Washington Report on Middle East Affairs - October 2020 - Vol. XXXIX, No. 6

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PRO-ISRAEL PACS POUR MONEY INTO ELECTIONS

DISPLAY UNTIL 11/15/2020

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TELLING THE TRUTH SINCE 1982

Volume XXXIX, No. 6

On Middle East Affairs

October 2020

INTERPRETING THE MIDDLE EAST FOR NORTH AMERICANS ✮ INTERPRETING NORTH AMERICA FOR THE MIDDLE EAST

THE U.S. ROLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE ISRAELI OCCUPATION OF PALESTINE

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UAE and Israel Normalize Relations—Marwan Bishara, Dr. James J. Zogby, Gideon Levy

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The Impact of the U.S. Presidential Election on the Middle East—Stasa Salacanin

Equality, Freedom and Justice for All, But not for Palestinians!—Rev. Alex Awad

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Peter Beinart and Seth Rogen Reflect Jewish Disillusionment with Israel—Allan C. Brownfeld

How “Settler Colonialism” Can Help us Understand Israel—and the U.S.—Walter L. Hixson

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Pro Israel PACs Pour Money into Elections —Delinda C. Hanley

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UAE-Israel Agreement Came after Israel Shelved Annexation Plans—Shirl McArthur

The First Thing I Heard was a Gunshot: A Gaza Symphony—Mohammed Omer

Why are so Many Young People Committing Suicide In Gaza?—Mohammed Abu Asaker

Gaza’s Rockets: Weapons of Terror or Liberation?

—Gregory DeSylva

National Survey Explores Canadian Views on Israel —Candice Bodnaruk

SPECIAL REPORTS

U.N. Ignores U.S. Calls for a “Snap Back” of Sanctions on Iran—Ian Williams

Beirut Blast Shatters Political Landscape and Lives— Rana Sabbagh, Rami G. Khouri, Selim Mawad

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Accounting for the Arts in Beirut After the Blast —Eleni Zaras

Migrant Workers in Middle East Hit Hard in COVID-19 Outbreak—John Gee

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Zakat Foundation Distributes 1 Million Pounds of Fresh Food in U.S. Amid Pandemic—Shadin Maali Turkish Women Unite Against Domestic Violence —Jonathan Gorvett

Dozens are Killed in Air Strikes Attributed to Israel in Syria. But Who’s Counting?—Gideon Levy

ON THE COVER: A fire ignited 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a warehouse in the Beirut port. The

massive blast ripped through the Lebanese capital on Aug. 4, 2020, leaving thousands homeless. A man pauses, viewing the devastation during search and rescue operations on Aug. 7. See articles, pp. 32-35.

PHOTO BY CEM OZDEL/ANADOLU AGENCY VIA GETTY IMAGES

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(A Supplement to the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs available by subscription at $15 per year. To subscribe, call toll-free 1-888-881-5861.)

Other Voices

Compiled by Janet McMahon

The Biden Factor in the UAE-Israel Deal, Shibley Telhami, www.brookings.edu

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The Quiet Undoing of the Zionist Noise, Hamid Dabashi, www.aljazeera.com

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Beinart’s Earthquake—Why So Powerful?

Why Now?, Philip Weiss, http://mondoweiss.net

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How Israel’s Lobbyists Occupied Mandela’s Legacy, Nikosi Zwelivelile Mandela, www.aljazeera.com

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Israelis, Leave Lebanon Alone, Odeh Bisharat, Haaretz

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How a Hawkish Washington “Think Tank” Is Promoting Ethnic Strife in Iran, Eldar Mamedov, responsiblestatecraft.org

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How the UAE Found a Friend In Israel, Rohollah Faghihi, theamericanconservative.com

The Salt of the Sea, for the First Time in Jaffa, Dareen Tatour, http://mondoweiss.net

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Israel’s Nightmare: The Dissolution of the Palestinian Authority, Dr. Adnan Abu Amer, www.aljazeera.com

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Israel’s List of Compromised Officials Suggests their Guilt Of War Crimes, Ramona Wadi, http://middleeastmonitor.com

How Far Can Israel Go in Trying To Erase Palestinians?, Mariam Barghouti, www.aljazeera.com

DEPARTMENTS 5 Publishers’ Page

6 letters to the editor UAE Minister Defends Normalization With Israel

54 WagiNg PeaCe:

Palestinian and U.S. Reactions to

Israel-UAE Normalization

61 FilM: “The Cave” Highlights LifeSaving Efforts in War-Torn Syria

Ahmad takes a break to pray in Mar Mikhael. He is part of a Palestinian association that is helping the victims of the explosion. This print by Myriam Boulos is for sale as part of For The Love of Beirut. See article p. 36.

62 art: Arab American Artists Chal-

70 the World looks at the Middle east —CARTooNS

72 obituaries

64 Middle east books revieW

71 other PeoPle’s Mail

11 iNdeX to advertisers

lenge Stereotypes Through their Work

73 2020 aet Choir oF aNgels

FOR THE LOVE OF BEIRUT

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A “New Normal?”

American Educational Trust

Publishers’ Page

PHOTO COURTESY UNKNOWN BYSTANDER

in ballots being used this year, votes will start rolling For months, corporations, in earlier than ever. (Be politicians and commentasure to mail in your ballots tors have been telling us how early and closely follow all to best embrace the “new procedures, especially if normal.” In August, Israel your election board reand the UAE announced quires a signature that plans to normalize relations, matches their records!) We a move that Israel hopes will know voting is likely to be spur a “new normal” in the more stressful than ever region. Indeed, soon after this year for a multitude of the agreement was anreasons, and we know nounced, “sources” began there are many issues to reporting that other Arab Khairi Hanoon lived after an Israeli soldier pressed his knee on his neck. consider when casting countries, perhaps Bahrain your ballot. For the one issue we know our or Oman or Morocco, may also be finalyou how you can help the humanitarian readers all agree on...getting pro-Israel izing official diplomatic relations with situation, on pp. 32-35. money out of Congress...

Israel. Only time will tell. Palestinians are Brown and Black Lives Matter worried the UAE-Israel deal removes one We are Here to Help! of the few cards they had at the negotiatSometimes Israel and the United States ing table—the promise of normalization are mirror images of each other and that This issue features the latest 2020 prowith the Arab and Muslim world if Israel is not something either country should be Israel PAC charts, showing how much agreed to end its occupation of Palestinproud of. Americans were sickened when money each congressional candidate has ian lands. It’s still too early to understand they saw a policeman’s knee pressing on received from pro-Israel political action the full ramifications of this agreement, but George Floyd’s neck during his arrest for committees. Keep in mind, with all the unit appears de facto Israeli annexation of allegedly passing a counterfeit $20 bill in traceable “dark money” in politics today, Palestinian lands will continue, and that Minneapolis. Americans and Israelis this chart is just the tip of the iceberg in the already bleak prospects for a resolushould also be appalled by another inciterms of the amount of pro-Israel money tion to the “conflict” have diminished even dent on Sept. 1, when an Israeli soldier flowing into campaign coffers. In our next further. We have three views on the norwas filmed with his knee pressing on the issue, we will publish voting records showmalization agreement on pp. 8-11. neck of a Palestinian man being handing how your member of Congress voted cuffed at a protest against Israeli settleon key pieces of Middle East legislation.

Solidarity with Beirut ment construction in the village of Shufa, It’s important we hold our elected officials near Nablus. Khairi Hanoon is a wellaccountable, and keep on pestering them Palestinians may feel abandoned by the known activist in his 60s. Unlike Floyd he to do the right thing, regardless of who is West, and now the UAE, but there’s no lived. See pp. 18-19 for an article that in office. doubt that the entire world rallied in suphelps explain the “special relationship” beport of the Lebanese people after a surreal Thank you Readers and Donors tween Israel and the United States. and horrific explosion rocked the capital of Beirut on Aug. 4. Preliminary reports deOur angels are listed in the end of each termined the blast to be a result of gross issue but you are really front and center Hopeful Signs on the Horizon negligence on behalf of the corrupt and of all we try to do. You’re helping us break American Jews, especially young liberals ground on our new Middle East Books much despised government. Many believe are growing disillusioned with Israel. They and More Coffee Shop. You’re helping us the blast will have long-term political ripcan’t support racial justice at home and produce Transcending the Israel Lobby ples. Will Lebanon do away with its conturn a blind eye to injustice in Israel (see at Home and Abroad EXTRA!—a virtual fessional political system? Can a plan be pp. 16-17). Jewish Voice for Peace and inZoom conference we’re holding until we launched to reinvigorate the country’s colterfaith groups are helping to elevate reconvene at the National Press Club. If lapsing economy? How can the country Palestinian voices and convince our leadyou don’t see your name on our Angels’ move forward with so many rival internal ers that they can no longer be “progressive list, please donate online or send us a factions as well as regional actors such as except for Palestine.” check to help us keep the magazine Israel and Iran ever willing to intervene in Ready to Vote afloat... the country’s affairs? The questions plaguThe November 2020 election is almost ing Lebanon are many and existential. We Make A Difference Today! upon us, and with the high number of maildelve into some of these issues, and tell OCTOBER 2020

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Executive Editor: Managing Editor: Contributing Editor: Contributing Editor: Other Voices Editor: Middle East Books and More Director: Finance & Admin. Dir.: Art Director: Founding Publisher: Founding Exec. Editor: Board of Directors:

DELINDA C. HANLEY DALE SPRUSANSKY WALTER HIXSON JULIA PITNER JANET McMAHON SAMI TAYEB CHARLES R. CARTER RALPH-UWE SCHERER ANDREW I. KILLGORE (1919-2016) RICHARD H. CURTISS (1927-2013) HENRIETTA FANNER JANET McMAHON JANE KILLGORE

Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (ISSN 87554917) is published 7 times a year, monthly except Jan./Feb., March/April, June/July and Aug./Sept. combined, at 1902 18th St., NW, Washington, DC 20009-1707. Tel. (202) 9396050. Subscription prices (United States and possessions): one year, $29; two years, $55; three years, $75. For Canadian and Mexican subscriptions, $35 per year; for other foreign subscriptions, $70 per year. Periodicals, postage paid at Washington, DC and additional mailing offices. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, P.O. Box 91056, Long Beach, CA 90809-1056.

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LetterstotheEditor JEFF HALPER’S BOOK UNVEILS ISRAEL’S DEHUMANIZING POLICIES

I am reading a book by a Jeff Halper, an Israeli who works to stop Palestinian homes being demolished by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The book is called War Against the People: Israel, the Palestinians and Global Pacification.

I've read Halper for decades. I must quote from the first page of Chapter 7. It is intense, more intense, more vividly real than ever, a description of the prison in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.

“The Occupied Palestinian Territory has been transformed into probably the most monitored, controlled and militarized place on earth,” he writes. “It epitomizes the dream of every general, security expert and police officer to be able to exercise total bio-political control. In a situation where the local population enjoys no effective legal protections or privacy, they and their lands become a laboratory where the latest technologies of surveillance, control and suppression are perfected and showcased, giving Israel an edge in the highly competitive global market. Labels such as ‘Combat Proven,’ ‘Tested in Gaza’ and ‘Approved by the IDF’ on Israeli or foreign products greatly improves their marketability.”

On p. 149, he reveals the horrible reasoning of the Israelis. There is a “compelling framing that turns the oppressed into the threat and the oppressors into the victims merely defending themselves,” he says. “It is a play in which everything is turned around, making it look as if the Israelis are the victims.”

On p. 150, the author mentions “the expulsion of half the [Palestinian] villages, towns, expropriation of their lands, destruction of 536 villages....the demolition of some 60,000 homes.”

On each page of this chapter, we can really see for ourselves quite clearly the ongoing drama, the stolen land, the torture and murders by the IDF and far more.

This is why I write letters nearly every day to elected officials, publications and others. We must push harder to create healthy change. We are all aware that

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu will soon return to that “wonderful plan” of President Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, and if so, there won’t be any land for the Palestinians that is arable. As for rights? Forget it. The occupation will continue with more of the same.

