. Lamb without a certain kind of tremor. (Lessing, City: 333)

102

"... there are one or two things that could be straightened out ¡Γ we had a talk." (Powell, Military philosophers: 191) Although he was not actually teaching, there were in Tact a lot οΓ things that he ought to be doing that afternoon. (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 81) "There are some people you just can't crack open." (Sillitoe, Tree: 219)

In this kind of sentence, the hearer's attention is drawn, with the help of the introductory there clause, to an item that is important for part of the discourse. This is achieved grammatically by emphasizing the r e l e vant noun in the there clause. The above examples could be re-written as simple sentences, for instance: (112) Nobody could approach Dr. Lamb without a certain kind of tremor. (113) Some people you just can't crack open.

In the first of the two examples given above, it is stress that achieves the same effect as grammatical prominence, whilst in the second simple sentence it is word order. Not all there constructions with a relative clause are used for grammatical prominence. In the two examples below, instead of giving prominence to a subject or object, the there clause expresses their presence, and this is qualified in the relative clause. The weather was still extremely sunny, but today there was a soft breeze which seemed to bring, from not so very far away in the south, the freshness of the sea. (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 67 f) "But there is a worm, a canker in this seemingly sound and perfect fruit which I for one find profoundly disquieting." (Mitford, Blessing: 110)

The fact that some there constructions are used to foreground items which are important for the progress of a text (by endowing them with a grammatical signal which increases the level of the hearer's awareness of them) is underscored by other focussing structures in English, primarily focussing it sentences (to be dealt with in chapter 4.1). These are often referred to as "cleft" sentences or "it clefts". The functional similarity between the two constructions is shown in the characteristic already mentioned, that relative clauses which seem to lack a subject pronoun occur after both the emphasizing there clauses and focussing it clauses. "It's money makes the wheels go round." (Symons, Problem: 184) "It was politics made George's life a misery." (Sands, Sam: 42) "What was it caused you to wake at three o'clock?" (Sayers, Clouds: 200) Say the man's the mechanic, and the woman is the engine, and she's not sparking, so that maybe her distributor needs touching up, or her plugs need cleaning, or at the worst she might even need a rebore, but whatever it is, it's the man has to do the job. (Naughton, Darling: 141)

The points made about the use and dialect distribution of the equivalent there constructions also apply to this construction. In addition to focussing there and it sentences, there are other constructions in which relative

103

clauses apparently lacking a subject pronoun can occur. For further discussion of this point, see Erdmann (1980) and Jespersen (1927: chapter 7.53-7.59). Focussing there and if sentences are connected not only by the text function described above and the grammatical phenomenon of relative clauses which seem to lack a subject, but also by a feature which I will call time-relation concord. The two parts of the there and it constructions have verb forms with equivalent time relations, i.e. either the verbs are both in the past tense or both in a non-past form. For example, a there clause in the present can be followed by a clause in the present, pre-present (present perfect) or future. Similarly, a there clause in the past combines with one of the equivalent time relations, i.e. past tense or pluperfect. "Paul, there's something I want to say..." (Lessing, City: 361) And there's one or two more questions I've thought of. (Murdoch, Prince: 237) "We managed. We weren't unhappy in the day-to-day. There was quite a lot we did agree on. The children." (Fowles, Martin: 218) There were some among this crowd who had been walking across this or that part of the British Isles under banners Tor decades. (Lessing, City: 422)

Deviations from this concord are found when the there something that is still valid at the time of speaking.

clause expresses

T h e r e ' s an exhibition of boys' art that was put on for Speech Day." (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 48) "Lady Cordelia, there are men walking about in hearty old age whom their doctors gave a week to live." (Waugh, Brideshead: 304)

This concord also applies to focussing there parent subject pronoun.

(and if) clauses with no ap-

"There's too many bloody people in this world bring life into it and then turn their backs on it." (Sands, Sam: 136) Î&#x160; thought there wasn't a living soul knew the address..." (Powell, Books: 218)

The focussing there construction is much used as an effective means of modulating one or both of the parts of the statement rhetorically, with the help of modal verbs a n d / or negation. It never even occurred to him that there might be something he could do, or should do... (Sillitoe, General: IS) There was no stratagem that he was not equal to, no danger that he could not forsee. (Orwell, Nineteen eighty-four: 143)

If the there part is a relative clause, then the relevant pronoun is usually absent. There are very few examples of there clauses occurring as r e l a tive clauses. They were in hell, could expect no less, that was all there was to it. (Golding, Spire: 97)

104

'Your letter said all t h e r e really was to say? T h e r e w a s no - no message?" (Bowen, House. 184) " T h e r e ' s a lot of t h i n g s t h e r e ' s no compulsion for." (Burgess, Testament:

101)

I know that w i t h a real m a n ' t h e r e would be a w h o l e area of tension, of wry u n d e r s t a n d i n g that t h e r e can't be w i t h Ivor; t h e r e would be a w h o l e d i m e n s i o n t h e r e isn't now... (Lessing, Notebook: 383)

Nouns in there sentences are followed not only by nominal relative clauses but also by the adverbial type-clauses of place [where), reason

time (when)

and

(why).

T h e y pretended... that just round the c o r n e r t h e r e lay a paradise w h e r e h u m a n beings would be f r e e and equal. (Orwell, Nineteen eighty-four: 211) " T h e r e comes a m o m e n t w h e n you've got to m a k e a stand." (Powell, 270) ... t h e r e was no reason at all (Lessing, City: 394)

why he shouldn't

be a television

Market:

personality...

Whilst adverbial relative clauses of place and time have a large range of antecedent nouns, e.g. area,

country

and place,

or day,

occasion

and

time, the group of nouns which are followed by a why clause is restricted to those like grounds

and reason.

In contrast to the first three groups

mentioned, nouns of manner are not followed by a how clause. " T h e r e ' s no o t h e r way I can put it." (Sillitoe, Start: 127) ' T h e r e ' s no o t h e r way how I can put it.

The relative clause can be linked in various other ways, e.g. by

that,

zero or a preposition (cf. Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 17.17-19).

3.2.4.3.2.2

Non-finite clauses

Non-finite clauses like for...to

constructions and to infinitives are also

used as appositions or relative clauses following nouns.

3.2.4.3.2.2.1

For...to

constructions

The for...to

construction occurs as an apposition after nouns like

exhortation,

fad,

use and

need,

opportunity,

programme,

requirement,

call,

tendency,

wish.

T h e trend in new capital i n v e s t m e n t is sluggish, so t h e r e is no great call for new f u n d s to f i n a n c e expansion. (Financial Times 30 July 79, 16: 2) T h e r e a r e smiling pleas, veiled t h r e a t s and passionate e x h o r t a t i o n s for v i e w e r s to send in m o r e f u n d s . (New Statesman 9 D e c e m b e r 83, 26: 2) ... t h e r e is opportunity for i m m e d i a t e response, of a g r e e m e n t , q u a l i f i c a t i o n , disa g r e e m e n t , to be made by o u r listeners. (Britten, Language: 110)

105

... t h e r e is no r e q u i r e m e n t Tor this e x c h a n g e to be made public. ( L a r n / ShipwrecksÂˇ. 230)

Since the for...to by for),

construction has its own notional subject

Carter,

(introduced

it can only be employed in object function.

T h e r e ' s a note for you to deliver..." (Butler, Pandora: 34) "... t h e r e ' s a job for m e to do..." (New Statesman

20 November 81, 11: 3)

... t h e r e w e r e always new problems for him to face. (Bruce, Boleyrt T h e r e will be a s t a t e m e n t for you to sign." (Marsh, Murderer.

269)

90)

"... t h e r e w a s n ' t a n y t h i n g else for them to worry about." (Barstow, Tomorrow: T h e r e was nothing for Edna to sit on. (Bainbridge, William:

86)

130)

The for...to construction takes on the rĂ´le of an adverbial relative clause after nominal expressions of place, time, reason and manner. T h e r e w a s no better spot for Claudine and myself to sport in as m a n and wife... (Sillitoe, Start 34) ... t h e r e is n o w h e r e else for them to go. ( N e w Statesman

18-25 D e c e m b e r 81, 6: 3)

... t h e r e w a s still time for the prophecy to be f u l f i l l e d . (Bruce. Boleyn:

284)

"... t h e r e would be no good reason for t h e m to m a k e mischief." (Forsyth, 309 f)

Jackal:

"... t h e r e is no way for a c o u n t r y to leap f r o m a u t o c r a c y to socialism..." (Stoppard, Travesties: 30)

When used like relative clauses, for...to constructions can often be simultaneously interpreted as a sequence of prepositional object and to infinitive. (114) T h e r e is a letter for you to sign. (115) T h e r e is a letter [for you to sign], (116) T h e r e is [a letter for y o u ] to sign.

The interpretation as a for...to

construction allows the there

sentence

to take alternative forms with other verbs of existence, e.g. (117) A letter exists for you to sign. ... the r e s o u r c e s exist for the c o n t r i b u t o r s to use... (Williams, Communications:

whilst the interpretation as a for...to for

121),

sequence, i.e. a noun followed by

object and to infinitive, permits an alternative with

have.

(118) You have a letter to sign. (119) T h e y have no good reason to m a k e m i s c h i e f .

3.2.4.3.2.2.2.

To infinitives

The to infinitive sometimes appears in an appositive function after nouns such as attempt,

106

call, compulsion,

delight,

move,

need,

obligation,

opportu-

nity,

plan

and

temptation.

"... t h e r e ' s no c a u s e to worry till s h e f i n d s out." (Greene, Rock:

208)

T h e r e w a s a g e n e r a l move to sit down. (Murdoch. Flight: 170) "There's no need to r u n away." (Spark, Jean Brodie: 102) ' T h e r e ' s no obligation to accept society or w o m e n or religion or a n y t h i n g else..." (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: 168) It c a n a l s o h a v e

the

function of a nominal

relative

clause

after

nouns,

w h e r e t h e a c t i v e to i n f i n i t i v e c a n t a k e t h e r Ă´ l e o f a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e e i t h e r a s u b j e c t p r o n o u n or a n o b j e c t

with

pronoun.

"Loyalty, he said, suddenly calm, "there's n o t h i n g to better it, Michael." (Sillitoe, Start: 325) W h e n s h e was young t h e r e had been scores, hundreds, to laud her (Murdoch, Henry and Cato: 143)

beauty.

T h e r e w e r e owls' nests to find, and deer to w a t c h , and t h e great bull to tease. (Uttley, Traveller: 158) T h e r e w e r e p a y m e n t s to m a k e and collect, v a r i o u s people to tell, as well as odd m e s s a g e s to carry to those who m i g h t come to the f u n e r a l , food to order for t h e party a f t e r w a r d s . (Sillitoe, Start: 4 4 ) T h e r e w a s really nothing to t h i n k about, but simply to lie t h e r e and regret that s h e w a s n ' t still w i t h me... (Sillitoe, Start: 67 f) It should be easy enough: a f t e r all. t h e r e w a s plenty to look f o r w a r d to in that day. (Amis, Ending up: 82 f) Naturally

enough,

the

passive

function of a subject relative

infinitive

found

exclusively

the

clause.

"... if t h e r e is a n y explaining to be done - t h e n you'll do it." (Deighton, 224)

SS-GB:

Occasionally s h e slipped in a g e n t l e a r g u m e n t that t h e r e m i g h t be s o m e t h i n g to be said for t h e i r point-of-view... (Nicolson, Curzon. 153) T h e to i n f i n i t i v e a l s o h a s t h e f u n c t i o n of a n a d v e r b i a l t e r n o m i n a l e x p r e s s i o n s o f p l a c e , t i m e , r e a s o n and

relative clause

af-

manner.

' T h e r e a r e woods, streams, hollows, plenty of places to hide." (Sillitoe, General:

70)

"... if t h e r e is t i m e to meet, why on e a r t h shouldn't we?" (Bowen, House: 99) T h e r e w a s no reason to believe that his line was tapped... ( G r e e n e , Consul: 21) "Everything you say, all the time, implies t h e r e is a n o t h e r way to live?" (Lessing, City: 149) There

sentences

modal

elements

modified by

with

non-finite

( C A N or

modal

clauses

MUST).

auxiliary verbs,

post-position

non-finite

their

modality

verb

usually

forms

imply

cannot

is d e t e r m i n e d by

be the

context.

107

3.2.4.3.2.2.3

Ed forms

Post-modifying ed forms occur in there sentences with the function of adjectives and non-finite verb forms. The adjective function is assumed with ed forms that can occur after be or copula verbs like seem, feel, look, etc. and that allow intensification (if gradable) by means of adverbs like extremely, rather or very, or by means of comparative and superlative forms. For example, the ed form in (l20) should be interpreted as an adjective. If ed forms cannot appear in syntagms such as those just mentioned, then they are considered (non-finite) verb forms, as in (l2l). (120) There was no one very pleased with his answer. (121) There will be some changes made in the design.

The adjectival ed forms include devoted, tomed to, prepared to and suited for.

cultured,

sophisticated·,

accus-

There were two or three, he knew, wholly devoted to some dead Tilmstar who had become a sort of corn-god... (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: 85) There were not many people prepared to struggle for a better world. (Mahy, Nonsense: 67)

Ed forms that are adjectival, or used adjectivally, a r e seldom a feature of there sentences. Verbal ed forms account for most of the examples, and they, in turn, mostly consist of cases where a position or state, or the result of a process or action is described. Some examples of this stative use are: gone, known, left·, boarded up, contained in and stretched out. T h e r e is still some whisky left, he said. (Greene, Consul: 133) There were so many villas boarded up; there were so few people in the alley streets... (Fowles, Magus: 48)

Examples of verbal ed forms describing a process a r e less numerous. The following a r e used dynamically: burned, grown, spoken; asked about, flown in and put on. There are more Golden Delicious apples grown in the world than any other variety. (Blythe, Akenfietd: 221) ΤΓ there's any blame put on him, he'll give it all the publicity he can." (Wilson, Zoo: 110)

In most cases, it is the context which determines whether an ed form is used statively or dynamically. In the sentences below, the situation in which the sentences occur makes it clear that broken

is describing a

course of events in the first sentence, and a state in the second. Τ do hope there were no bones broken or anything." (Amis, Take a girt: 312) "There's a stair-rod broken. Throw it into the back." (Bainbridge, Dressmaker:

158)

Finally, there are ed forms that are used both verbally and adjectivally.

108

Some examples of this group a r e embarrassed,

interested

and

marked.

T h e r e are quite a Tew οΓ us interested in Frank Dawley's fate..." (Sillitoe. Tree: 224)

The distinction noted here between adjectival and verbal ed forms r e ceives more detailed treatment from Granger (1983: chapter 3).

3.2.4.3.2.2.4

Ing forms

Ing forms are used nominally, adjectivally, verbally and prepositionally in there sentences. Dealing first of all with the nominal usage, we find, for instance, that as with the for...to construction and the to infinitive, the ing form is used as an apposition. There is plenty of work (for us) shovelling snow. (Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 17.35)

The nominalized ing form (with or without a subject) is also found after the noun trouble and various nominal expressions which take the determiner no, such as no good, no harm, no point, no sense and no use. "There's no good your talking to me about women sacrificing themselves for their families - I've had that one." (Lessing, Ripple: 105) T h e r e ' s no harm hearing what he's got to say." (Maugham, Razor's

edge: 176)

Eventually Mother Sugar treated the mother, though there was terrible trouble getting her to come for treatment. (Lessing, Notebook: 520) "And there is no use pretending." (Greene, Power: 28)

Like the ed forms, post-positioned ing forms are used both adjectivally and verbally. The criteria for differentiating between the two described in the last sub-section also apply here. Degrading, interesting, lacking, outstanding and touching are all adjectival ing forms. "If there is one thing more degrading than war it is the disgusting commercial brawl of peace..." (Marshall. Danube: 139) "There is fifty pounds outstanding. I believe." (Forsyth, Jackal: 152)

Ing forms used as verbs can be viewed in two grammatically different ways. The first is as a non-finite component of the expanded form (EF), which is also known .as the progressive or continuous form. This may involve simple or complex mono- or multi-valent verbs in the EF, such as come, grow, work; mill about, stretch out, whirl round/ bother, guard, sell·, hold out, look after, rely on/ tell, warn. There were forty men and boys working here then, now there are eight. (Blythe, Akenfield: 101) 'But there is a chain whirling round, round, in a steel-blue circle beneath." (Woolf, Waves.· 117) "Is there something wrong?" he asked. "Is there something bothering you?" (Bainbridge, William: 37)

109

I told h e r t h e r e w a s nobody holding h e r out. (Cochrane, Madness:

28)

T h e r e a r e too many relying on me." (Sillitoe, Start: 163) T h e r e w a s s o m e t h i n g telling m e not to tell them... (Naughton, Alfie: T h e E F is s o m e t i m e s

f o u n d in c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h p a s s i v e ed

118)

forms.

Lady Walpole-Wilson must have noticed this f a l l i n g o f f , b e c a u s e s h e r e m a r k e d at large that t h e r e w e r e two dances being given that evening. (Powell, Market: 52) T h e r e w e r e two d i f f e r e n t languages being spoken (Lessing, Notebook: 536) On the other hand, there interpreted

a r e ing

forms used

non-finite components

to m e at the s a m e

as v e r b s

of the EF, s i n c e

r e l e v a n t p i e c e o f t e x t a r e not u s e d in t h e

time.

which cannot the

verbs

the

EF.

"There is a card a n n o u n c i n g a gala night at the P e r r o q u e t tomorrow, Envoy." (Waugh, Mischief: 104) T h e r e is a card w h i c h *is a n n o u n c i n g / a n n o u n c e s a gala night at t h e P e r r o q u e t tomorrow. T h e r e a r e some r a t h e r u n u s u a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s s u r r o u n d i n g Lord..." (Uris, QB VII: 414)

this w i t n e s s , my

There are some rather unusual circumstances which ' a r e surrounding/ surround this w i t n e s s . This

c o n t i n u u m is c o m p l e t e d

verbs

which

either

cannot

a l l in t h e E F , or not in o n e o f their m e a n i n g s . H e n c e , only be

interpreted

a p p l i e s , for e x a m p l e ,

a (present) to t h e v e r b s

as t o t h o s e l i k e contain,

t h e ing

participle

for t h e s e v e r b s ,

appertain,

belong

correspond

and lead

and result

used form

at can

too.

This

well

to.

In t h e m a k e - u p of both m a l e s and f e m a l e s t h e r e a r e latent properties belonging to the opposite sex. (Morris, Ape: 70) T h e r e a r e c e r t a i n laws in this country a p p e r t a i n i n g to m e n t a l (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: 207 f)

derangement..."

T h e r e w a s also a case c o n t a i n i n g broad-sheets and comic songs that r e f e r r e d to t h e Zoo. (Wilson. Zoo: 237) T h e r e w e r e t h r e e lanes leading to a t h a t c h e d cottage w i t h a g e r a n i u m window. (Bainbridge, Life: 56) This u s e

o f c e r t a i n ing

forms

p r e p o s i t i o n a l u s e . Concerning, a r e a m o n g t h o s e found as

such as including,

appertaining involving,

to owing

is c l o s e to and

in t h e

their

regarding

prepositions.

By now t h e r e is a small crowd including two boys of about f i f t e e n . (Lessing, Notebook: 403) T h e tea and c a k e s seemed long indeed in coming, and w h e n they f i n a l l y a r r i v e d t h e r e w a s a g e n e r a l d i s c o m f o r t owing to t h e need to catch t h e train. (Strachey, Weather: 240)

110

3.2.4.3.2.3

(Non-)finite clauses

Some nouns allow several different types of nominal post-modfiers to be used with them. Appositive that clauses, the for...to construction, the to infinitive and nominalized ing forms (following the preposition o f ) can all be found after the nouns chance, idea, sign and way, for instance. (122) There is a good chance thai you will catch the train. (123) There is a good chance (for you) to catch the train. (124) There is a good chance of you(r) catching the train.

Other nouns, such as question, risk, sense and threat, can have nominalized ing forms as post-modifiers, as well as appositive that clauses. (125) There was no question that Elsie would get married again. (126) There was no question of Elsie getting married again.

3.2.4.3.2.4

Prepositions and prepositional phrases

Prepositions and prepositional phrases act as nominal post-modifiers in there sentences. A sentence like The children were inside poses analytical problems. Although some see the form inside as a particle, with adverbs like downstairs (The children were downstairs) ascribable to the same category, I regard forms like inside as prepositions (mono-valent prepositions, to be precise, which distinguishes them from bi-valent prepositions). The form inside is analysed as a bi-valent preposition in a sentence like The children were inside the barn.

3.2.4.3.2.4.1

Prepositions

Prepositions can be used as mono-valent predicatore in simple or compound forms. Some examples of simple, mono-valent prepositions are: above, behind, below, down, inside, near, outside, underneath and within. She was coming towards him, moving so fast he thought there must be somebody behind... (Williams. Dogs: 138) 'Yes, yes, there is more behind than in front, the past stretches further, the f u t u r e less far,... (Compton-Burnett, Women: 30) "There's a baby inside [â&#x20AC;˘ inside the woman]." (Sillitoe, Tree: 253) There was a street lamp near, and this shone brilliantly through the fanlight over the door and saved us from using our own gas-lamp. (Uttley, Traveller: 20) The place of entertainment here was called Fantasio, and there was a finely liveried commissionaire outside. (Waugh, Going: 35) There was no one within [â&#x20AC;˘ in the studio]. (Murdoch. Sandcaslle: 49)

111

Compound m o n o - v a l e n t predicators include: in front,

and near

by.

The palace was European in conception...; there were pretty formal gardens in front, and all round the town lay bright green meadows... (Waugh, Going: 149) There was a vacant seat near by, but he scorned to bend the razor-edged creases in his trousers by sitting on it. (Sillitoe, Saturday night: 119) S o m e m o n o - v a l e n t prepositions that are used predicatively have acquired extended meanings. For instance, about be in process"), around

("to be there"; "to b e up"; "to

("to b e there"), in ("to b e there"), on

("to be

functioning"; "to b e taking place"), out ("to b e in transit"; "to b e issued" e.g a warrant; "to be visible"), over

("to be the remainder"; "to b e fin-

ished"), and up ("to b e out of bed"; "to have gone wrong"). "There are some bloody peculiar people about, you know that." (Deighton,

SS-GB:

61)

"Charly Fortnum never worried much about honor, Doctor Humphries said, "so long as there was enough whisky around." (Greene, ConsulÂˇ. 176) T h e r e ' s a message in from Hanover, sir, from the Consulate General..." (le Carre', Small town: 39) But something must be done to bring home to these people that there's a war on. (MacKenzie, Whisky galore: 81) "All I know is, there's a warrant out for his arrest, and that anything he says may be used as evidence against him." (Waugh, Decline: 157) "We've taken them [â&#x20AC;˘ the staff breakfasts], Mrs Blain, and there's one over, Marion insinuated. (Green, Concluding. 21) T h e r e ' s not usually anyone up at this time but me and the kitchen cat." (Butler, Pandora: 109) Prepositional

uses

such as the following, which are analysed as

expressions, should also b e regarded as m o n o - v a l e n t : at hand, at work;

for

sale;

in the

the way;

out of place,

air,

under

in print,

in sight;

duty,

on foot,

fixed large, on

construction.

As if his angel had whispered to him, there was help at hand. (Golding, Spire: 140) Î&#x160; knew there was a very dangerous person at large, and I was keeping an unobtrusive watch from the garden." (Christie, Murder: 185) There are caravans and motor boats for sale by the side of the road. (Wiseman, Englishwoman: 233) Sinclair, knowing that there was a row in the air, had picked a handful of limes on his way. (Waugh, Going. 219) She looked up and down the coast. There was no one in sight. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 219) T h e r e are always two of us on duty, the priest said. (Greene, Consul: 131) T h e r e ' s trouble on the way, I'm certain." (Amis, Take a girl: 141) There is another large hotel under construction. (Waugh, Going. 87)

112

3.2.4.3.2.4.2

Prepositional

phrases

The entire gamut of multi-(usually b i - ) v a l e n t prepositions can b e found in their various usages

as spatial, temporal

s i m p l e m u l t i - v a l e n t prepositions are: about, by, concerning, till, under

during,

and

for,

from,

in, like,

etc. post-modifiers. across,

at, before,

o f , on, over,

Some between,

regarding,

save,

without.

There is no mystery about the eternal popularity of divination. (Powell, World: 16) There was a loud knock at the door. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 195) "... there won't be time before the meeting." (Murdoch, Notebook: 501) There is a small green diary by the bed, perhaps that might afford a clue? (Durrell, Nunquam: 11) There was rain during the night, and more in the morning. (Amis, Take a girl: 266)

There was an immediate response from upstairs: a shoe of admonition was banged three times. (Burgess, Inside Mr Enderby: 19 f) There was a great rainbow over the town. (Waugh, Going: 197) ... I went back to the flat, on foot, to see if there were any message regarding the next trip. (Sillitoe, Start: 264) ... there was no sound save the cry of a bird seeking some lonlier tree. (Woolf, WavesÂˇ. 203) T h e r e ' s no smoke without fire, is there?" (Priestley, Companions: 173) In the f i x e d e x p r e s s i o n there

is nothing

for

it, the preposition for

the meaning "there is no alternative". This phrase

most

has

commonly

found with a to infinitive introduced by but, and in a very few c a s e s by except. There was nothing for it, however, but to wait... (Mitford, Love: 15) There was nothing for it except to make herself go forward. (Lessing, Notebook: 381) The s a m e fixed expression, with the s a m e meaning, can a l s o occur without the infinitive. "It is true what Bernard tells you. There is nothing for it." (Wain, Hurry: 161) "... she wished to see me anew in each continent before deciding whether she would marry me or not - so there was nothing for it." (Durrell, Nunquam: 77) N o m i n a l i z e d ing forms f o l l o w prepositions like about, like,

of and

between,

for,

in,

worth.

There was no point in making haste. (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 304) ... as the coronation proper must take place in the inner sanctuary, which no layman might glimpse, much less enter, there was small hope of anyone seeing anything at all. (Waugh, Going. 93) Compound m u l t i - v a l e n t prepositions include: ahead

o f , apart from,

except

113

for,

in front

o f , next to and owing to.

"... you don't know what there is in front of us." (Adams, Down: 61) ... when they finally arrived there was a general discomfort owing to the need to catch the train. (Strachey, Weather: 240)

Various bi-valent prepositions are used figuratively. These include: after somebody/ -thing ("to be trying to catch sb. or sth."), behind somebody/ -thing (l. "to fail to keep pace", 2. "to support", 3. "to be to it"), beneath somebody/ -thing ("to be below the norm"), and beside oneself. "There's a fellow after me." (Bowen, House: 88) It would not be wise to accept Mr Smith's plan without careful investigation. I suspect there is something behind it. (Hill, Prepositions: 35)

There are also fixed expressions, most of which can also be used monovalently, such as: in favour o f , in love (with), in store (for); on the look-out (for); under control (of); within striking distance (of). 'There are plenty of things in favour of Jago, things we're going to hear." (Snow, Masters: 50)

said Roy. "But they're not the

There's bound to be trouble in store for me every day of my life... (Sillitoe, day night: 190)

3.2.4.3.2.5

Satur-

Adjectives and nouns

Although there is plenty of evidence that post-modifying adjectives appear in there sentences, the case for nouns appearing in this contruction is more controversial.

3.2.4.3.2.5.1

Adjectives

Mono- or multi-valent (usually bi-valent) adjectives appear as nominal post-modifiers in there sentences, and they can be either simple or compound in form. ... there were thousands of people homeless. (Guardian 23 July 75, 6: 8) T h e r e is nothing so dull as the conversation of small children." (Mitford, BlessingÂˇ. 47) There was a vacant chair next to the place where Pardee sat. (Powell, Market: 75) ... there were little seedlings just ripe to be potted... (Dennis, House: 26)

The mono-valent adjectives occurring in there sentences describe temporary properties of the subject, i.e. properties that belong to it for a limited time, and are not among its intrinsic features. This group contains, among others, amiss, available, delectable, devoted, evident, free, going ("available"), intact, interested, missing, present, responsible and short ("lacking").

114

I could sense t h a i t h e r e w a s s o m e t h i n g a m i s s and I thought I'd better wing it. (Naughton, Darling: 19) T h e r e ' s plenty ÎżÎ&#x201C; black m a r k e t petrol available, at t h r e e t i m e s the n o r m a l price, if you know t h e right garages." (Higgins, Eagle: 145) W h e n t h e Club reassembled t h e r e was a great improvement evident. (Dennis, Card* 121) "... t h e r e is no table free." (Waugh, Mischief:

114)

"Is t h e r e any b r e a k f a s t going?" (Kershaw, Coronation

Street:

16)

"... t h e r e seems to be a n o t h e r m a n interested, too." (Powell, World: 22) I thought it [Âť the bed] w a s going to collapse, s h e said, t h e r e ' s a nut loose. (Fowles, Collector: 45) ... t h e r e ' s just one thing missing f r o m your s c h e m e of things: the right kind of m a n . (Amis, Take a girl: 159) "... t h e r e ought to be someone responsible here." (Powell, World: 83) He hesitated, s i n c e t h e r e w a s a c h a i r short, but the F r e a k sat r a t h e r g a u c h e l y on t h e grass beside her f r i e n d ' s place. (Fowles, Tower: 26)

If simple adjectives appear in there occur immediately

sentences

a f t e r a subject. Bolinger

as p o s t - m o d i f i e r s ,

has pointed

out

they many

publications (e.g. Bolinger 1952: 1132-1137, 1967: 9-12) that this positional option, which he c a l l s the p o s t - a d j u n c t position, is a v a i l a b l e for adjectives describing a t e m p o r a r y

state:

"If an adjective n a m e s a quality that is too f l e e t i n g to c h a r a c t e r i z e a n y t h i n g , it is restricted (with that m e a n i n g ) to predicative, or to postadjunct position." (Bolinger 1967: 9)

No a g r e e m e n t has b e e n reached in the l i t e r a t u r e on w h e t h e r

the

third

possible position for adjectives, c a l l e d the attributive, (as distinct

from

the post-nominal

and

predicative

positions)

always

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T e m p o r a r y adjectives a r e found in there of their s e m a n t i c compatibility

with the

meaning

indicates

of t h e

syntagm in which they appear. A d j e c t i v e s like arrogant, describing p e r m a n e n t t r a i t s , and those such as absent,

intrinsic

sentences because post-nominal good handy

and and

old sick

which describe t e m p o r a r y s t a t e s , a r e given a v a r i e t y of d i f f e r e n t l a b e l s . T h e r e is r e f e r e n c e to " e s s e n t i a l " and " a c c i d e n t a l " f e a t u r e s of a d j e c t i v e s (Bolinger 1972a), to their " c h a r a c t e r i s t i c meaning" and "occasional meaning" (Bolinger 1967: 3 - 4 ) , to "property p r e d i c a t e s " and " s t a t e - d e s c r i p t i v e p r e d i c a t e s " ( M i l s a r k 1977: 10-16), and to " p e r m a n e n t / essential a t t r i b u t e s " and " i m p e r m a n e n t / n o n - e s s e n t i a l a t t r i b u t e s " (Nathan 1979: 56 f). J a m e s (1979) dislikes t h e c o n t r a s t "permanent v e r s u s t e m p o r a r y " , b e c a u s e this t e r m i nology is inappropriate for the underlying s e m a n t i c f a c t s . A d j e c t i v e s in the p o s t - n o m i n a l position can indeed describe p e r m a n e n t a t t r i b u t e s , as shown by t h e following e x a m p l e (James 1979: 700): (As a result of t h e accident, one m a n is dead). T h e m a n dead is S a m u e l Smith, 45, of Evansville.

