Dissertation

Table of Contents:

Introduction

2

Chapter 1:

4

Understanding Youth Culture Chapter 2:

5

What does ‘style’ mean in relation to Youth Culture?

Chapter 3:

7

Free Parties and Raves Chapter 4:

9

The Politics of Club Culture.

Chapter 5:

12

Factory Records, Hacienda and New Order Chapter 6:

15

Moral Panics and Drug Use Conclusion

18

List of Illustrations

19

Bibliography

21

Introduction

“The Hacienda is the birthplace of the 90s” (Saville, cited in Robertston, 2006:50) It could be argued that the Hacienda nightclub is one of the most documented clubs in Britain. This dissertation hopes to explore the history behind the Hacienda and discuss the factors which helped shaped its legacy in the 1990s. As well as this, it hopes to discuss the factors which could have contributed to its destruction in 1997 and highlight how much involvement the media had with the closure of the Hacienda.

It will also begin to make sense of key terms and ideas: Youth Culture, Club Culture and Style. Primary research will be integrated within the thesis to help recreate what the Hacienda nightclub was really like. I hope to give a clear outline of what was happening in the 1990s; has this era been romanticized or was it really like this? How and why did these new cultures emerge? Was it by coincidence or was there a stronger force? I want to look at how free parties and raves shaped the time and discuss the political issues of the North West of Britain.

To start to make sense of the key terms used, Chapter 1 will define ‘Youth Culture’ through two different ideas; both Andy Bennett and Stuart Hall have provided much of the framework for this chapter. Andy Bennett’s ‘Youth Culture and Popular Music’ has provided an interesting angle when trying to define key terms, he looks at Youth Culture through the ideas of it sociology whereas, Stuart Hall’s ‘Resistance Through Rituals’, defines Youth Culture through the idea of it being a ‘phenomenon’. They both offer an interesting interpretation of one idea. Chapter 2 will look at the role ‘style’ plays within Youth Culture, I did not want to simply list post Second World War youth cultures and talk about what they are wearing, but find out why. What does ‘style’ mean in relation to youth cultures? Why is it important? Work from Ted Polhemus and Dick Hebdige’s to try and answer this will be used to try and answer these questions. Ted Polhemus discussion ‘Style Tribes’ has provided an interesting analysis of the role of style in Youth Culture. Section 3 explores the 1990s, raves and frees parties, setting the scene for the Hacienda. It will offer much of the historical and political events in the North West of Britain, using George McKay’s accounts. This chapter will help begin to work out what was happening in Britain and why youth resisted against the times. McKays book: ‘DiY Culture: Party and Protest in Nineties' Britain’ offers a collection of in-depth individual and personal pieces written by activists and other key figures in "DiY culture". The idea of ‘DiY’ is about doing something within culture; this chapter will try to make sense of this in relation to the 1990s. Parallel with this, John Clarke’s discussion: 2

Magical Recovery of Community on Skinhead culture will be used to draw similarities with the 1990s rave scene.

Much of section 4 is the discussion using Sarah Thornton’s discussion of ‘Subcultural Capital’. “They were denigrated for having indiscriminate music taste, lacking individuality and being amateurs in the art of clubbing. Who else would turn up with that uncool feminine appendage, that burdensome adult back age- the handbag?” This quote stuck initial interest and this chapter will be discussing the more complex ideas of Club Culture. Sarah suggests club cultures are ‘taste cultures’ these ideas will be explored to get underneath the workings of Club Culture.

Section 5 will then be exploring the history and force behind the Hacienda nightclub, discussing how and why it became so big and who the main powers behind it were. Much of David Haslam’s accounts will be used to piece together historical journey, as well as Matthew Robertson’s ideas on the creative elements of the club. The final discussion will examine moral panics in the media and how much they are to do with the death of the Hacienda. Sarah Thornton’s chapter: ‘The Media Development of ‘Subcultures’ (or the Sensational Story of ‘Acid House’) will be used to look at how the media is involved with the development of a subculture. Stanley Cohen’s ‘Folk Devils and Moral Panic’ also backs up further points and discussions.

In hope to develop a concise ‘journey’ of the Hacienda’s lifespan, this paper hopes to reveal key terms, and recreate with words what the club was really like by people who were really there. What was the legacy of the Hacienda nightclub? Who was involved? And what was the cause of its death?

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Understanding ‘youth culture’ To understand fully the term ‘Youth Culture’ it is important to gather different understandings, definitions and ideas which surround it. This section hopes to start to make sense of the term from two key theorists who challenge the idea in two different ways: through the idea of sociology and the idea of it being a ‘phenomenon’.