Carol Rae Bradford, Somerville, MA Jeff Halper does a masterful job of outlining the depravity of Israeli policy toward the Palestinians. Like you said, it is important that we don’t merely bemoan the reality in Palestine. We must, as you do, share the truth of the situation widely so that more people can come to see the U.S.-sponsored injustices being perpetuated in the Holy Land. Halper’s book, War Against the People, is available from Middle East Books and More.

FOR THE SAKE OF PEACE, A ONESTATE SOLUTION IS NEEDED

The Balfour Declaration was a public statement issued by the British government in 1917 announcing support for the establishment of a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. The declaration was contained in a letter dated Nov. 2, 1917 from the United Kingdom’s Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour to Lord Rothschild, a leader of the British Jewish community, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland.

Fast forward to the global Black Lives Matter movement. Palestinians have eagerly embraced the symbolism with large banners saying “Palestinian Lives Matter” on prominent display in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Since its birth Israel has displaced the local indigenous Palestinian population by brute force, supported by billions in U.S. military aid prodded by AIPAC and other powerful pro-Israel organizations.

Meanwhile, an estimated 640,000 illegal Jewish settlers now live in East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Even the leaders of Israel’s center-left parties increasingly no longer support such a fragmented Palestinian state, and now openly support Israeli annexation.

The Trump-Kushner disastrous “peace OCTOBER 2020

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plan” envisions an archipelago of Since the illegal 2003 U.S. invaKEEP THOSE CARDS AND LETTERS Palestinian towns, scattered sion of Iraq, over 1.5 million Iraqis COMING! across the West Bank, under tight have been killed by military asSend your letters to the editor to the Washington Report, P.O. Box 53062, Washington, DC 20009 Israeli military control, much like saults, sectarian violence, terroror e-mail <letters@wrmea.org>. the bantustans of apartheid South ism, starvation and disease. This Africa. This is a profoundly cruel is a conservative estimate that may “remedy” perpetrated by Netanyahu’s be compared to the over two million Vietsuccessfully implemented. A peace right-wing government in close collabonamese civilian fatalities during the 1965agreement between Protestant Northern ration with the Trump administration. The 1975 period of U.S. aggression in VietIreland and the Catholic South ended only practical, equitable way forward is nam, Cambodia and Laos. decades of bloody strife. one state where all Palestinians and The Canadian Press news agency reAnother poignant example is the setJews enjoy the same equal rights, othercently reported that Canada’s accurate tlement between Hutus and Tutsis in wise Israel’s claim to being a Jewish de2003 assessment of Iraq’s WMD (nuclear, Rwanda. Rwanda is currently one of the mocratic state is patently absurd. chemical, biological weapons of mass demost progressive states in the African Highly respected writers such as Peter struction) capabilities contradicted the U.S. subcontinent. Decades of foreign “divide Beinart, Yousef Munayyer and the late position later used to justify the invasion and rule” mischief (Britain in Ireland, BelEdward Said have argued that equality and occupation of Saddam Hussain’s Iraq. gium in Rwanda, and the U.S. and Britain comes in the form of one state that inThe George W. Bush government’s desire in Israel) was responsible for creating cludes Israel, the West Bank, the Gaza to control Iraq’s vast oil resources has death and misery for many millions of inStrip and East Jerusalem. since been revealed as their actual motive nocent victims.

Recent history provides convincing exfor the invasion.

Jagjit Singh, Pal Alto, CA amples where such remedies have been In spite of then-Prime Minister Jean To many, a one-state solution suddenly Chretien’s refusal to commit Canadian appears to be the most humane troops to Iraqi combat, he approved amand practical outcome to this munition sales to the U.S. military for use “conflict” that has defined the in Iraq. SNC-TEC, an SNC Lavalin subregion for far too long. While we sidiary, was awarded a 2004 contract to don’t take a stance on the onemanufacture and supply 300-500 million state v. two-state debate, we bullets. recognize the importance of According to John Tirman of MIT, “...exfinding a solution that ensures pediency [has] usually trumped principle full human rights. in U.S. foreign policy…the result has preThe problem, of course, is dictably been a growing antipathy for that Israel seems to want neither America and its hypocrisies…the avatar of a one- nor two-state solution, inthat antipathy has been militant Islam. We stead apparently preferring to remain deaf to this lesson, at our peril.” progressively annex and occupy Morgan Duchesney, Ottawa, Ontario, Palestinian land. This, of course, Canada ultimately leads to a de facto Your sobering analysis of the build-up one-state reality in which Palesto the Iraq War and its consequences is tinians face a separate and unan important reminder that war is truly equal legal regime. It’s no hell. Americans are rightly angry at the wonder more and more people amount of blood and treasure we have now refer to Israel’s policies in OTHER VOICES is an optional 16-page supple wasted in fruitless wars since Vietnam.

Palestine as apartheid. ment available only to subscribers of the WashingBut as you sadly note, the biggest price CANADA’S QUIET has been paid by the citizens of Vietnam, ton Report on Middle East Affairs. For an additional HYPOCRISY ON IRAQ Iraq and elsewhere. Imagine where the $15 per year (see postcard insert for Washington Many pundits and politicians world would be today if we invested in Report subscription rates), subscribers will receive have claimed that ungrateful people and peace rather than weapons Other Voices inside each issue of their Washington Iraqis rejected America’s gift of and war. Instead, governments continue Report on Middle East Affairs. freedom and chose sectarian vito defy their people and pursue budgets Back issues of both publications are available. olence after the 2003 U.S. invaand policies in conformity with special inTo subscribe telephone 1 (888) 881-5861, fax sion. That slipshod incursion creterests, rather than their citizens. Candice (714) 226-9733, e-mail circulation@wrmea. org>, ated the conditions for violent Bodnaruk highlights this on p. 44 of this chaos and inspired al-Qaeda, issue, where she cites a new poll showing or write to P.O. Box 91056, Long Beach, CA 90809and later ISIS, to enter the counmost Canadians object to their country’s 1056. try.

U.S.-aligned Middle East policies. ■ OCTOBER 2020

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Three Views

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UAE and Israel Normalize Relations

A U.S.-Israeli delegation led by U.S. Presidential Adviser Jared Kushner (c) and U.S. National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien (r) disembark from an El Al’s airliner on August 31, 2020, in the first-ever direct commercial flight from Israel to the UAE, at the Abu Dhabi airport.

The UAE and Israel: A Dangerous Liaison

By Marwan Bishara

THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) has been so enamored with Israel that even before formalizing their new bilateral agreement, they had started normalizing relations on many levels, including communications, transportation and security, among others.

What appeared to be a “marriage of convenience” has been in fact a full-fledged love affair. Unlike traditional marriages, the two fell in love and secretly consummated their relationship well before officially announcing the wedding date.

Marwan Bishara is the senior political analyst at Al Jazeera.© 2020

Al Jazeera Media Network. Reprinted with permission.

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Indeed, the announcement had been a long time coming, considering the many hints and winks from both sides, but it was the Trump administration that was eager to break the news with much fanfare ahead of the U.S. elections.

The Emirati attempt to spin its appeasement as a strategic calculation to stop Israel’s illegal annexation of Palestinian lands and promote Middle East peace was laughed at in Palestine and throughout the region.

As I wrote the morning after the Aug. 13 announcement, the record shows the UAE has harbored more hostility than sympathy toward the Palestinians. If anything, the deal will further empower Israel and weaken the Palestinian struggle for freedom.

Moreover, the UAE was never at war, let alone a religious war, with Israel, to have to conclude a “peace agreement” dubbed rather dubiously the “Abraham Agreement.”

If anything, this is more of an alliance than an agreement—an al-

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OCTOBER 2020

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liance directed at the regional powers, Iran and Turkey; an alliance that threatens to further destabilize the region if U.S. President Donald Trump is re-elected for four more years.

But what if the Democratic nominee Joe Biden is elected president?

Surely, the Emirati leaders are reading the U.S. press and know all too well the former vice president is ahead in the polls and remains committed to the Obama administration’s nuclear deal with Iran.

GEOPOLITICAL PARTNERS

Since its birth out of sin—colonial sin—Israel has been all too eager for recognition and acceptance by its Arab and Muslim hinterland.

To break out of its regional isolation, it is happy to normalize relations with any nation, regardless of size, rule or geography.

And when a rich country like the UAE volunteers to normalize relations without any real conditions, it is normal that Israel would jump at the opportunity and try to speed up the process as much as possible. Indeed, Israel considers Abu Dhabi and Dubai the gateway to Saudi Arabia, the way Hong Kong was the gateway to China.

But why has Abu Dhabi been so eager and in a rush to dash forward with the new relationship in these uncertain times? Well, perhaps because it reckons the new relationship with Israel is particularly instrumental in times of uncertainty, no less if Biden wins. After all, it believes Israel’s political clout in Washington will protect it, come what may.

Indeed, the UAE and Israel began their secret contacts in Washington in the chaotic years following the 2003 invasion of Iraq and elevated them to strategic coordination during the turbulent years of the Obama administration. (For full disclosure, I was senior political analyst for Abu Dhabi TV for three years during and after the Gulf war, where I was received graciously and was able to comment freely.)

Their leaders, along with those of Saudi Arabia, felt betrayed by then-President Barack Obama’s initial support for the Arab Spring and his pressure on Arab autocrats to embrace democratic reforms, i.e. step aside or step down. All three regimes went into a state of panic during the Arab upheavals, railing against Obama for his recognition of the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 2012 Egyptian elections. These regimes consider democracy and Arab freedom of expression to be their number one enemy.

Obama did a full U-turn on Egypt, refusing to condemn or even acknowledge the 2013 military coup d’etat engineered by General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, but Emirati, Israeli and Saudi leaders decided that Washington is no longer dependable, and instead had to rely on each other to keep democracy out of the region.

This perception was reinforced two years later when, in 2015, the Obama administration reached a nuclear deal with Iran (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), against the wishes of all three parties. It did not help much that the Obama administration was committed to their military superiority and security and armed them, despite their war crimes in Palestine and Yemen.

Instead, the UAE took the relationship with Israel to a new strategic, security and intelligence level, later encouraged and supported by the Trump administration.

The first fruits of their covert intelligence cooperation allowed Abu Dhabi to use Israeli software to spy on its neighbors and on political and human rights activists throughout the region.

OCTOBER 2020 augusT/sEpTEMBER 2019

NEO-LIBERAL BEDFELLOWS

Israel and the UAE may be two different countries, the former a “colonial ethnocracy” and the latter a repressive autocracy, but their close alliance with the West in general, and the U.S. in particular, has allowed them to successfully liberalize, privatize and globalize their economies, albeit to different degrees.

Both have successfully transformed into security states and market states, becoming models for neoliberal development in the developing world. Both created efficient bureaucracies dictated by business and commercial needs and effective security apparatuses dictated by unstable regional conditions.

Their capacity to integrate newcomers into their economies— Israel mainly from Jewish immigration and the UAE mainly from expat labor—has allowed them to expand and diversify their economies like no other.

Moreover, their cooperation in security and intelligence-gathering has solidified their clientelism as bedrocks of American influence in the region, regardless of who resides at the White House. Their capacity to launch wars and project commercial and strategic power beyond their borders renders them important Western assets in a turbulent region.

RECKLESS AMBITION

An attraction has developed between the extroverted Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and the introverted Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed (MBZ), the de facto leader of the UAE. Bibi is envious of the Emirati wealth and its projection of power throughout the region from Tunisia to Syria through Libya and Sudan, and MBZ is envious of Israel’s advanced economy and technology and its influence in Washington.

Netanyahu is also envious of MBZ’s authoritarian rule; he would never have to face trial for corruption, the way the Israeli prime minister is now.

Both are exploiting their status as American strategic assets in order to advance their national interests, regardless of the consequences to their neighbors.