115

For James, the semantic peculiarity of the post-nominal adjective resides more in the fact that it "denotes an easily c h a n g e a b l e state of affairs, i.e. an event

or s t a t e which can be suddenly acquired a n d /

lost."

(James 1979: 6 8 8 ) . She s e e s the sudden alteration of a state or the p o s s i bility of an abrupt change in the s t a t e of the noun as the d e c i s i v e factor. For a review of some of the generative literature s e e Lumsden

1988:

chapter 5. B i - v a l e n t adjectives for their part can b e post-modified, for e x a m p l e by a prepositional c o m p l e m e n t , as with acceptable o f , glad

to, suitable

for,

terrible

to,

common

to,

full

about.

... there was no other place acceptable to the reality of their feelings in the world around them. (Spark, Gate: 104) As there was no form of government common to the peoples thus segregated, nor tie of language, history, habit, or belief, they were called a Republic. (Waugh, Scoop: 75) There was a small lounge full of basket chairs in which elderly Englishwomen sat sewing. (Waugh, Going: IS) T h e r e are plenty of others glad to get his job, she said. (Lessing, Notebook: 162)

"There's nothing very terrible about that [â&#x20AC;˘ a sentimental state about this girl]." (Murdoch, Sandcastle: 199) Some of the above c a s e s occur as mono- and b i - v a l e n t adjectives. Some other e x a m p l e s wrong

(about/

are: different in/

(from),

open

(to),

ready

(for/

to)

and

with).

T h e r e ' s a duty chemist open -" (Sands, Sam: 22) There are certain roads open to you. (Lessing, Descent: 239) You're suspicious, Gerald, he thought. You're an old mole, you can sniff there's something wrong, (le CarrĂŠ, Tinker: 295) T h e r e is nothing wrong with this place." (Forsyth, Jackal: 157) The b i - v a l e n c y of adjectives otherwise results from comparative structures. As

far as content is concerned,

permanent pretty

and

they are mostly

attributes. T h e s e include attractive,

adjectives

dead,

easy,

describing hot,

lovely,

sympathetic.

There is nothing so dangerous as a policy of laisser-aller... (Mitford, Blessing: 88) There is nothing so exhausting as making decisions. (Brenan, Thoughts: 3) ... there is no sight more beautiful than that of an old man dressed in the clothes of an earlier generation... (Dennis, Cards: 170) There were wafer thin bricks older than the cottage or the cathedral... (Golding, Spire: 18) There are some men who are consoled by the idea that there are women less attractive than their wives... (Fowles, Woman: 195 f) ... there can be no town in the world [â&#x20AC;˘ Djibouti] less sympathetic to strangers desirous of borrowing a railway fare. (Waugh, Going. 250)

116

The fact that adjectives describing permanent characteristics appear in comparative constructions in there sentences results from the syntagmatic possibilities of comparative expressions like as dead as a doornail, hotter than..., less pretty than..., which occur in the predicative and post-nominal positions, but not in attributive position.

3.2.4.3.2.5.2

Nouns

The discussion about whether post-modifying nouns can occur is unresolved. Native speakers will either reject sentences like (127) and (128), or accept them only in certain contexts. (127) ?*There a r e many people music-lovers. (128) ?*There w e r e several of the students drug addicts.

This type of sentence might be possible as a reply correcting or adding to previous utterances such as No one seems to love music any more or We still don't know whether any of the students were drug addicts. Hannay (1985: 159) believes that the following dialogue is possible: A What b e a u t i f u l paintings you have. T h e y ' r e Gainsboroughs, a r e n ' t they? Î&#x2019; Well, a c t u a l l y t h e r e ' s only one of t h e m / this one a real Gainsborough. T h e rest a r e copies.

The set phrase the matter (with), meaning "be wrong with", is often found in there sentences. "What's the m a t t e r ? " she inquired, seeing that t h e r e was w a s s o m e t h i n g very m u c h the m a t t e r and she ought to have noticed it before. (Lessing, RippleÂˇ. 188) "Hazel's p e r f e c t l y right and t h e r e ' s nothing the m a t t e r with his plan." (Adams, Down 262)

Nominal groups that stand in apposition to the reference noun are used only non-restrictively. "There's a big a t t r a c t i o n Start. 189)

tonight, a w o r k i n g - c l a s s poet f r o m Leeds." (Sillitoe,

T h e r e w a s also a little girl, the result of this m a r r i a g e . (Lessing, City: 341)

3.2.4.3.2.6

Adverbs

Postmodifying adverbs occur in there sentences in a simple or a compound form. The three most common classes comprise adverbs of place, time and frequency. Locative adverbs include abroad, downstairs, everywhere, here, indoors, nowhere, there (place) and upstairs; temporal adverbs include afterwards, later, soon and today; and adverbs of frequency include again, once and sometimes.

117

There were people everywhere, and voices sounded from the upper levels ÎżÎ&#x201C; bedroom Doors. (Powell, Market: 112) "I want a proper bath in a proper bath. There must be one upstairs." (Fowles, Collector: 48) T h e r e ' s been a horrible muddle today, all my fault." (Murdoch, Sandcastie: 101) After the same laughter and noise as before, there was dead silence again... (Dennis, House: 92)

3.2.4.3.2.7

Be c l a u s e s and l e x i c a l

converses

In there and f / i e r e - l e s s s e n t e n c e s with post-positioned prepositional phrases, it is o f t e n possible to have alternative constructions with have l e x i c a l verbs like bear,

contain,

possess

or wear.

or other

The e x a m p l e s

below

illustrate one type. "There's death in his body, but he has life in his eyes." (Morgan, page reference lost)

Sparkenbroke:

... when I opened the colour box, there was nothing in it;... when I opened the cardboard box, it contained two worn-out brushes... (Cary, Mouth: 292) ... Miss Chilperic's face wore a troubled blush, and Mrs Goodwin's an air of protest; in Miss Hillyard's eyes was an extra-ordinary mixture of triumph and embarrassment... (Sayers, Night: 417) As t h e s e e x a m p l e s show, a l e x i c a l equivalence e x i s t s b e w e e n prepositional be

forms like be

in and verbs like have,

contain

and wear,

their subjects and objects are interchanged (= l e x i c a l

whereby

converses).

It is

noticeable in such c a s e s that the subjects of s e n t e n c e s with verbs have,

contain

and wear

are usually definite and their objects indefinite,

whilst the r e v e r s e is the norm for the sequence of (in)definite nominal groups with this function in there expression

on his face

s e n t e n c e s , e.g. There

- His face

had

an anxious

was

expression

anxious (on

it).

There are several factors which influence whether a l e x i c a l c o n v e r s e is possible. One of them concerns the semantics of the verb: have,

being

used in a wide range of contexts, is relatively empty in comparison to wear,

possess

and contain.

and variety of l e x i c a l

H e n c e , have

can be used in a greater number

converses.

(129)

There are three windows in this room.

(130)

This room has three windows.

(131 )

This room has three windows in it.

(132)

This room possesses three windows.

(133) TThis room possesses three windows in it. (134) ??This room contains three windows. (135) ' T h i s room contains three windows in it.

118

Another factor is the extent to which the meaning of a syntagm involving verb and a prepositional phrase has undergone figurative extension. There is, for example, a difference in the range of lexical converses between having something in one's head and having something on one's mind. (136)

T h e r e is nothing in his head.

(137)

His head h a s nothing in it.

(138)

He has n o t h i n g in his head.

(139)

His head c o n t a i n s nothing.

(140) ?His head c o n t a i n s nothing in it. (141)

T h e r e is something on his mind.

(142) ' H i s mind has s o m e t h i n g on it. (143)

He has s o m e t h i n g on his mind.

(144) *His mind c o n t a i n s something. (145) ' H i s mind c o n t a i n s s o m e t h i n g on it.

Thirdly, the co(n)text influences the acceptability of lexical converses. In the following example, the presence of the adverb definitively enhances the acceptability of the have converse. (146)

T h e r e is someone in the garden.

(147) ?The garden h a s someone in it. (148)

T h e r e is d e f i n i t e l y someone in the garden.

(149)

T h e garden h a s definitely someone in it.

Finally, the degree to which a combination of verb and phrase is thought to be tautological. For example, contain meaning of in, whereas have does not. (150)

T h e r e w e r e two worn-out b r u s h e s in t h e cardboard box.

(151)

T h e cardboard box contained two worn-out b r u s h e s .

prepositional includes the

(152) ?The cardboard box contained two worn-out b r u s h e s in it. (153) ?The cardboard box had two worn-out brushes. (154)

T h e cardboard box had two worn-out b r u s h e s in it.

The relationship between be and have has been given a variety of synchronic and diachronic treatments on the basis of English and other IndoGermanic languages, e.g. Latin mihi est aliquid and habe o aliquid. Among the extensive literature on this topic, Anderson (1971: chapter 7.3), Bendix (1966), Cattell (1984: chapter 5) and Lyons (1977: chapter 12.2 and 12.3) should be mentioned.

119

3.2.4.3.2.8

The analysis of there sentences with nominal post-modification

There is a lack of agreement amongst linguists concerning the analysis of post-modified there sentences like There is someone in the garden or There are still many tickets available. Some, such as Hannay (1985: chapter 1.2.3), refer to the part following the noun as an "extension", whilst Milsark (1976: 8) favours a musical term in calling it a "coda". There is continuing debate among generative grammarians about the syntactic structure of the type of there sentence shown above. The next section will give a brief review of both sides of the argument. In generative grammar, there are two theories about how there sentences are derived. Either such sentences are derived with the help of a transformation, or they are generated by the phrase structure rules. These positions are characterized as the "transformational hypothesis" and the "phrase structure hypothesis" respectively. The former has been presented in various configurations as the model of generative grammar has developed over the years. Milsark (1976) believes that a sentence like There are some people sick is the result of a special transformation of the initial structure Some people are sick. This transformation ("there insertion") performs two operations: the nominal group some people, which is in subject position, is moved into the position after the first be (in this case, the position after predicative be), and there is inserted into the now-available subject position. According to this derivation, there is not present in the initial structure, i.e. there is not generated by phrase structure rules. The syntagm following the be form is analysed as a verb phrase consisting of a noun phrase (iome people) and an adjective phrase (sick). Later developments in generative grammar have restricted the possible structural alterations performed by transformations, and attempts have been made t o b a s e special transformations like there insertion on general grammatical principles. Stowell (1978) has brought into this discussion a suggestion to the effect that the syntagm following the be form should be analysed as a proposition. The example sentence There are some people sick is composed of there are plus the complement some people sick, whose content is described thus: "... the entire complement is interpreted as a situation or event; that is, the second constituent [= sick] is attributed to the NP [= some peop/e], as if the NP were its subject" (Stowell 1978: 464). Stowell's suggestion has become known in recent generative literature as the "small clause analysis", where "small clause" means a proposition (semantically composed of a subject and a predicator), which does not appear as a grammatical sentence because the finite verb is missing. All that remains of the complex there insertion is the insertion of there if the semantic subject of the "small clause" is not made into the grammatical subject of the whole sentence by the

120

general movement rule known as MOVEoc, which is the only remaining transformation. The sentences Some people are sick and There are some people sick derive from the following initial structure: [ e ] are [some people s i c k ] s c . The empty category [ e ] is filled either by the noun phrase some people, through the movement rule M O V E a , or by there, with the noun phrase some people staying in its "small clause". Common to both transformational analyses is the fact that the "coda" is not analysed as a noun phrase (NP). However, this is precisely the assumption made in the various versions of the phrase structure hypothesis, which generates the syntagm that follows the be form as an NP. The sentences There was an accident and John was a teacher are generated by the same rules of the base. The phrase structure hypothesis was first introduced by Jenkins (1972) and has been represented more recently by Williams (1984), for example. There has been a great deal of discussion about the arguments for and against the two positions and the forms they have taken. Criticism within generative grammar can be found in Jenkins (1975: chapters 3-8), Lumsden (1988, chapter 1.6), Milsark (1976: chapters 1-5) and Safir (1985: chapter 5). Critical appraisals that do not follow the generative grammar model are to be found in Breivik (1983: chapter l), Erdmann (1976: chapter 2) and Hannay (1985: chapters 3.3, 4.1 and 4.2).

3.2.5

There in non-finite clauses

As was shown in previous examples, there clauses can be found in finite main and subordinate clauses. They also occur in non-finite clauses: in for...to constructions; in expanded to infinitives (to be more precise, in accusative and infinite constructions); and in ing syntagms.

3.2.5.1

For...to

constructions

These constructions, when they occur with there introduced by for, can have either a nominal or an adverbial function. They appear in the former in extrapositional or equative sentences, for example. "Where no m i n d exists, it is impossible for t h e r e to be e i t h e r dirt or cleanliness." ( H a n s f o r d Johnson, Skipton. 175) T h e o p t i m u m relationship is for t h e r e to be Ps [â&#x20AC;˘ persons] w h o get on well with e a c h other... (Argyle, Psychology: 223)

When for...to constructions are adverbials, they are commonly used as adverbials of purpose and result. T h e r e m u s t be a considerable degree of s y n c h r o n i z i n g of interaction styles Tor t h e r e to be social behaviour at all. (Argyle, Psychology: 102)

121

... he [ ' Cromwell] succeeded indeed s u f f i c i e n t l y for there to be no immediate Restoration on his death. (Fraser. Cromwell: SS2)

3.2.5.2

7b i n f i n i t i v e s

W h e n there

f o r m s part of a to i n f i n i t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n that

has

its

notional s u b j e c t a p p e a r i n g g r a m m a t i c a l l y as t h e o b j e c t of t h e n e x t

own

higher

v e r b , it o c c u r s a f t e r t w o groups of p r e d i c a t o r s , w h i c h m a y b e d i s t i n g u i s h e d f r o m e a c h o t h e r by w h e t h e r or not t h e y (1975: Verb (155)

Pattern

allow passivization,

cf.

Hornby

17).

I expected there to be an argument about our failure.

(156) T h e r e was expected to be an argument about our f a i l u r e . (157)

I wanted there to be an argument about our failure.

(158) ' T h e r e was wanted to be an argument about our f a i l u r e . The

first

cause, suppose

group

declare,

of v e r b s , expect,

and think

those

imagine,

allowing know,

passivization,

mean

("intend"),

includes prove,

allow, require,

("expect").

In 1876 August Leskien examined Schleicher's and Schmidt's theories and declared there to be no contradiction between them. (Sampson, Schools: 20) ... speaker and hearer both knew there to be only one box in the (Hawkins. Definiteness: 178)

situation...

Modern logic gains symmetry and simplicity by according a primary role rather to a reading of "All χ are y" that does not require there to be x. ( T i m e s Literary Supplement 26 August 77. 1018: 5) In short, we may suppose there to be available to an agent a store οΓ well-attested propositions purporting to be general principles of conduct, and by no m e a n s worthless. (Oakeshott, Conduct: 90) T h e s e c o n d group, w h i c h d o e s not a l l o w p a s s i v i z a t i o n , emotional

r e a c t i o n s u c h as like,

prefer

and

contains verbs

want.

T h i s is an important milestone in the history of the industry and I would not like there to be any doubt [sic] its significance." (Daily Telegraph 7 March 75, 2: 4) I f the Lord God had really wanted there to be no wars he ought to have made a world consisting of one continent surrounded by one ocean." (Marshall, Danube: 127) There

c a n a l s o appear

as part of

a f t e r c a u s a t i v e v e r b s s u c h as let or

an i n f i n i t i v e

construction

without

to,

make.

"Look at life through this, look at life through that; let there be rose leaves, let there be vine leaves - I covered the whole street." (Woolf, Waves: 175) "Please God m a k e there be a good scent." (Waugh, Dust: 94) F i n a l l y , there

is found a f t e r v e r b s requiring a n o m i n a l i z e d ing

"... if you don't mind there being rather a fuss." (Bowen, Heat: 98)

122

form.

3.2.5.3

Ing forms

Ing forms with there sometimes function as adverbials of reason. He had r e a c h e d this town on the back boards of a p e a s a n t ' s cart, t h e r e being no o t h e r transport... (Lessing, Non-marrying mam 25) T h e r e being no f u r t h e r questions or c o m m e n t s on that score, Smiley r e s u m e d his Cook's tour of t h e c h a r m s of Hong Kong as a spy base, (le C a r r é , Schoolboy: 190)

Apart from this, ing forms are found after prepositions in the function of objects. The prepositions can depend on a verb, adjective or noun. The verbs include bother about, believe in, depend on·, among the adjectives a r e alive to, right/ wrong about·, and the nouns include piece about, chance/ idea/ possibility o f . People down h e r e bothered less about there being a t i m e and place for e v e r y t h i n g t h a n people at home. (Amis, Take a girl: 105) He was right about t h e r e being a mess inside. (Powell, Soldier's

art: 157)

"... the idea of t h e r e being somebody in the street outside g a i n e d on him as t h e e v e n i n g went on..." (Bowen, Heat: 292)

Ing forms are also found with there after simple and compound prepositions in the function of adverbials: without; because/ in spite o f . T h e air had cleared, lifted, lightened, without t h e r e being any point w h e r e they could say it had. (Lessing, City: 307) In spite of t h e r e having been no r e c e n t report f r o m Ortelga, it w a s just possible that some sort of tribal raid really w a s going to be m a d e on t h e Beklan plain. (Adams, Shardik: 149)

3.2.6

Uses of there

sentences

To date, there has been insufficient attention paid to the rôle of there sentences in texts. However, a few of the uses of there have been investigated and reported on in some detail, and the following section will concentrate on these.

3.2.6.1

Textual use

There sentences are a common way of introducing conversational topics into a discourse. Such topics include people, objects, events, etc., about whom/ which the hearer is to be informed. This usage is particularly noticeable when there sentences occur at the very beginning of stories, commentaries, verses or jokes. T h e r e was a young m a n f r o m Darjeeling, Who got on a bus bound for Ealing;

123

It said on the door: 'Don't spit on the floor'. So he c a r e f u l l y spat on t h e ceiling. (Penguin Book of LimericksÂˇ. 44)

There sentences with this kind of introductory function are not limited to the beginning of a story, etc., but may also be found further into the text, where they emphasize the importance of a topic for the current state or further progress of a discourse from the speaker's point of view. A f t e r he had cut (he cake, however, it o c c u r r e d to Mor that t h e r e w a s s o m e t h i n g else that needed doing, and that was to let Miss C a r t e r know that he had c h a n g e d h i s m i n d about telling his w i f e . (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 109) 1 even w e n t to the police, but t h e r e was nothing they could do." (Sillitoe. 307)

Start:

The introductory function of there has been variously described in both the earlier and more recent literature. Jespersen (1937: 130), for instance, says that so-called existential there "generally indicates (vaguely) the existence of something, on which fuller information is to follow". Kirkwood (1977: 230) writes that "... [existential sentences a r e ] a direct means of introducing a discourse referent and of enlarging the stock of knowledge of particulars shared by speaker and hearer." Similarly, Sheintuch (1980: 179) notes that "... one of the pragmatic functions of Mere-sentences is to introduce characters, objects and incidents into a discourse, by signalling that the speaker intends to supply more information about them." There sentences are also used to move heavy nominal groups that would otherwise have to appear in subject position into a position after the finite verb. Jespersen (1949: chapter 3.2 S ) writes that "... sometimes the reason for the there construction seems simply to be the length of the subject which has made it difficult to place it at the beginning of the sentence...". Here, it is sometimes the size that is decisive and sometimes the importance of the discourse referent. This option is often used to achieve a direct textual link. Felicity w a s in a rocky bay w h e r e at low tide t h e r e was revealed a great expanse of rounded boulders heaped at the base of the c l i f f . (Murdoch, Sandcastte: 216) Now, however, the crowd began to take sides, individual s c u f f l e s broke out a m o n g t h e m and a party of tribesmen f r o m up-country... began a c o n c e r t e d c h a r g e to t h e t r i u m p h a l car, round w h i c h t h e r e was soon raging a contest of I'm-king-ofthe-castle game. (Waugh, Mischief: 191) But together with this - and paradoxically - t h e r e had come to him f r o m his m o t h e r a c e r t a i n r e s e n t m e n t against E f r a f a and a f e e l i n g that they should have no m o r e of him than he cared to give them. (Adams, Down: 388) T h e r e should be about it [â&#x20AC;˘ such an orgy] the sense of combined wizardry and s u b s t a n t i a l n e s s that one f e e l s on h e a r i n g t h e p h r a s e "invisible exports" - an expression whose impressiveness is in no way lessened, but r a t h e r increased, by s e e m i n g to be a form of intangible p r o f i t e e r i n g p e r f o r m e d e n t i r e l y by ghosts." (Dennis, Cards: 9) They moved out of h e r field of vision and now t h e r e e m e r g e d f r o m the r u i n s

124

the rest of t h e travellers: the Hewsons, Mr Lazenby and Mr Pollock. (Marsh,

ConstablesÂˇ. 82)

3.2.6.2

There and Mere-less sentences

In many cases, there is a choice between presenting something in the form of a there sentence and a form without there. (159) T h e r e a r e several hotels in this town. (160) Several hotels a r e in this town.

Differences can be observed in diatypic variation here. Hornby accepts that the second sentence is possible, but points out that the there sentence would be more usual, especially in spoken English (Hornby 1975: 17). In other examples, the occurrence of parallel there and Mere-less sentences is impossible. (161)

T h e r e is no bus to Ludlow.

(162) *No bus is to Ludlow.

Various attempts have been made to describe the acceptable and unacceptable occurrences of there and Mere-less sentences. Kimball (1973) thinks that the decisive factor lies in the semantic relationship between the lexical subject and the object of the prepositional phrase. (163)

T h e r e is a p a i n / a splinter in my a r m .

(164) *A p a i n / A splinter is in my arm.

If the relationship of "inalienable possession" exists between the subject (a pain, a splinter) and the prepositional object (my arm), then the there sentence is the only possible option. If this relationship does not exist between them, then either a there or a Mere-less sentence can be used: "... the cases in which only the existential form of the sentence [= Meresentence] is grammatical are those which involve inalienable possession... (Kimball 1973: 262)". Kimball regards the obligatory use of a there sentence as a test for the semantic relationship of inalienable possession, and is thereby drawn into a circular argumentation, a criticism that also applies to Erdmann's suggestion (1976: parts 3 and 4) that the distinction between obligatory and optional there should be based on a difference in the semantics of be. He distinguishes a so-called nucleus be, which, depending on what the noun designates, expresses its presence, position or occurrence (and which is equivalent to lexical verbs like exist, hang and occur), from various forms of non-nucleus be, e.g. predicative be or the be of the passive and the expanded form. If a nucleus be is involved, then the use of there is obligatory and the Mere-less version is impossible. If there and Mere-less sentences can both be used, this indi-

125

cates that it is not only a nucleus be that is involved. For Bolinger (1977: 93-96), the determining factor in whether a there or a Mere-less sentence is used is the degree of awareness that the hearer brings to the comprehension of an utterance. Formulated from the speaker's point of view, this means that he or she takes care that the items and facts which figure in the discourse a r e in the current consciousness of the hearer. The there sentence is a way of ensuring or renewing the hearer's awareness of the topic of the discourse. If the items are already established in his consciousness, then the next stage is to arrange them, characterize them, etc. Bolinger (1977: 93 f) remarks of the pair of sentences Across the street is a grocery/ Across the street there's a grocery that: "... the first presents something on the immediate stage (brings something literally or figuratively BEFORE OUR PRESENCE) whereas the second presents something to our minds (brings a piece of knowledge into consciousness)...". He sees a gradual transition from the presentation of an item that is directly accessible for the hearer in his environment and his being made aware of it (again): "The more vividly on the stage an action is, the less appropriate there becomes... The less vividly on stage an action is, the more necessary there becomes." (Bolinger 1977: 95, 96). Travel guides are a good source of examples of the j u x t a position of there and Mere-less sentences in the usage described by Bolinger. A locality or object of interest will be introduced by a there sentence and presented to the reader. 77iere-less sentences will then give details, specifications, etc. The following example is taken from a guide to Manhattan. Most of ils [â&#x20AC;˘ the Jewish M u s e u m ' s ] visitors, naturally e n o u g h , a r e Jewish, but t h e r e a r e i n t e r e s t s h e r e Tor everyone. In the second floor M u s i c Room, w h i c h still c o n t a i n s a built-in h a r m o n i u m , is a collection of e l a b o r a t e religious silver and brass. On the third floor is the upper part of the e n t r a n c e wall of a Persian synagogue w h i c h dates f r o m ISSO... H e r e too is a section devoted to the a r c h a e o l o gy of t h e Holy Land... (Leapman, New York: 238)

Breivik (1983: chapter 3) is of the opinion that the use of a there or a Mere-less sentence is influenced purely by pragmatic factors. In his view, a there sentence is obligatory if the fact presented in it is not visually perceivable, as in a sentence like There is space in the room. If, on the other hand, a fact is visible, there may be used, but does not have to be, e.g. There is furniture in the room/ Furniture is in the room. In Breivik's (1983: 205) words: "... therel is obligatory in be EC [= existential clauses] which fail to convey visual impact." This formulation describes a tendency, but not a universal pragmatic principle for the use of there sentences. There are numerous examples of the omission of there in cases where the narrated fact cannot be seen, contrary to Breivik's "visual impact constraint". Nobody is in t h e garden. (Breivik 1983: 250)

126

... somewhere in one's mind was a wave-length, a band w h e r e m u s i c jigged and niggled, with or without words... (Lessing, City. 49)

The

most

convincing

explanation

t a k e s t h e u s e or n o n - u s e of there

date

is B o l i n g e r ' s

outline,

which

(in c a s e s w h e r e e i t h e r is p o s s i b l e )

t h e g r a m m a t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n of two p e r s p e c t i v e s

from which entities

b e s e e n . E n t i t i e s c a n b e "given" in a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . T h e i r

as can

presence

n e e d not b e t h e m a t i z e d . I n t e r e s t is c e n t r e d on t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n w i t h o t h e r e n t i t i e s or on their c o m p o s i t i o n , a c t i v i t y e t c . On t h e o t h e r hand, e n t i t i e s can b e m a d e known to h e a r e r s b e c a u s e they a r e u n a w a r e of t h e m ,

have

f o r g o t t e n t h e m or o v e r l o o k e d t h e i r i m p o r t a n c e in a s i t u a t i o n , or for o t h e r by

being

p r e s e n t e d as p a r t of a w h o l e . S e n t e n c e s d e s c r i b i n g e n t i t i e s a l r e a d y

r e a s o n s . If so, t h e

entities

will b e d r a w n

to their

attention

intro-

duced as p a r t of a s c e n a r i o (i.e. d e s c r i b i n g t h e c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e m , their f e a t u r e s , a c t i v i t i e s or s t a t e s ) u s u a l l y l a c k there. t e n c e s i n c l u d e there

w h e n they b r i n g

entities

In c o n t r a s t ,

to t h e h e a r e r s '

sen-

attention

as p a r t of a s c e n a r i o for t h e f i r s t t i m e .

3.3

E x t r a p o s i t i o n a l it s e n t e n c e s

Extrapositional

it s e n t e n c e s

(abbreviated

third d e f o c u s s i n g s y n t a g m u n d e r

to e x t r .

discussion

in this

it s e n t e n c e s ) c h a p t e r . It

are is

the

finite

and n o n - f i n i t e c l a u s e s which a r e found in t h e f u n c t i o n of a s u b j e c t

t h e position a f t e r t h e f i n i t e v e r b f o r m . (165) It astonished me that he left. (166) It was her n a t u r e to be kind to people. (167) It is rare for people to overcome their inertia. (168) It is no good beating about the bush.

E x t r . it s e n t e n c e s a r e appositive s t r u c t u r e s w h o s e it a n t i c i p a t e s t h e p o s t positioned finite or n o n - f i n i t e s y n t a g m . It c a n a l s o point a h e a d to nominal groups. "What's it called this tree?" (Pownall, War. 156) "It's disgraceful the way some f i r m s ignore the law." (Daily 75, 2: 8)

Telegraph

10 March

This c a t a p h o r i c u s e is not r e s t r i c t e d to it, but is a l s o found o c c a s i o n a l l y with o t h e r third p e r s o n p r o n o u n s , as w e l l as with this

and

that.