First of all, Bennett suggests that: “Early studies of youth tend to focus on issues of crime and delinquency, that is to say, on the issue as youth as a social problem.” (Bennett, 2000: 11) This is one definition of Youth Culture through idea of sociology. He is saying that the bad behaviour which surrounds Youth Culture is often overshadowing the good. The ideas of crime and delinquency are more often than not, seen as negative attributes and acts, so he could be suggesting that Youth Culture is not always seen in a positive light. The idea of deviance and youth culture has been widely written about and reported within youth culture and he goes on to say that “…The focus here is on how society labels rule-breakers as belonging to a certain deviant groups and how, once the person is thus type cast, his acts are interpreted in terms of the status to which he has been assigned.” (Bennett, 2000:12) The idea of ‘rule breakers’ describes their actions towards society and this is the main theory in which he suggests should be used when thinking of moral panics and social types. He also mentions the idea of ‘belonging to a certain deviant group’, maybe suggesting the idea of a ‘brotherhood’ and the idea of association.

However, we must also take into account, not only the challenging ideas of Youth Culture but also the positive aspects too: Hall argues that ‘Youth Culture’ can be defined fully as phenomenon and we must ‘treat it in terms of spectacular features only.’ (Hall, 1993:9) What he is suggesting here is, the negative aspects of Youth Culture should be ignored to gain a better understanding of the idea. He also goes on to define Youth Culture through literal definitions: “The term Youth Culture’ directs us to the ‘Culture’ aspects of youth” (Hall, 1993:10) He states that “Social groups develop distinct ‘patterns of life’ and give ‘expressive forms’ to their social and material life-experience” (Hall, 1993:10), meaning people within that group may adopt the same levels of understanding. He also goes on to say that: “Culture is the way the social relations of a group are structured and shaped: but it is also the way those shapes are experienced, understood and interpreted.” (Hall, 1993:10) Perhaps he is suggesting here that only people within one certain social group will understand one another, and will all act in a certain way which will be significant to their own group.

4

What does ‘style’ mean in relation to youth culture?

When talking about youth cultures, it is important to discuss the ‘style’ in which they adopt. In this extract I don’t want to just list post Second World War youth cultures and simply talk about what they are wearing, but I want to find out why. What does ‘style’ mean in relation to youth cultures? We have discussed their actions towards society and how sometimes they are often seen as negative but what is the relationship between their style and their values?

Throughout this chapter I have used ‘Style Tribes’ by Ted Polhemus, which has helped me identify the main ideas of what style is and means to a certain culture. I have also used Dick Hebdige’s ‘Meaning Of Style’ which looks at how style is communicated internationally within different cultures of society.

“The history of streetstyle is also a history of ‘tribes’ Zooties, Hipsters, Teddy Boys, Beats, Rude Boys, Rockers, Hippies, Punk were all subcultures which used a distinctive style of dress and decoration to draw find line between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’.” (Polhemus, 1995: 15) Style within youth culture has been used to express certain group’s ideas through their dress. The idea is to easily distinguish different groups within society. Within certain cultures, it is suggested that the idea is to create a ‘certain look’ and adopt certain rules, but more importantly it is to create a clear sense of which group a certain person is part of.

Contrasting styles and dress have served distinguish ‘Us’ from ‘Them’. Meaning that someone wants to look different from other people, they want to reflect themselves, as a group, through style. (Polhemus, 1995: 15) However, not only is this not the only way to easily identify different cultures within society it is also a way for someone to be able to express themselves personally in diverse ways. “…traditional groupings of class, region, nationality, race, religion and ethnic background have markedly decreased importance, leaving the individual free to pursue life as he or she personally chooses” (Polhemus, 1995: 15) No longer are people labeled and identified by their race or religion but able they are to express themselves by what they want to wear.

Polhemus could be suggesting here is that people were able to reinvent themselves anyway they liked through their dress and didn’t have to follow or obey everybody else. In order for this to be achieved, many people would go against the ‘norm’ however, others, not knowing of their beliefs would find this unusual. For example, punks dying their hair green or even hippies who let their hair grow long when short hair was the ‘norm.’ Polhemus says: “To adopt the look of a particular style tribe is to put oneself on the firing line. But if such a stylistic commitment brings a sense of group solidarity and comradeship, then, for many it is

5

worth it.” (Polhemus, 1995: 17) He uses the phrase ‘firing line’ which suggests that the person is putting themselves ‘out there’ with their style and will deliberately go against what is ‘mainstream’. However, for many this is something to be proud of and this is a way expressing their own ideas through dress without being afraid to do so.