In that way, the U.S. sale of advanced fighter jets F-35 to the UAE will most certainly go through once Israel gets something in return from Washington. And it will be the people of the region who will suffer from Emirati aerial superiority, as they do from Israel’s.

The new bedfellows will try to expand their alliance with the likes of Egypt and Saudi Arabia in order to mount a united front against any new initiative from the U.S., the European Union or the region that is not to their liking.

They may be able to defeat the Palestinians and Yemenis militarily, and may weaken the Lebanese and the Libyans politically.

But Iran and Turkey will prove hard, indeed dangerous, to contain or confront through strategic leverage.

And the same goes for their attempts at stifling democratization anywhere in the region, which will lead to greater instability and violence. In short, betting on the new “peace agreement” to advance the cause of peace and stability in the region will prove wishful if not outright cynical.

WashingTOn REpORT On MiddlE EasT affaiRs af-

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Don’t Shoot the Messenger

By Dr. James J. Zogby BECAUSE WE SHOULD CARE about what people are thinking about critical issues, polling is important. It opens a window so we can hear the voices of public opinion and make intelligent policy decisions.

Sometimes, poll results affirm what we believe to be true and we feel gratified. On other occasions, the findings run counter to our expectations and we face a dilemma. We can either examine why our assumptions were mistaken or we can ignore the results that ran counter to our expectations and denounce the pollster. Shooting the messenger might make you feel good, but by ignoring information we don’t like we run the risk of making a bad situation worse.

I am prompted to write this piece because I’ve been reading criticisms of the UAE-Israel accord, many of which raise valid concerns about Palestinian rights and Israeli impunity. But what has troubled me are those critics who say that this agreement is out of sync with “the overwhelming majority of Arab public opinion” on how to achieve Palestinian rights. This is unfortunately not true. Attitudes across the Arab world have undergone a dramatic change in the past few years and this new political reality must be understood.

In the past two decades, I’ve polled Arab opinion across the region. One constant has always been the centrality of Palestine.

In 2002, for example, we found that this issue was ranked, along with employment and health care, one of the three top political concerns in most Arab countries (especially in Egypt and Saudi Arabia).

It remained a priority up until a few years ago.

In September of 2019 we, at Zogby Research Services (ZRS), conducted another of our omnibus polls across the Arab world.

Much of what we found was expected—with regard to Syria, Iraq, the failure of the Arab Spring and concerns about Iran’s behavior in the region. What shocked me was the sea of change in attitudes toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It ranked in the bottom tier of priorities in every country.

Our findings showed that most Arabs still fault the U.S. and Israel for the failure to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and continue to support the Arab Peace Initiative (API). But while a significant number in all countries affirmed their support for the API, they also said that Arab states should be doing more to advance this initiative.

What was striking was that significant majorities in Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE felt it would be desirable for some Arab states to pursue normalization even without peace. Opinion was evenly divided in Lebanon, with four out of ten Palestinians also agreeing.

These responses were so out of line with previous results, that we repolled this question and followed it with open-ended questions to learn why respondents thought that normalization might be desirable. Our repolling reaffirmed the initial findings and the qualitative responses to the “opens” were instructive.

Many indicated frustration with the failure of Arabs to bring about justice for Palestinians and concern that the conflict was taking too many lives and causing too much suffering. There was also deep 10

frustration with the Palestinian Authority and a sense that maybe with normalization Arab states would gain some leverage over Israel enabling them to help secure rights for the Palestinian people. It was important to note that while in response to other questions in the survey, Arabs made clear their concern with Iranian behaviors, this issue never factored into their calculations about the desirability of normalization.

In June of 2020, in the midst of the furor over Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s threat to annex much of the West Bank, we went back into the field to test Arab opinion on the question of normalizing before peace. The UAE ambassador to the U.S. had just published an op-ed in an Israeli daily warning that Israel could have either normalization or annexation, Jordan’s King Abdullah had issued a dire warning about the consequences of annexation, 19 EU ministers had threatened sanctions if Netanyahu went ahead with his plans, and leading Democrats in Congress had sent a letter stating their opposition. We polled in five Arab countries (Egypt, Jordan, Palestine, Saudi Arabia and UAE) and Israel.

We found that significant majorities across the board believed that resolution of the conflict was important and were hopeful that a solution could be found in the next five years. These two factors combined led pluralities in four of these countries (except Palestine) to say they wanted to explore new approaches to convince the Israelis of the benefits of making peace with the Palestinians. They therefore favored some normalizing of ties with Israel as a means of breaking the deadlock. With this in mind, majorities in these same countries said that they supported the initiative taken by the UAE ambassador to counter Israel’s threat of annexation. And decisive majorities expressed the strong view that if Israel proceeded to annex, then any steps toward normalization should end.

Palestinian respondents were less supportive of normalization with only one-third favoring this approach. Nevertheless, almost six in ten Palestinians said that normalization would be desirable if it led to increased trade, investment in healthcare and education, and helped to further shared interests in water and food security.

The results in Israel were fascinating. Israelis also felt that resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was important, but were pessimistic it would be achieved in the near future. Opinion was divided on the question of annexation. But the UAE initiative and the warnings of King Abdullah moved opinion among those who favored applying Israeli sovereignty over parts of the West Bank from supporting to opposing—leaving only a hardcore 16 percent in favor of annexation. In fact, when asked what would be the most compelling reason to oppose annexation—alienating Arab countries ranked higher than losing support from the Europeans or even political leaders in the U.S. As someone who, for the past five decades, has been a staunch advocate for justice for Palestinians and who has for the past two decades taken Arab public opinion seriously—I’ll admit that I was confounded by these findings. At the same time, I know they must be considered and understood. Any evaluation of the UAE-Israel agreement must keep this context of evolving Arab opinion in mind.

Dr. James J. Zogby is the founder and president of the Arab American Institute and managing director of Zogby Research Services. He is the author of Arab Voices, available from Middle East Books and More.

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tinian children are doomed to live a short distance from the sea, and spend their childhood, and sometimes their entire lives, without ever seeing the beach. That is a normal situation. If breaks are discovered in the border fence and the Palestinians manage to get to the beach in the heat of August, normalcy has been disrupted and it must be forcibly restored.

Another example: Protests are allowed near the prime minister’s residence on Balfour Street, but banned in the Palestinian village of Bil’in. That’s normal in a democracy. It’s completely normal to imprison two million people for many years—what could be more normal than that?—and expect them to sit quietly. If they take steps against this insane situation, normalcy must immediately be restored; that is, their submissive return to the cage. Let them sit in Gaza, and rot forever, and create normalization with Israel.

It’s normal for a country to be called a democracy when about half of the people under its direct and indirect rule live under a totalitarian dictatorship. It’s normal that two peoples can live in one country, the natives lacking any rights while the immigrants and their descendants have all the rights. It’s normal that Israel can breach the sovereign air space of any country in the region, to spy and bomb them, but none of them are permitted to fly even one balloon into

By Gideon Levy Israeli territory. It’s normal for the Palestinians to be the only people in the world that belong to no country. It’s normal for a country to rule over territories that no other country recognizes, and yet be the FOREIGN MINISTER Gabi Ashkenazi is a senior statesman in the most privileged country in the world, except for the United States, making and a great retired hope. But the centrist camp, in desperate when it comes to enforcing international law. It’s normal for one of need of a leader, may restore him yet to the great-hope role. His the most powerfully armed and wealthiest countries in the world to statements are rare, he doesn’t say anything about anything, either receive some of the most generous economic assistance in history. because he has nothing to say or because he’s afraid to say what It’s normal for one of the hopes of the non-rightist camp to announce he does have to say—the first possibility is more likely—and therethat he supports normalization. fore every little utterance of his deserves attention.

When Ashkenazi spoke about normalization, he didn’t mean norAshkenazi told the German foreign minister on Aug. 27 that Israel malcy. Normalcy means equality between has moved “from annexation to normalizatwo peoples. Ashkenazi doesn’t dream of tion.” In response, Europe glowed with that. Normalcy is for a military occupation pleasure and announced that it hoped to to last for a very shot period of time. Norrenew the Association Council, an ongoing Al-Mokha Coffee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 malcy is for a country to obey international high-level dialogue between the European American Near East Refugee Aid law, that sort of sensationalist thing.

Union and Israel. Europe wants so much (ANERA) . . . . . . Inside Front Cover Normal is for a country to be punished for to go back to loving its darling, Israel—just its war crimes. release it from Prime Minister Binyamin Friends of Birzeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Ashkenazi doesn’t want all that. The poNetanyahu’s grip. For good measure, Kinder USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 litical center that Ashkenazi represents Ashkenazi added a few more baseless only wants quiet. That’s normalization. clichés that he has uttered with ease for Land of Canaan Foundation . . . . . 15 Leave him alone already about the occuyears now: “We left the door open to our Middle East Children’s Alliance . . .

49 pation. Let the Palestinian laborers build neighbors and now it’s up to their decision the homes, pave the roads and then return and their choice.”

Mondoweiss . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 normally to their cages. Let the Israeli army When an Israeli statesman uses the Palestinian Medical Relief Society. . 72 invade their homes by night and arrest term normalization, they mean maintaining them to its heart’s content, and by day the status quo, which is the normal situaPlaygrounds for Palestine . . . . . . . 53 freely tyrannize, humiliate and shoot them. tion to most Israelis. Any breach requires Transcending the Israel Lobby at That’s normal. All other conduct disrupts immediate normalization, a restoration of Home and Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 normalcy. Ashkenazi wants normalcy, and the status quo ante. An example? Palesso Ashkenazi brings hope. Now everything United Palestinian Appeal Gideon Levy is an Israeli journalist and depends on the Palestinians, just let them (UPA). . . . . . . . . .

Inside Back Cover author. This article was first published in surrender to this reality. Then we will have Haaretz, Aug. 29, 2020. © Haaretz. Re Zakat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 normalization with them. ■ printed with permission.

There should be the recognition given to the fact that the UAE initiative did impact Israeli public opinion and policy. And while Arabs still care about the fate of the Palestinians, attention must be given to their frustration with the PA, their concern that strategies that have been tried up until now have failed, and their desire to try a new approach to peace-making.

There are good reasons for those who support Palestinians to be concerned that Israel may pocket this move toward normalization and then continue apace its land-grabbing oppressive rule. And, this UAE initiative should in no way bring an end to our opposition to Israeli behaviors toward the captive Palestinian people—especially when there are significant shifts in U.S. opinion in favor of Palestinian rights. It may very well be possible that the UAE will have some leverage they can use to not only stop annexation, but to alter Israeli behaviors. This—securing justice for Palestinians—is what Arab opinion has told us they hope will happen.

What Israel’s Foreign Minister Means When he says “Normalization”

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Special Report

The Impact of the U.S. Presidential Election On the Middle East

(L) Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden delivers his acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention from the Chase Center in Wilmington, DE, on Aug. 20, 2020. (R) U.S. President Donald Trump speaks on the first day of the Republican National Convention at the Charlotte Convention Center in Charlotte, NC, on Aug. 24, 2020.

FOREIGN POLICY in the Middle East is unlikely to carry much weight in the U.S. elections since the focus of presidential candidates and campaigns is usually on domestic issues. This year, voters are concerned with the catastrophic handling of COVID-19 and its devastating impact on the domestic economy, along with nation-wide protests calling for racial justice, some of which have turned violent.

However, there are certain issues in the Middle East that could potentially come up in the political discourse leading up to the November elections, especially in Israel/Palestine, Iran and the Gulf monarchies.

Donald Trump’s presidency has exacerbated the deep polarization of American society and its institutions, including the U.S. approach to the most pertinent problems in the Middle East. There is a growing

Stasa Salacanin is a widely published author and analyst focusing on the Middle East and Europe. He produces in-depth analysis of the region’s most pertinent issues for regional and international publications including the Al Jazeera Center for Studies, Middle East Monitor, The New Arab, Gulf News, Al Bawaba, Qantara, Inside Arabia and many more.

