visAvis no. 5

No. 5 - 2011

Voices on Asylum & Migration

50 kr. 8 c

No. 5 2011

Indhold /Content

4

Leder / Editorial

8 10 14 18 21 23 27 30 33 36 38

[Deportation & Separation] Kingsley’s crossing – Lopez Njang Shattered dreams – Joachim Hamou Årets nordmand - en udvist kvinde – Nina Monrad Boel Awaiting acceptance – Liv Nimand Duvå The existence stops in Sandholm – Liv Nimand Duvå Transnationalt moderskab – Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Rights of women seeking asylum – Marie Sauer-Johansen Grænseoverskridelsens forbrydelse – Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen I lovens skygge - notater om frihedsberøvelse – Christina Marie Jespersen Manglende billeder Stop udvisningerne – og grænsedragningen mellem ‘fredelige frivillige’ og ‘voldelige aktivister’– Søren Rafn

41 42 47

[Verbal Images] Dejavu – Patrick Digte fra Damaskus – Peter Laugesen ... Dada and chat community – Ulla Hvejsel

54 56 60 62 64 68

[Struggle & Politics] We are 300: Overcoming marginality and demanding a future through direct action – Antonios Alexandridis “We need you, but I think you also need us” – Mohamed I’m Tahrir – Mahmoud Salem Freedom not Frontex: There cannot be democracy without global freedom of movement Lampedusa: No sunny island – Jens Pfeifer City is migration: The urban arena under an ethnographic-genealogic perspective – Sabine Hess Papirløse har ikke lov, men ret til lægehjælp – Trine Høyrup Henriksen

70 72 75 80 81

[Stories & Readings] The perfect job or why I am writing for visAvis – Patrick Deutsche Nachrichten - historien om en flygtningeavis – Frederik Lauritzen Læren fra Kirkeasyl – Sylvester Roepstorff Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen: Access to asylum – Pauline Weller Jacques Derrida: Of Hospitality – Søren Rafn

50

3

4

No. 5 2011

Leder

Kære læser

Det er et privilegie at byde velkommen til visAvis nummer 5. Vi er som altid stolte af at have kunnet sætte en udgave sammen, som vi finder relevant, interessant og med bidrag af høj kvalitet. Og som altid føler vi os privilegerede ved at have arbejdet sammen med alle de skønne folk, der laver visAvis.

Der er mange fantastiske oplevelser forbundet med at lave visAvis, men også en lang række forhindringer.

Som med alt andet frivilligt arbejde kæmper vi med at finde ressourcer, energi og tilstrækkelig tid til at gøre alt det, vi gerne vil. Men i arbejdet med visAvis står vi også over for en række ekstra forhindringer, der er specifikke i forhold til vores emne og vores arbejdsmåde.

I arbejdet med denne udgave af visAvis har en del folk, der søger asyl, af forskellige grunde ikke været i stand til at aflevere de tekster, som de gerne ville. Det generelle pres i livet i en asyllejr lægger i sig selv et yderligere niveau af stress på de bidragsydere, der søger asyl.

Denne gang er en del fra visAvis-gruppen blevet kaldet ind til dét interview med migrationsmyndighederne, der er afgørende for resultatet af deres asylansøgning.

Dette medfører helt naturligt en følelse af usikkerhed, som gør det svært at fokusere på andet end udkommet.

Andre fra gruppen er blevet deporteret og står over for nye vanskeligheder. Vi ønsker dem alt det bedste og håber at kunne følge med i deres liv på afstand.

Nogle af disse forhindringer afspejler sig i dette nummers tematikker. Vi fokuserer på deportation og adskillelse og sætter spot på de ekstreme personlige konsekvenser. Sammen med disse vidnesbyrd bringer vi også en række generelle refletioner, der ser nærmere på dette emne på et mere strukturelt niveau: på migranters strategier, på måden de europæiske asylsystem fungerer samt på aktivistiske strategier for at skabe politisk forandring.

Vi ser et potentiale for forandring udfolde sig i ‘Det arabiske forår’ og finder en enorm opmuntring i disse opstande. I de politiske krav fra folk, der var blevet fortalt, at de ikke havde en stemme, genkender vi vores egen kamp for at lade stemmer fra folk, der søger asyl, blive hørt og behovet for at ændre en håbløs situation.

Situationen i vores egen lokale danske kontekst, kampen mod diskrimination og en mere og mere stram politik forekommer sandelig håbløs. Ikke desto

mindre ser vi håb for forandringer. For nylig er mange tilfælde af regeringsmæssige og administrative praksisser blevet underkendt: Underkendelsen af politiets beslaglæggelse af Asylbureaus formue, annuleringen af de administrative udvisninger af romaer i sommeren 2010, og myndighedernes pinlige indrømmelse af at de ulovligt havde nægtet at give statsborgerskab til statsløse unge siden 90’erne. Alle disse eksempler viser, at det i den grad er muligt og nødvendigt at udfordre myndighederne.

Vi har i kølvandet på sidste nummer og i processen med at lave dette mere klart set behovet for at se nærmere på den rolle, køn spiller – både i asylsystemet og i vores arbejde som aktivister. Kvinder er en minoritet i lejrene og marginaliserede i asylsystemet. I denne kontekst er der behov for et skarpt fokus på køn. Det er vigtigt, at vi husker, at migranter og folk, der søger asyl, ikke kan anskues som en homogen gruppe, men er mange forskellige mennesker med forskellige historier. Selv om mange er fælles om generelle vilkår, varierer disse stadig afhængigt af forskellige perspektiver og den enkelte migrant. For at behandle spørgsmålet om køn, må vi forholde os til asyl og migration i al sin kompleksitet.

Disse forhindringer er, hvor hårde de end tager sig ud, reelle for mennesker i vores samfund, og derfor må vi se dem i øjnene og forholde os til dem. Dette er dog ikke ensbetydende med, at vores arbejde kun er et udslag af nødvendighed – tværtimod: arbejdet med visAvis er i høj grad en proces båret af glæden ved at arbejde sammen og skabe forandringer i fællesskab.

Vi arbejder som en gruppe, og alle bidrager med det, de kan, og det, de bidrager med, er vigtigt. Selv om nogle ikke var i stand til at bidrage med en tekst, har de bestemt stadig bidraget til gruppen og til diskussionerne og den proces, der har gjort denne udgave af visAvis mulig.

At støtte op om migranters egne kampe og muligheden for at tale på ens egne vegne, er stadig hovedanliggendet for visAvis og noget, der er behov for i samfundet i dag. Og vi har brug for, at du er med til at gøre dette muligt. Med andre ord: Vi har brug for at du kommer og bidrager med det, du kan til visAvis.

God læsning! visAvis sr, jw-b, sr

No. 5 2011

5

Editorial

Dear Reader

It is a privilege to welcome you to visAvis #5. As always we are proud to have been able to put together an issue which we find interesting, relevant, and with contributions of high quality. And as always we feel privileged having worked with all those wonderful people who make up visAvis.

In making visAvis there are many great experiences, but also a great number of obstacles. As with all voluntary work we struggle with finding the resources, energy, and sufficient time to do all we would like to.

But in making visAvis we also face additional obstacles of a kind specific to our topic and method of working.

In working on this issue quite a few people seeking asylum have for different reasons not been able to hand in the texts they wanted to. The general pressures of living in the asylum system in itself put an additional stress on those contributors that seek asylum.

This time quite a few from the visAvis group have been called in for their interview with the migration authorities that is decisive in the outcome of their petition for asylum. This naturally creates a feeling of uncertainty which makes it difficult to focus on anything else but the outcome. Others from our group have been deported and face new difficulties. We wish the best for them where they are now and hope to be able to follow their lives from a distance.

Some of these obstacles are reflected in the thematics of this issue. We focus on deportation and separation and highlight the extreme personal consequences. Together with these testimonials we also bring a number of more general reflections that look into this topic on a more structural level; on migrant strategies, on the way the European asylum system works, and on activist strategies towards political change.

We see the potential for change playing out in ‘The Arab Spring’ and find in these revolts a great encouragement. In the political claims of people who were told they did not have a voice we recognize our struggle both to make heard the voices of people seeking asylum and the urge to change a hopeless situation.

The situation in our local Danish context; the struggle against discrimination and a more and more strict policy seem indeed hopeless. However, we do see some hope for changes. In several recent cases government and administrative practices have been overruled: The

reversal of the judgement where the police confiscated the fortune of Asylbureau, the annulment of the administrative expulsion of the Romas in the summer 2010, and the authorities’ embarrassing recognition of the fact that they have illegally neglected to give citizenship to young stateless people since the 90’ies. All these examples show that challenges of the authorities are indeed possible and needed.

In the aftermath of the last issue and the process of creating this one, we have more clearly come to see the importance of addressing the role that gender plays – both within the asylum system, and in our work as activists. Women are a minority in the camps and marginalized in the asylum system. A stern focus on gender in this context is needed. It is important that we remember that migrants and people seeking asylum can not be seen as a homogenous group, but are many different persons with many different histories. Although they may share the same general conditions, these still vary depending on different perspectives of the singular migrant. To address the issue of gender we must deal with asylum and migration in all its complexity.

Tough as they might be, these obstacles are real to people in our society, and therefore we must face them and deal with them. That is not to say that our work is only powered by necessity – quite the opposite: Working on visAvis is also very much a process driven by the joy of being together and working together to create change. We work as a group, and everyone contribute what they can, and what they contribute is important.

Even though some were not able to contribute with a text, they most certainly still contributed to the group and to the discussions and the process that made this issue of visAvis possible.

Supporting migrants own struggles and the possibility of speaking for oneself is still the major concern for visAvis and something that is needed in society today.

And we need you to take part in making this possible.

In other words: We need you to join us and contribute what you can to visAvis.

Pleasant Reading visAvis sr, jw-b, sr

6

No. 5 2011

Kolofon Dette er visAvis / This is visAvis Amy Hamilton Anders Heggestad Anders Abildgaard Anders Carlsberg Anders Prien Saxbøl André Amtoft Andreas Christensen Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Antonios Alexandridis Arendse Krabbe Caroline Enghoff Mogensen Jimmy Casper Øbro (design & layout) Christina Wendelboe Christina Jespersen Christopher Alexander Daniel Milan Deidre Humphrys Dominika Ozarowska Eric Yacuban Ester Vilstrup Frederik Lauritzen Gita Ghei Heidi Erschbamer Iain Boal Ida Lunden Inger Scharf Jakob Neerbek Jennie Kaae-Ferrara Jens Pfeifer Jeppe Wedel-Brandt (ansvarshavende)

Jimmy Joachim Hamou Jon Erik Nyholm Karlos Shahinian Katinka Johansen Kenneth Bohl Kipanga Lars Engelgaar Liban Abdi Abanur Lise Olivarius Liv Nimand Duvå Lopez Njang Loredana Rask Andersen Lorena Torres Lorens Juul Madsen Louise Green L-Man Mahmoud Salem Maja Moesgaard Marie Tancula Lund Marie Sauer-Johansen Maureen Nge Chi Mayhan Wak Memo Jan Mia Edelgart Misja Krenchel Mohamad Khadel Mohamed MM Morten Buchardt Mohamed Nabila Saidi

Nina Monrad Boel Omar Otman Miloud Patrick Patthy Pauline Weller Peter Laugesen Pil Rasmussen Poul Roepstorff Rasmus Pedersen Ronald Jensen Rosanna Singler Sabine Hess Samiya Mahmed Osman Sandra Lori Petersen Sara Houman Mortensen Sarah Jaqueline Hamilton Saskia Te Nicklin Simon Rasmussen Simon Væth Søren Rafn Sylvester Roepstorff Tenna Toft Olesen Theis Wendt Thomas Elsted Tina Helen Trine Høyrup Henriksen Ulla Hvejsel Vanja Ziad Kabbani

Om visAvis

About visAvis

visAvis er et tidsskrift om asyl og migration, menneskers bevægelser over grænser og de udfordringer, der er forbundet med dette. Vi arbejder for at forbedre debatten omkring asyl og migration, bl.a. gennem at bringe de tekster, folk, der søger asyl, har på hjerte. visAvis er et civilt projekt, hvor folk med og uden statsborgerskab i Danmark mødes om at skabe en alternativ offentlighed.

visAvis is a magazine on asylum and migration, the movement of people across borders and the challenges connected to this. We work to improve the debate on asylum and migration, among other things by publishing texts that people seeking asylum want to share. visAvis is a civilian project where people with and without citizenship in Denmark meet to create an alternative public space and debate.

Her finder du visAvis

How to get visAvis

En liste over steder, der sælger visAvis kan findes på hjemmesiden; eller du kan få det tilsendt ved at betale 50,- plus porto 29,50, ialt 79,50 til nedenstående konto og sende en mail med navn, adresse og hvor mange eksemplarer, der ønskes. Det er ligeledes muligt at tegne abonnement via hjemmesiden.

A list of places that sell visAvis can be found on the website; or you can order by mail by paying 15 Euro plus postage into our account and send a mail with your name, address, and the number of copies you have ordered. It is also possible to subscribe to visAvis via the website.

No. 5 2011

Info

Kontakt / Contact

Bank account / Bankkonto Jyske Bank Reg. Nr. 7851 Kontonr. 3285805 ISSN: 1904-528X Tryk: Specialtrykkeriet Viborg Oplag: 600 Forside: Jon Erik Nyholm

www.visavis.dk info@visavis.dk

7

8

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 83

NO. 5 THEME: DEPORTATION & SEPERATION

KINGLSEY’S CROSSING This is another story on Kingsleys’ crossing than the movie of the same name. The story of a journey from Cameroun through Africa to Spain and Denmark and back to Spain and Cameroun again.

The author comes from the same town in Cameroun as Kingsley and tells his story on background of private conversations.

by Lopez Njang Here’s a true-life story about Kingsley, a 23-year-old guy, who went through thorns to make life better for him and his family.

He worked as a lifeguard for about five years and loved the job, but the salary was not enough to make ends meet. All his earnings went towards rent and food. He could not afford electricity, hospital bills, clothing, etc. Kingsley’s father worked in a plantation for a meager salary and he had seven siblings all of whom lived in abject poverty.

When he was a student they would help their mother on the farm during holidays. Their harvest was just enough for the family and nothing more. His mother couldn’t afford to give them extra pocket money for school which meant that they at the mercy of others.

During special seasons like Christmas and Easter many expats returned home to visit their families.

They would parade the streets in their fancy cars, with the stereo at full blast. People called these cars “moving night clubs”. It was beautiful to stand by the roadside and witness them pass by. Their girlfriends and families were regarded as semi-gods, and everybody

Illustration by Jimmy

No. 5 2011

wanted to be identified with them.

In Kingsley’s area these “Europeans” were easily recognized by the way they dressed, their type of car, their hairstyles, while those from North America had a distinct way of talking and walking. Not to mention the fact that they all spent money on building new houses for their family members. They brought their families from grass to grace both socially and financially, by spending money on them at nightclubs and hotels.

Kingsley had recently lost three of his sisters to illness. Even after his parents had sold their farms and other properties they used to live on they couldn’t afford their medical bills. Inspired by what friends had told him when they came back from overseas, Kingsley decided he’d to travel to Europe in search of a better life.

Since his parents had confidence in him and his love for the family they decided to sell their last property in order to raise money for him to travel abroad. He left Limbe, his hometown with a sum of 1500 Euros. Since getting a visa is very expensive and difficult he had to run the risk of traveling without. And so on May 24th 2004 Kingsley embarked on a journey to an unknown destination in Europe.

He traveled to Maroua a border city north of Cameroun to Chad republic and from hereon to Niger. When he got to Niger people where just walking toward him with propositions for buying passage to Libya, Morocco or Algeria. Everybody talked about crossing the desert, which made Kingsley eager to join in on the adventure. He became friends with a Ghanaian who

The boat was so old that it could not withstand the waves of the ocean. They sailed for about fifteen minutes before the boat capsized and sank. Kingsley fought to survive, but many people drowned. offered him valuable advice. His friend told him to be cautious of criminals and robbers in the desert and that sometimes drivers would stop in the middle of the desert and demand more money from passengers before they continued. So Kingsley knew he needed to be careful.

With this in mind Kingsley made arrangements with a smuggler to drive him across the desert. However, he had to wait another week before they could leave because the smuggler needed more than 45 passengers to fill his truck. They then embarked on a journey that was supposed to take six days, but it took them 3 days more due to mechanical problems. They were all in pain because the truck was too small to carry that number of people and they also suffered from the heat and dust.

He finally arrived in Algeria where he met a very

9

welcoming fellow who took him to his house and gave him advice on how to reach the Moroccan border. Once in Morocco he got in contact with a Senegalese man who took him to a small room with about thirty people sleeping on the floor. He stayed there for six months while searching for the right person to smuggle him cross the Mediterranean. He cried at night asking, why had he embarked on this journey to Europe to begin? He thought of going back home, but he couldn’t now that everything had been sold and everybody was counting on him. He was the last hope for his family. But now he was penniless. Everything had been spent, even the fare for the boat. He therefore needed to sell all his remaining possessions in order to reach his destination.

Kingsley’s Senegalese friend took him to the outskirts of another city called Nador. They arrived in a forest where he met about five thousand people all waiting to cross the sea for Europe. The people were all huddled in small groups according to their nationality. He was told not to leave or go anywhere, especially not to the city. He needed to be careful.

Kingsley lived in the forest for eight weeks sleeping under trees before an old wooden boat came. The boat was so old that it could not withstand the waves of the ocean. They sailed for about fifteen minutes before the boat capsized and sank. Kingsley fought to survive, but many people drowned. People where crying that they lost their relatives and friends, but they could not stay long enough to look after the bodies because the feared being caught by the police. So it was too risky for them and they had to run back to the forest. Despite the risks they repaired another old wooden boat with holes in it. But many people on seeing the condition of the boat said they were not going to continue.

It was better to return home rather than die in a place where their bodies wouldn’t even be found.

They finally set sail with the old boat and succeeded crossing the waves but soon water began entering the badly repaired holes of the boat. Kinglsey started to pray to God to rescue him. He became more and more frightened. Some guys shouted “hey captain turn back turn back!” Luckily, they were rescued by Spanish marines who told them not to move or else their boat might sink. Since the water was filling the boat quickly they took them on board one after the other. The marines then sailed them to Spain. After all of the struggles his dream to come to Europe was finally realized.

Kingsley was taken to the immigration unit where he applied for asylum. His application was denied and he was told that there was no ground for seeking him asylum. He then smuggled himself across Europe and arrived in Denmark where he also applied for asylum.

His application was refused by the Danish immigration authorities as well. The Danish immigration authorities had to send him back to Spain.

During this long waiting process Kingsley entered into a relationship with a Danish woman who later gave birth to twins. Regardless that he had started a family in Denmark, Kingsley was denied residence. He was deported back to Spain and Cameroun. Finally he managed to get back to France and get resident permission, but that’s another story.

10

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 84

NO. 5 THEME: DEPORTATION & SEPERATION

Shattered dreams In this interview we talk with deported Maureen trying to survive a sever sickness in Cameroun and her Danish lawyer Poul Roepstorff trying to explain why the Danish Asylum system couldn’t give her humanitarian residence here.

by Joachim Hamou From University to asylum camp

In 2003 Maureen Ngee Chi came from Cameroun to Aalborg University in Denmark to complete her studies in sociology. After three years Maureen got sick very sick. Her illness was so severe that she hovered between life and death. Thanks to her residency in Denmark she survived. In the wake of the disease she was found HIV positive.

When I got to know Maureen she had been in Kongelunden asylum center for two years. The effect of here illness was so sever that she applied for humanitarian residency since she didn’t think she could survive in Cameroun.

On January 3, 2011 Maureen was deported - sent back to Cameroun. She was told to get ready to leave the country only a few days before. She had no idea that she would be deported when the police came and told her that she had to get ready. The proclamation that would inform her was sent from the Danish Integration Office on December 23 to Maureen’s lawyer, Poul. By the time the letter reached his office it was Christmas.

The legacy of estimation

In cases like Maureen’s the decisions are based on “estimations” that are the only decisions one cannot legally affect. As long as the ministry follows the law and does not make a fault in the procedure, there is no institution that can question the legality of the “estimations”. It is the Integration Minister who decides on which grounds and within which parameters the public servant should make their “estimations”.

A brief dialogue that gives insight into the practices, processes and outcomes of Danish asylum policies follows below. There is nothing spectacular about this case. It is just a case among many others. The participants are Maureen Ngee Chi, Poul Roepstorff, her lawyer, and myself, Joachim Hamou.

By the time the letter reached his office it was Christmas.

11 No. 5 2011

Illustration by Dominika Ozarowska

No. 5 2011

Iw

as an at d my a w po roo ith li c m th a p e offi on e at ap er cer noo I t h h a sa c e f ve y am n i da ollo to l ng e y a w i ea a.m t 0 ng ve 4: 30

12

To start with I asked: ’What is the reason for the deportation?’

Maureen: The reason for my deportation was that I can get medication in my country and that it’s free.

Poul: The reason was that the Integration Ministry did not consider that the standard practice [for humanitarian asylum] was a basis for giving her humanitarian residence here in Denmark.

The main reason for the decision of the ministry was that they had received some medical information about her treatment against HIV/AIDS and the following infection of parasite in the brain. These statements based on an opinion from a doctor at Hvidovre Hospital, suggested she could be treated in Cameroun since it was possible to get medication for HIV/AIDS get there. The information is based on an interview the Danish Consulate General in Cameroun made with a senior official in the Cameroun Ministry of Health (...)

In spite of the opinion of two other doctors in Denmark (one being her own general practitioner) the Integration Ministry said that returning to Cameroun would not significantly worsen her illness. The practice of the ministry is based on the assumption that the risk of not getting the same standard of treatment as in Denmark is not enough to give the applicant a humanitarian residency permit if the applicant’s home country can give the applicant proper treatment.

Joachim: Can the Ministry choose the interpretation they want?

Poul: Yes, it is an estimate.

Joachim: How did the deportation proceed?

Maureen: I was at my room one noon and a police officer came with a paper saying that I have to leave the following day at 04:30 a.m. I could take along 20kg; that’s my basics, like underwear and some few dresses the pair of shoes I wore. There were two Danish authorities, Jette Yro from Red Cross and also one Danish authority; Jens.

Poul: I had requested the Parliamentary Ombudsman that he reviewed the case in order to determine whether the Ministry was guilty of discrimination.

But the Ombudsman informed me that the Ministry had not taken my complaint as reason enough for a resumption of the case since there was no final decision made yet. So I figured, that the Ministry would take a decision based on my requests to the Ombudsman.

Finally they did - on December 23, 2010 - “Little Christmas”. But it’s not their job to investigate whether the addressee is present or not and since my office was closed between christmas and new years eve I never received the extradition. The Ministry is only required to notify the lawyer and not the applicant. So Maureen never knew about the letter until the police came December 30.

Joachim: What is written in the letter that was sent to you on December 23?

Poul: It was a review of the case where the Ministry referred to earlier decisions (…) Now the Ministry believed the limit was reached.

Joachim: That sounds brutal.

Poul: It was brutal. On December 30 at 1.20 PM the police assistant Claus Gabel came to the center and personally delivered the letter from his colleague Frans Thorsteinsson informing Maureen of her extradition 3 days later. She was completely chocked, of course, and called Tone from the Trampolinehouse who called me. But by now it was too late to act.

So on January 3 at 04.30 Maureen met Jette Yro and Jens Dyhr from the Red Cross in the reception of Kongelunden. Their job was to make sure the procedure was correct and that Maureen entered Cameroun and got immediate medical care.

Joachim: What happened once you arrived in Cameroun?

Maureen: My old mother picked me up. Since I didn’t have a Cameroonian national ID card I was kept for about 7 hrs before one Cameroonian police who is a

No. 5 2011

friend of one of my cousins helped me being release.

The procedure was so bad, because I was harassed and knowing how corrupt Cameroun is, they asked for bribe in order to release me.

I live with my mother and nephew in a small village called Dibanda.

Joachim: Poul - what now? Are you going to make a complaint?

Poul: No. I have - so to say - “been allowed” not to go further with the case. Tone, Karinsha and others at the Trampolinehouse believed it was useless.

It was important now to monitor her condition and situation. Something the Ministry also emphasized; she has family in Cameroon and they have actually helped her.

Joachim: It is her mother…

Poul: Yes, and the Ministry emphasized the fact that she has family that can take care of her. They didn’t believe her when she said there was no help in Cameroon. But it showed she had a slightly better position than she expressed. She may be unhappy that her blind mother only can help her with very limited funds, but there is some help.

Joachim: What is the future, now?

Maureen: I cannot work because I don’t have anybody at the top to help, cos’ you know having a job in Cameroon is based on who you know.

For now I’m still using the medication I had from Denmark. The medication I was using in Denmark and the one in Cameroon are very different, in Denmark I use to take a pill at 10:00 daily, but in Cameroon it is 4 pills daily, and after three months I have to pay for the test, and for sure I don’t have any money for that… It’s my mother who’s supporting me.

they have done anything contrary to the law or their practice.

Joachim: On what basis can you make such an estimate?

Poul: The Integration Minister establishes a practice, and this may be more or less tight or restrictive. (...)

They could easily have given her a residency permit, because if the premise for their decision is wrong they have declared themselves ready to resume proceedings… But then it’s too late. Then she’s dead.

Joachim: You are critical of their practice Poul: Yes, but not the way they carry out their cases.

Joachim: What now Maureen? How does your future look?

Maureen: It’s so bad really. Financially, health wise and socially.

I’m short of words to express my frustration. Really I’m in a fix; what I mean is: I don’t know what to do, because I don’t think correctly. I’m so stressed and so frustrated. There is no hope in my country. It’s like I’m not educated. Dear words cannot express my frustrations.

I was hoping I’ll be able to stay in Denmark but all turn black! As Otman [visAvis #1] used to say “la vie sans vie”. Really Joachim bear with me. I would have loved to stay in Denmark. But my hopes where shattered.

Take care

Joachim: Poul, can I ask you to make an evaluation of the case?

My understanding is that they have relied on a standard practice - although there were exceptional circumstances in Maureen’s case that should be basis for a humanitarian residency permit. One cannot quite say

I at y th ion r m as at fo n w dic try ’s n e n t so tio m u t i ea rta get y co tha . e r po e m d Th de can in an fre

Poul: I think they have – the officials - been correct.

They have carefully answered all my claims. They have allowed a meeting, and that is rare (...) The Ministry has emphasized some things in the decision that doctors, including her private doctor, has argued against, but the Ministry has not found their argument sufficiently documented. The Ministry made an estimate.

No court or the Ombudsman can disavow this decision. The Ombudsman may drag the Ministry to the court if they have proceeded legally incorrect, but the Ombudsman cannot change an estimate.

13

14

No. 5 2011

Translation on page 85

illustration Sara Houmann Mortensen

Årets nordmand – en udvist kvinde Med bogen ’Ulovlig Norsk’ er der kommet ansigt på papirløse migranter.

Maria Amelie har skrevet en bog, der giver et levende indblik i en parallel verden, som kun få kender til.

af Nina Monrad Boel Årets nordmand anholdt og udvist fra Norge. Det var realiteterne i midten af januar i år. Maria Amelie skildrer i sin selvbiografi en barsk barndom på flugt og i evig uvished, og denne selvbiografi skulle medføre hendes udvisning fra det land, som hun havde boet i, siden hun ankom til Norge som 16-årig i 2002. Hun havde dengang været på flugt med sine forældre fra forfølgelse i Kaukasus halvdelen af sit liv. Foråret 2011 bød på store omvæltninger i den 25-åriges liv, men den gode slutning, som man ikke kan læse i bogen, kunne man i stedet læse på Maria Amelies blog den 17. april: “Jeg er i Norge”.

snapper brudstykker undervejs. Hun skildrer de første stop på flugten i Moskva og i Finland, inden de når Norge, hvor Maria Amelie som sekstenårig igen må igennem et umenneskeligt asylsystem. Familien prøver at gøre tingene så godt de kan, sige sandheden, gå rettens vej. Men lige meget nytter det.

“Ingen! Ingen fortalte at asylsystemet var så brutalt, at ingen brydde seg eller kunne hjelpe oss. … Hvorfor må jeg oppleve dette, hva galt har jeg gjort?”

Maria Amelie beskriver asylsystemet som umuligt; ingen lytter til deres historie, ikke engang deres egen advokat. ”Individuel behandling” og alle rettigheder er sat ud af spil.

Det brutale asylsystem

Maria Amelies forældre fortalte hende ikke, hvad der var sket, og hvorfor de flygtede, men hun op-

Refleksioner og svære beslutninger

Bogen stiller mange spørgsmål, og

man følger Maria Amelies tanker om Norge, asylsystemet, hendes nedbrudte forældre og de mennesker, hun møder. Lige fra de tanker en ung pige gør sig, til de tanker en voksen kvinde har. Det muliggøres, da bogens første del består af dagbogsuddrag.

Ved ankomst til asylcenteret ser Maria Amelie de andre som ”professionelle” asylansøgere – kun hun selv og hendes forældre har en virkelig årsag til at søge om opholdstilladelse. Men årene modner Maria Amelie, og i anden del af bogen skriver hun, at livet er mere komplekst, end man kan overskue som sekstenårig, at mange har oplevet værre ting end hendes familie, og at ingen flygter for sjov.

Der er brug for de mange refleksioner, for der er svære beslutninger at træffe i Maria Amelies liv.

Lige fra beslutningen om at blive i Norge efter endeligt afslag på an-

No. 5 2011

Illustraator Sara Houmann

15

16

No. 5 2011

søgningen om opholdstilladelse, til at hun efter otte år besluttede at stå frem med sin historie i bogen ”Ulovlig Norsk” – en beslutning, der skulle føre til hendes udvisning.

Straffen for at sige sandheden

I Norge lærer Maria Amelie lynhurtigt sproget, får mange venner og tager både studentereksamen og en kandidat i socialantropologi på universitetet. Alt det, der virker umuligt uden et CPR. nr., trodser hun og gør muligt. Hun knokler

døgnet rundt for at kunne overleve i en af verdens dyreste hovedstæder uden mulighed for støtte – samtidig med at hun engagerer sig fuldt ud i frivilligt arbejde og suger kultur og musik til sig.

Maria Amelie fortsætter med at leve i frygt for at blive opdaget.

Hun må indse, at hun aldrig vil kunne bruge sin uddannelse uden en opholdstilladelse. Men hun vil ikke købe et falskt pas, og hun vil ikke gifte sig med sin kæreste for at få ophold; hun vil klare situationen

Oversættelse på side 92

selv og sige sandheden. Derfor beslutter hun at skrive sin historie, som udkom i 2010 og fik megen positiv omtale i Norge.

Maria Amelie blev kåret som årets nordmand, men allerede den 12. januar 2011 blev hun arresteret, efter at have holdt foredrag på en skole, og efterfølgende udvist fra Norge til Rusland. Det, hun havde frygtet de sidste mange år, blev en realitet.

illustration Sara Houmann Mortensen

No. 5 2011

Polen tager imod en forfulgt forfatter

Foreningen for forfulgte forfattere hjalp Maria Amelie til et ophold uden for Rusland. Den 15. marts kom hun til Krakow, som er en by under The International Cities of Refuge Network, ICORN, hvor hun opholdt sig i stadig uvished, før den norske regering fik vedtaget en særlov, der gjorde det muligt for Maria Amelie at vende hjem – til forældre, kæreste og venner i Norge. Den norske regering vedtog, at asylansøgere, som har været i Norge, kan komme tilbage til Norge som arbejdsindvandrere, givet at de opfylder kravene for arbejdsindvandring som faglærte og ikke har brudt straffeloven. Døren blev åbnet på klem, men lige akkurat nok til at Maria Amelie kunne komme ind. Derfor kunne man læse følgende på hendes blog den 17. april: “Hei folkens. Jeg er i Norge. Og kan fortsatt ikke tro på det. Tre måneder, deportasjon, politi, trandum, russland, savn etter alt, sjokk over alt som har skjedd og nå er jeg her. helt vanvittig. det er så mange følelser, så mange land og inntrykk, så mange opplevelser både de verste og de beste i mitt liv. det er vanskelig å ta innover meg virkeligheten med en gang. men en ting som er klinkende klart for meg er at jeg er så lykkelig for at så mange av dere ønsker meg velkommen og er glade på mine vegne. Er også ydmyk og takknemlig for at mange av dere har vært engasjerte og har fulgt med så mye de siste månedene. Det er fint å føle seg på riktig sted til riktig tid og ikke minst med riktige papirer!”

Maria Amelie blev kåret som årets nordmand, men allerede den 12. januar 2011 blev hun arresteret, efter at have holdt foredrag på en skole, og efterfølgende udvist fra Norge til Rusland.

En skræmmende uvidenhed

Ulovlig Norsk er en ”page turner”, som man ikke slipper før sidste side. Maria Amelie vil noget med sin bog – hun vil have, at vi skal ”se perspektiver”, og hun vil have, at vi, der har statsborgerskab i et sikkert land og ikke er på flugt, skal vide, hvor heldige vi er. ”Det skremte meg hvor lite de visste … Men aller mest skremte denne mangelen på kommunikasjon meg, den som skapte barrierer, rykter, problemer, og tette glassbur hvor man bare tittet på hverandre.”

Som Maria Amelie skriver, er det skræmmende så lidt nordmænd (og det samme gælder for danskere) ved om asylansøgere og udokumenterede migranter. ”Ulovlig Norsk” sætter ansigt på de mange, der må leve i evig usikkerhed og frygt, alle de mennesker, der ikke får en fair behandling af deres asylsag og i desperation må gå under jorden.

Læs mere på Maria Amelies blog: http://mariamelie.blogspot. com/2010/01/velkommen.html

17

18

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 86

Awaiting acceptance Being a refugee. Being a woman. Being in a camp. In a strange country.

Waiting to know the faith of one’s future. Many different factors make up the situations for people seeking asylum. Here we bring the first of two interviews with female Iranian refugees focusing on their perspectives on gender discrimination and desperation in an asylum camp.

by Liv Nimand Duvå

So, how is life in Sandholm these days?

Actually, to me life isn’t as bad as you might have heard, but sometimes it’s so boring and then I get really homesick. I’m here on my own and actually I worry more about my parents than I worry about myself. I’m their only child, they don’t have anybody else. I just wish I could see them, wherefore this delay of my case is really hurting me. But now that I’m here, I have to see things from a more positive side. I have some friends in my room, we can go out and do stuff, so I guess in a way it’s good. But sometimes I feel so alone. There are only a few women in the camp I can talk to, but mostly we are afraid of leaving our rooms, of going to the cafeteria for instance.

Why are you afraid of leaving your room?

I think around 80 % of the population in the camp are men, which makes me feel that I cannot be free.

In Sandholm you’ll meet men from different countries with various views on women and gender roles. We have to be really careful as women. I don’t like to be afraid though, to be this sort of a careful and afraid woman, but here it’s hard not to – especially for those women who have psychological disorders.

How do you experience gender discrimination in Sandholm?

Mostly the bad situations in the camp are related to drugs and alcohol problems. I actually feel sorry for those kinds of men myself.

What do you mean by bad situations?

At the moment we are four girls in my room. One day some guys on drugs hammered on our door and one of the guys tried to come in and give us money. He thought we were some kind of female service. And then there is also this other creepy guy. At first he was trying to make a pass at me saying things like you are so beautiful and two seconds later he would say you are so ugly or you have to show me respect. He really freaked me out, so I pretended he was not even there. Then one Monday morning in the cafeteria he came to me and cursed at me in the most degrading way you could ima-

gine. I can’t translate it because it was in Persian, but it was really ugly. I was really afraid, so I went to the Red Cross and they tried to work it out. The problem is that he doesn’t even listen to the boss of the Red Cross.

He’s really weird and everyday he takes a step closer and closer to me. Now I’m kind of used to it, I guess.

Do you feel that the Red Cross workers are protecting you against such situations?

I kind of do. After the incident with the guys in our room, they gave us a phone number and told us to call if something happened. I never called them though.

One time when I wanted to call them, I couldn’t find the number because I was so afraid.

What would improve the women’s situation in the camp?

In a way it would be better to have separated camps, but in general it’s no problem for me to be among men and of course it’s not all of the men in the camp who are problematic. It’s just those specific abusive men with psychological problems and on drugs! I used to play basketball back home, but when I went to the basket area in the camp, all the guys would gather around me and I thought, oh my God, I can’t play here. So at least it would be better to have some sport areas only for women. That would be much more comfortable and then you wouldn’t have guys staring at you all the time just because you are a woman and the women are few.

How do you feel about having an age where it under other circumstances would be normal to have children?

I’m not the family kind of person, but you are right, people in my age are getting children. I would never think of having children now, and certainly not in the camp.

No. Never. But talking about children, actually there is this problem in the camp with women who first receive negative responses concerning their asylum cases from the Immigration Service and then after that become pregnant without knowing who the father is. Then because they are pregnant, they’ll become positive. I think it’s really stupid to do something like that - the children are born into a camp that is like a jail, they don’t even know their father. But I understand the process

No. 5 2011

I spend four months in Turkey and then I was sent to Sandholm. Thank God that I though, came safely to Denmark, it’s the waiting but on the other hand, that destroys I have the feeling them, they are that my situation afraid of being sent back home and feel here is just as that it’s their only way bad, only in out. It’s the pressure in the a different camp that makes people do stupid things like this and it’s way. the exact same process with the suicide attempts. The waiting time makes people desperate, but such desperate actions never help. It’s the worst solution to our problems.

Is there any solution to your problems?

To prevent things like that, people in the camps should really try to gather their minds. The pressure in the camp is extreme, which makes it easy to loose one’s mind and do something you didn’t really want to do. If only the uncertainty and the pressure were much lower, I mean even if we had the guarantee that negative meant out of the country, positive meant you could stay. But it’s not like that. People start to do stupid things because they don’t have a way in front of them, and when you don’t have anything in front of you, you don’t have anything. … then there is only have the waiting…

Exactly, there is only the waiting. I’m trying to work all of the time not to feel this waiting. But there is not much to do here and it doesn’t matter how much I try to make myself busy - it doesn’t help. These few months I have been waiting have been like years to me.

I don’t know why they keep me waiting for so long.

Even if they gave me negative, I would say, it’s okay, I could leave the country, but don’t give me the waiting. I mean, the moment I set my feet in an Iranian airport, I would be completely done, but I don’t know what the worst thing would be – to be handed out to the Iranian police only to be put in jail or the waiting time in the camp?

So you compare your situation in Sandholm with your situatiuon in Iran?

Yeah! And my situation in Iran is really bad. If I could stay, I would never leave my home country. In Denmark you can do political activism without going to jail, but in Iran the situation is different. They tried to kidnap me twice and I knew that they would get me eventually. I spend four months in Turkey and then I was sent to Sandholm. Thank God that I came safely to Denmark, but on the other hand, I have the feeling that my situation here is just as bad, only in a different way.

19

What do you do to make your situation here bearable?

I’m the kind of person who needs to get out, to work and earn money, I need to have projects running. One thing I can do here is to translate for the old women in the camp who can’t speak English. It’s a huge problem that the Red Cross workers can’t understand them and I put a lot of effort in trying to help these women. This is the only thing I can do, but it’s not enough anymore.

I want more, I want to have a life. The Immigration Service would do well in considering our cases more thoroughly and often. There are different people in different ages with different stories and different cases. I mean, how long can people wait?

What is your impression of the Danish immigration system?

I give them that they take us in and try to help us, but sometimes I feel that the Red Cross workers don’t like us. It’s not on a personal level of course, because every time I go there they are nice to me, but whenever they have to speak with an Iranian or an Afghan, or with people with that kind of nationalities, they are yelling and mostly not even listening. One time I went there with an old Iranian lady to tell them that she needed a translator, the guy at the reception started to yell at us. We don’t have any translator, we don’t want to talk with you, he yelled and then he threw the old woman’s ID at her.

And what about the police officers?

Today this guy came to Sandholm. In another camp he got negative, he was sad and in huge pains because he had a problem with the back of his neck. The police told him that they couldn’t send him to the hospital, it would be too expensive for them to pay for his surgery, they told him, and because he didn’t respond, the police officer just throw him down and started to beat him.

He really beat him up?

He did, in a really rough way actually. Afterwards he got these black outs. I took him to the nurse and tried to solve the problem. On one hand the police and the Red Cross workers are nice, trying to help, but on the other hand you can always feel this difference between you and them. When I told the Red Cross workers about the problems with the guys who came to our room, they said don’t worry, we will help you, you are almost one of us. This notion of almost really hurt me. We are all people and for me there’s no difference. I know what I am.

So what are you?

I’m just a person waiting to get accepted.

And do you think you have reasons to be accepted and granted asylum?

Yes, I believe I have. I’m an educated person, I went to the university. If only I could work, so I’d get a chance to prove my worth here. But I can’t and now there’s only the option of waiting left, the never ending sleeping, smoking, sleeping, smoking, sleeping and waiting...

20

No. 5 2011

Illustration af Arendse Krabbe

Oversættelse på side 88

No. 5 2011

21

The existence stops in sandholm Here we bring the second of two interviews with female Iranian refugees focusing on their perspectives on gender discrimination and desperation in an asylum camp.

by Liv Nimand Duvå Try to describe your life in Iran I studied, worked with psychology, was an outgoing person and spoke with many different people. It was a good time, I felt alive, but now this feeling has disappeared, everything has changed and I feel unable to do anything.

How come you ended up in Sandholm?

Years ago my mother and I converted to Christianity.

In Iran the conditions for a Muslim who converts are critical. We was discriminated, persecuted and were not able to stay, not under any circumstances. My mother fled to Denmark before me and since my father couldn’t accept my change of religion, I couldn’t live with him. I was married and later I became pregnant, but when I told my husband about my change of religion, he wouldn’t accept it and he forced my to have an abortion. At that time I was already involved with a Christian group, so after the forced abortion, I left my husband to live with the group. Because it was a Christian group, it was illegal in Iran and we were all wanted. When the police started to trace down our leader, he had to flee to the United States and the rest of us were now alone, wanted and without money.

Therefore I had to flee and that’s how I ended up in Sandholm. Even though I have had many problems during the last ten years, I miss my country. Now I have been here in Sandholm for four months and none of the days have been good.

e ar ey th d en an Th ce s. ni m e is ble om s ng ro , c m hi l p g le yt a ein ob er rm e pr ev o e fl s e l, , n r ou h el all ho a rm d t s no e w sm w no , an ha at liv th e, r e as nt wh es wi y w ou m e ut an ing enl all trau rnm abo . e D al dd ith d ve e do Th de su w an go clu to

From therapist to patient

What do you do during such a day?

As I mentioned, my days are bad, long and heavy to handle. I can’t do the things I did in Iran, all I can do is to read books, be on Face-

book and search on the Internet. Sometimes I go through the courses that the University of Copenhagen has to offer because I would like to continue my studies, but as things are now, it’s not a possibility. Furthermore I’m not able to go to Copenhagen to have a look around. First of all I can’t afford it, the train ticket to Copenhagen and back would be more than 150 kroner. Secondly it’s very hard for me to communicate with people. I feel that there is nobody I can talk to about my feelings, and if I did, I don’t think they would understand my situation. If I went to the city, I would feel reserved and isolated.

Moreover there’s nobody I can talk to in the camp, which does not only have to do with the language barrier, but also the fact that people’s cultures and backgrounds are so different. In addition to this I’m so mentally stressed that I have no energy to establish relations. There’s one woman I can speak to though, but she’s doing a practicum, which means that she is exhausted, when she comes home. So mostly I’m staying in my room during the day. The only thing I can do is to wait and hope.

Then you must have a lot of time to think?

Yeah, that’s the only thing I have. All the time I’m thinking about my group members from Iran. A lot of them are in the police’s custody and it’s not possible to get any information about what has happened to them. Every night I have nightmares about their sufferings, I see their faces before me and wake up with an unpleasant feeling in my body – a feeling that will last all day through. The days are boring and I feel that my existence stopped when I arrived to Sandholm. I can’t study and I can’t do any good for other people.

It’s ironic, in Iran I was a psychiatrist, but now I’m so mentally stressed, that I hardly realize the sufferings of my fellow human beings. Now I’m the one in need of a psychiatrist. A friend of mine once teased me, come on, she said, you are a psychiatrist, you shouldn’t have any problems. But I’m a woman, just like her, I have problems too.

Which kind of problems are you facing as a woman in Sandholm?

Of course there are many different types of women. As I mentioned, I’m an educated woman, I used to work and for me it’s not enough just to have a good time in the kitchen while cooking, as I feel it is for some women. But I have to admit that I’m scared of the men in this camp. I’m not comfortable about

22

No. 5 2011

going to the cafeteria and after dawn I never leave my room, not under any circumstances.