The idea of solidarity and comradeship suggests the idea of team spirit and back to the idea of brotherhood within that certain culture. Different people within cultures may also mark their bodies permanently with tattoos, piercings or even decorations to show their commitment of their culture. Polhemus states that: “Style- as old as our species and still going strong – isn’t trendy. Quite the opposite. It’s inherently conservative and traditional and it is far for this reason that if often makes use of permanent body decorations.” This is the idea of something being ‘forever’, which could also reflect how seriously they take the certain culture group which they belong to.

People within a certain culture, are said to think more about their outfit choices than the ‘average man and woman walking down the street’. (Heddige, 1979:100) Hebdige suggests that their outfits are to communicate and show the idea of ‘normality’ rather than deviance and these outfits have constraints such as: finance, ‘taste’, preference etc. (Heddige, 1979:100)

He suggests that these people are disguised by their invisibility, their

appropriateness and their ‘naturalness’. This could mean that these people pose no visible threat to society through their style choices and don’t communicate any ideas or reflect any certain values through their dress sense. However, people of a certain culture with strong views, do the direct opposite of this and they often direct attention to themselves, going back to Polhemus’ idea of ‘being in the firing line’ they display their own codes and go against the grain of mainstream culture. To go back to the first point made earlier, it could also be argued that people within a certain culture will think more about their outfit choice, as a posed to it being ‘thrown together’. Some would agree that this is because their own style communicates who they are to other people in society and their style is the only way they can express their own ideas and opinions visibly.

6

Free parties and Raves.

It could be said that during the 1990s in North-West Britain, there was certainly a real sense of ‘togetherness’ and the perhaps subconsciously youth came together to create something new against the politics of the time. Polhemus states: “Ravers became a homogeneous force without equal in Britain in the mid to late eighties. And when the police became ever more determined to stamp out illegal ravers, the result was the realization that everyone had to pull together to demand ‘The Right To Paty.’” (Polhemus, 1994: 115) “The North-Western party scene took its cue from ecstatic highs and musical adventures of the Hacienda nightclub in Manchester, but it was the outdoor parties such as Live the Dream and Joy that really took off. However, these legal parties held in marquees were easily identified and stopped by the police force wary of potential noise and nuisance” (McKay, 1995: 212) Illegal and free parties emerged in the 1990s, and it could be suggested that this was a response to the political changes at the time. Unlike other more straightforwardly cultural moments of resistance there is tremendous emphasis on DiY culture laid on actually doing something in the social or political realm. The free party scene, not surprisingly has led to the introduction of legislation designed specifically to stop free parties. This was particularly evident in the U.K, where the unregulated rave scene was seen as a threat to the respectable hegemonic project of Thatcherism. (Hill, 2002, cited in Chatterton, 2003:219) For the first very time the word ‘rave’ appeared in British legislative language and the Criminal Justice and Public Act in 1994 is titled: ‘Powers in relations to raves’. This gave the police power to remove people attending or even planning a rave. (McKay, 1995: 246) Although other youth movements had inspired new legislations, never before, over the postwar moral panics about activates of Teddy Boys, Mods, Hippies, and Punks, had a government considered young people’s music so subversive. (Collins, cited in Party & Protest in Ninties Britain, 1998:246) The point here is that the British law directly addresses very specific types of music consumption concerning: house, techno, and rave music.

(McKay, 1995: 246) The 1990s rave movement is an example of youth coming together and forming a political resistance. The so-called ‘death of society’ during Thatcherism, along with the new laws, had strengthened the need for such ties of solidarity. Haslam also backs up this point further and states: “On the dance floor there was a shared love of the music and a collective sprit diametrically opposed to the view there was ‘no such thing as society’, And crucially, magnificently, retrieved our sense of community” (Haslam, 1999: 164) Faced with insecure employment and housing, many young people have inverted the selfish individualism of 7

modern consumer culture to create their own, more self-sufficient and ‘mini communities’.

(Chatterton, 2003: 207) McKay states: “People had little to lose and everything to gain, which explains the immense amount of creative energy unleashed by the parties” With this, the parties helped to build a sense of regional identity and cultural pride. The expression: ‘It’s grim up North’ was invested a new meaning and became to signify the times. (McKay, 1995: 210) Rebellion against politics has sparked many new subcultures to emerge though out Post War Britain, take for example, the subculture such as The Skinheads. This sub culture focuses very closely on the ideas of ‘community’ as well as ‘territory’ and John Clarke discusses these ideas in ‘The Skinheads & The Magical Recovery of Community’, from this discussion we can apply it to the idea of free parties in the 1990s and the way in which youth resisted against politics through the idea of re-creating a new community and we can make slight parallels from the two sub cultures.