T h e y ' r e f i n e fellows these journalists really." (Wilson, Zoo: 21) "That's proper good that old badger of yours, the boy said. (Wilson, Zoo: 301)

W h e n u s e d to e m p h a s i z e c l a u s e s and nominal g r o u p s , it can a l s o b e a n a p h o r i c . This involves a p r e v i o u s l y m e n t i o n e d e l e m e n t of t h e t e x t

being

t a k e n up by it, and r e p e a t e d w o r d for w o r d or s u m m a r i z e d in t h e

same

127

s e n t e n c e . In a similar way, the speaker can u s e it to r e f e r to an entity that is "given" in a p a r t i c u l a r situation or to one a v a i l a b l e in his k n o w l edge. This p a r t is s e p a r a t e d f r o m the it c l a u s e in writing by a c o m m a or equivalent graphic means. We began to w a l k across the bridge. T h e light of day now showed the slow steady m o v e m e n t of low grey clouds above the lake. It w a s extraordinary, w a l k i n g w i t h her. I felt as if I w e r e someone in a story. (Murdoch, Child: 190) "When a r e you coming up?" "Monday. Spend C h r i s t m a s Day with the old folks, then back h e r e Boxing Day ready f o r s t a r t i n g Thursday." T a k i n g your g i r l - f r i e n d ? " ... "Not this trip. No, it's a case of doing duty as a loving son and g e t t i n g it over with." "It's a w f u l really, the way you grow away f r o m your parents." (Barstow, Watchers·. 88)

T h e s a m e applies to other pronouns. "Would you like to have m o r e ice? I can call M a r i a . T h e r e is a bell, but Charley always rings it." "Why?" "I a m not used to bells. All these e l e c t r i c t h i n g s - they f r i g h t e n me." (Greene, Consul·. 101 f )

T h e it in e x t r . it s e n t e n c e s like It is marvellous to be in love can t h e r e f o r e b e c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a c a t a p h o r i c p r o - f o r m which stands in apposition to its r e f e r e n t . Various t e r m s a r e used to r e f e r to this, such as " i n t r o ductory it" (Hornby 1975: 17), " p r e p a r a t o r y it" ( J e s p e r s e n 1933: c h a p t e r 16.l f t ) and "provisional it" (Kruisinga 1932: § 1003). M o r e r e c e n t l y , a distinction has b e e n m a d e b e t w e e n the extrapositional and the appositive use of p r o - f o r m s like it, e.g. Huddleston (1971: c h a p t e r 4.2.1) or Hudson (1972: 18 f).

3.3.1

Grammatical

analysis

Looked at as a c o m p l e t e s e n t e n c e , the e x t r . it s e n t e n c e is an appositive s t r u c t u r e in which c a t a p h o r i c it r e f e r s to the finite or n o n - f i n i t e r e f e r ential component. F r o m t h e g r a m m a t i c a l point of view, it is of t h e it c l a u s e and a subsequent

composed

component. T h e it c l a u s e is divided

into it (functioning as subject) and the p r e d i c a t e . T h e subsequent component can b e either a finite or non-finite syntagm. It It

is a pity does not worry

subject

that you cannot working with your

come. brother.

I predicate

I it c l a u s e

I subsequent

component

I extr. it s e n t e n c e

128

3.3.1.1

Predicates in the it clause

Both predicative and non-predicative predicators are found as predicates in the it clause, and they can each be either mono- or multi-valent. The predicative predicators comprise adjectives, nouns, pronouns and prepositions; the non-predicative predicators a r e verbs. It is noticeable that the types of predicate in the it clause vary in their frequency according to whether there is a finite or non-finite syntagm in the subsequent component. The following listings are based on statistical information from the monograph by Erdmann (1987: chapter 3.2). The finite syntagm in the subsequent component (represented here by the that clause), has the following predicators in the it clause. From the group of verbs, happen, emerge and follow are the most common intransitive verbs. It so happened that a m b e r f r o m the Baltic f i r s t m a k e s its a p p e a r a n c e in the Aegean a r o u n d the t i m e of the S h a f t Graves of M y c e n a e . ( R e n f r e w , Civilisation: 214) ... it soon emerged that their essential interest w a s safety. ( D a i l y Telegraph M a r c h 75. 16: l)

The most common transitive verbs a r e strike, one's notice, worry and surprise.

cross

one's

mind,

"It s t r u c k m e that his eyes seemed to be staring straight ahead..." ( D a i l y 14 M a r c h 75, 3: 3)

escape Telegraph

It surprised m e that I owned so little... (Sillitoe, Start: 74)

Of the prepositional verbs, occur most often.

to, come to and dawn upon are used

It n e v e r o c c u r r e d to us that we could sell locomotives to Brazil... ( S p e c t a t o r 11 January 75, 45: l) Even at forty-one it dawns on one that one will not live f o r e v e r . (Murdoch, Child: 1)

Passive verb forms are the largest group, both among the verbs themselves and in general. Verb forms without an agent phrase constitute a clear majority. The ten most frequently-used are: rated, hoped, thought, agreed, argued, assumed, said, added, believed and understood. It m a y be argued that the most pressing social problems a r e c o n c e r n e d with the r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n people... (Argyle, Interaction: 13) It has been said, not w i t h o u t some truth, that e v e r y o n e loves a n i c e juicy m u r d e r . (Spectator 15 M a r c h 75, 321: l)

Adjectives are the most numerous representatives of the predicative predicator classes, e.g. appropriate, clear, important, surprising, obvious, plain, probable and true. It is obvious e n o u g h that... prices will rise... ( D a i l y Telegraph

3 M a r c h 75, 12: 2)

129

It is t r u e t h e n that every word the t e a c h e r u t t e r s counts. (Britten, Language·. The

accident,

most

frequently-used

coincidence,

secret

are

and

predicative

nouns

188)

fact,

case,

wonder.

It is, of course, t h e case that ' h u m a n n a t u r e ' has, a l t e r n a t i v e l y , been understood as a system or process. (Oakeshott, Conduct: 94) i t ' s no secret that the G o v e r n m e n t ' s got into a ghastly mess." (Wilson, Zoo: 72) S o m e w h a t l e s s c o m m o n a r e p r e p o s i t i o n a l p h r a s e s l i k e of sequence

or to the

interest,

con-

point.

It is of t h e utmost c o n s e q u e n c e to t h e interests of this c o u n t r y that he [• Mr C a l l a g h a n ] should succeed. ( S p e c t a t o r 4 January 75, 2: 3) ... it is to t h e point that l a u d a n u m , as Coleridge once observed, gives vivid dreams. (Fowles, Woman: 82) Among the non-finite in t h e

subsequent

syntagms,

component.

in t h e it c l a u s e , e . g . do

and

t h e to

infinitive occurs

Intransitive

verbs

are

most

frequently

occasionally

found

pay.

' T h e y didn't look like police agents, but of c o u r s e it doesn't do to t a k e chances." (Greene, Consul·. 81) ... it pays to allow d e f i n i t e c a r e r e [sic] choices to e m e r g e gradually... ( D a i l y graph 24 M a r c h 75, 19: 4) Transitive verbs help

and

are found rather

more often, e.g.

take,

Tele-

require,

need,

suit.

And it suited m e to be the one left to a m u s e t h e girls. (Murdoch, Child: 8) "It takes two to m a k e a reconciliation..." (Daily Compared

w i t h t h e that

clause,

passive verb

Telegraph forms

7 M a r c h 75, 3: 7) are

noticeably

less

common. Some t i m e ago it was decided to search for the n e c e s s a r y conditions for a (global) market... ( S p e c t a t o r 29 M a r c h 75, 364: l) It is not intended to discuss this issue... (Cleave, Disease:

71)

O f t h e p r e d i c a t i v e p r e d i c a t o r s and t h e p r e d i c a t o r s a s a w h o l e ,

adjectives

form the largest

hard

and

t h e n a t u r e of

social

group,

e . g . good,

important,

difficult,

easy,

essential. It is e x t r e m e l y d i f f i c u l t to m a k e g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s about change... (Buchan, End: 88)

... it is essential to study social behaviour in s p e c i f i c c u l t u r a l settings. (Argyle, Interaction: 16) P r e d i c a t i v e n o u n s a r e a l s o w e l l r e p r e s e n t e d , e . g . duty, and

mistake,

job,

thing

intention. "The Jesuits used to tell us it was o u r duty to love God." (Greene, Consul: 259) "You'll n e v e r f i n d a swordstick like that again. It w a s a great m i s t a k e to throw it away." (Powell. Books: 238)

130

In contrast, prepositional expressions like in one's

interest

or up to

some-

one occur far less often. It would not be in the public interest to disclose information... ( D a i l y 26 M a r c h 75. 2: 8)

Telegraph

Clearly, it was up to m e to decide w h e t h e r I w a n t e d to live or die... (Dennis, House: 39)

The for...to

construction is not commonly found as a subsequent component

with verbs in the it clause. It t a k e s at least a g e n e r a t i o n Tor leading ideas to seep into the suburbs... (Dennis, Cards. 275) W h e n the doorbell rang at last, it needed a major e f f o r t for h e r not to scream... (Marquis, Hospital: 262)

This construction is more frequent with predicative predicatore in the it clause, and is usually found in connection with adjectives, e.g. difficult,

common,

(impossible,

natural

and

necessary,

proper.

... it is common for an oligarchy to do most of the work... (Argyle. 298)

Interaction:

It is ' n a t u r a l ' for a m a n to like his beer. (Hoggart, Uses: 95)

Predicative nouns, in contrast, are rarer. ... it is the merest folly for European politicians g r a t u i t o u s l y to o f f e n d protector... ( S p e c t a t o r 8 Febrary 75, 137: 2)

their

"It w a s a big thing for them to t a k e in a child at t h e i r time of life." (Barstow, Tomorrow: 208)

There is a similar distribution of predicators in the it clause for nominalized ing forms in the subsequent component. It didn't f e e l good being the one person b e t w e e n my f r i e n d s and injury. (Sillitoe, Start: 121) "... it's broken his heart the Reserve coming to an end." (Wilson, Zoo: 227)

Predicative predicators are more numerous, with predicative topping the list, e.g. good,

difficult

and

adjectives

nice.

"It w a s good seeing the girls again at SeĂąora Sanchez'." (Greene, Consul: 192) "It has been n i c e m e e t i n g you..." ( D a i l y Telegraph

Typical predicative nouns are no use, fun

and

21 M a r c h 75, 3: 2)

job.

'It's no use m i n c i n g matters." (Sillitoe, Start: 84) It's m u c h m o r e f u n seeing a p i c t u r e with the a u d i e n c e it w a s m e a n t for. tator 22 M a r c h 75, 352: 4)

(Spec-

With non-finite syntagms in the subsequent component, predicative predicators are most common in the it clause. For all three types, predicative adjectives are the most frequently-occurring group. If the subsequent component consists of a that clause, then passive verb forms are the

131

most common.

3.3.1.2

T h e subsequent component

T h e subsequent component of an e x t r . it s e n t e n c e can b e f o r m e d f r o m either a finite or n o n - f i n i t e syntagm. T h e finite syntagms include the that c l a u s e , as well as c l a u s e s introduced by a W H f o r m . T h e n o n - f i n i t e syntagms a r e the to infinitive, the for...to construction and the nominalized ing form.

3.3.1.2.1

Finite c l a u s e s

T h e finite c l a u s e forming the subsequent component of an e x t r . it s e n t e n c e is usually introduced by that. H o w e v e r , it does occasionally appear without introductory that. (169) It s e e m s c e r t a i n (that) h e will help us.

Unanimity has not been r e a c h e d about the f a c t o r s that i n f l u e n c e the p r e s e n c e or a b s e n c e of that. A that introducing a c l a u s e signals that the syntagm which follows is to be understood and analysed as a finite c l a u s e e l e m e n t . As has o f t e n been pointed out, that can e l i m i n a t e possible p e r c e p t u a l difficulties with t h e g r a m m a t i c a l links b e t w e e n e l e m e n t s of the that c l a u s e and the s y n t a c t i c c o t e x t . (cf. Bolinger (1972b), in p a r t i c u l a r , on the p r o b l e m of that as an introductory e l e m e n t in a c l a u s e . ) If the subsequent component is not in apposition to it, but functions as t h e subject of the s e n t e n c e , then that is obligatory. (170)

T h a t he will help us s e e m s c e r t a i n .

(171) " H e will help u s s e e m s c e r t a i n .

In addition to that, W H forms appear as connectors, where, whether, who[m), why and how.

e.g. what,

when,

... by the t i m e I pulled up at the kerb it w a s obvious w h a t I should do. (Sillitoe, StartÂˇ. 74) He said, "Hills or In lĂŠ, it's all one to m e w h e r e you go." (Adams, Down: 123) It is d o u b t f u l w h e t h e r politicians a r e good at (Spectator 11 January 75, 32: 2)

i d e n t i f y i n g w h a t voters

... it m a t t e r s little who owns the land... ( D a i l y Telegraph

want...

18 M a r c h 75. 21: 3)

"... it's no c o n c e r n of o u r s w h o m F o r t n u m marries." ( G r e e n e , Consul: 68) It may be asked why leaders a r e necessary at all... (Argyle, Interaction: "It is a m a z i n g how one can lie..." (Daily

T h e W H f o r m when

132

Telegraph

299)

14 M a r c h 75, 17: 6)

can b e used either as an adverb or as a conjunction.

W h e n a p p e a r i n g as t h e f o r m e r , it a l l o w s b o t h e x t r a p o s i t i o n and n o n - e x t r a position. A s

the l a t t e r , o n l y e x t r a p o s i t i o n

is p o s s i b l e ,

because

there

a g e n e r a l r u l e p r e v e n t i n g s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s i n t r o d u c e d by a c o n j u n c t i o n f r o m f u n c t i o n i n g as

subjects.

... it [- the osprey] became extinct by the beginning of the 20th [century], but a pair returned to breed in Speyside in the early 1950's. Exactly when the first s u c c e s s f u l nesting took place in re-establishment is uncertain. ( D a r l i n g / Boyd. Highlands·. 335) It is uncertain exactly when the nesting took place. It m a k e s me weep tears of despair w h e n I read the back pages... ( S p e c t a t o r 4 January 75. 11: 1) ' W h e n I read the back pages m a k e s m e weep tears οΓ despair. ... it would surprise nobody if the party were to split... (Daily Telegraph 75. 16: 3)

14 March

*If the party were to split would surprise nobody. A l t h o u g h s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e s i n t r o d u c e d by a c o n j u n c t i o n c a n b e they c a n n o t f u n c t i o n as

fronted,

subject.

(172) When I read the back pages, it m a k e s me weep. (173) If the party were to split, it would surprise nobody.

3.3.1.2.2

Non-finite

clauses

T h e t w o b a s i c n o n - f i n i t e s y n t a g m s that appear as t h e s u b s e q u e n t nent in e x t r .

it s e n t e n c e s

a r e t h e to i n f i n i t i v e and

the

f o r m . B o t h c a n b e e x p a n d e d by having their o w n notional to i n f i n i t i v e is t h e n r e f e r r e d to as t h e for...to

compo-

nominalized subject.

c o n s t r u c t i o n , but no s e p a r a t e

t e r m has e m e r g e d to d e s c r i b e t h e e x p a n s i o n of t h e n o m i n a l i z e d ing w i t h its o w n notional

ing The form

subject.

T h e to infinitive: I think it pleased him to meet m e again... ( S p e c t a t o r 25 January 75, 91: 2) It was outside his talent and f u n c t i o n to perceive the extraordinary. (Pownall. War. 34) T h e for...to

construction:

It is in fact common practice for informative books to be brought up to date... (Britton, Language: 175) ... it is in the interest of the Liberals in particular for Labour to do as well as possible. [New Statesman 30 March 84, 7: 2)

T h e n o m i n a l i z e d ing

form

(non-expanded):

I t ' s terrible being a child, when you don't know what's happening to you." (Siili-

133

toe, Start: 202) i t ' s damned hard work writing letters." (Greene, Consul: 233 f) T h e n o m i n a l i z e d ing f o r m ( e x p a n d e d ) : I t ' s odd you being allowed to keep a dog, Ma says. (Cochrane, Head: 9) I t ' s rather a nuisance your having to go up to Norfolk on Thursday... (Wilson, Zoo: 111)

3.3.2

A n a l y s e s of t h e e x t r . it s e n t e n c e

E x t r . it s e n t e n c e s a r e d e a l t with in t h e l a r g e d e s c r i p t i v e g r a m m a r s E n g l i s h . For our

purposes,

a brief

review

of J e s p e r s e n ' s

interpretation

is s u f f i c i e n t . A m o n g t h e m o r e r e c e n t g r a m m a t i c a l t h e o r i e s , it is p r i m a r i l y g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r which has d e a l t with this s t r u c t u r e . M e n t i o n b e m a d e of R o s e n b a u m ' s p i o n e e r i n g a n a l y s i s (1967). H a l l i d a y b e t a k e n as r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of f u n c t i o n a l

should

(1985)

can

explanations.

J e s p e r s e n e x t e n d s t h e u s e of t h e t e r m " e x t r a p o s i t i o n "

in t h e

same

way as I h a v e in this c h a p t e r . Not only does he d e s c r i b e c a s e s of c l a u s e e m p h a s i s in s u b j e c t and o b j e c t position as e x t r a p o s i t i o n ( J e s p e r s e n

1927:

§ 2 . 1 3 ) , e.g. It is right

travel,

but

also

(Jespersen What

includes

to help

him

(non-restrictive)

1927: § 1.12), e.g. He

is worst,

lost

or He found

his

key.

appositions

is a clever

boy,

it a strain under that

this Tom

heading Smith

For J e s p e r s e n , t h e c a s e s q u o t e d h a v e a

c o m m o n f u n c t i o n ( J e s p e r s e n 1927: § 17.1 2 ): "Words in extraposition may be added as a kind οΓ after-thought after the sentence has been completed; they stand outside it and form, as it were, a separate utterance, which might even be called a separate sentence..." W i t h i n g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r , R o s e n b a u m ' s d i s s e r t a t i o n of 1967 is p r o b a b l y t h e b e s t - k n o w n w o r k on e x t r a p o s i t i o n . H e l i m i t s t h e u s e of t h e t e r m

t h e e x t r a p o s i t i o n of s u b j e c t and o b j e c t c l a u s e s . A c c o r d i n g to his a n a l y s i s , a s e n t e n c e like It surprised

us that

Bill

left

early

is d e r i v e d

from

initial s t r u c t u r e in which it is a p r o - f o r m for t h e e m b e d d e d c l a u s e Bill

left

early,

and a p p e a r s w i t h it u n d e r t h e s u b j e c t N P node. T h e

node of this initial surprised us that Bill

structure

consists

and t h e o b j e c t N P us. left

e m b e d d e d that

early,

(in s i m p l i f i e d f o r m ) of t h e

T h e s e n t e n c e given a b o v e , It

an that VP

verb

surprised

results from a transformation which e x t r a c t s

the

c l a u s e f r o m t h e s u b j e c t N P and positions it a f t e r t h e V P .

This o p e r a t i o n of e x t r a p o s i t i o n i n g h a s given t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n its n a m e . The non-extrapositional

s e n t e n c e That Bill

left

early

surprised

is a

r e s u l t of t h e d e l e t i n g of t h e p r o - f o r m it. T h e discussion within g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r i n i t i a t e d by R o s e n b a u m ' s a n a l y s i s is s u m m a r i z e d in H u d d l e s t o n (1976: c h a p t e r 8 ) , t o g e t h e r with rival

134

theories.

Finally, Halliday gives an analysis of extr. it sentences and their non-extr. equivalents as independent structures that are not transformationally related to each other. The sentence It's no use crying over spilt milk consists of the discontinuous subject it and crying over spilt milk, the finite element ' s and the complement no use. The non-extr. equivalent Crying over spilt milk is no use is composed of the subject crying over spilt milk, the finite element is and the complement no use. The subdivision of the sentence into mood, by which he means subject and finite verb component, and residue differs correspondingly. In the extr. it sentence, the mood includes the residue (no use), whereas, in the non-extr., the mood precedes the residue.

3.3.3

Uses of the extr. it sentence

In the vast majority of cases, extr. it sentences exist alongside their non-extraposed equivalents. (174) It is obvious that all a t t e m p t s have Tailed. (175) T h a t all a t t e m p t s have failed is obvious.

The relationship here varies according to the structure of the subsequent component, and there is further variation within the individual structure, according to the predicate-type of the it clause. Simplifying somewhat, it appears that extraposition clearly predominates over non-extraposition with that clauses, the for...to "construction and the to infinitive. It is only with the nominalized ing forms that the two structures are more or less equally balanced. For all subsequent components, predicative nouns (and especially adjectives) occur with extraposition more often than with non-extraposition. In the latter case, predicates with complements a n d / or attributions predominate. (More precise statistics can be found in Erdmann (1987: chapter 3.2.2)).

3.3.3.1

Extraposition and non-extraposition

What factors influence whether extraposition or non-extraposition is chosen? Sometimes, only one of these constructions is possible. For example, in an extr. it sentence which has - as predicator in the it clause a modal auxiliary verb in conjunction with be or a secondary modifier like appear, seem, or turn out, the subsequent component cannot be made into the subject. ... it could be that r e c e n t events will have a sobering e f f e c t on party m i l i t a n t s . (Spectator 29 M a r c h 75, 371: l) â&#x20AC;˘ T h a t r e c e n t e v e n t s will have an e f f e c t could be.

135

It seemed to Hazel that there was no particular hurry. (Adams, Down: 214) ' T h a t there was no particular hurry seemed to Hazel. If the forms mentioned modify a predicator (e.g. a predicative or noun) in the it clause, the subsequent

component

adjective

can be made

into

the subject. It may be better Tor humanity that we should communicate more and more. (Fowles, Woman: 115) That we should communicate more may be better Tor humanity. ... it appeared to be unequivocally a good thing that she [â&#x20AC;˘ Mrs Gandhi] ruled India... (Spectator 19 April 75. 461: 2) That she ruled India appeared to be a good thing. If the it c l a u s e contains an intransitive verb like emerge,

transpire,

then the subsequent component cannot b e made into a subject either. It does not follow, alas! that trying to reach the truth through thinking simply is easy. (Cleave, Disease: V) "That trying to reach the truth through thinking simply is easy does not follow. The subsequent component of this type of extr. it s e n t e n c e is a c c e p t a b l e if the predicator of the it c l a u s e is modified by modal

auxiliary

verbs

a n d / or contains other c o m p l e m e n t s or attributions. It follows, therefore, both from the magnitude, and from the recentness, of the alterations in these refined carbohydrates, that a grievous lack of adaptation in the body to their consumption is likely to be present. (Cleave, Disease: 7) That a grievous lack of adaptation is likely to be present follows both from the magnitude and from the recentness of the alterations in carbohydrates. A similar phenomenon can b e seen in e x t r . it s e n t e n c e s predicators

in the it c l a u s e .

If the passive

predicator

with

has

passive

other

modifiers a n d / or complements or attributions, the subsequent

verb

component

will tend to b e used as a subject more than in the c a s e w h e r e m o d i f i c a tion is lacking, if there are no other c o m p l e m e n t s or adverbial

additions.

It is estimated that 7,000 manhours go into each yacht. (Daily Telegraph March 75. 10: 7)

"That 7,000 manhours go into each yacht is estimated. It can hardly be doubted that ways of construing experience exist in children before they have learned to use language... (Britton, Language: 29) That ways of construing experience exist in children can hardly be doubted. ... it has recently been found by Jahoda (1963) that short-sighted people are on average more intelligent than normals. (Argyle, Interaction: 135) That short-sighted people are more intelligent than normals has recently been found by Jahoda. The previously-mentioned second restriction on the u s e of

extraposition

and non-extraposition is the c a s e in which only non-extraposition is p o s -

136

sible. Thus, that clauses a r e not g e n e r a l l y found as the subsequent ponent

of e x t r . it sentences if the p r e d i c a t o r of the it c l a u s e

c o m p l e m e n t s in the f o r m of that t r a n s i t i v e verbs such as imply, (176)

comallows

c l a u s e s . This applies, for e x a m p l e , to

show

and

suggest.

T h a t h e has r e t u r n e d to England shows that h e still likes t h e country.

(177) ?It shows that he still likes the c o u n t r y that h e h a s r e t u r n e d to England.

T h e low level of acceptability of the type of e x t r . it s e n t e n c e shown in (177) has less to do with g r a m m a t i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n than with the difficulties involved in understanding a construction like this. P r e d i c a t o r e like show indicate a c a u s e - r e s u l t relation b e t w e e n two events (usually p e r c e i v e d in that o r d e r ) , but the e x t r . it s e n t e n c e r e v e r s e s this s e q u e n c e .

3.3.3.2

T h e principle of c o m p l e m e n t a r y weight

In order to be able to c h a r a c t e r i z e the ways in which e x t r a p o s i t i o n and n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n a r e used, it is a p p r o p r i a t e to c o n c e n t r a t e on the n u m e r ically most common group of e x a m p l e s , which allows both constructions. Analysis of such cases r e v e a l s a principle dominating t h e distribution b e t w e e n extraposition and n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n - that of t h e "weight" of constituents and their sequence in the t e x t . As discussed in chapter 1.3.4, the division of constituents into light or heavy is r e l a t e d to their size. T h e fewer e l e m e n t s (apart f r o m the nucleus) a constituent contains, the lighter it is; t h e more e l e m e n t s (apart f r o m t h e nucleus) it contains, the heavier it is. In e x t r . it sentences, the e x t r a p o s e d subject (whether it b e in the f o r m of a that c l a u s e , a simple or expanded infinitive or a nominalized ing form)_ is always heavy, b e c a u s e it consists not only of a nucleus noun, but of propositions or parts of propositions. T h e p r e d i c a t e in t h e s e s e n t e n c e s can b e either light or heavy. In general t e r m s , the interplay of p r e d i c a t e and subject can be described as follows: T h e h e a v i e r the predicate, the g r e a t e r t h e probability that non-extraposition will be used; the lighter the predicate, the g r e a t e r t h e probability that extraposition will be used.

This p a t t e r n of distribution, which follows the principle of c o m p l e m e n t a r y weight, r e p r e s e n t s the unmarked case. Typical s e n t e n c e s a r e : 'It is obvious that a large proportion of the population work b e c a u s e they have to..." ( D a i l y Telegraph 7 March 75, 17: 3) ... it is cosy sitting in my old c h a i r with my f e e t stuck out across the h e a r t h in f r o n t of that big fire. (Barstow, WatchersÂˇ. 29) T h a t Wyatt had a r c h i t e c t u r e in his blood is proved by the t h i r t e e n m e m b e r s of his f a m i l y w h o w e r e a r c h i t e c t s . (Sitwell, Architects: 232) For t h e Tory party to muddle on in policy m a t t e r s now... merely invites the elec-

137

toral response that, if we are to have collectivism, we had better have it with the experts... (Spectator 25 Januay 75, 84: 3) T h e r e is a l e x i c a l a s p e c t to t h e p r i n c i p l e of c o m p l e m e n t a r y w e i g h t , and this is p a r t i c u l a r l y

evident

with b i - v a l e n t

predicators,

which

fall

t w o l e x i c a l g r o u p s . T h e f i r s t is a c l a s s of v e r b s of which strike, dawn

(up)on

and occur

to a r e

representatives,

into worry,

and which d e s c r i b e

the

f a c t that a p e r s o n (usually e x p r e s s e d by m e a n s of a p r o n o u n ) is a f f e c t e d by an e m o t i v e or cognitive e v e n t . T h e second is a g r o u p of v e r b s p r e s e n t ing t h e e f f e c t s of a s t a t e of a f f a i r s . T h e s e i n c l u d e entail, and prove.

lead

to,

make

As a g e n e r a l r u l e , t h e f i r s t g r o u p of v e r b s c a n b e said to o c c u r

mainly in e x t r . it s e n t e n c e s

and t h e s e c o n d in n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n a l

t e n c e s . T h e f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n s may a l s o b e linked with t h e

sen-

above-

m e n t i o n e d p r i n c i p l e . P a s s i v e v e r b f o r m s without an a g e n t p h r a s e a r e found p r i m a r i l y in e x t r a p o s i t i o n , w h e r e a s t h o s e with an agent p h r a s e p r e d o m i n a t e in n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n . P r e d i c a t i v e a d j e c t i v e s and nouns l i k e awkward, teresting,

true;

fact,

pity

and wonder

t e n c e s , w h i l s t p r e p o s i t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s like characteristic indication

of and tribute

3.3.3.3

o f , due

toÂˇ,

to a r e most c o m m o n l y found in n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n .

A r e c e n t t r e a t m e n t of infinitival s u b j e c t c l a u s e s can b e (1990: c h a p t e r

in-

a p p e a r m o r e o f t e n in e x t r . it s e n -

found in

Mair

2).

Textual

reference

T h e main d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n e x t r . it s e n t e n c e s

and

non-extrapositional

s y n t a g m s is that t h e l a t t e r a c t as a signal to t h e h e a r e r

to s e a r c h

t h e d i s c o u r s e , in t h e s i t u a t i o n or in his k n o w l e d g e for a f a c t r e l a t e d

t h e s t a t e of a f f a i r s with which he has b e e n p r e s e n t e d

by t h e

speaker.

This c a n o c c u r in t h e f o r m of a l i t e r a l r e p e t i t i o n , s o m e t h i n g r a r e l y found in t e x t s . This dichotomy spreads right through his career, even from the war days and before, down to the essential picture of Cromwell as a man of action. That he was a man of action can scarcely be doubted... (Fraser, Cromwell: 700) T h e r e f e r e n c e is m o r e o f t e n p r o d u c e d by m e a n s of a n a p h o r i c like this/

that,

it or so, which o c c u r as p a r t of t h e

pronouns

non-extraposition.

These newer family magazines are making the older ones fight for existence all along the line because they are their direct competitors and successors. That we do not always recognize this is probably partly due to our disinclination to admit that the true succession has been taken over by these dubiously dressed newcomers. (Hoggart, Uses: 219 f) T e x t u a l c r o s s - r e f e r e n c e s c a n a l s o b e a c h i e v e d using s e n s e r e l a t i o n s synonymy,

antonymy

hyponymy).

the

following

b r o u g h t about by t h e s i m i l a r i t y in m e a n i n g of analogous

example, and

(like

this

comparison.

The period of debate through which Britain is going, [Âˇ whether to join the Com-

138

mon M a r k e t or not] said Mrs. Williams, is a n a l o g o u s to the agony οΓ F r a n c e t h r o u g h the Algerian war. How t h e comparison c a m e into h e r silly m i n d m u s t e s c a p e t h e most e a r n e s t analyst... of modern politial rhetoric. ( S p e c t a t o r 22 M a r c h 75, 331: 1-2)

Our knowledge about processes and the course of events in the world of our experience ensures the successful identification of the reference in the next example, which is founded on the rule that a stay in a hotel must be paid for. Spinola and the group of o f f i c e r s w h o a c c o m p a n i e d him into exile a r e c o n t i n u i n g to live in the expensive J a r a g u a hotel in Sao Paolo.· «Who pays t h e bill is by no m e a n s clear. T h e Brazilian G o v e r n m e n t is not obliged to m a i n t a i n political exiles... ( D a i l y Telegraph 18 M a r c h 75, 4: 1)

In contrast to non-extraposition,

the extr. it sentence does not signal

any reference to the text up to that point, to the context, or to our knowledge about entities and events in the world. They are neutral this respect. This distinction explains the use of the two

constructions

in texts. It is usually only extr. it sentences that are found at the very beginning

of a text.