Somehow it would be better to have nationaly separated camps. People from different countries What should the Danish have different cultures government do to change these What are you afraid of? and different circumstances?

You should stay for the night, then I don’t really think that the governyou would understand. The other day, needs when I pulled myself together and went for a little walk in the camp, this guy came and tried to convince me to go to his room, treated me like a prostitute and wanted to give me money. The problem is that if I don’t speak with the men, it will become a problem, but if I speak too much with them, it will also become a problem. Another day when I was reading here on my bed, a man came to my window saying all kind of creepy things. I pretended that he was not even there, I didn’t even look at him, but I could hear him, and all the time I thought that he was on his way in. I became so scared, it gave me the shivers and I started to cry. In the end I called the Red Cross office, but because it wasn’t in their opening hours, it took the police one hour to get here. And I mean, everything could have happened in that hour.

But mostly that is how things work around here: the police will never come before it’s too late. If something happens, they wouldn’t do anything before the damage has been done. That’s why I don’t feel protected in the camp.

What could the Red Cross and the police do different?

I feel that they look upon all asylum seekers as one homogenous mass, they don’t see the persons behind.

If one of the citizens in the camp is lying and being rude, they would think that we’re all are lying and being rude. If I by accident came to break a glass and wanted a new one, they would call me a liar. That’s why I would rather keep a broken glass, than go to the Red Cross, where they would put me under suspicion. I know that this is only a small problem, but it says something about the bigger problems. This is also why the police waited one hour to come, when I was so afraid – they didn’t take me serious and didn’t believe that it was for real.

What is your general impression of the Danish immigrations system?

My only experience is that everything is slow, and every time I go there, they are not capable of giving a fulfilling answer. As I said, I have been in Denmark for four months. Right before the holiday break I asked the police why I still wasn’t send to phase two, which I on that time should have been. The process is bureaucratic, nobody knows anything, my application still isn’t translated and I don’t know who I’m supposed to talk to. After the holiday break nothing had happened, nobody knew anything about my case and I’m still in phase one.

ment is able to do that much. Denmark is a small, civilized country with a small economy and a small, encapsulated culture.

The Danes live well, everything is nice and they are dealing with small, normal problems. Then suddenly we, who are fleeing, come with all our enormous problems and traumas, and the government has no clue about what to do. But I still wish that there would be a possibility of continuing my studies while waiting. Now I have no right to study, I don’t have access to the dentist, I can’t do anything. Everything I strived for in Iran, doesn’t count much here. They treat me exactly as a person without education and knowledge.

It’s wrong to treat everybody the same way. We are very different people with different backgrounds and different conditions of life.

Do you have any practical solutions to such problems?

Somehow it would be better to have nationaly separated camps. People from different countries have different cultures and different needs. Even though I’m afraid of men, I don’t think that gender separated camps would be a solution. If the men were cut off from the women, they would only become wilder and try even harder to hunt us up. The national separated camps would be a solution to some of the problems.

In my situation it’s really uncomfortable to stand in line with men that I neither understand linguistically nor culturally. If I were only with Iranians, I would feel safe and have the energy to enter into relations.

What is your dream for the future?

To be granted asylum, so I could be able to get away from this place and continue my life instead of loosing the best years of my life in an asylum camp.

And how do you imagine you would continue your life, if you were granted asylum?

I would like to have my own place in Copenhagen. Before Sandholm I used to live alone and I kind of miss that now. If I for instance want to read, my roommate would be in the mood to listen to loud music, and because I’m so mentally exhausted, I don’t have the strength to be a part of confrontations. If I were granted asylum, I would find my own place in Copenhagen, continue my studies and at some point I would love to work with child psychology, as I did in Iran.

Not until I have been able to find myself in this new Danish culture, found myself a job and learned the language, I would have the energy to think of children and having a family.

Translation on page 89

No. 5 2011

23

Transnationalt moderskab Stadig flere børn efterlades i hænderne på slægtninge, venner eller professionelle når deres mor krydser landegrænser for at søge hen hvor jobbene er flere og lønnen højere. I takt med feminiseringen af verdens migrationsstrømme overlades flere og flere af verdens børn til et liv i fraværet af deres mor. Det transnationale moderskab, moderskab på tværs af landegrænser, er et udbredt fænomen.

Men hvad ligger bag migrationens feminisering? Hvorfor forlader kvinder deres børn for at arbejde andetsteds, f.eks. i Danmark? Og hvem tager sig af de efterladte børn? af Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Migration har historisk set været et mandsdomineret fænomen. Kønsrolletraditionerne tro forblev kvinden i hjem og hjemland, når deres ægtefælle migrerede for at finde arbejde. I dag dominerer kvinder flere landes arbejdsmigrationsstatistikker. Kvindernes arbejdskraft er efterspurgt, og deres beslutning om at migrere er ofte tilskyndet i deres hjemlande.

Vil vi forstå hvorfor kvinder forlader deres børn for at søge arbejde i udlandet, må vi skele til en international arbejdsdeling, som er formet af både global kapitalisme og ulige udvikling i det globale nord og det globale syd. Vi må skele til systemer af kønsulighed i både afsender- og modtagerlande samt race, klasse og statsborgerskabsdefinerede kvindehierarkier.

Udlicitering af omsorg

Også i Danmark ses den stigende efterspørgsel på kvindelig udenlandsk arbejdskraft. F.eks. steg antallet af au pair-opholdstilladelser med over 1.900 tilladelser fra år 2000 til år 2009, hvor der blev givet 2.773 au pair opholdstilladelser. Langt de fleste af disse au pairer kommer fra Filippinerne.

Den filippinske au pair og den danske kvinde, hun arbejder for, deler på sin vis skæbne. De er begge kvinder i en verden, hvor de færreste husholdninger kan klare sig med en enkelt indkomst, og hvor kvinder drømmer om karriere på lige fod med mænd. De har forladt den traditionelt set feminine privatsfære, og tilværelsen som kernefamiliens hjemmegående husmor, for at arbejde udenfor hjemmet, adskilt fra deres børn. De disintegrerer den traditionelle omsorgsgiver/ forsørger-dikotomi, og erstatter den med et moderskabskoncept, der indebærer forsørgelse. Begge grupper af kvinder deler desuden husholdningsarbejdet og omsorgsarbejdet overfor deres børn med andre, slægtninge eller professionelle. De har udliciteret deres omsorgsarbejde.

Den ene kvindes frigørelse…

Men meget længere holder sammenligningen ikke. For som den amerikanske forsker Salazar Parreñas beskriver, er disse kvinder nok forbundne i kraft af deres kvindelighed, men samtidigt placeret vidt forskelligt i the hierarchy of womanhood (kvindehierarkiet). Den Filippinske au pair er placeret nederst i den globale køns-, race- og klassestratificering. Under mænd i kraft af deres kvindelighed. Og under danske kvinder i kraft af deres ikke-statsborgerskab, deres au pair opholdstilladelse, der ikke tillader lønarbejde men kulturudveksling, samt deres relative eller absolutte fattigdom.

Indtrædelsen i forsørgerpositionen har følgelig vidt forskellige konsekvenser for hhv. den danske middelklassekvinde og den filippinske au pair. For deres familieliv, omsorgsrolle og for deres børn. Den migrante kvindes penetrering af den traditionelt set maskuline sfære er ikke den samtidige frigørelse fra den traditionelle kvinderolle. I Danmark er det traditionelle kvindearbejde stadig reserveret til kvinder, og den danske middelklassekvindes frigørelse fra varetagelsen af husholdningen hviler netop på, at kvinder fra det globale syd eller det østlige Europa er parate til at overtage dette arbejde.

I Danmark er det traditionelle kvindearbejde stadig reserveret til kvinder, og den danske middelklassekvindes frigørelse fra varetagelsen af husholdningen hviler netop på, at kvinder fra det globale syd eller det østlige Europa er parate til at overtage dette arbejde.

24

No. 5 2011

Illustration af Marie Tancula Lund

No. 5 2011

Behovet for import af omsorg er ikke blot et resultat af den danske kvindes indtog på arbejdsmarkedet, men også en sejlivet kønsulighed i de danske hjem, hvor kvinder stadig står for det meste husholdningsog omsorgsarbejde. I au pairens tilfælde er bevægelsen ud af eget hjem den samtidige bevægelse ind i andres hjem. Au pairens arbejde er således en samtidig fastholdelse i den traditionelt set feminiserede privatsfære, hvor arbejde ikke betragtes som arbejde. Hvor au pairer knokler til underbetaling, uden arbejdsopholdstilladelse eller kollektiv overenskomst, og under dække af kulturudveksling.

Omsorg på kapitalismens præmisser

Og den migrante kvindes villighed til at overtage, når den danske middelklassekvinde forlader husholdnings- og omsorgsarbejdet, er netop et produkt af global kapitalisme. Vil vi forstå hvorfor kvinder forlader deres børn, fx for at arbejde til underbetalingen som au pair i Danmark, må vi se ud over den enkelte kvindes oplevelses- og karrieretrang.

Vi må skele til samfundsindretninger og -uligheder, der betyder, at økonomisk rige lande med underskud på omsorgsbalancen higer efter omsorgshænder, imens økonomisk pressede lande higer efter de penge, remitter, som au pairer og arbejdsmigranter (hvilket burde være én og samme kategori) sender hjem.

De filippinske au pair-piger i Danmark migrerer fra et konfliktfyldt Filippinerne, hvor korruption, handelsliberaliseringer, privatiseringer, afbetaling af udlandsgæld og multinationale selskaber udhuler landbrug, arbejdsmarked og økonomi. Arbejdsemigration tilskyndes og anses af den Filippinske regering som udviklingsstrategi, og remitter udgør omkring 12,5 procent af Filippinernes bruttonationalprodukt.

De filippinske au pair-pigers arbejde betragtes i Danmark som kulturudveksling. Men au pair pigerne er oftest voksne veluddannede kvinder, der søger indtjening frem for kulturudveksling. Og som har familie at forsørge i deres hjemlande. Danmark er ofte blot ét step på vejen i en længere rejse for disse kvinder.

Mellem lande, kortvarige opholdstilladelser, lønarbejde og pengeoverførsler til mellemmænd og familie i hjemlandet. Langt fra deres eventuelle børn. Og til gavn for vores velstand. For når husholdnings- og omsorgshænder frigives, øges aktiviteten på det danske arbejdsmarked.

25

Den globale omsorgskæde

Ej heller i Filippinerne overtager mændene omsorgsarbejdet, når mor forlader familien. I Filippinerne er dette arbejde kvindens. Og kvinder forbindes således verden over i det som den amerikanske forsker Arlie Hochschild kalder the global care chain (den globale omsorgskæde).

Den danske middelklassekvinde udliciterer kærligheds- og omsorgsarbejde til kvinder fra Filippinerne, som underbetales i kraft af deres misforståede au pair opholdstilladelse og ikke-statsborgerskab. Den filippinske kvinde udliciterer omsorgsarbejdet for sine egne børn i til andre kvinder i Filippinerne, slægtninge eller kvinder med ringere uddannelsesniveau og lavere klassetilhørsforhold, som ikke selv har råd til at migrere. Og denne filippinske kvindes yngste børn, bliver med stor sandsynlighed passet af den ældste i søskendeflokken, imens mor er på arbejde.

Børnene – omsorgskædens tabere

Tilbage står omsorgskædens tabere. Børnene, der vokser op uden far og mor. 30 % af alle filippinske børn vokser op i fraværet af mindst én af sine forældre. I modsætning til den danske kvinde, der har det privilegium at vende hjem til sine børn, når fyraftenen ringer ind, må den filippinske au pair og hendes børn leve adskilt af tusinder af kilometer og landegrænser.

En dansk au pair opholdstilladelse tillader ikke eventuelle børns følgeskab, og transnationalt moderskab indebærer en nærmest total adskillelse mellem mor og barn.

Det er disse efterladte børns stemme, der overhøres i den globale kapitalismes og kønsuligheds udlicitering af omsorgsarbejde. Efterladte børn, der lever i psykisk mistrivsel som følge af afsavnet til bortrejste forældre. Med Hochschilds ord, er det de efterladte og overladte børn, der er den globale hjertetransplantations egentlige tabere.

26

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 90

Rights of women seeking asylum

No. 5 2011

Every woman has the right to be treated in a dignified way and for her gender to be taken into consideration when her asylum case is being dealt with, says UK asylum organisations. But only eight countries in the world have guidelines to protect the rights of women seeking asylum.

af Marie Sauer-Johansen

Illustration af Ida Lunden

27

An evening last December, a crowd had gathered in the user-driven culture house, Trampoline House in Copenhagen. It was only the first week of the house’s life, and the rooms were still only half-way decorated. Bare white walls and bookshelves newly painted in bright yellow, matching the warm atmosphere and the smell of spicy stew boiling in the kitchen, greeted guests, who were at this moment listening to a welcoming speech by the editor of visAvis, Jeppe Wedel-Brandt: “When I look at society, I see clearly that there’s something wrong in the way we treat migrants and people seeking asylum. It makes me angry. And it makes me feel the need to act,” he said. Looking at the people listening to him, it became apparent that the décor of the house was not the only thing still at a stage of hopeful promise; the gender balance of the guests also gh left room for imu ho provement.

A lt ost re Milling m e

ts w d had rty, s e gu e an a pa rity e jo lit po o hav e ma most e e t ulin n al t mad ot m o c asc d to a tha ise n t the m e w u the ounte essur ther y sho en? m o am cal pr f my t bod e wo i h s o ys lt e ni ph fibr femi re al a ry ly eve ional here w dit n: ‘ tra estio around qu

the room were around 80 percent men, aged between 20 and 40, and only very few women.

Although most guests were polite and had come to have a party, the masculine majority

amounted to an almost physical pressure that made every fibre of my otherwise not traditionally feminist body shout the question: ‘where are all the women? ’ As the evening went on with much talking, dancing and drinking, nevertheless leaving enough time for early evaluation of the situation, we first came to the conclusion that most women living in the asylum centres had failed to turn up for the party because it had been advertised as involving alcohol, a fact that had scared off many women who may potentially have attended an event earlier in the day without alcohol consumption. But as we spoke to more people, it emerged that several women and children had in fact planned to attend the party, but had been pushed to the back of the line by young men eager for a chance to get away from the dreariness of their everyday lives, spend in waiting, when the free busses transporting the guests had arrived at the asylum centres. Of course, the situation was partly caused by our beginner’s unawareness of the need to reserve seats for women and children on the busses and to exclude alcohol consumption. But the fact that this mistake was so easily committed by people who are very familiar with the conditions at Danish asylum centres and who are already working to improve these, highlights the wider issue of the vulnerability of women seeking asylum and the importance of ensuring their rights.

At the launch party, the male majority did not make me, as a woman, feel frightened, but it did make me feel outnumbered, almost fragile, and acutely aware of my femininity. If I felt this way, how strongly must a similar situation affect a woman who is alone in a strange country? A woman, who may be one of the 70 percent of women seeking asylum who, according to UK study claiming worldwide relevance, have been raped, either in their home country or during transit?

Aisha* is one of these women. When she came to Denmark, she was a nervous wreck. She had been raped several times by soldiers in her home country, her husband had been killed and she had singlehandedly managed to get herself and her children out of danger and safely to Denmark. Three months after

28

No. 5 2011

arriving in the country, she was living in an asylum centre, surrounded by strangers she was afraid of and had only seen a psychologist twice, each time telling her story through a male translator. “I didn’t want to tell a man that I had been raped,” she told me. “Sometimes my children were also with me when I was being interviewed by police, and because I didn’t want them to know what had happened to me, I couldn’t tell the whole story.” Luckily, Aisha and her children were granted asylum on the grounds that they were victims of political persecution.

But not all women seeking asylum are this lucky; some seek asylum to avoid gender based persecution such as forced marriages, forced prostitution or genital mutilation, all grounds which are not unambiguously included in the 1951 Refugee Convention.

“The 1951 UN Refugee Convention is a product of its time and is written from a male perspective. It needs to take women’s rights into consideration to a greater extent,” Debora Singer from the UK organisation Asylum Aid told me when I went to see her in the organisation’s small London office this spring.

One of the ways in which the Refugee Convention can be interpreted in a gender sensitive way is by developing and implementing guidelines that respect gender differences, aptly named ‘gender guidelines’ The UNHCR have developed gender guidelines.

However, so far only six countries outside Europe have legal guidelines in place to ensure the rights of women seeking asylum; Australia, Canada, South Africa and the US have developed and implemented special gender guidelines in addition to their asylum legislation.

In Europe, only UK and Sweden have gender guidelines while eight other countries have included some gender related points in their asylum legislation; Belgium, Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Lithuania, Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland.

Thanks to the UK’s relatively extensive gender guidelines, the UNHCR has named it the country with the most gender sensitive asylum policy. Its gender guidelines ensure basic rights such as the right to be interviewed by someone of the same gender and to live in women-only accommodation. However, the rights of women seeking asylum in the UK are still a far cry from the rights of women who are residents in the UK. Especially when it comes to medical help, protection from abuse and pre- and post natal care, the standards for women seeking asylum are far below that of other women living in the UK. This is something that Asylum Aid is working to change. “There has been a huge improvement in terms of gender sensitivity in the criminal justice and prison system in the UK,” Debora Singer told me. “So there’s no reason why the same gender sensitivity should not be adapted by the UK Border Agency (UKBA).” In order to influence the UKBA, which handles all asylum applications, to adapt more gender sensitive approaches, Asylum Aid has developed a ‘Charter of Rights of Women Seeking Asylum “. The charter was launched in 2008 and has since been endorsed by almost 200 organisations, including Amnesty International UK, Liberty, Oxfam and Rape Crisis.

If Denmark had gender guidelines, the situation for

women like Aisha would improve significantly, because she would have been able to tell the truth to her police interviewer. For many other women, the introduction of gender guidelines could change the outcome of their asylum application. The UNHCR gender guidelines did so in a famous UK case from 2005 where the young woman Fornah, who fled Sierra Leone to avoid genital mutilation, was granted full protection under the Refugee Convention in an appeal case which established that, as a woman, she belonged to a particular social group risking subjection to inhumane treatment in we her country of origin. The nee judgement became case d to law and has since ma s k u helped many the re th e women a w d t i n to o as ork

ev w ac p tak er y s rotec tivis e in ts tr es d are iffere into gle hu ights , tr y nt n con ma of ing eed sid n b e e to s hel of th ratio ing, n diff p, in e p t ere clu eop he nce din le w similar gg s. end e situations in er the UK.

But even though the introduction of gender guidelines has improved the situation for women seeking asylum in countries like the UK, what is ultimately needed for equal treatment of men and women seeking asylum is a change of culture. “It is a big step forward that the UKBA has come as far as to recognise that some cases get overturned simply because gender based persecution is not recognised or because the procedures in which interviews are carried out do not allow women to speak the truth,” Debora Singer said. “But just looking at issues like training and guidance is not enough. It’s about culture; we need to make sure that the recognition of gender is internalised in the procedures and decision making system.” While she was talking, she tapped the report at the table in front of her, with the decisive headline ‘Every Single Woman’, reminding me of the feeling I had at the launch party of visAvis #4; we need to make sure that the work we do as activists, to protect rights of every single human being, takes into consideration the different needs of the people we are trying to help, including gender differences. Here is to hoping that the good work of organisations like Asylum Aid will inspire a greater awareness of the need for gender sensitivity, both at governmental, institutional and grass root level. *Aisha is a pseudonym

No. 5 2011

World people, Asylum seekers, Writers, Painters, Creatives, Photographers – make your mark, unite. Get your word & story out!

Contact us at info@visavis.dk or find us at The Trampoline House every Wedensday at 4-6 pm is a magazine on asylum and migration, the movement of people across borders and the challenges connected to this. We work to improve the debate on asylum and migration, among other things by publishing texts that people seeking asylum want to share. visAvis is a civilian project where people with and without citizenship in Denmark meet to create an alternative public space and debate.

Skyttegade 3 · DK-2200 · København N · Danmark · www.visavis.dk · info@visavis.dk

29

30

No. 5 2011

Grænseoverskridelsens forbrydelse

Translation on page 91

foto af Theis Wendt

Asylansøgere i Danmark behandles som kriminelle. Isoleres, ekskluderes og indespærres. Men er det en forbrydelse at søge om asyl i Danmark? Er asylansøgere kriminelle? Eller er den kriminelle asylansøger i virkeligheden skabt af samfundet selv? I denne artikel undersøges baggrunden for – og konsekvenserne af – asylpolitiske tiltag og bestemmelser, der fører til kriminaliseringen af mennesker, der søger asyl i Danmark.

af Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen

I modsætning til den gængse kriminelle, er asylansøgeren altså skyldig indtil andet er bevist. Dvs. Asylansøgere i Danmark må ikke tage lønnet arbejde. indtil vedkommende beviseligt opfylder FN’s flygtMange må bo på isolerede asylcentre placeret i om- ningekonvention, legitimeres som “rigtig flygtning” råder med ringe offentlige transportforbindelser langt og tillades udtrædelsen af den forbryderiske asylansøgeridentitet. fra byerne, byens liv og mennesker. Afviste asylViser det sig, at den asylansøgende ikke ansøgere sanktioneres økonomisk, flyttes kan defineres i overensstemmelse med til særlige udsendelsescentre eller komI FN’s flygtningekonvention, skærpes mer i kriminalforsorgens varetægt i modsætning restriktionerne. Den i forvejen fordet som Amnesty International for styrrende grænseoverskridelse og nyligt har beskrevet som Det Hemtil den gængse rodløshed er nu dømt endeligt ilmelige Fængsel Ellebæk. kriminelle, er legitim, og den asylansøgendes asylansøgeren altså forbrydelse er påvist. Såkaldte moMen hvad legitimerer disse restriktivationsfremmende midler, som tive og isolations-politiske bestemskyldig indtil andet kostpengeordning og flyttepåbud, melser og vilkår for asylansøgere? er bevist. tages nu i brug.

Hvad er begrundelsen for at behanDet irakiske ægtepar Zeena Rassam dle asylansøgere som var de kriminelle? og hendes mand Salam Mansour ”føler sig Vi må, med Michala Clante Bendixen som fanger i et fængsel, selvom de gerne må gå og Komiteen Flygtninge Under Jordens ord, ud og også kan modtage besøg”, fortæller de til Fagspørge ”Er det en forbrydelse at søge om asyl?”. bladet 3F. Zeena og Salam er afviste asylansøgere og Skyldig indtil andet er bevist lever på center Sandholm, omkranset af stålhegn og De svenske forskere Mekonnen Tesfahuney og Magnus med påbud om jævnlige besøg hos politiet.

Dahlstedt diskuterer i artiklen ”Lägrets Politik” kriminaliseringen og indespærringen af asylansøgere. De Når kriminalisering producerer kriminalitet… fastslår, at ”Rodløshed, dette migrationens særkende, Bendixen problematiserer konsekvenserne af krimitrodser de krav om territoriel loyalitet og kulturel homo- naliseringen af asylansøgere i Danmark. Hun stiller genitet som staten afkræver sine undersåtter” skarpt på et par af argumenterne for en stram flygtVed sin blotte overskridelse af konkrete nationale ningepolitik, nemlig lav beskæftigelse og høj krimigrænser og symbolske ordensprincipielle grænser op- nalitet blandt de flygtninge, der får opholdstilladelse fattes asylansøgeren altså, som den kriminelle, som i Danmark. Bendixen foreslår, at disse problemer skyldig i forstyrrelse af samfundets orden – det natio- måske er skabt af samfundet selv? At den relativt lave nalstatslige homogenitets- og ordensprincip. Sam- beskæftigelsesgrad og relativt høje kriminalitetsrate tidigt er asylansøgerens baggrund for grænseover- i forhold til danske statsborgere måske er et resulskridelsen uafklaret og derfor tilsyneladende mis- tat af den stramme flygtningepolitik, som hævder at dæmme op for bl.a. beskæftigelses- og kriminalitetstænkelig.

No. 5 2011

31

32

No. 5 2011

problemerne?

Bendixen peger altså på, at den kriminalitet som vi søger at intervenere overfor, eller udelukke via stram flygtningepolitik, er skabt af netop denne stramme politik: ”De bliver betragtet som kriminelle fra starten, de er nødt til at arbejde ulovligt for at skaffe penge nok til de mest basale fornødenheder, de er tvunget til at opholde sig i store lejre i årevis hvor alle beboerne har problemer og traumer, behandling af traumer og danskundervisning tilbydes først når de har fået opholdstilladelse, de får ikke den fornødne hjælp til at opgradere/tilpasse deres kompetencer til det danske arbejdsmarked”.

Når en hel gruppe mennesker kriminaliseres på baggrund af deres udefra definerede tilhør til kategorien Asylansøger, dannes grundlag for restriktive flygtningepolitikker. Restriktive flygtningepolitikker, der risikerer at producere netop den kriminalitet, som søges holdt ude.

Gennem stram flygtningepolitik, økonomisk forarmelse og indespærring produceres den kriminalitet, som reproducerer eksisterende fordomme om ”den kriminelle asylansøger”. Hermed aftegnes et selvforstærkende kredsløb, hvor grundlaget for restriktiv særbehandling bekræftes – nemlig, at asylansøgere er kriminelle mennesker – indtil andet er bevist.

Nyttig kriminalisering?

Tilbage står vi med spørgsmålet om hvorfor? Hvorfor

Oversættelse på side 97

opretholde politik, der får asylansøgere som Zeena og Salam til at føle sig som kriminelle? Og hvorfor opretholde restriktiv flygtningepolitik og isolerende asylpolitik, hvis disse ligefrem traumatiserer, forarmer, ekskluderer og producerer reel kriminalitet blandt flygtninge, som har fået opholdstilladelse i Danmark?

Har kriminaliseringens selvforstærkende kredsløb en funktion?

Tesfahuney og Dahlstedt hjælper os på vej i besvarelsen af denne undren. De fastslår nemlig, at “Medborgerskab og flygtningeskab, de som hører til og nogle andre som ikke hører til, er (…) to sider af samme sag. Den ene pol kan umuligt adskilles fra den anden” (min oversættelse).

Med andre ord er tilstedeværelsen af asylansøgeren på paradoksal vis nødvendig for det nationalstatslige projekt og nationalstatens bevarelse. Dette er kriminaliseringens selvforstærkende kredsløbs funktion.

Kriminaliseringen tillader os at afvise, at asylansøgeren er en af Os. Asylansøgeren forbliver således eksemplet på det upassende Andet, der i sin tilstedeværelse markerer hvad Vi hverken vil eller bør tolerere. Det rodløse, det grænseoverskridende, det fremmede. Det der trodser homogenitet og orden.

Uden tilstedeværelsen af denne Asylansøger, der som indefra ekskluderet markerer det Andet, forstår nationalstatens forkæmpere ganske enkelt ikke deres projekt. Ej heller dem selv.

Som ét folk, som det forestillede homogene og nationale fællesskab Danmark.

Translation on page 92

No. 5 2011

33

I lovens skygge – notater om frihedsberøvelse Politiet kan administrativt frihedsberøve asylansøgere, skønt de ikke har begået noget ulovligt. Det er domstolenes opgave at forhøre politiet om, hvorvidt dette finder sted på baggrund af en ‘begrundet mistanke’ om et fremtidigt lovbrud. Alligevel bliver frihedsberøvelser næsten uden undtagelse godkendt og behandlet som ekspeditionssager. Artiklen søger at forstå og vidne om en praksis i lovens skygge. af Christina Marie Jespersen Stemning

Gangene ligger øde mellem gråtonede vægge. Neutrale, på en venlig måde, lyset dæmpet, som lover det diskretion, spredt eller delt mellem oplysning og mørke, momenter af nærhed. Retssalene er nummererede, jeg venter foran dør nummer 7, hvor en sag om forlængelse af frihedsberøvelse skal fornys af en dommer. Sag nummer 1246. Andet ved jeg ikke.

Frihedsberøvelse og loven

Administrativ frihedsberøvelse er en betegnelse for den mulighed politiet har for at anholde en person, der ikke har begået en lovovertrædelse, men som kunne være til fare for sig selv eller andre. Oftest er der tale om berusede, psykisk syge eller udviste asyllandssøgere. Sagen skal stilles for en domstol indenfor 24 timer iflg. Grundloven. For udviste asyl-

En asylansøger er ikke beskyttet af de danske love, der er i stedet skabt et system udenfor lovkroppen, hvis ideal ikke er frihed og lighed, men hvis funktion er at opretholde borgerne og statens sikkerhed. landssøgere, der er underlagt udlændingeloven, er fristen 3x2 4 timer, hvorefter man enten sættes fri eller lukkes inde i Ellebæk som frihedsberøvet. Herefter fornyes sagen formelt hver 4. uge, men når denne formalia er på plads, er ophold i cellen i princippet uden tidsbegrænsning.

I januar 2011 sad der 64 mennesker i Ellebæk. Det er en institution under kriminalforsorgen, ikke et fængsel, men et aflåst område befolket af frihedsberøvede asylansøgere. Forskellen mellem fængsling og frihedsberøvelse synes mere at ligge i ordenes betydning end i praksis. Det er nemlig ikke tilladt at fængsle under de præmisser, som tillader frihedsberøvelse.

Beskyttelse mod administrativ frihedsberøvelse hø-

rer til de klassiske menneskerettigheder. Den personlige frihed er ukrænkelig, og frihed og lighed er et ideal for det Demokratisk samfund og for Grundloven.

Udlændingeloven har ikke de samme idealer, hvorfor der opstår en forskel mellem menneske og borger.

I 1983 åbnedes for et markant skel i lovgivningsapparatet i forhold til udlændingeloven. I ændringen blev Flygtningenævnets afgørelse i asylsager endelige, jf. udlændingeloven § 56, stk. 8. Flygtningenævnet er ikke en rigtig domstol, men et domstolslignende organ, hvis formål er at give asylansøgere en mere retfærdig rettergang, samtidig er det dog et slags parallelt system til den allerede eksisterende retsorden.

Det er stadig domstolene, der efterfølgende behandler sagerne om frihedsberøvelse. I 2001 blev der til udlændingelovens §36 tilføjet et lovforslag.

Det lød således: ”der skabes mulighed for at frihedsberøve asylansøgere, der er administrativt udvist på grund af kriminalitet, og asylansøgere, der gennem deres adfærd lægger væsentlige hindringer i vejen for asylsagens oplysning”. Det er ikke i konflikt med de grundlæggende menneskerettigheder eller med Grundloven at frihedsberøve, så længe det foregår ved lov og dom.

Rettens rolle

Domstolens rolle består i at tage stilling til, om politiets vurdering af nødvendighed for frihedsberøvelse, er i overensstemmelse med loven. Det er nemlig politiet, der er anklager i disse sager. De fremstiller, ud fra domstolens retningslinier, en sag med en konkret begrundelse for eventuel fremtidig lovovertrædelse.

Det er således domstolens opgave at tage stilling til gyldigheden af politiets vurdering af nødvendigheden for frihedsberøvelse.

Der er her ikke tale om et lovbrud, men om en begrundet mistanke for en eventuel overtrædelse. Kun to gange på fem år har domstolen afvist at godkende politiets mistanke. Dette er tilfældet, fordi lovgivningen tillader en domsafsigelse, uden en overtrædelse har fundet sted. Netop derfor kalder man det frihedsberøvelse, da fængsling ikke er tilladt under sådanne omstændigheder.

Der har været øget opmærksomhed overfor om-

34

No. 5 2011

Mit ærinde er primært at forstå og blotlægge processer, der er i modstrid med de værdier, jeg er opvokset med i Danmark.

illustration: Christina Marie Jespersen

stændighederne i Ellebæk, både med hensyn til sårbare asylansøgere, der indespærres trods traumer, samt kvinder, der er ofre for trafficking og med hensyn til retssagerne, der ekspederes indenfor en tidsramme af 15 minutter. Den korte behandlingstid forklares med, at de er såkaldte typesager, dvs. at de ligner hinanden og derfor ikke kræver en lang behandlingstid.

I ordets skygge

Typesagen, den helt konkrete begrundelse, den begrundede mistanke, objektet, frygten for, sagens kerne eller det spæde frø frihedsberøvelsen udspringer af, det som ligger til grund for nødvendigheden af frihedsberøvelsen. Der er mange betegnelser for disse sager, men det har til gengæld været mig ret umuligt at finde eksempler på en helt konkret sag. Problemet er bl.a. at der ikke tages noter under de pågældende retssager, dokumentation af retssagen findes ikke og afgørelserne kræver aktindsigt. Retssagerne er selvfølgelig offentlige og har bl.a. i perioder være overvåget af både Amnesty og FN. Referat fra Retssal 7 en tilfældig morgen i april: Dommeren sidder for enden af rummet, til sin venstre side har han en repræsentant for Rigspolitiet, som er anklager, til højre en beskikket forsvarer. Jeg sidder i modsatte ende. Venter, som alle ser ud til at vente.

Til højre for mig går døren endelig op og to betjente kommer ind med den tiltalte. ”Han er lidt bange”, siger den ene betjent. Jeg synes, han ligner et skræmt barn. Tiltalte bliver sat ved siden af tolken. De har ansigterne vendt mod dommeren og ryggen vendt mod mig. I alt er der otte mennesker tilstede i lokalet. Der tjekkes med tolken, at denne og klienten forstår hinanden. Et afghansk sprog taler de.

Repræsentanten for rigspolitiet fremlægger sagen for at forklare hvorfor fortsat frihedsberøvelse er nødvendig: Tiltalte har i april 2009 søgt om asyl. Han har her oplyst sit fødeår til 1994. Dette har retsmedicinsk institut dog i undersøgelse af tiltaltes tænder sat til 1990. Klienten har, som følge af sine tænder, fået afslag på asyl fra Flygtningenævnet i oktober 2010. I

november møder han op til kontrol, men nægter at medvirke til udrejse. Han er ikke enig i aldersbestemmelsen. Dommeren spørger ham, om ikke hans fødselsdato er d. 17. jan 1994. 7. januar retter tiltalte ham.

I december 2010 har man henvendt sig til myndighederne i Kabul for at få tiltalte identificeret. Sagen var i februar 2011 blevet genoptaget, men igen afvist. Tiltalte vil stadig ikke medvirke til udrejse. Jeg minder mig selv om, at det her handler om frihedsberøvelse og ikke asylophold.

Så jeg går ud fra, at diskussionen om tiltaltes alder, der tilsyneladende er et udtryk for, at han “lægger væsentlige hindringer i vejen for asylsagens oplysning”, if. § 36 srtk. 8, samt tiltaltes manglende vilje til at medvirke til sin udrejse til Afghanistan, er det man vurderer som årsag til at frihedsberøve ham.

Han møder op til planlæggelse af udrejse, men nægter stadig at medvirke dertil. Myndighederne i Kabul er i mellemtiden blevet bedt om bistand i hjemsendelsesaktionen, og da de gerne vil have ekstra vagter på flyet fra Frankfurt til Kabul, kræver det planlægning. Udsendelsesdato er sat til midt i maj og for at sikre udsendelse, mener politiet, at det er hensigtsmæssig forsat at frihedsberøve anklagede. Dommeren bryder her ind og påpeger, at der jo er 31 dage til og, at han kun kan forlænge 30 dage. Repræsentanten for rigspolitiet henviser til anholdelsesdato som gældende, denne holder sig indenfor grænsen på 30 dage. Dommeren beklager overset detalje og godkender forlængelse af frihedsberøvelse for den afghanske dreng eller mand.

Ansvar

Politiets rolle er, som lovens lange arm, at opretholde ro og orden. Deres udvidede beføjelser hertil, i form af ikke bare at udføre handling, men også at vurdere et muligt lovbrud, er ikke enestående. Men de følger lovgivningen. Som nævnt er det så domstolen, der vurderer gyldigheden af politiets mistanke. Altså om der er overensstemmelse med selv samme lov.

Om denne slags retssager har Søren Pind sagt til dagbladet Information: ”Jeg sætter min lid til dommeren”.

No. 5 2011

Der er al mulig grund til at være lettet over denne tillid til domstolene. I Danmark er der tradition for, at jura repræsenterer en objektiv orden, der angiver retningslinjer for den rette domsafsigelse. Denne sty-rke i en retsorden er ikke kun et produkt af magtens tredeling, men også politisk brug af vejledning af embedsmænd og råd i lovgivningsprocessen. Samt i den anden ende: Højesterets mulighed for at sige stop, som vi jo netop i år har set eksempel på mht. lømmelpakken.

I denne form for lovgivning er det dog blevet kutyme, at politikkerne går uden om vante råd og embeder. Det begrundes med nødvendighed og hast, såkaldte hastelove eller nødvendighedslove. Fælles for begreberne er, at de er skabt som undtagelser fra den eksisterende retsorden.

Nødvendighed og undtagelse

Den lovgivning, der ses i en række ændringer siden 2001 bygger på et postulat om nødvendighed. Det vil sige, at den ligger udenfor den parlamentarisk demokratiske lovproces, den afviger fra normalen; det er undtagelseslovgivning. Hvilket betyder, at den agerer i et rum, hvor andre love og regler er sat ud af spil. En asylansøger er ikke beskyttet af de danske love, der er i stedet skabt et system udenfor lovkroppen, hvis ideal ikke er frihed og lighed, men hvis funktion er at opretholde borgerne og statens sikkerhed. Undtagelsens lov erstatter altså lighed og frihed, med en lovning om sikkerhed.

Sikkerhed mod hvad, kunne man med rette spørge, og svaret er: Frygt, sikkerhedens uadskillelige følgesvend, en nødvendighed for frygtens berettigelse. Frygten her kunne tage skikkelse af alt fra terrortrusler til angst for alderdom, men sagen er at den er diffus. Ikke dermed sagt, at frygt ikke kan være konkret, men lovgivningsapparatet, der bunder i undtagelseslovgivning er diffust og afspejler sin uklarhed i dommen af en formodning om en eventuel lovovertrædelse.

Objektet

Der er ikke nogen lovovertrædelse, der er ikke noget konkret objekt, det reelle mangler i rettergangen, grundlaget for retfærdighed og retsorden drejer sig om et luftrum, et tomrum, hvor den reelle lovovertrædelse ikke er at finde. Der er ingenting, andet end det der direkte mimer den politik, der ligger bag. En lovning om sikkerhed mod trusler af blandet art næret godt af medier og af politikerne selv.

Frygtens ret genererer en mulighed for, at mennesker, der ikke er underlagt en demokratisk stats sikkerhed, alligevel kan dømmes af den. Som havde det lille danske hoved fået en alt for stor hjelm på, der for at blive hængende må udfylde al den resterende plads.

Når stormen raser og logikken vakler i dette system, er det fordi loven i og for sig er en lukket kreds, der har sit ophav og berettigelse udenfor denne kreds. Her står politikeren og dikterer lovgivningen, selv om der ikke er nogen reel lovovertrædelse, lovbruddet eller sagen er baseret på en formodning om fremtidig handling. Den er transcendent, som magten selv. Dette lukkede system, med transcendente positioner, mimer en teologisk struktur.

Problemet i denne retsanakronisme er at undtagelseslovgivning eller frygtens ret kræver ofre. Den

35

enkleste forklaring herpå er, at ofres der ikke, er der ikke noget konkret bevis på at retten og magten er reel.

Magten forvalter sikkerhed mod en frygt, og udpeges frygten ikke, er der heller ikke brug for magten selv, derfor må den ofre.

Ofring

Med en magt, der står udenfor systemet, underkastes mennesket som nævnt en teologisk struktur. Strukturen minder om den Kierkegaard beskriver i ”Frygt og bæven”. Det er historien om Abrahams vilje til at ofre sin søn Isak til Gud, for ved at vise sin tro og loyalitet overfor Gud at få lovning om hans sikkerhed. Offeret er en nødvendig del af en struktur, der har sin oprindelse udenfor sig selv. Offeret bliver dets berettigelse.

Hvorfor? Fordi det der ikke reelt er til stede, men som en transcendent magt, kræver ofre for at bevise sin tilstedeværelse som magt... Kierkegaards synonym er i ”Frygt og Bæven”: Johannes Silencio. Den der i tavshed bevidner maskineriet mellem offeret og suverænen, et tomrum hvor lyd er forstummet. Men den der måske samtidig, som Johannes døberen, navngiver de navnløse og gennem identifikation genindsætter mennesket som menneske(borger) i en orden, hvor transcendens bliver tydelighed og tavshed bliver tale. Navnet bliver brobygger mellem menneske og system.

Epilog

Dette er ikke en artikel om enkeltsager eller et forsøg på at udpege syndebukke. Artiklen udspringer af min egen uforståenhed overfor behandlingen af mennesker i det demokratiske samfund, som jeg er en del af. Mit ærinde er primært at forstå og blotlægge processer, der er i modstrid med de værdier, jeg er opvokset med i Danmark. Her tænker jeg på lighed og frihed, men mest af alt respekt for mennesket, de basale menneskerettigheder. Jeg ser en lovgivning, der er drejet ind på et mærkværdigt spor, det skurrer skingert af asymmetri.

Vi ser det ske, men hvad ses? Vi bomber og gasser lande, kalder det befrielse og hejser flaget for demokratiet, men nægter de forpligtelser, der om noget må følge med udslettelsen af et system til fordel for det, der skulle repræsentere et bedre. Det må som det mindste betyde at tage sig af og behandle ofrene med værdighed.

Den politiske diskurs forekommer mig at tilsvine sproget, som er lovgivningen en ustyrlig Midgårdsorm camoufleret under retoriske vingesus. Betydningerne af ordene frihed, solidaritet og nødvendighed, synes fortæret og en tom tallerken står tilbage... Som mangler der et nyt eller renset sprog, der igen forbinder ord med handling, viden med vished, giver en transparens i systemet, tak!

Der er heldigvis hjælp at hente: Jeg har i Peter Høilunds ”Frygtens ret” fra 2010, fundet en analyse af det danske lovgivningsapparats forvridninger gennem de seneste år. Selvom Høilunds værk ikke omhandler frihedsberøvelse, hvorfor min reference til bogen må stå for egen regning, blotlægger den på oplysende vis tværkulturelle elementer i den lovgivningsproces, jeg stiller mig spørgende overfor. Læserne opfordres hermed til at fortsætte læsningen i ”Frygtens ret” og selvfølgelig i endnu ulæste artikler i magasinet foran dig.

36

No. 5 2011

Her skulle have været en billedreportage. Der skulle have været en række poetiske billeder af steder, hvor noget dramatisk lige har foregået. Disse steder, stederne for disse dramatiske handlinger, er også der, hvor fotografen bor. Der er altså tale om poetiske billeder, der beskriver begivenheder i fotografens liv. Disse begivenheder, dramatiske som de er, er ikke enestående. De sker ofte og dokumenterer således også en del af fotografens hverdag. Det er en hverdag, som de fleste ikke kender. Det er situationer, der selv om de er hverdag for nogle, ikke normalt vises i medier. Der er således tale om en dokumentation, der ikke kun er poetisk, men også af stor relevans for offentligheden.

Men fotografen er asylansøger og stedet er en lejr. Og så ændrer alt sig. Der er stor uklarhed omkring lovligheden af offentliggørelse af billeder, taget i et asylcenter. Det forekommer at være en gråzone. Endvidere rammer loven radikalt forskelligt alt efter, hvem man er. Eller loven gør måske ikke, men magtudøvelsen gør. Mange asylansøgere frygter, at det at gøre opmærksom på sig selv, kan påvirke deres sag, hvis de er i fase et eller to. Er man i fase tre og er afvist, frygter mange de arbitrære straffe, asylsystemet er fyldt med; i værste instans fremrykning af deportation eller internering i Ellebækfængslet.

Vi har som redaktion valgt – efter mange samtaler med fotografen – at vi ikke tør bringe denne fotoreportage. Vi mener, der er tale om poetiske fotografier af høj kvalitet og virkelig stor væsentlighed. Vi mener, det er barokt, at der overhovedet skal være tvivl omkring lovligheden og konsekvenserne af at formidle vigtige begivenheder, der foregår der, hvor man lever sit liv – der hvor staten har tvunget én til at leve sit liv. At bringe disse billeder kan få ekstremt negative konsekvenser for fotografens liv og det er en risiko, vi vurderer, vi ikke kan tage.

Det er en svær overvejelse, der skal vægte både fotografens autonomi og de konsekvenser systemet kan udøve på hans liv. Det er en overvejelse, der altid må tages konkret. En overvejelse, der gør det meget tydeligt for os, at vi i arbejdet med visAvis er ligeværdige, men ikke ligestillede. Vi finder det forkasteligt, at der ikke er lighed for loven – og vi finder det skadeligt for os alle, at der skal være tvivl omkring lovligheden af at dokumentere samfundsmæssigt relevante begivenheder.