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divide between Democrats and Republicans on almost every issue in the region and it is likely that in the case of a Joe Biden victory, he will try to recalibrate U.S. policy in the Middle East.

Trump and Biden have differing views on Israel, Iran and the Gulf, according to Joe Macaron, a fellow at the Arab Center Washington DC. In short, “Trump will argue that he has the toughest approach toward Iran and is most supportive of Israel while Biden will argue that the current president is enamored with Middle East dictators and has damaged the U.S. image around the world,” he predicted.

Trump might seek to shift focus from his pandemic, economic and racial troubles at home to talk about his foreign policy successes, but according to Macaron, he has a mixed record to run on. This summer he was able to score a major foreign policy win, perhaps his one and only, a U.S. brokered agreement on “full normalization of relations” between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The agreement also included an Israeli commitment to suspend its process of “extending sovereignty” over large parts of the West Bank.

But for Daniel Wagner, a prominent commentator on current Middle East affairs and CEO of Country Risk Solutions, neither this

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PHOTO BY WIN MCNAMEE/GETTY IMAGES

By Stasa Salacanin

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nor any single issue will impact the way the average American voter thinks about either candidate. “The new relationship between Israel and the UAE is clearly something Trump can claim some credit for, but ultimately it was the decision of the two countries—not Washington,” Wagner said.

Moreover, Biden’s own pro-Israel bona fides are well established and, according to Wagner, it is not as if his position will change or be in any way weakened by this development.

Apart from this, Trump is, according to Macaron, expected to emphasize his support for Israel to mobilize Evangelical voters. If Trump ends up winning it is possible that he may be less obsessed with his poll numbers and more willing to entertain policy ideas such as negotiating with Tehran, advancing Israeli-Palestinian talks and encouraging other Arab states to follow the UAE example to normalize their ties with Israel. Then again, in a second term Trump could be consumed by distracting scandals and divisions.

CANDIDATES’ STANCE ON IRAN

Leaders across the Middle East are already preparing for the possible victory of Joe Biden and considering the implications of his presidency. Before serving as vice president from 2009 to 2017, Biden also served as the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Many observers are wondering whether Biden’s administration will follow in the footsteps of Barack Obama, at least when it comes to Iran.

According to Macaron, Biden will undoubtedly seek to return the U.S. to the nuclear deal with Iran to regain one of Obama’s main foreign policy legacies.

Biden’s administration would most likely be tougher on Tehran than Obama’s and might seek an addendum to the JCPOA in return for waiving Trump’s sanctions. Biden will have to balance pressure from the left and resistance in the U.S. Senate on this issue.

On the other hand, Joseph A. Kéchich ian, a senior fellow at the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies in Riyadh, believes that Biden’s presidency won’t be a third Obama term and that he will try to OCTOBER 2020

distinguish himself from his predecessor, if only to give meaning to his presidency.

“American presidents think of their legacies before every other consideration, including securing a place for themselves, winning Nobel Peace prizes, and receiving praise from home and abroad,” Kéchichian opines. However, Kéchichian also agrees that Biden might reduce tensions with Iran.

Macaron assumes that a Biden administration will also focus on mitigating the security risks facing U.S. forces in Iraq and seek to reach an accepted accommodation with Iran in Iraq and Lebanon. As Trump has set the tone on Iran “it will be hard for Biden to scale down U.S. sanctions without significant compromise or policy shift in Tehran,” Macaron noted.

ISRAEL IN A COMFORT ZONE

Despite his open pro-Israeli approach, Kéchichian describes Donald Trump as an “anti-Semite” and he expects that on substantive security questions, there will be no more major changes.

Although both candidates have expressed their strong support for Israel, many Democrats heavily criticized Trump’s highly controversial “Deal of the Century” and other concessions given to Israel. Macaron thinks that Biden might be the most accepted presidential candidate to Israeli leadership. Despite his recent criticism of Israeli moves to annex the settlements, in the past, Biden showed his ideological commitment to the U.S.-Israel relationship, saying that “you don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.”

In Macaron’s opinion, it will be difficult for Biden to retract Trump’s decision to move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, and the Trump administration’s endorsement of Israeli annexation of the Golan Heights and the West Bank. If Biden is elected, his relationship with the Israeli leadership will be complex as he deals with an Israeli society shifting to the right and a tense history with Netanyahu. According to Macaron, Biden will be under pressure from the left-wing of the Democratic Party to have a more balanced approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. “The mere ability to have negotia-

tions between Israelis and Palestinians will be a success for Biden, even if peace seems elusive in the foreseeable future,” Macaron said.

RESETTING U.S.- GULF RELATIONS

Biden’s victory will most likely cause a policy shift on the U.S. approach toward the GCC, most notably in bilateral relations.

Trump was able to achieve his surprising breakthrough between Arab Gulf states and Israel by convincing Arabs not to interfere with his infamous “Deal of the Century” in return for full U.S. (and Israeli) support against their arch-rival Iran. In addition, the Trump administration signed off on astronomically high arms deals with Gulf countries, especially with Saudi Arabia. He also gave them a free hand in regional matters, especially in Yemen, and turned a blind eye to human rights violations at home and abroad.

In Macaron’s opinion, Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, colloquially known as MBS, have personalized U.S.-Saudi relations through transactional rather than institutional routes, which would return to traditional channels under Biden. MBS has a direct line to Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, which has helped the Saudi leadership navigate several political storms, most notably the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

Trump has turned the U.S. support for Saudi Arabia from a bipartisan issue in Washington into an increasingly personal one. Hence, if Biden wins, Riyadh will have to deal with a U.S. political establishment that raises uncomfortable questions about the current Saudi leadership.

In Kéchichian’s opinion, GCC states are accustomed to dramatic changes in U.S. administrations and will deal with whoever wins. There might be a cooling-off period under Biden but critical security ties will flourish, he believes. Despite a possible change in the White House, and a recalibration of U.S. Middle East policy, the legacy of Donald Trump will outlast his presidency and it will take a long time before the U.S. regains its credibility and respect in the region. ■

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Christianity and the Middle East

Equality, Freedom and Justice for All, But not for Palestinians!

Linda Sarsour speaks at a Black Lives Matter rally in Washington Square Park on June 6, 2020 in New York, NY. The Palestinian-American activist was unjustly attacked after she participated in a DNC council meeting.

WOULD A BIDEN/HARRIS win bring political respite for Palestinians or would their victory continue the Democratic Party’s tradition: justice for all but not for Palestinians?

As I watched the 2020 Democratic National Convention, I was amazed at how many times the words “justice,” “equality,” “human rights” and “freedom” were uttered by the distinguished speakers, not to mention numerous sentences which addressed these issues conceptually. The Bidens, the Obamas, the Clintons, Kamala Harris, Bernie Sanders and other speakers repeatedly promised that a new administration under Joe Biden and Kamala Harris would work hard to bring justice, equality and fairness to the unemployed or underemployed, to African Americans, to Latinos and Native Americans, to women, to students, to gays and straights and to all Americans suffering from a failing health system. How uplifting it is to look toward the possibility of an administration that starts the march toward equality, freedom and justice for all, as exemplified in some of their words:

Rev. Dr. Alex Awad is a retired United Methodist Missionary. He and his wife, Brenda, served in Jerusalem and in Bethlehem for more than 25 years. Rev. Awad served as pastor of East Jerusalem Baptist Church, dean of students at Bethlehem Bible College, and director of the Shepherd Society. Awad has written two books, Through the Eyes of the Victims and Palestinian Memories. Rev. Awad is a member of the Palestinian Christian Alliance for Peace (PCAP).

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PHOTO BY NOAM GALAI/GETTY IMAGES

By Rev. Alex Awad Presidential Candidate Joe Biden: We have a great purpose as a nation to open the doors of opportunity to all Americans, to save our democracy, to be a light to the world once again, and finally to live up to and make real the words written in the sacred documents that founded this nation. That all men and women are created equal, endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, among them

life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Former President Barack Obama: Americans of all races joining together to declare, in the face of injustice and brutality at the hands of the state, that Black Lives Matter, no more, but no less, so that no child in this country feels the continuing sting of racism.

Vice Presidential Candidate Kamala Harris spoke of justice more than any other speaker. Here is just one quotation from her speech: I'm inspired by a new generation of leadership. You are pushing us to realize the ideals of our nation, pushing us to live the values we share: decency and fairness, justice and love.

Wow! Such words surely ring like music in the ear of any social justice advocate. As a Palestinian American, however, listening to these speeches left me feeling saddened and shortchanged by a thought I couldn’t shake. Freedom, equality and justice have been the dreams of every Palestinian since we have been denied these basic inalienable rights for more than 100 years. It’s exactly what we Palestinians have been striving to achieve for decades. And while I would have loved to celebrate such sweet and uplifting words spoken by the candidates, a question nagged at me relentlessly. If the Democrats were to win the election in November and begin implementing these visions of justice for which they painted such beautiful pictures, would they also promote freedom, equality and justice for the persecuted, op-

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pressed and disenfranchised outside U.S. borders? Or would they put them to practice only within the borders of the United States?

Would these values, which are enshrined in the American Constitution, become the central force in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East? And, would these values guide U.S. policy toward Israel and Palestine? Would these values that are good for the citizens of the U.S. become applicable and deserved for Palestinians?

Two things happened during the DNC that made me doubt the Democratic Party’s commitment to freedom, equality and justice for Palestinians. First, the DNC policy platform on Israel and Palestine disappointed the American Palestinian delegates by omitting any reference to the Israeli occupation. In the words of Dr. James Zogby: Yet, frustratingly, once again the platform draft is missing an indispensable component: acknowledgement that millions of Palestinians continue to live under Israeli military occupation, without the basic civil rights and freedoms enjoyed by Israeli citizens living both inside the state of Israel and

in illegal West Bank settlements. Including or omitting reference to occupation is not a mere word choice. It’s an indication of whether the Democratic Party is truly willing to confront and oppose the systemic injustice that has been at the heart of the IsraeliPalestinian conflict for over 53 years.

The other incident had to do with Palestinian American activist, Linda Sarsour, who was unjustly attacked after she participated in a DNC council meeting. The presence of Sarsour at the meeting got the attention of right wing, pro-Israeli Republicans who were quick in expressing criticism of the Biden campaign for including Sarsour, who they accuse of anti-Semitism. Biden and his proIsraeli supporters quickly distanced themselves from Sarsour. Moreover, they attacked her for supporting the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and described her as anti-Semitic. Despite the unprovoked, false and unjustified attacks and accusations, the accusers refused to publicly apologize although senior Biden campaign officials did later apologize for the attacks in an off-the-record phone call with

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Arab and Muslim Democratic activists; Sarsour was not present. This left many progressive Democrats, including Palestinian American and Jewish delegates, quite disappointed. This saga is an indicator that racism against Palestinians is still a powerful force within many in the Democratic Party.

Regardless, most Palestinians and Arab Americans will continue to support the Democratic ticket with a thin hope that, after winning the election, Democrats will navigate their Middle East politics in the right direction.

Certainly, a Biden/Harris victory in November would sweep out, from the White House, the disastrous anti-Palestinian Trump and his administration. That would bring some relief for Palestinians, who suffered one blow after the other since Trump took office. However, if Biden, as president, continues to take advice and direction from hyper-Zionists and does not allow freedom, equality and justice to be the guiding forces in his Middle East policies, his legacy will become a carbon copy of all the U.S. presidents before him who tried and miserably failed to bring peace to that troubled region of the world. ■

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Israel and Judaism

PHOTO: HOPPER STONE/HBO MAXPHOTO: HOPPER STONE/HBO MAX

Peter Beinart and Seth Rogen Reflect Jewish Disillusionment with Israel

By Allan C. Brownfeld

Seth Rogen plays the two main characters in the film “An American Pickle.”

THE DISILLUSIONMENT with Israel of American Jews, and some Israelis, is becoming increasingly clear. In particular, controversy was stirred by a widely discussed article by Peter Beinart, respected journalist and long-time liberal Zionist, and an interview with writer and actor Seth Rogen.