For instance,

an article

in "The Economist" on

Gorbachev's proposed reforms starts with the following sentence. »»It t a k e s b r a i n s as well as g u t s to r e - m a k e a revolution, and R u s s i a ' s M i k h a i l Gorbachev has both. (Economist 4-10 July 87. 13: 1)

Non-extraposition is occasionally found at the beginning of a story or article when the title permits a reference. Under the heading

"Stalin

had plan to oust Franco", a newspaper article begins as follows: » • H o w Stalin tried to get the Western Allies to join him in toppling G e n e r a l F r a n c o and his r e g i m e in Spain in 1945 is now revealed in f u l l in British docum e n t s relating to the Potsdam peace c o n f e r e n c e . ( D a i l y Telegraph 17 M a r c h 75, 4: 8)

On the other hand, non-extraposition is more commonly

found at

the

end of sections of text. In the following example, prior events are brought into play in the to infinitives. One looks for a discussion of pros and cons, but f i n d s only c o n d e m n a t i o n ; t h e r e is for i n s t a n c e no m e n t i o n of insulin, a l i f e - l i n e if ever t h e r e w a s one, a n d a saviour of m i l l i o n s of lives. To d e b u n k is one thing; to omit important f a c t s is quite another.« ( S p e c t a t o r 11 J a n u a r y 75, 37: 3)

There are two main forms in which extraposition and non-extraposition are used. In the first, they are used to attribute characteristics

to an

entity, to evaluate it or to present its effects. Mr Shelepin is due to visit Britain next m o n t h as the head of a Soviet trade union delegation. Mr Callaghan said it would not assist t h e c a u s e of f r e e trade u n i o n i s m in t h e USSR to r e f u s e to admit him. ( D a i l y Telegraph 26 M a r c h 75, 10: 1) As t h e a n c i e n t G r e e k well k n e w , to h o n o u r Artemis might e n t a i l t h e neglect of Aphrodite. (Oakeshott, Conduct: 66)

139

W i t h the s e c o n d f o r m , b o t h c o n s t r u c t i o n s c a n b e e m p l o y e d as links in a t e x t . In t h e e x t r . it s e n t e n c e , t h e e x t r a p o s e d part of t h e s e n t e n c e c o n t a i n s t h e t o p i c to b e d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r , w h e r e a s in n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n , t h e e l e m e n t supplying t h e s u b j e c t

matter

for t h e f o l l o w i n g d i s c o u r s e

appears

in t h e

p r e d i c a t e . T y p i c a l of this is t h e u s e of n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n at t h e b e g i n n i n g of s e c t i o n s w h i c h c o n t i n u e a t e x t . Doctor Plarr, during the whole time that he had been Margarita's lover, had never been able to distinguish with certainty between his rough p l a y f u l n e s s and his irony. Margarita had always assured him that her husband was a man of the most passionate jealousy - it would have hurt her pride to feel he did not really care. Perhaps indeed he did care, for she was at least one of his women, even though he had a great many. (Greene, Consul: 162) Thus, f r i e n d s or neighbours, suitors to a court or speakers οΓ a common language may each be said to constitute a socielas. It is what, in an earlier essay, I have called a moral relationship.· •To be associated in this m a n n e r may, in principle, be the outcome of a choice. Friends choose one another. (Oakeshott, Conduct: 201 f)

140

4.0 Focussing syntagms

As explained in c h a p t e r 1.2.1, I t a k e focussing to be the

emphasizing,

by g r a m m a t i c a l means, of a c o m p l e t e c l a u s e or of e l e m e n t s in a s e n t e n c e , namely, the t h r e e groups (nominal, v e r b a l and adverbial). In the sections below, I hope to d e m o n s t r a t e the e x t e n t to which this is possible,

and

will c o n c e n t r a t e on t h r e e focussing constructions: - focussing it sentences; (1) It is t h e l i v i n g w e h a v e got to t h i n k o f .

- focussing wh-

sentences;

(2) W h a t m a t t e r s a b o u t t h e a r t i s t is h i s p a i n t i n g .

- focussing copula sentences; (3) T h e t h i n g I l i k e a b o u t Bob is h i s h o n e s t y .

In each of these constructions, nominal groups - the living in (l), his painting in (2) and his honesty in (3) - a r e g r a m m a t i c a l l y emphasized in that they a r e part of a s e n t e n c e containing identifying be. In e a c h case, the focussing can be u n d e r s c o r e d by a comparison with s e n t e n c e equivalents which contain the s a m e information, but which a r e reduced g r a m m a t i c a l l y by not containing identifying be, e.g. We have got to think of the living, compared to (l). (See section 4.1.4 on the d i f f e r e n c e s in meaning b e t w e e n the two constructions.)

4.1

Focussing it sentences

Focussing it s e n t e n c e s (here abbreviated to foe. it s e n t e n c e s ) give g r a m matical prominence to nominal and adverbial groups in a s e n t e n c e . (4) It is D a n a ' s c l e v e r n e s s t h a t i n t r i g u e s m e . (5) It w a s m u c h l a t e r t h a t w e m e t a g a i n .

T h e usual (Lees

t e r m for these

1963) or

"cleft

focussing constructions

constructions"

(Huddleston

is " c l e f t 1984:

sentences"

chapter

14.6).

T h e t e r m "it c l e f t s " (Prince 1978: 883, fn l ) is also used in order

distinguish them f r o m s o - c a l l e d " p s e u d o - c l e f t s e n t e n c e s " . This t e r m i n o l o g ical tradition, s t a r t e d by Jespersen, has b e c o m e established as a convention

141

in c o n t e m p o r a r y

linguistic

writing,

mainly

through

publications

the

field of g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r . S y s t e m i c g r a m m a r m a k e s u s e of o t h e r t e r m s . Halliday

(1985: c h a p t e r 3.7) t a l k s about a " p r e d i c a t e d t h e m e " ,

meaning

e l e m e n t s i n t r o d u c i n g a s e n t e n c e (as in " D a n a ' s c l e v e r n e s s " / " m u c h (= t h e m e ) ) w h i c h a r e

i n t r o d u c e d by

the predicating

formula

later"

it +

be...

Young (1980: c h a p t e r 12.3) u s e s t h e t e r m " i f - t h e m e " . F o e . it s e n t e n c e s a r e s y n t a g m s in w h i c h t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e but u n s p e c i fied

it is d e t e r m i n e d by

a nominal

or a d v e r b i a l

expression.

If this

f o r m e d f r o m a nominal group, then its naming f u n c t i o n will b e e m p h a s i z e d . In general it is the people who pay Tees who choose. (Burgess, Guide: 148) "It's not my blood pressure that's wrong. It's life." (Greene, Consul: 48) In this t y p e of s e n t e n c e , t h e nominal g r o u p is p r e d o m i n a n t l y

definite. A

s e c o n d t y p e of f o e . it s e n t e n c e o c c u r s if t h e d e t e r m i n a t i v e it is s p e c i f i e d by a d e s c r i p t i v e noun s u c h as idiot,

or by a nominal

group

containing,

for e x a m p l e , a qualifying a d j e c t i v e c a r r y i n g t h e m a i n a c c e n t . It c e r t a i n l y w a s n o idiot w h o p l a n n e d t h i s . ( D e c l e r k 1983: 39) â&#x20AC;˘ T h e p e r s o n w h o p l a n n e d t h i s w a s c e r t a i n l y n o idiot. It w a s a t a l l m a n t h a t k i s s e d T h i m b e l i n a . ( D e l a h u n t y 1981: 3 4 ) â&#x20AC;˘ T h e m a n that kissed T h i m b e l i n a w a s a tall m a n .

In s u c h c a s e s , t h e nominal

g r o u p is u s u a l l y

i n d e f i n i t e . I will

t h e s e t w o t y p e s of foe. it s e n t e n c e as " n o n - a s c r i p t i v e " and As

f a r as

f r e q u e n c y is c o n c e r n e d ,

the non-ascriptive

o c c u r s f a r m o r e o f t e n in t e x t s than t h e

ascriptive.

foe.

When

refer

"ascriptive". it

sentence

reference

m a d e in t h e s e c t i o n s b e l o w to f o e . it s e n t e n c e s , w i t h no f u r t h e r s p e c i f i c a tion, then it is t h e n o n - a s c r i p t i v e t y p e (which might b e c a l l e d t h e n o r m a l c a s e ) that is m e a n t . T h e n o n - a s c r i p t i v e t y p e has a l s o

received

greater

a t t e n t i o n in t h e r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e to d a t e , and this has given r i s e to a host of d e s c r i p t i v e t e r m s such as " e q u a t i v e " ( H u d d l e s t o n 5.4.2), " i d e n t i f y i n g "

(Gundel

1977: 5 4 4 )

1971:

"specificational"

chapter

(Akmajian

1979: c h a p t e r 3.2.1, Higgins 1979: 7 - 1 2 , D e c l e r k 1 9 8 4 a : 131 f). A s c r i p t i v e f o e . it s e n t e n c e s a r e d e s c r i b e d as " p r o v e r b i a l " ( P r i n c e 1978: 905), " p r e d i c a t i v e " ( D e l a h u n t y 1981: 2 9 - 3 6 ) or " p r e d i c a t i o n a l " ( D e c l e r k 1983).

4.1.1

Grammatical

analysis

In foe. it s e n t e n c e s , nominal and a d v e r b i a l g r o u p s a p p e a r in t h e position after

be.

(6) It is d a i l y d i s c i p l i n e w h i c h k e e p s h i m g o i n g . (7) It w a s c o m p a r a t i v e l y s e l d o m t h a t t h e m e n w e r e on s t r i k e .

F r o m t h e g r a m m a t i c a l point of v i e w , t h e f o e . it s e n t e n c e s e e m s to b e a c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e with a main and a s u b o r d i n a t e c l a u s e . It is o f t e n s t a t e d

142

that a copula clause ("It is daily discipline"/ "It was comparatively seldom") is followed by a restrictive relative clause ("which keeps him going"/ "that the men were on strike"), but this is a contentious analysis of the foe. it sentence. In order to keep the terminology neutral, the foe. it sentence will be described grammatically as the "(complete) sentence", its focus as the "pre-clause" and its non-focus as the "post-clause". In the literature, the neutral terms used for p r e - and post-clauses include: focus/ residue (Taglicht 1984: l) and cleft focus/ cleft clause (Rochemont 1986: chapter 5).

4.1.1.1 The complete sentence There are several reasons for not analysing the post-clause in a foe. it sentence as a relative clause, as will be demonstrated below, especially in section 4.1.1.3. If one accepts these arguments, then the analysis of the complete sentence as a complex structure with a syntactic hierarchy of clauses becomes implausible. On the other hand, foe. it sentences contain grammatical phenomena traditionally regarded as cases of asyndetic parataxis, i.e. where there is juxtaposition of syntagms with no words linking them. The examples cited for this are usually those appearing to lack a relative pronoun functioning as subject, like It is money (that) makes the world go round. If this argument is accepted, then the complete sentence may be regarded as an example of (a)syndetic parataxis, constituting a third linking option, along with co- and subordination. (Cf. Lyons (1977: 626-629) on the problem of parataxis.)

4.1.1.2

The pre-clause

The pre-clause must contain, as a minimum, non-anaphoric it, a form of equative be, and the focus constituent. From the semantic point of view, it represents an equation between the element to be identified (= it) and its identifier (= focus constituent), the latter bearing the main accent (cf. Halliday 1985: chapter 5.4). A comparison with other copula sentences clearly reveals the syntactic-semantic structure of the pre-clause. (8) It is a g a m e ( t h a t ) t h e t e a m is a f r a i d to lose. (9) It is a s h a m e ( t h a t ) t h e t e a m ยกs a f r a i d to lose.

Sentence (8) states what corresponds to the simple Sentence (9), on the other to lose. An equivalent to afraid to lose is a shame.

precisely the team are afraid of losing, and sentence The team was afraid to lose a game. hand, qualifies the fact that the team is afraid this could be the sentence That the team is Here, the be is predicative and the it points

143

to the following that c l a u s e . (8) can also b e i n t e r p r e t e d as a c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e with an anaphoric it in the main c l a u s e ( r e f e r r i n g perhaps to a p r e v i o u s l y - m e n t i o n e d nominal group) plus a subordinate r e s t r i c t i v e relative clause. Various t e r m s a r e used to distinguish s e n t e n c e s with equative or p r e d i c a t i v e be. Some r e f e r to " s p e c i f i c a t i o n a l " or "predicational s e n t e n c e s " (Akmajian 1979: c h a p t e r 3.2.1, Higgins 1979: 7-12, D e c l e r k 1984a: 131 f), and others to "identifying" or "attributive s e n t e n c e s " (Gundel 1977: 544).

4.1.1.3

The post-clause

T h e p o s t - c l a u s e of a foe. it s e n t e n c e is reminiscent of a r e s t r i c t i v e r e l ative c l a u s e , an impression confirmed by the following f a c t s : 1. Pronouns found in r e s t r i c t i v e r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s also occur in p o s t c l a u s e s , e.g. who, which,

that and z e r o .

(10) It w a s the young m a n who helped m e across the street. (11) T h e young m a n who helped m e a c r o s s t h e street collapsed.

2. As long as they a r e not p r e c e e d e d by a preposition, pronouns can introduce the ( r e s t r i c t i v e ) r e l a t i v e c l a u s e . T h e linking word in the p o s t - c l a u s e takes the s a m e position. (12) It is the drug dealers (whom) the public is most c o n c e r n e d about. (13) T h e drug dealers (whom) t h e public is most c o n c e r n e d about escaped.

Listed below a r e some of the reasons for rejecting the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the p o s t - c l a u s e as a r e s t r i c t i v e r e l a t i v e clause: 1. Focus constituents

can include nominal expressions which

b e impossible as r e f e r e n t i a l

(pro)nouns

for pronouns

would

restrictive

c l a u s e s , e.g. proper names, i n t e r r o g a t i v e pronouns and personal

and

deictic pronouns. (14)

It w a s M a r c u s w h o got sold.

(15) ' M a r c u s w h o got sold could not recover his losses.

2. In c o n t r a s t to r e s t r i c t i v e r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s , the connecting word in p o s t - c l a u s e s can b e absent when functioning as subject. (16)

It's money m a k e s the world go round.

(17) *Money m a k e s t h e world go round m e a n s d i f f e r e n t t h i n g s to d i f f e r e n t people.

3. T h e well as relative possible

144

connector that in the p o s t - c l a u s e can r e f e r to adverbial as nominal focus constituents. This is impossible in a r e s t r i c t i v e c l a u s e . C o n v e r s e l y , r e l a t i v e adverbs like when and why a r e both in r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s and in p o s t - c l a u s e s .

(18) It w a s y e s t e r d a y t h a t / w h e n w e b o u g h t t h e c a r . (19) Y e s t e r d a y ' t h a t / w h e n w e b o u g h t t h e c a r Bob h a d a d r i n k .

4. T h e r e is t e n s e a g r e e m e n t in the foe. it s e n t e n c e b e t w e e n its p r e and p o s t - c l a u s e s ; in other words, it may contain only t i m e of t h e s a m e t i m e - f i e l d , which is not t h e c a s e with t h e

relations component

c l a u s e s of a c o m p l e x sentence. (20) It i s / " w a s t h e g i r l w h o n u r s e d t h e s i c k c h i l d t h a t w i l l b e r e w a r d e d .

As a c o m p l e x s e n t e n c e with anaphoric it, an e x a m p l e like It was girl who will be rewarded

the

is a c c e p t a b l e .

On the d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n r e s t r i c t i v e r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s and p o s t - c l a u s e s , s e e D e c l e r k (1983: 41 f, fn 6), H u d d l e s t o n (1971: c h a p t e r 5.4.2), S t a h l k e (1976), Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 18.28) and van der A u w e r a (1985).

4.1.2

Focussability of constituents

Of the t h r e e groups occurring in the English s e n t e n c e , the nominal

and

adverbial a r e the only ones that can be given g r a m m a t i c a l emphasis. It is impossible in English to focus a v e r b a l group. (21)

T h i s m o r n i n g Bob lost h i s w a l l e t .

(22)

It w a s Bob w h o lost h i s w a l l e t t h i s m o r n i n g .

(23)

It w a s h i s w a l l e t Bob lost t h i s m o r n i n g .

(24)

It w a s t h i s m o r n i n g t h a t Bob lost h i s w a l l e t .

(25) "It w a s lost h i s w a l l e t t h a t Bob t h i s m o r n i n g . (26) ?It w a s lost h i s w a l l e t t h a t Bob did t h i s m o r n i n g .

Quirk et al. (1985: chapter

18.27) describe s e n t e n c e s

like (26), which

occur in Irish English, as "stylistically m a r k e d " .

4.1.2.1

Nominal groups

T h e focussing of nominal groups can b e f u r t h e r divided according to the s y n a t a c t i c function which they have in t h e p o s t - c l a u s e or in t h e c o r r e sponding simple s e n t e n c e . Nominal groups appear as subjects and subject c o m p l e m e n t s , and also as objects and object c o m p l e m e n t s . As r e g a r d s their g r a m m a t i c a l composition, they consist of a nucleus of g e n e r i c or proper nouns, plus pronouns and nominalized c l a u s e s .

145

4.1.2.1.1

The subject

The classes just mentioned provide the focus constituents. Generic nouns: It is usually the w e a l t h i e r traveller who m a k e s use of o f f - p e a k services. ( D a i l y Telegraph 3 M a r c h 75, 14: 4) It is t h e colleges w h i c h a r e the outstanding c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Oxford and C a m bridge. (Burgess, Guide: 186) i t is honesty that will protect your life, not f a l s e modesty, may I r e m i n d you?" (Dennis, House: 58)

Proper names: "Ada's all right: she's a grand girl. It isn't Ada who gets m e down... It's Craggs w h o ' s impossible." (Powell, Books: 168 f) It was t h e West that evolved not only the liberating concept of the sovereign state but also devised the r u l e s of civilized i n t e r c o u r s e between them. (Buchan, End: 319 f )

Pronouns: "I t h i n k it is I who have to t h a n k you." (Fowles, Woman: 224) It is this [â&#x20AC;˘ t h e ways of treating rich p a t i e n t s ] that b o t h e r s an inquisitive patient... (Spectator 22 F e b r u a r y 75, 217: 2) What is it that m a k e s the British explore...? ( S p e c t a t o r 8 M a r c h 1975, 264: l)

There is generally concord between the finite verb of the post-clause, and the personal pronoun in the first and second person singular in the focussing constituent, and not the wh- link of the post-clause. This is borne out by 8 out of 9 examples in the corpus on which Erdmann's (1987: chapter 4.3.1.1) monograph is based. "It is I w h o am wholly to blame." (Fowles. Womam

222)

"Pardon me, it's you w h o believe in the h o m u n c u l u s - " (Burgess, Testament:

86)

The above-mentioned corpus reveals a further feature of this group: focussed personal pronouns also appear in the subject form I, he, she, we and they, in 35 out of 38 distinguishable cases, with only 3 examples having the object form. This is obviously an indication that the focussed personal pronoun in this form is already signalling in the pre-clause the function it has in the post-clause and in the non-focussing equivalent. This tendency is supported by focussing personal pronouns functioning as objects. Nominalized clauses: It is not w h a t happens to people that is s i g n i f i c a n t , but w h a t they t h i n k h a p p e n s to them. (Powell, Books: 157) "It's getting started that bothers me." (Adams, Down: 132)

146

4.1.2.1.1.1

L a c k of connecting word

Focussed subjects occur in a construction without a connecting word in the post-clause. D r u m m o n d m a d e one ÎżÎ&#x201C; his indecisive g e s t u r e s and said, as though it w e r e s o m e t h i n g original, I t ' s money m a k e s the w h e e l s go round." (Symons, Problem: 184) "The Victorians saw only r e f i n e m e n t in w o m e n , i t ' s their c o a r s e n e s s t h e m irresistible to me." (Powell, Valley: 192)

makes

E x a m p l e s such as this, which occur p a r t i c u l a r l y in c o n t e m p o r a r y s t a n d a r d English in conversations b e t w e e n people who know each other w e l l , and which also survive in some d i a l e c t s , a r e a continuation of asyndetic p a r a t a x i s , which b e c a m e e x t r e m e l y common in w r i t t e n English following the renewed e m e r g e n c e of English as t h e language of l i t e r a t u r e , administration etc. during the period of l a t e M i d d l e / E a r l y N e w English. H i s t o r i c a l l y , asyndetic p a r a t a x i s existed alongside c o - and subordination. Lyons describes it as "the juxtaposition, as distinct f r o m t h e conjoining, of coordinate c l a u s e s " (Lyons 1977: 627), "i.e. a looser s y n t a c t i c association of the constituents of a s e n t e n c e than co-ordination" (Lyons 1977: 782). In c o n t e m p o r a r y English, this construction is mostly r e s t r i c t e d to focussing constructions, including foe. it s e n t e n c e s , which f o r m the l a r g e s t group (cf. c h a p t e r 3.2.4.3.2.1.1).

4.1.2.1.2

T h e object

T h e s a m e c l a s s e s found with subject focussing occur as focus constituents. G e n e r i c nouns: Pablo h e took for granted. It was t h e others, the strangers, w h o m his h a n d s and e a r s sought. (Greene, Consul: 216) "It's only tragedy w h i c h people bother to i m a g i n e or invent." (Greene, Consul: 16) It is, of course, u n e m p l o y m e n t and its a t t e n d a n t c o n s e q u e n c e s that f e a r most. (Spectator 18 J a n u a r y 75, 74: 3)

politicians

It is not e c o n o m i c isolation but a degree of e c o n o m i c insulation we should be s e e k i n g . ( S p e c t a t o r 11 January 75, 29: l)

Proper

names:

... in all this they d i d n ' t c a r e t u p p e n c e for me... b e c a u s e it was t h e Colonel they m e a n t to get and the Colonel w h o m they called at last. (Dennis, House: 100) T h i s explains why... it is Saudi Arabia that Dr Kissinger is... t a l k i n g of invading in t h e event of "strangulation"... ( D a i l y Telegraph 7 M a r c h 1975, 16: 4) Later, w h e n h e thought of h i s boyhood, it w a s Bringan (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 127)

he would

remember.

147

Pronouns: ... it w a s a little w h i l e b e f o r e my slow m i n d perceived w h a t it was that he was, so delicately, after... (Murdoch, Child: 75) I t ' s m e he hates." (Amis, Want: 139) "What is it you want?" the doctor asked. (Greene, Consul: 95)

With focussed personal pronouns, the object f o r m is usually

found

t h e object function. All 11 e x a m p l e s f r o m the corpus mentioned in section 4.1.2.1.1 support this point. Nominalized c l a u s e s Focussed nominalized c l a u s e s a r e unusual in t e x t s . Although

Erdmann's

(1987: c h a p t e r 4.3.1.2) corpus produces some e x a m p l e s of subject focussing, t h e r e a r e none for the object. H e r e is an e x a m p l e c o n s t r u c t e d by

author whose native tongue is English: It w a s that e l e p h a n t s have long m e m o r i e s that Fred r e m e m b e r e d . ( D e l a h u n t y 1984: 82)

4.1.2.1.2.1

Indirect and prepositional objects

Instances of t h e focussing of indirect objects a r e very seldom encountered in t e x t s . Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 18.27) include t h e m among those constituents which can only marginally be emphasized in the p r e - c l a u s e . They give the following e x a m p l e : ?It's m e (that) he gave t h e book.

M o r e common is the use of a prepositional object. I t ' s m e he gave the book to. I t ' s to m e that h e gave t h e book.

As these two s e n t e n c e s d e m o n s t r a t e , either the regimen (= m e ) or prepositional p h r a s e (= to me)

the

can occur in the p r e - c l a u s e . If a p r e p o s i -

tional p h r a s e occurs in t h e p r e - c l a u s e , then that

usually a p p e a r s

as a

connecting word in the p o s t - c l a u s e . A w h - pronoun would be impossible. ' I t ' s to m e w h o m he gave the book. I t ' s to m e that he gave the book.

In addition to that,

t h e r e is t h e occasional use of the z e r o link.

... it is on the question of e m p l o y m e n t that t h e w h o l e f u t u r e of r a c e r e l a t i o n s in England will hang. ( S p e c t a t o r 22 F e b r u a r y 75, 204: 3) It is of s u c h folk m e m o r i e s and links that m u c h of the enjoyable s p i d e r ' s web of historical tradition - as opposed to fact - is made. (Fraser, Cromwell: 695) Since energy f u e l s a r e the basis of so m u c h h u m a n , industrial and political activity, it is on their supply that a t t e n t i o n has b e c o m e p r i m a r i l y focussed.

148

(Buchan, End·. 99) It was always to Mason he attributed his worst errors and his worst

Tailings.

(Greene, Consul: 117)

If it is only the prepositional object that appears in the p r e - c l a u s e ,

the

following links occur, arranged according to the information on frequency gleaned from the corpus. Z e r o link with the preposition in final position: ì t is not the police I worry about, but that swine of a journalist." ( G r e e n e , 189)

Consul:

"Now I remember what it was Widmerpool consulted me about." (Powell, 248)

Books:

" I t ' s m e h e ' s interested in." (Murdoch, Child:

255)

' I t ' s the principle I'm getting worked up about, not the job." (Barstow, 35)

That

Watchers:

with the preposition in final position: Perhaps it was this ubiquitous enemy of human kind that Sam was still staring at in his m a s t e r ' s sitting-room... (Fowles, Woman: 182) In participant activity it is the construction we place upon the new... attend to... (Britton, Language: 125)

The preposition followed by the relevant

wh-

pronoun. This

that we

seldom

found in t e x t s : ' I t ' s the Moderns on whom I'm much more inclined to break wind." (Powell.

Books:

129)

It was this separation οΓ w h i c h he had been afraid. (Adams. Down:

Wh-

82)

pronouns with the preposition in final position. This is also

rarely

found in t e x t s : ... it is the socialists, especially the left-wingers, whom the Advertising Association is most concerned about... ( S p e c t a t o r 22 February 75, 206: 1)

A preposition can c o l l o c a t e only with nominal expressions. For this reason, syntagms such as "preposition + that/

zero", introducing p o s t - c l a u s e s

are

ungrammatical.

4.1.2.1.3

Predicatives

Predicative adjectives

and nouns can be focussed only in very

limited

ways. (27) ?It is a t e a c h e r that Robert is. (28) ?It is extremely cautious that Dana is.

The following type of sentence is found in Anglo-Irish, which allows a

149

far greater degree of grammatical emphasis because of Celtic influence. ... it was a big fool I was. (van Hamel 1912: 277) I t ' s asleep h e is. (Henry 1957: 195)

In English, predicators can be focussed after copula verbs, except e.g. after become, grow and took.

be,

It was a doctor that he eventually became. (Quirk et al. 1985: c h a p t e r 18.27) How happy it is that she looks. (Declerck 1984a: 144)

There is also grammatical emphasis of predicatives as object complements. I t ' s dark g r e e n that w e ' v e painted the k i t c h e n . (Quirk et al. 1985: c h a p t e r 18.27) It is raw that Fred usually eats his meat. ( D e l a h u n t y 1981: 102)

Textual examples of predicatives in foe. it sentences are few and far between. Declerck has carried out the only detailed investigation so far into this type of focussing (Declerck 1984a). H e regards the focussing of predicatives as possible when the context creates the conditions for a foe. it sentence to be used. It is recognised that foe. it sentences provide the identifier for something which is to be identified, with it being used as a nominal expression with specific reference, e.g. in the sense of the person who, the thing which or the place where. Focussing is possible in cases where predicative adjectives and nouns can be interpreted as identifiers of this type of it, such as when a choice must be made between several possibilities, as with the contrastive use. The following two e x amples a r e taken from Declerck (1984a: 189). "?It is a t e a c h e r that he is. It is a teacher

that h e is, not a

butcher!

According to this argument, identifiers can be focussed in sentences with equative be, which is, however, questionable. (29)

John is a / the t e a c h e r .

(30) *?It is a teacher that John is. (31)

?It is t h e teacher who John is.

There is only one example of this in my corpus. T v e h e a r d of him [â&#x20AC;˘ a m a n called G u n n a r Jopling] before, said Regie. "I t h o u g h t he was some sort of politician, but h e c a n ' t have been." "He was head of that thing on m o n e t a r y reform."... "What about him?" I said. "Haven't you heard? H e ' s the new head of the o f f i c e . H e ' s taking T e m p l a r S p e n c e ' s place."... "And i t ' s his w i f e that's Lady Kitty, so I suppose her f a t h e r w a s an earl or something." (Murdoch, Child: 92)

150

4.1.2.1.4

Attributive genitives

A nominal group with an attributive genitive or a post-positioned of

con-

struction can b e focussed. (32) It is D a n a ' s s i l e n c e s w h i c h a r e most telling. (33) It was t h e prestige ÎżÎ&#x201C; the country that was at stake.

T h e nominal group of the attributive genitive or the regimen of the of construction can b e g r a m m a t i c a l l y emphasized. (34) It is Dana w h o s e s i l e n c e s a r e most telling. (35) It w a s the country whose prestige was at stake.

This type of s e n t e n c e , which occurs very seldom in t e x t s , is

referred

to as a "narrow c l e f t focus" by Taglicht (1984: c h a p t e r 4.1).

4.1.2.2

Adverbial groups

Quirk et al. (1985: chapter 8.24 f) distinguish four groups of adverbial expressions, according to their g r a m m a t i c a l function: adjuncts, subjuncts, disjuncts and conjuncts. Foe. it s e n t e n c e s usually contain only adjuncts. Subjuncts, disjuncts and conjuncts cannot normally b e g r a m m a t i c a l l y e m phasized. (36)

T h e house was completely destroyed by the f i r e .

(37) *It w a s completely that the house was destroyed by the f i r e . (38)

Not surprisingly, she likes fish.

(39) *It is not surprisingly that she likes fish. (40)

(Several people lied about the incident.) Dana, however, told t h e truth.

(41) *It was however that Dana told the truth.