Her skulle have været en billedreportage. Der skulle have været en række poetiske billeder af steder, hvor noget dramatisk lige har foregået. Disse steder, stederne for disse dramatiske handlinger, er også der, hvor fotografen bor. Der er altså tale om poetiske billeder, der beskriver begivenheder i fotografens liv. Men billederne er her ikke. Det er også fotografens liv.

På vegne af redaktionen, Jeppe Wedel-Brandt

No. 5 2011

Here should have been a photo reportage. There should have been a number of poetic images showing places where something dramatic has just occured.

These places, places for these dramatic actions, are also where the photographer lives. We thus refer to images that describe occurences in the life of the photographer. These occurences, dramatic as they are, are not unique. They happen often and thus they document a part of the everyday life of the photographer. These are situations usually not shown in medias even though they are everyday for some. We are thus referring to a testimonial, not only poetic, but highly relevant for the public.

But the photographer is an asylum seeker and the place is a camp. And then everything changes. There is quite an uncertainty about the rules on publishing pictures taken in an asylum center. It seems to be a grey area. Furthermore, the law affects differently depending on who you are. Or maybe not the law, but the exercise of power. Many asylum seekers fear that drawing attention to oneself can affect their case if they are in phase one or two. If you are in phase three and rejected, many fear the arbitrary punishments so common in the asylum system; in worst case the advancement of deportation or internment in the prison Ellebæk.

As editors we have decided – after many conversations with the photographer – that we do not dare to bring this photo reportage. We find that these photos have high quality and great significance. We find it absurd that there can be any doubt about the legality and the consequences of disseminating important events occuring where you live – where the state have forced one to live. Bringing these photos can have extreme negative concequences for the life of the photographer.

And we find that we cannot take that risk.

It is a hard consideration. It has to be consider both the autonomy of the photographer and the implications that the system can exercise on his life. A consideration that always must be concrete. A consideration that makes it very evident for us that we in working with visAvis, are of equal importance, but not equally positioned. We find it unjustifiable that there is no equality before the law – and we find it harmfull to us all that there can be any doubt about the legality of documenting occurences relevant to society.

Here should have been a photo reportage. There should have been a number of poetic images showing places where something dramatic has just occured.

These places, places for these dramatic actions, are also where the photographer lives. We thus refer to images that describe occurences in the life of the photographer. But the images are not here. That is also the life of the photographer.

On behalf of the editors, Jeppe Wedel-Brandt

37

38

No. 5 2011

Translation on page 94

Stop Udvisningerne – og grænsedragningen mellem ‘fredelige frivillige’ og ‘voldelige aktivister’ Arrestationer og deportationer af afviste asylsøgere finder sted i en slags tusmørkezone uden for offentlighedens synsfelt. Stop Udvisningerne er navnet på en asylaktivistisk gruppering, der bl.a. forsøger at blokere konkret for udvisninger i lufthavne og gøre dem synlige. Det følgende er en teoretisk overvejelse over denne aktivismeform med baggrund i samtaler med gruppens aktivister.

af Søren Rafn I august 2010 troppede tre I sit epokegørende værk Modernitet og Holocaust politibetjente op i en iransk piges fra 1989 beskriver den polsk-britiske sociolog Zyglejlighed og arresterede hendes munt Bauman holocaust som et udpræget moderne 70-årige forældre, som hun plejede fænomen, der var utænkeligt uden moderne bui lejligheden, og sendte dem til reaukrati og instrumentel rationalitet. Holocaust kan Ellebæk. Kvinden fik armen vredet ikke forklares som et tilbagefald til barbari, eller et udom af politiet og måtte efterfølgende slag af Hitlers galskab, men er tværtimod et fænomen, sygemelde sig med smerter i skulder som vores civilisation endnu ikke har gjort op med. og arm. Da faren, der har meget Den moderne civilisations mere og mere avancerede dårligt hjerte, fik brystsmerter, blev teknologier og kontrolmekanismer opfattes stadig datteren nægtet at ringe 112. som det skjold, der skal forsvare os mod barbarisk vold og utryghed. Den moderne civilisation udrydder dog på ingen måde volden, men fjerner den fra synsfeltet og flytter den ind i dét, Bauman betegner som voldens voldsmonopolet i voldens skjulte zoner ved hjælp af ‘tusmørkezoner’ – og ved at tage monopol på den giver civil ulydighed og direkte aktioner. Disse har det erden udviklingen af voldsmidlerne frit løb. klærede mål at stoppe udvisningerne eller gøre dem så Stop Udvisningerne er navnet på en asylaktivistisk besværlige som muligt, men kan med lige så god mengruppering, et løst netværk af skiftende folk, der netop ing forstås som symbolske handlinger med det underanskuer det ‘civiliserede’ samfund ved at zoome ind på liggende sigte at gøre den usynlige vold synlig. dets voldelige tusmørkezoner. Det gælder f.eks. asylleStop Udvisningerne ønsker at gøre op med den jren, hvor folk, der søger asyl, ikke bare er gemt af vepassivitet, der er med til jen for offentligheden, men at opretholde strukturel hvor arrestationer af afviste vold. Gruppens reaktionasylsøgere typisk finder sted L og hendes tre børn R på 22, er er efter eget udsagn i ly af nattens mørke, samt A på 17 og S på 15 blev den 26. følelsesprægede, baseret på lufthavnen, hvor grænser oktober 2010 anholdt klokken tre impulser af afmagt, vrede ikke bare manifesterer sig i om natten og fængslet i Ellebæk og frustration, og de tager kraft af lufthavnsdetentioved Sandholmlejren, men blev afsæt i de informationer ner og flyselskabernes migraløsladt nogle dage efter med påbud om kommende deportationskontrol, men hvor deom at opholde sig i nærheden af tioner, som på den ene eller portationerne finder sted så Sandholmlejren. anden måde kommer dem upåagtet som muligt. Grupi hænde. Afmagtsfølelsen pen kan siges at udfordre

No. 5 2011

39

etablerede sig i 2007, hvor munder imidlertid ikke ud Mandag den 16. august 2010 blev flere af gruppens aktivister i ren aggression (aktionen 52-årig iransk mor tvangsudvist var begyndt at have deres erne har aldrig forårsatil Iran. Hun kom til Danmark to år gang i de danske asyllejre og get en personskade), men tidligere efter aktivt at have deltaget havde fået en klar bevidsthed gøres til brændstof for i oprøret imod det iranske regime, om det deportationssystem, både spontanitet og profik afslag på sin asylansøgning, der effektueredes langt væk fessionalisme.

Gruppen blev anholdt og sad i Ellebæk i to fra offentligheden. Gruppen planlægger alt minutiøst, måneder. Tre uger tidligere havde så ikke mindst sit snit til at skaffer nødvendige matede danske myndigheder prøvet at protestere mod udvisninger, rialer, tegner kort – og det udvise hende, men hun reagerede da en række irakere dømt utænkelige tænkes ind i højlydt imod det i lufthavnen, og for kriminalitet, heriblandt aktionen: Hvad stiller man stewarderne nægtede at tage hende folk der havde udsonet deres op, hvis en befrielse bliver med ombord. Siden endte kvinden straf, blev administrativt uden reel mulighed? Samtialligevel mod sin vilje i et fly fra Iran vist. Disse sager viste en klar dig forholder man sig reAir, hvor hun ifølge en passager blev negativ juridisk særbehanalistisk til, at en befrielse overmandet af stewarder og tvunget dling, men ansporede samnæppe bliver en realitet. til tavshed, tidig gruppen til at sætte Aktionerne forstås først og ind mod, hvad den opfatter fremmest som programsom et racistisk asylsystem løse manifestationer, der – med fokus på principielle unddrager sig nyttetænkrettighedsspørgsmål uafhængigt af personers bagningens logik – og er på den måde båret af en etisk grunde. Protesterne skulle være et udtryk for pringrundindstilling frem for instrumentel rationalitet. cipiel modstand mod udvisningerne og dermed også Konkret kommer disse til udtryk i blokader eller mod eksistensen af nationale grænser frem for blot andre forsøg på intervention i nærheden af Sandmod den danske stats adfærd. holmslejrens detention for asylsøgere, Ellebæk, hvor gruppen i ét tilfælde lavede et bål på Ellebækvej og Man kan for mig at se præcisere forholdet mellem kastede sig oven på en politibil, før de blev skubbet følelser og principiel kritik på følgende måde: Stop væk. Eller i de lufthavnsaktioner, der efterhånden er Udvisningerne reagerer ikke på baggrund af specifikke blevet gruppens varemærke. Blokader dannes foran personers lidelser, af humanistisk medlidenhed, men check in, og medlemmer af gruppen lænker sig fast gør det af principielle grunde, på grund af et uretfærtil skranken. Parallelt hermed foregår en oplysningsdigt system, samtidig med at den ved at reagere mod kampagne rettet mod lufthavnspersonale og paskonkrete udvisninger minder os om, at det er mensagerer. Dette lykkedes med særlig succes, da grupnesker, der rammes af den systemiske vold. Følelser pen i forbindelse med en aktion bookede to billetter er altså i denne sammenhæng forårsaget af strukturel på et fly med en afvist asylsøger. De to ‘aktivistturisog systemisk uretfærdighed, men uden at der er tale ter’ nægtede at tage med flyet på foranledning af de om en abstraktion fra de konkrete skæbner forbunøvrige aktivister, der selvfølgelig oplyste om, at der det hermed. Stop udvisningerne bevæger sig på den foregik en deportation, hvilket skabte stor opmærkmåde hinsides både videnskabelig ufølsomhed og følsom uvidenskabelighed.

Med sin principielle modstand mod udvisninger adresserer Stop Udvisningerne selve nationalstaten og Den 5. februar 2010 blev den 52-årige de nationalstatslige grænsedragninger i en globaliseK arresteret hos Udlændingeservice i ret verden, hvor grænsernes klare linjer bliver mere og København, hvor hun var blevet bedt mere utydelige og konstant må flyttes og reproduceom at møde med sit pas og tale om sit res. Gruppen har fokus på, at den danske grænsekonophold. I følge K’s svigersøn A, der var trol i høj grad varetages i europæisk regi ved Europas til stede ved anholdelsen, ventede de i ydre grænser, samt at Europas grænsekontrol flyttes flere timer, mens personalet smilede til ind i det afrikanske kontinent, hvor den foretages af dem og gav dem frugt. Efter lukketid flyselskaber og andre private aktører samt i samarbejblev dørene ind til værelset låst, politiet de med, i hvert fald indtil for ganske nylig, nordafritilkaldt og K anholdt og ført til Ellebæk. kanske diktatorer. Dette sker i et globalt økonomisk landskab, hvor migranter nok er uønskede, men paradoksalt nok også nødvendige som arbejdskraft for at opretholde national økonomisk suverænitet – og hvor grænsen mellem ‘dem’ og ‘os’ følgelig bliver mere og mere utydelig og hele tiden må genopføres, hvis forsomhed blandt personalet og i lufthavnen. estillingen om national identitet skal opretholdes. MiDen følelsesmæssige impuls må forstås i nøje samgration er en form for uundgåelig trussel, der får natiomenhæng med en kompromisløs politisk kritik af nalstaten til at agere mere og mere desperat. gældende samfundsstrukturer. Stop Udvisningerne tog navn efter en tidligere antifascistisk gruppe og

40

No. 5 2011

Den 2. marts 2011 ankom to betjente til kvindecentret i Kongelunden for at føre en afvist 32-årig asylansøger fra Georgien ud af landet. Kvinden havde fået brev tre dage i forvejen, men var efter sigende ikke blevet bekendt med brevet. Kvinden bad om et par dages udsættelse og forsøgte at forklare, hvorfor hun ikke kan vende tilbage til Georgien, men fik besked på at følge med. Derefter forsøgte kvinden selvmord ved bl.a. at trække en kniv frem og stikke sig selv to gange.

Man kan imidlertid indvende mod Stop Udvisningerne at de bekræfter den struktur, som de egentlig skulle anfægte, ved altid kun at re-agere, ved altid at løbe efter, ved rutinemæssigt at indtage en fast plads i forbindelse med deportationer som i et skuespil og dermed bekræfte systemets evighed. Her skal det retfærdigvis nævnes, at Stop Udvisningerne laver andre typer aktioner end de spontane reaktioner, som da gruppen afholdt en demonstration mod EU’s grænseagentur Frontex. Som et eksempel på en anderledes aktion kan det også nævnes, at gruppen i et tilfælde forhindrede indgang til Udlændingeservice udefra, bl.a. ved brug af så simple redskaber som lim og tændstikker, efterladende følgende besked på døren: “Lukket på grund af racisme.” Baggrunden var her, at en 52-årig irakisk kvinde var blevet lokket i en fælde og anholdt i forbindelse med et interview i Udlændingeservice, som Farhiya Khalid beskriver det den 10. februar 2010 på Modkraft.dk. I det hele taget ønsker Stop Udvisningerne at finde alternativer til lufthavnsaktionerne og reagere tidligere i deportationsforløbet, ligesom gruppen udtrykker et ønske om at arbejde tæt sammen med den transnationale asylbevægelse i Europa.

Stop Udvisningerne ønsker derudover at knytte mere an til offentligheden og til en bredere asylpolitisk protestbevægelse i Danmark, hvilket utvivlsomt kræver, at strategier genovervejes og nye opfindes. Dette er langt fra ensbetydende med, at gruppen bør tilpasse sig eller lade sig afradikalisere. Tværtimod har Stop Udvisningerne med deres principielle fokus på grænser et momentum, fordi grænsevolden i tusmørkezonen rykker nærmere og nærmere. Grænsedragningen bliver som sagt vanskeligere med globaliseringens øgede pres på nationalstaterne – den formår ikke længere at sætte et simpelt skel mellem dem og os, men skærer potentielt gennem alle: Papirløse migranters status skifter mellem legal og illegal, uledsagede unge får frataget deres opholdstilladelse, når de fylder 18, danske statsborgere kan miste basale rettigheder

som at bringe en udenlandsk ægtefælle til landet, hvis denne ikke har høj nok uddannelse og tilstrækkelige sprogkundskaber. I dag er vi alle potentielle tabere i den globaliserede kapitalismes kasinospil.

Spørgsmålet er imidlertid, hvad en gruppe som Stop Udvisningerne kan forvente fra den bredere offentlighed og mediernes side. Da Weekendavisens Klaus Rothstein den 20. august 2010 forsøgte at sætte begreb på den måske spirende asylaktivisme i Danmark, skete det ved at trække en klar grænse mellem et ‘ædelt projekt’ som visAvis, der havde modtaget Fredsfondens initiativpris, og nogle ‘tåbelige gerningsmænd’, der samme dag havde kastet maling mod Integrationsministeriet i protest mod en deportation. Rothstein affejede således vold, eller hærværk, som støj, ikke-sprog, der ikke gør krav på analyse, til fordel for et kommunikerende projekt, visAvis, der omvendt måtte se sig affejet som ikke-voldeligt og sympatisk. Og han glemte at stille sig selv et væsentligt spørgsmål: Om de folk fra visAvis, der modtog Fredsfondens pris en sommerdag på Christianshavn, ikke kunne have været nogle af de samme, der efter at have vasket pletterne af tøjet fra samme morgens aktion var draget af sted til prisuddeling?

Der er et slægtskab på spil. Grænsedragningen mellem ‘dem’ og ‘os’ – som den forsimplede teori om civilisationernes, kulturernes, sammenstød forsøger at sætte en streg under frem for at tegne det langt mere komplekse billede af en global civilisation af sammenstød – genopføres i mediernes dualistiske opdeling af fredelige frivillige og voldelige aktivister, også blandt humanistisk indstillede journalister. Og der synes ikke at være det store håb om, at medierne kan og vil slippe grænsedragningens trygge favn. Spørgsmålet er derimod, om en bredere asylpolitisk bevægelse og ny offentlighed kan og vil? Der er som sagt ingen tvivl om, at Stop Udvisningerne har en opgave i at knytte an til den bredere asylpolitiske offentlighed, der måske er ved at tegne sig i civilsamfundet, men det er i mindst lige så høj grad en opgave for en sådan – hvis den skal have mere end symbolsk betydning – at knytte stærkt an til et fænomen som Stop Udvisningerne.

Den kurdisk-syriske asylansøger A, en af de sultestrejkende kurdiske syrere i 2010, blev udvist til Syrien den 8. februar 2011, men sendt tilbage til Danmark af de syriske myndigheder samme dag. A var blevet afleveret til de syriske myndigheder af tre danske betjente.

Siden blev han givet videre til mænd fra den syriske efterretningstjeneste og pisket, hvilket billeder af hans ryg fyldt med røde mærker fra slagene viste tydeligt.

Oversættelse på side 96 88

No. 5 2011

41

VERBAL IMAGES

Deja-vu

Illustration af Rasmus Pedersen

by Patrick The first timid ray of light creeping on to the old peeling wall in the early morning like someone’s husband returning to the marital bedroom from an all night bender, started waking people, sleeping in two tiers in the middle of a huge sport hall. This gym was set aside for living quarters, iron beds installed in two tiers in the refugee camp due to lack of beds in the designated sleeping areas. The camp was a former soldiers’ barrack, which became unnecessary after the fall of the Warsaw Treaty Organization and the reduction in connection with the minimized quantity of the armed forces of NATO in Europe. The Government concluded that the soldiers must now protect their Motherland not on its own territory, but in Iraq, Afghanistan, or Libya.

This man is going to have a very hard day today – he must go to the local police and tell them about the way in which he reached this European country and give them his fingerprints. And how convincingly he will tell his story will decide on whether he is believed by the police and whether his petition will be taking place in this country, and in the larger scale – all his future. The police in his country were very angry and always asked for money and for this reason the man is very nervous – how they will be here?

On legs stiff with excitement, he barely goes to the yellow dilapidated barracks, where the police control of this refugee camp is situated. In a narrow room with wooden benches placed on both sides, other ref-

ugees are also waiting for their turn for the rendezvous with the police. In all the faces can be read a great excitement and fear. Human radio telling scary stories about one of the female police officers in the weight category over 200 kg, with a voice able to drown out steamship whistles, and the grace of a pregnant elephant in a china shop. She hates all around her, but more than anything she hates herself. Survival instinct does not allow her to harm herself, she happily pours her evil energy on to the surroundings, especially for those who are in her hands and can not adequately respond to her.

The man tries to drive away bad thoughts, but suddenly his head is severely dizzy. Getting up the man asks in a weak voice: “where is the toilet?” The stifflegged man goes in the shown direction.

His eyes darkens, seeing nothing, he opens the battered door. In the dark room he touches his way forward and finds the tap water crane. At the same moment his mind is transported thousands of miles away from this place. He returns again to that terrible time, which he so wants to forget – in terms of explosions ranging out, snap tracks of tanks and the cries of people dying all mixed into one monstrous noise.

The man opens his eyes, as if he wakes up from the worst nightmare, but around him it is all the same.

The same wall and the same mirror, and with the same eyes he sees the same face now only twenty years older. The man screams in terror, the overwhelmingness of the situation is too much to grasp, and the vast pitiless folly collapses on to him and takes over.

42

No. 5 2011

Translation on page 97

Digte fra Damaskus af Peter Laugesen

FORLADTE BOPLADS I ØRKENEN SOM VINDENE HAR KASTET TIL MED FLYVENDE SAND DER NU LIGGER STILLE OG HAN VANDRER LANGSOMMERE OG DET ER ØRKEN DET ER ØRKESLØST åh bræg så igen det er morgenstund klokken fire bræg den trætte rejsende ud af værelset op ad trappen ind på lokum lad ham brægende pisse du mesterlige kamelged og makker der bræger dybere helt åbenlyst mørkner af benovelse over egen kunnen lyde så hæsligt som ingen andre og HVORFOR VÆLGER MENNESKER DA FOR HELVEDE IKKE PRÆSTER DER KAN SYNGE og vinden blæser og sandet synger.

Som aftalt har vi parkeret den gamle De Soto i gyden nede ved porten. Den er nem at kende, og så længe den står der kan du ikke fare vild. Vi blev enige om, at den skulle være mørkeblå eller sort, og det er den også. Den står i sol og støv så der er god plads til gadedrengenes graffiti. En af dem har skrevet noget på aramæisk. Han havde langt krøllet hår og bakkede på en hookah. Der stod en lysende sky af blå neon omkring hans ansigt. Det er ham, der er chaufføren. Du kan bare hente kareten, når du har brug for den. Han kører dig sikkert hjem.

No. 5 2011

43

ingen ord venter og ingen kalder på dem de kommer ikke frem de ligger som skorpioner i stinkende sko

Faraos små røde fingre forsegler den evige tavshed hvor hulerne på bjerget glammer som hunde der hilser solen i dødens lomme

Det er de samme kæder og de samme ringe, og ingen af os husker dem, og der kommer ny i morgen, de står svedende i døren, de gamle sortklædte koner og deres engang så fodboldspillende sønner, og ingen af dem husker os, og i morgen er det de samme beskidte blå plastikstole, de samme ord måske, men ingen husker hvilke, ingen husker dem, ingen husker sig. Det lange mekaniske forsøg og den lange idiotiske hvisken.

illustration Casper Øbro

44

No. 5 2011

Translation page 96

No. 5 2011

Ingen historie at fortælle og hvem siger så det? Ikke det værd, ikke nødvendigt, ikke her, ikke nu. Ingen historie at fortælle.

Stenene taler, mønterne taler. Om det meste og for det meste, og for de fleste er det lige meget. Ingen fortælling, ingen historie at fortælle, ingenting, ikke her, ikke nu. Vent, vi kommer igen i aften, vi kommer igen i morgen, vi kommer igen til oktober. Glem os, vi er ikke dem, I tror, eller det er nøjagtigt det, vi er. Vredet i samme stilling på det beskidte lergulv, mens komøg siler gennem håret.

Mønterne taler, sedlerne taler. Rasler og knitrer som var der en fortælling, som var der en historie at fortælle, men det er der ikke, kun den fortsatte klapren fra maskinen, mens nogen med fingrene søger et sted, hvorfra det, der bliver sagt, kan høres.

No more jazz, please. Brudte fingre stammer. Brevet ruller ind men standser før stationen, står der og ruller rustent som et lokomotiv, der ikke har mærket damp, ikke har set damp siden det er der ingen, der ved. Ikke her. Ikke nu. Ingen historie, ingen fortælling. Mønterne taler. Sten hvisker. Tavshed. Vejen er smal, husene gamle, helt forfaldent beskidte, engang var de nye, ingen fortælling, som tavse suk står de sorte med deres beskidte støvede vinduer. Kattene i bibliotekets gård, de gamle bøger presset sammen på de lange snævre, støvede reoler, læsesalen, skuffer af metal. Der sidder de. Ingen fortælling, ingen historie. Tavse minder. Mønter rasler.

Peter Laugesen

45

46

No. 5 2011

Hugo Ball in Cubist costume from Marcel Janco

Oversættelse på side 98

No. 5 2011

47

…DADA AND CHAT COMMUNITIES “Dada från kommer dictionary. Det er simple terribly. In French it means” horse hobby. “This means, in Germantown” Goodbye “,” get off my back ‘,’ Be seing you somethings hour. “In Romania:” Yes, in fact You’re right, that’s all, but of course, yes, sure, right. “and so forth.” (Dada statement, Hugo Ball, 1916)

by Ulla Hvejsel What Hugo Ball from his exile in Switzerland, with its experience in the loss of meaningful about the First World War, and in fact it tells us is that gossip is universal. This is nonsense of society, I have used this text, in the hope that, sleet bombing, and probably enough, in some way, and gives a general sense of rights because it is a kind of feeling that what I think is missing in many of the great words. Perhaps it is because the binding is always this sort of big words in the various mother tongues, with all the heavy baggage of the particle.

And kept the German national, poet, playwright and Dadaist Hugo Ball, distancing himself from the First World War in Zurich, and the mixture of intellectual shabby, dissidents, artists, Communists from all over the world. Perhaps this was the mixture of each type of exiles from across the linguistic and credible reports instead of the battlefield, there was such a Hugo Ball in an attempt to explain how Dada nonsense words can be translated into all of these units with a different meaning.

But language is also on the agenda in these times, for example. Right in the debate about whether to call it assimilation or integration, and when you ask others about the writer himself and the language is clear, that is inherited through the generations lazy, and so seems to have gained some sort of secondary, and I came ‘to be counted more than others.

I think that one can use the Dada experiments with nonsense, to do this debate a little more simple language, and perhaps even tolerant enough to imagine the larger community on a global basis nonsense; society for not being able to understand and appreciate that. Language has its limits, and although we will be talking throughout the night, and we will not fully understand each other, or to express ourselves

very clearly. However, poor understanding, or perceptions of others, and the achievement of a sentence, an idea or an idea of the ​​ nonsense from ever farther than we have brought alone.

Hugo Ball was probably meant when he said in 1916 as follows: “m’dada, Dada Dada m’dada the world today, Dera Dada dada, dada Hue, dada TZA”. When you try to translate this sentence, through the nonsense of the new era, a contemporary - Dada engine Google translation, so get to those words, which called for many of the nonsense disappointed suddenly a new view misleading takes approximately 100 years to more than the future it was when it was written. Exposure to be translated from Arabic to Danish and Danish to return to regain this nonsense classic from 1916, namely:

“M’dada, Dada Dada m’dada the world today, Dera Dada dada, dada Hue, dada TZA” So maybe the ball successfully, to escape from time, which is actually a title of his memoirs, inadvertently by sending an encrypted message from 1916 to today’s world.

Also translate “m’dada, Dada Dada m’dada the world today, Dada Dera Dada, dada Hue, dada TZA” from English into Arabic and back into English, says the following: “M’dada, m’dada Dada Dada viktig, Dera Dada Dada, dadaHue, Dada TZA” On the way to understand our world today, perhaps we should be especially attentive to the words we do not understand, then perhaps it is very important.

48

No. 5 2011

STRUGGLE

No. 5 2011

& POLITICS

illustrationer af Simon Rasmussen

49

50

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 98

STRUGGLE & POLITICS

We

Overcoming marginality

are

and demanding a future

300

through direct action In January 300 immigrants started a hunger strike in Athens with the demand of social and political rights. The immigrants stood their ground and gained some rights, but can we call it a victory? And what can we learn from the struggle of the immigrants?

by Antonios Alexandridis After the global economic crisis powered a domino effect that uncovered the chronic weaknesses of the Greek public and private sectors, the increasingly marginal position of immigrants, and especially undocumented immigrants, in the labour market has created a new dynamic. Undocumented immigrants living in Crete, in cooperation with left-wing organizations and anti-racist activist groups, decided to organize an action that would renegotiate and claim a new position for them not only in the political arena but also in the conscience of Greek people. The 300 immigrants, just like a contemporary version of the 300 Spartans, stood their ground and gave a first battle that cannot go unnoticed by anyone.

On the 25th of January 2011, 250 immigrants in Athens and 50 more in Thessaloniki mostly coming from Northern Africa or what we otherwise call Maghreb, started a hunger-strike. They were determined to fight this battle until the end in order to demand from the Greek government what should be needless – legalization of all immigrants and equal political and social rights with the Greek workers. On the 9th of March and after 44 days of solidarity actions, manifestations and demonstrations with the hungerstrikers in focus, the Greek government decided to satisfy the demands of the immigrants, but only partly and without using a clear language. The hunger-strikers accepted and the hunger-strike ended. The fact that such a difficult struggle ended without a clear victory has divided the solidarity movement in Greece. Can we call it a victory or not? Was it worth it?

One day before the hunger-strike began, 250 immigrants living with illegal status in Crete gathered in the port of Chania in order to take the boat to Piraeus, the port of Athens. Journalists of Greek electronic newspaper (tvxs.gr) were there to do interviews with some of the future hunger-strikers. For example, Rashid is an immigrant from Maghreb; he has been living in Greece for 5 years with his family and works in seasonal agricultural jobs. The fact that he is illegal in Greece makes his life much harder since he has no health insurance, and he is subject of exploitation by his bosses that often do not pay him. He said: “If it is one time more difficult for the Greeks now with the crisis, for us it is 10 times”. His mate Mustaffa was equally unhappy about the situation but also determined: “It’s very difficult to make the decision to start a hunger-strike but I am not afraid of anything. Either we will take our papers or we will die.” Together with their comrades they opened their banners on the boat to call the Greek people in a show of solidarity. Early next morning they arrived in Piraeus where representatives of various organizations, active in refugee issues and left wing political parties as well as people active within the anarchist movement, welcomed them with applause and slogans against racism and the exploitation of workers. All together they headed towards the Faculty of Law of the University of Athens in order to settle in a building that was at the time not used.

The reasons for this decision were two. First of all, it was the only building that could be used to host such a large number of people and secondly, the University in Greece is a place under “sanctuary” where police may not enter without the permission of the Rector.

No. 5 2011

51

fotos taken from :hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

All the student parties comprising the student council agreed to the decision (even though the parties leaning towards the right-wing “ND” and the “social-democratic” governing party “PASOK” withdrew their support later under huge political pressure). However, the settlement of the immigrants and their supporters in the building of the University caused a frenzy within the dominant Greek media. What they tried to do was to turn the public opinion against the immigrants by shifting the focus and the attention from the hungerstrike to the “illegal” occupation of a University building. Furthermore, the right-wing parties were calling for a “return to order” through a police invasion and a general abolition of the “sanctuary” system in the universities.

Reading the news updates on the night of the 27th of January was like watching a thriller. There were ongoing negotiations between representatives of the immigrants and their support groups on the one hand and with the university and state authorities on the other. Late in the night, when everyone feared that the police would finally invade, the two parties made an agreement. They would move the people to another building in Athens rented by the state. Originally the state tried to trick the strikers by claiming to have found a building for a resettlement but in reality it had not. The owner of the house would not agree to host the 250 immigrants. Fortunately, some people reali-

zed what was happening and they managed to evade the manipulation. A few hours later the subject was finally resolved and with a demonstration at 03:00 in the night they went to the new building that was rented for 15 days. After 15 days they would have to leave.

As the time passed by, more and more people became directly involved in the solidarity movement. In the one and a half months that the hunger-strike was going on, nine solidarity demonstrations took place in Athens only and many more all around Greece. Artists organized concerts, philosophers and social scientists (some world-famous such as Noam Chomsky and Slavoj Zizek) published announcements, politicians from the left were highlighting the importance of the action in the media (in the limited space that they were given), everyone did what they could do. Even the more traditionalistic Communist Party of Greece showed its support through their labor union “PAME”. The differences between left-wing parties, other organizations and the anarchist movement were forgotten, and all were united under the flag of solidarity towards the hunger-strikers. During the hunger-strike more than one hundred refugees were hospitalized while the solidarity groups were claiming that they were ready to fight back if the police would try to evict them from the house in which they were staying. Greek and foreign workers united like a fist fighting for justice.

At the moment the current “social-democratic”

52

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 100

fotos taken from :hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

government is becoming more and more unpopular because of the austerity measures they adopted in cooperation with the IMF and the European Central Bank and also because of their inability to fight the growing unemployment and poverty. The government knew that if they didn’t start negotiating a solution for the crisis the possible death of an immigrant would cost dearly. At the same moment ministers of the government were claiming that they would not withdraw from their position that was “we will not be blackmailed by the hunger-strike”. However, on the 39th day of the hunger-strike, while more and more people were being hospitalized and the pressures to the government were rising with continuous direct actions and wider publicity, the government made a proposal. The offer was a residence permit for six months with possible extension later for six months, legalization for those that have been living in Greece for more than 8 years if they could prove it (through contracts but they rarely exist) and the reduction of the needed stamps (that one gets through legal work) that are needed to renew a person’s stay permit from 200 to 120 Euro. The hunger-strikers made a public announcement a few hours later rejecting the proposal. Nonetheless, five days later they decided to accept the offer after all. This was received with mixed feelings. On the one hand those that celebrated the outcome and on the other those that believed that the immigrants submitted to the pressures of specific more moderate solidarity groups that were afraid to be blamed the responsibility of a possible violent conflict with the state authorities or a hunger-striker’s death.

I find relevant here, before finishing this text, to return to the question that I posed in the beginning of the article, so is it a victory or not? These people weakened their bodies in order to be legalized but what they received in return was six months and then once again uncertainty. They managed to reduce the stamps needed for the renewal of their residence permit but, after all, few of them manage to get a legal job. So no I do

not believe it is a victory in the sense that people did not get what they deserved or could get. But I believe that what we should keep from this story is that politically it is a major victory and an example for all immigrants and refugees in the world. Through organization and direct action they challenged the image that the media is trying to impose, the image of the immigrant as a person that lives in anonymity and in the margins, hidden from the rest, ready to be exploited by the local bosses because of their unfortunate position. On the contrary by struggling for their rights they said “Enough! We will fight for what is right!”. The immigrants are here to work with us but also to resist with us against the post-crisis capitalism that the power-holders are trying to create, a “new capitalism” as they call it with reduced social and political rights that the working classes conquered through centuries of struggles. Now, with the increased downwards social mobility from middle to the working classes because of increasing poverty and unemployment, the immigrants in Greece set an example for the people of Greece, Denmark and all the countries that are hit by the crisis. However, we cannot expect the immigrants to take the initiative since we enjoy citizenship status ---and our position is somehow more secure [and therefore our position is more secure]. Together, all residents, have to fight for a better and more equal world where people will have equal opportunities and will not be discriminated against because of different cultural or social backgrounds. This new world will offer and support equal opportunities to work, education and health to all residing here, things that are fundamental for a society to prosper. Now we will all fight together, immigrants and locals united! http://www.tvxs.gr http://athens.indymedia.org http://allilmap.wordpress.com/ http://hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

No. 5 2011

fotos taken from :hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

fotos taken from :hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

53

54

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 100

“We need you, but I think you also need us” On Behalf of the Trampoline House Mohamed spoke at The Antifascist May Day in Copenhagen. The crowd was huge and the atmosphere amazing. Here we bring the printed version of the speech.

Mohamed speaking at the 1. May in fælledparken

foto by Jakob Neerbek

No. 5 2011

55

Foto by: Jakob Neerbek

by Mohamed My name is Mohamed. My country of origin is Somalia, but at the moment I am seeking asylum in Denmark and live in the camp near Roskilde called Center Avnstrup. Today I would like to say a few words about a new culture house and meeting place for people living both inside and outside of the camps. The name of this beautiful place is The Trampoline House and it’s located on Skyttegade in Nørrebro.

But first of all let me say thanks for inviting The Trampoline House to participate in the Anti-Fascist May Day. I know that you are all here to show your support to the revolutions in Africa and the Middle East. And I know you are here to fight racism and discrimination and show support to migrants and asylum seekers. That makes me feel that we share ideas, and that makes me feel very welcome. Unfortunately The Trampoline House as such could not be a big part of the demonstration today. As you know, asylum seekers are in quite a different social and legal position than people with citizenship. People feel insecure about taking part in political events like this. It’s hard to fight for your rights when you don’t have any. It feels like being in a battle that can never be won.

There is probably a reason that the camps are placed far away from the public and the city. The camp is a kind of open prison. You can come in and go out of it, but you don’t have any freedom. There is not much meaningful to do in the camp, and that is actually very stressful. You wake up in a room and spend much of the day in the same room. But human beings need changes, they need to move, they need to do things.

I don’t think any Dane would like to spend 24 hours that way. There is also very little interaction between the Danish people living in the vicinity of the camps and the asylum seekers.

Is it humane to place people in a place like that?

The Trampoline House is a user-driven culture house

for asylum seekers and Danes working for a just and humane asylum policy. For me the Trampoline House is the real alternative to the camp. Thank God for this house! It’s a welcoming house that offers free transport to and from the camps for asylum seekers. Here I am back as a human being. Here people from different nations and with different cultural backgrounds share their common problems and do things together.

The house is full of activities: Social and legal counselling, language classes, IT workshops and many other things. We also arrange cultural events and political debates. At the moment we’re running three workshops on gender positions: One for women only, one for men only, and finally one big discussion on this is-

But human beings need changes, they need to move, they need to do things sue for both women and men.

To maintain this house with all its activities we need all kinds of support. And we need all of you who support asylum seekers. We need you, but I think you also need us. The Trampoline House wants to eliminate the distinction between ‘them’ and ‘us’ – and we really need each other so we can create a new ‘us’.

That’s why we would love for you to come and visit us and do things with us. Join us at our amazing Friday dinners where around 70 people eat delicious food and have fun – it’s every Friday and it’s the best Friday place in town.

It’s a big privilege to speak to so many people who really want to listen and also practice my freedom of speech. As you know, this is not possible in all parts of the world. Thanks a lot for your attention, see you in The Trampoline House, and have a fantastic May Day!

56

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 101

I am Tahrir Mahmoud Salem was a part of visAvis until he moved back to Egypt not many months before the uprising. He participated and is still working enthusiastically for a democratic Egypt. Here is his account from the beginning of the resistance.

by Mahmoud Salem - Baba, where are you going?

- I am off to the mosque, my daughter, it is Friday and its prayer time now.

- But Baba, why are you packing a mask, and a bottle of water?

Smiling she answers: - the mask and the bottle of vinegar I am going to use when they fire tear gas at us for demonstrating after the prayers.

- Baba, what is demonstrating?

And why would they fire gas at you?

- all Egyptians are coming out today from mosques all over the country asking to change the regime. They will fire tear gas at us because they do not want us to change the regime.

- Baba, I don’t understand!” and after a little hesitation “are you coming back?

- Yes, soul of my heart, I will be back, but now I have got to go. Give me my kiss and be a good girl.

The Friday of Rage

As prayers came to an end, the imams in the mosques raised their voices with the chant designated to this special Friday. The imams chanted “the people want to depose the regime”. The Friday of Rage has just begun.

The call to the Friday of Rage came on Wednesday night through virtual social networks such as

Twitter and Facebook. Cities such as Suez and Ismailia had started the demonstrations on Tuesday the 25th of January and went on nonstop through the Friday of Rage. Police brutality and excessive use of force in Suez particularly left more than 30 dead and hundreds of wounded in the city.

Tahrir Square

Tahrir square is a vast plot of empty space in the middle of Cairo.

The square benefits from eight entrances and each of the entrances starts with a small square hosting the dominating statue of one of Egypt’s historical figures of the modern age. Ironically, each of the

The square was one lasting moment of hope for the better. Hope for freedom, equality, and justice.

The videos and images of the massacres in Suez that traded on the internet over the days leading to the Friday of rage are what created the momentum needed to bring the Egyptians into the street.

Egyptians poured from mosques, homes and their weekend gathering places into the streets. Men and women, mostly youth, who have never in their lives demonstrated before or even raised their voices in dissent to the ruling regime grouped together and met others marching in the streets of their cities heading to the main square of each city and town.

Cairo, a city split by the Nile and home to more than 20 million inhabitants was no different on that day. Demonstrators in the numerous districts of Cairo were all heading towards the square, Tahrir square.

statues is either facing the square or actually pointing with a finger towards it. The square happens to be the first to meet anyone crossing the bridges from the western side of the Nile heading to the East. On the previous nights, the square witnessed bloody confrontations between the security forces and the demonstrators that ended with the defeat of the demonstrators and the killing, wounding and arrest of tens of them.

Wherever we marched, we came against a block of security forces.

They were dressed in their helmets and hoarding long sticks, lined up shoulder to shoulder behind their transparent shields. Behind them stood police vans with officers standing on the roofs armed with tear gas canons and rubber bullet guns. As the demonstrations neared their line, tens of thugs appeared from the side streets and

No. 5 2011

57

Fotos af Tina Helen

59

ran at us waving bats and swords beating them mercilessly and kidnapping anyone who holds his/ her ground. Chanting ‘Selmeya’ (peaceful in Arabic) we would push on to the police line and start chanting “the people want to depose the regime”. The chants were met by tear gas bombs and water cannons from fire engines successfully but only momentarily dispersing the crowds. We learned to use masks immersed in vinegar to breathe through the gas and regroup, the police officers would fire volleys of rubber bullets at us from the roof tops of the vans that had started plowing through the lines and effectively running over the demonstrators.

Slowly, the various demonstrations in Cairo were able to merge at the entrances of the square.

Each and every crowd has managed to push through police lines in their respective districts and came armed with anger from seeing fellow demonstrators fall dead or injured, and from witnessing the make shift hospitals erected on the streets to treat the demonstrators ransacked by thugs and police. By sunset, after bloody battles and the police firing live bullets in a last attempt to disperse the crowds, the square fell into the hands of the demonstrators and with it every square the Egyptians had marched upon that day.

Tahrir square became the revolutionary hot spot of the world on the night of Friday January the 28th The Egyptians occupying the square did with it what they have dreamed to do with their whole country. Over the next few days, with the exception of the attack on the 2nd of February carried by Mubarak supporters, the square was an oasis of freedom and a sanctuary to those who yearned for it.

Egyptians from all walks of life converged on the square. Some were old, some were young. Some went alone, and some went with their families. The square became home to millions of Egyptians regardless of their socio-economic backgrounds, faiths, or political beliefs. The square offered a once

For the eighteen days that followed the square first falling into the hands of the revolutionaries Egyptians turned the square into a center for street arts, political debate arenas, and worship place. in a lifetime opportunity to effect the change we all perceived was needed for our society. We were for once united on creating a better life, in fact the square embraced what every Egyptian has dreamed of having in his/her country. Tahrir square turned into a spectacle of dreams.

For the eighteen days that followed the square first falling into the hands of the revolutionaries Egyptians turned the square into a center for street arts, political debate arenas, and worship place.

Muslims and Christians alike used the square to perform their various prayers. One would stand and shield the other while praying. A woman wearing her Burqa would chat happily with one who is unveiled. A wealthy industrialist would share his food with a homeless child. Poets stood and recited their words, while others sang and danced. Differences between people melted away infront of what they shared in common, their desire to write a better future. The square was one lasting moment of hope for the better. Hope for freedom, equality, and justice.

Today, weeks after the square returned to normality, there is still that awkward vibe in it. It is uplifting to walk through it and remember what it once was.

60

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 102

Statement by the network Afrique-Europe-Interact, Welcome to Europe and Network Critical Migration and Border Regime Research. Written March 8 2011.

Freedom, not Frontex There cannot be democracy without global freedom of movement

The dynamic of the Arab spring is emanating into the entire world. The movements of revolt in the Maghreb encourage and give hope, not only because despotic regimes that have been believed invincible were chased away. Although the direction of further developments remain open it is obvious that the domino effect of the Tunisian jasmine revolution swiftly brought back the old insight that history is driven from below. The struggles are directed against the day-to-day poverty as well as against general oppression, they are as much about better living conditions as they are about dignity, in short: “bread and roses”. The incredible days of Midan Al-Tahrir, the Liberation Square in Kairo signify the quest for new forms of self organisation and grassroots democracy. The desire for equal rights, autonomy and a share of the economic wealth is also mirrored in the boats crossing the Mediterranean towards Europe: today casting off from Tunisia while during the last years from North and West Africa . “Exit” – to claim one’s freedom of movement and to migrate in order to find a different, better life, and “Voice” – to raise one’s voice and struggle locally, are not contradictory, they are rather mutually intertwined.

This was even more obvious during the upheavals of 1989. The vote of the feet catalysed the protest movements against the oppressive regime of real socialism. The wall fell because the people enforced their freedom of movement. This makes the rhetoric of freedom by western politicians appear even more dishonest, as it is exactly these politicians who employ the threatening scenario of a flood to characterise the movements of migration from and across Northern Africa and to the end of legitimising the deployment of Frontex, the European border agency.

The governments of the EU have courted and supported the North African rulers, and showed a hesitant and slowing position towards the movements of revolt during the last weeks. This policy is not only driven by strong economic interests, but also due to

the grown collaboration in the control of migration.

The more effective a despot functioned as a watchdog for the externalised EU border regime, the more he became an important “partner”. Movements of migration from Africa were to be stemmed by any means necessary.

Thousandfold death and suffering, not only at sea, but also in the deserts and in the detention camps were and are the consequences of this nefarious complicity.

The sub-Saharan migrants, who today are victims of pogrom-like persecution in Libya, have been systematically disenfranchised by the regime of Gaddafi and were subject to arbitrary abuse and maltreatment. The EU paid millions to the Libyan dictator and delivered surveillance technology. A similar cooperation exists with the Moroccan ruler, and until recently with the Tunisian regime. The Arab revolutions mark a potential collapse of the EU’s brutal project of exclusion in the Mediterranean.

Through a media campaign spreading fears about the collapse of migration control, the increased aggravation and militarisation of the EU border regime — symbolised by Frontex — is being legitimised. The European border agency adds to and extends the national control systems, which have aimed at the deterrence and the criminalisation of movements of migration for many decades. Frontex will be deployed vis-a-vis the North African coast, as it is already the case at the West African coast and at the Greek-Turkish border.