He states that: “the Skinhead style represents an attempt to re-create through the “mob” the traditional working class community, as a substitution for the real decline of the latter.”

Perhaps what he is suggesting here is that, in a hope to try and create a sense of community, they created a replacement one. Through the decline of what was happening around them at the time, they created something amongst themselves. He goes on to say that, this in return created a ‘Us-Them’ consciousness, which suggests a partition amongst society. He also adds: “among the lower working class young, a sense of being excluded and under attack from variety of points.” Perhaps this could mean that youth felt the need to create this subculture, to find a way they could ignore people who were in charge: Police, parents, and the politics etc. The same ideas here can be applied to the free parties in 1990s,as discussed earlier youths went against authority and politics and created what Clarke describes as: ‘re-create through the mob.”

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The Politics of Club Culture.

“They carry around images of the social worlds that make up club culture. These mental maps, rich in cultural detail and value judgement offer them a distinct ‘sense of [their] place but also a sense of other’s place.” (Thornton, 1995: 99) Sarah Thornton states: “’Club culture’ is the colloquial expression given to youth cultures for whom dance clubs and their eighties offshoot, raves, are the symbolic axis and working social hub.” (1995, 98) She goes on to say that these regular attenders are also known as ‘clubbers’ and ‘ravers’. She states that all club cultures are ‘taste cultures’; on the notion that these club goers generally gather because of their mutual taste in music. She continues to state that they also share the consumption of common media and more importantly, their shared preference for people with similar tastes to themselves. What this could mean is that they do not like to socialise with people who they feel are not of the same calibre as themselves. (1995, 3) She states that: ”Taking part in club cultures in turn builds affiliations, socializing participants into knowledge of the likes and dislikes, meanings and values of the culture. As different club nights regularly change their style, name and move location, the culture is dependent upon people who are ‘in the know’.” (Thornton, 1995: 99) This is suggests that as club nights move location and change names so often, they depends upon people who know. It could mean that a person has to build up to relationships to gain a high sense of status with in the culture. Sarah Thornton describes the cultural organisation idea with the term ‘hipness’. The idea that, that person has to be ‘hip’, ‘cool’ or even ‘happening’. (Thornton, 1995: 98) “Subculture ideologues are a means by which youth see their own and other social groups assert their distinctive character and affirm that they are not anonymous members of an undifferentiated mass. (Gelder, 2007: 186) This means that these are not literally accounts of what happens, but they are beliefs to where youth like to be seen in their own group. “Distinctions are made and they are never assertions of equal difference; they usual entail some claim to authority and presume the inferiority to others.”

Sarah Thornton states that “clubs are refuges for the young where their rules hold sway and that inside and even outside these spaces, subcultural distinctions have significant consequences.” (Thortnon 1995, cited in Gelder , 2007:186) Sarah Thornton states that nothing depletes capital more than the sign of someone trying too hard. (1995: 100) She uses the example of ‘Sharon and Tracey’. Gelder suggests: “They were denigrated for having indiscriminate music taste, lacking individuality and being amateurs in the art of clubbing. Who else would turn up with that uncool feminine 9

appendage, that burdensome adult back age- the handbag?” (Gelder, 2007: 188) Sharon and Tracey, rather than say, Camilla and Imogen, are a signifier of class. Sarah Thornton states that this is a way in which this culture has ‘created a group with words’. (Thornton, 1995: 101) She describes how “magazines went on to create spoof columns: ‘Six of the best ways to become a Techno Tracey’, which advised readers to ‘discard your 25-carat gold chains in favour of a crystal pendant’.” (Thornton, 1995: 100) Sarah Thornton suggests that towards the middle of 1989, with the extensive newspaper coverage of acid house culture it soon became ‘mainstream.’ “Clubbers began to talk of a new media-inspired, sheep-like acid house fans.” (Thornton, 1995: 100) She suggests that this as a result this ‘feminized’ the acid house culture. ‘By the end of this period, talk of ‘Acid Teds’ was superseded by disparagement of raving Sharon’s and Techno Tracy’s.’ (Thornton, 1995 :100) The music genre had even come to be called ‘handbag house’. It could be suggested that, sometimes, the handbag represents maturity and womanhood, or with a handbag ‘one might pretend to be grown up’ (Thornton, 1995: 101) however Sarah Thornton argues that is not the case “it is defiantly not sartorial sign of youth culture, nor a former objectified subcultural capital but rather a symbol of the social and financial shackles of a housewife.’ (Thornton 1995: 101) Perhaps what she means by this is that the handbag can symbolise that younger ravers do not belong within in the culture and they are not accepted.