T h e focussing of subjuncts will b e discussed in 4.1.2.2.2

4.1.2.2.1

Adjuncts

Adjuncts include adverbials of time, p l a c e , reason, means, manner, p u r pose, frequency, etc.. They appear groups,

prepositional

phrases,

grammatically

infinitives,

as a d v e r b s ,

participles

and

nominal

subordinate

clauses. Adverbials of time: And as he looked down at the f a c e beside him, it w a s suddenly, out of n o w h e r e , that E m m a Bovary's n a m e sprang into his mind. (Fowles. Woman: 106)

151

It is only last autumn that one of the f e w r e m a i n i n g b e a u t i f u l e i g h t e e n t h century houses in London... vanished entirely. ( S i t w e l l , Architects:

13)

It was b e t w e e n the period of Caesar and Claudius that the idea of the permanent fort c a m e into being. ( W e b s t e r / Dudley, Conquest: 11) T h i n g s c a n ' t be w o r s e than

they

are now, but i t ' s w h e n I think

m i g h t start to get better that I get frightened...'' (Sillitoe. Start:

that

things

206)

... they m a y o f f e r you a place provided by another local authority - and it is only f a i l i n g this that the authority w i l l consider paying f e e s on your b e h a l f at an independent boarding school. (Burgess, Guide: 154)

A d v e r b i a l s of place: It w a s h e r e that I c a m e on Sanderson w i t h an old lady on each arm. Zoo:

(Wilson,

319)

... it w a s a m o n g "the g r a v e magistrates" of the City of London as w e l l as a m o n g his o w n cousinage, that C r o m w e l l f o u n d his associates. (Fraser, CromwellÂˇ. 25) ... it is in history that the message of God has been r e v e a l e d to man... ( S p e c t a t o r 29 M a r c h 75, 362: 2) ... it w a s on the v e r y beaches in f r o n t of his hotel on Algoa Bay that the first British immigrants w a d e d ashore... ( S p e c t a t o r 18 January 75, 59: 1)

A d v e r b i a l s of

reason:

... w r i t t e n speech endures to constitute a record - and it w i l l s o m e t i m e s be f o r this reason that it serves a d i f f e r e n t purpose f r o m talk. (Britton, Language: 248) It is thanks to this lack of r e s e r v e that w e k n o w so m u c h m o r e of the w o r k i n g s of C o n s t a b l e ' s mind... (Reynolds, Constable:

inner

88)

It is only because kids are f o r c e d to g o to school, that they hate g o i n g . (Britton, Language: 258)

A d v e r b i a l s of means: It is above all by what w e say and do in f a c e - t o - f a c e groups that each declares his identity... (Britton, Language: 222) It is almost solely through the local authorities that the state education is operated. (Burgess, Guide: 51)

service

It w a s w i t h a m e r e handful of men that it had "pleased God to cast the scale". (Fraser. Cromwell: 102)

A d v e r b i a l s of manner: ... the decision to choose a strong place to stand and f i g h t is d i f f e r e n t : it is not thus that i n f e r i o r f o r c e s can usually hope to w i n a W e l s h campaign. ( W e b s t e r / Dudley, Conquest: 132) It w a s w i t h considerable f o r e b o d i n g that I saw my c h i l d o f f (Spectator 18 January 75, 52: 3)

on her f i r s t

day.

A d v e r b i a l s of purpose: ... it w a s precisely f o r the purchase of such e x p e n s i v e therapy that the NHS [ - National Health S e r v i c e ] was o r i g i n a l l y approved by Parliament. (Spectator 22 M a r c h 75, 348: 4 ) It w a s to banish such g l o o m y forebodings... that Ernestina ( F o w l e s , Woman: 71)

152

f e t c h e d her

diary...

Adverbials of frequency: It is not often that a publisher sues an author for non-delivery... (Spectator 8 February 75, 158: 3) She was pleased with the exchange. It was so seldom that she spoke to anyone. (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 80) The connector in the p o s t - c l a u s e is usually that, but can also b e zero. "It's when they try to hold you back the trouble starts." (Barstow, Watchers: 93) It was in these studios he painted his Academy exhibits... (Reynolds. Constable: 81)

4.1.2.2.2

Subjuncts and disjuncts

Certain subjuncts and disjuncts appear in foe. it s e n t e n c e s if the s e n t e n c e is used as part of a c o r r e l a t i v e construction. This applies, for to the focussing subjuncts disjuncts like probably

also,

and surely

just,

merely,

only

example,

and simply,

and

(cf. Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 8.120).

It is not merely that a much higher proportion of a much larger intellectual population is professionally concerned with the analysis of political, scientific and economic trends than was the case in the last belle e'poqueÂˇ, it is not only that capital-intensive societies must plan much further into the future than earlier and simpler ones; it is also that the historical experience of this century makes us continuously aware of the disastrous consequences of empty confidence... (Buchan, End: 9 f) It was not simply that nobody confessed to taking part in such sinister practices - nobody knew anything at all about them. (Cohn, Demons: 48) It's not just that she's young; it's surely/ more that she's inexperienced. (Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 8.120) When foe. it s e n t e n c e s are part of c o r r e l a t i v e constructions, they o f t e n occur with the negative particle, particularly in association with one of the groups of subjuncts or disjuncts

mentioned

above, or in

connection

with an affirmative it is. It is not that they believe the rumours that are current in the neighbourhood, but being a superstitious people they have no wish to offend whatever power might have made the valley its home. (Pownall, War: 262 f) It was not that I minded her sudden moral alliance with her American mother: Martha's powers of national bifurcation on ethical issues often enchanted me. It was rather that something in her demand recalled Pattie Henderson to me. (Wilson, Zoo: 87) I shall not talk about the orphanage: again, fairness is probably impossible. It was not that I was beaten (though I was) or starved (though I was always hungry); it was just that nobody loved me. (Murdoch, Child: 18) Grammatical correlative

emphasis of a fact can also b e found w h e r e there is no

construction.

"I should visit." "That would be excellent."

153

I t is that visiting always so distresses me." T h e vicar was u n h e l p f u l . "I know it is wicked of me." (Fowles, Woman: 25)

4.1.2.3

Multiple

focussing

In f o e . it s e n t e n c e s , o n l y o n e n o m i n a l

group can be g r a m m a t i c a l l y

em-

p h a s i z e d at a t i m e . (42)

Dana wrote him a letter.

(43)

It was Dana who wrote him a letter.

(44) ?It was him (that) Dana wrote a letter. (45)

It was a letter Dana wrote him.

(46) "It was Dana him who wrote a letter. (47) "It was Dana a letter who wrote him. (48) "It was him a letter Dana wrote. H o w e v e r , a d v e r b i a l groups f r o m d i f f e r e n t s e m a n t i c c l a s s e s c a n in f o e . it

co-occur

sentences.

And as he looked down at the face beside him, it was suddenly, out of nowhere, that Emma Bovary's name sprang into his mind. (Fowles, Woman: 106) I imagine it was then, at his request, that Godmanchester revealed his f u l l views in conversation both with Bobby and with the Oresby group... (Wilson, Zoo: 142) If the p r i n c i p l e that o n l y o n e nominal

group c a n b e f o c u s s e d at

is a p p l i e d to a d v e r b i a l s , t h e n it may b e a s s u m e d that b o t h o f t h e examples

involve

one adverbial

constituent.

In all

the e x a m p l e s

time above

o w n c o r p u s , t e m p o r a l a d v e r b i a l s p r e c e d e a d v e r b i a l s of p l a c e . T h e e x a m p l e s b e l o w are taken from Taglicht (1984: chapter 4.1.4), who uses the " m u l t i p l e f o c u s " for this

term

phenomenon.

It was three years ago, in London, that I first met him. It was by pure accident, at a football match, that I saw him again. Delahunty

(1984: 73) provides e x a m p l e s

for the r e v e r s e

sequence:

It was at Knock a century ago that the Virgin appeared to local peasants. It was at a secret briefing during a congressional recess that Haig purported to present evidence of a Nicaraguan plan to invade the US.

4.1.2.4

A s c r i p t i v e f o e . it

sentences

A f o e . it s e n t e n c e is d e f i n e d as a s c r i p t i v e if it c o n t a i n s as a f o c u s stituent e i t h e r a q u a l i f y i n g noun or a c h a r a c t e r i z i n g a t t r i b u t i v e as part of t h e g r a m m a t i c a l l y - e m p h a s i z e d

con-

adjective

group.

It is a cruel and remorseless society that r e f u s e s to accept the legitimacy of

154

planned dying... (Spectator

22 February 75, 196: l)

It certainly was no beauty who asked m e to marry her. (Declerck 1983: 39) T h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e l y n e w i n f o r m a t i o n is c o n v e y e d by t h e a d j e c t i v e

(pair)

or t h e noun. T h e society that r e f u s e s to accept the legitimacy of planned dying is a cruel and remorseless society. T h e g i r l / woman who asked me to marry her was no beauty. There are two

types

ascriptive

foe.

sentence.

The

first

found

m a i n l y in p r o v e r b s or p r o v e r b - l i k e s a y i n g s , and is k n o w n a c c o r d i n g l y the "proverbial

i7-cleft".

It is never a bad day that has a good night. It is an ill bird that fouls its own nest. It is a long lane that has no turning. It is a poor heart that never rejoices. These examples erbs,

where,

adjectives, wise.

a r e t a k e n f r o m the Oxford

significantly,

these

w h i c h s e e m to b e

Proverbs

that

are

foe.

sayings

limited it

s p e c i f i c r e f e r e n c e as w e l l as he

Dictionary are

listed

bad,

good,

sentences

contain

English

under iti, it

the

long,

with

Provrelevant

poor

(or i f t e ) - this a l t e r n a t i v e is not

c a b l e to t h e s e c o n d t y p e of a s c r i p t i v e f o e . it

and

generalizing appli-

sentence.

It is a good horse that never stumbles. He is a good dog who goes to church. It is an ill wind that blows nobody any good. He is an ill husband who is not missed. The second type includes

sentences

i n t r o d u c e , by m e a n s of an a d j e c t i v e that is n e w in t h e

which are or

noun,

not

proverbs,

but

a characterizing

which

element

context.

T h e readiness of Westminster politicians to satisfy the s h i p y a r d ' s rapacious thirst for public money will no doubt endure as long as the p r o v i n c e ' s state of civil disorder. Indeed, it would be a dogmatic man who, for the sake of economic principle, was prepared to put on to the troubled streets of Belfast 10,000 redundant men from the c i t y ' s toughest Protestant areas. ( S p e c t a t o r 18 January 75 74: 4) Though none of them [- the English people] will remember the old theatre's [• Covent Garden's] disasters..., it would be a dull Englishman who knew nothing of its triumphs... (Smith, Companion: 71) All these trends in policy, and the American ambition in particular, have been c o n f i r m e d and cemented in Mr Wilson's visit to President Ford.« • It is an intelligent policy that the Prime Minister has adopted. ( S p e c t a t o r 8 February 75, 137: 2) It was a new Beard [• proper n a m e ] that I introduced to Mrs Purrett and the girls in the typists' pool. (Wilson, Zoo: 182)

155

D e c l e r c k , whose examination of ascriptive the most thorough to date, a t t e m p t s

foe. it s e n t e n c e s

to use g r a m m a t i c a l

(1983)

arguments

distinguish the two types, and concedes the status of foe. it s e n t e n c e to the second type only.

4.1.3

A n a l y s e s of foe. it sentences

Over the y e a r s , the foe. it s e n t e n c e has been subjected to analysis f r o m various angles. T h e four sub-sections below will deal with s e l e c t e d c o n tributions on the g r a m m a t i c a l description, the l o g i c a l - s e m a n t i c analysis, the functional investigation and the psycholinguistic t r e a t m e n t of this construction.

4.1.3.1

Formal

grammar

Both descriptive g r a m m a r of English, with its long tradition, and newer linguistic theories have repeatedly examined foe. it s e n t e n c e s . J e s p e r s e n and the g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r i a n s have been chosen to r e p r e s e n t t h e s e two approaches in the following discussion. S e v e r a l times in his work, J e s p e r s e n analyses t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e as a c o m p l e t e sentence, and these analyses indicated the direction of l a t e r work (above all in g e n e r a t i v e g r a m m a r ) . In the third v o l u m e of his " M o d e r n English G r a m m a r " (1927: ยง 4.6ยก), he p r e s e n t s the s o - c a l l e d "transposition theory". H o w e v e r , this n a m e only appears ten y e a r s l a t e r in his "Analytic Syntax" (1937: 74), w h e r e he analyses the s e n t e n c e It is the wife that decides as follows: It

t h e wiTe

ฮก

that

decides.

2*(S2cV)

The foe. it s e n t e n c e is divided into the p r e - c l a u s e it is the wife

- which,

in turn, is composed of the subject it (= S), the verb is (= V) and the predicative noun the wife

(= P) - and a p o s t - c l a u s e that decides,

- com-

prising a subject (= S) and a verb (= V) - that is classified as secondary (= 2) according to its g r a m m a t i c a l status. In this analysis, t h e p r e p o s t - c l a u s e s a r e closely connected. T h e subject (= it) of the is a p r o - f o r m for the p o s t - c l a u s e (= that

decides).

and

pre-clause

This is indicated by

the raised a s t e r i s k s of S and 2. J e s p e r s e n suggests that the foe. it s e n t e n c e It is the wife

that decides

should be regarded as the result of a

transposition. T h e syntagm that decides

is to b e moved f r o m its subject

position in u n g r a m m a t i c a l s e n t e n c e s like * T h a t decides r e p l a c e d by the

inserted

p r o - f o r m it. J e s p e r s e n

is the

himself

wife

later

and

rejects

this analysis. It is interesting that in the f u r t h e r development of linguistics,

156

this suggestion was later adopted by researchers in the field of generative syntax, using the relevant tools, e.g. by Akmajian (1970), Gundel (1977) and Shell (1972). Jespersen developed an alternative suggestion in "Analytic Syntax", which might be referred to as the "cleaving theory". According to this, the foe. it sentence It is the wife that decides consists of the simple sentence The wife decides and a syntactic operator, i.e. it is and that, which is inserted into the sentence. Jespersen (1937: 76) writes: Î¤ n o w p r o p o s e to t a k e t h i s it is (is it) t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e c o n n e c t i v e w o r d [â&#x20AC;˘ that] (if a n y s u c h is f o u n d ) a s a k i n d of e x t r a p o s i t i o n . . . , a n d to t r e a t t h e rest of t h e s e n t e n c e a s if t h e r e h a d b e e n n o i n t e r c a l a t i o n . . . "

This suggestion has also been taken up and developed by generative grammarians, e.g. by Schachter (1973). In generative grammar, the foe. it sentence was first the subject of syntactic analysis, then of logical-semantic (Delahunty 1981: chapter 4) and more recently of pragmatic analyses (Rochemont 1986, Rochemont/ Culicover 1990). This sub-section will present various syntactic approaches. Delahunty (1981: chapter 2) offers the most comprehensive discussion of these positions which are to be found in generative writing. The generativists divide into roughly two camps on this issue. Some deal with foe. it sentences by assuming that there are special transformations for deriving such sentences. This may be described as the transformational approach, represented here by Akmajian and Schachter. Other generativists do not assume the existence of particular transformations for the derivation of the foe. it sentence, but generate its structure with the rules governing English that are independent of this type of sentence. This position is called the zero hypothesis, and is represented in this sub-section by Chomsky and Delahunty. A transformational theory which has greatly influenced linguistic research is the derivation of the foe. it sentence from the foe. whsentence by means of a special transformation. A paper by Akmajian (1970) with the self-explanatory title "On deriving cleft sentences from pseudocleft sentences" set off the discussion, and he pursued the theme in his dissertation (Akmajian 1979). His thesis is that the "synonymity" of foe. it and whsentences requires that one be derived from the other, and in the direction indicated by the title of his article. The foe. it sentence It was John who helped me can be traced back to a structure which forms the basis of the foe. whsentence Who helped me was John. The so-called "cleft extraposition rule", which is the special transformation required for the foe. it sentence, releases the embedded relative clause (who helped me) from its subject position in front of the verb phrase (woi John), places it behind the VP, and links it directly to the sentence node. It moves into subject position to replace the relative clause. The result is the foe. it sentence [it was John who helped me) mentioned

157

above. There are various problems attached to this derivation, and also some unanswered questions. The initial structure for many foe. it sentences is ungrammatical. For the majority of native speakers, this even applies in the case of the foe. whsentence given above: Who helped me was John. They also find sentences like When he came was yesterday, Why we were shocked was because of his behaviour and How they succeeded was by raising more money unacceptable, or only marginally acceptable. There is not the same range of possible adverbial connectors available in the post-clause of a foe. it sentence that exists for relative clauses. Akmajian does not explain why foe. it sentences such as ?/i was yesterday when he came, *It was because of his behaviour why we were shocked and * It was by raising money how they succeeded are impossible or only marginally acceptable. Another problem arising from the derivation of the foe. it sentence from the foe. whsentence is that the range of focussing possibilities for the two types of sentence does not correspond. There are wh- focussings that cannot be transformed by the "cleft extraposition rule" into it focussings; e.g. What they did was help us with the car does not have the transformational equivalent "It was help us with the car that they did. On the other hand, there are it focussings whose initial structure cannot be derived from a grammatically-correct foe. whsentence; e.g. It was to John that I wrote a letter does not have the wh- equivalent * W h o I wrote a letter to was John. Akmajian's attempt to establish syntactically the intuitively-perceived relationship between foe. it sentences and whsentences is unconvincing. Paul Schachter (1973) rejects Akmajian's theory on the basis of the argument outlined above, that for many it focussings of prepositional phrases there is no initial structure in the form of a foe. whsentence. Schachter puts forward a suggestion based on a transformation that moves nominal groups out of an embedded clause into the position after the be of the next-higher clause. The foe. it sentence It was John who helped me is based on the simple sentence John helped me, which occurs as an embedded clause in subject position in the complex structure [it [John helped m e ] was Î&#x201D; ] . The transformation takes the NP (John) out of the embedded clause and puts it in the vacant position ( Î&#x201D; ) of the next-higher clause. John in the embedded clause is replaced by the pronoun who. Finally, the embedded clause is linked directly to the sentence node behind the VP of the next-higher clause. Schachter's main justification for his extraction analysis is the reflexivization of the foe. it sentence, which does not deviate from that found in the simple sentence, e.g. It was himself that John helped and John helped himself. Reflexivization can take place only if the relevant referentially-identical noun phrases (Johnl as subject and as object) appear in the same clause. Schachter believes that this condition can be met if it is assumed that one level of the derivation of a foe. it sentence consists of a simple sentence which

158

appears as an embedded c l a u s e in the whole c o m p l e x s t r u c t u r e . (1973: 34) is at pains to point out that the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l of the p o s t - c l a u s e is also valid for r e s t r i c t i v e r e l a t i v e c l a u s e s . in 4.1.1.3, t h e r e a r e many reasons for suggesting that the two a r e distinct.

Schachter derivation As shown structures

Within the f r a m e w o r k of the " E x t e n d e d Standard T h e o r y " (EST), Chomsky (1977: 9 4 - 9 7 ) suggests that foe. it s e n t e n c e s should b e t r e a t e d as topicalizations. T h e following s e n t e n c e s (taken f r o m his p a p e r ) a r e e x a m p l e s of this: T h i s book, I r e a l l y l i k e . P e a g r e e n , h e p a i n t e d h i s boat.

This type of s e n t e n c e is g e n e r a t e d by two rules of the b a s e (R): RI:

S ->

TOP S

R2:

S ->

COMP S

I will not go into g r e a t e r detail h e r e about the f o r m of the rules d e v e l oped by Jackendoff (1977), s o - c a l l e d "X syntax". Both rules ascribe a TOP(icalization) constituent, a complement node (COMP) and the familiar N P - V P s t r u c t u r e (S) to each sentence. The first e x a m p l e mentioned above can b e t r a c e d b a c k to the following simplified s t r u c t u r e : [TOP

[-COMP ^ S

1 really

this

book

]]]

T h e constituent this book is placed under the TOP constituent at the beginning of the s e n t e n c e , leaving behind a wh- f o r m in S which shifts into the C O M P position, w h e r e it is deleted. (The details of the derivation a r e not important for our discussion of Chomsky's theory.) The result is the s e n t e n c e shown above. Chomsky's suggested initial s t r u c t u r e for the foe. it s e n t e n c e It is this book (which) I really like is: it-is-S, in other words, the focus constituent and the p o s t - c l a u s e a r e derived in the same way as the topicalization. H o w e v e r , t h e findings f r o m a d e s c r i p tive comparison of topicalization and it focussing contradict this a r g u m e n t . D i s c r e p a n c i e s b e t w e e n the two constructions a r e not difficult to find. Inversion is a c a s e in point. (49)

It is v e r y s e l d o m t h a t w e go f o r a w a l k .

(50) ' V e r y s e l d o m w e go f o r a w a l k .

Words like seldom, barely and scarcely, when introducing a c l a u s e , r e quire the inversion of the subject and finite v e r b : Very seldom do we go for a walk. T h e assumption that topicalization and it focussing have the s a m e derivation fails to explain why they b e h a v e d i f f e r e n t l y f r o m each o t h e r . T h e s a m e applies to adverbs like just and unfortunately, which have either no topicalized or no focussed equivalents in the e x amples shown.

159

(51)

(No o n e w a s e a g e r to s h u n him.) It w a s j u s t t h a t p e o p l e m i n d e d t h e i r business.

own

(52) ' J u s t p e o p l e m i n d e d t h e i r o w n b u s i n e s s . (53) *It is u n f o r t u n a t e l y t h a t h e w i l l be late. (54)

U n f o r t u n a t e l y , h e w i l l be l a t e .

Chomsky's theory leaves many questions u n a n s w e r e d . Chomsky himself (Chomsky 1977: 95) seems to have reservations: "... this hypothesis suggests a direction for r e s e a r c h r a t h e r than a confirmed r e s u l t . " Delahunty (1981: c h a p t e r 2.6) and Rochemont (1986: c h a p t e r 5.2 and appendix) take issue with him f r o m the g e n e r a t i v e point of view. D e l a h u n t y (1981: c h a p t e r 3) suggests a n o n - t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l derivation for the foe. it s e n t e n c e , analogous to Higgins's (1979) analysis for t h e foe. wh- s e n t e n c e . This would involve the generation of t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e by t h e relevant rules of the g r a m m a t i c a l b a s e (Delahunty 1981: 453): " C l e f t s e n t e n c e s a r e b a s e g e n e r a t e d . " H e suggests that it focussings comply with the p h r a s e s t r u c t u r e r u l e for V 1 (verb), which, following Jackendoff (1977: c h a p t e r 4.2.1) can be expanded as follows: Vi .

V CNP) (FT.) ( { ÂŤ

>) (

} ) (FF)

})

(NP stands for noun phrase, Prt for p a r t i c l e , AP for a d j e c t i v a l phrase, A D V P for adverbial phrase, QP for quantifier p h r a s e , PP for prepositional p h r a s e and S for s e n t e n c e . ) T h e p r e - c l a u s e of foe. it s e n t e n c e s

contains

a V 1 , which the r u l e shown above states can be r e p l a c e d by the obligatory V (= be) and the optional phrases mentioned above. This is how t h e c o n stituents following be, i.e. the focussing expressions, a r e analysed.

(Ex-

amples a r e taken f r o m Delahunty (1981: c h a p t e r 3.4).) Noun p h r a s e s It w a s Alex G r e e n e w h o d i r e c t e d ' T h e

Miscreant".

It w a s t h e m o u s s e t h a t I d e c i d e d to e a t .

T h e focussing of nominalized sentences like It is that Bill be this

late

again

that

is unlikely

to get there

early

that Fred

forgot

and It was that

will

ever

supposed

is t r e a t e d as a f o r m of focussing

of noun p h r a s e s . Particles It w a s n ' t on t h a t h e p u l l e d h i s boots, it w a s o f f . It i s n ' t in t h a t o n e t a k e s g a r b a g e , it is o u t .

A d j e c t i v a l phrases It w a s g r e e n t h a t h e p a i n t e d h i s boat. It i s n ' t o b s e s s i v e t h a t Bill is. j u s t m a n i c - d e p r e s s i v e .

160

he was

Quantifier phrases It is h o w m u c h f a r t h e r ( t h a t ) w e h a v e to t r a v e l t h a t I w a n t to k n o w . H o w f a r is it t h a t w e h a v e to go?

Adverbial p h r a s e s It w a s only r e c e n t l y t h a t h e a g r e e d to s w i m in t h e c h a n n e l . It i s n ' t w i l l i n g l y t h a t I c o u l d a g r e e to s u p p o r t s u c h a m o v e .

Prepositional

phrases

It w a s of t h e t r u t h of t h e t h e o r y of e v o l u t i o n t h a t w e p e r s u a d e d F r e d . It w a s to buy s h a v i n g c r e a m t h a t Bill set o u t f o r t h e s t o r e .

T h e method of generating foe. it s e n t e n c e s by the b a s e r u l e for V 1 suggested by Delahunty makes it impossible to p r o v e by s y n t a c t i c means that t h e r e is a relationship b e t w e e n foe. it sentences and wh- s e n t e n c e s on the one hand, and their simple s e n t e n c e equivalents on the o t h e r . H e tries to furnish this proof s e m a n t i c a l l y , by attempting to show that the logical f o r m of these s t r u c t u r e s is equivalent (Delahunty 1981: c h a p ter 4). W h a t the ( n o n - ) t r a n s f o r m a t i o n a l derivations of the foe. it s e n t e n c e mentioned so far have in common is that they all i n t e r p r e t t h e p o s t - c l a u s e as a r e l a t i v e c l a u s e . Shell (1972) r e j e c t s this analysis, postulating instead an indirect question as the initial s t r u c t u r e for the p o s t - c l a u s e (Shell 1972: c h a p t e r s 6 and 7). T h e most serious p r o b l e m with this analysis is that t h e majority of interrogative pronouns do not occur in the p o s t c l a u s e . This applies, for e x a m p l e , to what, where, why and how. Of the i n t e r r o g a t o r y pronouns, only who and which usually o c c u r . As a l r e a d y mentioned, the most common connector is that. Shell admits that he cannot give a s a t i s f a c t o r y explanation for this (Shell 1972: 114, 124 f). Gundel (1977) suggests another possibility: deriving foe. it s e n t e n c e s f r o m appositions. T h e derivational s t a g e she proposes for a foe. it s e n t e n c e like It was a model train that I bought is shown in the syntagm It was a model train, what I bought. In this case, what is i n t e r p r e t e d as a l e x i calization of a noun, e.g. thing and the r e l a t i v e pronoun which r e f e r s to it. T h e introductory it is not empty, but r e f e r s to the noun l e x i c a l l y absorbed into what. To a r r i v e at the foe. it s e n t e n c e f r o m the "right dislocation", Gundel uses what is a unique r u l e for English, s o - c a l l e d VARIABLE H E A D D E L E T I O N . This r u l e d e l e t e s the noun assumed to u n d e r l i e what and removes the s e n t e n c e boundary b e t w e e n t h e two p a r t s of the syntagm. This results in a foe. it s e n t e n c e . T h e u n s a t i s f a c t o r y side to this theory lies mainly in t h e p o s t u l a t e d ad hoc rule, of which she h e r s e l f r e m a r k s : "As far as I know, this r u l e [= VARIABLE H E A D D E L E T I O N - P E ] has no independent motivation in English, and the fact that it can only apply in I D [= identifying - P E ] s t r u c t u r e s is a d -

161

mittedly suspicious." (Gundel 1977: 557).

4.1.3.2

Logical

semantics

T h e semantics of foe. it s e n t e n c e s has mainly been t h e province of those working in logical semantics, who have concerned t h e m s e l v e s , among other things, with deciding what i n f e r e n c e s a r e p e r m i t t e d by foe. it s e n t e n c e s , and in trying to define the relationship of foe. it s e n t e n c e s other s e n t e n c e s .

Logical semantics r e p r e s e n t s the meaning of s e n t e n c e s as their logical form, either by using a type of calculus (of which t h e r e a r e many) a l r e a d y developed for this purpose or by developing one specially. Opinion is still divided as to a definition of what constitutes the meaning of a sentence. Those adhering to the tradition begun by F r e g e b e l i e v e that the conditions under which a s e n t e n c e is t r u e (or f a l s e ) a r e p a r t of its meaning. This interpretation opens the way for establishing - by specifying the truth conditions - the relations b e t w e e n d i f f e r e n t types of focussing construction and their non-focussing equivalents. This is achieved, for e x a m p l e , by demonstrating that the c i r c u m s t a n c e s under which the f o l lowing t h r e e s e n t e n c e s a r e t r u e a r e identical, i.e. they a r e equivalent in t r u t h - f u n c t i o n a l t e r m s . (55) Bob w a n t s Wanda. (56) What Bob w a n t s is Wanda. (57) It is Wanda that Bob wants.

In l o g i c a l - s e m a n t i c analyses, the two foe. s e n t e n c e s a r e given the s a m e (logical) f o r m . (58) W a n t s (Bob, Wanda) (59) λ χ (Wants (Bob, x)) (Wanda) (60) \x

(Wants (Bob, x)) (Wanda)

λ (= lambda) is an operator binding a f r e e v a r i a b l e (= x) and assigning it as an argument to a c o m p l e x m o n o - v a l e n t p r e d i c a t e [= W a n t s (Bob, x ) ] . T h e s o - c a l l e d λ - a b s t r a c t i o n was developed by C a r n a p (1954: 112 ff) and is popular in logical semantics as a means of showing t h e logical f o r m of focussing constructions. (61)

λχ [

(χ)

]

(62)

λ χ [Wants (Bob, χ) ( W a n d a ) ]

T h e second s t a g e is to d e m o n s t r a t e that the two l o g i c a l - s e m a n t i c d e s c r i p tions, that is, ' W a n t s (Bob, W a n d a ) ' and ' λ χ (Wants (Bob, x)) ( W a n d a ) ' a r e equivalent. This equivalence is produced by the "lambda conversion", which allows the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of expressions with f r e e v a r i a b l e s into

162

functions. In order for this to be brought about, the predicate-logic r e presentation of the simple sentence Bob wants Wanda, that is, 'Wants (Bob, Wanda)', must first be altered to one with a f r e e variable, that is, 'Wants (Bob, x)', which is then transformed by the "lambda conversion" into the function F. Delahunty (1981: chapter 4) gives a representation along these lines. Using this operation, it is possible to show that the two focussing constructions and their corresponding simple sentence are logically equivalent. This kind of logical-semantic analysis rests on the assumption that neither it nor be contribute anything to the meaning of foe. it sentences. Another problem in logical semantics concerns the type and number of inferences which foe. sentences allow. (63) It w a s Wanda that Bob missed. (64) It w a s n ' t Wanda that Bob missed.

Halvorsen (1977: chapter 1.4.2) is of the opinion that foe. it sentences like (63) and (64) allow the following two inferences: Bob missed something. Bob missed (exactly) one thing.