The fact that Italy is given overall control for “Operation Hermes“ is consequent and shockingly honest: as a result of the collaboration between Berlusconi and Gaddafi in recent years, countless acts of unlawful push backs were carried out in the Mediterranean.

Italy performed a master piece in breaking all refugees’ conventions. And it is not by chance that those who save the lives of the boat people are being criminalized, as the cases of Cap Anamur and the Tunisian fishermen whose trials are still ongoing, show.

No. 5 2011

Migrants are seeking protection or a better life in Europe. They move against a gap of wealth and prosperity, rooted in Europe’s neocolonial relations of dominance and exploitation towards Africa. Therefore Europe’s universal claim of freedom and democracy must be measured against its tratment of those who demand equal rights by migrating. Frontex stands for the expansion of a deadly border regime – there is no place for it in a free world. Death at the external borders could be history by tomorrow. However politically there is no will to do so. Instead the EU authorities are waging an outright war at the external borders.

Within the EU disenfranchisement and deportation are part of a racist daily life. “Integration” is used as a means of pressure to enforce assimilation while exploitation in the low wage sector persists. However resistance and insistence thwart the selective manner in handling migration and challenges a system containing inequality and the lack of liberties. It is

61

not by coincidence that in these turbulent times 300 Maghreb migrants went on hunger strike in Greece demanding their legalisation. Struggles for the right to stay as well as migrant strikes are flaring across Europe, since 15 years ago Sans Papiers in Paris – especially those from Africa – went public with the demand “Papers for everybody”.

The departures occuring in Northern Africa demonstrate what is possible. They refer to a new Arab World, a new Africa, a possible new Europe. They refer to new spaces of freedom and equality, to be created in transnational struggles: in Tunis, Kairo or Bengazi as well as in Europe and in the movements of migration, crisscrossing both continents.

8. March 2011 Afrique-Europe-Interact Welcome to Europe Network Critical Migration and Border Regime Research.

Illustration Jon Erik Nyholm

62

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 103

LAMPEDUSA – No sunny island

af Jens Pfeifer Den italienske ø Lampedusa befinder sig midtvejs mellem Sicilien og Tunesien. Dens geografiske beliggenhed gør øen til et af de steder, som såkaldte ’boatpeople’ især bruger på deres vej til det europæiske fastland. De seneste måneders begivenheder i Nordafrika har øget tilstrømningen til Lampedusa, der som del af Italien er medlem af EU. Lampedusa i sig selv er ikke videre interessant for folk på vej til Europa, men det er imidlertid dens funktion som mulig indgang til et Europa, der søger at lukke tilgangen for migranter, man ikke selv har inviteret. ”Jeg hører redningsbiler. Et overfyldt skib fra Libyen med omkring 3.000 mennesker om bord er lige

Illustration af Simon Væth

Øen Lampedusa har oplevet en voldsomt øget tilstrømning af tunesiske migranter siden den tunesiske revolution.

Revolutionen har måske givet håb om lettere adgang til Europa, men migranterne ser ikke desto mindre ud til at være fanget i et kynisk spil mellem EU, Italien og den nye tunesiske regering.

ankommet i Lampedusas havn. Der er flere børn og spædbørn iblandt passagererne – omkring 40 børn,” siger Simona, en aktivist som følger de dramatiske begivenheder, der udspiller sig på Lampedusa i disse dage. Simona er én blandt mange aktivister, der følger situationen på øen. Aktivisterne har store problemer med at agere på Lampedusa. Politiet forsøger at holde dem væk fra øens flygtningelejr. Det samme gør store dele af Lampedusas befolkning, som i høj grad er tilhængere af at føre en hård linje mod migranterne – og journalister der, på jagt efter historier, prøver at jage aktivisterne væk. Men det er ikke aktivisterne og deres problemer, kampene på Lampedusa handler om.

De handler om mennesker, der er godtroende nok til at mene, at krig og forfølgelse giver ret til beskyttelse, hvis blot man når frem til et sikkert land; at interna-

No. 5 2011

tionale konventioner beskytter mennesker, bare fordi de er mennesker. Men så enkelt er det ikke. Europa har brug for migrationen, Europa har brug for arbejdskraft. Der er brug for flere hænder, det kan de europæiske lande hurtigt blive enige om. Der er dog også enighed om, at det er Europa, som bestemmer hvor mange ’hænder’, og hvilke, der får adgang til Unionen.

Migranter er ligeglade med, hvad Europa ønsker og hvordan migrationen ’ideelt’ skal finde sted. Grænser er luft for folk, der ser det som en nødvendighed at krydse dem. Lampedusa er et ’ikke-sted’, som nogle gange skal passeres på den vej, mennesker befinder sig på. Uanset af hvilken grund de bevæger sig fra A til B. ”Lampedusa er et fængsel under åben himmel”, sagde Lampedusas borgmester Bernardino de Rubeis i et tvinterview. Helt forkert er det ikke: Øens indbyggertal er mere end fordoblet i løbet af den sidste måned, hvor 4.500 indbyggere hurtigt er blevet til over 10.000. Der er dage, hvor over 2.000 mennesker kommer til øen, og sådan har det været de sidste mange uger. Udover de tusinder af migranter, Lampedusa tiltrækker især unge mænd fra Tunesien og Egypten, er øen lige nu befolket af et utal af sikkerhedsfolk og hjælpeorganisationer.

Lejren på Lampedusa er normeret til 850 personer, men i disse dage befinder der sig 2.000 mennesker i lejren. Mindst 2.000 yderligere er tvunget til at finde deres plads på øen, udenfor lejren. De sover under lastbiler, under plasticpresenninger eller uden tag over hovedet på stranden. Migranterne afventer muligheden for at komme videre til Italiens fastland, og derfra videre til Frankrig eller Nordeuropa – ingen vil blive på Lampedusa. De italienske myndigheder er som ofte før fuldstændig overbebyrdede af situationen på Lampedusa. En rabiat stemning mod migranter – opbygget og understøttet af en regering langt ude på højrefløjen, som udover at have Berlusconi i spidsen rummer en række yderst fremmedfjendtlige partier og politikere – er selvfølgelig et dårligt udgangspunkt for en værdig reaktion på en uværdig situation.

Situationen på Lampedusa eskalerer jævnligt. I februar 2011 begyndte tunesiske migranter en sultestrejke i lejren – en sultestrejke, der skulle forhindre udvisning til Tunesien. Som reaktion herpå blokerede lokale fiskere havnen i et forsøg på hindre flere boatpeople i at nå øen. Ikke sultestrejken, men lokalbefolkningens voldsomme selvjustits tvang regeringen til handling.

Regeringen sendte seks passagerskibe til Lampedusa, der skulle skaffe 10.000 migranter væk fra øen.

Det er nærliggende at tro, at regeringen fremprovokerer en eskalering af situationen på øen. På den ene side for at skabe frygt for en ustyrlig migrationsstrøm, som da Berlusconi kaldte ’invasionen’ for en katastrofe på højde med den i Japan: ”Italien oplever en tsunami af mennesker, der oversvømmer landet.” På den anden side for at afskrække folk fra overhovedet at forsøge at komme til Europa.

63

Tilbage i 2008 indgik Italien og Libyen en kontrakt, der skulle forhindre ’illegal’ migration fra Libyen til Italien. Libysk politi patruljerer sammen med italiensk politi foran den libyske kyst og i de internationale farvande i Middelhavet for at stoppe boatpeople på deres rute til Europa. Italien betaler for aktionen, og Libyen forpligter sig til at tage de tilbageholdte migranter tilbage. Libyen har ikke underskrevet Geneve flygtningekonventionen, og det betyder, at de migranter som fastholdes i de libyske lejre, der blev oprettet som led i aftalen, alene er underlagt de libyske myndigheder. Vilkårene i de libyske lejre er forfærdelige. Den Europæiske Union har over en årrække betalt Gaddafi som ’kompensation’ for at understøtte Europas kamp mod ’illegal’ migration. Gaddafi er ikke længere en mulig partner for Unionen. Nye aftaler skal indgås. Revolutionens skyggesider vil vise sig i løbet af de næste måneder. Hvem byder mest og hvem er med på den beskidte deal – hjælp os med at holde migranterne fra Europas grænser – så får I penge – mange penge …

Tunesien er det første land, der er indgået i forhandlinger med Italien efter revolutionen. Indtil vid-ere har Tunesien fået ti skibe samt hundredvis af køretøjer, til at forstærke deres grænser og tilbageholde migranter.

Samtidig giver Italien de over 20.000 tunesiske ’flygtninge’, som er kommet under og efter revolutionen i Tunesien, en tidsbegrænset opholdstilladelse. Situationen er uoverskuelig. Italiens rolle er ikke helt til at gennemskue. At give tuneserne en temporært begrænset opholdstilladelse, gør det samtidigt muligt for dem at bevæge sig på Schengen-territoriet.

Aftalen gælder dog kun de tunesiske migranter, der er kommet til Italien, før aftalen trådte i kraft. Dem, der kom for sent, bliver udvist til Tunesien. Så meget er Tunesien og Italien blevet enige om, og de første udvisninger er allerede blevet gennemført.

Den Europæiske Union har over en årrække betalt Gaddafi som ’kompensation’ for at understøtte Europas kamp mod ’illegal’ migration. Gaddafi er ikke længere en mulig partner for Unionen. Nye aftaler skal indgås.

Den 11. april 2011 nægtede den Europæiske Union at anerkende Italiens beslutning om at give de tunesiske ’flygtninge’ en tidsbegrænset opholdstilladelse.

Italiens reaktion har været at true med at forlade den Europæiske Union. Samtidig med at Unionen nægter at hjælpe Italien ved at tage imod nogle af migranterne, lover EU-kommissionens formand, Jose Manuel Barroso, Tunesien over en million Euro fra EU, hvis Tunesien tager de over 20.000 ’flygtninge’ tilbage.

64

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 104

Sabine Hess studied Political Science, History and Empirical Cultural Studies at Tübingen University.

She recently completed her Ph.D. Her dissertation has been published with the title: “Globalisierte Hausarbeit. Migrationsstrategien von Frauen aus Osteuropa”.

City is migration – The urban arena under an ethnographic-genealogic perspective

by Sabine Hess Translated from German ‘City is Migration’. With these plain and simple words, the urban scholar Erol Yildiriz demonstrates the structural interrelation between both of these social phenomena. Hereby he intervenes into a contemporary and historical urban research approach that never even broaches the issue of migration or if, only as a set of problems. The equation also works the other way around: when we look at what in the socio- and cultural scientific research on migration is labelled urban, it is apparent that the mainstream of the research on migration is not explicitly urban research. In spite of the fact that most migratory movements in fact are dependent on urban agglomerations, only very few studies examine migratory processes on the ground.

On the contrary the strictly conceptual perspectives of the migration research seem to be focused within the context of the city. Today this at first glance unconsidered duo culuminates into two diverging gradings.

The one describes scenarios of a crisis a la parallel society, in which the urban areas and urban society as a tableau are used as a description of the disaster ridden presence of an alleged increasing disintegrated society of immigration. On the other hand is the idealised image in which diversity an cultural plurality is seen as a resource of the metropolis, a source of urbanity and cultural capital. Those two discourses are however, as Stephan Lanz in accordance with his research results from Berlin presents, two sides of the same coin: They work together as concepts of control for a neoliberal urban development that increasingly sees fragmentation and division of populations and spaces as a necessity.

Based on the research results in Munich in connection with the interdisciplinary project ‘Crossing Munich’, I will in the following highlight the conceptual connection between the two subject areas city and migration.

The southern German city Munich - known outside the borders of Germany for its amalgam of tradition and the modern, for ‘Laptop und Lederhosen’ as one advertising slogan of the city so aptly states – is in public awareness not really seen as a vibrant city of immigration. However, Munich has next to Stuttgart and Frankfurt, the third biggest percentage of migrants under their resident population, namely up to 35 percent. Thus our research project can also show that the

movements of migration, in the city with one of the two main arrival stations of the German guest worker system since the early 1970ies, is a hard-fought topic in which local and national government rationalities, and inter- and transnational family and political projects intersect.

Migration as urban crisis

The public and scientific discourse on migration and the city is determined by problem-oriented questions, especially since the early 1970ies when, as a matter of fact, the increasing immigration was not deniable any more. This regime of the gaze on the urban-migratory space thus functions through stereotypical mechanisms.

Thus, the common socio- and cultural scientific research of migration only takes into account particular urban areas and phenomena. The city space gets subdivided after allegedly homogeneous groups, which is defined by ethnic ancestry and national heritage: the discourse is on dangerous and explosive areas, limits of burdens and deprived neighbourhoods wherein socially explosives accumulate. However, the space marked as ethnic enclaves, colony, and ghetto is seldom of interest to migration researchers, but rather to those who work from the perspective of integration. Ethnic concentration is herein equated with segregation which in its turn stands for failed integration. This functions as a blockage of integration and thread to the social peace in both the city and the nation.

Already in the 1960ies this normative equation affected the city planning, meaning that actions were taken based on the concept of regulation social spatial mix whereby several restrictions on settlement were enacted in Munich as in Berlin in the early 1970ies. In Munich however, they were nullified only two years later, as they were seen as in conflict with a ruling by the EC. Even today though, the policy of so-called quotas of occupancy exists within the social housing scheme. In 2007 the director of a building society from Nassau caused a public outcry and storm of protest by putting this normative model of the collective habitation of diversified ethnic groups into question.

In the most recent national and local integration programme, the linkage between diversified socio-spatial mix = integration is again firmly established as the latest new: like the national integration programme of

No. 5 2011

65

Ethnic concentration is herein equated with se gregation which in its stands for failed integr turn ation. This functions as a blo ck ag e of in te gration and thread to the social pe ace in both the city an d the nation. illustration Casper Øbro

2007 the Munich integration programme proclaims that “as a socially integrated European city, the sociospatial plurality must still be aspired”. For Munich the programme positively claims that the credo Munich mixture has created no “integrationally challenging concentrations of singular ethnic or groups national.” Also the national integration concept speaks quite clear when it states that “separation and concentration of singular ethnic groups is counteracted”. Regarding this I will later point out that the ghetto and segregation discourse has not always in a culturalist manner made those implicated into perpetrators with reference to culture.

Since the majority of research on migration at present in this country is dominated by the sign of integration and should rather be called integration research, the city as research concept is also implicitly present in the integration genre of research on migration, but often only implicitly. The epistemological and methodological premises consisting of a methodological ethnicism and an ethnic group research design has thus also remained unreflected. Glick Schiller, perhaps somewhat smug writes, that you take an ethnic group, a city and add a problem definition, then you stir and mix it thoroughly, and then the next research project is done.

Global Heymat

In a German context has recent migration research in the cultural sciences not only criticised such an ethnyfying research design and moved on through transnational perspectives. The omnipresent closed image of

the city and the homogeneous society of the city, often based on the pre-modern image of a community, has also been blown up, and the focus on translocal, in the relocalized global scene of the urban space, cultural practises and identity projects opened up. Hereby the urban landscape has expanded all the way to Turkey or to Russia, or if looked at from another angle one could say that it has shrunken to a mosaic point in a plurilocal network of transnational urban everyday worlds.

The global-city research and the cultural swirl-theorem

by Ulf Hannerz furthermore found analytical connections in cultural dynamics, forces, economies, creativities and repositioning of cities as global cities brought forth by international processes of migration and mobility. On the other hand the theory of global cities has also shown that the repositioning of cities connected to their economical restructuring created specific opportunities and living conditions and predestined specific migratory movements – like high skilled migration and at the same time the manual labourers of globalization consistent of a feminized precariat of female workers in the informal sector. In her research in Southeast Asia Aihwa Ong has also shown how these political-economical repositionings are also connected with the new flexible and fragmented hierarchical connections in relation to citizenship. In the case of Malaysia it was exactly opposite to what we are used to at home, here the rights of citizens became more and more precarious as foreign skilled and high skilled migrants as they were head-hunted gained full protection and rights.

66

No. 5 2011

Translation page 103

0ies far into the 198 gh ou th ty ci er sformed d, as a inn ically were tran ow how Westen at sh em ld st u sy co k st o or y m w al The ed as marked b ib eighbourhood, cr n d es d ce er en u ev fl n in gh it has industrially rhood even thou ou b gh ei n t n ra ion. into a mig ethnic segregat

illustration Casper Øbro

However, Erol Yildiz and Nina Glick Schiller conclude that the constitutive connection between migration and the urban development, or urbanity beyond global cities, is not yet researched. Glick Schiller also pleads for a new theory of locality in migrational research that analytically matches the significance of urban spaces in the processes of migration – and vice versa the significance of the processes of migration for urban development. Glick Schiller hereby signifies migration as “an important part of politics of scale”. In their volume Urban Recycling from 2009 Erol Yildiz and Birgit Mattauch look specifically into the role of migrants as revitalizing renewers of formerly derelict neighbourhoods. They contradict the usual literature on gentrification which usually considers people from the outside as the vanguard of gentrification. Rather, the gentrifyers would be from “the ranks of the residents themselves, of which many as migrants were drawn into the abandoned and neglecte parts of the city, and managed by their own iniative to climb the social ladder and remake their residential area attractive for further immigration.” Yildiz & Mattausch thereby also encourages us to see that migrants have specific urban competences which they recognize in strategies and tactics of appropriation, staging and reevaluation of work, and to put this at the center of urban politics.

Crossing Munich

The interaction between migration and urban development also became the central question in our Munich research project Crossing Munich. In 2009, the former two years of research lead to a three-month exhibition at the gallery of the town hall. One of our assignments on part of the department of culture was to study the present and history of the Munich migration. We were fortunate to be able to unite ethnographic as well as historic competences into mixed study groups, and towards the end artists joined the

project so that we all could be part of common effort to transform the result of the research into artistic works. Step by step we developed our very own theoretical realm, the perspective of migration, which was last but not least influenced by previous projects, like Project Migration and Transit Migration.

Through the perspective of migration we present a research attitude that tries to go beyond the paradigms of integration and ethnicism with which we attempt to approach the migratory movements in an analytical manner. It is based on the ethnographic insight from the research of network and transnationalization, but also historical-structural works, that migration produces a persistent practise and transformative force from where it undergoes a cumulative dynamic in causalities. “To consider the perspective of their autonomy”, according the French historian Yann Moulier-Boutang, you have to “to stress the social and subjective dimensions of migratory movements.” If you follow this idea the perspective of migration demands a research design that is agent centered around pratices, ressources, knowledge and desires, and very much focused on the problem definitions of the migration. In addition the approach calls for a widespread reflexive move which is left out in pure migrant researc. He takes up the theory of the autonomy of migration and places migration as the primary drive of history as the community-building force. This means that one must consequently change the uptill this point domination gaze and conduct one’s own research on migration policy or the economical political restructuring of the city in light of perspective of migration.

With these perspectives as starting point, most of the 14 works by Crossing Munich asked about the interaction of migrant practices and urban policies. These works are grouped into four topics: city images/city

No. 5 2011

dreams, urban policies, cultural productions and constructions, and transnational economies. Finally I will exemplifie this through a presentation on one of the 14 works.

The question of the constitution of the space of the city, thus took a central position in Crossing Munich, especially the shape of visibility and invisibility or rather visualization and invisualization. In this way the ghetto discourse can be seen as a central visualization instrument of the city space which local genesis we have developed in the work Westend_urban lab in which we confront the ghetto discourse with the history of development and everyday life of Westend.

Westend is one of the proletarian-migrant influenced neighbourhoods in Munich which in the 1970ies early ghetto discourse was always mentioned when one wanted to compare Munich to Bronx or Berlin. Contrary to other migrant districts, the Westend was not renovated and upgraded before the 1990ies. Today the Westend is considered as one of the In-neighbourhoods of Munich, not least because of its multicultural flair.

The work could show how Westend, as a inner city though far into the 1980ies industrially influenced neighbourhood, almost systematically were transformed into a migrant neighbourhood even though it has never described as marked by ethnic segregation. Different groups, engaged migrants as well as German citizens have lived together under the challenge of a social impoverishment policy. This has resulted in a vibrant initiative and association culture which has also fought the policies of reorganization and expulsion – and which since the 1990ies via a social pedagogical effort in relation migration has been municipally funded. Additionally the work also shows that the by us so called ghetto discourse has had many different meanings historically, and only in connection with the reality of migration in 1973 it has entered the municipal guest worker stop. After the early 1970ies in Munich the work continues with different stories from newspapers of the desolate living conditions of guest workers. Samples made by the counsel for social housing and the health authorities revealed the social misery predominating in the proletarian districts which also struggled with buildings made by cheap old fabrics. Following this the greedy landlords and employers, whose responsibility it was to offer the guest workers accommodation, were accused. However, in November 1971, barely two years later, the tone changed: it became alarming and ethnic. Now the practise of the landlord was no longer the cause of social misery. In certain parts of the city the high concentration of guest workers was diagnosed as the cause of the problem especially concerning housing, hygiene, integration and social peace. Meanwhile the situation of housing became a significant thematic through migrant actions.

The visibility of the resident population of migrants and their miserable living conditions that the earlier

67

ghetto discourse had evoked, made the then young and engaged Lord Mayor Hans Joachim Vogel from SPD to place a stern focus on integration policy in 1971. From the beginning he admittedly linked this to the threat scenario of the ghetto projects. In 1972 he initiated the first scientific study of the alien situation which was later deemed as a problem study. This study also supports the double discourse on integration and moments of repressive limitation: hereby the situation of immigration was recognized as something that cannot be completely controlled. Hereby it was stated that there was a great need for action because the city with its 220,000 aliens had met its limit of capacity.

And in no other discourse than the ghetto discourse could this limit of capacity be visualized and dramatized so well. In 1973, shortly before the announcement of the recruitment stop, the Munich ghetto discourse took a turn into a real restrictive direction as the then Social Democrat District Administration Officer demanded a recruitment stop and a zone prohibition on migrant settlement to preserve the affected neighbourhoods from the tipping whereby the ghetto discourse pointed to a municipal recruitment stop.

Interestingly the debate got seriously animated again only in the 1990ies with the Conservative SPD Lord Mayor Kronawitter’s policy as he in 1993 declared the crisis of the cities in Der Spiegel. This time he argued that the limit of integration capacity had been reached.

Also the current debate on the willingness and ability of the immigrated population towards their own integration is closely related to the discussion on the terrain of urban communities where a district as Neuköln is seen as an example of an existing parallel society spun out of control. To counteract this increasingly ethnifyed and racialized and it in itself highly disintegrating debate would be a noble task for a current scientific research on urbanity and migration.

Litteratur: Bayer, Natalie/Engl, Andrea/Hess, Sabine (Hg.) (2009): Crossing Munich. Texte zur Migration aus Kunst, Wissenschaft und Aktivismus. Ausstellungskatalog. München Glick-Schiller, Nina (2009): A Global perspective on Transnational Migration: Theorizing Migration without Methodological Nationalism. Working Paper No. 67, University of Oxford, 2009. In: http://www. compas.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/files/pdfs/WP0967%20 Glick%20Schiller.pdf Hannerz, Ulf (1992): Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning. New York.

Lanz, Stephan (2007): Berlin aufgemischt: abendländisch, multikulturell, kosmopolitisch? Die politische Konstruktion einer Einwanderungsstadt. Bielefeld.

Yildiz, Erol/ Mattausch, Birgit (Hg.) (2009): Urban recycling. Migration als Großstadt-Ressource. Basel. www.crossingmunich.org

68

No. 5 2011

Translation on page 106

Papirløse har ikke lov, men ret til lægehjælp Til sommer åbner Dansk Røde Kors, Lægeforeningen og Dansk Flygtningehjælp en sundhedsklinik for udokumenterede migranter.

Vi mener, at læger har en moralsk forpligtelse til at behandle alle, der har brug for deres hjælp

af Trine Høyrup Henriksen, Dansk Røde Kors Hvis jeg har hostet i en uge, ringer jeg til min læge og får en tid til en gratis konsultation. Jeg kan få kontrolleret, om jeg skulle have fået lungebetændelse, få gode råd til at forebygge, at det bliver værre og sikre, at jeg ikke smitter andre. Ikke alle har den ret og mulighed! Jeg føler mig tryg og kender mine rettigheder, eksempelvis lægens tavshedspligt. Ikke alle kender deres rettigheder i Danmark, og ikke alle ved - ej heller alle læger - at tavshedspligten også gælder i forbindelse med behandling af udokumenterede migranter.

Som borger i Danmark er man garanteret gratis lægehjælp. Mennesker, der opholder sig i landet uden opholdstilladelse, har ikke den samme garanti. De er i en udsat situation som borgere, der reelt ikke eksisterer, og står alene i tilfælde af, at de bliver syge.

Ifølge dansk sundhedslov har de kun ret til vederlagsfri lægehjælp, når de har akut brug for hjælp. Men hvornår er et behandlingsbehov akut? Der hersker betydelig usikkerhed blandt Danmarks sundhedspersonale om fortolkningen af sundhedslovens bestemmelser. Læger er bundet af det lægeløfte, de afgav ved dimission fra universitet. Her forpligter de sig til at behandle enhver, der har behov for dennes kundskaber. Lægeløftet er moralsk bindende.

Ny klinik for udokumenterede migranter

Dansk Røde Kors, Lægeforeningen og Dansk Flygtningehjælp går nu sammen om at oprette et tilbud om lægehjælp og anden sundhedsbehandling til udokumenterede migranter. Vi mener, at uanset hvilken juridisk status de måtte have, kan man i Danmark ikke nægte mennesker en basal ret til lægehjælp.

Det vides ikke med sikkerhed, hvor mange, der lever som udokumenterede migranter i Danmark, men

Vi mener, at alle mennesker i Danmark skal behandles med værdighed uanset den situation, de måtte befinde sig i. forskningsrapporter angiver, at det drejer sig om 1000-5000 mennesker. Undersøgelser i vores nabolande viser, at udokumenterede migranter er særligt udsatte for en række helbredsrisici. Det gælder især begrænset eller besværlig adgang til behandling for mødre og spædbørn, forsinket diagnosticering af kroniske lidelser, begrænset eller besværliggjort adgang til akut behandling og manglende muligheder for psykologisk og psykiatrisk behandling. Undersøgelser fra Norge, Sverige og Tyskland viser samtidig, at ubehandlede smitsomme sygdomme kan være til skade for den samlede folkesundhed i et land.

Sundhed for alle

Vi mener, at alle mennesker i Danmark skal behandles med værdighed uanset den situation, de måtte befinde sig i. Vi mener, at læger har en moralsk forpligtelse til at behandle alle, der har brug for deres hjælp, og samtidig ser vi det som en humanitær forpligtelse.

Sundhedsklinikken åbner i København til sommer og vil til start have åben 1-2 aftener ugentligt. Der vil være tilknyttet frivillige læger, sygeplejersker, tandlæger, jordmødre, psykiatere, tolke m.m.

Du kan støtte klinikken med frivilligt arbejde – vi søger ud over sundhedsfagligt personale også tolke og frivillige socialrådgivere og sundhedsformidlere.

Du kan også donere et beløb til klinikken. Hvis du vil høre mere, kan du kontakte Trine Høyrup Henriksen på tho@drk.dk Illustration Saskia Te Nicklin

No. 5 2011

69

70

No. 5 2011

Oversættelse på side 107

STORIES AND READINGS

The perfect job or why I am writing to visAvis It will be very difficult, but I’m trying to do my best. This is the letter to the perfect job of my dreams, which I never had the chance to have.

by Patrick Perfection is a state of completeness and flawlessness.

What is work?

Definition of a job: Work is an activity of humans, aimed at creating material and spiritual values. Work is a fundamental principle for human life and society.

First of all human beings start to work to have food to eat and a place to sleep, but changes in the process makes people adapt the natural environment to their needs and create conditions for development and progress of society. Moreover, work is one of the most important forms of expression and self-atomization of human beings; it is also the most powerful and maybe only factor of social progress.

What is the perfect job?

Probably the perfect job can be called a job that you perform in joy. It is when the morning wake-up call sounds like charming music, and not as a call over the gates of hell. In my opinion to do the work witch you like and get paid for it may be the most cherished dream of mankind from the time we began to receive wages. Of course the definitions of perfect are all different; it depends on the person’s personality, from the conditions of his upbringing to the education, and the specific personal preferences.

I’m thinking my perfect work is journalism. Journalism is the practice of investigation and reporting of events, issues, and trends to newspapers, TV, radio channels, and websites Why I want to become a journalist and write to visAvis

I will try to tell you about my story. When I was a little boy, the first thing I can remember is how my parents taught me to read . I started to learn a little when I was 5 years old. I loved reading, and read a lot of beauti-

ful books – maybe even too many for a little boy. My best friends became Theodor Dreiser, Mark Twain and O’Henry. O’Henry’s style especially impressed me and became dear to me. I decided that when I grew up, I would become a writer. My dreams didn’t come true.

My family was very poor, so I became a teacher for young children, and worked at a school.

But the world changes rapidly and information technologies has taken the main position. Journalism has become one of the most important professions.

The importance of true information:

New information can change public opinion, governments and the status of a border. Famously we know the infamous Watergate Scandal which cost President Nixon his career, and as a more recent example we have the rise of the information website Wikileaks headed by Julian Assange.

Even in stories of ordinary life, only journalists can manage to resist the disinformation of society.

Only some years ago, the war took place only on the battlefield, but now a no less fierce battle is taking place in the information spaces. Examples of this have been seen in the conflict between Israel and Palestine, and between Russia and Georgia when the television channel ABC brought breaking news: “Russian tanks seen in Georgia” and they got a phone call from an old lady : “I looked out of the window here in Atlanta and why can’t I see any tanks?”

A fresh example from Libya: Al-Jazeera and CNN are giving people totally different information. We see this especially in terms of total control by political forces on media. Even in stories of ordinary life,

No. 5 2011

71

Illustration af Rasmus Pedersen

only journalists can manage to resist the disinformation of society.

The perfect job for me would be at the forefront of this, to give people the right information and tell them the truth. I understand that the road to achieving my goal will be long and difficult, but I have taken the first steps forward. I’m now collaborating as a voluntary journalist for a newspaper: visAvis – an independent magazine. We try to give to the European societies some information which official media are hiding from people.

And at the very end – for the lovers of dessert: information from the official site of Google, Google Corporate Information, released a report about of-

ficial requests to it from the authorities of different countries to provide data about the users and delete information from its Internet services. Leader in the number of such requests were the United States with 4,215 applications for changes in the first six months of 2010. The British authorities have sent 1,391 request to ‘clean’ information to Google. No comment – democracy in good hands...

72

No. 5 2011

Translation page 107

Deutsche Nachrichten – historien om en flygtningeavis I årene efter anden verdenskrig var op imod 300.000 tyske flygtninge interneret i lejre i Danmark.

Flygtningeavisen Deutsche Nachrichten, som bragte nyheder fra hjemlandet og fungerede som debatforum for flygtningene, blev et uundværligt åndehul for de hårdt prøvede tyskere. Parallellerne til visAvis og nutidens flygtninge i Danmark er mange.

af Frederik Lauritzen, Adjunkt, Rønde Gymnasium “Gør nu noget for os, så vi kan komme hjem!” – således slutter en frustreret tysk kvinde sit læserbrev i Deutsche Nachrichten. Året er 1946. Kvinden har været interneret i Oksbøllejren i halvandet år. Hendes mand hjemme i Tyskland har forinden truet hende med skilsmisse: Han tror ikke længere på, at hun vil hjem til ham.

De tyske flygtninge levede i konstant uvished. Hvornår ville de blive sendt hjem? Og til hvad? - Deres hjemegn Østprøjsen var besat af russerne. Det meste af Vesttyskland lå i ruiner, og udover arbejde og ejendom havde mange mistet kontakten med familie og bekendte i Tyskland. Flygtningene anede ganske enkelt ikke, hvad der ville ske med deres liv.

Redaktionen på Deutsche Nachrichten gjorde, hvad de kunne for at opmuntre flygtningene. ”Her i Danmark er I fri for at bekymre jer over, at jeres børn sulter eller, at de ikke kan komme i skole”, lød svaret på ovenstående læserbrev med reference til forholdene i Tyskland. Samtidig måtte redaktionen understrege, at de ikke ville fratage flygtningene deres lyst til at vende hjem. De tyske flygtninge var uønskede i den brede del af den danske befolkning. Man ønskede dem hjemsendt, så snart besættelsesmagterne i Tyskland tillod det.

Samiya er en ung somalisk kvinde. Hun lever i dag i Sandholmlejren og har været i Danmark i ti år. Hun har fået afslag på asyl. ”Jeg er en ung pige uden nogen fremtid. Jeg har mistet ti år, hvor jeg har levet uden mål i livet.” Således beskriver Samiya sin situation i visAvis, år 2010.

Cambaro har levet i Sandholmlejren i 6 år. Hun er en midaldrende somalisk kvinde.

Da hun ankom til Danmark i 2004, var hun en stærk og aktiv person. I dag lider hun af psykiske vanskeligheder og har fået konstateret diabetes. ”I mit hjemland hersker en langvarig borgerkrig. Jeg ville ikke være i stand til at overleve der.” Hendes største ønske er at kunne få lov til at leve sammen med sine børn, der bor i Danmark. Indtil nu er det ikke lykkedes Cambaro at få opholdstilladelse.

Samiya og Cambora er nogle af de mange somaliske kvinder i nutidens danske flygtningelejre, der henslæber en skyggetilværelse i uvished. I visAvis kommer de og mange andre flygtninge ud med deres livshistorier. Det er sjældent opmuntrende læsning, der møder en.

73 No. 5 2011

Illustration af Daniel Milan

74

No. 5 2011

af mængder af takkebreve til ”visAvis er selvfølgelig et forum Formålet med Deutsche Deutsche Nachrichten og Danfor asylansøgere i Danmark.

Nachrichten var ifølge mark: ”Med henblik på forpleMen avisens vigtigste formål er jningen og på anstændigheden at skabe opmærksomhed blandt pro- gramerklæringen i et af og korrektheden hos de danske danskerne omkring de her probladets første numre ”at yde vagtposter overfor os flygtninblemer.” Således beskriver Sylet bidrag til udryddelse af gekvinder og piger, er vi den vester Roepstorff visAvis. danske stat og det danske folk Formålet med Deutsche Nachnazistisk og imperialistisk stor tak skyldig,” lyder det fra richten var ifølge programerktankegang, til støtte og den hjemvendte Gertrud Torner. læringen i et af bladets første styrkelse af det demokrati, Søstrene Maria og Johanne numre ”at yde et bidrag til udryddelse af nazistisk og imperialder nu må skabes i Tyskland”. Motzkus er ligeledes Danmark og danskerne hengivne: ”Af nød istisk tankegang, til støtte og og elendighed kom vi til Danstyrkelse af det demokrati, der mark, og der gav man os den følelse igen, at vi stanu må skabes i Tyskland”. Om det lykkes for flygtdigvæk har ret til livet. I forplej-ning, i kulturel omningeavisen er umuligt at svare på. Sikkert er det, at sorg og i pleje af de syge blev der af det danske folk redaktionen gjorde et ihærdigt forsøg på at omvende gjort alt for at lette vor tunge skæbne. Som slut på de tyske flygtninge til demokrater. Ikke sjældent vakte disse linjer takker vi Dem for alt det gode af hele det harme blandt flygtningene, når Tysklands sorte hjertet.” fortid blev udstillet. Et sted gøres der stygt grin med Forud for de tyske flygtninges ankomst til Danmark nazisternes heilen og ofte udstilledes Nazitysklands havde landet været besat af Tyskland i fem år. Det var magtarrogance og tyskernes stivnakkethed. ”Hvorderfor naturligt, at den danske befolkning ikke tog for skal tyskere altid tilsvine deres eget fædreland og imod flygtningene med åbne arme. Tyskernes besætlandsmænd?” spørger en harmdirrende flygtning i et telse og krigen havde desuden været et hårdt slag for læserbrev redaktionen. landets økonomi. På trods af dette gav man flygtnin I begyndelsen så flygtninge, at der var milevidt gene en anstændig og human behandling. fra Deutsche Nachrichten til den censurerede presse I efterkrigstiden og helt frem til 90´erne var Danunder Naziregimet. Selv folk med højreorienterede, marks adelsmærker netop dialog, forståelse, medantidemokratiske holdninger kunne få bragt deres menneskelighed og respekt. I dag har piben fået en læserbreve og tilmed få et afvisende men venligt anden lyd. Det har den også, når det drejer sig om svar. Avisen ønskede at gå i dialog med så mange som Danmarks omdømme ude i verden. muligt.

De tyske flygtninge i Danmark levede i uvished i to Deutsche Nachrichten er et illustrerende eksempel til tre år. I op til ti år har asylansøgerne i dag ventet. på den danske teolog Hal Kochs demokratiopfattelse.

Det er på tide, at Danmark tager et ansvar og giver Dialog, forståelse og respekt er uomgængelige ingredisse godt og vel 2.000 mennesker en chance. Det dienser i et velfungerende demokrati. gjorde vi for 65 år siden. Dengang drejede det sig om Ved slutningen af avisens udgivelsesperiode, 1947300.000 mennesker.

1948, hvor mange af de tyske flygtninge efterhånden var vendt hjem til Tyskland, præges avisens brevkasse

billed fra google af avisens logo

No. 5 2011

Translation on page 108

75

Omtale Læren fra Kirkeasyl På toårsdagen for rydningen af Brorsons Kirke udgiver Kirkeasyl bogen “Kirkeasyl – En kamp for ophold”. Sylvester Roepstorff har læst den og bringer her en omtale plus nogle citater fra bogen, der udkommer d. 13. august

Per Morten Abrahamsen

af Sylvester Roepstorff Den 13. august 2009 gik politiet ind i Brorsons Kirke på Nørrebro og internerede alle de irakiske mænd samt anholdte en gruppe danske aktivister, der befandt sig i kirken. Hermed blev der sat foreløbigt punktum for en aktion, der havde stået på fra d. 15. maj. Det var to dage efter regeringen havde underskrevet en hjemsendelsesaftale med Irak, der gjorde det muligt for de danske myndigheder at tvangshjemsende irakiske asylansøgere til Irak. I den periode havde omkring 60 irakere boet i kirken for igennem pres på regeringen at opnå humanitær opholdstilladelse. Det var en storstilet aktion, der bl.a mobiliserede den største asylpolitiske demonstration i Danmark nogensinde (på over 25.000 mennesker).

I den bog som Kirkeasyl udgiver til august er der samlet mange forskellige tekster, der belyser en række forhold omkring aktionen, og der er flere aspekter i denne historie end man havde forventet. Jo mere man læser, desto mere finder man ud af, hvor omfattende en organisering Kirkeasyl var.

Bogen indeholder mange genrer. Der er kærlighedshistorier og historier om sorg og adskillelse. Der er nøgterne og desperate tekster om personlige og politiske forhold. Der er afdæmpede og indignerede ytringer om politiets fremgangsmåde. Der er en fiktiv tekst baseret på beretninger fra en flygtning under jorden, et længere digt om rydningen af kirken.

Der er dagbogsnotater og saglige beskrivelser af dansk udlændingepolitik; evalueringer af forløbet, tilbageblik på opbygningen af organiseringen, strategierne, hensigterne; mødet med pressen og politikerne. Og mere endnu.

Et afsnit beskriver de psykologiske effekter, som et så intenst arbejde medfører. Kirkeasyl havde også en jurdisk afdeling. Det er der kommet en personligt-saglig fortælling ud af.

“Kirkeasyl – En kamp for ophold” er forsynet med faktabokse, ordforklaringer og en lang tidslinje. Den udkommer på to-årsdagen for rydningen d. 13. august 2011 på Forlaget Frydenlund.

76

No. 5 2011

[Kontrafaktisk fundament] Da Kirkeasyl begyndte at beskæftige sig med de enkelte sager og de vanskelige vilkår for den fælles aktion, med en afgørende del af Kirkeasyls politiske strat førte det, at det blev og samme gang brikker i en juridiskpoliti egi. Sagerne var på en sk kamp og årsagen til et gensidigt tillidsforhold. De var ikke kun et modsætningsforhold mellem strategi og fællesskab, men også et møde, der intensiverede aktionen. I retrospekt er det svært at forst å hvilken mening, der drev aktionen ind i dette paradoks.

Vi vidste, at vi begav os ind på systemets præmisser, og at vores succes derfor var betinget af de selv sam me myndigheder, som var vores modstandere. Så hvad var det, vi appe llerede til? Hvad var det, vi håbede på? Hvorfor indså vi ikke det umulige?

[Det grundlæggende præmis for aktionen] Hvis man ikke kan få ophold, så må man tage ophold. Sådan kan aktionens grundlæggende præmis formuleres.

[Det grundlæggende præmis for aktionen] Hvis man ikke kan få ophold, så må man tage ophold. Sådan kan aktionens grundlæggende præmis formuleres.

[Hvorfor en kirke?]

Vi valgte en kirke på grund af to ting. For det første fordi kirken er et helligt sted i den kristne religion, hvor der er tradition for, at man kan søge asyl. For det andet fordi kirken også er et helligt rum for os; vi ønsker fred mellem religioner. Vi opfatter den kristne som vores bror. Vi respekterer også kristendommen, præsterne og kirken.

[Røde Kors] at Jeg spurgte, hvorfor han havde fortalt Røde Kors om sine planer, og han svarede, samtale, en i midt var Vi ham. de han håbede, de kunne hjælpe ham – i stedet forrådte gik da politiet og Røde Kors kom ind på værelset og førte ham bort. Jeg var så vred og fortalt havde han hvorfor der, jderen medarbe spurgte og kontor Kors’ Røde til direkte politiet om min værelseskammerats planer. Han svarede, at han bare gjorde sit arbejde.

Jeg indså, at hans arbejde bestod i at give oplysninger videre til politiet.

[Dagbogsnotater] En dame fra Jylland afleverede 100 kr., fordi hun ikke kunne være til stede dagligt i kirken. Der var en, der troede, at hun gav penge som undskyldning for, at hun var fra Jylland.

[I kirkerummet d. 13. august 2009] Jeg prøvede at snakke med en betjent, som jeg syntes virkede overordnet. Jeg spurgte ham, om de ikke ville trække sig bare fem meter tilbage, fordi situationen virkede så højspændt og farlig. Og jeg spurgte, om vi kunne gå udenfor, om han ikke kunne bede sine folk om at gå med ud, og så kunne vi lige snakke om, hvad det var, de ville, om han ikke nok var sød at komme med ud. Det gentog jeg igen og igen og igen. Han spurgte, hvad jeg hed, og hvad jeg lavede der, og så fortalte jeg, hvad jeg hed, og hvad jeg lavede. Jeg blev ved med at prøve at få ham med ud, men han begyndte at ignorere mig og det gik op for mig, at det ikke ville lykkes. Så husker jeg det som om, jeg nærmest gav op. Det hele virkede så vanvittigt, folk var ude af den, de skreg, børnene græd, og politiet stod bare der og kiggede på os.

No. 5 2011

[Ambulancen] Den betjent, der tog fat i mig, kunne se, at jeg var gravid. Jeg havde Tina på armen og natkjole på. Det virkede som om, betjenten havde ondt af mig. Hun sagde, hun ikke var enig i det, de gjorde, men at hun var nødt til at gøre det alligevel. Hun græd.

Jeg var meget chokeret, helt panisk, jeg kunne slet ikke noget, jeg rystede. Betjenten sagde, at hollændervognen udenfor var en ambulance. Hun løj, der var ingen ambulancer, kun politiets egne biler.

[Tak] Tine forklarede, hvordan hun følte et ubehag, når en af asylansøgerne Hakim igen og igen takkede hende. Hun syntes, at det brød med ideen om Kirkeasyl som et fælles projekt ...

i talesætte de [Vrængen] som et sprog for at kunne Siv sagde: “Vi mangler lige bliver den der lidt racistiske retorik.” op der forskelle, som ikke net nglende ordforråd ved at vrænge ma t de e led tak e k tone eller De frivillig talte dem, bruge en ironis Ved at bruge ud de r nå rne lse ne teg be . dshed med betegnelserne direkte udtrykke utilfre kontekstualiseres og destabiliseres om en aktiv sproget på denne måde lige vrængen er dermed betegnelserne. Den sprog antiracistisk praksis.

[Etniske minoriteter] De frivillige udtrykte en modvilje og en usikkerhed i forhold til at bruge begreber som anden etnisk baggrund, da de mente begreberne kunne være med til at fastlåse og reproducere positioner. Signe sagde: ”Man har heller ikke lyst til at bruge de der ord. Jeg har ikke lyst til at sige anden etnisk eller… jeg synes det er vildt svært at bruge de der ord, fordi det er sådan noget det sagde Peter Skaarup i Radioavisen i morges og så har jeg ikke lyst til at sige det samme.”

[Hvidhed] Adskillelsen mellem ’os’ og ’dem’ er særlig tydelig i betegnelsen ’etnisk’.