Peter Beinart, for many years an advocate of a two-state solution, has now changed his mind. He stirred much debate with his article published on July 8 in the New York Times entitled, “I No Longer Believe in a Jewish State.” This was preceded by a longer article in Jewish Currents, where he is editor-at-large, “Yavne: A Jewish Case For Equality in Israel-Palestine.”

He writes: “For decades I argued for a separation between Israelis and Palestinians. Now, I can imagine a Jewish home in one equal state. I was 22 in 1993 when Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat shook hands on the White House lawn to officially begin the peace process that many hoped would create a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Allan C. Brownfeld is a syndicated columnist and associate editor of the Lincoln Review, a journal published by the Lincoln Institute for Research and Education, and editor of Issues, the quarterly journal of the American Council for Judaism.

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I’ve been arguing for a two-state solution ever since.”

Beinart notes that, “I knew Israel was wrong to deny Palestinians in the West Bank citizenship, due process, free movement and the right to vote in the country in which they lived. But the dream of a two-state solution that would give Palestinians a country of their own let me hope that I could remain a liberal and a supporter of Jewish statehood at the same time. Events have extinguished that hope.”

At the present time, about 640,000 Jewish settlers live in East Jerusalem and the West Bank and Beinart argues, “Both the Israeli and American governments have divested Palestinian statehood of any real meaning. The Trump administration’s peace plan envisions an archipelago of Palestinian towns scattered across as little as 70 percent of the West Bank, under Israeli control. If Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu fulfills his pledge to impose Israeli sovereignty on parts of the West Bank, he will just formalize a decades-old reality.

In practice, Israel annexed the West Bank long ago.”

In reality, Beinart writes, “Israel has all but made its decision: one country that includes millions of Palestinians who lack basic rights.

Now liberal Zionists must make our decision, too. It’s time to abandon the traditional two-state solution and embrace the goal of equal

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rights for Jews and Palestinians. It’s time to imagine a Jewish home that is not a Jewish state. Equality could come in the form of one state, that includes Israel, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem or it could be a confederation that allows free movement between two deeply integrated countries.”

Achieving the goal of equality, Beinart believes, “...would be long and difficult but it is not fanciful. The goal of equality is now more realistic than the goal of separation...Israel is already a binational state. Two peoples, roughly equal in number, live under the ultimate control of one government. And the political science literature is clear: divided societies are most stable and most peaceful when governments represent all their peoples.”

Beinart concludes: “A Jewish state has become the dominant form of Zionism. But it is not the essence of Zionism. The essence of Zionism is a Jewish home in the land of Israel, a thriving Jewish society in Israel-Palestine can be a Jewish home that is also, equally, a Palestinian home.

Builders of that home can bring liberation not just for Palestinians but for us too.”

Even in Israel there are voices embracing Beinart’s analysis. Some even argued that Beinart “does not go far enough.” One of these is Jeff Halper, an Israeli anthropologist who leads the Israeli Committee Against Home Demolitions and is a founder of the One Democratic State Committee.

Writing in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz on July 13, he declares that, “A single state is the only alternative to what exists today, and what annexation plainly offers for the future: apartheid. The One Democratic State campaign has formulated a political program that calls for a single democracy of equal rights and the homecoming of the refugees and the emergence of a shared civil society.”

To the question, “Will Israeli Jews buy into it,” Halper provides this assessment: “Of course not. Why would they? To such a degree do they enjoy the benefits of an apartheid regime that the occupation and Palestinian rights have been reduced to a non-issue. The refusal of most white South OCTOBER 2020

Africans to willingly dismantle apartheid resembles that of Israeli Jews. So Palestinians and their few Israeli partners that have the vision of a shared society must take a leaf from the ANC [African National Congress] playbook. Like the ANC, we must create a direct link between the international public, for whom Palestinian rights is a major issue (including among a growing proportion of young Jews), and our onestate movement. In that way, we render Israeli apartheid unsustainable, as the ANC did in South Africa, finally bringing the Israelis into the transition process when they have no choice but to cooperate.”

Another Israeli who is giving up on a twostate solution is Gershon Baskin, a columnist for The Jerusalem Post. In a 2019 column he wrote: “Those of us in Israel who have supported and struggled to bring about a two-state solution are now forced to accept the new reality that Netanyahu will create, and we will have to join the ranks of the people who will fight for democracy and equality in a non-nation, non-ethnic secular state.”

Writing in The Nation, Eric Alterman declared: “Liberal Zionism is a contradiction in terms.” But no one has stirred more controversy than actor-writer Seth Rogen, who declared in a widely heard interview that, “Israel makes no sense.”

Rogen, who grew up in Canada, went to Jewish schools and Jewish summer camps. His parents met while working on a kibbutz in Israel. On July 27, he appeared on the Marc Maron podcast promoting his new movie, “An American Pickle,” which looks at Jewish life in the U.S. Maron, who is also Jewish, raised the idea of Jews moving to many places in the world after the Holocaust, and not to Israel. Rogen replied, “I think that’s a better strategy—you don’t keep all your Jews in one basket. I don’t understand why they did that. It makes no sense whatsoever. It would be nice to live somewhere that was not part of the Christian apocalyptic prophesy— maybe settle somewhere that the Christians don’t think you all have to die in order for the apocalypse to happen.”

Maron asked, “Do you want to live in

Israel?” Rogen answered, “No.” Maron responded: “I’m the same way and we’re going to piss off a bunch of Jews. For some reason, my mother, who’s not religious, her generation, they’re kind of hung up on Israel, and they found some comfort in it.

I’ve been there—I couldn’t imagine living there.” Rogen replied, “If it is truly for the preservation of Jewish people, it makes no sense, because you don’t keep something you’re trying to preserve all in one place, especially when that place has proven to be pretty volatile.”

Beyond this, said Rogen, “I also think that as a Jewish person, I was fed a huge amount of lies about Israel my entire life.

You know, they never tell you that, by the way, there were people there. They make it seem like it was just sitting there...the door’s open. Literally, they forgot to include the fact to every young Jewish person, basically, oh, by the way, there were people living there. I don’t understand it at all. I think for Jewish people especially, who view themselves as analytical and who view themselves as people who ask a lot of questions and really challenge the status quo—what are we doing?”

Both Rogen and Maron knew that they would be bitterly attacked by the Jewish establishment. Maron said, “I get frightened to talk about it. And we’re afraid of Jews.”

Rogen agreed, “I know. I’m afraid of Jews.

I am 100 percent afraid of Jews. But we’re Jews—we can say whatever we want.”

Indeed, both Peter Beinart and Seth Rogen have been subject to bitter attacks.

Writing in Newsweek, Alan Dershowitz, a long time Zionist advocate, headlined his article, “Beinart’s Final Solution: End Israel as Nation-State of the Jewish People.” This, of course, was a clear allusion to the Nazi genocide. Eric Mandel, director of the Middle East Political and Information Network wrote, in Washington Jewish Week on Aug. 6, that Rogen had “crossed a line” and associated him with groups critical of Israel that he described as “anti-Semitic.” We could fill pages with similar harsh attacks.

The reason the attacks are so bitter is that the Jewish establishment recognizes

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

Continued on page 28 17

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History’s Shadows

How “Settler Colonialism” Can Help us Understand Israel—and the U.S.

By Walter L. Hixson

PHOTO BY KEAN COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES

apache.” By linking Arab Muslims with the southwestern Indian tribe, which had relatively recently been violently subdued by the United States, Wilson invoked the shared history of settler colonialism. Just as American settlers had “tamed” their own frontier— “Winning the West,” as Theodore Roosevelt put it in his multivolume pop history— many Americans assumed that the Zionists were on a similar mission of settling and An engraving signed by J.E. Taylor & J. Karst depicts the 7th U.S. Cavalry, under the command of General George bringing civilization to Armstrong Custer, as it attacks a camp of Cheyenne Native Americans under Chief Black Kettle near what is now the backward Islamic Cheyenne, Oklahoma, Nov. 27, 1868. world.

Israel and the United States, like nearly all societies, create mythological histories for IN THE PAST few years, references to Israeli “settler colonialism” themselves—a “usable past”—that puts a positive spin on history, have become increasingly common, but what does this term acthereby obscuring more critical analysis and understanding. Amertually mean? icans, for example, like to think of themselves as the “land of the Settler colonialism is an important concept because it helps exfree,” yet the nation sanctioned slavery at its founding, clung to it plain the core identity not only of Israel but also of its chief benelong after most nations ended the odious practice of human factor, the United States. Indeed, the shared identity as settler colobondage, and today has the highest rate of incarceration in all the nial states goes a long way toward explaining the “special world. There’s not a lot of “freedom” to be found in those facts. relationship” between the two nations as well as the history of the Zionists likewise bristle over application of the term settler coloMiddle East conflict. nialism to Israeli history. “Colonialism” is recognized as an exploitaSurveying changes that were remapping the world as a result tive economic system, animated by racial oppression, one that ought of the First World War, President Woodrow Wilson declared that to be relegated to the past, hence it is not a desirable label to have “Jewish Palestine” should “never go back to the Mohammedan applied to your country. But it is the “settler” component that really defines and distinguishes the concept.

History’s Shadows, a regular column by contributing editor Walter L. Hixson, seeks to place various aspects of Middle East politics and Conventional colonialism, normally associated with the British diplomacy in historical perspective. Hixson is the author of Israel’s empire and other European colonizers, centered on economic Armor: The Israel Lobby and the First Generation of the Palestine exploitation of colonies for profit, but settler colonies are altoConflict (available from Middle East Books and More), along with gether different. In the 19th century, Europeans carved up China several other books and journal articles. He has been a professor of and competed in the imperial “scramble for Africa” in order to exhistory for 36 years, achieving the rank of distinguished professor.

18

OCTOBER 2020

A cavalry unit of the Jewish settlement police patrols on Dec. 24, 1938 near the pioneering community of Nahalal in the Jezreel Valley, during the British Mandate of Palestine. ploit those lands for profits to take back home.

Settlers, however, come to stay in a new land, rather than merely to exploit its natural resources and native labor for short-term profit. Settlers cultivate racial, religious and nationalist frameworks that serve to justify the takeover of lands on which other people already live. They assume new identities as chosen peoples who believe they are destined or divinely sanctioned to inherit a new land, which they sometimes even depict as an uninhabited “wilderness” or “virgin land.”

One of the most important aspects to understand about settler colonialism is that it is a zero-sum game: settlers do not intend to share the land with indigenous people, rather they intend to remove them in order to establish sacred homelands of their own.

By means of mass migration and violent removal policies, settlers seek to drive out the native residents. Settler societies thus work relentlessly to establish enduring “facts on the ground.”

For the Zionist movement, success depended on the migration of masses of Jews and their takeover of as much land in Palestine as possible with as few indigenous people as possible remaining on that land. As the Zionist patriarch David BenGurion succinctly explained to his son in OCTOBER 2020

1937, “We must expel Arabs and take their place.” Likewise, in the 19th century, Americans famously proclaimed it was their “manifest destiny” to seize by means of war a massive territory inhabited by Indians and Hispanics.

Because people do not give up their historic homelands peaceably, settler states invariably resort to violent solutions including ethnic cleansing and warfare, massacre and collective punishment, incarceration and torture. Settler states—as Palestinians and Native Americans can attest—are intrinsically violent societies, particularly in the early stages of their evolution.

Another crucial characteristic of settler society is abhorrence of legal constraints and of external authorities. Israel, typically backed by the United States, has a long and flagrant record of ignoring or defying the U.N. and other international entities in order to pursue its own ends in Palestine and the greater Middle East.

DISTINCTIVENESS OF ZIONIST SETTLER COLONIALISM

While Israel had much in common with the United States and other settler colonial societies, in certain crucial respects Zionist settlement was unique. The sordid history of anti-Semitism was a powerful and dis-

PHOTO BY ZOLTAN KLUGER/GPO VIA GETTY IMAGES

hixson_18-19.qxp_History's Shadows 9/3/20 1:25 PM Page 19

tinctive driving force behind the movement, but another crucial distinction pertains to timing.