The handbag could be seen as an identifier of age. “The connoisseur deplores the naïve and belated enthusiasm of the younger raver, or conversely, the younger participant castigates the tired passion of the older one for the holding on to the passé culture.” (Thornton, 1995: 101) When speaking to someone who once went to the Hacienda nightclub in 1989, they stated: “I first went in 1989, I left school in 1988 and I used to get really dressed up to look older I used to wear suits with a cami top and stiletto heels.” (Brownhill, 2014) This has backed up Sarah Thornton’s ideas of ‘younger ravers and clubbers’ within the culture. Although this ex raver does not state anything about a handbag, she does state she ‘dressed up to look older.’ Perhaps here, the stiletto heels could symbolise the same idea as the handbag; maturity, womanhood, and a symbol of being ‘grown up’. However, some could argue that wearing stiletto heels give the impression of wanting to seem older and less naïve, when really, they may indicate the opposite. As Gelder states: “Fledging clubbers or 15 and 16 years old wishing to get into what they perceive as sophisticated dance club will often reveal their inexperience by over dressing or confusing ‘coolness’ with an exaggerated cold blank stare.” (Gelder, 2007: 186) This is a prime example of how age can play a part subcultural capital.

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Subcultural Capital is the way in which a culture can identify a hierarchy system within it from different ages, gender and also race. Sub cultural reveals its self by the dislikes of its culture, and the people within it like to distinguish what they are not. It could be argued that many clubbers and ravers do not want to position themselves as ‘mainstream’ and the idea is to be ‘in the know’. Gelder states: “The vast majority of clubbers and ravers distinguish themselves against the mainstream, which to some degree; can be seen to stand in for the masses- the discursive distance from which is a measure of clubber’s cultural worth.” (Gelder, 2008: 187) Using the idea of ‘bubble up and trickle down’, which can also be used within the idea of style, the same theory could perhaps apply when talking about underground subcultures and their relationship with mainstream culture.

Gelber suggests that “the problem for

underground subcultures is a population by ‘gushing up’ to the mainstream, rather than say, the artworld’s dread of the ‘trickle down.” The idea of ‘gushing up’ could represent the masses. He suggests: “These metaphors are not arbitrary; but instead they betray a sense of social space.” This is how youth can interpretate their social work around them; it is easy to see cultural difference as potential distinctions, superiority and an assertion of hierarchy.

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Factory Records, Hacienda and New Order The degeneration of Hulme, Manchester was exacerbated by poverty and rising unemployment in the mid half of the 1970’s. By the end of 1977, it was concluded that ‘Demolition is the only answer to Hulme’ It has been said that the world had turned its back on the area and 1978 was the beginning of a new era that was marked by Factory’s Friday nights at the Russell Club, a joint venture

Figure 1: Hulme, Manchester (1979)

created by Tony Wilson

and

Alan

Erasmus. (Haslam, 1999: 3) Paul Morley states:”Week by week, in Manchester changed, smoke cleared, door opened, stages appeared or were built from scratch. A scene had started, a scene taking shape” (Morley, 2009 Manchester: Looking For The Light Through The Pouring Rain, Cummins: 23) On Friday 21st of May 1982 Factory Records, in partnership with the band, New Order who reportedly put £70,000 into the ‘club fund’, opened the Hacienda nightclub. Not only did Factory Records produce some of the most acclaimed records of the period but it also gave rise to the most stimulating art work and design of the late 20th century. It has been

Figure 2: Hacienda by Ben Kelly

suggested that the name ‘Factory’ is linked to Manchester’s post-industrial sense of place at the time. (Robertson, 2006: 10) Architect Ben Kelly created a radical design taking inspiration from Situationist Movement and the yacht showroom; turned club, became the prime Factory Record aesthetic. The club was filled with hazard stripes which were painted black and

Figure 3: Inside the Hacienda

yellow, road bollards and structure of the club had been described as a ‘physical manifestation’. (Robertson, 2006: 10) As one person describes: “It was like a warehouse inside with strobes and lights. On the left there were a few seats and you often seen girls off their heads riding random blokes or even masturbating. It had huge 12

four metal columns from floor to ceiling that gave it a very industrial feeling against the bare brick work, quite moody really...” (Brownhill, 2014) The visual and creativity elements which made the famous Hacienda did not stop at the club. Graphic designers such as Peter Saville and Brett Wickens created and designed logos and posters which added to the whole aesthetic of what was, arguably, one of the world’s best nightclubs in Britain. Posters were created which showed Factory’s product range and distribution network and they Figure 3: Factory Records Poster

also reflected the industrial side of Manchester.