Nyhedsmedierne betegner minoriteterne som ’etniske’ uden yderlig reference til, hvilken etnicitet der refereres til, mens etniske danskere udgør normen i så høj grad, at de slet ikke tilskrives en etnicitet. Det betyder, at det at være etnisk er synonymt med at være farvet, og at være dansk er synonym med at være hvid. Man bliver derfor heller ikke automatisk dansk, blot fordi man får dansk statsborgerskab.

Nyhedsmediernes sproglige betegnelser er med til at skabe bestemte forestillinger om dansk nationalitet, og her fremstilles danskhed og det at være dansk som tæt forbundet med hvidhed, altså med den hvide race. Den raciale opfattelse af danskhed, altså at danskere er hvide, er en inkorporeret del af nyhedsmediernes konstruktion af dansk nationalitet. Nyhedsmedierne bruger ikke selv betegnelsen ’race’, ligesom de heller ikke direkte omtaler raceforskelle mellem etniske minoriteter og etniske danskere. Hvidheden ligger som uudtalt præmis i nyhedsformidlingen.

77

78

No. 5 2011

No. 5 2011

illustration fra bogen “Kirkeasyl en kamp for ophold� af Andreas Christensen

79

80

No. 5 2011

Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen: Access to Asylum – International Refugee Law and the Globalisation of Migration Control, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, 2011

by Pauline Weller ‘Is there still a right to seek asylum in a globalised world?’

This worrying question is at the heart of Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen’s latest comprehensive monograph on International Refugee Law. Access to Asylum deals with the impact of globalisation and its outcome on migration control.

The book is certainly timely considering current events in the global political landscape. And the author’s approach to the issue is adequate. As a matter of fact, migration control is more and more carried out extraterritorially and by non-state actors, which leads to new challenges in many respects.

The borders of the European Union as a result become virtual borders and are no longer identical to the physical external borders of the EU. In fact the scope has been extended far beyond these, into the territory of third countries and towards the high seas.

Control policies and border monitoring have become increasingly sophisticated by means of advanced technologies. Such overriding efforts to prevent migrants, including people with a fear of persecution, from reaching EU borders is accompanied by an attempt to ensure that asylum seekers and refugees do not leave their countries of origin in the first place.

Even if they manage to do so, such policies ensure they remain rather close to their native countries - miles away from the EU. It is not hard to conclude that this policy practice contravenes international refugee and human rights obligations. People who need asylum are excluded from access from the outset.

Oversættelse på side 108

In this regard, he also expresses another concern: the invisibility of migration control and the lack of knowledge of especially offshore and outsourced migration control. He calls this an ‘out of sight, out of mind effect,’ and it has important consequences in terms of possibilities for establishing legal clarity. As a result, substantial evidence for actual practices is hard to come by.

One of the great achievements of this book is the linkage between the legal arguments and wider debates in the field of political science, allowing for the most realistic approach possible.

Taken as a whole, the book’s seven chapters provide a clearly structured and innovative argument for understanding global refugee challenges and for understanding why providing asylum for refugees remains an unresolved and divisive issue.

NGOs, scholars and the United Nations have put forward numerous recommendations for how to arrive at more ‘protection-orientated’ migration control schemes. The book discusses several of these versatile propositions. The author concludes there is a need for regulative and legislative changes and correspondingly clearer monitoring and reporting obligations for government officials and private actors. This also includes improved training of the latter to help identify protection seekers and to ensure proper procedures.

Furthermore, a more intensive dialogue between all parties is needed.

For the sake of human rights protection, one can only hope that at least some of the discussed proposals will be implemented in the near future, without being certain if it would change anything and irrespective of popular policies that ‘undermine the very concept of refuge’.

No. 5 2011

Jacques Derrida: Of Hospitality – Anne Dufourmantelle invites Jacques Derrida to respond, Stanford University Press, 2000 [De l’hospitalité , Callmann-Lévy, 1997]

by Søren Rafn The late French philosopher Jacques Derrida’s Of Hospitality deals with the question of the foreigner, or the stranger (Derrida’s French term etrangér covers both concepts); a question which primarily addresses the host more than the guest. Derrida emphasizes that a home must have some kind of opening in order to be a home, meaning that the host must be hospitable to preserve his identity as a host. Thus the stranger is the crucial character in the social order that will otherwise regard her as a parasite.

In his approach to the concept hospitality Derrida deconstructs the relation between host and guest through poetic and political philosophy that draws on characters and philosophers such as Lot, Oedipus, Socrates, Kant and Levinas. Undeniably the text requires much of its reader, but on the other hand it also invites the reader as a main character – and at a linguistic level strives to show the hospitality that is the thematic focal point of the text.

Derrida distinguishes between to kinds of hospitality: The conditional hospitality, which is grounded in the law and the right, for instance the asylum right. Here the guest is forced to ask for hospitality in a language which, in a broad sense, is not her own.This allows the host to come up with questions that the guest must answer faithfully according to the law: What is your name? Where do you come from? In other words this classical form of hospitality presupposes (national) sovereignty: It recognizes and tolerates the guest, but it also reminds the guest that she is not in her own house.

81

In contrast, Derrida speaks of an unconditional hospitality which does not demand that the guest’s identity is maintained as, for instance, a foreigner with a motive of asylum, but signifies a radical openness to an absolute, indistinguishable other. In this way it breaks with the law and the (asylum) right, and does not refer to duty. In this perspective the guest is viewed as a liberator that brings the keys to the prison of the nation or the family. In this sense the host is the deficient being who views himself as a parasite – and eagerly encourages the awaited guest to step inside as the host of the host.

This does not mean that classical hospitality, for instance the struggle for the right to asylum for certain migrants, should be discredited. Or that the unconditional hospitality, which cannot be sustained and inscribed in the law, floats freely in the realm of ideas. It must keep its relation to the conditional hospitality and be manifested in the concrete law, and right – which on the other hand has to seek inspiration in the unconditional hospitality. The policy that has lost its relation to this has lost its relation to justice. .

82

No. 5 2011

Indholdsfortegnelse af oversættelser Content of Translations

83 84 85 86 88 89 90 91 92 94

[Deportation og adskillelse] Kingsleys overfart – Lopez Njang Knuste drømme – Joachim Hamou Norwegian of the year – a deported woman – Nina Monrad Boel Afventer accept – Liv Nimand Duvå Tilværelsen stopper i Sandholm – Liv Nimand Duvå Transnational motherhood – Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Opråb: Kvindelige asylansøgeres rettigheder – Marie Sauer-Johansen The crime of boarder crossing – Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen In shadows of the law - Notes on loss of liberty – Christina Marie Jespersen Stop deportation - and the demarcation between ‘peaceful volonteers’ and ‘violent activists’ – Søren Rafn [Verbal Images]

96 Dejavu – Patrick 97 Poems from damascus – Peter Laugesen 98 …Dada and nonsensus communis (in plain english) – Ulla Hvejsel [Struggle & Politics]

98 Vi er 300 – At overvinde marginalisering og gøre krav på en fremtid gennem 100 101 102 103 104 106 107 107 108 110 110

direkte aktion – Antonius Alexandridis “Vi har brug for jer, men jeg tror også at I har brug for os” – Mohamed Jeg er Tahrir – Mahmoud Salem Frihed, ikke Frontex – Lampedusa - No sunny island – Jens Pfeifer By er migration. Etnografisk-genealogiske perspektiver på byens rum - Sabine Hess Undocumented migrants have right to medical attention – but not according to the law – Trine Høyrup Henriksen [Stories & readings] Det perfekte job eller hvorfor jeg skriver for visAvis – Patrick Deutsche Nachrichten – History of a migrant newspaper – Frederik Lauritzen The learnings from Kirkeasyl – Sylvester Roepstorff Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen: The access to asylum – Pauline Weller

Jacques Derrida: Of Hospitality – Søren Rafn

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

83

Kingleys’s overfart Dette er en anden historie om Kingsley’s crossing end filmen af samme navn. Historien om en rejse fra Cameroun gennem Afrika til Spanien og Danmark og tilbage til Spanien og Cameroun igen. Forfatteren kommer fra samme by i Cameroun som Kingsley og fortæller hans historie på baggrund af personlige samtaler. af Lopez Njang

Dette er en sand fortælling om Kingsley, en 23 årig fyr, som gik igennem mange kvaler for at gøre livet bedre for sig selv og sin familie.

Han arbejdede som livredder i omkring fem år og elskede det, men lønnen var ikke nok til at få økonomien til at løbe rundt. Alt det, han tjente, gik til husleje og mad. Han havde ikke råd til elektricitet, hospitalsregninger, tøj etc.

Kingleys far arbejdede i en plantage for en meget lille løn. Han havde syv søskende, som alle levede i ekstrem fattigdom.

Mens han studerende ville de, i deres ferie, hjælpe deres mor på gården.

Deres høst var lige nok til familiens eget forbrug og intet andet. Hans mor havde ikke råd til at give dem ekstra lommepenge til skolen, som så betød, at de var afhænginge af andre.

Til specielle højtider, som jul og påske, kom de, der var udvandret, hjem for at besøge deres familie. De ville blære sig i gaderne med deres smarte biler med musikanlæg med fuld knald på. Folk kaldte disse biler for “natklubber på hjul”. Det var smukt at stå i vejkanten og se dem køre forbi. Deres kærester og familier blev betragtet som halv-guder, og alle ville gerne være som dem.

I Kingsleys område blev disse “europæere” nemt genkendt på måden de gik klædt på, deres biltype og hårfrisurer, mens de fra Nordamerika havde en særlig måde at gå - og tale på.

For ikke at glemme at de alle brugte penge på at bygge nye huse til deres familiemedlemmer. De bragte deres familier fra lud til luxus både socialt og financelt, ved at bruge penge på dem på natklubber og hoteller.

Kingsley havde for nylig mistet tre af sine søstre, der døde af sygdom. Selv efter hans forældre havde solgt deres gårde og andre ejendomme, havde de stadig ikke råd til at betale hospitalsregningen. Inspireret af hvad hans venner havde fortalt ham, når de var kommet hjem fra rejse, besluttede Kingsley at rejse til Europa i håb om et bedre liv.

Siden hans forældre havde tiltro til ham og hans kærlighed til sin familie, besluttede de at sælge deres sidste ejendom for at få penge til hans udenlandsrejse. Han forlod Limbe, hans hjemby, med et beløb på 1500 Euro. Da det er

meget dyrt og besværligt at få et visum, blev han nød til at løbe riskoen og rejse uden. Så den 24. maj 2004 drog Kingsley ud på en rejse mod ukendt destination i Europa. Han rejste til Maroua, en grænseby nord for Camaroun til Chad og herfra til Niger. Da han kom til Niger henvendte alle sig til ham med tilbud om at købe adgang til Libyen, Marokko og Algeriet. Alle snakkede om at krydse ørkenen, som gjorde Kingsley ivrig efter at deltage i eventyret. Han blev venner med en Ghaneser, som gav ham værdifulde råd. Hans ven fortalte ham, at han skulle passe på kriminelle og tyve i ørkenen, og at chaufførerne nogle gange ville stoppe midt ude i ingenting og kræve flere penge fra passagererne, før de ville fortsætte.

Så Kingsley var godt klar over, at han skulle være forsigtig.

Med det i tankerne arrangerede han med en smugler, at han skulle køre ham tværs igennem ørkenen. Men han blev nød til at vente en hel uge, før de kunne tage afsted, fordi smugleren skulle bruge 45 passagerer for at fylde lastbilen op. De skulle ud på en rejse, der normalt tager seks dage, men det tog dem tre dage ekstra p.g.a. mekaniske problemer. De var alle i smerter, da bilen var for lille til at fragte så mange mennesker, og de led også under varmen og støvet.

Han ankom endelig til Algeriet, hvor han mødte en ven, der tog ham med til sit hus og gav ham råd om, hvordan han skulle komme til den marokkanske grænse. Da Kingsley ankom til Marokko, kom han i kontakt med en Sengalesisk mand, der tog ham med til et lille værelse med omkring 30 mennesker sovende på gulvet. Han blev der i 6 måneder, imens han ledte efter den rigtige til at smugle ham over Middelhavet. Han græd om aftenen og spurgte sig selv om, hvorfor han overhovedet havde begivet sig ud på denne tur til Europa til at begynde med? Han tænkte på at vende tilbage, men kunne ikke, da alt var blevet solgt og alle regnede med ham. Han var familiens sidste håb, men nu havde han ikke flere penge, alt var væk, selv pengene til båden. Han ville derfor sælge sine sidste ejendele for at nå sit mål.

Kingsleys senegalesiske ven tog ham med til udkanten af en anden by kaldet Nador. De kom til en skov, hvor der var omkring femtusind mennesker, der alle ventede på at krydse havet til Europa. Alle var de stimlet sammen i små grupper i forhold til deres nationalitet.

Han fik besked på at blive og ikke gå nogle steder, især ikke ind til byen. Han skulle være forsigtig.

Kingsley boede i skoven i otte uger, sovende under træerne, før en gammel træbåd kom. Båden var så gammel, at den ikke kunne modstå havet. De sejlede lige omkring femten minutter, før båden kuldsejlede og sank.

Kingsley kæmpede for sin overlevelse, men mange druknede. Folk græd over at have mistet pårørende og venner, men de kunne ikke blive og lede efter ligene, fordi de var bange for at blive taget af politiet. Det var for farligt for dem, og de blev nødt til at løbe tilbage i skoven. På trods af faren reparerede de en anden gammel træbåd med huller i. Mange folk ville ikke forsætte grundet bådens forfatning. Det var bedre at vende hjem end at dø et sted, hvor deres lig ikke engang ville blive fundet.

De satte endelig sejl på den gamle båd og det lykkedes at krydse bølgerne, men båden begyndte hurtigt at tage vand ind igennem de dårligt reparerede huller. Kingsley begyndte at bede til gud om at redde ham. Han blev mere og mere bange. Nogle mænd begyndte at råbe “Vend om, kaptajn, vend om!”

De blev heldigvis reddet af den spanske marine, der sagde, at de skulle blive, hvor de var, ellers ville deres båd måske synke. Båden fyldtes hurtigt med vand, og de kom én efter én op på den spanske båd. Herefter blev de sejlet til Spanien. Efter alle hans kampe gik hans drøm om at nå Europa endelig i opfyldelse.

Kingsley blev fragtet hen til Immigrationsmyndighederne, hvor han søgte om asyl. Hans ansøgning blev afslået, og han fik at vide, at han ikke var berettiget til asyl. Derefter smuglede han sig igennem Europa og endte i Danmark, hvor han også søgte asyl. Her blev hans ansøgning også afslået. De danske immigrationsmyndigheder ville sende ham tilbage til Spanien.

Under denne lange vente proces indledte Kingsley et forhold til en dansk kvinde, der senere fødte tvillinger.

Selvom han havde startet en fasmilie i Danmark, blev han nægtet opholdstilladelse. Han blev til sidst depoteret tilbage til Spanien og senere Cameroun. Men det er en anden historie.

(Filmen Kingsley’s Crossing kan ses på www.mediastorm.com)

84

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Knuste drømme I de følgende interviews hører vi fra den deporterede Maureen fra Cameroun, som prøver at overleve sin alvorlige sygdom, samt hendes danske advokat, Poul, som prøver at forklare, hvorfor det danske asylsystem ikke kunne give hende humanitært ophold her. af Joachim Hamou Fra universitet til asyllejr

I 2003 kom Maureen Ngee Chi fra Cameroun til Ålborg Universitet, her i Danmark, for at færdiggøre sit studie i sociologi. Efter tre år blev Maureen syg – meget syg. Hendes sygdom var så alvorlig, at hun svævede mellem liv og død. Det er takket være hendes ophold i Danmark, at hun overlevede. I kølvandet på sygdommen blev hun fundet HIV positiv.

Da jeg lærte Maureen at kende, havde hun været to år i Center Kongelunden.

Følgerne af hendes sygdom var så alvorlige, at hun søgte om humanitært ophold, eftersom hun ikke mente, at hun ville overleve i Cameroun.

Den 3. Januar 2011 blev Maureen deporteret tilbage til Cameroun. Hun blev fortalt, at hun skulle gøre sig klar til at rejse, blot et par dage inden afgang. Hun havde ingen ide om, at hun skulle deporteres, da politiet kom og sagde, at hun skulle gøre sig klar. Proklamationen, der skulle informere hende, var sendt fra det danske Integrationsministerie d. 23 december til Maureens advokat, Poul. Da brevet nåede hans kontor, var det jul.

Skønnets gyldighed

I sager som Maureens er beslutningerne baseret på ”skøn”, som er den eneste form for beslutning, man ikke juridisk kan påvirke. Så længe Integrationsministeriet følger loven og ikke laver fejl i processen, er der ikke nogen institution, der kan sætte spørgsmålstegn ved skønnets gyldighed. Det er integrationsministeren, der beslutter, på hvilket grundlag, og inden for hvilke parametre, embedsmændene skal basere deres ”skøn”.

Nedenfor følger en kort samtale, som giver et indblik i praksis, proces og resultat i den danske asyl politik. Der er intet særegent ved denne sag, det er blot én sag blandt mange andre. Deltagerne her er Maureen Ngee Chi, Poul Roepstorff – hendes advokat – og mig selv, Joachim Hamou.

Det første, jeg spurgte dem om, var: Hvad var årsagen til deportationen?

Maureen: Årsagen til min deportation var, at jeg kan få medicin i mit eget land, og at det er gratis.

Poul: Årsagen var, at Integrationsmi-

nisteriet ikke mente, at den faste praksis (for humanitær opholdstilladelse) var grundlag for at give hende humanitær opholdstilladelse her i Danmark.

De vigtigste forhold, som lå til grund for ministeriets afgørelse, var, at ministeriet havde modtaget en række lægelige oplysninger om hendes behandling mod HIV/AIDS, samt hendes infektion med parasit i hjernen. På basis af disse udtalelser fra en overlæge på Hvidovre Hospital, fandt ministeriet, at hun kunne blive behandlet i Cameroun, fordi medicin mod HIV-infektion og AIDS-lidelsen er mulig at få der – ifølge ambassadøren for Det Danske Konsulat i Cameroun. Disse oplysninger var tilvejebragt af Det Danske Generalkonsulat i Cameroun på basis af interview med en højtstående embedsmand i det Camerounske Sundhedsministerium (…)

Jeg er knap med ord til at udtrykke min frustration.

Virkelig, jeg er beklemt; hvad, jeg mener, er, at jeg ikke ved, hvad jeg skal gøre, fordi jeg ikke tænker klart.

Alligevel, på trods af to andre lægers udtalelse i Danmark (en af dem hendes egen private læge), mente Integrationsministeriet, at hendes sygdom ikke ville blive væsentligt forringet ved en returnering til Cameroun. Ministeriets praksis er, at risikoen for ikke at få den optimale behandling, som ansøgeren kan få i Danmark, ikke er nok til at give ansøgeren humanitær opholdstilladelse, hvis ansøgerens hjemland kan give ansøgeren en forsvarlig behandling.

Joachim: Kan ministeriet vælge den fortolkning, de vil?

Poul: Ja, det er et skøn.

Umenneskelig procedure for umenneskelig praksis ”29 December 2010. Case nr: 1-58-357793-012 Ledsaget udsendelse til Cameroun.

De bedes møde i receptionen i omsorgscenteret i Kongelunden mandag d.

03.01.2011 kl. 04.45.

De vil herefter sammen med deres ledsagere fra Dansk Røde Kors, Jette Yro og Jens Dyhr, blive kørt til Københavns Lufthavn, hvorfra de samme morgen skal med et fly til Duala, Cameroun.

De bedes begrænse mængden af bagage, idet det under normale omstændigheder er tilladt at tage ca. 20 kg med under flyvningen.”

Joachim: Hvordan gik deportationen?

Maureen: Jeg var på mit værelse ved middag, og en politibetjent kom med et papir, der sagde, at jeg skulle rejse den følgende dag kl. 04:30. Jeg kunne tage 20 kg med, det er det basale som undertøj, nogle enkelte kjoler og skoene jeg havde på. Der var to danske autoriteter, Jette Yro fra Dansk Røde Kors og en dansk autoritet: Jens.

Poul: Jeg havde henvendt mig til Folketingets Ombudsmand med anmodning om, at han gennemgik sagen for at afgøre, om ministeriet havde gjort sig skyldig i forskelsbehandling. Ombudsmanden meldte, at ministeriet ikke havde fundet min klage til Ombudsmanden grund nok til en genoptagelse af sagen, fordi den endnu ikke var færdigbehandlet.

Jeg regnede så med, at ministeriet ville træffe en afgørelse på baggrund af min henvendelse til Ombudsmanden. Det gjorde de d. 23.12.2010, lille juleaften.

Det er ikke deres opgave at undersøge, om adressaten er tilstede eller ej, og eftersom mit kontor var lukket mellem jul og nytår, fik jeg ikke brevet om udsendelse. Ministeriet har kun pligtig at meddele advokaten – og ikke ansøgeren. Så Maureen vidste ikke noget om brevet, før politiet mødte op d. 30. december.

Joachim: Hvad stod der i brevet, som du fik tilsendt d. 23. december?

Poul: Det var en gennemgang af sagen, hvor Ministeriet refererede til tidligere beslutninger (...) Ministeriet mente, at grænsen var nået.

Joachim: Det lyder brutalt.

Poul: Det var brutalt. D. 30. December kl. 13.20 kom politiassistent Claus Gabel til Kongelunden og afleverede personligt brevet fra sin kollega Frans Thorsteinsson, i hvilket Maureen blev informeret om sin udsendelse tre dage senere. Hun var selvfølgelig helt i chok og ringede til Tone fra Trampolinhuset, der så ringede til mig. Men på dette tidspunkt var det for sent at gøre noget.

Så d. 3. januar kl. 04.30 mødte Maureen Jette Yro og Jens Dyhr fra Dansk Røde Kors i receptionen på Kongelunden.

Deres job var at sikre proceduren, samt at sørge for at Maureen ville få øjeblikkelig lægehjælp i Cameroun.

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Joachim: Hvad skete der, da du landede i Cameroun?

kender ikke de ”tunge drenge”, som du ved, er dit arbejde i Cameroun afhængigt af, at du kender de rigtige.

Maureen: Min gamle mor hentede mig.

Eftersom jeg ikke har et nationalt Cameroun ID-kort holdt de mig tilbage i lufthavnen i syv timer, indtil en betjent, der er en ven af en af mine fætre, hjalp mig fri. Processen var skrækkelig, fordi jeg var smadret og ved, hvor korrupt Cameroun er. De ville have bestikkelse for af frigive mig.

Indtil videre bruger jeg stadig det medicin, jeg fik i Danmark. Medicinen fra Danmark og den i Cameroun er meget forskellig. I Danmark plejede jeg at tage en pille dagligt kl. 10.00, men i Cameroun er det 4 piller dagligt, og efter tre måneder skal jeg betale for en test. Det har jeg helt sikkert ikke penge til... Min mor forsørger mig jo...

Jeg bor med min mor og en nevø i en lille by, der hedder Dibanda.

Joachim: Poul, kan jeg bede dig om at evaluere sagens proces?

Joachim: Poul, hvad nu? Vil du klage?

Poul: Jeg synes, at de embedsmæssigt har været korrekte. De har omhyggeligt besvaret alle mine anbringelser (altså påstande). De har givet adgang til et møde, og det er sjældent. (...) Ministeriet har lagt vægt på nogle ting i deres beslutning, som læger, bl.a. hendes private læge, har argumenteret imod, men ministeriet har ikke fundet deres argumenter tilstrækkeligt dokumenteret.

Ministeriet laver et skøn. Det kan ingen domstol eller Ombudsmanden desavouere, altså omgøre. Ombudsmanden kan trække ministeriet i retten, hvis de har handlet juridisk ukorrekt, men Ombudsmanden kan ikke ændre et skøn.

Poul: Nej. Det har jeg – om man så må sige – ”fået lov til” ikke at gøre. Tone, Karinsha og andre i Trampolinhuset mente, at det ville være nytteløst. Nu gjaldt det om at finde ud af, hvilken tilstand hun var i. Noget ministeriet også har lagt vægt på er, at hun har familie i Cameroun, og de har rent faktisk hjulpet hende.

Joachim: Det er hendes mor...

Poul: Ja og ministeriet lagde megen vægt på det faktum, at hun har familie, der kan tage sig af hende. De troede ikke på hende, da hun sagde, at der ikke ville være hjælp i Cameroun. Det har vist sig, at situationen er bedre, end hun forventede. Hun er måske ikke helt glad ved, at hendes blinde mor kun kan hjælpe med meget begrænsede midler, men der er nogen hjælp.

Joachim: Hvad er fremtiden nu?

Maureen: Jeg kan ikke arbejde, for jeg

Min opfattelse er, at de har henholdt sig til en fast praksis, selv om der var ganske særlige forhold, som burde have gjort, at ministeriet fandt grundlag for en humanitær opholdstilladelse. Man kan ikke helt sige, at de har gjort noget i strid med lovgivningen eller i strid med deres praksis.

85

Poul: Integrationsministeren fastlægger en praksis, og denne kan være mere eller mindre stram eller restriktiv (…) De kunne sagtens have givet hende opholdstilladelse, for hvis de præmisser, som deres beslutning er truffet på baggrund af, er forkerte, har de erklæret sig villige til at genoptage sagen... Men så er det for sent. Så er hun død.

Joachim: Er du kritisk over for deres praksis?

Poul: Ja, men ikke over for den måde de udfører deres sager på.

Joachim: Hvad nu Maureen? Hvordan ser din fremtid ud?

Maureen: Det ser virkelig skidt ud, økonomisk, helbredsmæssigt og socialt.

Jeg er knap med ord til at udtrykke min frustration. Virkelig, jeg er beklemt; hvad, jeg mener, er, at jeg ikke ved, hvad jeg skal gøre, fordi jeg ikke tænker klart.

Jeg er så stresset og frustreret. Der er intet håb i mit land; det er, som om jeg ikke har uddannelse. Tungtvejende ord kan ikke udtrykke min frustration.

Jeg havde håbet, at jeg kunne blive i Danmark, men alt er blevet sort! Som Otman (visAvis #1) plejede at sige: ”la vie sans vie.”

Virkelig Joachim, bær over med mig; jeg ville have elsket at blive i Danmark. Men mit håb er knust.

Pas på dig selv

Joachim: På hvilket grundlag kan du lave sådan et skøn?

Norwegian of the year – a deported woman The book ’Illegal Norwegian’ has lead to that paperless migrants are no longer faceless.

Maria Amelie is the author of a book that delivers a vivid insight into a parallel world of which few people are aware.

by Nina Monrad Boel

on April 17: “I’m in Norway.”

Norwegian of the Year arrested and expelled from Norway. This was the reality faced by Maria Amelie this year in January. In her autobiography she portrays her tough childhood where she was always on the run and living in uncertainty. It turned out that this book caused her being expelled from the country in which she had lived since she arrived in Norway as a 16-year-old in 2002. At the time, she was on the run together with her parents, trying to escape persecution in the Caucasus for half her life. The spring 2011 caused great upheavals in the 25-year-old woman’s life; however, the happy ending, that is not included in the book, appeared instead in Maria Amelie’s blog

Brutal asylum system

Maria Amelie’s parents did not tell her why and from what they were fleeing; instead she discovered things gradually.

She remembers the first stops on the escape route in Moscow and in Finland before they reached Norway where Maria Amelie – as a 16-year-old – yet again had to endure the challenges of an inhuman asylum system. The family tried to manage by all means – by telling the truth and live up to the legal requirements.

But it was of no use.

“No one! No one told us that the asylum system would be that brutal or that no one would care or could help us… Why did I have to go through this – what is it that I’ve done wrong?

Maria Amelie describes the asylum system as impossible; no one was willing to listen to her family’s story – not even their own lawyer. ‘Individual processing’ means that all rights have been suspended.

Reflection and tough decisions

The book rises many questions, and readers follow Maria Amelie’s thoughts about Norway, the asylum system, her broken-down parents and the people whom she comes across. We become acquainted with the thoughts of a young girl through to the thoughts of an adult woman. This is possible because the first part of the book consists of excerpts from her diary.

When Maria Amelie arrived to at the asylum centre, she considered the other

86

No. 5 2011

asylum seekers as ‘professional asylum seekers’ – only she and her parents had a legitimate reason for seeking asylum.

However, over the years Maria matures, and in the second half of the book she writes that life is more complex than what you realise as a 16-year-old, that a lot of people have been through worse things than her family, and that no one flees without a good reason.

The many reflections are necessary, because Maria Amelia faces some tough decisions in her life: from the decision to stay in Norway after having been rejected as an asylum seeker through to deciding to tell her story eight years later in her book ‘An Illegal Norwegian’ – the decision that lead to her being expelled.

Punishment for telling the truth

In Norway Maria Amelie learns Norwegian fast, she makes many friends, and she passes the Upper Secondary School Leaving Examination and obtains a masters degree in social anthropology at university. She manages and all these things, that should be impossible without a personal registration number, she makes possible. She works hard around the clock to survive in one of the world’s most expensive capitals without a chance of receiving any kind of financial support; at the same time she involves herself in voluntary work and learns about the culture and music that surrounds her in Norway.

Maria Amelie goes on living in fear of being detected. She is bound to realise that she will never be able to use her education without having a residence permit. However, she does not want to buy a false passport, and she does not want to marry her boyfriend to obtain a residence permit. She wants to deal with

TRANSLATIONS

the situation herself and tell the truth; this is why she decides to write her story. Her book was published in 2010 and received a great deal of positive publicity in Norway.

Maria Amelie was elected Norwegian of the Year, but was arrested no later than on January 12, 2011 after giving a talk at a school and subsequently being expelled from Norway to Russia. What she had feared for the past many years became a reality.

Poland welcomes persecuted writer

An association that helps persecuted writers organised a stay for Maria outside Russia. On March 15 she came to Krakow – a city which is part of The International Cities of Refuge Network ICORN – where she stayed in uncertainty until the Norwegian Government passed a special law making it possible for Maria Amelia to return home to her parents, boyfriend and friends in Norway. The Norwegian Government decided that asylum seekers, who have stayed in Norway, can return to Norway as ‘working migrants’. As long as they meet the criteria that make it possible to emigrate to Norway because you are trained and are going to work and have not committed a crime. The door was opened just enough for Maria Amelia to return. And so you could read the following in her blog on April 17: “Hi folks. I’m in Norway. Still can’t believe it. Three months, deportation, police, Russia, a longing after everything, a shock because of all the things that have happened, and now I’m here. It’s crazy – all the things I’ve felt, so many countries and so many impressions, so many things I’ve been through – both the worst and the best experiences in

my life. I almost can’t take it all in at once. But one thing is absolutely clear: I’m so happy that so many of you are welcoming me and are happy for me.

And I feel very humble and grateful because so many of you have gotten involved and followed me for the past few months. It’s lovely to feel that I’m in the right place at the right time – and that I now have the right papers!”

Frightening uncertainty

‘An Illegal Norwegian’ is a page turner that you do not want to put down until you have finished the last page. Maria Amelie wants her book to send a message. She wants us to ‘see things in perspective,’ and she wants those of us who have citizenships in a safe country and are not fleeing to know how lucky we are.

“It was terrifying how little they knew… but the most frightening thing was the lack of communication with me - it caused barriers, rumours and problems… it was like a glass cage where people could do nothing but look at each other.”

As Maria Amelia writes, it is frightening how little Norwegians (the same applies to Danes) know about asylum seekers and undocumented migrants.

Maria Amelia’s book ‘An Illegal Norwegian’ means that the many people who are forced to live in uncertainty and fear for an indefinite period of time and all the people who are not treated fairly by the asylum system and who have to go into hiding now have faces.

Please have a look at Maria Amelia’s blog: http://... mariamelie.blogspot.com/2010/01/ velkommen.html

AFVENTER ACCEPT At være flygtning. At være en kvinde. At være i en lejr. I et fremmed land. Afventende ens skæbne og fremtid. Mange forskellige faktorer udgør forholdene for folk, der søger asyl.

Her bringer vi det første af to interviews med kvindelige iranske flygtninge med fokus på deres perspektiver på kønsdiskrimination og desperation i en asyllejr. af Liv Nimand Duvå Hvordan går det så i Sandholm for tiden?

For mig er hverdagen faktisk slet ikke så slem, som du måske har hørt om, men nogle gange er her bare så kedeligt, og så rammes jeg virkelig af hjemve. Jeg er kommet til Sandholm alene, og jeg bekymrer mig egentlig mere om mine forældre, end jeg bekymrer mig om mig selv. Jeg er deres eneste barn, de har kun mig. Jeg ville bare ønske, at jeg kunne se dem, og udsættelsen af min sag går mig virkelig på. Men nu hvor jeg er her, bliver jeg nødt til at se tingene fra den positive side – jeg kommer godt ud af det med dem på mit værelse, vi kan tage ud og lave, hvad vi nu vil. Og det er vel egentlig meget godt, men indimel-

lem føler jeg mig så ensom. Jeg kan kun tale med få af kvinderne i lejren, og for det meste er vi bange for at forlade vores værelser, bange for at gå ned på cafeteriaet for eksempel.

Hvad er I bange for?

Jeg tror, at omkring 80 procent af dem, der bor på Sandholm er mænd, og det hæmmer min frihed. På Sandholm møder man mænd fra forskellige lande og med alle mulige forskellige syn på kvinder og kønsroller. Som kvinde bliver man nødt til at være rigtig forsigtig. Selvom jeg ikke kan lide at være bange, at være denne her forsigtige og angste kvindetype, er det svært ikke at blive det – og især for de kvinder, der lider af psykiske forstyrrelser.

Hvordan oplever du kønsdiskriminationen på Sandholm?

De uheldige situationer i lejren er for det meste relateret til stoffer og alkoholproblemer. Jeg har endda selv ondt af de mænd.

Hvad mener du med uheldige situationer?

Vi er for tiden fire kvinder på mit værelse, og en dag var der nogle fyre, der hamrede på vores dør, en af dem prøvede på at komme ind for at give os penge. Han troede, vi var en eller anden slags female service. Og så er der også den her anden uhyggelige fyr. I begyndelsen forsøgte han at nærme sig og sige ting som du er så smuk, for så to sekunder senere at sige du er så grim eller du skal respektere mig. Det slog mig

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

helt ud, så jeg lod som om at han slet ikke eksisterede. En mandag morgen i cafeteriet, hvor han nærmede sig, bandede han af mig på den mest nedværdigende måde, man nogensinde kunne forestille sig. Jeg kan ikke oversætte det, fordi det var på persisk, men det var virkelig grimt. Jeg var rigtig bange, så jeg gik til Røde Kors medarbejderne, som prøvede at løse det, men problemet er, at han ikke engang lytter til chefen af Røde Kors. Han er så uhyggelig, og hver dag kommer han nærmere og nærmere.

Nu er jeg vel blevet vant til det.

Føler du, at Røde Kors beskytter dig i forbindelse med sådan nogle hændelser?

Ja, på en måde. Efter hændelsen med fyren der kom ind på vores værelse, gav de os et telefonnummer, som vi kunne ringe til, hvis der skulle ske os noget.

Jeg har godt nok aldrig brugt det. Der var engang, hvor jeg ville ringe til dem, men ikke kunne finde nummeret, fordi jeg var så bange.

Hvad ville forbedre kvindernes situation i lejren?

På en måde ville det være bedre at have adskilte lejre, men generelt er det nu ikke noget problem for mig at være blandt mænd, og det er selvfølgelig heller ikke alle mændene, der er problematiske – det er bare de her grove mænd, der har psykiske problemer og er på stoffer. Derhjemme plejede jeg at spille basketball, men da jeg gik over til lejrens basketbaner, samlede alle fyrene sig omkring mig, og jeg tænkte bare åh gud, jeg kan jo ikke spille her. Så det ville i hvert fald være bedre at have sportarealer, der kun var for kvinder. Det ville være meget mere behageligt, og så ville der ikke blive stirret på én hele tiden, bare fordi man er en kvinde og kvinderne er i fåtal.

Hvordan har du det med at være i den alder, hvor det under andre omstændigheder ville være normalt at få børn.

Nu er jeg ikke familietypen, men du har ret, folk i min alder er begyndt at få børn. Jeg kunne slet ikke forestille mig at få børn nu og slet ikke her i lejren.

Nej, aldrig! Men nu hvor vi er inde på det med børn, der er faktisk det her problem i lejren med kvinder, der har fået negativ tilbagemelding vedrørende deres asylsag, og så bliver de gravide uden overhovedet at vide, hvem faderen til barnet er. Fordi de er gravide, får de så positiv tilbagemelding. Jeg synes virkelig, at det er dumt at gøre sådan noget – børnene er født ind i en lejr, der er ligesom et fængsel, de kender ikke engang deres far. Men jeg forstår nu også processen, det er ventetiden, der ødelægger dem, de er bange for at blive sendt tilbage og føler det er deres eneste mulighed. Det er presset i lejrene, der får folk til at gøre dumme ting som det her – og det er præcis det samme, der sker i forbindelse med selvmordsforsøgene. Ventetiden gør folk desperate, men sådan nogle desperate handlinger hjælper aldrig. Det er den værste løsning på vores problemer.

Findes der en løsning på jeres problemer?

For at undgå sådan nogle ting, bør folk i lejrene virkelig prøve at samle sin fornuft. Presset i lejrene er så ekstremt, hvilket gør, at man nemt kan tabe hovedet og gøre noget, man i virkeligheden ikke havde lyst til. Hvis bare usikkerheden og presset var lavere, selv hvis der bare var en garanti på, at en afvisning ville betyde, at man skulle ud af landet og en accept ville betyde, at man kunne blive. Men sådan er det ikke. Folk gør dumme ting, fordi der ikke er nogen vej forude, og når de ikke har nogen vej forude, har de ikke noget som helst. …så er der kun ventetiden…

Præcis, der er kun ventetiden. Jeg forsøger at arbejde min tid væk for ikke

men jeg ved ikke, hvad det værste ville være – at blive udleveret til det iranske politi og ende i fængslet eller ventetiden i lejren? at mærke denne venten, men der er ikke meget, man kan foretage sig her og ligegyldigt hvor meget jeg prøver på at beskæftige mig selv, hjælper det ikke. De her få måneder jeg har ventet føles som år. Jeg aner ikke, hvorfor de vil have mig til at vente så længe. Selv hvis de gav mig et negativt svar, ville jeg kunne sige, det er okay, jeg ville forlade landet, men lad være med at give mig ventetiden. Altså hvis jeg satte mine fødder i en iransk lufthavn, ville jeg selvfølgelig være færdig, men jeg ved ikke, hvad det værste ville være – at blive udleveret til det iranske politi og ende i fængslet eller ventetiden i lejren?

Så du sammenligner altså din situation i Sandholm med din situation i Iran?

Ja, og min situation i Iran er virkelig slem. Hvis jeg kunne undgå det, ville jeg aldrig forlade mit hjemland. I Danmark kan man lave politisk aktivisme uden at ende i fængslet, men i Iran er situationen anderledes. De prøvede at kidnappe mig to gange og jeg vidste at de ville få fat på mig før eller siden. Jeg var fire måneder i Tyrkiet og så blev jeg sendt til Sandholm. Jeg takker Gud for at være kommet sikkert til Danmark, men på den anden side har jeg fornemmelsen af, at min situation her er ligeså slem, bare på en anderledes måde.

Og hvad gør du for, din situation her bliver udholdelig?

Jeg er typen, der har brug for at komme ud, for at arbejde og tjene penge, jeg har brug for at have projekter kørende. Noget jeg kan foretage mig her er at oversætte for de ældre kvinder, der ikke taler engelsk. Det er et kæmpe problem, at Røde Kors medarbejderne ikke forstår dem, og jeg bruger en masse kræfter på

87

at prøve at hjælpe disse kvinder. Det er det eneste jeg kan gøre, men det er ikke længere nok. Jeg vil mere end det, jeg vil have et liv. Immigrationsstyrelsen burde behandle vores sager grundigere og oftere. Der er forskellige mennesker i forskellige aldre med forskellige historier og forskellige sager. Jeg mener bare, i hvor lang tid er folk i stand til at vente?

Næsten en af os Hvad er dit indtryk af det danske immigrationssystem?

Jeg giver dem det, at de tager os ind og forsøger at hjælpe os, men nogle gange føler jeg ikke, at Røde Kors medarbejderne kan lide os. Det er selvfølgelig ikke på et personligt plan, de er altid venlige, når jeg går til dem, men hver gang de skal tale med en iraner eller afghaner, eller med folk med den slags nationaliteter, råber de og for det meste lytter de ikke engang. Engang jeg tog over til dem med en ældre iransk kvinde, for at fortælle dem at hun havde brug for en oversætter, begyndte ham i receptionen at råbe af os. Vi har ikke nogen oversætter, vi vil ikke tale med jer, råbte han og så kylede han den ældre kvindes ID efter hende.

Og hvad med politibetjentene?

I dag kom denne her mand til Sandholm. I en anden lejr havde han fået negativ tilbagemelding vedrørende sin asylsag, han var trist og havde store smerter, fordi han havde problemer med sin nakke. Politiet sagde, at de ikke ville sende ham på hospitalet, fordi det ville blive for dyrt for dem at betale for hans operation, og bare fordi han ikke svarede, væltede politibetjenten ham omkuld og begyndte at tæske ham.

Tæskede han ham virkelig?

Ja han gjorde, endda på en virkelig brutal måde. Bagefter fik han de her black outs. Jeg tog ham med over til sygeplejersken og forsøgte at løse problemet.

På den ene side er politiet og Røde Kors medarbejderne venlige og forsøger at hjælpe én, men på den anden side kan man altid mærke denne her afstand, de ligger til én. Da jeg fortalte Røde Kors medarbejderne om problemerne med fyrene, der stod uden foran vores dør, sagde de, det skal du ikke bekymre dig om, vi skal nok hjælpe dig, du er næsten en af os. Dette næsten sårede mig virkelig. Vi er alle sammen mennesker og for mig er der ingen forskel. Jeg ved, hvad jeg er.

Og hvad er du?

Jeg er bare et menneske, der venter på at blive accepteret.

Og synes du at du har grund nok til at blive accepteret og modtage asyl?

Ja, det mener jeg, at jeg har. Jeg er et uddannet menneske, jeg har gået på universitetet. Hvis bare jeg kunne arbejde, så jeg kunne få en mulighed for at vise, hvad jeg er værd. Men det kan jeg ikke og nu er min eneste mulighed at vente, det evindelige sove, ryge, sove, ryge, sove og vente.

88

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Tilværelsen stopper i Sandholm Her bringer vi det andet af to interviews med kvindelige iranske flygtninge med fokus på deres perspektiver på kønsdiskrimination og desperation i en asyllejr. af Liv Nimand Duvå Forsøg at beskriv dit liv i Iran?

Jeg studerede, arbejdede med psykologi, var udadvendt og talte med en masse forskellige mennesker. Mine dage var gode, jeg følte mig levende, men nu er den følelse forsvundet, alt er anderledes, og jeg kan ikke længere foretage mig noget.

Hvordan er du endt her i Sandholm?

For år tilbage konverterede min mor og jeg til kristendommen. I Iran er forholdene for en muslim, der konverterer, kritiske. Vi blev diskrimineret, udstødt, var forfulgt og kunne under ingen omstændigheder blive. Min mor flygtede til Danmark før mig, og da min far ikke accepterede mig efter religionsskiftet, kunne jeg ikke bo hos ham. Jeg giftede mig og blev senere gravid, men da jeg fortalte min mand om mit religionsskift, tvang han mig til at få foretaget en abort. Jeg var allerede tidligere gået ind i en kristen gruppe, så efter den tvungne abort, forlod jeg min mand for at bo sammen med gruppen.

Fordi vores gruppe var kristen, var den ulovlig i Iran, og vi var derfor eftersøgt.

Da politiet fik kendskab til vores leder, måtte han flygte til USA, og så stod resten af os alene tilbage, eftersøgt og uden penge på lommen. Derfor blev jeg nødt til at flygte og er altså nu endt her i Sandholm. Selvom jeg har haft mange problemer gennem de sidste ti år, savner jeg mit land. Nu har jeg været her i Sandholm i fire måneder, og ingen af dagene har været gode.

Hvad laver du så i løbet af sådan en dag?

Som sagt er mine dage dårlige og tunge at komme igennem. Jeg kan ikke gøre nogle af de ting, jeg gjorde i Iran. Det eneste, jeg kan foretage mig, er at læse bøger, gå på Facebook og søge efter forskellige ting på nettet. Nogle gange kigger jeg på, hvad Københavns Universitet har at tilbyde, fordi jeg godt ville fortsætte mine studier, men det har jeg ikke mulighed for nu. Jeg har heller ikke mulighed for at tage ind til København, for at kigge mig lidt omkring. For det første har jeg ikke råd, togbilletten frem og tilbage ville koste over 150 kroner.