The first results from the "existence condition" of foe. sentences, and the second from their "exhaustiveness or uniqueness condition". Two points from the criticism of this logical analysis (see A t l a s / Levinson 1981, in particular) are raised here for consideration. Halvorsen describes both inferences as "conventional implicatures", not in the manner of Grice (1975), but in the sense of pre-suppositions, as understood by most linguists since the article "Fact" by Paul and Carol Kiparsky appeared in 1970. According to their theory, the pre-supposition of a sentence is retained in the negation (or question), and this is also the case with the "conventional implicature" (= Bob missed something), which is valid for both the affirmative (= 63) and the negative (= 64) sentence. However, as a sentence like (65) shows, it is possible to set aside the "conventional implicature" of (64), and this is taken to indicate that an entailment and not a pre-supposition is involved here (cf. Kempson 1975: chapter 3.1 on this point). (65) It w a s n ' t Wanda that Bob missed - in fact, h e missed n o t h i n g and no one.

The second area that comes in for criticism is the "completeness condition", which is neither implied nor pre-supposed in foe. sentences. This, in turn, can be demonstrated by reference to the negated sentence (64), which may be developed into a sentence like (66): (66) It w a s n ' t Wanda that Bob missed, but his w i f e and his t h r e e c h i l d r e n .

In a footnote referring to affirmative sentences like It was John and Mary that Bill saw, Halvorsen himself (1977: 123 f, fn 29) indicates the

163

difficulties involved in this type of implicature. Controversy still reigns among linguists about whether this type of inference is a semantic or a pragmatic problem.

4.1.3.3

Functional grammar

Functional grammars of English examine not only the (sub-)categories of grammatical structures and the relationship between the elements of a sentence, but also their propositional content and their function as conveyors of information. Contributions towards a functional description of English are closely linked to the name of the Prague School, notably linguists like Mathesius and Firbas. More recently, theories influenced by the functional grammar developed by Dik have been added to the list, e.g. Hannay (1985). The most significant work for English is based on Halliday's functional theory, which has been worked on and refined since the end of the 1950's. (See Monaghan (1978) and Steiner (1983), among others, on the development of Halliday's ideas.) Halliday examines the clause from three angles: as the representation of a fact, as a communicative event between speaker and hearer and as a communication. He sees in these three simultaneously existing aspects of clause-meaning the impress of three linguistic meta-functions: the ideational, the interpersonal and the textual function (cf., among others, Halliday (1970, 1973)). The third of these aspects is of significance for the discussion in this sub-section, i.e. the clause described as the communication of a speaker to a hearer. English grammar offers three possibilities: 1. The description of the information structure of and new. Instead of the mathematical concept of has been developed in cybernetics, Halliday sees between given and new in the information unit, with the clause.

the clause as given "information" which it as the interplay which can coincide

" I n f o r m a t i o n . . . is a p r o c e s s ÎżÎ&#x201C; i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n w h a t is a l r e a d y k n o w n or p r e d i c t a b l e a n d w h a t is n e w or u n p r e d i c t a b l e . T h i s is d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e m a t h e m a t i c a l c o n c e p t of i n f o r m a t i o n , w h i c h is t h e m e a s u r e of u n p r e d i c t a b i l i t y . It is t h e i n t e r p l a y of n e w a n d not n e w t h a t g e n e r a t e s i n f o r m a t i o n in t h e l i n g u i s t i c s e n s e . H e n c e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n u n i t is a s t r u c t u r e m a d e u p of t w o f u n c t i o n s , t h e New a n d t h e G i v e n . " ( H a l l i d a y 1985: 2 7 4 f )

Regarding the clause as a communication therefore means describing the distribution of given and new information, which is characterised by intonational features. Phonologically speaking, an information unit consists of a sequence of tone groups, these in turn being composed of smaller units, the tone feet. The tone feet, which consist of one or more syllables, represent not only phonological constituents, but

164

also units of information. Tone feet carrying the main accent in the clause mark the end of the new element, which, as the focus of information with normal intonation, is placed on the last lexical item. The difference can be illustrated with the help of the two sentences below. In the first, the direct object is composed of a lexical item (= wallet), and in the second, of a pronominal element (= if). Accordingly, the main accent (shown in the examples by the relevant word being underlined) is in a different place. (67) / / John / lost / his wallet (68) / / John / lost it

The fact that the main accent falls on the last lexical item in the clause (with normal intonation) means that the given element precedes the new element in the information structure. Describing the clause as an information unit with given and new, and sequencing these two parts according to the phonological criterion of tonic prominence, leaves open the question of what is understood by 'given' and 'new'. Many attempts have been made to define these two terms, sometimes only adding to the confusion. They have been linked to whether or not a discourse topic has been mentioned before in the text, to the givenness or non-givenness of referents in the situation, and to the question of whether some shared knowledge is available or not. H a l l i day concedes that these things can be significant for a definition of given and new, but says that they play only a secondary rĂ´le compared with the significance of the speaker. Halliday defines 'given' as the information the speaker presents to the hearer as recoverable; 'new' is the information which is presented by him to the hearer as non-recoverable. The idea that the speaker decides what should be given or new is formulated in various ways by Halliday, one of which is quoted below: "The c o n s t i t u e n t specified as new is that w h i c h the s p e a k e r m a r k s out for interpretation as non-recoverable i n f o r m a t i o n , e i t h e r c u m u l a t i v e to or c o n t r a s t i v e w i t h w h a t has preceded; the given is o f f e r e d as recoverable a n a p h o r i c a l l y or situationally. T h e s e a r e options on the part of the speaker, not d e t e r m i n e d by t h e textual or situational e n v i r o n m e n t : w h a t is new is in t h e last resort w h a t t h e s p e a k e r chooses to present as new, and predictions f r o m t h e discourse have only a high probability of being f u l f i l l e d . Nevertheless t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e i n f o r mation unit does c o n t r i b u t e in large m e a s u r e to the organization of discourse, by providing a f r a m e w o r k w i t h i n w h i c h these options a r e exercised." (Halliday 1967: 211)

2. The theme-rheme structure of the sentence. For Halliday, the theme is the starting point of the communication chosen by the speaker, whilst the rheme is the remaining part which develops the theme. In English, the theme-rheme structure is conveyed by word order. The part of the communication chosen by the speaker as the theme

165

opens the sentence as the first constituent: "... w h a t e v e r is chosen as the T h e m e is put first." (Halliday 1985: 38) "... the T h e m e can be identified as that e l e m e n t w h i c h comes in first position in the clause." (Halliday 1985: 39)

(See Halliday 1985: chapter 3.5 for further possible positional realizations of theme in English.) The theme-rheme organization and the information structure of a sentence are semantically interconnected. In the normal case, the speaker chooses the theme from what is given in a communication, i.e. from the parts of a communication which the hearer can reconstruct and which are accessible in his store of knowledge. The speaker also places the emphasis, or information focus, of his communication on the part reserved for the communicationally-new, i.e. positionally for the rheme. T h e r e is a close s e m a n t i c relationship between i n f o r m a t i o n s t r u c t u r e and t h e m a t i c structure... Other things being equal, a s p e a k e r will choose the T h e m e f r o m w i t h i n w h a t is Given and locate the focus, the climax of t h e New, s o m e w h e r e w i t h i n the Rheme." (Halliday 1985: 278)

3. The system of identifying clauses. Halliday includes here the various English constructions of the equative type that are related to clauses. One part consists of a nominalization, of which there are two types (Halliday 1985: 280): a. THEME IDENTIFICATION and b. THEME PREDICATION. The simple sentence John broke the window will therefore have the following equivalents: a. Theme identification (69) What (the thing) John broke was t h e window. (70) T h e one w h o broke the window w a s John.

b. Theme predication (71) It was the window (that) John broke. (72) It w a s John w h o broke the window.

The nominalized part of the identifying clause (what (the thing) John broke, the one who broke the window; (that) John broke, who broke the window) names what is to be identified, the non-nominalized part gives the identifier. Focussing it sentences are thus described in Halliday's functional grammar as identifying clauses with two peculiarities: 1. Their information structure deviates from the normal. 2. Their theme is conveyed by their own clause, i.e. a predication (it be-x), and not by a clause constituent.

166

In H a l l i d a y ' s view, a s e n t e n c e like It was John should b e analysed as follows: It

was

John

who

Theme New

who broke

broke

the

window

Rheme Given

As a communication, the focussing it s e n t e n c e corresponds to the simple s e n t e n c e JOHN

broke

the window,

with t h e main accent on J O H N (indi-

cated by capitals). JOHN

broke

Theme New

Rheme Given

the

window

T h e p r e - c l a u s e of the focussing it s e n t e n c e , which contains the theme, can, in turn, b e sub-divided according to t h e m e - r h e m e and g i v e n - n e w . This is also t r u e of the p o s t - c l a u s e , which contains the r h e m e . It

was

Theme Given

John

who

broke

Rheme New

Theme Given

Rheme New

the

window

On this level of analysis, it is c l e a r that John appears in t h e r h e m a t i c position as the information focus, i.e. the t h e m e predication is a g r a m matical s t r u c t u r e which r e s t o r e s the congruence of t h e m e and given, as well as r h e m e and new, to the normal case. If the two analyses, i.e. that of the foe. it s e n t e n c e as a c o m p l e t e s e n t e n c e and that of the foe. it s e n t e n c e in both of its constituent c l a u s e s ( p r e - and p o s t - c l a u s e s ) a r e combined, the result can be depicted as follows: It Theme Given

waj

J ohn Rheme New

who Theme Given

Theme New

Rheme Given

broke Rheme New

the

window

This r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of H a l l i d a y ' s functional analysis of the foe. it s e n t e n c e is b a s e d primarily on H a l l i d a y (1985: chapter 3.7 and p. 280 f).

4.1.3.4

Psycholinguistics

Within psycholinguistics, focussing it s e n t e n c e s have b e e n dealt with in a v a r i e t y of ways. In most cases, linguistic descriptions have been taken over f r o m p a r t i c u l a r schools of linguistics. Chomsky's focus and p r e s u p position analyses (1972: 88 f) a r e m a d e g r e a t u s e of, as is the work of other

grammarians

employing

the

informational

sequence

"new-given"

167

for all foc. it s e n t e n c e s . Functional explanations such as those by H a l l i d a y (1967) or C h a f e (1976) also figure strongly. Up to the p r e s e n t , p s y c h o l i n guistic contributions have c o n c e n t r a t e d almost entirely on the c o m p r e h e n sion side of foe. it s e n t e n c e s . W e will turn our a t t e n t i o n now to t h r e e of t h e s e contributions. Hornby (1974) r e g a r d s t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e as an e x a m p l e of the possibilities language o f f e r s for deceiving or confusing people. One f o r m in which t h e s e possibilities a r e m a n i f e s t e d has to do with the p r e - s u p p o s i tion of s e n t e n c e s . Hornby defines prespposition as "the r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n two s t a t e m e n t s , A and B, when the t r u t h of A is a n e c e s s a r y condition for t h e t r u t h or falsity of B" (Hornby 1974: 530). W h e n r e l a t e d to a foe. it s e n t e n c e like It was the thief that John caught, the p o s t - c l a u s e (= A: "John caught someone") is s y n t a c t i c a l l y p r e - s u p p o s e d , b e c a u s e it is t r u e , independently of the t r u t h or f a l s e n e s s of t h e p r e - c l a u s e (= B: "That someone was the t h i e f ' ) Âˇ I will not go into g r e a t e r detail h e r e about the p r o b l e m s associated with this analysis. Hornby a c c e p t s the p r e - s u p p o s i t i o n a l analysis of foe. it s e n t e n c e s , and t e s t s it in t h e light of the r e s u l t a n t thesis, i.e. that the h e a r e r notices discrepancies b e t w e e n a fact and its expression through language less o f t e n in the p r e - s u p p o s i tional part than in t h e part that is not p r e - s u p p o s e d . In an e x p e r i m e n t which c o r r o b o r a t e s this thesis, subjects first h e a r d foe. it s e n t e n c e s , and then c o m p a r e d t h e m with r e l a t e d visual r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of the f a c t s d e scribed. It transpired that discrepancies b e t w e e n v e r b a l and visual r e p r e sentations w e r e r e g i s t e r e d m o r e o f t e n by subjects when they w e r e e x p r e s s e d in the p r e - c l a u s e . In other words, the p r e - s u p p o s e d part of the foe. it s e n t e n c e induced subjects to pay less attention to the fact p r e sented in it. In a series of publications, e.g. C l a r k / Haviland (1974, 1977), C l a r k and Haviland discuss t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e within t h e f r a m e w o r k of a c o m prehension model for s e n t e n c e s which they c a l l t h e Given-New Strategy. According to this, we comprehend a s e n t e n c e by dividing it, as t h e v e h i c l e of a communication, into two p a r t s , containing information which is known to us and that which is not known. T h e comprehension of a s e n t e n c e begins with t h e discovery of this given-new s t r u c t u r e . T h e h e a r e r tries to find knowledge a v a i l a b l e in his memory for the information marked as given, in order to r e l a t e this to the new knowledge in the c o m m u n i c a tion. T h e g i v e n - n e w s t r a t e g y r e p r e s e n t s the h e a r e r ' s side of -a g e n e r a l principle of conversation that C l a r k and Haviland r e f e r to as t h e " G i v e n New C o n t r a c t " b e t w e e n speaker and h e a r e r . Following on f r o m G r i c e ' s (1975) p r i n c i p l e of c o - o p e r a t i o n in conversation, they a s s u m e that the speaker takes t h e t r o u b l e to s t r u c t u r e his communication in such a way that it a c c o r d s with the s t a t e of the h e a r e r ' s knowledge. This takes the f o r m of t h e speaker conveying as given information that which he b e l i e v e s

168

to b e known to his discourse p a r t n e r , and as new information that which he b e l i e v e s to b e unknown to the h e a r e r . In this operation, given i n f o r m a tion is that for which t h e speaker judges that t h e h e a r e r can find a point of c o n t a c t for understanding this part of the communication in the t e x t , in his knowledge or by deducing what is meant (the s o - c a l l e d " i n f e r e n c e s " or " i m p l i c a t u r e s " ) . Information is new when t h e speaker

assumes

that,

in o r d e r for the h e a r e r to understand a c e r t a i n p a r t of the communication, knowledge must first b e c o n s t r u c t e d in the h e a r e r ' s mind. As with functional views of language, C l a r k and H a v i l a n d

assume

that g r a m m a r and intonation convey the a r r a n g e m e n t of t h e two e l e m e n t s of information resulting f r o m the given-new c o n t r a c t . They also b e l i e v e that new information comes a f t e r given in a s e n t e n c e , if t h e r e a r e special prosodie ( c o n t r a s t i v e emphasis, for e x a m p l e ) or g r a m m a t i c a l c u m s t a n c e s . This kind of special

circumstance

is p r e s e n t

with

no cir-

foe. it

s e n t e n c e s , in that the syntax of the s e n t e n c e establishes t h e g i v e n - n e w s t r u c t u r e : the p r e - c l a u s e contains the new information and t h e p o s t - c l a u s e t h e given. C l a r k and Haviland a n a l y s e a s e n t e n c e like It was John fell

who

in t h e following way: (73) It w a s John w h o fell. Given: Someone fell. New: T h a t person was John.

In this a t t e m p t at a psycholinguistic analysis, t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e is a s cribed a uniformity of information distribution which it does not possess. It will b e shown in 4.1.4 that g r a m m a t i c a l focussing is found with varying distributions of t h e given-new s t r u c t u r e . Objections can also b e against the e x p e r i m e n t a l

raised

side, since they do not d e m o n s t r a t e that

the

h e a r e r , in trying to comprehend s e n t e n c e c l e f t i n g , follows the g i v e n - n e w strategy. Another

psycholinguistic

explanation

was

developed by

Engelkamp

(1982: section 2.3), who c a l l s it the "focus hypothesis for clefting". This s t a t e s that the s p e a k e r , in producing an u t t e r a n c e , gives p a r t i c u l a r e m p h a sis to a concept he deems important for t h e h e a r e r ' s s t a t e of knowledge in a p a r t i c u l a r discourse situation, i.e. he allows it to occur in the p r e c l a u s e , and that t h e h e a r e r gives a higher level of attention to the p a r t of the u t t e r a n c e thus

grammatically

marked.

Psychologically-speaking,

"... c l e f t i n g corresponds to a focusing of attention." ( E n g e l k a m p /

Zimmer

1983: 73), the focus of attention being: "... the most strongly

activated

a r e a of t h e knowledge s t r u c t u r e . . . " ( E n g e l k a m p / Z i m m e r 1983: 45). T h e focus hypothesis is connected with the g i v e n - n e w s t r u c t u r e s e n t e n c e clefting mentioned above. E n g e l k a m p and his c o l l e a g u e s a distinction b e t w e e n a conceptual and a r e l a t i o n a l g i v e n - n e w

make

structure

( E n g e l k a m p / Z i m m e r 1983: c h a p t e r 3.1). T h e f o r m e r r e l a t e s to nominal expressions that can b e c o ( n ) t e x t u a l l y given or new, and this is o f t e n

169

r e f l e c t e d in t h e u s e of the a r t i c l e s , as is well known. R e f e r e n t s that have already b e e n mentioned, or that a r e r e c o v e r a b l e f r o m the situation or f r o m one's knowledge, have the definite a r t i c l e , whilst n e w l y - i n t r o d u c e d items, or those that cannot b e r e c o v e r e d f r o m t h e situation or f r o m one's knowledge have the indefinite a r t i c l e . The l a t t e r , the r e l a t i o n a l given-new s t r u c t u r e , throws open the question of w h e t h e r the s e m a n t i c fact u n d e r l y ing a proposition, be it a s t a t e , an event or an action, is known or u n known. T h e focus hypothesis gives a psychological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c l e f t i n g which not only regards it as a focussing construction, but also a t t r i b u t e s to the foe. it s e n t e n c e a r e l a t i o n a l given-new s t r u c t u r e in which the p r e - c l a u s e contains the new information and the p o s t - c l a u s e the given. T h e d e f i e d i n f o r m a t i o n [ÂŤ pre-clause] of a c l e f l s e n t e n c e c o n t a i n s t h e r e l a t i o n a l ly new i n f o r m a t i o n , the relative c l a u s e [â&#x20AC;˘ post-clause] the relationally given information." ( E n g e l k a m p / Z i m m e r 1983: 44)

Given and new a r e defined as follows: "We introduced given knowledge as knowledge w h i c h the s p e a k e r a s s u m e s the h e a r e r already knows, and new i n f o r m a t i o n as that w h i c h is u n k n o w n to him." ( E n g e l k a m p / Z i m m e r 1983: 18)

Connecting the focus hypothesis of foe. it s e n t e n c e s with the r e l a t i o n a l given-new s t r u c t u r e of the c o m p l e t e s e n t e n c e leads to the difficulties already mentioned, i.e. foe. it sentences do not always display the assumed distribution. Subjectivization is also included among the linguistic possiblities for expressing focus. The focus hypothesis has f o r m u l a t e d a thesis to cover this, which s t a t e s that sentences with harmony of foci a r e m o r e a c c e p t able than those without. Engelkamp and his colleagues try to d e m o n s t r a t e this by means of various t e s t s ( E n g e l k a m p / Z i m m e r 1983: c h a p t e r 10). Let us e x a m i n e the following four s e n t e n c e s . (74) It is Bob who w e l c o m e s the guest. (75) It is Bob by whom the guest is welcomed. (76) It is the guest (whom) Bob welcomes. (77) It is the guest who is welcomed by Bob.

T h e s e four e x a m p l e s r e p r e s e n t focussings of the corresponding active and passive sentences shown in (78) and (79).

simple

(78) Bob w e l c o m e s the guest. (79) T h e guest is welcomed by Bob.

T h e thesis about harmony now states that s e n t e n c e s

(74) and (77)

are

m o r e a c c e p t a b l e than (75) and (76), b e c a u s e the focussed constituent in the p r e - c l a u s e (= Bob,

the guest)

appears as subject in the p o s t - c l a u s e

(= w/io). In c o n t r a s t , the subjectivization of (75) and (76) does not coincide in the p r e - and p o s t - c l a u s e s . T h e e x p e r i m e n t c a r r i e d

170

out on this

only

partially confirms the theory of harmony. Data from a large written corpus of standard British English (Erdmann 1987) clearly contradicts this harmony theory. According to this collection of examples, there is no support for the occurrence of sentences like (75). They a r e more likely to be found when adjusted to suit the positional rules mentioned in chapter 4.1.2.1.2.1, e.g. in the form It is Bob the guest will be welcomed by. There is support for the three other foe. it sentences, which occur in the following order of frequency: (74), (76) and (77).

4.1.4

Uses of foe. it sentences

As regards their use in a text, foe. it sentences must be described as part of a discourse. Widespread acceptance of this view among researchers has led to the theory that the information conveyed in the two parts of the foe. it sentence follows the "new-given" distribution pattern, i.e. that the pre-clause always contains new information and the post-clause consistently has given information. It was John

who bought a new

I new

car.

I given

Here, 'given information' is taken to mean the fact that the referent of the non-focussed part of the sentence has already been mentioned in the text, can be deduced from the text or from the situation, or is part of the hearer's store of knowledge. If neither anaphoric nor exophoric reference can be found, and there is also no possibility of finding a r e f erent in the hearer's own knowledge, then this part of the sentence p r e sents him with a new item of information. This explanation is based on the hearer and his comprehension strategy, which enables him, on the basis of known information, to process what is new and to integrate it into his knowledge. Foe. it sentences do indeed show the supposed distribution of new and given information in the p r e - and post-clauses. ... one night I dreamt that Da was with another woman. I saw it all clear in my mind. It was a sister ÎżÎ&#x201C; Ma's he was with. (Cochrane, Head: 48) She was pleased with the exchange. It was so seldom that she spoke to anyone. (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 80)

In the first example, the post-clause contains the co-textually given information "he (= Da) was with some female person". In the same way, the lexical relationship between "have an exchange" and "speak to someone" leads us to infer the given information "She spoke to someone" of the post-clause. However, the reverse sequence also occurs, where given information appears in the pre-clause and new information (as

171

defined above) in the post-clause. T h e r e w a s no m o r e q u a r r e l l i n g . T h e t r u t h about t h e w a r r e n had been a g r i m shock. T h e y had come close together, relying on and v a l u i n g each o t h e r ' s capacities. T h e y k n e w now that it w a s on these and nothing else that their lives depended... (Adams, Down: 130) ... t h e r e a r e signs in his [• C o n s t a b l e ' s ] Lake District s k e t c h e s οΓ h i s m a t u r e r methods. It w a s on t h e m that h e first began to w r i t e s y s t e m a t i c notes of t h e prevailing w e a t h e r . (Reynolds, Constable: 36)

The anaphoric use of the pronouns these and them in the pre-clauses of these sentences underlines the fact that we are dealing with given, that is, previously-mentioned information here, information that follows the new in the that clause. If the definition of given and new is related to previous mention in the text, then it is not hard to find examples showing that the information in both parts of the foe. it sentence is given. T h e days w h e n we had c o n f i d e d our emotional s e c r e t s to each o t h e r w e r e g o n e now, or p e r h a p s it was the s e c r e t s t h e m s e l v e s r a t h e r than the days w h i c h w e r e gone, I thought r a t h e r sadly. (Pym, Class: 35) T w o t h o u s a n d f o u r h u n d r e d years ago a Jewish poet sand [sic] that his people sat down beside the w a t e r s of Babylon and wept... T h e Jews, as the Babylonians called t h e m , w e r e now being assimilated. Many of t h e m enjoyed the e x p e r i e n c e and took t h e line of least resistance; but some kept t h e h o m e f i r e s b u r n i n g . It w a s they w h o wept by Babylon's waters... ( S p e c t a t o r 11 J a n u a r y 75, 36: 3)

In the first example, the information that is to be regarded as given, i.e. "Some things were gone" has already been mentioned. The information we are to classify as new, i.e. "These things were our secrets", has also been mentioned before as regards the focussed nominal group "our secrets" contained in it. What is 'new' is the semantic rôle played by the latter in the foe. it sentence. In the second example, the information "Some wept by the waters of Babylon", which is found in the post-clause, has been mentioned previously. In the same way, the nominal group they, which is focussed in the pre-clause, is referred to immediately beforehand in the text: "some (Jews) kept the home fires burning". What is 'new' here is the restriction of the Jews who wept by the waters of Babylon to those who did not adapt to their new surroundings. Finally, the foe. it sentence can be used in ways that exclude anaphoric reference, and which consequently make the sub-division into new and given information based on previous mention impossible. This can apply to the very beginning of a text. Barbara Pym begins her novel "A Glass of Blessings" as follows: » I suppose it must have been the shock of h e a r i n g the t e l e p h o n e ring, a p p a r e n t l y in t h e c h u r c h , that m a d e m e turn my head and see Piers Longridge in one of the side aisles behind me. It sounded shrill and p a r t i c u l a r l y urgent a g a i n s t t h e m u s i c of the organ, and it w a s probably because I had n e v e r b e f o r e h e a r d a t e l e p h o n e ringing in c h u r c h that my t h o u g h t s w e r e immediately distracted, so that I f o u n d myself w o n d e r i n g w h e r e it could be and w h e t h e r a n y o n e would a n s w e r it.

172

T h e r e is no opportunity in the first s e n t e n c e for the r e a d e r to classify the contents according to 'given' and ' n e w ' . T h e I - n a r r a t o r gives the u n e x p e c t e d ringing of a telephone which she h e a r s in church as the reason for her turning round in the apparent hope of finding out w h e r e the t e l e phone is, and catching sight of the person named. T h e details of this s c e n e , whose a n t e c e d e n t s a r e unknown to the r e a d e r , a r e p r e s e n t e d for the first time. Such e x a m p l e s lead to t h e conclusion that it is not the fact that an i t e m has or has not been mentioned previously, nor t h e c o n t e x t of situation, nor the recoverability of the item in a p e r s o n ' s knowledge which determines its status as 'given' or ' n e w ' information, but r a t h e r the s p e a k e r ' s decision in a discourse as to what he p r e s e n t s as r e c o v e r a b l e (= given) or n o n - r e c o v e r a b l e (= new) for t h e h e a r e r . T h e reasons for his decision can vary. They may b e influenced by c o or c o n t e x t u a l f a c t o r s (i.e. he might t r e a t p r e v i o u s l y - m e n t i o n e d items as given and those introduced for the first time as new), but they may e q u a l ly well not be. A definition of given and new f r o m the s p e a k e r ' s point of view comes closest to explaining the v a r i e t y of uses of t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e . This has been repeatedly described by H a l l i d a y , for e x a m p l e in H a l l i d a y (1985: 227): "We can now see m o r e clearly what t h e t e r m s Given and New a c t u a l l y m e a n . T h e s i g n i f i c a n t variable is: i n f o r m a t i o n thai is presented by the s p e a k e r as recoverable (Given) or not recoverable (New) to the listener. What is treated as recoverable may be so b e c a u s e it has been m e n t i o n e d before; but that is not the only possibility. It may be something that is in the situation, like I and youÂĄ or in the air, so to speak: or something that is not a r o u n d at all but that t h e s p e a k e r w a n t s to present as Given for r h e t o r i c a l purposes. T h e m e a n i n g is: this is not news. Likewise, w h a t is treated as n o n - r e c o v e r a b l e may be s o m e t h i n g that h a s not been m e n t i o n e d ; but it may be s o m e t h i n g unexpected, w h e t h e r previously m e n t i o n e d or not. T h e m e a n i n g is: attend to this; this is news."

This is t h e basis for the function of the foe. it s e n t e n c e . It is a g r a m matical means allowing the speaker to give the required weight to objects, circumstances

or f a c t s present

in his

consciousness, by placing

them,

according to their i m p o r t a n c e for the communicative purposes he is p u r suing, into one part of the s e n t e n c e (the p r e - c l a u s e ) , which he c e n t r e s on by bringing it into the foreground, or into another part (the p o s t - c l a u s e ) , b e c a u s e he has decided that it is less important for the p r o g r e s s of the discourse. T h e weighting of s e n t e n c e e l e m e n t s takes p l a c e according to the s t a t e of the s p e a k e r ' s

knowledge and consciousness, and t h e s e

not have to coincide with those of his h e a r e r or r e a d e r , as the previous e x a m p l e s show. Foe. it s e n t e n c e s a r e used in a variety of ways in t e x t s . They can, for instance, b e a means of identification. "... I c a n ' t help looking. It's a sort of h e a r t l e s s search t h a t ' s been built into my nature." (Sillitoe, StartÂˇ. 205) A territorial p r i n c i p l e deals w i t h one or m o r e local a u t h o r i t i e s . It is to him that t h e a u t h o r i t i e s write... (Burgess, Guide: 34)

173

T h e y c a n a l s o e x p r e s s a c o n t r a s t or g i v e a

correction.

When he first b e c a m e t h e lover of one of his patients it w a s not h e r body w h i c h excited him but a slight s t a m m e r and a scent he didn't recognize. (Greene, Consul: 73) "Ada's all right. S h e ' s a g r a n d girl. It isn't Ada w h o gets m e down. S h e ' s a l w a y s on my side. It's Craggs w h o ' s impossible." (Powell, Books: 168 f) T h e u s e o f t h e a s c r i p t i v e f o e . it s e n t e n c e a s a w a y of q u a l i f y i n g was

objects

r e f e r r e d to in 4 . 1 . 2 . 4 . F i n a l l y , f o e . it s e n t e n c e s c a n a c t as t h e m a t i z e r s . I t a k e this to

their r ô l e in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e t o p i c of d i s c o u r s e in a c h a p t e r ,

mean

section,

a r t i c l e , e t c . : i n t r o d u c i n g it at t h e b e g i n n i n g , s u m m a r i z i n g it in t h e m i d d l e , or

mentioning

chapter

the

6 ) or " d i s c o u r s e

this. S o m e e x a m p l e s

end.

The

topic"

terms

"textual

(Reinhart

1982:

theme" have

(Jones

been

1977:

used

for

follow.

»«It is a l w a y s the tiniest of m i n o r i t i e s that let the side down. A c o m p a r a t i v e h a n d f u l of hooligans have given M a n c h e s t e r United a bad n a m e w h e n e v e r t h e team has played away. A small, almost i n s i g n i f i c a n t n u m b e r of s t u d e n t s have made people t h i n k twice about our u n i v e r s i t i e s and n e i t h e r Oxford nor Cambridge has escaped this open sabotage by the few. Now Eton College, the most f a m o u s of our public schools, has become involved. (Daily Telegraph 3 M a r c h 75, 9: 6) Here, general

the

foe.

theme:

sentence

introducing

"It is a l w a y s

the

the tiniest

newspaper

article

minorities...".

is m a d e of a f o o t b a l l c l u b , and s o m e u n i v e r s i t i e s w h i c h p r o v i d e examples

of the phenomenon.