Zionist settler colonialism came to fruition well into the 20th century—much later than the rise of settler societies in the United States, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa, among others. Zionist settler colonialism thus coincided and clashed with the post-World War II rise of human rights consciousness and growing awareness of the historic exploitation and unjust treatment of indigenous and colonized peoples. In December 1948—the same year that Israel gained international recognition—the United Nations ratified the historic Universal Declaration of Human Rights of all peoples.

The confluence of Israeli settler colonialism and the postwar discourse of international human rights consciousness is fundamentally important. The Israeli policies of ethnic cleansing, borderland aggression, militarism and the establishment of illegal settlements are reminiscent of an 18th- or 19th-century style of settler colonialism, which stood in stark contrast with the postwar norms of decolonization, national selfdetermination, international justice, human rights and the rights of indigenous people.

The concept of settler colonialism thus helps illuminate the extent to which Israel’s policies are reactionary and out of step with their time. It also helps to explain why the resistance to those policies will not go away, and why the Israel lobby has to put in so much hard work to act as though the repressive and reactionary policies do not actually exist.

Settler colonialism helps us to grasp Israel’s core identity, the aggression and the contempt for international authority that are hard-wired into the Zionist state.

Settler colonialism also helps us understand American support for Israel’s repressive behavior, as we have been there, done that.

Once we begin to be honest about history—our own as well as other’s—we will be better positioned to do something about it. That’s why settler colonialism is a concept worth emphasizing. ■

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Election Watch

Pro-Israel PACs Pour Money into Elections

By Delinda C. Hanley The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) OP EN AND AREER ECIPIENTS OF made unwelcome headlines RO SRAEL UNDS this year by inadvertantly exposing members of ConCompiled by Hugh Galford gress, the Trump administraHOUSE: CURRENT RACES SENATE: CURRENT RACES tion, activists and convention center workers to the coronEngel, Eliot L. (D-NY) $54,750 Peters, Gary (D-MI) $40,500 avirus during their conferZeldin, Lee M. (R-NY) 25,500 McConnell, Mitch (R-KY) 36,000 Bacon, Donald J. (R-NE) 23,860 Graham, Lindsey O. (R-SC) 36,000 ence, held from Feb. 28 to Lipinski, Daniel W. (D-MN) 23,500 Perdue, David (R-GA) 32,000 March 2 in Washington, DC. Melton-Meaux, Antone (D-MN) 23,500 Jones, Doug (D-AL) 26,000 While AIPAC’s 2021 conferLuria, Elaine (D-VA) 22,000 Smith, Tina Flint (DFL-MN) 24,000 ence has been cancelled for Boyle, Brendan F. (D-PA) 19, 250 Coons, Christopher A. (D-DE) 23,000 fear of hosting another Fitzpatrick, Brian (R-PA) 17,000 Shaheen, Jeanne (D-NH) 22,000 “Super Spreader,” that hasn’t McCaul, Michael T., Sr. (R-TX) 16,000 Collins, Susan M. (R-ME) 18,000 Gottheimer, Josh (D-NJ) 15,000 Daines, Steven (R-MT) 18,000 slowed its work directing conSullivan, Daniel S. (R-AK) 15,000 tributions and politicians to House: Career Ernst, Joni (R-IA) 15,000 help Israel.

During the primaries pro-IsEngel, Eliot L. (D-NY) $495,168 Senate: Career rael PACs and Super-PACs Hoyer, Steny (D-MD) 372,025 spread bundles of cash Lowey, Nita M. (D-NY) 275,623 McConnell, Mitch (R-KY) $633,392 Deutch, Theodore E. (D-FL) 158,750 Durbin, Richard J. (D-IL) 412,921 around to deserving candiPelosi, Nancy (D-CA) 149,150 Grassley, Charles E. (R-IA) 195,523 dates across the country.

Hastings, Alcee L. (D-FL) 138,550 Reed, Jack F. (D-RI) 181,850 Funds found their way into Sherman, Brad (D-CA) 137,630 Collins, Susan M. (R-ME) 171,900 the campaigns of 41 first-time Schiff, Adan (D-CA) 120,917 Graham, Lindsey O. (R-SC) 157,000 recipients. Expect those toPallone, Frank, Jr. (D-NJ) 116,550 Inhofe, James M. (R-OK) 142,800 tals to multiply in the last Schneider, Bradley S. (D-IL) 105,450 Shaheen, Jeanne (D-NH) 116,225 Cruz, Rafael E. (Ted) (R-TX) 106,705 weeks before the November Peters, Gary (D-MI) 104,600 elections.

Super PACs can legally hide their donors and spend unlimited money independently Another progressive candidate, Jamaal Bowman, unseated on ads, direct mail and other extras as long as the cash doesRep. Eliot Engel (D-NY), a 16-term Jewish veteran congressn’t go directly into a candidate’s campaign. Super PAC funds man and the chairman of the powerful House Foreign Affairs aren’t reported to the Federal Election Commission and so we Committee. Engel has been at the top of our list of career recan’t track them (yup, that’s the point) in the following pages. cipients of pro-Israel funds for years. The final results, anReaders can still get an idea about who is getting the really nounced July 17, showed a humiliating loss for Engel, who big bucks by reading the following pages. won 40 percent of the vote to Bowman’s 55 percent. The While pro-Israel groups poured money into the campaign Super PAC Democratic Majority for Israel funded a controvercoffers of challengers to the “Squad,” young, largely female sial television attack ad against Bowman, but voters kept progressive candidates of color it didn’t work! Rep. Ilhan their wits.

Omar (D-MN) trounced her challenger Antone Melton-Meaux, Rep. Rashida Tlaib, a BDS supporter, easily won her priwho received more than 90 percent of his $4.1 million from mary in Michigan’s 13th district. Missouri’s Cori Bush, another pro-Israel PACs while Omar’s $4.2 million came from mostly progressive activist prominent in the Black Lives Matter movesmall donors. A new pro-Israel super PAC, Americans for Toment and a supporter of BDS, won her primary against anmorrow’s Future, spent over $2 million attacking Omar. other powerful incumbent, Rep. William Lacy Clay, Jr. These candidates stood up to the lobby, won their primaries and will continue to push their party to the left on Middle East Delinda Hanley is executive editor of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. policy.

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WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

C R PAC F

OCTOBER 2020

pacchartsr_20-25.qxp_Election Watch 9/3/20 11:58 PM Page 21

PRO-ISRAEL PAC CONTRIBUTIONS TO 2020 CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES State Alabama Alaska Arizona

Arkansas California

Office District S H S H S S H H H H H S H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H

6

1 3 7 8 9 2 3 5 6 7 9 10 11 13 14 15 16 18 19 21 23 24 25 25 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 33 33 36 37 38 39 45 47 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 53

Candidate

Party

Jones, Doug* Palmer, Gary Sullivan, Daniel S.* Galvin, Alyse Kelly, Mark* † McSally, Martha* † O’Halleran, Tom Grijalva, Raul M. Gallego, Ruben Lesko, Debbie Stanton, Greg Cotton, Thomas* Huffman, Jared Garamendi, John Thompson, Mike Matsui, Doris Bera, Amerish McNerney, Jerry Harder, Josh DeSaulnier, Mark Lee, Barbara Speier, Jackie Swalwell, Eric M. Costa, Jim Eshoo, Anna Lofgren, Zoe Cox, Terrance J. (TJ) McCarthy, Kevin Carbajal, Salud Garcia, Michael Hill, Kathryn L. Smith, Christy Brownley, Julia Chu, Judy Schiff, Adam Cardenas, Antonio (Tony) Sherman, Brad Aguilar, Pete Lieu, Ted Waxman, Henry Ruiz, Raul Bass, Karen Sanchez, Linda Cisneros, Gilbert Porter, Katherine Lowenthal, Alan Sanchez, Loretta Rouda, Harley E., Jr. Levin, Michael T. (Mike) Issa, Darrell Vargas, Juan C. Peters, Scott Gomez, Georgette Jacobs, Sara

D R R Ind. D R D D D R D R D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D R D R D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D D R D D D D

Status I I I C C I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I N C I I I I I I I N I I I I I I N I I O I I O O

2019-2020 Contributions 26,000 1,300 15,000 1,000 10,000 11,000 1,000 3,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,500 2,000 3,000 3,000 500 1,000 1,000 5,000 3,000 3,000 2,000 2,750 5,000 1,000 1,000 4,000 1,000 3,000 750 1,000 1,200 1,000 3,000 1,000 1,000 11,000 1,000 1,000 7,385 2,000 3,000 4,000 2,000 4,000 3,000 (1,000) 4,000 4,000 1,860 3,500 2,000 4,000 1,000

Committees Career (at Time of Election) 28,500 7,300 20,000 1,000 10,000 29,500 1,000 25,550 1,000 1,500 3,000 12,000 18,500 28,500 22,500 500 25,160 38,100 6,000 13,010 14,400 18,500 35,250 36,500 17,760 16,250 4,000 33,500 4,660 750 6,350 1,200 26,237 8,500 120,917 17,600 137,630 14,685 17,100 94,780 23,550 12,060 44,450 2,100 11,500 27,700 67,950 10,500 8,500 1,860 23,600 18,250 4,000 1,000

HS AS, C AS C AS HS AS, I AS W C FR C A (FO), B AS, I I FR C Min. Ldr. AS

W I C FR (NE) A (D, HS) FR (NE) C FR W AS

FR (NE) B, C

KEY: The Career Total column represents the total amount of pro-Israel PAC money received from Jan. 1, 2009 through June 30, 2020. S=Senate, H=House of Representatives. Party affiliation: D=Democrat, R=Republican, Ref=Reform, DFL=Democratic Farmer Labor, Ind=Independent, Lib=Libertarian, WFP=Working Families Party. Status: C=Challenger, I=Incumbent, N=Not Running, O=Open Seat (no incumbent), P=Defeated in primary election. *=Senate election year, #=House member running for Senate seat, †=Special Election. Committees (at time of election): A=Appropriations (D=Defense subcommittee, FO=Foreign Operations subcommittee, HS=Homeland Security, NS=National Security subcommittee), AS=Armed Services, B=Budget, C=Commerce, FR=Foreign Relations (NE=Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs subcommittee), HS=Homeland Security, I=Intelligence, IR=International Relations, NS=National Security, W=Ways and Means.

– indicates money returned by candidate, 0 that all money received was returned.