For det andet har jeg svært ved at kommunikere med folk. Jeg føler ikke, at jeg kan tale med nogen om mine følelser, og hvis jeg gjorde, tvivler jeg på, at de ville forstå min situation. Tog jeg ind til storbyen, ville jeg føle mig indelukket og afskåret. I lejren er der heller ingen, jeg kan tale med, hvilket ikke kun skyldes sprogbarrierer, men også det faktum at folks kulturer og baggrunde er så forskellige. Herudover er jeg selv så psykisk stresset, at jeg ikke har overskud til at indgå i nogle relationer. Der er én kvinde, jeg taler med, men hun er i

praktik og er udmattet, når hun endelig kommer hjem. Så i løbet af dagen bliver jeg for det meste på min seng i mit værelse. Det eneste, jeg kan gøre, er at vente og håbe.

Så har du masser af tid til at tænke?

Ja, jeg har ikke andet. Jeg tænker hele tiden på mine gruppemedlemmer fra Iran. Mange af dem er i politiets varetægt, og det er ikke muligt at få information om, hvad der er sket med dem. Hver nat har jeg mareridt om deres lidelser, jeg ser deres ansigter for mig og vågner op med en ubehagelig følelse i min krop - en følelse der hænger ved hele dagen igennem. Dagene er kedelige, og jeg har det, som om mit liv stoppede, da jeg ankom til Sandholm.

Jeg kan ikke studere, og jeg kan ikke gøre nogen forskel for andre mennesker. Det er ironisk: I Iran arbejdede jeg som psykolog, men nu, hvor jeg selv er så psykisk stresset, lægger jeg knap mærke til de problemer, mine medmennesker kæmper med. Nu har jeg selv brug for en psykolog. Min veninde drillede mig engang, tag dig sammen, du er psykolog, du burde da ikke have nogen problemer, sagde hun. Men jeg er bare en kvinde, præcis ligesom hende, jeg har også problemer.

Hvilke slags problemer møder man som kvinde i Sandholm?

Der er selvfølgelig mange forskellige slags kvinder. Jeg er som sagt en uddannet kvinde, der er vant til at arbejde, og kan ikke stille mig tilfreds med bare at lave mad og hygge mig i køkkenet, som jeg fornemmer, at nogle kvinder kan.

Men jeg må indrømme, at jeg er bange for mændene her i lejren. Jeg bryder mig ikke om at skulle ned på cafeteriet, og efter mørkets frembrud forlader jeg under ingen omstændigheder mit værelse.

Hvad er du bange for?

Du skulle blive natten over, så ville du forstå mig. Forleden dag, da jeg havde taget mig sammen til at gå en lille tur i lejren, kom denne her mand over til mig. Han prøvede at overtale mig til at komme med ind på sit værelse, behandlede mig som en prostitueret og forsøgte at give mig penge. Problemet er, at hvis jeg slet ikke taler med mændene, bliver det til et problem, men hvis jeg taler for meget med dem, er det også et problem. En anden dag, da jeg sad her på min seng og læste, kom en mand hen til mit vindue og sagde alle mulige skræmmende ting. Jeg lod som om, han ikke var der, jeg kiggede ikke engang derover, men jeg kunne høre ham og troede hele tiden, at han var på vej ind. Jeg blev så bange, at jeg fik kuldegysninger over det hele og begyndte at græde. Til sidst ringede jeg til Røde Kors´ kontor, men

fordi det var udenfor deres åbningstid, kom politiet først efter en time. Og helt ærligt, alt kunne jo have været sket i løbet af den time. Men det er for det meste sådan, tingene fungerer her, politiet kommer ikke, før det er for sent.

Hvis der sker noget, sætter de ikke ind før skaden er sket. Derfor føler jeg mig slet ikke beskyttet her i lejren.

Hvad kunne Røde Kors og politiet gøre anderledes?

Jeg fornemmer, at de ser alle asylansøgere som en samlet masse, de ser ikke menneskene bag. Hvis én i Sandholm lyver eller har en grov opførsel, forventer de, at vi alle lyver og er grove. Hvis jeg for eksempel kommer til at smadre mit glas og vil have fat i et nyt, vil de kalde mig løgner. Derfor vil jeg hellere beholde et smadret glas end at gå til Røde Kors, der mistænker mig. Dette er selvfølgelig et lille problem, men det siger noget om de større problemer. Det var jo også derfor, at politiet ventede en time med at komme den dag, jeg var så bange – de tog mig ikke seriøst og troede ikke på, at jeg virkelig mente det.

Hvordan oplever du ellers det danske immigrationssystem?

Jeg har kun oplevet, at alt foregår ekstremt langsomt, og hver gang jeg har spurgt dem om noget, har de ikke været i stand til at give ordentlige svar. Jeg har som sagt været her i fire måneder. Lige inden ferien spurgte jeg politiet, hvorfor jeg ikke var kommet videre til fase to, hvilket jeg på nuværende tidspunkt burde være. Processen er bureaukratisk, ingen ved noget, min ansøgning er stadig ikke oversat, og jeg kan ikke få at vide, hvem jeg skal snakke med. Da de kom tilbage efter ferien, var der stadig ikke sket noget, ingen kendte til min sag, og jeg er stadig i fase et.

Hvad skulle den danske regering gøre for at ændre på forholdene?

Jeg tror egentlig ikke, at regeringen kan gøre så meget. Danmark er et lille, civiliseret land med en lille økonomi og en lille indelukket kultur. Danskerne bor godt, alt er fint, og de har deres små, normale problemer. Så kommer vi, der er på flugt, pludselig med vores kæmpeproblemer og traumer, og regeringen aner ikke sine gode råd. Jeg ville dog ønske, at der var en mulighed for, at jeg kunne fortsætte mine studier, mens jeg ventede. Nu har jeg ikke ret til at studere, jeg har ikke adgang til tandlæge, jeg kan ikke foretage mig noget som helst. Alt det, jeg arbejdede for i Iran, tæller ikke her. De behandler mig på præcis samme måde som et menneske uden uddannelse og viden. Det er forkert at behandle alle ens. Vi er vidt forskellige mennesker med forskellige baggrunde og forudsætninger.

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Hvordan kunne man praktisk komme sådan et problem til livs?

På en måde ville det være bedre med nationalt adskilte lejre. Mennesker fra forskellige lande har forskellige kulturer og behov for forskellige ting. Selvom jeg er bange for mændene, tror jeg ikke, at kønsopdelte lejre vil være en løsning.

Hvis man afskærer mændene fuldstændig fra kvinderne, vil de bare blive vildere, og forsøge heftigere på at opsøge os. Med nationalt adskilte lejre ville man komme nogle af problemerne til livs. I min situation er det virkelig ubehageligt at skulle stå i kø med mænd, som jeg hverken forstår sprogligt eller

kulturelt. Var jeg kun med iranere, ville jeg føle mig mere sikker og få overskud til at indgå i relationer med andre.

Hvad er din drøm for fremtiden?

Det er at få opholdstilladelse, så jeg kan komme væk fra det her sted og fortsætte mit liv i stedet for at spilde mine bedste år i en flygtningelejr.

Og hvordan forestiller du dig, at du ville fortsætte dit liv, hvis du fik opholdstilladelse?

Jeg kunne godt tænke mig at få mit eget sted i København. Før i tiden boede jeg alene, og det savner jeg. Hvis jeg vil læse, vil min værelseskammerat ofte høre høj musik, og fordi jeg er så psykisk

89

udmattet, har jeg ikke overskud til konfrontationer. Fik jeg opholdstilladelse, ville jeg finde mit eget sted i København, fortsætte mine studier, og på et eller andet tidspunkt ville jeg rigtig gerne arbejde med børnepsykologi, som jeg gjorde i Iran. Først når jeg har fundet mig selv i denne nye danske kultur, fået mig et job og lært sproget, kan jeg måske efter mange, mange år få overskud til at tænke på at få børn og stifte familie.

Transnational motherhood More and more children are left in the care of relatives, friends, or professionals when their mom cross borders to seek places where there are more jobs to find and where the salaries are higher.

As the migration streams of the world are feminized, more and more children are left behind facing a life in the absence of their mothers. Transnational motherhood, or motherhood across borders, is a widespread phenomenon. But, what lies behind the feminization of migration? Why do women leave their children to work somewhere else, for instance in Denmark? And who takes care of the children who are left behind?

by Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Historically, migration has been a male dominated phenomenon. In keeping with gender role traditions, the woman stayed at home and in her homeland, while her husband migrated to find work. Today, women dominate the work migration statistics of several countries. Women’s labor is in demand, and women’s decision to migrate is often encouraged in their homelands.

If we want to understand why women leave their children to seek work abroad, we must look to an international division of labor that is shaped by global capitalism and unequal development in the global north and the global south.

We must look to systems of gender inequality in both sending and receiving countries as well as race-, class-, and citizenship hierarchies.

Outsourcing of Care

The growing demand for foreign female labor can be seen in Denmark. For instance, the number of au-pair residence permits grew by more than 1.900 permits from the year of 2000 until the year of 2009 when 2.773 such permits where given. Most of these au pairs are from the Philippines.

In a way, the Philipina au pair and the Danish woman for whom she works share each other’s fate. They are both women in a world where very few households can survive on a single income, and where women, like men, dream of obtaining careers. They have left the, traditionally seen – feminine private sphere – and the life as a housewife, to work outside the home, separated from their children. Thus, they disintegrate the traditional caregiver/breadwinner dichotomy, in the exchange for a con-

cept of motherhood which encompasses breadwinning. Besides, both groups of women share the work of the household and the care for their children with others, relatives or professionals. They have outsourced their care work.

One woman’s liberation another woman’s…

But the comparison does not hold much further. Because, as described by the American scholar Salazar Parreñas, at the same time that these women are connected because of their femininity, they are also placed at distinct levels in the hierarchy of womanhood. The Philippina au pair is placed at the lowest in the global gender-, race- and class stratification. She is placed below men because of her femininity. And she is placed below Danish women because of her non-citizenship, because of her au pair residence permit that does not allow for paid work but, merely cultural exchange, and because of her relative or absolute poverty.

Therefore, the entrance into the breadwinner position has very different consequences for the Danish middle class woman on the one hand and the Philippina au pair on the other, as well as for the women’s family life, care role, and children. The migrant woman’s penetration of the – traditionally seen – masculine sphere is not a simultaneous liberation from the traditional role of women. Traditional female work is still reserved for women in Denmark, and the liberation of the Danish middle class woman from handling the work of the household depends on the readiness of women from the global south or from Eastern Europe to take over this work.

The need for imported care is not just a result of the entry into the labor force.

It also stems from a resilient gender inequality in the Danish homes where women still handle most of the household work and care work. In the case of the au pair, the move out of her own home is the simultaneous move into the homes of others. Thus, the work of the au pair simultaneously keeps her in the feminized private sphere where work is not seen as work. And where underpaid au pairs do backbreaking work without a work residence permit or a collective agreement, and under the guise of cultural exchange.

Care on capitalist terms

The willingness of the migrant woman to take over when the Danish middle class woman leaves the work of household and child care is a product of global capitalism. If we want to understand why women leave their children, for instance to work as an underpaid au pair in Denmark, we have to look beyond the individual woman’s desire to establish a career and travel.

We must look to societal arrangements and inequalities which imply that economically rich countries with deficits in balance of care are craving for caring hands, while countries in financial distress crave the money, remittances, that au pairs and work migrants (who ought to belong to the same single category) send home.

The Philippina au pair girls in Denmark migrate from a Philippines in conflict where corruption, trade liberalizations, privatizations, pay off of foreign debt, and multinational corporations hollow out agriculture, labor markets and the economy. Work migration is encouraged and seen by the Philippine government as a strategy of development, and remittances constitute about 12,5

90

No. 5 2011

percent of the gross domestic product of the Philippines.

In Denmark, the work of the Philippina au pair girls is seen as cultural exchange.

But the au pair girls are often grown up well educated women, who seek earnings rather than cultural exchange, and who have family to support in their home countries. Denmark is often just one step in a longer journey for these women between countries, transient residence permits, wage labor and transfer of money to middlemen and family in the home country. They are far away from their potential children and they work to the benefit of our prosperity, because, when household- and care hands are released, the activity at the Danish labor market increases.

The global care chain

The Philippino men do not take over the care work when mom leaves the family.

In the Philippines this work is viewed as woman’s work, and therefore other

TRANSLATIONS

women are brought to provide this care work. Women throughout the world are thus connected in the global care chain, as the American scholar Arlie Hochschild describes it.

The Danish middle class woman outsource love- and care work to women from Philippines who are underpaid because of their mistaken au pair residence permit and non-citizenship. The Philippina woman outsources the care of her own children in the Philippines to other women in the Philippines, relatives or women with poorer educational background and lower class status, who cannot themselves afford to migrate.

The youngest children of this Philippina woman are, most likely, taken care of by the oldest of the siblings in the family while mom is at work.

The children – the losers of the care chain

their moms and dads. Thirty percent of all Philippino children grow up in the absence of at least one of their parents.

Contrary to the Danish woman, who has the privilege of returning home to her children when the workday is over, the Philippina au pair and her children must live separated by thousands of kilometers and borders. A Danish au pair residence permit does not allow for the company of children, and transnational motherhood implies an almost total separation between mom and child.

It is the voice of these children that is ignored in the global capitalist and gender unequal outsourcing of care work.

Children left behind live in mental distress because they long for the parents who have gone away. In the words of Hochschild, it is the children left behind in the hands of others who are the actual losers in the global heart transplant.

Left out are the losers of the care chain – the children who grow up without

Kvindelige asylansøgeres rettigheder Enhver kvinde har ret til at blive behandlet på en værdig måde, og ret til at hendes køn bliver taget i betragtning, når hendes asylsag behandles, pointerer britiske asylorganisationer. Alligevel har kun otte lande i verden retningslinjer for behandling af kvinder, der søger asyl.

af Marie Sauer-Johansen En aften sidst i december var en gruppe forsamlet i Trampolinhuset, et brugerdrevent kulturhus i København.

Det var den første uge i husets liv, og rummene var stadig kun halvvejs indrettede. Bare hvide vægge og solgule, nymalede boghylder, som passede til den varme atmosfære, og duften af en krydret gryderet i køkkenet mødte gæsterne, som i dette øjeblik lyttede til en velkomsttale holdt af visAvis’ redaktør Jeppe Wedel-Brandt: ”Når jeg ser på samfundet, er det helt tydeligt for mig, at der er noget galt med den måde, vi behandler migranter og folk, der søger asyl. Det gør mig vred. Og det får mig til at føle, at jeg bliver nødt til at handle,” sagde han. At dømme efter de folk, der lyttede til hans tale var det ikke kun interiøret i huset, der befandt sig på et håbefuldt snarere end på et realiseret stadium; kønsbalancen mellem gæsterne gav også plads til forbedring. Der var kun ganske få kvinder til stede. Omkring 80 procent af de tilstedeværende var mænd på imellem 20 og 40 år. Selvom de fleste gæster var høflige og var kommet for at feste, skabte majoriteten af mandlige gæster et nærmest fysisk pres, der fik hver en fiber i min ellers ikke i traditionel forstand feministiske krop til at råbe: ”Hvor er alle kvinderne?” Som aftenen skred frem med masser af snak, dans og drikken, blev der også tid til en tidlig evaluering af situationen. Vi kom til den

konklusion, at de fleste kvinder, som bor på asylcentre, ikke var kommet til festen, fordi den var blevet annonceret som en fest, der inkluderede alkohol.

Det havde skræmt kvinder væk, der måske hellere ville have deltaget i en begivenhed tidligere på dagen uden alkoholudskænkning. Efterhånden som vi talte med flere folk, kom det imidlertid frem, at mange kvinder med børn faktisk havde planlagt at deltage i festen. Men de var blevet skubbet bagerst i køen af unge mænd, som var ivrige efter at gribe chancen for at komme væk fra deres hverdags ensformige venten. Kvinderne var derfor ikke kommet med de gratis busser, som skulle transportere gæsterne fra asylcentrene til Trampolinhuset.

Det er klart, at situationen delvis skyldtes, at vi som begyndere hverken var bevidste om behovet for at reservere pladser til kvinder og børn på busserne eller om at udelukke alkoholindtagelse.

Men det faktum, at denne fejl så nemt blev begået af folk, som er godt bekendte med vilkårene i danske asylcentre, og som allerede arbejder på at forbedre de selv samme vilkår, understreger den større problematik omkring asylsøgende kvinders sårbarhed og vigtigheden af at sikre deres rettigheder.

Som kvinde ved lanceringsfesten skræmte overvægten af mænd mig ikke ligefrem. Men den fik mig til at føle mig som del af et meget lille mindretal, nærmest skrøbelig, og meget akut bevidst om min egen kvindelighed. Hvis

jeg følte sådan, hvor stærkt må så ikke en lignende situation påvirke en kvinde, som er alene i et fremmed land?

En kvinde, som måske er en ud af de 70 procent af kvinder, der søger asyl, som ifølge britiske undersøgelser, der påberåber sig verdensomspændende relevans, er blevet voldtaget, enten i deres hjemland eller under deres rejse?

Aisha* er en af disse kvinder. Da hun kom til Danmark var hun et nervevrag.

Hun var blevet voldtaget flere gange af soldater i sit hjemland; hendes mand var blevet dræbt og hun havde på egen hånd formået at få bragt sig selv og sine børn udenfor fare og sikkert til Danmark. Tre måneder efter hun kom til landet, boede hun i et asylcenter, omgivet af fremmede, som hun var bange for, og havde kun set en psykolog to gange – hver gang havde hun fortalt sin historie gennem en mandlig tolk: ”Jeg ville ikke fortælle en mand, at jeg var blevet voldtaget,” fortalte hun mig. ”Nogle gange var mine børn med mig, når jeg blev interviewet af politiet, og fordi jeg ikke ville have, at de skulle vide, hvad der var sket med mig, kunne jeg ikke fortælle hele min historie.” Heldigvis fik Aisha og hendes børn asyl på grundlag af deres status som ofre for politisk forfølgelse.

Men ikke alle kvinder, som søger asyl er lige så heldige; nogle søger asyl for at undgå kønsbaseret forfølgelse som tvangsægteskaber, tvungen prostitution eller omskæring – alle grunde som ikke entydigt er inkluderet i flygtninge-

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

konventionen fra 1951. ”FNs flygtningekonvention fra 1951 er et produkt af sin tid og er skrevet ud fra et mandligt perspektiv. Den bør i langt højere grad inkludere kvinders rettigheder,” fortalte Debora Singer fra den britiske organisation Asylum Aid, da jeg besøgte hende dette forår i organisationens lille kontor i London. En af de måder, hvorpå flygtningekonventionen kan tolkes på en kønssensitiv måde, er ved at udvikle og implementere retningslinjer som respekterer kønsforskelle, meget passende kaldet ”kønsspecifikke retningslinjer”.

UNHCR har udviklet kønsspecifikke retningslinjer. Alligevel er der indtil videre kun seks lande udenfor Europa, som har etableret juridiske retningslinjer for at sikre rettighederne for kvindelige asylansøgere som supplement til deres asyllove; Australien, Canada, Sydafrika og USA. I Europa har kun Storbritannien og Sverige gjort det, mens otte andre lande har inkluderet kønsrelaterede punkter i deres asyllov; Belgien, Tjekkiet, Finland, Tyskland, Litauen, Holland, Norge og Schweiz.

Takket være Storbritanniens relativt omfattende retningslinjer i forhold til køn har UNHCR udnævnt det til det land, som har den mest kønssensitive asylpolitik. Dets kønsspecifikke retningslinjer sikrer grundlæggende rettigheder, såsom retten til at blive interviewet af en person af samme køn og indlogering i rene kvindeboliger. Alligevel er kvindelige asylansøgeres rettigheder stadig langt fra de samme som britiske kvinders rettigheder. Særligt hvad angår lægehjælp, beskyttelse imod overgreb og omsorg forud for og efter fødsler, er standarderne for kvinder der søger asyl betydeligt lavere end de er for

andre kvinder i Storbritannien. Dette er noget, Asylum Aid arbejder på at ændre. ”Der er kommet store forbedringer i forhold til kønsfølsomhed i forbindelse med strafferetten og i fængselssystemet i Storbrittanien,” fortalte Debora Singer mig. ”Så der er ingen grund til at den samme form for kønsfølsomhed ikke skulle indføres af det britiske Border Agency (UKBA).” For at påvirke UKBA, som håndterer alle asylansøgninger og få dem til at indføre mere kønsfølsomme arbejdsgange, har Asylum Aid udviklet erklæringen ”Charter of Rigths of Women Seeking Asylum”.

Erklæringen blev offentliggjort i 2008, og siden har næsten 200 organisationer tilsluttet sig den inklusive Amnesty International UK, Liberty, Oxfam og Rape Crisis.

Hvis Danmark havde kønsspecifikke retningslinjer, ville situationen for kvinder som Aisha blive betydeligt forbedret, fordi hun ville have været i stand til at fortælle sandheden til den person fra politiet, som interviewede hende.

For mange kvinder ville indførelsen af kønsspecifikke retningslinjer kunne ændre svaret på deres asylansøgning.

UNHCRs kønsspecifikke retningslinjer gjorde det i en berømt sag fra Storbritannien fra 2005, hvor den unge kvinde Fornah, som flygtede fra Sierra Leone for at undgå omskæring, fik tilkendt fuld beskyttelse under flygtningekonventionen i en appelsag som fastslog, at hun som kvinde tilhørte en særlig udsat social gruppe, der risikerer at blive underlagt umenneskelig behandling i sit hjemland. Dommen skabte retslig præcedens og har dermed siden hjulpet mange kvinder i lignende situationer i Storbritannien.

91

Selvom indførelsen af kønsspecifikke retningslinjer har forbedret situationen for kvindelige asylansøgere i lande som Storbritannien, er det reelle behov i forhold til behandlingen af såvel mænd og kvinder som søger asyl et kulturskifte. ”Det er et stort fremskridt, at UKBA er kommet så langt som til at anerkende, at nogle sager bliver afvist, simpelthen fordi kønsbaseret forfølgelse ikke anerkendes, eller fordi proceduren, som interviews udføres i, ikke tillader kvinder at sige sandheden,” sagde Debora Singer. ”Men kun at se på spørgsmål som træning og retningslinjer er ikke nok. Det handler om kultur: Vi bliver nødt til at sikre os, at hensynet til køn internaliseres i procedurerne og i beslutningssystemet.” Mens hun talte, trommede hun med fingrene på en rapport med den beslutsomme overskift: ”Every Single Woman”, og mindede mig om den følelse jeg havde haft ved visAvis’ lanceringsfest: Vi bliver nødt til at sikre os, at det arbejde, vi som aktivister gør for at beskytte det enkelte menneskes rettigheder, også tager højde for de forskellige behov, som de folk, vi forsøger at hjælpe, har – inklusiv kønsspecifikke behov. Jeg håber, at Asylum Aid og lignede organisationers effektive arbejde kan føre til større opmærksomhed på behovet for kønsfølsomhed, både hos organisationer, institutioner og hos græsrødder. *Aisha er et pseudonym

The crime of border crossing Asylum seekers in Denmark are treated like criminals. They are isolated, excluded and incarcerated. But, is it a crime to seek asylum in Denmark? Are asylum seekers criminals?

Or, is the criminal asylum seeker actually created by the society itself? This article examines the background and consequences of political initiatives and provisions that lead to criminalization of people who seek asylum in Denmark.

By Ann Sofie Brink Pedersen Asylum seekers in Denmark are not allowed to perform paid work. Many asylum seekers must live in isolated camps in areas with poor public transportation far away from towns, city life and people.

Rejected asylum seekers are subjected to financial sanctions, moved to particular deportation camps or held in the custody of the Prison Service in The Secret Prison Ellebæk, as Amnesty International has recently described it.

But, what legitimizes these restrictive and isolationist provisions towards, and conditions for asylum seekers?

What is the explanation for treating asylum seekers like criminals? In the words of Michala Clante Bendixen and the The Committee for Underground

Refugees, we must ask “Is it a crime to seek asylum?”

Guilty until proven innocent

In the article “Lägrets Politik” (“The politics of the Camp”), the Swedish researchers Mekonnen Tesfahuney and Magnus Dahlstedt discuss the criminalization and incarceration of asylum seekers. They point out that “Rootlessness, this feature of migration, defies the claim for territorial loyalty and cultural homogeneity that the state demands from its subjects” (personal translation).

By merely crossing national borders the asylum seeker is, like the criminal, seen as guilty of disturbing the order of societ y – of the national government’s homogenizing principle of order. Furthermore, the asylum seeker’s reason

for border crossing is not yet known and therefore, apparently, suspicious.

The asylum seeker is, unlike the “usual” criminal, guilty until proven innocent. I.e., until she or he has proven that she or he meets the requirements of the UN’s Refugee Convention, and until the asylum-seeking person in question is thereby legitimized as a “true refugee”.

Only then is she or he allowed to step out of the criminal asylum seeker identity.

The restrictions are tightened if it turns out that the asylum-seeking person cannot be defined in accordance with the UN Refugee Convention. The border crossing, that is seen as disturbing, and the rootlessness are judged to be illegitimate, thus the crime of the asylum-seeking person has been proven. In such instances, the authorities re-

92

No. 5 2011

sort to so-called motivational methods like the “food allowance” program and relocation orders.

The Iraqi married couple Zeena Rassam and her husband Salam Mansour told Fagbladet 3F that, although they are allowed to go out and to receive visits, they “feel like prisoners in a prison” (personal translation). Zeena and Salam are rejected asylum seekers who live in Sandholm surrounded by a steel fence, and who are required to make frequent appearances at the local police station.

When criminalization produces crime…

Bendixen problematizes the consequences of the criminalization of asylum seekers in Denmark. She focuses on some of the evidence cited by the arguments in favor of tight refugee policies, namely the low level of employment and the high crime rates among refugees with residence permits in Denmark.

Bendixen suggests that these problems might be created by society itself; that the relatively low rates of employment in Denmark and the relatively high rates of crime in the refugee community might in fact be a consequence of the tight refugee policies, rather than the other way around.

Thus, Bendixen points out that the crimes that we seek to eradicate via strict asylum policies, are actually a product of those policies: “They are perceived as criminals from the beginning, they have to work ille-

TRANSLATIONS

gally to earn enough money to meet their most basic needs, they are forced to reside for years in big camps where all the residents face problems and traumas, neither treatment for traumas nor Danish education are offered until they have gained a residence permit, [and] they do not receive the necessary help they need in order to upgrade/adapt their competencies to the Danish labor market” (personal translation).

The foundation for restrictive refugee policies is established when a group of people are criminalized on the basis of their externally-defined belonging to the “Asylum Seeker” category. These restrictive refugee policies risk producing exactly the crime that they seek to reduce.

Crime is produced via strict refugee policies, financial impoverishment and incarceration. This resulting crime then encourages and reproduces existing prejudices about “the criminal asylum seeker”. Therefore, a self-perpetuating cycle is created where the basis for restrictive differential treatment is confirmed – namely the idea that asylum seekers are criminal people – until proven innocent.

Useful Criminalization?

We are left asking ”why?”. Why maintain policies that make asylum seekers like Zeena and Salam feel like criminals?

And why maintain restrictive refugee policies and isolationist asylum policies if these policies actually traumatize, im-

poverish, exclude people, and produce real crime among refugees who have gained residence permits in Denmark?

Does the self-perpetuating cycle of criminalization have a function?

Tesfahuney and Dahlstedt help us answer this question. They point out that “Citizenship and ‘refugeeness’, those who belong and others who do not belong, are (…) two sides of the same coin.

One side cannot be separated from the other” (personal translation).

In other words, the presence of the asylum seeker is, paradoxically, necessary for the project and continuation of the national state. This is the function of the self-perpetuating cycle of criminalization.

The criminalization allows us to reject the asylum seeker as one of Them.

In this way, the asylum seeker is kept as the example of the inappropriate Other, which by its presence marks what We neither will nor ought to tolerate: the rootless, the border crosser, and the alien who defies homogeneity and order. Without the presence of the Asylum Seeker, who is excluded and thereby marks the Other, the advocates of the national state simply do not understand their project. Nor do they understand themselves.

As one people, and as the imagined homogenous and national community Denmark.

In the shadow of the law – notes on loss of liberty Asylum seekers in Denmark are treated like criminals. They are isolated, excluded and incarcerated. But, is it a crime to seek asylum in Denmark? Are asylum seekers criminals?

Or, is the criminal asylum seeker actually created by the society itself? This article examines the background and consequences of political initiatives and provisions that lead to criminalization of people who seek asylum in Denmark.

by Christina Marie Jespersen

Atmosphere

The corridors are deserted between shaded walls. Neutral, in a friendly way, the light dimmed, as if it promised discretion, scattered or divided between enlightenment and darkness, moments of closeness. Courtrooms are numbered. I’m waiting in front of door number seven, where an application for extended detention is to be renewed by a judge. Case number 1246. That is all I know.

Loss of liberty and the Law

Administrative loss of liberty is a term which describes the option that police has to arrest a person who has not committed a crime, but who could be a danger to himself or others. Usually, it is people who are intoxicated, mentally ill or expelled asylum seekers. The case is brought to court within 24 hours,

in accordance with the Danish Constitution. For expelled asylum seekers, who are subject to the Aliens Act, the timeframe is longer; 3x24 hours, at which point asylum seekers are either set free or confined in Ellebæk. If they are imprisoned, their case is formally renewed every four weeks, although once the legal framework that allows confinement is in place, asylum seekers can in principle stay in confinement for an indefinite time period..

In January 2011 there were 64 people in Ellebæk prison, which is in fact not a real prison, but a restricted area populated by detained asylum seekers and overseen by the prison administration.

In this case, the difference between imprisonment and loss of liberty seems to be mainly rhetorical rather than practical, possibly because the premises that allow detention are not the same as the ones which allow actual imprisonment.

Protection against administrative detention is one of the classical human rights. Personal liberty is inviolable; equality and freedom are ideals of the democratic society and the Danish Constitution. The Aliens Act does not have the same ideals, which is why there is a difference between the rights granted to all humans, according to the universal declaration of human rights, and the rights granted to citizens of any particular nation by their national laws.

In 1983 there was an opening for a significant gap in the legislative process in relation to Aliens Act. The amendment meant that the Refugee Appeals Board decision in asylum cases became final and binding (see Aliens Act § 56 paragraph 8). The Refugee Appeals Board is not a court but only a quasi-judicial body. Although the purpose of the Refugee Appeals Board was to give asylum seekers a fairer trial, it is in effect a kind

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

of parallel system to the existing legal order.

It is still the court which subsequently treats the cases of loss of liberty. In 2001 a bill was added to the Aliens Act § 36. It includes the following statement:

“Creating the possibility of detaining asylum seekers who are administratively deported because of crime and asylum seekers who through their behaviors present significant barriers to asylum inquiry.”

It is not in conflict with fundamental human rights or the Danish Constitution to detain as long as it is according to the law and delivered judgment.

The role of the courts

The court’s role is to decide whether the police assessment of the necessity of detention is in accordance with the law. It is the police who are prosecuting these cases. According to the court’s guidelines, the police makes a case with a concrete reason for any future offense.

Thus the court’s task is to assess the validity of police assessment of the need for detention.

A ‘concrete reason for further offence’ is not the same as an infringement; it is a reasonable suspicion of a possible violation. Only twice in five years has the court refused to approve the assessment made by the police. This is because the law allows a trial without a violation having occurred. This is why the condition is called ‘loss of liberty’ because actual imprisonment is illegal under similar conditions.

There has been increasing focus on the situation at Ellebæk, both with regards to vulnerable asylum seekers who are locked up despite traumas, women who are victims of trafficking and with regards to lawsuits which are handled within a timeframe of 15 minutes. The short treatment time is explained by the fact that cases are so-called type cases, which means that they are similar and therefore do not require a long time for treatment.

Shadows of the words

Type case, the concrete reason, the reasonable suspicion, the object, fear or the tiny seeds detention stems from, that underlies the necessity of the detention: There are many names for these cases, but it has yet been quite impossible to find examples of concrete cases.

The problem is that no notes are taken during the proceedings; evidence of the lawsuit does not exist and in order to view delivered judgments, you must have the right to access documents. This is despite the fact that the lawsuits are ostensibly public and have previously been supervised by both Amnesty International and the UN.

Notes from Courtroom number 7, a casual April morning. The judge is sitting at the end of the room, on his left hand is the representative of the National Police, who is prosecuting. To

the right sits the appointed counsel. I sit at the opposite end, waiting, as we all seem to wait. To my right, the door is finally opening and two cops enter with the accused. “He’s a little afraid”, says one officer. I think he looks like a frightened child. The accused is placed next to the interpreter. They have their faces turned towards the judge and their backs turned towards me. In total, there are eight people present in the room. It is being checked with the interpreter that he and the accused can understand each other. They speak an Afghan language.

The representative of the National Police submits the case to explain why continued detention is necessary:

The accused has applied for asylum in April 2009. He says he was born in 1994. The Department of Forensic Medicine, however, argues that he was born in 1990, after having investigated the accused’s teeth. The accused has been denied asylum by the Refugee Board in October 2010, because of his teeth. In November, he appeared for inspection, but refused to contribute to the departure because he did not agree with the age determination. The judge asks him if his birth date is not the 17th of January 1994. January 7, the client corrects. The Danish authorities approached the authorities in Kabul to get the client identified in December 2010. The case was resumed in February 2011, but rejected again. The client still does not want to cooperate on planning his departure. I remind myself that this is a case about deprivation of liberty and not about asylum. So I assume that the discussion about the client’s age manifests that he “remains substantially impedes in the asylum inquiry”(see § 36 paragraph 8) and his unwillingness to cooperate to plan his departure to Afghanistan, are the reasons to detain him.

He does, however, turn up for the meeting scheduled to plan his departure, but still refuses to leave. Authorities in Kabul have now been asked for assistance in the departure operation and they want extra guards on the plane from Frankfurt to Kabul, so it requires planning. The send-off is scheduled for mid-May and to ensure success, the police find it appropriate to continue detention. The judge interposes here and points out that there is 31 days to departure and detention can only be extended with 30 days. The representative of the National Police refers to the arrest date, as applicable and this will remain inside the limit of 30 days. The judge regrets the overlooked detail and approves extended deprivation of liberty for the accused.

Responsibility

The role of the Police as the arm of the law is to maintain peace and order.

Their enhanced role here is not just to carry out actions but also to assess a possible breach of law. This is not unique. But they comply with the law.

93

As mentioned, the Court then justifies the validity of police suspicion, that is whether it is consistent with the very same law.

About these kind of trials, Søren Pind has told the newspaper Information: “I put my faith in the judge”.

There is every reason to feel assured by such trust to the courts. In Denmark, the law traditionally represents an objective order which specifies guidelines to guarantee a just trial. This strength in justice is not only a product of the separation of powers, but also the political use of guidance and advice from officials in the legislative process. And at the other end the Supreme Courts has the opportunity to say stop, as we have just seen this year with the so-called ‘Lømmelpakke’. In this type of legislation though, it has been customary that policies are bypassing the usual council and offices. Necessity and urgency of so-called urgency laws or necessity laws justify it. Common to the concepts is that they are created as exceptions to the existing legal order.

Necessity and exception

The laws seen in a number of changes since 2001 are based on a postulate of necessity that is that it lies outside the parliamentary procedure in democratic legislative process, it deviates from the norm, and it is an exception in legislation. This means in effect that it operates in a space where other laws and regulations are put on a hold. An asylum seeker is not protected by the Danish law, but a system has been created outside the law body, here the ideals is not freedom and equality, but has the main function of maintaining public and state security. Exemption law replaces the words equality and freedom with a promise of security. Security against what, one could legitimately ask. And the answer is: fear, the inseparable companion of safety, and a necessity to justify fear. The fear here could take shape as everything from terrorist threats to the fear of getting old, but the fact is that here it is muddles. Not to say that fear cannot be real, but the legislative process rooted in emergency legislation is unclear and this is reflected in the ambiguity in judgments based on the assumption of offense.

Object

There is no offence, there is no concrete object; the real deficiencies exist in the trial itself. The basis of justice and legal system is a vacuum, where the real offence is nowhere to be seen. The only thing existing is that which directly mirrors the icy behind it. A promise of security against unclear and mixed threats, nurtured by the media and politicians.

Fear creates the possibility for people who are not protected by the laws of a particular democratic state to be judged by this state. As if the small Danish head had got too big helmet on, and in order

94

No. 5 2011

for it to stay on, it has to be filled with something.

When the storm rages and the logic falters in this system, it is because the system / law in itself is a closed circuit that has its origin and legitimacy outside that circuit. Here, the politician dictates the legislation, although there is no real offense; the claim of lawlessness or the case itself is based on a presumption of future action. The circuit is transcendent as power itself. This closed system with transcendent positions mimicks a theological structure.

The problem with this anachronistic law is that the emergency law requires sacrifice. The simplest explanation is that without sacrifice, there is no concrete proof that the power and the court is real. The power creates security against fear and if the fear is not designated, there is no need for power itself, and therefore it must sacrifice.

Sacrificing

With a power that stands outside the system, man is subject to a theological structure. This structure is reminiscent to that which Kierkegaard describes in “Fear and Trembling”. It is the story of Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice his son Isaac to God. In return for showing his faith and loyalty to God he is promised safety. The victim is a necessary part of a structure which

TRANSLATIONS

originates outside itself; the victim becomes its justification. Why? Because that which is not actually present, apart from as a transcendent power, requires sacrifice to prove its presence as a power… Kierkegaard’s synonym in “Fear and Trembling” is John de Silencio, the one who in silence testifies to the mechanism between the sovereign and the sacrifice, a void where there is no sound. But it might also, as John the Baptist, be the one who by naming the nameless and through identification reinstate man as human being (citizen) in an order where transcendence is clarity and silence will speak. The name/identification becomes a bridge between human and system.

Epilogue

This is not an article about individual cases or an attempt to identify scapegoats. The article stems from my own incomprehension of the treatment of people in the democratic society of which I am part. My mission is primarily to understand and expose the processes that are contrary to the values I grew up with in Denmark. I refer here to equality and freedom, but most of all to respect for humans, the basic human rights. I see a legislation process, which has been strangely sidetracked, which screams of asymmetry. We see it happen, but what is seen? We bomb and

gas countries, calling it liberation and hoist the flag of democracy, but refuse to deliver on the obligations which must follow the annihilation of one system for another one, which is supposed to represent something better. It must be the least you can do to treat the victims with dignity.

The political discourse seems to pollute the language, as if legislative process is an uncontrollable Midgaardsorm hidden beneath beautifully constructed rhetorics. The meanings of freedom, solidarity and necessity seems to be consumed, leaving behind an empty plate, as if lacking a new or purified language, which can againconnect words with action and responsibility, knowledge with certainty and give transparency to the system. Fortunately, help is at hand. I have in Peter Høilund “Fear Court” from 2010 found an analysis of the Danish legislation system’s distortions during the recent years. Although Høilund’s book does not deal with deprivation of liberty, which means that my reference to the book can only be attributed to me, it enlightens cross-cultural elements in the legislative process. Readers are hereby invited to continue reading in “Fear Court” and of course in yet unread articles in the magazine in front of you.

Stop Deportations – and the demarcation between ‘peaceful volunteers’ and ‘violent activists’ Arrests and deportations of rejected asylum seekers takes place in a kind of twilight zone outside the public eye. Stop Deportations is the name of an asylum actitivist group that concretely tries to obstruct deportations in airports and make them visible. The following considers this form of activism theoretically on the basis of interviews with activists of the group.

by Søren Rafn In his groundbreaking work Modernity and the Holocaust from 1989 the Polish-British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman describes the Holocaust as a distinctly modern phenomenon that was unthinkable without modern bureaucracy and instrumental rationality.

The Holocaust cannot be explained as a relapse into barbarism, or a manifestation of Hitler’s madness. It is rather a phenomenon that our civilization has not yet rejected. The more advanced technologies and control mechanisms of the modern civilization are still perceived as the shield that defends us against barbaric violence and insecurity. Modern civilization does not eradicate violence at all, however, but only removes it from sight and moves it into what Bauman describes as the violence of ‘the twilight zones’. And by monopolizing violence it gives way for developing the means of violence without restriction.

L and her three children R (22), A (17) and S (15) were arrested three o’clock the morning of the 26th of October 2010 and imprisoned in Ellebæk at Camp Sandholm.They were released a few days later with orders to stay near Sandholm.

den from the public, but where arrests of rejected asylum seekers are typically disguised by the darkness of night.

Likewise they focus on the airport where borders are not just a matter of airport detentions and the migration control of airlines, but where deportations also take place as covertly as possible. The group can be said to challenge the state’s monopoly of violence in the hidden zones of violence by means of civil disobedience and direct actions.

The declared goal of the group is to stop the deportations or make them as difficult as possible. However, their actions can just as well be understood as symbolic events with the underlying aim to make the invisible violence visible.

Stop Deportations is the name of an asylum actvist group. It consists of a loose network of alternating people who focus on ‘civilized’ society by zooming in on its violent twilight zones. They focus on the asylum camp, for example, where asylum seekers are not only hid-

Stop Deportations wants to eliminate the passivity that maintains the structural violence of society. The group maintains that their reactions are emotional; based on impulses of helplessness, anger and frustration. They take place on basis of information about

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

In August 2010 the three police officers appeared in an apartment that belonged to an Iranian girl. They arrested her 70-year-old parents whom the girl took care of in the apartment. The family was sent to Ellebæk. The woman got her arm twisted by the police. Subsequently she had to stay home from work with pain in the shoulder and arm. The father, who has a heart disease, had chest pains, but the daughter was refused to call 112. future deportations that are available to the group in one way or another. The feeling of helplessness does not lead to pure aggression however (actions have never caused an injury). It intensifies both spontaneity and professionalism.

The group plans everything thoroughly; necessary equipment is provided, maps are drawn – and the unthinkable outcome is considered in the action: What is to be done if the freeing of the deportees becomes a real possibility?

But the fact that a freeing may rarely be a reality is also considered. Actions are primarily understood as nonprogrammatic manifestations beyond the logic of utilitarianism. They are thus driven by a basic ethical attitude rather than instrumental rationality.

The actions are concretely manifested in barricades, or other attempts at intervention, near the detention centre of Camp Sandholm, Ellebæk. Once the group made a bonfire on Ellebækvej and threw themselves atop a police car before they were pushed away. But it is the airport operations that have become the trademark of the group.

Here barricades are made in front of check in, and members of the group chain themselves to the counter. Meanwhile airport staff and passengers are informed of the goings on. In one action the group booked two tickets on a flight with a rejected asylum seeker.

This action was a particular success: The two ‘activist tourists’ refused to get on the plane, encouraged by the other activists who informed them that a deportation was going on. This created great awareness of the situation among the staff and in the airport generally.

The emotional impulse of the group must be understood in connection to an uncompromising political critique of existing social structures. Stop Deportations took its name from a former anti-fascist group and established itself in 2007. At that time several of its

activists had begun to spend time in the Danish asylum camps and became aware of the deportation system that was carried hidden from the public. In particular the group found reason to protest against the deportations because many convicted Iraqis, including people who had atoned their sentences, were administratively expelled. These cases showed a clear legal disfavorment, but they also induced the group to take action against what it perceived as a racist asylum system. The group focused on fundamental rights issues regardless of individual backgrounds. The protests were supposed to express opposition to the deportations as such and thus also to the existence of national borders – rather than just the behavior of the Danish state.

In my opinion the relationship between emotions and criticism built on principle can be seen as follows: Stop Deportations does not react on the basis of specific human suffering, or on the basis of human compassion. It reacts as a matter of principle – and through its actions underscores the existence of an unjust system. But the group still reminds us that it is humans who are affected by the systemic violence through the act of responding to specific expulsions. In this context emotions can be seen to be caused by structural and systemic injustice, but they do not abstract from the concrete human fates involved. In this way Stop Deportations moves beyond both scientific coldness and the nonscientific compassion.

With its fundamental opposition to deportations Stop Deportations addresses the nation state and the nation-state demarcations in a globalized world where borders are increasingly contended and constantly have to be moved and renegotiated. The group focuses on the fact that Danish border control to a great extent is carried out within a European framework; at the borders of Europe – and that the border control of Europe has been moved onto the African continent. Here it is carried out by non-state airlines and other private actors, at least until very recently also in cooperation with North African dictators. All of this happens in a global economic landscape where migrants might be unwanted, but are paradoxically also necessary labor in maintenance of national economic sovereignty. In this light the boundaries between ‘them’ and ‘us’ become more and more indistinct and constantly have to be reinforced if the notion of national identity shall be maintained.