Factory’s links to Punk can be traced to an evening in Manchester, June 1979. Tony Wilson and Alan Erasmus attended a performance by Sex Pistols at the Lesser Free Trade Hall, and they became so inspired by the music and wanted to create a place where they could showcase bands just like the Sex Pistols They wanted to create a place where music enthusiasts could go, just like themselves.

This cultural rebellion of the punk movement of the 1970s sought to break down barriers and give production their own terms, irrespective of any formal ‘talent or skills’.’ Untrained musicians were empowered

to

form

bands,

while

untrained

designers could produce the art work. While punk had a strong collective aesthetic, the defining Figure 4: Sandpaper sleeve by Peter Saville characteristics of the age was its DiY ethos.

Haslam states that “punk had made Manchester a credible pop city, it bred nonconformist attitudes, nurtured indie labels and gave us DiY tradition, but it was Manchester era in the late 1980s that opened everything up, bequeathed us as a city of endless possibilities.”

(Haslam, 1999: 133) In 1980, The Return of the Durutti Column, who were a band singed to Factory Records, decided to do something special with a record sleeve. The inspiration came from a book by Guy-Ernest Debord, which was bound all in sandpaper. The idea inspired the band and this was a gesture of though a simple DiY act. The sleeve for their record was then covered in sandpaper. Records store owners complained that the vinyl sleeve ruined and damaged 13

other stock, but remarkably the music was the total opposite of this, the music has been described as ‘delicate and cerebral.’ (Robertson, 2006: 26) (See research book) Internationally famous bands went on to play in the Hacienda and bands such as, The Stone Roses and the Happy Mondays became associated with it.

Fowler states: Through the mid-1980s, the dance floor was reasserting it’s self as the focus for youth culture in Manchester (Fowler, 2008:1), with records as diverse as ‘Blue Monday’, which went on to be the biggest selling 12” vinyl record, ‘Rebel Without A Pause’ and ‘Pump Up The Volume’, breaking down most remaining anti-disco prejudice. Every week at the Hacienda, new music from urban American and in the studio it was clear that computer-aided music was the dominating focus of creativity and excitement. (Haslam, 1999: 162)

Figure 5: Ravers inside the Hacienda

Middles goes on describe the Hacienda: “..at it’s peak, the Hacienda was a mesmerising sight, especially for those who had suffered during those early cavernous years. A huge playable beast of youthful sweat, piercing eyes, wide grins, clenched fists, pounding feet. There were times when the DJ’s would just stand and watch, open mouthed in disbelief as the party momentum carried the night along…” (Middles, 2002: 233) By

the

1990’s

Manchester’s

nightlife

assumed a significance way of beyond its sanding in any previous decade. It became the foundation of city pride, regularly praised by the local council and the official marketing and tourist agencies. (Haslam, 1999: 191) The Hacienda has been described as ‘Manchester’s Eiffel Tower’ (Booth, 1990 Figure 6: Ravers inside the Hacienda cited Rave Off, Redhead: 14) placing Manchester on the map of Britain and suggesting the club was once known as a mass landmark and a go to tourist-like-destination. In 1991 the venue received the ‘Best Venue’ in Britain award. The atmosphere at the time has said to have been: ‘The closest you’ll ever see to ‘collective madness.’ (Haslam, 1999:191) But in the years to come the Hacienda would be the epicentre of "Madchester" and the altar where

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people came to worship the Happy Mondays and The Stone Roses. (Unknown, 2000) But by the mid-1990s the magic had gone and it seemed the muse had moved on. The club, which was by then trading on its former glory, stopped trading altogether in June 1997. After standing empty for over 1 year, there were many opinions about what should happen to it and the club was demolished. A block of flats now stands on the site. New Order’s Peter Hook said: “if it had been a club and it’d carried on, it would have been like seeing your girlfriend out with somebody else.” (Unknown, 2007) In the next chapter I want to explore the different factors which contributed to the deconstruction of the Hacienda nightclub and why it no longer worked in the city of Manchester.

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Moral Panics and Drug Use “Each society possesses a set of ideas about what causes deviation” (Cohen, 1990: 16) Perhaps one of the reasons for the destruction of the Hacienda was because of the media development of rave culture. Sarah Thornton suggests that ‘Acid House’ was created through different media stories which focused on heavy drug use which happened among rave culture. Sarah Thornton states: “Every music scene has its own distinct set of media relations. ‘Acid house’, a dance club culture which mutated into ‘rave’ after sensational media coverage about drug use, is particularly revealing of the cultural logics involved.”