OCTOBER 2020

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

21

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State Colorado

Connecticut Delaware Florida

Georgia

Idaho Illinois

Indiana

Iowa

22

Office District S S H H H H H H H H S H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H S S S H H H H H H S S H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H S S H

1 2 3 5 6 7 2 3 At-L. 1 3 3 6 7 9 10 12 13 13 17 18 20 21 22 23 25 26 26 26 27

2 4 5 6 7 12 2 3 4 5 6 7 7 8 10 13 13 14 16 17 18 1 3 7 9 1

Candidate Gardner, Cory* Hickenlooper, John W.* DeGette, Diana L. Neguse, Joseph Tipton, Scott R. Lamborn, Douglas L. Crow, Jason Perlmutter, Edwin G. Courtney, Joseph D. DeLauro, Rosa L. Coons, Christopher A.* Blunt Rochester, Lisa Gaetz, Matt Cammack, Kat Yoho, Theodore S. (Ted) Waltz, Michael Murphy, Stephanie Soto, Darren Demings, Valdez (Val) Bilirakis, Gus M. Makki, Amanda Crist, Charlie Steube, W. Greg Mast, Brian Hastings, Alcee L. Frankel, Lois J. Deutch, Theodore E. Wasserman Schultz, Debbie Diaz-Balart, Mario Gimenez, Carlos Mucarsel-Powell, Debbie Vilarino, Irina Shalala, Donna Perdue, David* Lieberman, Matthew* â&#x20AC; Ossoff, T. Jonathan* Bishop, Sanford D., Jr. Johnson, Henry C., Jr. (Hank) Lewis, John R. McBath, Lucia Kay (Lucy) Eaves, John Allen, Richard W. Risch, James E.* Durbin, Richard J.* Kelly, Robin L. Lipinski, Daniel W. Garcia, Jesus G. (Chuy) Quigley, Mike Casten, Sean T. Davis, Danny K. Schanbacher, Kristine Krishnamoorthi, S. Raja Schneider, Bradley S. Davis, Rodney L. Londrigan, Betsy Dirksen Oberweis, James D. Kinzinger, Adam D. Bustos, Cheri LaHood, Darin Borom, Melissa Banks, James E. Carson, Andre Watson, Liz Ernst, Joni K.* Grassley, Charles E. Finkenauer, Abby

Party

Status

R D D D R R D D D D D D R R R R D D D R R D R R D D D D R R D R D R D D D D D D D R R D D D D D D D D D D R D R R D R D R D D R R D

I C I I P I I I I I I I I O N I I I I I P I I I I I I I I C I N I I C C I I N I P I I I I P I I I I P I I I C C I I N P I I N I I I

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

2019-2020 Contributions 5,000 5,000 3,000 1,000 1,000 3,000 3,000 1,000 1,000 2,000 23,000 3,000 1,500 3,500 1,500 5,000 3,500 7,000 2,000 7,500 3,860 4,800 4,500 11,200 4,300 7,000 4,000 4,500 10,500 6,500 4,000 1,500 10,000 32,000 4,500 2,500 1,000 2,000 1,000 3,250 1,000 500 13,000 9,500 2,000 23,500 1,000 2,500 4,000 1,000 4,500 8,000 14,500 6,500 2,000 1,000 11,000 3,250 2,250 1,000 1,500 2,000 6,250 15,000 2,000 3,000

Committees Career (at Time of Election) 11,000 5,000 15,510 1,000 1,000 43,500 6,000 16,724 11,500 59,400 73,000 10,000 2,000 3,500 17,000 13,500 14,500 44,500 6,500 60,316 3,860 11,300 10,500 34,700 138,550 57,300 158,750 95,300 93,250 6,500 8,000 1,500 20,000 55,000 4,500 3,991 13,510 58,200 85,500 5,250 1,000 1,000 66,000 412,921 15,450 72,050 1,000 27,150 11,000 30,010 4,500 13,250 105,450 10,800 4,000 1,000 35,500 30,110 5,250 1,000 5,000 15,110 6,250 43,500 195,523 9,000

C,FR (NE) C AS AS AS A, B A (FO), FR C AS FR AS W C HS, I C A (D) FR (NE) A (FO) FR (NE) A (HS) A (D)

AS, B, FR A W

FR (NE), I A (D, FO) C A, I W I W

C, FR (NE) A (D) AS I AS B OCTOBER 2020

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State Iowa

Office District

H H H H Kansas H Kentucky S S H H Louisiana S H H H H Maine S S H H Maryland H H H H H Massachusetts S S H H H Michigan S S H H H H H H H Minnesota S H H H H H Mississippi S H Missouri H H H H Montana S S Nebraska S H H Nevada S H H New Hampshire S H H New Jersey S H H H H H OCTOBER 2020

2 3 3 4 3 3 6 1 2 3 4 1 2 4 5 7 7 8 1 2 6 2 5 8 9 11 12 14 1 2 4 5 6 3 1 2 5 6

1 2 3 4 1 2 2 3 4 5 6

Candidate

Party

Hart, Rita Young, David Axne, Cynthia L. (Cindy) Feenstra, Randall Davids, Sharice McConnell, Mitch* McGrath, Amy* Yarmuth, John A. Barr, Garland (Andy) Cassidy, William M.* Scalise, Steve Richmond, Cedric L. Higgins, Clay Johnson, James M. (Mike) Collins, Susan M.* Gideon, Sara* Pingree, Chellie Golden, Jared Brown, Anthony Hoyer, Steny Cummings, Elijah E. Mfume, Kweisi â&#x20AC; Raskin, Jamie Markey, Edward J.* Kennedy, Joseph P., III*# Neal, Richard E. McGovern, James P. Moulton, Seth James, John* Peters, Gary* Huizenga, William P. Kildee, Daniel T. Slotkin, Elissa Levin, Andy Stevens, Haley Dingell, Debbie Lawrence, Brenda Lulenar Smith, Tina Flint* Hagedorn, James L. Craig, Angela Dawn McCollum, Betty Melton-Meaux, Antone Emmer, Thomas E., Jr. Hyde-Smith, Cindy* Guest, Michael P. Clay, William L., Jr. (Lacy) Schupp, Jill Cleaver, Emanuel, II Graves, Samuel B., Jr. Bullock, Steve* Daines, Steven* Sasse, Benjamin E.* Fortenberry, Jeffrey Bacon, Donald J. Rosen, Jacklyn S. (Jacky) Lee, Susie Horsford, Steven A. Shaheen, Jeanne* Pappas, Christopher C. Kuster, Ann McLane Booker, Cory A.* Van Drew, Jefferson Kim, Andy Smith, Christopher H. Gottheimer, Josh Pallone, Frank, Jr.

D R D R D R D D R R R D R R R D D D D D D D D D D D D D R D R D D D D D D DFL R D DFL D R R R D D D R D R R R R D D D D D D D R D R D D

Status O C I C I I C I I I I I I I I C I I I I N I I I P I I I C I I I I I I I I I I I I P I I I P C I I C I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I

2019-2020 Contributions 1,000 2,500 5,500 5,000 3,000 36,000 2,500 3,000 6,500 12,000 11,000 2,000 300 500 18,000 2,500 2,000 2,000 1,500 7,000 1,000 12,000 1,000 4,500 2,000 2,000 2,000 1,000 10,000 40,500 4,000 3,000 7,000 1,000 4,000 2,000 1,000 24,000 1,000 1,000 2,000 23,500 3,000 5,000 1,000 2,000 1,000 1,000 500 5,000 18,000 14,500 360 23,860 21,000 3,000 2,000 22,000 11,000 4,000 10,500 1,000 2,667 1,000 15,000 3,000

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

Committees Career (at Time of Election) 1,000 16,500 7,500 5,000 3,000 633,392 A (D, FO), I 2,500 34,020 B 23,000 34,000 64,000 C 18,000 HS 3,350 HS 6,000 171,900 A (D), I 2,500 20,676 A 5,000 AS 1,500 AS 372,025 Maj. Ldr. 34,192 28,750 9,550 39,250 C, FR 8,600 C 28,750 W 24,725 8,850 AS, B 10,000 104,600 AS, C, HS 5,000 41,675 B, W 11,250 AS, HS 7,000 FR 7,000 12,510 C 11,500 A 37,500 1,000 14,000 24,750 A (D) 23,500 3,000 16,500 A (FO) 1,000 FR, HS 34,010 1,000 24,010 HS 9,000 AS 5,000 35,500 A (FO) 41,500 I 360 A (FO) 31,860 AS 56,500 C, HS 7,000 8,000 B, W 116,225 A(FO,HS),AS,FR(NE) 11,000 19,877 C 48,827 C, FR (NE) 1,000 HS 9,667 AS 83,750 FR 44,500 116,550 C 23

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State New Jersey

Office District

H H H H H New Mexico S H H H H New York H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H H North Carolina S S H H H H H H H H H H Ohio H H H H H H H H Oklahoma S H H Oregon H H H Pennsylvania H H H H H H H H H 24

7 8 9 10 11 1 2 2 3 1 2 3 5 6 8 9 9 11 11 12 14 15 16 17 17 19 20 21 22 22 24 1 3 4 6 7 8 9 11 12 13 1 2 3 4 8 9 14 16 4 5 1 3 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7 8

Candidate

Party

Malinowski, Tom D Sires, Albio B. D Pascrell, William D Payne, Donald M., Jr. D Sherrill, Rebecca M. (Mikie) D Lujan, Ben R.*# D Haaland, Debra D Herrell, Stella Yvette R Torres Small, Xochitl D Fernandez, Teresa Leger D Zeldin, Lee M. R Gordon, Jacqueline D Suozzi, Thomas D Meeks, Gregory W. D Meng, Grace D Jeffries, Hakeem D Clarke, Yvette D Deutsch, Chaim D Malliotakis, Nicole R Rose, Max D Maloney, Carolyn B. D Caruso-Cabrera, Michelle D Torres, Ritchie J. D Engel, Eliot L. D Fine, Allison D Lowey, Nita M. D Delgado, Antonio D Tonko, Paul D. D Stefanik, Elise M. R Brindisi, Anthony D Tenney, Claudia R Katko, John M. R Cunningham, Cal* D Tillis, Thom R.* R Butterfield, George K., Jr. D Murphy, Gregory F. R Price, David E. D Manning, Kathy D Rouzer, David C. R Hudson, Richard L., Jr. R Bishop, James D. R Bennett, Lynda R Adams, Alma Shealey D Budd, Theodore P. R Chabot, Steve R Wenstrup, Brad R. R Beatty, Joyce D Jordan, James D. R Davidson, Warren R Kaptur, Marcy C. D Joyce, David P. R Gonzalez, Anthony E. R Inhofe, James M.* R Cole, Thomas J. R Horn, Kendra D Bonamici, Suzanne D Blumenauer, Earl D DeFazio, Peter A. D Fitzpatrick, Brian R Boyle, Brendan F. D Evans, Dwight D Dean, Madeleine D Scanlon, Mary Gay D Houlahan, Christina M. (Chrissy) D Scheller, Lisa R Wild, Susan D Cartwright, Matt D

Status I I I I I O I C I O I O I I I I I P C I I P O P P N I I I I C I C I I I I O I I I P I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I C I I

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

2019-2020 Contributions 1,666 12,500 2,000 1,000 5,000 10,500 1,000 1,500 1,000 3,500 25,500 1,000 3,000 8,500 6,000 10,000 1,000 2,000 500 6,000 5,500 2,000 5,000 54,750 1,500 13,500 6,167 1,000 6,000 3,000 1,000 1,000 5,000 7,000 2,000 500 3,000 6,000 500 1,500 2,500 1,860 2,000 750 12,000 500 6,000 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,500 3,000 2,000 3,000 5,000 1,000 1,000 2,000 17,000 19,250 1,000 2,500 2,000 3,000 10,000 7,000 3,000

Committees Career (at Time of Election) 3,666 25,000 21,853 47,250 11,500 28,000 3,250 3,500 2,000 3,500 93,072 1,000 10,000 11,500 28,100 29,600 6,510 2,000 500 8,000 48,970 2,000 5,000 495,168 1,500 275,623 8,167 19,500 11,000 3,000 6,500 3,500 5,000 16,500 14,000 500 78,327 6,000 500 1,500 2,500 1,860 5,510 6,000 62,170 500 8,500 3,500 2,000 14,300 19,500 5,500 142,800 9,000 5,000 21,760 29,860 29,710 36,500 53,750 4,000 4,500 4,000 6,000 10,000 9,000 13,510

FR (NE) B, FR W HS AS C AS AS, HS FR (NE) W FR A (FO, HS) B C, HS HS

C, FR A (FO) C AS, I AS HS AS C A (FO, HS), B C HS

FR (NE) W, I

A (D) A AS, I A (D) AS W FR (NE) B, W W AS, FR FR A

OCTOBER 2020

pacchartsr_20-25.qxp_Election Watch 9/4/20 12:29 AM Page 25

State

Office District

Pennsylvania

H H H H H Rhode Island S H H South Carolina S H H H H H South Dakota S Tennessee H H H Texas S S H H H H H H H H H H H H H H Vermont H Virginia S H H H H H H Washington H H H H H H H West Virginia S H Wisconsin H H H H H H H H Wyoming S H PRESIDENT

OCTOBER 2019

P

10 10 17 17 18 1 2 1 2 3 4 6 6 8 9 7 9 10 12 16 20 22 23 23 28 30 32 35 36 At-L. 2 2 4 5 7 10 1 3 3 6 8 9 10 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 At-L.