Migration seems an inevitable ‘threat’ that makes the nation state act more and more desperately.

One can object that Stop Deportations confirms the structure they supposedly challenge, however; by always re-acting, by always running after, by routinely occupying a permanent space linked to deportations as if in a theater play. Thus they confirm the eternity of the system.

Rightfully it should be mentioned that Stop Deportations does actions other

95

than spontaneous reactions to deportations. The group held a demonstration against the EU border agency Frontex, for instance. As an example of a different kind of action it may also be mentioned that the group in one case prevented entry to the Immigration Service from outside. They did this by means of simple tools such as glue and matchsticks leaving the following message on the door: “Closed due to racism.” The reason for this action was that a 52-year-old Iraqi woman had been lured into a trap and arrested after an interview at the Immigration Service - as Farhiya Khalid describes February 10 2010 on Modkraft.dk.

Stop Deportations wants to explore alternatives to airport operations and in the future react earlier in the deporta-

Monday the 16th of August 2010 a 52-year-old Iranian mother was deported by force to Iran. She came to Denmark two years earlier after she had been active in the rebellion against the Iranian regime.

Her asylum application was refused, and she was arrested and placed in Ellebæk for two months. Three weeks earlier the Danish authorities had tried to deport her, but she protested loudly against it at the airport, and the stewards refused to take her on board. After this episode the woman was finally placed – against her will – on an aircraft from Iran Air. According to another passenger she was overpowered by the stewards and forced into silence on this aircraft. tion process. The group also expresses a desire to work closely with the transnational asylum movement in Europe.

Stop Deportations also wants to connect more to the public and to the broader political asylum protest movement in Denmark. This undoubtedly requires that strategies are reconsidered and new ones invented. This is far cry from saying that the group should assimilate or be deradicalised. Rather, Stop Deportations has a momentum due to their focus on borders – since the border violence in the twilight zone moves closer and closer. As mentioned the demarcation will be harder due to the increased pressure on the nation states by globalization. The nation state can no longer put a simple divide between them and us. Potentially the divide cuts through all people: The status of the undocumented migrant changes between legal and illegal, unaccompanied minors are deprived of their residence when

96

No. 5 2011

The second of March 2011 two officers arrived at The Female Center in Kongelunden to escort a 32-year-old rejected asylum seeker from Georgia out of the country. The woman had received a letter three days in advance, but it was said that she was familiar with the letter. The woman asked for a few more days of suspension and tried to explain why she can not return to Georgia, but she was told to follow. The woman then attempted suicide by pulling a knife and stabbing herself twice. they turn 18 – and Danish citizens may lose basic rights like the ability to bring a foreign spouse to the country.

This may occur if the spouse does not have the ‘right’ educational background and adequate language skills. Today we are all potential losers in the casino of global capitalism.

The question is what a group like Stop Deportations can expect from the broader public and the media. When Klaus Rothstein from the newspaper Weekendavisen tried to conceptualize the perhaps upcoming asylum activism in Denmark on Aug 20 2010, he did it by drawing a clear line between a ‘noble project’ like visAvis, who had received the Peace Foundation’s Initiative Prize, and some ‘foolish offenders’ who had thrown paint on the Integration Minis-

TRANSLATIONS

try in protest against a deportation the same day. Thus Rothstein dismissed violence, or vandalism as noise; as a nonlanguage that does not require analysis.

He did this in favor of a communicative project, visAvis, that conversely found itself dismissed as non-violent and sympathetic. Doing this he forgot to ask himself one important question: Could the people from visAvis who received the Peace Foundation’s prize on a warm summers day in Christianshavn not have been some of the same people who went to the awards ceremony after washing the stains of their clothes from that same morning’s action?

The 5th of February 2010 52-year-old K was arrested in Immigration Service in Copenhagen. She had been asked to show up with her passport here in order to talk about her stay. According to K’s son, A, who was present at the arrest, they waited for several hours while the staff smiled at them and gave them fruit. After closing time the door to the room was locked, the police called. K was arrested and taken to Ellebæk.

There is a connection here: The demarcation between ‘them’ and ‘us’ – as the simplified theory of the clash of civilizations, of cultures, tries to sum up, instead of drawing the far more

The Kurdish-Syrian asylum seeker A, one of the Kurdish Syrians who went on hungerstrike in 2010, was deported to Syria on 8th February 2011. He was returned to Denmark by the Syrian authorities the same day. A had been handed over to Syrian authorities by three Danish officers. Since then he was handed over to men from the Syrian intelligence service and whipped as pictures of his back filled with red marks from the beatings showed clearly. complex picture of a global civilization of clashes – this simplification is played out in the media in the form of a dualistic division of peaceful volunteers and violent activists. Also, among the more humanistic journalists, it seems there is little hope that the the media can and will let go of the safety of demarcations. Rather the question is whether a broader political asylum movement and a new public can and will let go of this safety? As mentioned, there is no doubt that Stop Deportations must connect to the broader political public that works with asylum issues, and that perhaps begins to merge in civil society.

But if a political movement shall have more than symbolic significance it is equally important for a broader asylum public to connect strongly to a phenomenon such as Stop Deportations.

Deja-vu af Patrick De første forsigtige stråler af lys, der kryber op ad den gamle skallende væg i den tidlige morgen, som en eller andens mand, der vender tilbage til det ægteskabelige soveværelse efter en hel nats druktur, begyndte at vække folk sovende i to lag midt i den kæmpe sportshal. Hallen var sat af til boplads, jernsenge var installeret i to lag i flygtningelejren på grund af mangel på senge i de designerede sovearealer.

Lejren var en tidligere militærbarak, der blev overflødig efter Warszawapagtens fald og reduktionen i forbindelse med den minimerede kvantitet af væbnede NATO-styrker i Europa. Regeringen besluttede, at soldaterne nu skal beskytte deres moderland, ikke på dets eget territorium, men i Irak, Afghanistan eller Libyen.

Denne mand kommer til at have en hård dag i dag – han må gå til det lokale politi, fortælle dem om måden han nåede dette europæiske land og give dem hans fingeraftryk. Og hvor overbevisende han vil fortælle sin historie, vil afgøre, om

han bliver troet af politiet og om hans ansøgning vil tage sted i dette land, og i større skala – hele hans fremtid. Politiet i hans land var meget vrede og spurgte altid efter penge, og af denne grund er manden meget nervøs – hvordan vil de være her?

På ben stive af spænding klarer han kun lige at gå til de gule nedslidte barakker, hvor politikontrollen i denne flygtningelejr er placeret. I et smalt rum med træbænke placeret på begge sider, venter også andre flygtninge på deres tur til rendezvouse zer aflæses en stor spænding og frygt. Menneskelig radio fortæller skræmmende historier om en af de kvindelige politibetjente i en vægtkategori over 200 kilo, med en stemme, der kan overdøve dampbådes fløjter og ynde som en gravid elefant i en porcelænsbutik. Hun hader alt omkring sig, men mere end noget andet hader hun sig selv. Overlevelsesinstinktet tillader hende ikke at skade sig selv. Hun hælder gladeligt sin onde energi ud over omgivelserne, særligt for dem, der er i hendes hænder og ikke kan svare hende passende.

Manden forsøger at drive de dårlige tanker væk, men pludselig bliver hans hoved seriøst svimmelt. Han rejser sig og spørger manden med svag stemme: ”hvor er toilettet?” Den stivbenede mand går i den viste retning.

Hans øjne mørknes, uden at se åbner han den smadrede dør. I det mørke rum famler han sig frem og finder håndvasken. I samme øjeblik transporteres hans hjerne tusind mil væk fra dette sted. Han vender igen tilbage til den forfærdelige tid, som han så inderligt ønsker at glemme – eksplosioner ringer ud, den høje lyd af tankenes larvefødder og skrigene fra døende folk, alt blandet sammen til en monstrøs larm.

Manden åbner sine øjne, som om han vågner fra det værste mareridt, men omkring ham er alt det samme. Den samme væg og det samme spejl, og med de samme øjne ser han det samme ansigt, nu kun tyve år ældre. Manden skriger i terror, situationens overvældethed er for meget at klare, og det store bundløse vanvid kollapser over ham og tager over.

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

97

POEMS FROM DAMASCUS

by Peter Laugesen

No story to tell and who says so? Not worth it, not necessary, not here, not now. No story to tell. The rocks talk, the coins talk. About most and for most, and it doesn’t matter for the most. No story, no history to tell, nothing, not here, not now. Wait, we’ll be back tonight, we’ll be back tomorrow, we’ll be back in October. Forget us, we’re not who you think we are, or that’s exactly who we are. Twisted in the same pose on the dirty clay floor, while cow shit seeps through hair. Coins talk, notes talk. Clinking and crackling as though there were a story, like there were a story to tell, but there isn’t, just the continuous banging of the machine, while someone’s fingers seek a place, from where, what is said, can be heard. No more jazz, please, Interrupted fingers stutter. The letter rolls in but stops before the station, stands and shudders like a rusty locomotive, that hasn’t felt steam, hasn’t seen steam since no one knows. Not here. Not now. No history, no story. Coins talk, rocks whisper. Silence. The road is narrow, the houses are old, completely worn down dirty, once new, no story, like silent sighs they stand black with their dirty dusty windows. The cats in the library’s yard, the old books pressed together on the long, narrow, dusty shelves, the reading room, metal drawers.

There they are. No story, no history. Silent memories. Coins clinking.

ABANDONED SETTLEMENT IN THE DESERT THAT WIND HAS FLUNG SAND AT THAT NOW LIES STILL AND HE WANDERS MORE SLOWLY AND IT IS DESERT IT IS IDLE oh bray and so again it is daybreak four in the morning bray the weary traveller out of the room up the stair to the toilet let him piss braying you masterly Angora goat and companion braying deeper so obviously darkening in wonder of your own ability sounding so awful like no one else and WHY THE HELL DON’T PEOPLE CHOOSE PRIESTS THAT CAN SING

The Pharaoh’s small red fingers seals the eternal silence where the caves on the mountain bay like dogs that salute the sun in the pocket of death

and the wind blows and the sand sings.

As agreed we have parked the old De Soto in the alley down by the door. It’s recognisable, and as long as it’s there you can’t get lost. We agreed that it should be dark blue or black, and that it is. It’s in the sun and the dust so there’s enough space for the street urchins’ graffiti. One of them has written something in Aramaic. He had long curly hair and puffed on a hookah. There was an illuminescent cloud of neon blue framing his face. He’s the one who’s the driver. You can go get the carriage when you need it. He’ll get you home safe.

no words await and no one is calling them they won’t appear they’re laying low like scorpions in fetid shoes

They are the same chains and the same rings, and none of us remember them, and there will be new ones tomorrow, they stand sweaty in the door, the old black clad women and their sons who once played football, and none of them remember us, and tomorrow it’s the same dirty blue plastic chairs, no one remembers them, no one remembers. The long mechanical attempt and the long foolish whispering.

98

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

…DADA and nonsensus communis

( in plain English)

”The term DADA comes from the dictionary. It is terribly simple. In French it means “hobby horse”.

In German it means “good-bye”, “Get off my back”, “Be seeing you sometime”. In Romanian: “Yes, indeed, you are right, that’s it. But of course, yes, definitely, right”. And so forth.” (DADAmanifesto, Hugo ball, 1916)

by Ulla Hvejsel So, what Hugo Ball tells us, from his Swiss exile in 1916 and from the time of WWI with its general loss of meaning, is actually that nonsense is universal. Therefore, I have tried to apply some kind (of) common nonsense to this text, in the hope that it (the nonsense) can make some kind of new universal human sense. Such a common kind of sense is a kind of sense that seems disturbingly absent in the big words of our time.

That is possibly due to the fact that these big words always are bound to be spoken in various mother tongues, each of them with their own particular history.

Hugo Ball, a poet, playwright and German national, as well as dadaist, wrote these DADA-words from neutral Zürich, where he was in exile from Germany and the battlefields of WWI. Zürich at the time, was a jumble of defectors, artists, shabby intellectuals and communists of all kinds and of all kinds of nationalities and perhaps it was this messy jumble of languages, as well as the rather unreliable accounts from the battlefield that made Hugo Ball want to demonstrate how the nonsensical word ’DADA’ could be translated into all these meanings. But although WWI is long gone, language is also on the agenda these days. Recently, for instance, it has been discussed whether or not one should call it ’assimilation’ or ’integration’ when newcomers to Denmark are required to learn the language spoken here. A language which has been indolently inherited from generation to generation, and thus seems to have won some kind of right to be spoken through a petty ”I got here first” kind of argument.

I have a feeling, however, that the old dadaist experiments with nonsense from way back, could help us enlarge this discussion, perhaps even towards a universal gibberish; a sense of community evolving around the fact that we never fully understand each other or can be fully understood. Language

has its limitations, but nevertheless misunderstandings, or other people’s understandings, can take a sentence, an idea or just a thought about nonsense much further than one could have brought it alone.

Maybe this was what Hugo Ball meant with this sentence: ”m’dada, dada m’dada dada mhm, dada dera dada, dada Hue, dada Tza” which he wrote further down in the manifesto. If one tries to translate this seemingly nonsensical sentence into the nonsense of the day, it goes like this: ”m’dada, Dada Dada m’dada the world toay, Dera Dada Dada, Dada Hue, Dada TZA” The nonsense of the day is the contemporary dada-machine: Google translate, wherein I translated these immortal words from Danish, into the currently revolutionary Arabic and then back into Danish again. With that, these words that have been called disillusioned by many, suddenly acquire a new(ly) misunderstood meaning. By sending such an unintentionally encrypted message from 1916 to the world today Hugo Ball may have succeeded with ”A Flight Out of Time” which was also the title of his diary.

Furthermore, if one translates ”m’dada, dada m’dada dada mhm, dada dera dada, dada Hue, dada Tza” from English into Arabic and back to English, it turns out to like this: m’dada, dada m’dada dada important, dada dera dada, dada Hue, dadaTza”.

Thus the world of today may get the message that we must pay close attention, especially to those things that we don’t understand as they may be important.

Vi er 300 – At overvinde marginalisering og gøre krav på en fremtid gennem direkte aktion I januar begyndte 300 immigranter en sultestrejke i Athen med krav om sociale og politiske rettigheder. Immigranterne stod imod alt og sikrede sig visse rettigheder, men kan vi kalde det for en sejr? Og hvad kan vi lære af immigranternes kamp? af Antonios Alexandridis Efter den globale økonomiske krise afstedkom en dominoeffekt, der blotlagde den græske private og offentlige sektors kroniske svaghed, har immigranters, og især udokumenterede immigranters, mere og mere marginale position skabt en ny dynamik. Udokumenterede immigranter på Kreta besluttede i samarbejde med venstrefløjsorganisationer og antiracistiske aktivistgrupper at organisere en aktion, der skulle genforhandle og gøre krav på en ny position for immigranterne ikke blot på den politiske arena,

men også i det græske folks bevidsthed. De 300 migranter, nærmest en samtidig udgave af de 300 spartanere, stod imod alt og udkæmpede et første slag, der ikke kan forbigå nogens opmærksomhed.

Den 25. januar 2011 påbegyndte 250 immigranter i Athen og 50 i Thessaloniki, hovedsageligt fra Nordafrika, eller det vi også kalder Maghreb, en sultestrejke. De var fast besluttede på at kæmpe denne kamp til ende over for den græske regering for at gøre krav på dét, der ellers burde være selvfølgeligt: legalisering af alle immigranter og lige

politiske og sociale rettigheder med græske arbejdere. Den 9. marts, og efter 44 dage med solidaritetsaktioner, manifestationer og demonstrationer med de sultestrejkende i fokus, besluttede den græske regering at imødekomme immigranternes krav, men dog kun delvist og uden at være klare i mælet.

Dagen før sultestrejkens begyndelse samledes 250 immigranter, der lever på Kreta med illegal status, på Chania havnen for at tage båden til Piraeus, Athens havn. Journalister fra den græske onlineavis tvxs.gr var til stede for at lave interviews med nogle af de

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

kommende sultestrejkende. Blandt andet Rashid, en immigrant fra Maghreb, der har boet i Grækenland i fem år, med sin familie og arbejder med sæsonbaseret landbrugsarbejde. At han har arbejdet illegalt i Grækenland i fem år gør hans liv meget hårdt, da han ikke har nogen sundhedsforsikring og er genstand for udbytning af sine chefer, der ofte ikke betaler ham. Han sagde: “Hvis det er dobbelt så svært for grækere nu med krisen, så er det 10 gange så svært for os.” Hans ven Mustaffa var lige så ulykkelig over situationen, men også fast besluttet: “Det er meget svært at tage beslutningen om en sultestrejke, men jeg er ikke bange for noget. Enten tager vi vores papirer, eller så dør vi.” Sammen med deres kammerater foldede de deres banner ud på båden for at anmode det græske folk om solidaritet. Tidligt næste morgen ankom de til Pireaus, hvor repræsentanter fra talrige organisationer, der er aktive i flygtningespørgsmål og politiske partier fra venstrefløjen, såvel som folk fra den anarkistiske bevægelse, bød dem velkommen med klapsalver og paroler mod racisme og udbytning af arbejdere.

Sammen bevægede de sig mod det juridiske fakultet på Athens universitet for at slå sig ned i en bygning, der på det tidspunkt var ude af brug. Der var to grunde til den beslutning. For det første var det den eneste bygning, der kunne rumme et så stort antal mennesker, og for det andet er universitetet i Grækenland et ‘fristed’, hvor politiet ikke må bryde ind uden tilladelse fra rektoren. Alle studenterpartierne fra studenterrådet gav deres samtykke til beslutningen (skønt partierne, der hælder mod det højreorienterede ND, og det ‘socialdemokratiske’, ledende parti, PASOK, trak deres støtte tilbage under enormt politisk pres). Ikke desto mindre bragte immigranterne og deres støtters bosættelse i universitetets bygning et vanvid med sig i de dominerende græske medier. Medierne forsøgte at bringe fokus væk fra sultestrejken og over på den ‘ulovlige’ besættelse af universitetsbygningen. Ydermere krævede højrefløjspartierne ‘ordenen tilbage’ gennem politiinvasion og en generel annullering af fristedssystemet på universiteterne.

At læse nyhedsopdateringerne om aftenen den 27. januar var som at se en krimi. Der var løbende forhandlinger mellem repræsentanter fra immigranterne og deres støttegrupper på den ene side og universitetet og statsautoriteterne på den anden. Sent på aftenen da alle frygtede, at politiet ville invadere, lavede de to parter en aftale.

De ville flytte folkene til en anden bygning i Athen, lejet af staten. Egentlig forsøgte staten at snyde de strejkende ved at påstå at have fundet en bygning til genhusning, hvilket man i realiteten ikke havde. Ejeren af bygningen ville ikke gå med til at huse de 250 immigranter. Heldigvis opdagede nogle folk, hvad der var på færde og det lykkedes dem at forhindre manipulationen. Få timer senere blev problemet endelig løst

og i en demonstration klokken tre om natten begav man sig til den nye bygning, der blev lejet i 15 dage. Efter 15 dage skulle alle forlade bygningen.

Som tiden gik blev flere og flere mennesker direkte involveret i solidaritetsbevægelsen. I den halvanden måned sultestrejken stod på, fandt ni støttedemonstrationer sted alene i Athen og mange flere rundt om i hele Grækenland. Kunstnere arrangerede koncerter, filosoffer og sociale forskere (nogle verdensberømte som Noam Chomsky og Slavoj Žižek kom med erklæringer), politikere fra venstrefløjen gjorde i medierne opmærksom på aktionens vigtighed (på den begrænsede plads de fik tildelt), alle gjorde deres bedste.

Selv det mere traditionalistiske græske kommunistparti viste sin støtte gennem fagforeningen ‘PAME’. Forskellene mellem de forskellige venstrefløjspartier, organisationer og den anarkistiske bevægelse var glemt, og alle var forenet under solidaritetens fane for de sultestrejkende. Under sultestrejken blev mere end hundrede flygtninge indlagt, mens solidaritetsgrupperne erklærede sig parate til slå tilbage, hvis politiet ville forsøge at bortvise dem fra huset, hvor de holdt til. Grækere og udenlandske arbejdere forenede sig som én næve i kampen for retfærdighed.

For nyligt er den nuværende ‘socialdemokratiske’ regering blevet mere og mere upopulær på grund af de stramninger, som den har vedtaget i samarbejde med IMF og Den Europæiske Centralbank, og på grund af sin manglende evne til at bekæmpe den stigende arbejdsløshed og fattigdom. Regeringen vidste, at hvis den ikke begyndte at forhandle en løsning på krisen, ville et dødsfald på en immigrant blive et dyrt tab. På samme tid erklærede ministre fra regeringen, at de ikke ville ændre deres holdning, der var: “Vi vil ikke lade os afpresse af sultestrejken.” På sultestrejkens 39. dag, mens flere og flere personer blev indlagt og presset på regeringen steg på grund af fortsatte direkte aktioner og bredere offentlig opmærksomhed, fremkom regeringen imidlertid med et forslag. Forslaget var seks måneders opholdstilladelse med mulighed for seks måneders forlængelse, legalisering for dem der havde boet i Grækenland i mere end otte år, hvis de kunne bevise det (med kontrakter, der sjældent eksisterer), og nedslag i prisen fra 200 til 120 euro på de mærker (som man får gennem legalt arbejde), der er nødvendige for at forny en opholdstilladelse.

De sultestrejkende lavede en officiel erklæring få timer senere, der afviste forslaget. Alligevel besluttede de sig for at acceptere forslaget fem dage senere.

Dette blev modtaget med blandede følelser. Nogle fejrede resultatet, andre mente, at immigranterne var bukket under for presset fra de mere moderate solidaritetsgrupper, der var bange for at få tildelt ansvaret for en potentielt voldelig konflikt med statsmagten eller

99

en sultestrejkers død.

Før afslutningen på denne artikel finder jeg det relevant at vende tilbage til det spørgsmål, jeg rejste i indledningen: Var det en sejr eller ej? Disse folk pinte deres kroppe for at opnå legalisering, men alt de fik var seks måneder efterfulgt af usikkerhed på ny. Det lykkedes dem at få nedsat prisen på de mærker, der er er nødvendige for fornyelse af deres opholdstilladelse, men til syvende og sidst opnår meget få af dem at få et legalt job.

Så nej, jeg opfatter det som sådan ikke som en sejr, eftersom immigranterne ikke fik, hvad de fortjente, og hvad de kunne have opnået. Men det der efter min mening skal fastholdes fra denne historie er, at den politisk er en stor sejr og et eksempel for alle immigranter og flygtninge i verden. Ved hjælp af organisation og direkte aktion udfordrede de det billede, som medierne prøver at påtvinge os – billedet af immigranter som mennesker, der lever i anonymitet og marginer, skjult for resten af os, villige til at blive udnyttet af lokale chefer på grund af deres uheldige position. Tværtimod kæmpede de for deres rettigheder og sagde dermed: “Det er nok! Vi vil kæmpe for vores ret!” Immigranterne er her for at arbejde sammen med os, men også for at gøre modstand sammen med os mod ‘post-krise kapitalismen’, som magthaverne forsøger at skabe; en ny kapitalisme, som de kalder det, med indskrænkning af de sociale og politiske rettigheder, som arbejderklassen har erobret gennem århundreders kamp. Med den nu stadig mere nedadgående sociale mobilitet fra middelklassen til arbejderklassen, pga. stigende fattigdom og arbejdsløshed, har immigranter i Grækenland skabt et eksempel for folk i Grækenland, Danmark og alle andre lande, der er ramt af krisen. Vi kan imidlertid ikke forvente, at immigranter tager initiativet, da de ikke har den samme status som statsborgere, og dermed ikke den samme sikre position som os. Sammen vil vi kæmpe for en bedre og mere lige verden, hvor mennesker ikke vil have ulige muligheder og ikke vil blive diskrimineret pga. forskellige kulturelle og sociale baggrunde. En verden, hvor alle folk vil have lige muligheder for arbejde, uddannelse og sundhed – fundamentale ting for at et samfund kan blomstre. Nu vil vi alle kæmpe sammen, immigranter og lokale forenet!

Kilder: http://www.tvxs.gr http://athens.indymedia.org http://allilmap.wordpress.com/ http://hungerstrike300.espivblogs.net/

100

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

“Vi har brug for jer, men jeg tror også, I har brug for os” På vegne af Trampolinhuset holdt Mohamed tale til Antifascistisk 1. maj i København.

Publikummet var stort og stemningen fantastisk. Vi bringer her den trykte version af talen.

af Mohamed Mit navn er Mohamed. Mit oprindelsesland er Somalia, men for tiden søger jeg asyl i Danmark og bor i lejren nær Roskilde, kaldet Center Avnstrup. I dag vil jeg sige nogle få ord om et nyt kulturhus og mødested for folk såvel inden for som uden for lejrene. Navnet på dette smukke sted er Trampolinhuset, og det ligger på Skyttegade på Nørrebro.

Men lad mig først sige tak for at invitere Trampolinhuset til at deltage i Antifascistisk 1. maj. Jeg ved, at I alle er her for at vise jeres støtte til revolutionerne i Afrika og Mellemøsten. Og jeg ved, at I er her for at bekæmpe racisme og diskrimination og vise støtte til migranter og asylansøgere. Det giver mig følelsen af, at vi har idéer til fælles, og det får mig til at føle mig meget velkommen. Desværre kunne Trampolinhuset som sådan ikke være en større del af demonstrationen i dag. Som I ved, befinder asylansøgere sig i en helt anderledes social og juridisk position end folk med statsborgerskab. Folk føler sig usikre ved at deltage i politiske begivenheder som denne. Det er hårdt at kæmpe for sine rettigheder, når man ikke har nogen. Det føles som at være med i et slag, der aldrig kan vindes.

Der er nok en grund til, at lejrene er placeret langt fra offentligheden og byen. Lejren er en slags åbent fængsel. Man kan komme ind og gå ud af den, men man har ingen frihed. Der er ikke meget meningsfyldt at lave i lejren, hvilket rent faktisk er meget stressende. Man vågner i et rum og bruger det meste af dagen i det samme rum. Men mennesker har brug for forandringer, de har brug for at bevæge sig, og de har brug for at foretage sig ting. Jeg tror ikke, nogen dansker ville bryde sig om at bruge 24 timer på den måde. Der er også meget lidt udveksling imellem de danskere, der bor i nærheden af lejrene, og asylansøgerne.

Er det humant at placere mennesker sådan et sted?

Trampolinhuset er et brugerstyret kulturhus for asylansøgere og danskere, der kæmper for en retfærdig og human asylpolitik.

For mig er Trampolinhuset det sande alternativ til lejren. Gud ske lov for dette hus! Det er et gæstfrit hus, der tilbyder gratis transport til og fra lejrene for asylansøgere. Her er jeg igen et menneske. Her deler folk fra forskellige lande, og med forskellige kulturelle baggrunde, deres fælles problemer og laver ting sammen. Huset er fuldt af aktiviteter: Social og juridisk rådgivning, sprogundervisning, IT-workshops og mange andre ting. For tiden kører vi tre workshops om kønsroller: Én kun for kvinder, én kun for mænd, og endelig én diskussion om dette emne for både kvinder og mænd.

For at bevare dette hus med alle dets aktiviteter har vi brug al mulig slags støtte. Og vi har brug for alle jer, der støtter asylansøgere. Vi har brug for jer, men jeg tror også, I har brug for os. Trampolinhuset ønsker at eliminere distinktionen mellem ‘dem’ og ‘os’ – og vi har virkelig brug for hinanden, hvis vi skal skabe et nyt ‘os’. Derfor vil vi sætte stor pris på, hvis I kommer og besøger os og laver ting sammen med os. Kom og vær med til vores fantastiske fredagsmiddage, hvor omkring 70 mennesker spiser udsøgt mad og har det sjovt – det er hver fredag, og det er byens bedste fredagssted.

Det er et stort privilegium at tale til så mange mennesker, der virkelig vil lytte, og også at praktisere min ytringsfrihed.

Som I ved, er dette ikke muligt alle steder i verden. Mange tak for jeres opmærksomhed, vi ses i Trampolinhuset, og hav en fantastisk 1. maj!

TRANSLATIONS

No. 5 2011

101

Jeg er Tahrir Mahmoud Salem arbejdede med visAvis, indtil han flyttede tilbage til Ægypten ikke mange måneder før urolighederne, hvori han tog aktiv del. I dag arbejder han stadig aktivt for et demokratisk Ægypten. Her er hans beretning fra opstandens begyndelse.

af Mahmoud Salem - Baba, hvor skal du hen?

- Jeg er på vej til moskeen, min pige, det er fredag og det er tid til at bede.

- Men Baba, hvorfor pakker du en maske og en flaske med vand?

Smilende svarer hun: - Masken og flasken med eddike skal jeg bruge, hvis de skyder med lattergas på os for at demonstrere efter bønnen.

- Baba, hvad er demonstrere? Og hvorfor vil de skyde gas på dig?

- Alle egyptere over hele Egypten vil komme ud af moskeerne og forlange forandring af styret. De vil skyde gaspatroner mod os, fordi de ikke vil forandre styret.

- Far, jeg forstår ikke, - og efter en lille tøven: Kommer du tilbage?

- Ja, mit hjertes sjæl, jeg kommer tilbage, men jeg må gå nu.

Giv mig et kys og vær en god pige.

Vredens Fredag

Da bønnerne var færdige, hævede imamerne i moskeerne deres stemmer i en sang, der passede til denne særlige fredag.

Imamerne sang: Folket vil afsætte regimet. Vredens Fredag var begyndt.

Indkaldelsen til Vredens Fredag blev igennem hele onsdag nat spredt rundt på virtuelle sociale netværk som Twitter og Facebook. Byer som Suez og Ismailia startede demonstrationerne tirsdag d. 25. januar og blev ved uden stop til Vredens Fredag.

Politiets brutalitet og udvidet brug af magt efterlod 30 døde og hundrede af sårede i Suez. Videoerne og billederne fra massakrene i Suez, der blev spredt på internettet i dagene op til Vredens Fredag, skabte det nødvendige momentum for at få egypterne på gaden.

Egypterne strømmede fra moskeerne, hjemmene og deres weekend-steder ud på gaderne. Mænd og kvinder, mest unge, som aldrig før i deres liv havde demonstreret eller overhovedet hævet deres stemmer mod det herskende regime, samledes og mødte andre, der marcherede i alle byers gader i retning af hovedpladsen i enhver stor by og det centrale torv i enhver lille by.

Cairo, en by kløvet af Nilen og hjem for 20 millioner indbyggere, var ikke anderledes den dag. Demonstranter i et utal af distrikter i Cairo vendte alle ansigtet mod pladsen, Tahrir Pladsen.

Tahrir Pladsen

Tahrir Pladsen er et kæmpe tomt område i midten af Cairo.

Pladsen er forsynet med otte indgange, hver især har en smal plads med en statue af en figur fra det moderne Egyptens historie. Ironisk nok står alle statuerne enten med ansigtet vendt mod pladsen eller pegende i den retning. Pladsen viste sig at være det første man mødte, hvis man krydser broen fra den vestlige side af Nilen i østlig retning. Den foregående nat havde pladsen været vidne til blodige konfrontationer mellem sikkerhedsstyrkerne og demonstranterne, som endte med demonstranternes nederlag og med drab, sårede og arrestationer af dusinvis af dem.

Hvor end vi marcherede, mødte vi enheder af sikkerhedsstyrker. De var klædt i deres hjelme og med sammenbundne lange stokke, opmarcheret skulder ved skulder med deres gennemsigtige skjold. Bag dem stod der hollændervogne med betjente på taget, bevæbnet med tåregaskanoner og gummi-

kugle-geværer. Da vi nærmede os linjen af sikkerhedsstyrker, kom dusinvis af bøller (der var betalt af Mubarak, red) ud af sidegaderne og løb mod os med hævede baseballbats og sværd, som de nådesløst bankede løs med, hvis ikke de kidnappede dem, der ikke væltede. Demonstranterne sang ‘Selmeya’ (på arabisk: Med fred), skubbede til politimuren og begyndte at synge: “Folket vil af med regimet”. Sangen blev mødt med tåregasgranater og vandkanoner fra brandbiler, der lykkedes at sprede mængden, men kun for et kort øjeblik. Mens vi havde lært at omgruppere os samt at bruge maskerne, der dyppet i eddike gjorde det muligt at ånde midt i gastågen, fyrede politiet geværsalver med gummikugler mod os fra toppen af vognene, der begyndte at plove igennem linjerne og effektivt køre demonstranterne over.

Langsomt blev de forskellige demonstrationer i stand til at flette sig ind i hinanden ved indgangene til pladsen. Det var lykkedes alle grupper i de forskellige distrikter at skubbe sig vej igennem politiets linjer, bevæbnet med vreden over at have set deres meddemonstranter falde døde eller sårede om, og af at være vidne til urobetjentenes angreb på mobile hospitaler, der var skudt op i gaderne for at pleje de demonstranter, der var gennemtævet af muskelmændene og politiet. Ved solnedgang, efter blodige slag med politiet, der fyrede rigtige kugler af i et sidste forsøg på at sprede masserne, faldt pladsen i demonstranternes hænder og hermed enhver centimeter af de gader, som egypterne havde vandret den dag.

Tahrir Pladsen blev verdens revolutionære centrum den nat, fredag d. 28. januar. Egypterne, der havde besat pladsen, gjorde med den, hvad de havde drømt at gøre med hele landet.

De næste dage, med undtagelse af angrebet d. 2. februar fra Mubaraks støtter, var en oase af frihed og en hellig plads for dem, der havde længtes efter den.

Egyptere fra alle samfundslag samledes på pladsen. Nogle var gamle, andre unge. Nogle kom alene, andre med deres familier. Pladsen blev hjem for millioner af egyptere, uafhængig af socio-økonomisk baggrund, tro eller politisk observans.

For dem blev pladsen en once-in-a-lifetime mulighed for at gennemføre den forandring, de alle mente var nødvendig for deres samfund. De var for engang skyld samlet om at skabe et bedre liv, i virkeligheden rummede pladsen dét, som alle egyptere havde drømt for deres land. Tahrir blev forvandlet til et drømmenes skue.

I de atten dage, der fulgte de revolutionære egypteres overtagelse af pladsen, forvandledes pladsen til et center for gadekunst, en arena for politiske debatter og bederum. Muslimer og kristne brugte pladsen til deres forskellige bønner.

Den ene ville skærme for den anden, mens han bad. En kvinde, der bar burka, kunne stå og snakke glad med en anden, der ikke var tildækket. En rig direktør ville dele sin mad med et hjemløst barn. Digtere stod og reciterede deres digte, mens andre sang og dansede. Forskelle imellem mennesker smeltede væk i dét, de havde skabt i fællesskab, deres vilje til at skabe en bedre fremtid. Pladsen var et langt øjeblik af håb om noget bedre. Et håb om frihed, lighed og retfærdighed.

I dag, uger efter at pladsen er blevet normal igen, er denne underlige fornemmelse stadig til stede. Det er opløftende at gå over den og huske hvad den har været.

102

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Statement fra netværket Afrique-Europe-Interact, Welcome to Europe og Network Critical Migration and Border Regime Research. Skrevet 8. Marts 2011.

Frihed, ikke Frontex Der kan ikke være demokrati uden global bevægelsesfrihed Det arabiske forårs dynamik spreder sig til hele verden. Revoltebevægelserne i Maghreb ansporer og giver håb, ikke kun fordi de despotiske regimer, man troede uovervindelige, er blevet jaget væk. Selvom de videre udviklingers retning forbliver åben, er det tydeligt, at den tunesiske Jasminrevolutions dominoeffekt med ét bragte den gamle viden, at historien skabes nedefra, tilbage. Kampene er vendt mod den daglige fattigdom såvel som mod den generelle undertrykkelse, de handler lige så meget om bedre livsforhold som de handler om værdighed, kort sagt: “brød og roser.”

De utrolige Midan Al-Tahrir dage, Frihedspladsen i Cairo, står for søgningen efter nye former for selvorganisering og græsrodsdemokrati. Begæret efter lige rettigheder, autonomi og en del i den økonomiske velstand spejles også i bådene, der krydser Middelhavet mod Europa: i dag sejlende ud fra Tunesien, hvor det de sidste år var fra Nord- og Vestafrika. ”Exit” – at kræve éns bevægelsesfrihed og migrere for at finde et anderledes, bedre liv, og ”Stemme” – at hæve éns stemme og kæmpe lokalt, er ikke modsætninger, de er nærmere gensidigt viklet sammen.

Dette var endnu mere tydeligt under opstandene i 1989. Føddernes stemmesedler katalyserede protestbevægelserne mod den virkeliggjorte socialismes undertrykkende regimer.

Muren faldt, fordi folket gennemtvang deres bevægelsesfrihed. Det får vestlige politikeres frihedsretorik til at fremstå endnu mere uærlig, da det er de præcis samme politikere, der invokerer skræmmescenarioet af en flodbølge til at karakterisere migrationsbevægelserne til og hen over Nordafrika for at legitimere brugen af Frontex, det europæiske grænseagentur.

EU’s regeringer har ligget med og støttet de nordafrikanske regenter og vist en tilbageholdende og langsommelig position i forhold til revoltebevægelserne gennem de seneste uger. Denne politik er ikke kun drevet af stærke økonomiske interesser, men også på grund af det stigende samarbejde om migrationskontrollen. Jo mere effektivt en despot har fungeret som vagthund for det eksternaliserede EU-grænseregime, jo mere er han blevet en vigtig ”partner”. Migrationsbevægelser fra Afrika skulle dæmmes op med alle nødvendige midler.

Tusind former for død og lidelse, ikke kun til vands, men også i ørkenen og i detentionslejrene, var og er konsekvenserne af dette forbryderiske medløb.

De sub-Saharaske migranter, der i dag er ofre for pogromlignende forfølgelse i Libyen, er systematisk blevet berøvet deres eksistens af Gadaffis regime og var udsat for arbitrære overgreb og mishandling. EU betalte millioner til den libyske diktator og leverede overvågningsteknologi. Et lignende samarbejde findes med den marokkanske hersker og indtil for nyligt med det tunesiske regime. Den arabiske revolution markerer et potentielt kollaps for EU’s brutale eksklusionsprojekt i Middelhavet.

Gennem en mediekampagne, der spreder frygt omkring migrationskontrollens kollaps, bliver det europæiske grænseregimes stigende tilspidsning og militarisering – symboliseret ved Frontex – legitimeret. Det europæiske grænseagentur tilføjer til og udvider de nationale kontrolsystemer, der i mange årtier har sigtet mod afskrækkelsen og kriminaliseringen af migrationsbevægelser. Frontex vil blive sat ind vis-avis den nordafrikanske kyst, som det allerede er tilfældet ved den afrikanske vestkyst og den græsk-tyrkiske grænse.

Det faktum, at Italien er givet den overordnede kontrol for ”Operation Hermes”, er konsekvent og chokerende ærligt: som et resultat af samarbejdet mellem Berlusconi og Gaddafi i de seneste år er utallige ulovlige push-back handlinger udført i Middelhavet. Italien har udført et mesterværk i brud med alle flygtningekonventioner. Og det er ikke en tilfældighed, at de, der reder bådfolkets liv, bliver kriminaliseret, som tilfældene med Cap Anamur og de tunesiske fiskere, hvis sager stadig behandles, viser.

Migranter søger beskyttelse eller et bedre liv i Europa. De bevæger sig over en kløft af rigdom og muligheder, rodfæstet i europas neokoloniale dominans- og udbytningsrelationer over for Afrika. Derfor må Europas universale hævdelse af frihed og demokrati måles mod dets behandling af de, der kræver lige rettigheder gennem at migrere. Frontex står for udvidelsen af et dødeligt grænseregime – der findes ikke nogen plads for det i en fri verden. Død ved de eksterne grænser kunne blive til historie i morgen. Men der er ikke nogen politisk vilje til at gøre det. I stedet erklærer EU-autoriteterne en decideret

krig ved de eksterne grænser.

Inden for EU er umyndiggørelse og deportation en del af et racistisk hverdagsliv. ”Integration” bruges som et pressionsmiddel til at gennemtvinge assimilation, mens udbytning i de lavtlønnede sektorer vedbliver. Alligevel knuser modstand og insisteren den selektive maner i håndteringen af migration og udfordrer et system indeholdende ulighed og fraværet af friheder. Det er ikke tilfældigt, at 300 maghrebske migranter i disse turbulente tider gik i sultestrejke i Grækenland, krævende deres legalisering. Kampe for retten til at blive, så vel som migrantstrejker, flammer op hen over Europa, siden Sans Papiers – særligt dem fra Afrika – i Paris for 15 år siden stod offentligt frem med kravet: ”Papirer til alle”.

De afsæt, der finder sted i Nordafrika, demonstrerer hvad der er muligt. De henviser til en ny arabisk verden, et nyt Afrika, et muligt nyt Europa. De henviser til nye rum af frihed og lighed, der skal skabes i transnationale kampe: i Tunis, Cairo eller Bengazi, såvel som i Europa og i migrationsbevægelserne, krydsende begge kontinenter.

8. Marts 2011 Afrique-Europe-Interact Welcome to Europe Network Critical Migration and Border Regime Research

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

103

LAMPEDUSA – No sunny island The Island of Lampedusa has experienced a tremendous influx of Tunisian migrants since the Tunisian revolution. The revolution may have fostered hopes of easier access to Europe, but nevertheless migrants seem to be captured in a cynical game between the EU, Italy and the newly established Tunisian government.

by Jens Pfeifer The Italian island of Lampedusa is situated between Sicily and Tunisia. Its geographical location makes it a crucial point of arrival for the so called ‘boatpeople’. They come here on their way towards European mainland. The political situation in Northern Africa during the latest months has only increased the influx of migrants to Lampedusa. Lampedusa is a part of Italy and thereby a member of the European Union. Though Lampedusa in itself is uninteresting for people, it presently functions as a possible entrance to a Europe that seeks to close its gates for unwanted migrants. ”I hear ambulances. A chock-full ship from Libya with approximately 3.000 people on board has just arrived in Lampedusa harbor. There are several children and infants among the passengers - about 40 children”, says Simona. She is an activist who has followed the dramatic events taking place on Lampedusa these days. Simona is just one of many activists who observe the situation on the island. The activists face great problems when it comes to operating on Lampedusa, however.

The police try to keep them away from the camp. So does the local inhabitants who encourage a tough approach to migrants and journalists on the hunt for stories try to chase the activists away. But the battle on Lampedusa is not about activists and their problems. It is about people who ‘naively’ think that war and persecution gives them the right to protection; that if they just reach a safe country international conventions will protect people because they are people. But it is not that simple. Europe needs migrants. Europe needs labour. Most European countries agree that more labour is needed. They can also agree that it is solely Europe that decides how many ‘hands’ are needed; Europe who decides who can gain access to the Union. While migrants care less about Europe’s wishes or how migration ideally should take place. Borders are like air for people who see them as a necessity to cross. Lampedusa is a “no go place” that sometimes must be passed by people on their way. No matter if they are moving from A to B. ”Lampedusa is a prison under open air”, said the mayor of Lampedusa, Benardino de Rubeis, in a TV-interview. This is not far from the truth: The population on the island has more than doubled during the last month. 4.500 inhabitants have quickly turned to 10.000. There are days where over 2.000 people arrive on the island, and it has been like this for weeks.

Besides the thousands of migrants that Lampedusa attracts, especially young men from Tunisia and Egypt, the island is also populated by a range of security personnel and humanitarian organisations.

The camp on Lampedusa has a prescribed capacity of 850 persons, but currently more than 2000 persons reside there.

Furthermore, at least 2000 persons have been forced to find a place outside the camp. They sleep under trucks, plastic tarpaulins or on the beach. Migrants await the opportunity to travel to the mainland of Italy, and from there onwards to France or Northern Europe. Nobody wishes to stay in Lampedusa. The Italian authorities are as so often before, completely overwhelmed by the situation. A harsh environment against migrants is built up and supported by a right wing government. Besides Berlusconi this also includes several extreme xenophobic parties and politicians. Naturally this is a bad starting point for any worthy reaction to an unworthy situation.

The situation on Lampedusa escalates frequently. In February 2011, Tunisian migrants began a hunger strike to avoid expulsion. As a counter reaction local fishermen blocked the harbour in order to prevent people from reaching the island.

It was not the hunger strike that made the Italian government react, however, but the preventive acts of the local people. The government has now sent six passenger ships to Lampedusa with the purpose of deporting 10.000 migrants from the island.

Obviously one could think that the Italian government provokes an escalation of the situation on the island intentionally.