After

this, the

c a s e , that of E t o n C o l l e g e , the famous public In t h e

following

lines,

t o p i c of t h e t e x t u n d e r

the

foe.

author

gives

Then

presents

the

mention

regrettable the

latest

school.

sentence

gives

re'sumé

the

discussion.

We have seen that all words a r e g e n e r a l i z e d representations; t h e r e a r e a m o n g them, however, d i f f e r e n t levels of generality. Since all b u t t e r c u p s a r e f l o w e r s but all f l o w e r s a r e not buttercups, it is clear that ' b u t t e r c u p ' r e p r e s e n t s a class of objects that is a sub-class of that r e p r e s e n t e d by f l o w e r ' ; and that in turn is a sub-class of the class of objects r e p r e s e n t e d by ' p l a n t ' . It is the e x i s t e n c e of classes at d i f f e r e n t levels of g e n e r a l i t y that f i n a l l y m a k e s possible the h i g h e r f o r m s of thought process, including w h a t w e call ' r e a s o n i n g ' . To be able to g r o u p objects in a c c o r d a n c e with words existing in the language at d i f f e r e n t levels of g e n e r a l i t y is a m e r e beginning, but it is the essential f o u n d a t i o n for the h i g h e r thought processes, as we shall see later w h e n we come to look at the development of language and of l e a r n i n g in c h i l d r e n . T h e r e is no need to add h e r e that m a n ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the world owes m o r e to the m e n t a l processes a c h i e v e d in this way than to any other agency. (Britton, Language: 27 f) T h e l a s t e x a m p l e s h o w s t h e f o e . it s e n t e n c e in t h e f u n c t i o n o f

thematizer

at t h e end o f a n a r t i c l e , w h e r e t h e a u t h o r is d r a w i n g a c o n c l u s i o n his

from

thoughts. T h e Heath y e a r s have run their course... T h e c e n t r a l question of Conservative politics... is w h o is best fitted to m a k e that b r e a k and to present a r g u m e n t s w h i c h will r e a c h t h e demoralized h e a r t s of Conservatives w i t h f o r c e and a r t i c u l a c y . Once t h e question is t h u s posed it can be seen that only Sir Keith Joseph or M r s T h a t c h e r is worthy of really serious consideration. Sir Keith h a s stepped

174

d o w n a s a c a n d i d a t e in f a v o u r of M r s T h a t c h e r . So s h e it is w h o m u s t b e t h e n e x t l e a d e r of t h e party.»» (Spectator 18 J a n u a r y 75, 54: 3)

A number of people have w r i t t e n about t h e d i f f e r e n t uses of foe. it s e n t e n c e s , e.g. Brömser (1984), D e c l e r c k (1984b), E r d m a n n (1987: c h a p t e r 4.2.5), Jones (1977: chapter 6) and P r i n c e (1978).

4.2

Focussing wh-

sentences

In addition to t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e , t h e r e is another way of g r a m m a t i c a l l y emphasizing p a r t s of a s e n t e n c e or whole s e n t e n c e s . This is a focussing construction introduced by a wh- f o r m . A f t e r identifying be, nominal, v e r b a l and adverbial groups can f e a t u r e , as well as nominalized c l a u s e s . (80) W h a t is n e e d e d is p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y . (81) W h a t t h e c o u n t r y l a c k e d w a s e c o n o m i c c l o u t . (82) W h a t h e is g o i n g to do is c o m p l a i n . (83) W h a t h a p p e n e d w a s t h a t h e f e l l o f f t h e r o o f .

G e n e r a t i v e l i t e r a t u r e r e f e r s to such s e n t e n c e s as " p s e u d o - c l e f t " s e n t e n c e s ( P e t e r s / Bach 1968) or " w A - c l e f t s " (Prince 1978: 883, fn l). In s y s t e m i c g r a m m a r , they a r e known as " t h e m a t i c equatives" (Halliday 1985: c h a p t e r 3.2) or " t h e m a t i c identification" (Young 1980: chapter 12.6). In analogy to t h e foe. it s e n t e n c e , I will r e f e r to them as "focussing wh- s e n t e n c e s " (abbreviated to "foe. whsentences"). Some authors, such as Akmajian (1979: 18) include not only the type of s e n t e n c e given above among the foe. whsentences, but also e x a m p l e s like the following. ( 8 4 ) T h e t h i n g t h a t is n e e d e d is p o l i t i c a l s t a b i l i t y .

W e do not follow this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the foe. wh- s e n t e n c e . O t h e r s subsume c e r t a i n types of n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n under wh- focussing. For instance, Higgins (1979: 9 f) distinguishes b e t w e e n specifying and p r e d i cating p s e u d o - c l e f t s e n t e n c e s . T h e s e n t e n c e What I am pointing at is a kangaroo can be analysed in two ways: 1. as a n o n - e x t r a p o s i t i o n of the nominalized wh- c l a u s e What I am pointing at, of which the e x t r a p o s i t i o n a l f o r m would be It is a kangaroo what I am pointing at, and 2. as a foe. wh- s e n t e n c e , which has a simple s e n t e n c e equivalent - I am pointing at a kangaroo. Again, I do not subscribe to this use of t h e t e r m . T h e fact that extrapositional and focussing it sentences can coincide has a l ready b e e n mentioned (in 4.1.1.2). T h e s e n t e n c e It is a tragedy that he wants to confess can b e understood in the sense of That he wants to confess (his crimes) is a tragedy or He wants to confess a tragedy (no one knows about). A third i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is to regard it as being used as an anaphoric pronoun which picks up a previously mentioned part of

175

the text. This chapter will only contain examples of the first-mentioned type of foe. whsentence.

4.2.1

Grammatical analysis

Foe. whsentences like What we wanted was some good food have three components: a constituent, introduced by a wh- form, that lies to the left of be, and that, for the sake of brevity, is called the pre-clause; the forms of beÂˇ, and the constituent to the right of be, known as the post-constituent for short. (85) What

we wanted

pre-clause

was

some

be f o r m

good

food.

post-constituent

The foe. whsentence will be dealt with in more detail below, as a complete sentence and as regards its three components.

4.2.1.1

The complete sentence

The foe. whsentence, like the foe. it sentence, is an equative structure. It consists of a nominalized part (usually containing the indefinite pronoun what), identifying be, and a constituent functioning as the identifier for the lexically unspecified wh- element. The foe. whsentence expresses an identification, in which the identifier is equated with the part to be identified, otherwise known as the identificandum. equative

verbal part

n o m i n a l part What identificandum ^

was

structure

important

identifier

was

nominal his

part

enthusiasm

identificant

identity

identifier

identification

On the other hand, sentences like What he told us was important have predicative structures in which predicative be, with its adjectival complement, follows the nominalized subject.

4.2.1.1.1

Grammatical concord

There a r e some unusual and noteworthy points about grammatical concord in foe. whsentences. In most cases, there is agreement between the

176

singular what and identifying be. It makes no difference whether the post-constituent contains a nominal group in the singular, co-ordinated singular nominal groups or several co-ordinated clause subjects and objects, or a nominal group in the plural. ... w h a t is needed is a dose of Gladstonian gravity. ( D a i l y Telegraph 75. 16: 1)

14 M a r c h

What is important was the Tightness of his j u d g e m e n t , the i n f e c t i o u s n e s s of h i s e n t h u s i a s m , and the f a c t that h e cared. ( S p e c t a t o r 8 M a r c h 75, 282: 4) What Woundwort k n e w was that those beyond t h e wall w e r e a f r a i d of him and that on this a c c o u n t he had the advantage. (Adams, Down: 445) And w h a t is learned in this t r a n s a c t i o n is languages of s e l f - d i s c l o s u r e and s e l f enactment... (Oakeshott, Conduct: 59)

Plural groups in the post-constituent

yield variations

of this

singular

concord. In the examples below, plural concord predominates with identifying be. What kept him way outside this c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was his eyes. (Pownall, War: 26) ... w h a t h u r t him most w e r e the rabbit punches... (Daily 30: 6)

Telegraph

26 M a r c h 75,

Plural nominal groups occurring in the post-constituent can be further sub-divided according to their grammatical function. If they appear as objects, then the examples given are also applicable to presentative be. What we have now to consider is t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a state and the o f f i c e of its government... (Oakeshott. Conduct: 206) What Popper denies, t h e r e f o r e , a r e only laws of the kind to w h i c h Marx r e f e r s in t h e p r e f a c e to Capital... ( S p e c t a t o r 18 Jan 75, 68: 2)

If they appear as subjects, there are three forms of concord between the finite verb in the pre-clause and identifying be: 1. singular-singular, 2. singular-plural and 3. plural-plural. ... w h a t c o n s t i t u t e s t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g is t h e t h e o r e m s themselves... Conduct: 35)

(Oakeshott,

... w h a t possibly c a u s e s the Politburo m o r e anxiety than any e x t e r n a l f a c t o r a r e c e r t a i n i n t e r n a l problems of the Soviet Union. (Buchan, End: 149) What a r e yet m o r e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Vanbrugh a r e t h e corridors of n a k e d stone w i t h t h e i r smooth s u r f a c e s . (Sitwell, Architects: 127)

The peculiarities of grammatical concord in foe. whsentences can be explained as assimilation to the nominal groups in the post-constituent (compare the articles by Christensen (1955, 1958) on this point, and also the monograph by Juul (1975: chapter 5: II-IV)).

177

4.2.1.1.2

Tense agreement

As with foc. it sentences, foe. whsentences show tense agreement between the predicator in the pre-clause and the finite form of identifying be. Tenses can be divided into past and non-past. The latter include the past and the pluperfect, whilst the former include the present and the present perfect. "What we want is the c h a n c e to earn a living..." ( D a i l y Telegraph 2: 7)

25 M a r c h 75,

What (he e x e r c i s e has proved is thai it is possible... to c h a n g e a G o v e r n m e n t ' s thinking... (Daily Telegraph 17 M a r c h 75, 7: 1) For w h a t this version ÎżÎ&#x201C; Christianity would seek to establish is a sort of u n i v e r s a l discussion-group. ( S p e c t a t o r 15 M a r c h 75, 314: 3) What a f f e c t e d him was Roman a r c h i t e c t u r e . (Sitwell, Architects:

204)

What had irked her, K a t h l e e n saw, was that such c o m p a r i s o n s w e r e symptoms of a m o r e serious complaint... (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 87)

merely

What I could not decide now was w h e t h e r the next move was m i n e or his. ( M u r doch, Child: 212)

Deviations from tense agreement occur if the current relevance of a past event needs to be stressed. "What I c a n ' t understand, I said, "was why Laura had to tell Freddie about you at all." (Murdoch, Child: 322) What the Lord Justice was not reported as saying is that the C o m m u n i t y t r e a t i e s extend that scope almost indefinitely. ( S p e c t a t o r 8 M a r c h 75, 276: 1)

Akmajian (1979: 168) and Higgins (1979: chapter 6.2) refer to the existence of tense agreement or tense harmony.

4.2.1.2

The pre-clause

The wh- forms appearing in the pre-clause are limited to only a few, the most common being what. The next most frequent is where, and the others occur very seldom, or not at all, in texts. P e r h a p s w h a t is m o r e r e v e a l i n g than all else is t h e g e n u i n e apathy with w h i c h t h e European issue is nationally regarded. ( S p e c t a t o r 22 M a r c h 75, 339: 3) What w e need is d i s e n g a g e m e n t b e t w e e n G o v e r n m e n t and politics. ( D a i l y graph 21 M a r c h 75, 32: 5)

Tele-

"... C h i c o and I got abducted, and w h e r e we landed up was at Peter R a m m i l e e s e ' s place at T u n b r i d g e Wells." (Francis, Whip Hand. 238)

In the corpus on which this monograph is based (Erdmann 1987), there are no examples for British English (BrE) of wh- forms other than what and where. As the following examples show, American English (AmE) provides occasional cases with who as subject and object form, and with

178

adverbial

when.

Who should r u n t h e show, Poppa, is us! (Roth, Complaint:

98)

"Who Miss Van Alien should really see is Rusty, said Mary-Ann... (Vidal,

Myra:

121)

ÂŤHere, look at this c a l e n d a r for next year. T h a n k s g i v i n g will be November 22nd... t h e n a m o n t h and t h r e e days later we get Christmas... a w e e k a f t e r that, New Year's. â&#x20AC;˘ W e d o n ' t need t h r e e holidays that soon. W h e n w e need a holiday is in February, w h e n everyone is sick and tired of w i n t e r . (Rooney, Few minutes: 253)

Regional differences aside, individual speakers vary in the degree to which they accept examples with a wh- form other than what and where. Akmajian (1979: 18; 83, fn l) points out that sentences like Who Nixon chose was Agnew, When John arrived was at 5 o'clock and How he did that was by using a decoder a r e acceptable to him, whereas they would be judged as ungrammatical by other native speakers. There are two ways of analysing pronouns that occur in foe. whsentences. One interpretation treats them as relative pronouns, whilst the other sees them as interrogative pronouns. Let us deal with these interpretations consecutively. Analysis of wh- pronouns as relative pronouns can be achieved in two ways. First, sentences like What he detested was personal confrontation can be related to sentences such as The thing which he detested was personal confrontation, i.e. an attempt is made to derive relative pronouns with no antecedent - in this case what from those with an antecedent, in the example given, (the thing) which. This kind of analysis gives rise to various problems. Although (the person) who, or {the time) when could to some extent be explained through the absence of the reference word, this option does not exist for (the thing) which. The wh- form in the focussing whsentence is not which, but what. To get round this problem, the assumption is then made that the thing and which are merged into what. The second difficulty with this analysis is that not all relative pronouns have antecedents. Thus, the thing which, the person who(m)/ whose, the place where, the time when and the reason why are all possible, but not *the way how (cf. Quirk et al. 1985: chapter 17.18). Thirdly, this analysis does not explain why identifying sentences like The person who helped me was my uncle are acceptable to native speakers, whilst foe. whsentences related to them, e.g. Who helped me was my uncle are rejected by most speakers. One reaction to such problems is to suggest an analysis of wh- forms as relative pronouns which are not derived from syntagms with antecedents, but are independent, antecedent-less relative connectors, often known as "free" (cf. Jespersen 1927: chapter 6.2,). Although the assumption that there are relative pronouns without antecedents gets round the first two problems, it does not satisfactorily answer the third question of why, out of all the possible wh- forms, it is really only what and where

179

that occur in foe. whsentences. The second interpretation regards wh- forms as interrogative pronouns. Accordingly, the foe. whsentence is analysed as a syntagm bringing together a question and its answer. The dialogue sequence A. What has misled the experts? B. The government's public-relations campaign, is the starting point for the foe. whsentence What has misled the experts is the government's public-relations campaign, in which the question appears as the pre-clause and the answer as the post-constituent. This analysis also brings several problems in its wake. One concerns word order in interrogative sentences and in the pre-clause of the foe. whsentence. The latter consistently has the word order of an affirmative clause, and not that of an interrogative clause. A second problem is that the grammatical derivation of foe. whsentences from structures with interrogative clauses, as in the examples shown in 4.2.3.1, is still rather unconvincing. Again, the question remains unanswered as to why the full spectrum of wh- forms can occur in questions, whilst, in foe. whsentences, they are virtually limited to what and where. Of the analyses discussed here, the one favoured by Jespersen, which defines the wh- form as an antecedent-less relative pronoun, seems to be the most plausible.

4.2.1.3

The be form

Like the foe. it sentence, the foe. whsentence has an identifying be. Sentences with this type of be usually allow the interchanging of their nominal constituents. For instance, the sentence Dana is our chairwoman can also be transposed and rendered as Our chairwoman is Dana. C o r r e spondingly, the pre-clause and the post-constituent change places in whsentences. (86) What w e must look for is security. (87) Security is w h a t w e m u s t look for.

A more detailed examination of the transposed foe. whsentence can be found in 4.3. The interchangeability of the nominal parts of sentences with identifying be is often used as a means for separating the various analyses of syntactically ambiguous sentences like the one given in the introductory section: What I am pointing at is a kangaroo. Thus, the sentence A kangaroo is what I am pointing at can only be interpreted as a (transposed) foe. whsentence, because a sentence with predicative be allows the transposition of the subject with its complement only under very limited contextual circumstances, e.g. Bob is a lawyer/ *?A lawyer is Bob.

180

4.2.1.4

The post-constituent

If the foe. whsentence is analysed as an equative structure, then the definition of the constituent that follows identifying be is fixed. Here, we are dealing with a constituent with a nominal function, which explains why wh- focussings usually contain nominal groups, nominalized clauses and non-finite clauses. It is noticeable that the nominal expressions which appear in the post-constituent are predominantly heavy. Most nouns occurring in foe. whsentences are found to have post-modifiers in the form of relative clauses, prepositional phrases, etc.. Nominalized clauses are numerous in the post-constituent. Non-finite verb forms following identifying be often appear with their nominal and adverbial complements. H e r e a r e a few typical examples. What may eventuate, therefore, is simply a relationship thai is cold bul not violently hostile... (Buchan, End: 159) What he must bring to this understanding' is a deep respect Tor the individual action... (Oakeshott, Conduct: 106) "Mr Smithson, what I beg you to understand is not that I did this shameful thing, but why I did it." (Fowles, Woman 152) What Hrridge disliked was having to wrangle with a lot of not very well-informed adversaries face to face. (Powell, Books: 33)

Compared to foe. whsentences, foe. it sentences show no clear pattern of light or heavy focus constituents in the pre-clause.

4.2.2

Focussability of constituents

Adverbials are seldom focussed in whsentences. Focussing is largely restricted to locative adverbials in literal and transferred meanings. Otherwise, nominal groups, predicative complements, non-finite verb forms and nominalized clauses which can co-occur with the what form are found in such sentences.

4.2.2.1

Nominal groups

Focussed nominal groups in whsentences are predominantly heavy. They usually describe objects, or features or functions seen as ' r e a l ' . Descriptions of people are very infrequent. The nominal groups can appear grammatically as subjects or objects. Nominal groups functioning as subject: "What is being abolished is autonomous man, the inner man. the homunculus, the possessing demon, the man defended by the literatures of freedom and dignity."

181

(Burgess, Testament: 86) What was needed was a political breakthrough. (Daily Telegraph 32: 4)

21 March 75,

What may eventuate, therefore, is simply a relationship that is cold but not violently hostile... (Buchan, End: 159) What surprised me, however, worried and shamed me, was my discovery that my feelings as I talked to him were no loftier than his own. (Spectator 25 January 75, 91: 3) ... what distinguishes political thought and utterance is its character as circumstantial deliberation... (Oakeshott, Conduct: 172 f) What in his view there are not... are inexorable overall laws governing the entire development of a society. (Spectator 18 January 75, 68: 2)

Nominal groups functioning as object: ... what they understood best was one another... (Mcllvanney, Docherty: 131) "What you kids need is some good food... and an idea of what good and evil are about." (Burgess, Testament: 33) "What I had in mind was the unfortunate effect any adverse publicity might have upon the Ministry of Education grants." (Wilson, Zoo: 29) What he misses, of course, is the rapidly emerging fact that Mrs Thatcher is a politician of star quality. (Spectator 29 March 75, 366: I) What he must bring to this understanding is a deep respect for the individual action... (Oakeshott, Conduct: 106) "What we want is the chance to earn a living..." (Daily Telegraph 2: 7)

25 March 75,

The emphasizing of prepositional objects is possible only if the preposition appears in the pre-clause after the predicator. (88) What they were referring to was his strong party allegiance. (89) ' W h a t they were referring was to his strong party allegiance. (90) *To what they were referring was his strong party allegiance. What both Mr Rees-Mogg and Mr Cunningham were referring to was the utterly reckless spending spree... ( Spectator 8 Februay 75, 142: 3) "What I'm talking about is that sense of relief about hearing a given death has taken place." (Powell, Books: 96) ... what I was most aware of... was the indescribable smell of rain filling the air. (Hartley. Go-between: 261) What we are concerned with are not psychological states, but the differences which distinguish conduct... from conduct... (Oakeshott, Conduct: 72)

4.2.2.1.1

Nominalized clauses

In foe. whsentences, grammatical prominence can be given to clauses functioning as subject or object, as well as to whole sentences. It is

182

noticeable

that c l a u s e s

t h a n in it s e n t e n c e s .

are

This

focussed

f a c t is r e l a t e d

frequently to t h e l a w

in whof

sentences

complementary

weight. Whole

sentences:

Grammatical

emphasis

a whole

s e n t e n c e s , w h e n a v e r b l i k e happen of t h e f o e . wh-

sentence (or occur)

can be

found

with

a p p e a r s in t h e

action

pre-clause

sentence.

â&#x20AC;˘ W h e n a school needs new buildings, large or small, w h a t n o r m a l l y h a p p e n s is that the existing i n c o n v e n i e n c e and squalor moves t h e head, s t a f f , and perhaps p a r e n t s a n d m a n a g e r s or governors, to complain to t h e local e d u c a t i o n authority. (Burgess, Guide: 40) Clauses

f u n c t i o n i n g as

subject:

What is beyond doubt is that Cristall needs to be considered... ( D a i l y 3 M a r c h 75. 7: 7)

Telegraph

"What m u s t be e m p h a s i z e d is that... our Middle Eastern policies and goals b e c o m e irrelevant..." ( D a i l y Telegraph 22 M a r c h 75, 5: 4) What r e m a i n s to be a n n o u n c e d is who will be r u n n i n g w h a t in t h e n e w s c h e m e of things. ( S p e c t a t o r 5 April 75, 401: 3) ... w h a t was most noticeable was how consistent h i s a c t i o n s w e r e with a t t i t u d e s he had so long displayed. (Fraser, Cromwell: 520) Clauses

f u n c t i o n i n g as

those

object:

"What we a r e suggesting is that we put trust into the trade union movement..." (Daily Telegraph 11 M a r c h 75, 10: 3) What he doesn't tell her... is that h e borrowed the money w i t h o u t security. ( S p e c tator 29 M a r c h 75, 385: 2) "What I want to know," said Freddie, "is w h a t happened yesterday." (Murdoch, Child: 320) "What I c a n ' t see is why I'm here." (Amis, Want: 126) A s w i t h t h e to i n f i n i t i v e s and t h e for...to ject

( c f . 4 . 2 . 2 . 3 ) , that

particle verbs,

i.e.

clauses

there

c o n s t r u c t i o n f u n c t i o n i n g as

cannot be combined

is no s i m p l e

sentence

with prepositional

equivalent

foe.

obor wh-

sentences. (91)

What I am getting at is that they a r e responsible f o r t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s .

(92) *I am getting at that they a r e responsible f o r t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s .

C l a u s e s w i t h a wh-

4.2.2.2

Predicatives

Predicative express

p r o n o u n c o l l o c a t e w i t h this t y p e o f v e r b .

adjectives

following

a contrast to a previous

are

focussed

wh-

sentences

description.

183

He argues that "light verse need not be funny, but what no verse can afford to be is unfunny." (Time 12 June 78. 67: 2) In the s a m e way, w e find the whof other copula verbs, e.g. feel

focussing of adjectival

and

complements

look.

I thought that he ought to be down on his knees or something. And then, the awful thing was, she was down on her knees! She had sort of slipped or he had pushed her, I think - I don't know. What I felt was sorry then, and simply awful, if you want to know the truth. (Montagu, Truth: 44) There was at least no sneer either in his eyes or his voice. If it hadn't been impossible, I would have thought that what he looked was wary. (Francis, Whip Hand. 158) Predicative nouns are more commonly found in foe. wh-

s e n t e n c e s . They

e x p r e s s a contrast to a given description, or qualify a fact by summarizing or developing it. All of which appears to have led us a long way from Mary, though I recall now that she was very fond of apples. But what she was not was an innocent country virgin, for the very simple reason that the two adjectives were incompatible in her century. (Fowles, Woman: 234) "There's no need to be actually alarmed, Mr Duke... I've seen patients with those symptoms before, and attention-seeking may come into it. I don't know, but what they mostly are are side-effects of drugs. You see, he had big doses of this powerful tranquillizer which have certainly tranquillized him all right, but they've also given him those involuntary movements you saw." (Amis, Stanley. 170)

4.2.2.3

Verbal groups

The post-constituent

of the foe. wh-

sentence

can contain any of

non-finite English verb forms - the to infinitive, the for...to and the nominalized ing

form. Like nominal

groups,

the

construction

they can

function

as subject or object, but also as predicator. N o n - f i n i t e verb forms functioning as subject: What was more than ordinarily depressing, however, was to hear Conservative Members of Parliament defending the monarchy as a tourist attraction... (Spectator 22 February 75, 194: 2) •What is important here is to claim that the responses young people make to the books they choose to read form in fact the raw material of the maturer responses we covet for them eventually. (Britton, Language: 266) What would be damaging would be for British Airways to make a public decision to buy American aircraft... (Listener 25 August 83, 5: l) "... but what is definitely wrong is for her to let him catch her at it [· adultery]." (Naughton, Alfie·. 117) But what was even more devastating than seeing him was being seen by him. (Murdoch. Child: 139) "But what made me cry was seeing that she'd sent you away so as to hurt me." (Amis, Want: 156)

184

N o n - f i n i t e verb forms functioning as object: "What we need is to find a safe place soon..." (Adams, Down: 63) I cannot want "happiness" what I want is to idle in Avignon or to hear Caruso sing.· (Oakeshott, Conduct: S3) "We understand that [• that Mubarak cannot just end the peace treaty like that]. But what we need is for him to be committed to opposing any solution οΓ the Palestinian problem which goes against Palestinian aspirations." (New Statesman 6 November 81, 10: 2) "What I want is for England to preserve her traditions and her historical institutions and her culture." (Amis, Want: 128) What Erridge disliked was having to wrangle with a lot of not very well-informed adversaries face to face. (Powell, Books: 33) Many human beings say that they enjoy the winter, but what they really enjoy is feeling proof against it. (Adams, Down: 468) When the to infinitive and the for...to f o l l o w prepositional

equivalent to the foe. whof t h e s e syntagms

construction (functioning as object)

and particle verbs, they have no s i m p l e

sentence

s e n t e n c e . The reason for this is that neither

(apart from the foe. it s e n t e n c e )

can

appear

such verbs. Nominalized ing forms, on the other hand, can b e

after

combined

with prepositions and particles. (93)

We talked about helping him.

(94) *We talked about to help him. Therefore,

foe. wh-

sentences

those b e l o w

cannot

simple s e n t e n c e s with the above-mentioned non-finite verb forms. "What I wanted to see you about, Carter, he said, "was to ask the name of that clever girl who did the plates for the last guide." (Wilson, Zoo: 23) What the ministers formally agreed on was to renew... the scheme... (Daily Telegraph 4 March 75. 4: 3) Infinitives also appear in the post-constituent in a syntagm that contains, in the p r e - c l a u s e of the foe. whverb form. For action v e r b s / t h i s

sentence, a p r o - f o r m for the non-finite is do.

Infinitives occur both with and

without to, in roughly equal numbers. "... what the British government was trying to do was to keep all the human refuse... from coming back..." (Pownall, War. 152) "What I'd like to do is get hold of some does and bring them here." (Adams, Down: 196) N o n - f i n i t e verb forms functioning as predicate: In contrast to the foe. it s e n t e n c e , predicatore and adverbials can b e grammatically

and their

emphasized in wh-

complements

sentences.

The

infinitive in the post-constituent occurs with to far more o f t e n than w i t h out it. "What you're going to do is grovel." (Burgess, Testament: 104)

185

What he does is c o n c e n t r a t e upon the m o r e r o m a n t i c details of police procedure... (Spectator 22 M a r c h 75, 346: 2) What trade u n i o n s do is to t r a n s f e r money f r o m the w e a k to the strong. ( S p e c t a t o r 11 J a n u a r y 75, 32: 3) What he did so expertly w a s to allow the c h a r a c t e r s to t a k e themselves... seriously. (Daily Telegraph 13 M a r c h 75, 13: 1)

As a rule, the infinitive in the post-constituent does not show the same verb modification as the finite pro-verb in the pre-clause. In the corpus of written English, there are two examples of nominalized ing forms as counterparts to expanded verb forms. What they w e r e really doing w a s living out, in their dreams, a collective fantasy or f o l k - b e l t e r that w a s traditional amongst the G e r m a n i c peoples. (Cohn, Demons: 210) I t h i n k that if you don't have an alert a w a r e n e s s of t h e i m m e d i a t e past, then w h a t you a r e actually doing is being totally complicit w i t h t h e orthodoxy of the present. (Listener 2 July 87. 18: l) What s h e is doing is to verbalize m o r e of the situation t h a n the child has done... (Britton, Language: 49) What these a u t h o r s have done is to abstract one e l e m e n t of social encounters... (Argyle, Interaction: 195) What you have to do is to decide... what sort of things your child needs and wants. (Burgess, Guide: 150)

There is no support in the corpus we are using for the case mentioned by Leech/ Svartvik (1975; 182) of an ed form in the post-constituent, e.g. What he's done is spoilt the whole thing.

4.2.2.4

Adverbial groups

As we have already seen (in 4.2.1.2), only adverbials of place and direction occur with any great frequency in foe. whsentences, having either a literal or a transferred meaning. "... C h i c o and I got abducted, and w h e r e w e landed up w a s at Peter R a m m i l e e s e ' s place at T u n b r i d g e Wells." (Francis, Whip Hand. 238) W h e r e he [ Âˇ G i r t i n ] is at his best is in depicting great sweeps of country... ( D a i l y Telegraph 17 M a r c h 75. 8: 7) He got into the f r o n t seat and the driver started t h e engine. They had f i n i s h e d here; they w e r e going w h e r e they always w e n t at such times. W h e r e they went w a s V a n a g ' s imposing Georgian mansion near Newport Pagnell. (Amis, Hide and seek: 230)

186

4.2.3

Analyses of the foe. wh-

sentence

From the grammatical point of view, the foe. whsentence has been dealt with most thoroughly by Jespersen and the representatives of generative syntax. As with the treatment of the foe. it sentence, it is clear that Jespersen's suggestions for describing the construction have influenced later grammatical treatment of the subject. Jespersen does not include the foe. whsentence in the class of focussing constructions together with the foe. it sentence, but treats it instead as a sub-category of the nominal clause, which he calls "clauses as primaries" or "clause primaries", where "primary" refers to the occurrence of clauses in subject or object function. H e analyses the p r e - c l a u s e of the foe. whsentence as a relative clause functioning as subject, comparable to non-extrapositional wh- clauses or similar constructions (Jespersen 1927: chapter 3.1). (95) What I w a n t is money. (96) What you say is true.