(Thornton, 1995: 116) It could be argued that all subcultures are formed before of the media and perhaps the media have the most influence on how a subculture is formed. Thornton goes on to to argue: “‘Subcultures’ do not germinate from a seed and grow my force of their own energy into mysterious movements only to be belatedly digested by the media.”

(Thornton, 1996: 117) This could suggest that media have the biggest impact on the birth and development of a subculture. She goes on to the state that “The term ‘underground’ is the expression by which clubbers refer to things subcultural. More than fashionable or trendy, ‘underground’ sounds and styles are more ‘authentic’ an pitted against the mass produced…” (Thornton, 1996: 117) This suggests how youth like to position their music against the mainstream, with the idea of the ‘gushing up’ theory, it could be argued that youth like to believe their music, or even themselves, are ‘original.

1990 was, for the Hacienda, a year of unparalleled global media exposure and concern.

(Redhead, 1993:17) In 1989 the very first death inside the Hacienda was reported internationally. Ms Leighton had collapsed after she had a rare reaction to the drug Ecstasy.

(Redhead, 1993: 14) Manchester clubs became “key barometers of the cycles and changes in music, yet also the focus for drug use, organised violence and crisis in policing.” (Haslam, 1999: 191) Cohen suggests “that this type of media coverage can cause feelings such as: ‘Anxiety about a certain situation’, something should be done about it, ‘where will it end’, or even, ‘this sort of thing can’t go on for much longer.” (Cohen, 1990: 17) Perhaps this was the case with the heightened media coverage of the Hacienda. Youth were seen as a ‘problem’ and we can draw back Bennett’s discussion about sociology within Youth Culture: “…on the issue as youth as a social problem.” (Bennett, 2000: 11) The use of the drug ecstasy heightened and they became wedded into the scene. Haslam states that the ‘Hacienda nightclub became a victim of its own success.’ Suggesting that the drugs started to take over the nightclub.

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There is no shortage of stories which have been published about the Hacienda and the crime which surrounded it from 1989 to 1992. With the rise of drug use in the Hacienda, this created markets in around the club. The drug markets were controlled by organised crime.

After watching the film ’24 Hour Party People’ it could be suggested that this idea is a key theme as to why the club no longer worked. (See research book) People were no longer buying drinks from the club, but were spending and giving money to drug dealers. This would then cause the Hacienda to go into a loss as no money was being made. From primary research conducted, this would also seem apparent:

“We drank water or purdys herbal energy drink and very little alcohol. The Dj was on a podium raised up and loads of smoke everywhere...acid tabs were always being passed sound and people were either loved up or gurning with sweat pouring from them.” (Brownhill, 2014) Haslam suggests: “What once was a creative force and strength behind the Hacienda, that was so out of control, also became a liability.” Haslam explains how bands such as The Happy Mondays and the Stone Roses, slowly sank. He states: “The Monday’s had made their mark by being shockingly good, but descended into seeking attention by being merely shocking.” As many other clubs in Manchester started to close down, this started to bring unwanted gang crime and other growing incidents inside the Hacienda. Haslam suggests that this was another problem the Hacienda faced.

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Conclusion To conclude, the biggest factor that played a part in the closure of the Hacienda nightclub was the heavy drug use and gang crime which surrounded the area. From the first death inside to the development of ‘Acid House’, these created the biggest moral panics within the 1990s.

I had my initial ideas and thoughts about how much this time period had been mythologised and romanticised but from talking to different people and hearing their enthusiasm, and watching films created around the time, I have no doubts that this is false. Of course, not all accounts of the time in ’24 Hour Party People’ are true, and of course there will be many things which did not really happen, but I believe there was a sense of ‘togetherness’, whether that was to go against the politics or because of the drugs, the 1990s saw a real sense of solidarity among youth in North West Britain.

I was surprised to find the intricate nature of relationships and hierarchy within youth culture and also club culture as this was something I was not aware of. There was one certain theory in particular that I found the most interesting within this dissertation and that was the idea of ‘Bubble up and trickle down’ in relation to certain subcultures going mainstream. A simple theory, but the discussion fuelled a lot for me, because it is something I had never thought about before. Not only did I find this particularly interesting but, I also used Thornton’s and Gelder’s discussion on ‘Subcultural Capital’ and pieced it with my own primary research to discover that the same ideas and theories could be applied to clubbers wearing a certain style of shoe, as this signifies a younger age and inexperience. The ‘politics’, which I called it, are complex within Club Culture and this was something I was not expecting, but I found it very interesting nonetheless. Perhaps this could lead to further ideas of research and explanations: How and why certain clubbers and ravers wear what they wear? And why do youth feel the need to want to be accepted within club culture? I also thought about clubs can influence fashion, for example BLITZ nightclub, another interesting area of research would be to focus on this club and perhaps compare it to the Hacienda.