To create fear among an enormous inflow of migrants on the one hand. Berlusconi described the ‘invasion’ as a catastrophe equal to the situation in Japan, for instance: ”Italy is experiencing a tsunami of people overflowing the country”, he said.

On the other hand just to deter people from going to Europe.

In 2008 Italy and Libya signed a contract that should hinder ‘illegal’ migration from Libya to Italy. The Libyan and Italian police jointly patrol the Libyan coastline and international waters in the Mediterranean sea in order to stop boatpeople from reaching Europe now. Italy finances this action while Libya is obligated to take the detained migrants back. Since Libya has not yet signed the Geneva Refugee convention detained migrants from Libyan camps are subordinated to the Libyan authorities. This is due to the common agreement between the two countries. Conditions in the Libyan camps are horrific.

For numerous years The European Union has paid Gaddafi a ‘compensation’ for his to support to Europes battle against ‘illegal’ migration. Gaddafi is no longer in a position where he is a plausible partner for the Union. A new agreement must be made. Shadows of the revolution will appear in the following months: Who bids the most and who fancies the dirty deals to help us to keep migrants outside of Europe’s borders – and you will receive money – lots of money ...

Tunisia is the first country that has negotiated with Italy after the revolution. So far Tunesia has received ten ships and hundreds of vehicles to seal its borders and detain migrants.

Simultaneously Italy gives the over 20.000 Tunisian ‘refugees’ who had come during and after the revolution a temporary residency permit. The situation is out of control now. The role of Italy is non-transparent. To give Tunisians a temporary permit of residency makes it possible for them to move on the Schengen-territory. This only applies for Tunisian migrants who have reached Italy before the agreement came into force, however. Those who came afterwards will be expelled to Tunisia. This is what the two countries have agreed upon so far, and the first deportations have already been accomplished.

On the 11th of April 2011 the European Union refused to recognise Italy’s decision on giving Tunisian ‘refugees’ a temporary residency. Italy then threatened to leave the European Union. The European Union refuses to help Italy by receiving some of the migrants. Simultaneously the President of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Barroso, promises to give Tunisia over one million Euro if they will take 20.000 ‘refugees’ back.

104

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

By er migration Etnografisk-genealogiske perspektiver på byens rum Sabine Hess studerede Politisk Videnskab, Historie og Empiriske Kulturstudier ved Tübingen Universitet. Hun har for nylig færdiggjort sin Ph.d. Hendes afhandlinger blevet udgivet med titlen: “Globalisierte Hausarbeit. Migrationsstrategien von Frauen aus Osteuropa” (2007).

af Sabine Hess Oversat fra tysk “By er migration.” Med disse få enkle ord fremstiller byforskeren Erol Yildiz den strukturelle sammenhæng mellem de to sociale fænomener. Hermed blander han sig i en nutidsbetonet og historisk byforskning, der, hvis den overhovedet har behandlet migration, kun har gjort det som et problemkompleks. Sammenligningen gælder dog også på den anden led: Betragter man den social- og kulturvidenskabelige migrationsforskning under fortegnet by, bliver det klart, at den gængse migrationsforskning ikke eksplicit er byforskning. På trods af, at størstedelen af migrationsbevægelser i praksis er afhængige af urbane sammenklumpninger, er det de færreste studier, der undersøger migrationsprocesser på land. Modsat synes migrationsforskningens helt konceptuelle perspektiver at være fokuseret indenfor byens kontekst. I dag spidser denne, ved første øjekast ureflekterede duo, sig til i to divergerende tilstandsbeskrivelser.

Den ene beskriver krisescenarier à la parallelsamfund, hvor byens rum og bysamfundet som tableau bruges til en katastrofepræget samtidsbeskrivelse af et påstået tiltagende desintegreret indvandringssamfund. Heroverfor står det idealiserende billede, hvor diversitet og kulturel mangfoldighed ses som en storbyressource, en kilde til urbanitet og kulturel kapital. Som Stephan Lanz i sin Berlin-forskning peger på, er disse diskurser dog blot hver sin side af samme mønt: De hører sammen som reguleringskoncepter for en neoliberal urban udvikling, der i højere og højere grad ser fragmenteringen og opsplitningen af befolkning og rum som en nødvendighed.

Baseret på forskning i München i sammenhæng med det interdisciplinære udstillingsprojekt Crossing Munich, vil jeg i det følgende belyse de konceptuelle sammenhænge mellem de to emnefelter by og migration fra en diskurskritisk vinkel. Den sydtyske storby München – kendt udover Tysklands grænser som en sammensmeltning mellem det traditionelle og det moderne, mellem Laptop und Lederhosen, som et reklameslogan for byen så rammende siger – står i offentlig bevidsthed ikke for en vibrerende indvandrerby. Og dog har München, lige efter Stuttgart og Frankfurt, den tredjestørste migrantandel af befolkningen, op til 35 procent. Således kan vores forskningsprojekt også vise, at migrationsbevægelser i byen, der huser den ene af Tysklands to store hovedbanegårde for gæstearbejderes ankomst til landet siden de tidlige 1970’ere, er et omstridt tema, hvori kommunale og nationale regeringsrationaler og interog transnationale familiemæssige og politiske projekter overlapper.

Migration som bykrise

Den offentlige såvel som den videnskabelige diskurs om migration og by har siden 1970’erne, hvor den konkrete indvandring ikke længere kunne benægtes, været bestemt ud fra problemorienterede vinkler. Dette regime for måden at anskue det by-migratoriske rum fungerer derfor ud fra stereotypiske mekanismer.

Den gængse social- og kulturvidenskabelige migrationsforskning undersøger således kun bestemte af byens rum og fænomener. Byrummet udstykkes i formodede selvstændige homogene grupper, der defineres ud fra etnicitet eller nationalt ophav: her går talen på farlige og eksplosive rum, belastningsgrænser og overanstrengte nabolag, hvori socialt sprængstof skulle ansamles. Rummet,

markeret som etnisk enklave, koloni eller ghetto, har dog sjældent interesse for migrationsforskere, men derimod dem, der arbejder ud fra integrationsperspektivet. Heri betegner etnisk tæthed segregation, der igen står for mislykket integration. Dette fungerer som integrationsblokade og trussel mod den sociale fred i byen såvel som i nationen.

Disse normative forståelser har siden 1960’erne også været bestemmende for byplanlægningen, hvilket har betydet, at man handlede ud fra reguleringskonceptet socialrumlig blanding, hvormed tilflytningsforbud blev ligesom i Berlin vedtaget i München i de tidlige 1970’ere. I modsætning til i Berlin, blev forbuddene i München dog ophævet efter kun to år, da den ansås som værende i strid med en EU-dom. Denne slags politik med de såkaldte fordelingskvoter bruges dog helt frem til i dag i sociale boligbyggerier. I 2007 løb der en storm af forargelse gennem pressen, idet direktøren for et boligbyggeselskab i Nassau stillede spørgsmål ved den normative model for etnisk blandede boligområder.

I de nyeste nationale såvel som kommunale integrationsplaner blev koblingen socialrumlig blanding = integration dog igen slået fast som det seneste nye: Ligesom den nationale integrationsplan, fra 2007 proklamerede også Münchens integrationsplan at ”som en social integreret europæisk by er den socialrumlige mangfoldighed fortsat værd at stræbe efter.” For München kan planen positivt meddele, at credoet for Münchenblandingen ikke har forårsaget nogen ”integrationsbesværliggørende ophobninger af enkelte etniske eller nationale grupper.” Den nationale integrationsplan taler ligeledes klart, idet der står, at en ”separation og koncentration af enkelte etniske grupper er blevet modvirket.” I forlængelse heraf vil jeg senere påvise, at ghetto- og segregationsdiskursen ikke altid på kulturalistisk vis har gjort de implicerede til gerningsmænd under henvisning til kultur .

Eftersom størstedelen af migrationsforskning hertillands for nuværende står i integrationens tegn, og nærmere bør betegnes som integrationsforskning, er byen som forskningskoncept også implicit allestedsnærværende i integrationsgrenen af migrationsforskningen, men ofte kun implicit. De epistemologiske og metodiske præmisser, der består i en metodisk ethnicisme og et ethnic group research design, er derfor også forblevet ureflekterede. Glick Schiller skriver således en smule skråsikkert, at man tager en etnisk gruppe, en by og

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

tilføjer en problemstilling, rører godt rundt og så er det næste forskningsprojekt færdigt.

Global Hjeemstavn

I en tysk kontekst har man i nyere kulturvidenskabelig migrationsforskning ikke kun kritiseret et sådant etnificerende forskningsdesign, og kommet videre gennem gennem transnationale perspektiver. Man har også sprængt den allestedsnærværende lukkede forestilling om byen og det homogene bysamfund, ofte forstået ud fra en præmoderne forståelse af fællesskab, og åbnet blikket for translokale, i byrummets relokaliserede globale scene, kulturelle praksisser og identitetsprojekter. Bylandskabet har dermed udvidet sig helt til Tyrkiet eller til Rusland, eller ser man det fra en anden synsvinkel, kan man sige, at det er skrumpet ind til et mosaikpunkt i et plurilokalt netværk af transnationale urbane hverdagsverdener.

Global City-forskningen og Ulf Hannerzs teorier om cultural swirl har desuden konstateret analytiske sammenhænge i kulturelle dynamikker, kræfter, økonomier, kreativiteter og nypositioneringen af byer som Global Cities, bragt frem af internationale migrations- og mobilitetsprocesser. Omvendt har teorien om Global Cities også vist, at repositioneringen af byer i forbindelse med deres økonomiske restrukturering, medfører bestemte muligheder og livsforhold, samt prædestineret bestemte migrationsbevægelser – som eksempelvis high skilled migration og samtidig den i globaliseringen nødvendige manuelle arbejdsstyrke bestående af feminiserede prækariserede kvindelige arbejdere i den uformelle sektor. Aihwa Ong har i sin forskning i Sydøstasien endvidere vist, hvordan disse politisk-økonomiske repositioneringer også er forbundet med nye fleksible og fragmenterede hierarkiske forhold i forbindelse med statsborgerskab. Hvad Malaysia angår, var det præcis omvendt end hvad vi er vant til herhjemme, her blev borgeres rettigheder mere og mere prekære, samtidig med at udenlandske skilled and high skilled migrants i takt med at de blev headhuntet opnåede fuld beskyttelse og rettigheder.

Rigtig nok må Erol Yildiz såvel som Nina Glick Schiller konstatere, at den konstitutive sammenhæng mellem migration og byudvikling, eller urbanitet hinsides Global Cities, endnu ikke er udforsket. Glick Schiller plæderer da også for en ny teori om lokalitet i migrationsforskningen, der kan blive analytisk svarende til byrummenes betydning for migrationsprocesserne - og omvendt migrationsprocessernes betydning for byudviklingen. Glick Schiller betegner hermed migration som ”an important part of the politics of scale”. I deres bind Urban Recycling fra 2009 ser Erol Yildiz og Birgit Mattausch særligt på migranters rolle som revitaliserende, sanerende og fornyende af ellers opgivede bydele.

De modsiger den gængse litteratur omkring gentrificering, der beskriver de tilflyttende som en kreativ gentrificeringsavantgarde. I stedet kommer mange

af disse gentrificerere fra ”beboernes egne rækker, hvoraf mange som migranter var flyttet til de opgivede og forsømte bydele, for selv at skabe sig den sociale opstigning og igen gøre deres kvarter attraktiv for yderligere tilflytning.” Yildiz & Mattausch opfordrer dermed også til se, at migranter har specifikke urbane kompetencer, som de genkender i strategier og taktikker for tilegnelse, iscenesættelse og revaluering af arbejde, samt at man rykker dette i centrum for bypolitikken.

Crossing Münich

Vekselvirkningen mellem migration og byudvikling er også udgangspunktet i vores toårige forskningsprojekt Crossing Munich, som i 2009 udmundede i en tremåneders udstilling i Münchens Rådhusgalleri. En af vores opgaver på vegne af kulturforvaltningen var at udforske migrationens historie og samtid i München. Vi var så heldige at kunne forene både etnografiske og historiske kompetencer i blandede studiegrupper, og mod afslutningen fik vi kunstnere ombord på projektet, så vi sammen kunne indgå i et fællesskab om at omsætte forskningsresultatet i kunstneriske værker. Gennem dette og tidligere projekter som Projekt Migration og Transit Migration udviklede vi lidt efter lidt et forskningsperspektiv, som vi kalder for Migrationens perspektiv.

Gennem Migrations perspektiv præsenterer vi en forskningsholdning, der forsøger hinsides integrationsparadigmet og etnicisme at nærme sig migrationsbevægelserne analytisk. Det er baseret på en etnografisk indsigt fra netværk- og transnationaliseringsforskningen, men også historiske-strukturelle værker, at migration fremstiller en vedholdende praksis og en transformativ kraft, der organiserer sig i netværk, hvorfra den undergår en kumulativ dynamik i årsagssammenhænge.

På den anden side demonstrerer den også en særlig autonomi imod et hvert forsøg på at stoppe den, styre den eller profitere af den. “For at tage deres autonomi i betragtning,” må man ifølge den franske historiker Yann Moulier-Boutang „betone migrationsbevægelsernes sociale og subjektive dimensioner.“ Følger man denne tanke, fordrer migrationens perspektiv et forskningsdesign, der er aktør-centreret om praksisser, ressourcer, viden og begær, og meget fokuseret på migrationens problemformuleringer.

Hertil plæderer tilgangen også for vidtgående refleksive skridt, der er udeladt i den rene migrantforskning. Han tager teorien om migrationens autonomi op og indsætter migration som historiens skaber som samfundsopbyggende kraft.

Det betyder, at man konsekvent må ændre det blik, der har hersket op til nu, og selv må forske i migrationspolitik eller byens økonomisk-politiske restrukturering i lyset af migrationens perspektiv.

Disse perspektiver indgår i de fleste af Crossing Munichs 14 værker, idet de stiller spørgsmål til vekselvirkningen mellem migrantiske praksisser og bypolitik. Disse værker er inddelt i fire forskellige temaer – bybilleder/bydrømme, urbane politikker, kulturproduktioner

105

og -konstruktioner og transnationale økonomier. Dette vil jeg afslutningsvis eksemplificere gennem en præsentation af et af de 14 værker.

Spørgsmålet om konstitutionen af byens rum indtog således en central plads i Crossing Munich, særligt i form af synlighed og usynlighed eller rettere synliggørelse og usynliggørelse. På den måde kan man anskue ghettodiskursen som et centralt synliggørende instrument i byrummet, hvis lokale genesis vi har udarbejdet i værket Westend_Urban Lab, hvori vi konfronterer ghettodiskursen med udviklingshistorien og hverdagslivet i Westend. Westend er et af Münchens proletarisk-migrant prægede kvarterer, som i 1970’ernes tidlige ghettodiskurs altid blev nævnt, når man ville sammenligne München med Bronx eller Berlin. I modsætning til andre migrantkvarterer gennemgik Westend dog først en rigtig byfornyelsesbølge i 1990’erne.

Med sit flair for det multikulturelle er Westend i dag kendt som Münchens urbane og vibrerende in-kvarter.

Værket kan vise, hvordan Westend som i den indre by liggende, men dog langt ind i 1980’erne industrielt præget kvarter, næsten systematisk blev omdannet til et migrantkvarter, selvom det dog aldrig er blevet betegnet som værende præget af etnisk opdeling. Forskellige grupper – engagerede migranter såvel som tyske borgere – har levet sammen på hverdagslivsniveau under udfordringen fra en social forarmelsespolitik. Det har resulteret i en levende intiativ- og foreningskultur, der også har sat sig op imod sanerings- og forjagelsespolitikken – og som i øvrigt siden 1980’erne med en socialpædagogisk indsats i forhold til migration er blevet kommunalt støttet. Derudover demonstrerer værket også, hvorledes den af os såkaldte ghettodiskursen historisk har haft mange vidt forskellige betydninger, og først i takt med realiteten af indvandringen i 1973 er trådt ind i det kommunale gæstearbejderstop. Efter de tidlige 1970’ere i München fortsætter værket med diverse beretninger fra aviser om de mange gæstearbejderes sørgelige boligsituation. Stikprøver fra Forvaltningen for sociale boligspørgsmål og Sundhedsforvaltningen bragte den sociale elendighed i arbejderkvarterene, der også kæmpede med bygninger lavet af dårlige materialer, frem i dagslys.

Som følge heraf blev de grådige udlejere og arbejdsgivere, der havde ansvar for deres migrantarbejderes boligforhold, i første omgang anklaget. Men i november 1971, knap to år senere, ændrede tonen sig: Den blev alarmerende og etnisk betonet. Nu var udlejerens praksis ikke længere grunden til social elendighed. I bestemte bydele blev den høje koncentration af gæstearbejdere diagnosticeret som årsagen til problemet, især hvad boligmassen, hygiejnen, integrationen og den sociale fred angik. På samme tid blev boligsituationen også et stærkt tema gennem migrantaktioner.

Synligheden af en migrantbefolkning og dennes sociale elendighed, som den tidligere ghettodiskurs havde fremkaldt, fik dog den daværende unge

106

No. 5 2011

og engagerede overborgmester HansJoachim Vogel fra SPD til i 1971 at sætte heftig fokus på integrationspolitikken. Fra starten af forbandt han ganske vist dette diskursivt med trusselsbilledet af ghettobygningerne. I 1972 tog han initiativ til at oprette det første videnskabelige studie af udlændingesituationen i München, der efterfølgende blev defineret som problemstudie. Studiet understøtter også den dobbelte diskurs, mellem integration og momenter af repressiv begrænsning: Hermed erkendte man Münchens indvandringssituation, idet der blev konstateret, at migration ikke var fuldkommen kontrollerbart. Hermed slog man fast, at der var et stort behov for handling, fordi byen med sine 220.000 udlændinge var stødt på sin grænse for hvor mange, man kan tage imod. Og i ingen andre diskurser end ghettodiskursen kunne denne grænse for hvor mange, man kan tage imod visualiseres og dramatiseres så godt. I 1973, kort før bekendtgørelsen af rekruteringsstoppet, slog Münchens ghettodiskurs virkelig over i en restriktiv retning, da den daværende

TRANSLATIONS

socialdemokratiske amtsforvaltningsreferent krævede et rekruteringsstop og et kvartersforbud for tilflytning af indvandrere for at skåne de ramte kvarterer fra omvæltningen, hvormed ghettodiskursen pegede på et kommunalt rekruteringsstop. Interessant er det, at ghettodiskursen først igen er blevet genoplivet i 1990’erne under den konservative SPD-borgmester Kroanawitters politik, idet han i 1993 udråbte byens Krise i avisen Der Spiegel. Denne gang argumenterede han for, at grænsen for integrationskompetencer var nået.

Også den nuværende debat om indvandrerbefolkningens evne og vilje til integration spiller ind i og sammen med feltet omkring bysamfund, hvor et kvarter som Neuköln står som et eksempel på et eksisterende parallelsamfund, der er kommet ud af kontrol. At modvirke denne i tiltagende grad etnificerede og racialiserede og i sig selv højest disintegrerende debat, ville være en fornem opgave for en nutidig videnskabelig by- og migrationsforskning.

Litteratur: Bayer, Natalie/Engl, Andrea/Hess, Sabine (Hg.) (2009): Crossing Munich.

Texte zur Migration aus Kunst, Wissenschaft und Aktivismus. Ausstellungskatalog. München Glick-Schiller, Nina (2009): A Global perspective on Transnational Migration: Theorizing Migration without Methodological Nationalism. Working Paper No. 67, University of Oxford, 2009. In: http://www.compas.ox.ac.uk/fileadmin/files/pdfs/WP0967%20Glick%20 Schiller.pdf Hannerz, Ulf (1992): Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning. New York.

Lanz, Stephan (2007): Berlin aufgemischt: abendländisch, multikulturell, kosmopolitisch? Die politische Konstruktion einer Einwanderungsstadt. Bielefeld.

Yildiz, Erol/ Mattausch, Birgit (Hg.) (2009): Urban recycling. Migration als Großstadt-Ressource. Basel. www.crossingmunich.org

Undocumented migrants have rights to medical attention – but not according to the law.

This summer the Danish Red Cross, the Danish Medical Association and the Danish Refugee Council are going to open a health care clinic for undocumented migrants. We believe doctors have a moral obligation to treat everyone in need of their assistance.

by Trine Høyrup Henriksen, the Danish Red Cross If I have been ill for a week, I visit my doctor for a free consultation. I can be examined if I suffer from pneumonia, obtain advice on how to prevent it worsening, and make sure that I will not transmit it to others. Few people have that option. I feel safe and I know my rights – such as, for example, the doctors’ professional secrecy. Not everybody knows their rights in Denmark, and not everybody knows - not even all doctors - that professional secrecy applies also to undocumented migrants.

As a citizen in Denmark you have a right to receive free health care. People who come and live in Denmark without a residence permit do not enjoy the same right. They are in a vulnerable position and are having to deal with the problem themselves if they fall ill. In accordance with the Health Act, they are given emergency care only if they are in urgent need. But what does it take for a health problem to be urgent?

Considerable uncertainties exist in the Danish health system when it comes to the interpretation of our Health Act regulations. According to the Hippocratic Oath, that doctors swear when they graduate from University, they have an obligation to treat anyone in need of their care. The Hippocratic Oath is a moral commitment.

A new clinic for undocumented migrants

The Danish Red Cross, the Danish Medical Association and the Danish Refugee Council have joined forces to provide undocumented migrants with health services. We believe that, regardless of their legal status in Denmark, everybody should entitled to receive basic health care.

We do not know for sure how many undocumented migrants are staying in this country. But research indicates that 1,0005,000 are currently living in Denmark. Research done in our neighbouring countries shows that undocumented migrants are particularly vulnerable to a number of health risks. This

concerns limited access to treatment for mothers and infants, difficult and delayed access in terms of diagnoses of chronic diseases, limited and difficult access to emergency health care and a lack of options for receiving psychological and psychiatric treatment. And research in Norway, Sweden and Germany indicates that untreated contagious diseases can impair the public health situation in a country.

Health care for all

We believe that everybody in Denmark should be treated with dignity no matter what kind of situation they are in, and we believe doctors have a moral obligation to treat everyone in need of their assistance. We find this to be a humanitarian obligation.

The health clinic is going to be inaugurated this summer and will be open for consultations 1-2 nights a week. It will depend on voluntary health workers and others – doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, psychiatrists, interpreters, etc.

You can support us by joining as a volunteer. Besides health personnel, we are also looking for interpreters and voluntary social workers, and you are welcome to donate money for the clinic. If you would like to learn more about the project, please contact Trine Høyrup Henriksen at tho@drk.dk

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

107

Det perfekte job eller hvorfor jeg skriver for visAvis Det bliver svært, men jeg prøver at gøre mit bedste. Det her er brevet til mine drømmes perfekte job, som jeg aldrig havde en chance for at have. af Patrick Perfektion er en tilstand af komplethed og fejlløshed.

Men verden ændrer sig hurtigt og informationsteknologi har taget den centrale position. Journalistik er blevet en af de vigtigste professioner.

Hvad er arbejde?

Vigtigheden af sand information

Definition af et job: Arbejde er en menneskelig aktivitet rettet mod at skabe materielle og spirituelle værdier. Arbejde er et fundamentalt princip for menneskeligt liv og samfund. Først og fremmest begynder mennesker at arbejde for at få mad at spise og et sted at sove, men ændringer i processen får folk til at tilpasse det naturlige miljø til deres behov og skabe forudsætninger for udvikling og samfundsmæssige fremskridt.

Yderligere er arbejde en af de vigtigste udtryksformer og former for selvatomisering for mennesker; det er også den mest magtfulde og måske eneste faktor for social udvikling.

Nye informationer kan ændre den offentlige holdning, regeringer og en grænses status. Kendt kender vi den famøse Watergateskandale, der kostede præsident Nixon hans karriere, og som et nyere eksempel har vi fremkomsten af informationssitet Wikileaks ledet af Julian Assange.

Hvad er det perfekte job?

Formentlig kan det perfekte job kaldes et job, som du udfører i glæde. Det er når morgenens vækkeur lyder som sød musik og ikke som et råb over helvedes porte. Efter min mening er det at udføre det arbejde, som du kan lide og blive betalt for det, måske den mest elskede drøm for menneskeheden, siden den tid vi begyndte at modtage løn. Selvfølgelig er definitionerne af det perfekte alle forskellige; det afhænger af personens personlighed, fra forholdene for hans opvækst til han uddannelse og de særlige personlige præferencer.

Jeg tænker, mit perfekte job er journalistik. Journalistik er udøvelsen af undersøgelse og rapportering af begivenheder, emner og trends til aviser, TV, radiokanaler og websites.

Hvorfor jeg gerne vil blive journalist og skrive til visAvis

Jeg vil forsøge at fortælle om min historie. Da jeg var en lille dreng, var det første, jeg kan huske, hvordan mine forældre lærte mig at læse. Jeg begyndte at lære lidt, da jeg var 5 år gammel. Jeg elskede at læse og læste en masse smukke bøger – måske endda for mange for en lille dreng. Mine bedste venner blev Theodor Dreiser, Mark Twain og O’Henry. Særligt O’Henrys stil imponerede mig og blev vigtig for mig. Jeg besluttede mig for, at når jeg voksede op, skulle jeg blive forfatter. Mine drømme blev ikke til noget. Min familie var meget fattig, så jeg blev lærer for små børn og arbejdede på en skole.

For kun få år siden foregik krigen kun på kamppladsen, men nu foregår en ikke mindre heftig kamp i informationsrummene.

Eksempler på dette er set i konflikten mellem Israel og Palæstina og mellem Rusland og Georgien, da fjernsynskanalen ABC bragte breaking news: ”Russian tanks seen in Georgia” og de modtog et opkald fra en gammel kvinde: ”Jeg kiggede ud af vinduet her i Atlanta, og hvorfor kan jeg ikke se nogen tanks?”

Et helt frisk eksempel fra Libyen: Al-Jazeera og CNN giver folk totalt forskellig information. Vi ser dette særligt i forstand af politiske magters totale kontrol over medier. Selv i historier om ordinært liv kan kun journalister klare at modstå samfundets disinformation.

Det perfekte job for mig ville være at være i frontlinjen af dette, at give folk den rigtige information og fortælle dem sandheden. Jeg ved, at vejen til at nå mit må vil være lang og besværlig, men jeg har taget de første skridt fremad. Jeg samarbejder nu som frivillig journalist for en avis: visAvis – et uafhængigt tidsskrift. Vi forsøger at give de europæiske samfund noget information, som de officielle medier skjuler for folk.

Og helt til sidst – for de, der elsker dessert: information fra det officielle Googlesite, Google Corporate Information, udgav en rapport omhandlende officielle anmodninger til det fra forskellige landes autoriteter om at tilvejebringe data om brugerene og slette information fra dets internetservicer.

Ledende i antal af sådanne anmodninger var USA med 4.215 anmodninger om ændringer i de første seks måneder af 2010.

De britiske autoriteter har sendt 1.391 anmodninger om at ‘rense’ information til Google. Ingen kommentar – demokrati i gode hænder...

Deutsche Nachrichten – History of a migrant newspaper In the years following World War II up to 300,000 German migrants were detained in camps in Denmark. The migrant newspaper Deutsche Nachrichten became a vital breathing space for the hard tested Germans. The newspaper brought news from home and functioned as a debate forum for migrants. Parallels to visAvis and migrants’ situation in Denmark today are striking.

by Frederik Lauritzen

“Do something for us, so we can come home!” – so ended a frustrated German woman’s letter to the editor. The year is 1946. The woman had been detained in Oksbøll camp for one and a half years.

Her husband home in Germany had previously threatened to divorce her: He no longer believed that she wanted to return home to him. The German

migrants lived in constant uncertainty.

Why did they want to be sent home? and to what? – Their home East Prussia was occupied by the Russians. Most of West Germany lay in ruins and, apart from work and property issues, many missed their contact with family and acquaintances at home in Germany. The migrants simply did not know what was going to happen to their lives.

The editors of “Deutsche Nachrichten” did what they could to encourage the migrants and keep tempers at bay.

“Here in Denmark you are free from worrying about your children starving, or that they can’t go to school” read the reply to the above letter to the editor with references to the conditions in Germany. Simultaneously the editors emphasized that they didn’t want to deprive the migrants of their desire to

108

No. 5 2011

return home. The German migrants were predominantly not welcomed by the Danish population. They wanted them repatriated as soon as the occupying powers in Germany allowed it.

Samiya is a young Somalian woman.

She lives today in Sandholm asylum camp and has been in Denmark for ten years. Up until now she has been refused residency. “I’m a young woman without a future. I have lost ten years where I have lived without any goal in my life” Samiya describes.

Cambaro has lived in Sandholm asylum camp for 6 years. She is a middle aged Somalian Woman. When she arrived in Denmark in 2004, she was a strong and active person. Today she suffers from psychological difficulties and has been diagnosed with diabetes.

“My country is dominated by a prolonged civil war. I would not be able to survive there”. Her biggest wish is to be able to live together with her children who live in Denmark. Until now Cambaro has not succeeded in acquiring a residence permit.

Samiya and Cambora are two of the many Somalian women in contemporary Danish asylum camps who endure a shadowy existence of uncertainty.

Many other migrants’ life stories surface in visAvis. It’s seldom encouraging reading one is met with. “visAvis is obviously a forum for migrants in Denmark. However the newspapers most important aim is to create awareness among Danes about these problems” describes Sylvester Roepstorff from visAvis.

The purpose of Deutsche Nachrichten was according to the manifesto in one of the magazine’s first issues “A contribution towards the eradication of Nazi

TRANSLATIONS

and imperialist thinking, and to support and strengthen the democracy that must now be created in Germany.”

The success of the refugee newspaper’s aims is impossible to tell. It is certain, though, that the editors made a determined attempt to change the German refugees into happy democrats.

Not infrequently, it aroused indignation among the refugees when the editors exhibited Germany’s dark past.

In places harsh mockery of the Nazi’s Heil is expressed, also often exposed, is Nazi Germany’s authoritarian and stiffnecked arrogance. ”Why must Germans always smear their own country and countrymen?” – asked an irate refugee in a letter to the editors.

Initially, the refugees were critical towards the newspaper. One refugee described the paper’s content as Goebbelesk propaganda, just with the opposite conviction. With time, however, the migrants realized that there was miles between Deutsche Nachrichten and the censured press under the Nazi regime.

Even people with right wing, anti-democratic positions could publish their letters and receive a repellant, but polite reply. The newspaper wished to create a dialogue with as many people as possible.

Deutsche Nachrichten is an illustrative example of the Danish theologian Hal Koch’s perception of democracy.

Dialogue, consciousness and respect are unavoidable ingredients in a well functioning democracy.

Towards the end of the newspaper’s publishing period, 1947 – 1948, when many of the German migrants were gradually returning home to Germany, thank you letters dominated the papers post box, thanking Deutsche Nach-

richten and Denmark: “Considering the care, decency and correctness shown by the Danish staff towards us migrant women and girls, we are very grateful to the Danish state and people,” accounts the repatriated Gertrud Torner.

The sisters Maria and Johanne Motzkus are similarly grateful to the Danes and Denmark: “We came to Denmark in misery, and there they re-established the feeling that one had the right to live.

In providing cultural nourishment and facilities for the sick, everything was done by the Danish people to lighten our heavy fate. So finally, a whole-hearted thanks to them.”

Prior to the German migrants arrival in Denmark, the country had been occupied by Germany for five years. Therefore, it was natural that the Danish people didn’t welcome the migrants with open arms. The German occupation and war had also hit hard on the country’s economy. Despite this, they treated the migrants decently and humanely.

In the postwar period and up until the 90’s, Denmark’s hallmarks were precisely dialogue, understanding, compassion and respect. Today the song has another tune. Also when it comes to Denmark’s reputation in the world. The German migrants in Denmark lived in uncertainty from two to three years. Today asylum seekers have waited up to ten years. It’s about time that Denmark takes responsibility and gives these ca.

2000 people a chance. We did this 65 years ago. Back then it was a question of 300.000 people.

Frederik Lauritzen Adjunkt, Rønde Gymnasium

The learnings from Kirkeasyl On the second anniversary of the clearence of Brorsons Church, Kirkeasyl publishes a book “Kirkeasyl – En kamp for ophold”. Sylvester Roepstorff has read it and here he brings his review with quotations from the book, which launches on the 13th August 2011.

by Sylvester Roepstorff The 13th of August 2009, the police went into Brorsons Church on Nørrebro and arrested those people with no Danish passport. Hereby, an initial full stop was made to the action, which had been running since the 15th of May. It was two days after the government had signed a repatriation agreement with Iraq, which made it possible for the Danish authorities to force repatriate Iraqi asylum seekers to Iraq.

In this period, approximately 60 Iraqis had lived in the church, pressuring the government for the iraqis to achieve humanitarian residence permit.

It was a grand action, which, amongst other things, mobilised the largest asylum political demonstration in Denmark ever (with over 25.000 people attending).

In the book, published by Kirkeasyl in August 2011, many different texts are gathered, which high lights a number of circumstances about the action. There are more aspects i this story, than one first could expect.

The more you read, the more you find out just how comprehensive the organisation within and around Kirkeasyl was.

The book shows many different genres. Love stories and stories about grief and separation. There are sober and desperate writings about personal and political relations. There are soft and indignant remarks of the police’s course of action. There is a fictive text based upon the accounts of a refugee underground, and a longer poem about the eviction of the church.

There are diary notes and reasoned descriptions of the Danish immigration politics, evaluation of the course, flashback to the establishment of the organisation, the strategies, intentions, the meeting with the press and politicians. And much more.

One section describes the psychological effects which follow such intense work.

Kirkeasyl also had a department of law. A description of this department is also in the book.

The book contains facts, definition of words and a timeline for the entire action.

It releases on the 13th of August, exactly two years of the eviction, and it is published by the publishing company, Frydenlund.

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Collage of texts from Kirkeasyl, to be released in August 2011 assembled by Sylvester Roepstorff (Counterfactual Fundament)

When Kirkeasyl began to engage with the individual cases and the difficult circumstances for the common action, it became a crucial part of the political strategy of Kirkeasyl. The cases were pieces in a legal political fight and the reason to a mutual relationship of trust.

These were, not only, an opposition between strategy and community, but also a meeting, which intensified the action.

In retrospect, it is hard to understand the meaning, which lead the action into this paradox.

We knew that we moved into the premisses of the system, and therefor the succes was according to exact those authorities, which were our opponents.

So what did we appeal to? What were we hoping for? Why did we not realise the impossible?

(The fundamental premisses for the action)

If you cannot get residence, you must claim it. This is how the fundamental premisses can be described.

(Why a church?)

We chose a church for two reasons. First, because the church is a holy space in the Christian belief, with the tradition, that you can seek asylum. Secondly, because the church also is a holy space for us; we want peace between religions. We see the Christian as our brother. Also, we respect christianity, the priests and the church.

(The Red Cross)

I asked why he had told The Red Cross about his plans, and he answered, he hoped they could help him - instead, they betrayed him. We were in the middle of a conversation, when the police and The Red Cross came into the room, and took him away. I was so angry, and went straight to the Red Cross office, and asked and employee, why he had told the police about the plans of my friend? The employee answered, that he was just doing his job. I then understood that his job was to bring forward information to the police.

(Notes from a Diary)

A lady from Jutland gave 100 kr. because she was not able to be in the church on a daily basis. One person thought she gave the money as an excuse for being from Jutland.

(Inside the church room on the 13th August 2009)

I tried to speak to an officer, whom I thought seemed superior.

I asked him, if they could draw back just five metres, because the situation seemed very tense and dangerous. And I asked, if we could go outside, if he could ask his people to come outside with us, so we could have a talk about what they intended to do, if he would please come outside. I repeated again and again and again. He asked me for my name, and what I was doing there, and I told him my name and what I was doing there. I kept asking him to come outside, but he began to ignore me,

109

and I realised that it was not going to succeed. I remember almost giving up. It all seemed so crazy, people were loosing it, they were screaming, the children crying, and the police just stood there and looked at us.

(The Ambulance)

The officer, who took hold of me, could see I was pregnant.

I had Tina on my arm, wearing my night gown. It seemed as if the officer felt sorry for me. She said, she did not agree with what they were doing, but she had to do it anyway. She cried. I was in chock, almost panic, I could not do anything, I was shaking. The officer said, the police van outside was an ambulance. She lied, there were no ambulances, only the cars of the police.

(Thanks)

Tine explained how she felt a disruption, when one of the asylum seekers, Hakim, thanked her, again and again. She found it collapsed with the idea of Kirkeasyl as a common project...

(The twisting)

Siv says: “We are missing a language which can communicate those differences, a language which won’t actually use that slight racist rhetoric.” The volunteers managed the missing language by twisting the descriptions when pronouncing them, using an ironic tone or expressing direct unsatisfaction with the descriptions. By using the language in this way, the descriptions are uncontextualised and destabilised. The twisting is thereby an active anti racial praxis.

(Ethnic Minorities)

The volunteers expressed an unwillingness and an insecurity due to using terms like another ethnic background, as they found the terms could influence in locking and reproducing positions. Signe said: “One doesn’t t feel like using those words. I don’t want to say another ethnic background or...”. I find it extremely difficult to use those words, because it is what Peter Skaarup, said this morning on the Radio news, then I really don’t want to say the same.

(Whiteness)

The separation between “them” and “us” is significant in the term “ethnic”. The media describe the minorities like “ethnic” with no further reference of which ethnic is being referred to, while ethnic danes form the norm to such an extend, that they are not ascribed to an ethnicity, in any way. This means, that being ethnic is synonymous with being coloured, and being Danish is synonymous with being white. Therefor, you are not automatically a dane, just because you receive Danish citizenship.

The medias verbal descriptions are a part of creating particular imaginations of Danish nationality, and here Danishness is presented and being Danish, closely connected with being whiteness, in fact the white race. The racial comprehension of Danishness, that danes are white, is an incorporated part of the construction of Danish nationality formed by the media.

The media do not use the term “race”, neither does it directly refer to racial differences between ethnic minorities and ethnic danes. The whiteness is set like an unspoken premisses in news mediation.

110

No. 5 2011

TRANSLATIONS

Læsestof Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen: Access to Asylum – International Refugee Law and the Globalisation of Migration Control, Cambridge Studies in International and Comparative Law, 2011

Jacques Derrida: Of Hospitality – Anne Dufourmantelle invites Jacques Derrida to respond, Stanford University Press, 2000 [De l’hospitalité , Callmann-Lévy, 1997]

af Pauline Weller

af Søren Rafn

“Findes der stadig en rettighed til at søge asyl i en globaliseret verden?”

Den afdøde franske filosof Jacques Derridas Of Hospitality kredser om spørgsmålet om udlændingen, eller den fremmede (Derridas franske term etrangér dækker begge begreber). Et spørgsmål, der først og fremmest henvender sig til værten frem for gæsten. Derrida betoner, at et hjem må have en eller anden form for åbning for at være hjem; værten må i en vis grad være gæstfri for at bibeholde sin identitet som vært. Den fremmede er således den centrale figur i det fællesskab, hvor denne ellers opfattes som en parasit.

Dette bekymrende spørgsmål er kernen i Thomas GammeltoftHansens seneste omfattende monografi om international flygtningelovgivning. Access to Asylum handler om effekterne af globaliseringen og deres betydning for immigrationskontrol.

Bogen kommer i allerhøjeste grad på det rette tidspunkt, når man tager de aktuelle begivenheder i det globale politiske landskab i betragtning. Og forfatterens tilgang til emnet er passende. Det forholder sig nemlig sådan, at immigrationskontrol i stigende grad udføres uden for de enkelte landes territorier af ikke-statslige aktører, hvilket fører til mange nye udfordringer.

Således bliver den Europæiske Unions grænser virtuelle, og er ikke længere identiske med EU’s territoriale ydre grænser. EU har udvidet sig langt ud over det fysiske kontingent og strækker sig nu helt ud i havene. Politikker angående kontrol og grænseovervågning er blevet mere og mere sofistikerede ved hjælp af avanceret teknologi. En sådan altoverskyggende indsats for at forhindre immigranter, inklusive mennesker som lever i frygt, i at nå EU’s grænser følges af et forsøg på at sikre, at asylansøgere og flygtninge ikke er i stand til at forlade deres hjemlande i første omgang – og selv om det skulle lykkes dem, så sikrer politikkerne, at de forbliver tæt på deres hjemlande – langt væk fra EU. Det er ikke nemt at overse, at denne politik overtræder internationale forpligtelser med hensyn til flygtninge og menneskerettigheder. Mennesker, som har brug for asyl, er på forhånd udelukket fra at få det.

Her beskriver Gammeltoft-Hansen også et andet problem: Usynligheden af immigrationskontrol og manglen på viden om specielt den kontrol, som foregår på havene og udføres af andre end staterne. Han kalder dette for en ’ude af øje, ude af sind-effekt’, og det har store konsekvenser for mulighederne for at opnå klarhed med hensyn til juridiske spørgsmål. En konsekvens heraf er, at vægtige beviser for de faktiske praksisser er svære at komme i nærheden af.

En af de væsentligste pointer i bogen er den sammenhæng, som Gammeltoft-Hansen beskriver mellem de juridiske argumenter og bredere spørgsmål inden for politisk videnskab, hvilket han gør for at give mulighed for den mest muligt realistiske tilgang. Overordnet opbygger bogens syv kapitler en klart struktureret og innovativ argumentation, som forklarer de udfordringer, som flygtninge står over for globalt, og som ligeledes viser, hvorfor det at give asyl til flygtninge stadig er et problem, som ikke er løst og som deler vandene.

NGO’ere, forskere, videnskabsfolk og FN har alle fremlagt utallige anbefalinger til, hvordan man kan opnå en mere ”beskyttelses-orienteret” immigrationskontrol. Bogen beskriver mange af disse alsidige forslag. Forfatteren konkluderer, at der er et behov for ændringer i regulativer og lovgivning og på samme tid også et behov for mere klart udtrykte overvågnings- og rapporteringsforpligtelser både for regeringsembedsmænd og private aktører. Dette omfatter forbedret uddannelse af de sidstnævnte, for at de bedre kan identificere mennesker, som søger beskyttelse, samt sikring af tilstrækkelige procedurer.

Af hensyn til beskyttelsen af menneskerettigheder kan man kun håbe, at i det mindste nogle af de beskrevne forslag vil blive implementeret i den nærmeste fremtid, uden at man dog af den grund kan være sikker på, at det ville ændre de populistiske politikker, som ”underminerer selve ideen om at søge tilflugt og opnå beskyttelse.”

I sin tilgang til begrebet gæstfrihed dekonstruerer Derrida forholdet mellem gæst og vært i et stykke poetisk og politisk filosofi, der trækker på figurer og filosoffer som Lot, Ødipus, Sokrates, Kant og Levinas. Teksten kræver unægteligt sit af læseren, men inviterer omvendt også denne indenfor som hovedfigur – og stræber på et sprogligt plan efter at udvise den gæstfrihed, der er tekstens tematiske omdrejningspunkt.

Derrida skelner mellem to former for gæstfrihed: Den ene er den betingede gæstfrihed, der er funderet i loven og retten, f.eks. asylretten. Her er gæsten henvist til at bede om gæstfrihed på et sprog, der i bred forstand ikke er hendes eget, hvilket tillader værten at fremkomme med spørgsmål, som gæsten må besvare i troskab over for loven: Hvad er dit navn? Hvor kommer du fra? Denne klassiske form for gæstfrihed forudsætter med andre ord (national) suverænitet. Den anerkender og tolererer gæsten, men minder konstant også denne om, at hun ikke befinder sig i eget hus.

I modsætning hertil taler Derrida om en ubetinget gæstfrihed, der ikke betinger, at gæstens identitet slås fast, som f.eks. en udlænding med asylmotiv, men betegner en radikal åbenhed mod en absolut, uidentificerbar anden. Den bryder således med loven og (asyl)retten og henviser ikke til pligten. Gæsten anskues i denne optik ligefrem som en befrier, der medbringer nøglerne til familiens, eller nationens, fængsel. Værten er her det mangelfulde væsen, der ser sig selv som en parasit – og ivrigt tilskynder den ventede gæst til at træde indenfor som værtens egen vært.

Dette er ikke ensbetydende med, at den klassiske gæstfrihed, f.eks. kampen for visse migranters ret til asyl, bør miskrediteres – eller at den ubetingede gæstfrihed, der ikke kan fastholdes og indskrives i loven, svæver frit i idéernes sfære.

Den må bevare relationen til den betingede gæstfrihed og manifestere sig i den konkrete lov og ret, der ifølge Derrida til gengæld altid må søge inspiration i den ubetingede gæstfrihed. Den politik, der har mistet relationen til denne, har mistet sin relation til retfærdighed.

TRANSLATIONS

No. 5 2011

111