Jespersen is primarily interested in the question of how to analyse the relative pronoun in sentences like (95) and (96). H e develops his argument with two suggestions that he calls "The theory of condensed relatives" and "The theory of omission or ellipsis" (Jespersen 1924: 104, fn 1; 1927: chapter 3.1 3 and 3.I4). The first gives an analysis of the pronoun what in (96) as an amalgamation of that (the subject of true), and which (functioning as the object of i<y). However, this analysis is unacceptable, since the answer to a question about the subject of what is true is not that or which (you but the whole wh- clause, what you say. According to Jespersen, this shows that what cannot be sub-divided. The theory of ellipsis assumes that the relative pronoun what in sentence (96) results from the deleting of an antecedent such as the thing, for example. The trouble with any theory of ellipsis is that wh- pronouns like what or whoever cannot be simply explained by the deletion of an antecedent, e.g. The thing *what/ which/ that you say is true or The person *whoeverâ&#x20AC;˘/ who helps us is welcome. Subject clauses like What you say is true or Whoever helps us is welcome do not result merely from the deleting of general r e f e r e n c e nouns, but need additional alterations which have yet to be explained. Rejecting these two theories, Jespersen suggests (Jespersen 1927: chapter 6.21) that there are two classes of relative pronoun: 1. relative pronouns without antecedents, which occur in foe. wh- clauses, and 2. relative pronouns with antecedents, which are found in (non-)restrictive relative clauses. Generative contributions to this debate can be arranged according to two criteria: 1. a r e the wh- pronouns in foe. whsentences analysed as relative pronouns or as interrogatives? and 2. is it assumed that a

187

special transformation is required for the foe. whsentence, or are such sentences generated by the phrase structure rules available in the base? The first group of contributions to be discussed regards wh- forms as relative pronouns. To represent a transformational approach, let us take Akmajian, who formulates an "extraction theory" for deriving foe. whsentences (Akmajian 1979: chapter 1.3.1). A sentence like What John bought was a car is based on a complex syntactic structure containing a superordinate it clause with identifying be and a vacant position, plus the embedded clause (that) John bought a car. The object of the embedded clause - a car - is extracted from it and placed in the vacant position of the superordinate clause. What stays behind in the function of object in the embedded clause, ultimately taking the place of that (= complementizer). Since the embedded clause is not emphasized (as would be the case with a foe. it sentence), it must be deleted from the higher clause. We now have a structure which forms the basis for the example sentence above. What Akmajian has done, therefore, is to trace the foe. whsentence back to a simple (= embedded) clause and to postulate a special extraction transformation that brings the element to be focussed into the vacant position of the superordinate clause. Akmajian (1979: chapter 1.3.5) discusses a non-transformational derivation for special cases of foe. whsentences, which I will not go into. Higgins is in favour of a phrase-structure derivation of foe. whsentences, which, departing from the usual generative terminology, he calls "specificational pseudo-cleft sentences." The reason for this is that Higgins (1979: chapter 2.3.4) includes under "pseudo-cleft sentences" not only sentences like What John did was wash himself, but also copula sentences like The only people they really like are Bill and Mary. H e discusses a range of grammatical and semantic problems of "pseudo-cleft sentences" (understood in the wider sense illustrated). The foe. whsentence is not derived with a special transformation, but with the help of already-existing base rules for generating copula structures of the type NP be NP. The subjectNP here consists of a "free relative clause" (a relative clause without antecedent). Higgins calls this the "null hypothesis analysis" or "null hypothesis derivation", because it does not require a special transformational rule for the foe. whsentence. It assumes (unlike Akmajian's theory) that "pseudo-cleft sentences" are not derived from simple sentences (Higgins 1979: 12). Higgins does not elaborate on the formal side of his null hypothesis. The second group of contributions analyses the wh- forms in foe. whsentences as interrogative pronouns. To represent this view, let us take Shell's dissertation (1972). Other contributions are articles by Faraci (1971 ) and Nakada (1973). As yet, only transformational derivations are available. Shell puts forward the idea that the example sentence What John bought was a book can be traced back to the indirect question clause

188

What John bought (from What did John buy?) and the answer clause (that he bought) a book, of which only the object-NP a book remains after deletions. The question clause and the fragment of answer clauses appear as constituents of a copula sentence with identifying be: What John bought was (that he bought) a book. The details of the transformational derivation remain to be worked out. Also unexplained is the fact that of the wh- interrogative clauses, it is usually only those with what and where that appear, whilst the other wh- interrogatives like who, when, why or how are not found in foe. whsentences. The logical-semantic analysis of foe. whsentences closely resembles that of foe. it sentences. Halvorsen (1977: 4) argues that the truth conditions for the foe. whsentence What Mary is doing is washing herself and for the simple sentence Mary is washing herself are the same. These sentences are distinguished from each other by two semantic characteristics, the so-called "existence condition" and the "exhaustiveness condition". According to the first, the foe. whsentence used here implies a sentence like "Mary is doing something", and according to the second, it implies a sentence like "Mary is doing nothing else but washing h e r s e l f ' . This analysis has mainly been criticized on the grounds that the characteristics dealt with are said to be semantic ("conventional implicatures"), e.g. A t l a s / Levinson (1981 ). Other writers (e.g. Delahunty 1981: chapter 4) query the existence of an "exhaustiveness condition" for foe. whsentences. Halliday analyses foe. whsentences (like foe. it sentences) with regard to their theme-rheme structure, and the distribution of information as given or new. In a foe. whsentence like What the duke gave to my aunt was that teapot, a nominalization appears as theme. For Halliday, this is a structural feature "whereby any element or group of elements takes on the functions of a nominal group in the clause (Halliday 1985: 42)". Apart from having the nominalization as theme, the foe. whsentence also contains a form of identifying be and another element as the rheme. This analysis leads to Halliday's description of foe. whsentences as "thematic equatives" or "theme identification" (Halliday 1985: chapter 3.2 and chapter 8.6). What

the

duke

gave

aunt

was

Theme

that Rheme

teapot

As regards the information structure of the foe. whsentence, in the unmarked case, the pre-clause contains the given and the post-constituent the new. What

the

duke

gave

Theme Given

aunt

was

that Rheme New

teapot

189

In the unmarked foe. whsentence, in contrast to the foe. it sentence, the t h e m e - r h e m e s t r u c t u r e and the information sequence coincide. Psycholinguistics has so far concerned itself mainly with foe. it sentences. T h e same means have been used in the examination of foe. whsentences. C l a r k / Haviland (1977), for instance, t a k e the view that the syntax of foe. whsentences follows the general given-new p a t t e r n for the distribution of information in the sentence. The postulated c o n v e r s a tional contract between speaker and hearer means that the speaker tries to convey what he is saying in an understandable way, which means creating links in the linguistic and extra-linguistic environment for the h e a r e r , who can u s e them as a basis for understanding information that is new to him. The foe. whsentence is a grammatical means of making this division into given and new information for the h e a r e r . The p r e - c l a u s e , i.e. the wh- clause (which is analysed as a relative clause with no a n t e cedent) contains the given, and the post-constituent, i.e. the element f o l lowing be, contains the new part of the communication. (97) What Olivia lost w a s her purse. Given: Olivia lost something. New: T h a t s o m e t h i n g w a s her purse.

4.2.4

Uses of the foe. wh-

sentence

It is often asserted in the l i t e r a t u r e that the p r e - c l a u s e s of foe. whsentences always contain given information. Prince (1978: 904), for instance, writes that " W H - c l e f t s mark the information in the W H - c l a u s e as a s s u m e d / assumable to be in the h e a r e r ' s consciousness, or GIVEN". If this general description is accepted, then the post-constituent of foe. whsentences should always offer new information. However, this g e n e r alization is not backed up by textual evidence. T h e r e is no doubt that the sequence of "given-new" is a dominant distribution pattern, with the anaphoric r e f e r e n c e of the p r e - c l a u s e seldom being produced by literal repetition, but mainly through lexical means such as synonymy, antonymy, c a u s e - e f f e c t relations, etc. As a practice, the civil condition is an e n a c t m e n t ÎżÎ&#x201C; h u m a n beings; a c o n t i n u o u s , not a once-and-for-all e n a c t m e n t . And w h a t is e n a c t e d and c o n t i n u o u s l y ree n a c t e d is a v e r n a c u l a r language of civil u n d e r s t a n d i n g and intercourse...

(Oakeshott, Conduct: 122) To discover w h a t Aquina? thought about magic one h a s to look at quite d i f f e r e n t parts of his work; and w h a t e m e r g e s then is that for him magic m e a n s almost exclusively r i t u a l or c e r e m o n i a l magic. (Cohn, Demons: 175)

T h e r e a r e also examples of sentences w h e r e information that is new for the h e a r e r is mentioned in the p r e - c l a u s e . Such information cannot be recovered by grammatical or lexical means, but the h e a r e r takes it

190

to b e

relevant

the

discourse

because

assumes

w i l l p r e s e n t his u t t e r a n c e s a s c o n g r u e n t e l e m e n t s

that

of a

the

speaker

text.

Just about every pit in Ayrshire w e n t spontaneously on strike. They m a r c h e d to C r a i g i e Hall and held a m e e t i n g . · • W h a t h e r e m e m b e r e d w a s the s h e e r a w e of looking at their n u m b e r s . (Mcllvanney. Docherty: 55) ... t h e r e are, in Tact, several s c e n e s w h i c h suggest that the boy is pleased to regard h i m s e i r as a James Dean f i g u r e - a n o t h e r rebel w i t h o u t a cause... « W h e r e this interesting film Tails for m e is in its lack οΓ good dialogue. ( S p e c tator 4 January 75, 17: 2) In

the

first

example,

the

author

initially

w o r k e r s . In t h e p r e - c l a u s e of t h e wh-

gives

details

strike

sentence, which opens a new para-

g r a p h , h e t e l l s t h e r e a d e r for t h e f i r s t t i m e that t h e r e is o n e t h i n g

about

t h e p r o t e s t m a r c h that t h e y o u n g p r o t a g o n i s t h a s r e m e m b e r e d b e t t e r

than

a n y t h i n g e l s e - t h e i m p o s i n g sight o f t h e h u g e n u m b e r s o f s t r i k i n g w o r k e r s , and

thus

informs

the

reader

that

the

hero

has

either

forgotten

other

t h i n g s h e s a w , o r did not b e c o m e a w a r e of t h e m . T h e s e c o n d e x a m p l e t a k e n f r o m a f i l m r e v i e w , and r e a d e r s o f t h e s e e x p e c t j u d g e m e n t s made

and

evaluations

given.

However,

even

for

the

reader

to b e

with

such

k n o w l e d g e , t h e r e is s o m e t h i n g ' n e w ' in t h e e x a m p l e a b o v e : h o w and w h e r e the reviewer

p l a c e s t h e e m p h a s i s o f his

T h e f o e . wh-

criticism.

s e n t e n c e is s o m e t i m e s u s e d

(like the

to i d e n t i f y , c o r r e c t o r c o n t r a s t o b j e c t s , f a c t s o r

f o e . it

sentence)

circumstances.

Enderby now w r o t e at the desk that had produced so m a n y androphobic m i s t r e s s pieces. What h e w a s writing w a s a long poem about SI Augustine and Pelagius... (Burgess, Testament: 21-22) I am not a s k i n g w h e t h e r you t h i n k the trend towards o r g a n i z i n g o u r s e l v e s into larger units is desirable. What I would like to k n o w is w h e t h e r you deny the reality of this trend. ( S p e c t a t o r 15 M a r c h 75, 300: 4) Was Tommy indeed a lie w h i c h I had to abjure, an e n c u m b r a n c e w h i c h in my new dedication I was bound to shed? It did not... seem so clear.* »What was clear w a s that I needed to w r i t e that letter to Lady Kitty. (Murdoch, Child: 202) The

foe.

wh-

sentence

also permits

a b o u t s o m e t h i n g , or to s u m m a r i z e ,

an a u t h o r

interpret

give

his

evaluate

t e x t . T h e s e o p t i o n s a r e a l s o a v a i l a b l e w i t h t h e f o e . it

own

sections

opinion of

the

sentence.

Of course, one knows' that prison is a hell on e a r t h - at f i r s t hand, in my case. But w h a t I also know... is that it is a hell on e a r t h not only f o r the p r i s o n e r s but also for those in authority. (Spectator 22 F e b r u a r y 75, 211: 2) Whenever... Mr Shore made a s p e c i f i c point against membership,... Mr D a v i e s would immediately insist thai the m a t t e r c o n c e r n e d w a s already t h e subject, or might become the subject, of renegotiation. What Mr Shore w a s clearly trying to do was, under t h e u m b r e l l a of an objection in principle to British m e m b e r s h i p , r a i s e s p e c i f i c disadvantages that had come B r i t a i n ' s way, as part of his tactics. What Mr Davies w a s clearly trying to do w a s trivialise the very concept of renegotiation itseir. ( S p e c t a t o r 22 M a r c h 75, 334: 2) T h e c o n c e r n of this e n g a g e m e n t is twofold: first, that t h e a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y

pre-

191

scribed conditions of civil conduct shall also be civilly desirable..., and secondly that res publica shall, so far as possible, adequately reflect what is currently held to be civilly desirable. In short, what distinguishes political thought and utterance is its character as circumstantial deliberation about res publica in terms of bonum civile... « (Oakeshott, Conduct: 172 f) The wh-

s e n t e n c e can also be found in the rôle of thematizer, but it is

noticeable that, unlike the foe. it s e n t e n c e ,

it is hardly

ever

found at

the beginning of t e x t s . On the other hand, it o f t e n occurs at the beginning of paragraphs and s u b - s e c t i o n s within a t e x t . The first e x a m p l e is

the

very beginning of a book review with the t i t l e "A highly popular murder". «•What Dickens best liked to talk about, said his colleague George Augustus Sala, "was the latest new piece at the theatres, the latest exciting trial or police case, the latest social craze or social swindle, and especially the latest murder and newest thing in ghosts." ( Times Literary Supplement 20 November 81, 1347: l) ... it is generally recognized that in India itself, where sugar consumption has already been shown to be extremely low, coronary disease is relatively inconspicuous, except amongst the upper strata of society, where the food structure often resembles that in Westernized countries.« «But what is of particular importance to the present work is that S.L. Malhotra has shown that the incidence of the disease is seven times commoner in the south of India than it is in the north. (Cleave, Disease: 111) The foe. wh-

s e n t e n c e can b e used in the s a m e way in the middle of a

text. ... the human components of a modern European state are understood to be owners and managers of workshops, factories, and agricultural undertakings, scientific investigators, inventors of machines and industrial processes, technologists, artists, craftsmen, artisans, bookkeepers, bankers, merchants, shopkeepers, teachers, etc. (anything but cives) all engaged in producing (or helping to produce) and distributing useful things manufactured from the materials of the natural world. What is going on is the perpetual creation and satisfaction of substantive human wants. It is true that there are also some survivors from past conditions of things who may be recognized as mere consumers and have no part in this productive engagement: lawyers, soldiers, politicians, a nobility and some pathetic unemployables. But their numbers are insignificant. (Oakeshott, Conduct: 291) The foe. wh-

s e n t e n c e is o f t e n also found as a thematizer

at the

end

of paragraphs and s u b - s e c t i o n s , but s e l d o m right at the end of a t e x t

a mirror image of its rare use at the start of a t e x t . ... in the main she [• Frau Holle] becomes terrifying only when angered - and what angers her is above all slackness about the house or the farm.· (Cohn, Demons: 213) It was in Hanoi "we heard Johnson's abdication speech. All of us... dancing..., kissing, hugging each other, took a bit of credit for ourselves. We had helped to bring the war to an end. It could not last much longer."· «What the Mary McCarthys helped to do was bring Nixon into the White House and prolong the war four bloody years longer.«« (Spectator IS February 75, 182: 2) The main d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n

the use of the foe. wh-

and the foe. it

s e n t e n c e in t e x t s is that the former is a primarily h e a r e r - r e l a t e d

form

of focussing, whilst the latter is a primarily s p e a k e r - c e n t r e d one.

Foe.

wh- s e n t e n c e s enable the speaker to take into consideration the a c c e s s i b i l i -

192

ty of his utterance for the hearer. Foe. it sentences, on the other hand, allow the speaker to present objects, facts or conditions purely in accordance with the state of his consciousness. The foe. whsentence is typically used to create a scenario in which nominal, adverbial and verbal groups can appear. It allows a speaker to set up a piece of text to serve as a platform for the presentation of parts of the discourse which are connected with what is co(n)textually given, a n d / or are important for the current state or future progress of the discourse. For more on the uses of the foe. whsentence, see Brรถmser (1984), Declerk (1984b), Erdmann (1987: chapter 5.2.5), Jones (1977: chapter 6) and Prince (1978).

4.3

Focussing copula sentences

Foe. it and whsentences are members of the group of copula sentences with an identifying be. A feature of this group is that the two nominal groups connected by identifying be can be transposed. (98) D a n a is the person he likes. (99) T h e person h e likes is D a n a .

To correspond with this, foe. it and whsentences should also have interchangeable nominal groups. This is certainly the case with the whsentence. (100) What I m e a n is that w e should help him. (101) T h a t we should help him is w h a t I m e a n .

However, there is no evidence of this for the foe. it sentence. (102)

It is money h e is a f t e r .

(103) ?Money is it h e is a f t e r .

The fronting of the second nominal is usual, e.g. Money it is he is after. As well as transposition in foe. whsentences, this section will deal with syntagms whose function is to give special grammatical prominence to parts of a sentence with the help of a generalizing expression. (104) T h e thing w e should do is give him money. (105) Give him money is the thing w e should do.

4.3.1

Transposed foe. wh-

sentences

The foe. whsentence is often found in its transposed form. The terms applied in the literature to this type of sentence are "inverted w/i-cleft" (Kaisse 1983: 17) or "reverse w/i-cleft" (Erdmann 1986: 851). The t r a n s -

193

posed foc. whbe.

sentence

Evidence about

admits more wh-

forms in the position

frequency gained from the corpus

r e v e a l s the following sequence: what,

why,

where,

after

(Erdmann

how and

1986)

when.

... Lady Mary Wortley Montagu advised her daughter to "conceal whatever learning she attains, with as much solicitude as she would hide crookedness or lameness". This dumbness was exactly what men prescribed. (Porter, English society: 37) Although kestrels seldom prey on anything bigger than a rat, they will sometimes attack young rabbits. No doubt this is why most grown rabbits will not remain under a hovering kestrel. (Adams, Down: 142) "High, lonely hills, where the wind and the sound carry and the ground's as dry as straw in a barn. That's where we ought to be. That's where we have to get to." (Adams, Down: 63) "My dear, it isn't quite you, this enthusiasm, said Piers. "You must be cool and dignified, and behave perfectly in character - not plunging in among lupins." "Oh." I was a little cast down. "Is that how I am - cool and dignified? I don't mind being thought elegant, of course - but cool and dignified. It doesn't sound very lovable." "Lovable? Is that how you want to be?" He sounded surprised. (Pym, Gloss: 186 f )

... she heard Janice going on in her silly way about the nighties, "all brand new and never worn", and that was when she smiled. (Pym, Quartet: 141) In addition to the wh-

forms already mentioned, the conjunction

also occurs in the position after

because

be.

When we go from a very dimly lit room into bright daylight, at first we feel dazzled. This is because the retina requires a few seconds to become adapted to the daylight, and to react in its normal daylight fashion. (Vernon, Perception: 48) The position b e f o r e identifying be can b e occupied by groups with nominal, adverbial and verbal functions, such as nominal groups (in both the singular and plural), predicative c o m p l e m e n t s , adverbial e x p r e s s i o n s , finite c l a u s e s with a wh-

form or that and non-finite c l a u s e s , and pronouns like

which

and it etc., used anaphorically. He was touched, and ashamed, by what she had said; and that he could not show either sentiment was what made him silent. (Fowles, Woman: 328) ... Bond said mildly, I t ' s time you graduated out of the Kiddicar class and bought yourself an express carriage. You want to get cracking. This pedalling along ages one. One of these days you'll stop moving altogether and when you stop moving is when you start to die." (Fleming, Goldfinger: 205 f) T h e y ' l l get me in the end, I expect. But probably not in the middle of the evening, like eight o'clock, which is when I intend to be on my way." (Amis, Stanley: 199) The use of who{m)

in the position after identifying be is only found in

AmE, according to the e v i d e n c e of the corpus. This was also noted for the un-transposed foe. whIn direct

speech,

sentence.

finite c l a u s e s with no wh-

form or

introductory

that may a l s o p r e c e d e identifying be. They lend a greater directness the fact being presented. They are a l s o found in un-transposed foe.

194

to wh-

s e n t e n c e s , w h e r e their p r e s e n c e is signalled by a comma or by similar means. "You were saying something about the way she was educated, Susan." "... Yes, she didn't go to school, or only for a term, then her parents had to take her away and get her tutored at home. She was terribly homesick and was subjected to the most frightful bullying... You hadn't heard that, I take it." "No. How did you hear about it?..." "She told me is how I heard about it." (Amis, Stanley: 296) What I mean is, I can dislike somebody without holding it against him, and I'm easily won round. (Barstow, Watchers: 48) The largest group of e x a m p l e s have this

or that

b e f o r e identifying

be.

In the main, t h e s e demonstratives are used anaphorically. But Christmas is a bit different, Priscilla said, and evidently this was what Marcia felt too... (Pym, Quartet: 72) "We've frightened them off, that's what happened." (Francis, Forfeit: 122) However,

the demonstratives,

especially

that,

are used

cataphorically

on rare occasions. "Look, this is what you do. You go in through the front door, right, as if you'd got pukka business. Now, in the hall there's two lifts." (Francis, Whip Hand: 168)

For that was what I believed the coming century would be: the realization, on the part of the whole world, of the hopes that I was entertaining for myself. (Hartley, Go-between: 10) It is clear from the above e x a m p l e s that the transposed foe. wh-

sentence

is used to r e c a l l to the hearer's consciousness, in a g r a m m a t i c a l l y - s h o r t ened or l e x i c a l l y - q u a l i f i e d form, an object, c i r c u m s t a n c e or fact which has usually just b e e n mentioned in the t e x t , so that this can b e the starting point for the further progress of the discourse. In contrast, the n o n - t r a n s posed foe. wh-

s e n t e n c e c r e a t e s the scenario in which a (predominantly

heavy) p i e c e of text can appear. Transposed and un-transposed foe. s e n t e n c e s behave in a similar way when they are acting as

wh-

thematizers,

s e l d o m appearing at the very beginning or end of a t e x t , but o f t e n o c curring at the beginning, middle and end of intermediate sections of t e x t , i.e. those with preceding a n d / or following p a s s a g e s . The first e x a m p l e gives the beginning of a contribution to "U.S. N e w s & World Report" headed "Flaky Tax R e f o r m Revenues". In this function, it r e s e m b l e s the introductory u s e of the foe. it s e n t e n c e . " D y n a m i s m is what makes the life of an economic forecaster unnerving. Like parts of the human body, the parts of the economy tightly intertwine, and what happens to me affects all the rest. (U.S. News & World Report 9 June 86, 69: 2) The wholly new schools and the upgraded grammar schools alike accepted the aims of Squire Brown, of Tom and of Dr Arnold. Each of the three - parent, boy and headmaster - had put his aims in a slightly different order and the schools too varied in their emphasis, but most agreed in putting purely intellectual achievement low in the scale. "Character" was what counted and it was developed by team games and by hardship. Cold baths, cold dormitories, runs in the

195

rain, plain food, helped to build "character". (Mason, English gentleman:

169)

â&#x20AC;˘Next day she returned to the office, but when they aslced her how she had spent her leave she was evasive, only saying that the weather had been good and she'd had a nice break, which was what people always said.Âˇ (Pym, Quartet: 44)

4.3.2

G e n e r a l i z i n g nominal

As well

as t h e

wh-

forms

referred

which

allow

t o in t h e p r e v i o u s

are

noun

how

- as n o m i n a l or a d v e r b i a l links: the thing

the place

equivalents

expressions

(where),

the way (*how),

nouns l i k e the one/

person

(who)

wh-

forms

the time

with

(which),

(when).

the

on her

was Bob/

Bob

there

exception reason

Generalizing

(why), personal

also occur. All these nominal expressions

c a n a p p e a r b e f o r e or a f t e r i d e n t i f y i n g be, e . g . 77ie one an eye

sections,

the

was

the

one

who

used

who

used

to keep

to eye

keep on

her. One reason why the idea of the gentleman was so widely accepted was that no one was quite sure who was a gentleman and who was not. (Mason, English gentleman: 9) He thought that sometimes I had a bit too much of this pressure. It was what he wanted to avoid. To help me not to have it was the real reason why he did not tell me certain things... (Montagu, Truth: 112) "Well, Mr Bond," Goldfinger gave the rich man's thin smile. T h e safest way to double your money is fold it twice and put it in your pocket." (Fleming, Goldfinger. 113) ... I'm fairly sure, he [- Father] would have been bad-tempered - fretting inside some casino because of not winning, or fretting outside it because of not being inside. That was the way he'd been during 'the lost week-end'. (Montagu, Truth: 146) By r e a s o n of t h e i r

m o d i f i c a t i o n a l o p t i o n s (e.g. t h r o u g h

determiners

and

qualifiers), focussing copula sentences with generalizing nominal expressions a l l o w g r e a t e r c o ( n ) t e x t u a l p r e c i s i o n w i t h r e g a r d to t h e o b j e c t , c i r c u m s t a n c e or f a c t (if this is n e c e s s a r y ) . One thing that seems to be very clear is that vitamins should always be taken... in their natural setting... (Cleave, Disease: 181) The one thing he loathed was to be worsted in an important business deal... (Fowles, Woman: 246) "The only thing you're not scared of is little girls that are too young." (Cochrane, Head: 125) "Can't you see that the very thing I want is to have these does here when he comes back?" (Adams, Down: 217) O n e o t h e r c o p u l a s e n t e n c e w h i c h s h o u l d b e m e n t i o n e d is o f t e n f o u n d in t e x t s . It c o n t a i n s all e i t h e r b e f o r e or said

196

was

"cheers"/

"cheers"

was all he

after said.

i d e n t i f y i n g be,

e . g . All

All I want now is peace to write my unpublished novels. (Pym, Private eye: 337) There could be an understanding between an owner and a jockey, I thought, that was intensely intimate. In the small area where their lives touched, where the speed and the winning were all that mattered, there could be a privately shared joy... (Francis, Whip Hand: 156) ... I was so furious that I wanted to shout at her that all she was was just a silly interfering stranger... (Montagu, Truth 71) "But he can't think he's really won, I said. "Not a bit of it. Mr Duke, not a bit of it. As I say, he knows full well. But he seems to have won, everybody goes on as if he has, and that's all that worries him. (Amis, Stanley: 245 f) S e e Collins (1982, 1985), Erdmann (1986) and Ohlander (1985) for more on the foe. copula s e n t e n c e .

197

5.0 Summary

The structures and constructions dealt with in the last two chapters were divided into syntagms of focussing and defocussing. They correspond to two grammatical options available to the speaker of English for weighting objects, actions, circumstances or facts according to their rĂ´le in the text as seen by him. He can choose to emphasize a constituent or, depending on the co(n)textual circumstances, can decide that it would suit his purposes to allow a constituent to appear in a position it does not normally occupy. Grammatically-speaking, focussing syntagms a r e constructions related to less complex structures. (1) It is daily discipline that keeps him going. (2) Daily discipline keeps him going.

A comparison of these sentences reveals that the foe. it sentence (l) is more complex than (2) because it contains the identifying be construction. The emphasizing of elements or whole clauses is grammatically related to the presence of an additional be proposition, which, from the semantic point of view, is an identifying be. The focussing syntagms included the foe. it and whsentences discussed in chapter 4, along with other foe. copula sentences. Also considered was a variant of the there sentence, correspondingly called the foe. there sentence (see chapter 3.2.4.3.2.1.2). (3) There is nothing I can do for you. (4) I can do nothing Tor you.

Focussing syntagms share the following characteristics, among others: - Link clauses from which the subject pronoun seems to be missing. "Who was it preached the happiness of the greatest number?" (Fowles. 133)

Woman

T h e r e is a bird sings in the wood, perhaps a nightingale." (Murdoch. Flight: 69)

- Tense agreement, i.e. the p r e - and p o s t - c l a u s e s / constituents of focussing constructions contain tenses belonging to the same time-field. Later, when he thought of his boyhood, it was Bringan he would (Mcllvanney, Docherly: 127)

remember.

Like most ambitious men, he believed that there were things that only he could do. (Snow. Masters: 62)

199

The defocussing syntagms dealt with in chapter 3 included cases of postpositioned subjects, i.e. constructions in which the subject did not appear in the customary position in front of the finite verb in a declarative clause. Two types can be distinguished: those with post-positioning of subjects without a special form in the clause referring to the post-positioned subject (= inversion), and those with such a form of reference. The there and extr. it sentences were taken as examples of this second type of syntagm. One thing that can be stated about defocussing syntagms is that the characteristics which apply to foe. copula sentences (the absence of a linking word functioning as subject, tense agreement) do not apply to them. One feature shared by inversion and there sentences is that both can only contain mono-valent predicatore of the following four lexical classes: -

verbs of position and of existence, e.g. exist,

event verbs, e.g. happen,

verbs of movement, e.g. arrive,

aspectual verbs, e.g. begin, persist,

occur,

take

place.

move,

run.

hang,

stand.

rise.

Surprisingly quickly... arrived the hoped-for missive from Knight. (Bruce, Boleyrt 82)

... two days later there arrived a letter from Douglas. (Lessing, Marriage: 332)

Of the many ways in which defocussing syntagms are used, two a r e of particular significance: as a means of introducing topics into a discourse, and as a way of facilitating textual links, for example through the fronting of adverbials. Defocussing syntagms are often found as a grammatical means of achieving textual cohesion and of presenting the topic of a discourse. Focussing constructions, on the other hand, give the speaker the opportunity - on the basis of his consciousness, interests and assessment of his audience's state of knowledge - to direct attention to topics which he emphasizes in accordance with the progress of the discourse, in the desire to ensure that the hearer is aware of their significance within the larger text.

200

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