What made this club so special to the different designers and creative in London?

I was also shocked to find out the media development of ‘Rave Culture’ and how this then turned into ‘Acid House’, and I think this could have played the biggest part in closure of the Hacienda. There is no doubt that the media exposures over time would have created a certain sense of ‘this cannot go on any longer’ resulting in it closing. The media plays a strong if not vital role within the birth of subcultures and Sarah Thornton raised a good point:

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“‘Subcultures’ do not germinate from a seed and grow my force of their own energy into mysterious movements only to be belatedly digested by the media.”

The Hacienda is a club which will go down in history; from the Dj’s, the artists and the clubbers. The creative forces behind it were the drivers of the nightclub and the 1970s saw a rise of independent record labels and artists, and the Hacienda was a result of talented thinkers, positioned in the right city. It would seem that the Hacienda nightclub would have not worked in any other city at the time. The industrial impact Manchester had on the Hacienda was a key factor of its legacy, to quote David Haslam: “Maybe if Manchester was less of a shit hole, then the creativity in the city would die, the culture of the city would shrivel…” And I think he could be right.

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List of Illustrations Fig 1: Hulme, Manchester (1979) [Photograph] At: http://www.originalprints.com/images/prints/prt20886.jpg (Accessed on 20.12.13) Fig 2: Inside the Hacienda club, by Ben Kelly [Photogaph] At: http://www.electrofunkroots.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/The-Ha%C3%A7ienda.jpg (Accessed on 03.01.2014) Fig 3: Factory Records [Poster] At: http://vintageposterblog.com/wpcontent/uploads/2012/11/fac115.jpg (Accessed on 11.12.13) Fig 4: Vinyl Sleeve by Peter Saville [Photograph] At: http://sleevage.com/wpcontent/uploads/2008/11/durutti-column_cover.jpg (Accessed on 11.12.13) Fig 5: People inside the Hacienda club. [Photograph] At: http://thehaciendamustbebuilt.files.wordpress.com/2012/08/hacienda-birthday-010.jpg (Accessed on 14.12.13) Fig 6: People inside the Hacienda club. [Photograph] At: http://static.guim.co.uk/sysimages/Guardian/Pix/pictures/2009/9/30/1254309729573/Hacienda-nightclub-photo-001.jpg (Accessed on 14.12.13)

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Bibliography BOOKS: Chatterton, Paul. (2003) Urban Night Spaces: Youth Culture, Pleasure Spaces and Corporate Power. London: Routledge Cohen, Stanley. (1990) Folk Devils & Moral Panics: The Creation Of Mods and Rockers.

Oxford: Martin Robertson & Company Ltd Cummins, Kevin. (2012) Manchester: Looking for the Light through the Pouring Rain.

London: Faber & Faber Bennett, Andy. (2000) Music, Identity and place. Great Britain: Macmillan PressFowler, Fowler, David.(2008) Youth Culture In Modern Britain 1920-170. Great Britain: Macmillan Publishers Gelder, Ken. (2007) The Subcultures Reader. Great Britain: Routledge.

Hall, Stuart. (1993) Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain.

London: Routledge; Haslam, David. (1999). Manchester England, The Story of the Pop Cult City. Great Britain: Fourth Estate Limited.

McKay, George. (1995) DiY Culture: Party & Protest in Nineties Britain. London: Verso Middles, Mick. (2002) From Joy Division to New Order. London: Virgin Publishing Polhemus, Ted. (1995) Street Style. London: PYMCA .

Roberton, Matthew. (2006). Factory Records: The Complete Graphic Collection. London: Thames & Hudson.

Thornton, Sarah. (1995) Club Cultures. London: Polity Press WEBSITES: Unknown (2007) 25 Year Party Palace. At: http://www.bbc.co.uk/manchester/content/articles/2007/05/17/210507_hacienda_facts_featur e.shtml (Accessed on 07.11.2013) Unknown (2000) Harking back to the Haรงienda. At: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/1005752.stm (Accessed on 12.12.2013) Unknown (2012) Durutti Column: The most punk album cover ever. At: http://www.noiseaddicts.com/2009/05/durutti-column-most-punk-cover/ (Accessed on 28.12.13) FILMS: 24 Hour Party People (2003) Directed by Michael Winterbottom [DVD] London: Twentieth Century Fox

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