Candidate

2019-2020 Contributions

Party

Status

DePasquale, Eugene Perry, Scott Lamb, Conor Parnell, Richard S. Doyle, Michael E. Reed, Jack F.* Cicilline, David N. Langevin, James R. Graham, Lindsey O.* Mace, Nancy Wilson, Joe Duncan, Jeffrey D. Timmons, William R., IV Clyburn, James E. Rounds, M. Michael* Rose, John W. Kustoff, David Cohen, Stephen I. Cornyn, John* Cruz, Rafael E. (Ted) Fletcher, Elizabeth Pannill Green, Alexander McCaul, Michael T., Sr. Granger, Kay Escobar, Veronica Castro, Joaquin Kulkarni, Sri Preston Hurd, William Jones, Gina Ortiz Cuellar, Henry R. Johnson, Eddie Bernice Allred, Colin Doggett, Lloyd Babin, Brian Welch, Peter Warner, Mark R.* Luria, Elaine Taylor, Scott W. McEachin, Aston D. Riggleman, Denver L., III Spanberger, Abigail Wexton, Jennifer DelBene, Suzan K. Herrera Beutler, Jaime Long, Carolyn N. Kilmer, Derek Schrier, Kim Smith, D. Adam Heck, Dennis Capito, Shelley Moore* Mooney, Alexander X. Steil, Bryan G. Pocan, Mark Kind, Ronald J. Moore, Gwendolynne S. Fitzgerald, Scott Grothman, Glenn S. Tiffany, Tom Gallagher, Michael J. Lummis, Cynthia* Cheney, Elizabeth

D R D R D D D D R R R R R D R R R D R R D D R R D D D R D D D D D R D D D R D R D D D R D D D D D R R R D D D R R R R R R

C I I C I I I I I C I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I O N O I I I I I I I I C I P I I I I C I I I N I I I I I I O I I I O I

1,000 1,000 2,000 2,000 1,000 6,000 3,000 6,000 36,000 1,000 7,000 3,000 500 6,000 11,000 500 11,000 2,000 11,500 (3,000) 2,000 2,000 16,000 8,000 1,000 3,000 1,500 1,000 4,000 6,500 2,000 2,000 1,000 800 2,000 9,500 22,000 500 2,000 1,500 2,000 1,000 2,000 1,000 1,000 2,000 5,500 2,000 2,000 6,500 3,500 5,500 3,000 2,000 2,000 1,000 5,500 500 3,800 1,000 10,500

Trump, Donald J.

R

I

250

2019-20 Total PAC Contributions: Total PAC Contributions (1978-2020): Total No. of Recipients (1978-2020):

Committees Career (at Time of Election) 1,000 4,500 FR 2,000 2,000 11,510 C 181,850 A (D), AS, I 42,500 FR (NE) 64,000 AS, HS 157,000 A (D, FO), B, FR (NE) 1,000 33,750 AS, FR (NE) 20,750 C 500 45,610 Maj. Whip 28,500 AS 500 22,000 42,510 103,080 I 106,705 C, FR (NE) 4,000 15,000 HS 34,000 FR, HS 59,000 A 1,000 AS 8,000 FR, I 1,500 17,000 A, I 8,000 12,000 A (D, HS) 19,500 6,000 FR (NE) 18,310 B, W 800 23,500 C, I 85,000 B, I 25,000 AS 11,000 7,000 C 43,200 8,000 FR 1,000 14,010 W 1,000 A 3,000 16,000 A (D) 5,500 56,925 AS 10,500 I 28,250 A (HS), C 23,750 14,500 19,500 A 13,000 W 11,500 W 1,000 27,000 500 16,000 AS 3,500 23,000 AS 250

$ 1,565,500 $64,713,303 2,724

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

25

mcarthur_26-28r.qxp_Congress Watch 9/3/20 4:28 PM Page 26

Congress Watch

U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, DC, on Jan. 9, 2020, the day the House passed the War Powers Resolution to limit President Donald Trump’s military action against Iran before seeking approval from Congress.

THE AUG. 13, 2020 announcement that Israel and the United Arab Emirates had agreed to establish normal diplomatic relations, followed months of negotiations. The agreement culminated in June, when the UAE made it clear that it would halt the normalization process if Israel continued with its plans to annex parts of the West Bank and Israel accepted the condition. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s domestic political problems had already led him to move his annexation plans to a back burner, so he was probably relieved to have an excuse and graciously agree to “suspend” them. Meanwhile, in addition to the five congressional letters described in the previous Washington Report regarding Israel’s annexation plans, at least four new ones were sent. Additionally, on Aug. 14 Rep. Betty McCollum (D-MN) introduced H.R. 8050 to “pro-

Shirl McArthur is a retired foreign service officer. He lives in the Washington, DC metropolitan area.

26

hibit the United States from formally recognizing or providing U.S. aid to any area of the occupied West Bank annexed by the Government of Israel in violation of international law.” The bill has six cosponsors.

Of the new letters, only one, led by Rep. Alexandria OcasioCortez (D-NY), signed by 12 representatives plus Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), and sent to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on June 30, calls the proposed annexation “unacceptable.” Signers of that letter point out that “annexation of the West Bank is a clear violation of international law” and urge Pompeo to “take all necessary action available to reverse course on this proposal.” They say “should the Israeli government continue down this path, we will work to ensure non-recognition of annexed territories as well as pursue legislation that conditions the $3.8 billion in U.S. military funding to Israel to ensure that U.S. taxpayers are not supporting annexation in any way.”

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

OCTOBER 2020

PHOTO BY ALEX WONG/GETTY IMAGES

UAE-Israel Agreement Came after Israel Shelved Annexation Plans

By Shirl McArthur

mcarthur_26-28r.qxp_Congress Watch 9/3/20 4:28 PM Page 27

STATUS UPDATES

S. 3176 and H.R. 1837, Provide More Goodies for Israel.

While S. 3176, introduced in January by Sen. Marco Rubio (RFL), was reported to the full Senate in June, it still has not been brought up for a vote, but it could be at any time. The similar House bill, H.R. 1837, passed by the House last July, still rests with the SFRC. These bills are grab bags of goodies for Israel, but S. 3176 does not include the provision, included in H.R. 1837, that would give the president authority to provide Israel any defense-related articles or services, without any limitation of law and without congressional oversight, if he determines that Israel is “under an existing or imminent threat of military attack.”

H.R. 5595, Anti-BDS. H.R. 5595, the “Israel Anti-Boycott” bill, introduced on Jan. 13 by dependable Israel-firster, Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-NY), still has 64 cosponsors. This bill and the previously described bills S.1, H.R. 336, and S.Res. 120, all equate Israel’s colonies with Israel.

H.Res. 855 and S.Res. 570, Good ICC, Bad ICC. H.Res. 855, introduced in February by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN), which would express the “Sense of the House” that “the U.S. should ratify the Rome Statute and join the International Criminal Court,” still has no cosponsors. Similarly, S.Res. 570, “a resolution opposing and condemning the potential prosecution of U.S. and Israeli nationals by the International Criminal Court,” introduced by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) in May, also has no cosponsors.

H.R. 550 and H.Con.Res. 83, No War Against Iran. H.R. 550, amended by the House to include the text of H.R. 5543, introduced in January by Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), “to prohibit the use Well, congressional Israel-firsters couldn’t have that! So on July 10, Rep. Scott Perry (R-PA) originated a letter signed by 12 Republican representatives to Pompeo urging him “to reject the blatant anti-Semitism that pervades that letter.” The OcasioCortez letter never mentions the word “Jew” or any of its variations; it only refers to proposed actions by the Israeli government and violations of international law.

Once again, criticism of Israel, Israel’s actions, or proposed actions, is called antiSemitic.

On June 23, seven senators, led by Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), signed a letter to President Donald Trump expressing their support for the “ongoing implementation” of his “Vision for Peace, Prosperity, and a Brighter Future for Israel and the Palestinian People…including the extension of Israeli

OCTOBER 2020

of funds for unauthorized military force against Iran,” as well as

the text of H.R. 2456, introduced in May, 2019, by Rep. Barbara

Lee (D-CA) “to repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force against Iraq Resolution of 2002,” still has not been acted on by

the Senate. H.Con.Res. 83, introduced in January by Rep. Elissa

Slotkin (D-MI) after the ill-considered assassination of Iran’s Quds

Force Commander, Maj. Gen. Qassim Soleimani, was passed by the House in January. It would direct the president “to termi-

nate the use of U.S. Armed Forces to engage in hostilities in or

against Iran.” It was forwarded to the Senate and still is held in the Senate Foreign Relations committee (SFRC).

H.R. 2407, Human Rights for Palestinian Children. Intro-

duced in April 2019, by Rep. Betty McCollum (D-MN), this bill still has 23 cosponsors.

H.R. 1850 and S. 2680, Hamas. These bills would sanction

about anyone who has anything to do with Hamas. H.R. 1850,

introduced by Rep. Brian Mast (R-FL) in March 2019, and passed by the House in July 2019, is still stuck in the SFRC. Its companion bill in the Senate, S. 2680, introduced in October by Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL), now has 27 cosponsors.

S. 3572, Remove Troops from Saudi Arabia. As with the previ-

ously described measures reacting to the murder of U.S. citizen Jamal Khashoggi, S. 3572, the “strained partnership” bill, introduced in

March by Sens. Kevin Cramer (R-ND) and Dan Sullivan (R-AK), has gained no further support. The bill would “require the removal of U.S. Armed Forces from Saudi Arabia.”—S.M.

civil law into Israeli communities and areas critical for Israel’s security.” In the House, 109 representatives, led by Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA), signed a June 22 letter to Netanyahu “to emphasize that Israel has the right to make sovereign decisions independent of outside pressure” and to express their support for him as he makes such decisions.

Meanwhile, S.Res. 234 and H.Res. 138, supporting a two-state solution, still have made no progress.

MEASURES TO INCREASE U.S.ISRAEL COOPERATION MAKE PROGRESS

The two bills “expanding medical partnership with Israel to lessen dependence on China” have gained support. H.R. 6829, introduced in May by Rep. Chris Pappas (D-

NH), now has 206 cosponsors, and S. 3722, also introduced in May by Cruz, now has 29 cosponsors. The twin bills “to establish a U.S.-Israel Operations-Technology Working Group” have made some progress. S. 3775, introduced in May by Sen. Gary Peters (D-MI) now has six cosponsors, and H.R. 7148, introduced in June by Rep. Joe Wilson (R-SC) now has four cosponsors.

AND A NEW ONE IS INTRODUCED

Sen. Mike Rounds (R-SD), with no cosponsors, introduced S.Res. 669, on Aug. 6, “to express the sense of the Senate on U.S.Israel cooperation on precision guided munitions.” It says the Secretary of Defense should “take further measures to expedite deliveries of precision-guided munitions to Israel.”

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

27

mcarthur_26-28r.qxp_Congress Watch 9/3/20 4:29 PM Page 28

MEASURE URGING U.N. TO RENEW EXPIRING IRAN RESTRICTIONS GAINS SUPPORT

Following the release of the AIPAC-backed House letter to Pompeo urging increased U.S. diplomatic action to “renew the expiring U.N. arms embargo against Iran and U.N. travel restrictions” on certain Iranian individuals, as described in the previous Washington Report, S.Res. 509, introduced in February by Sen. Pat Toomey (R-PA), to urge the U.N. Security Council to renew the expiring restrictions on Iran, gained more support. It now has 56 cosponsors.

A new bill, H.R. 7850, was introduced July 29 by Rep. Bradley Schneider (D-IL).

It would “require a National Intelligence Estimate on Iranian proxy forces.” It has nine cosponsors.

The three previously described Iran sanctions bills, H.R. 6015, H.R. 6081, and H.R. 6243, have made no progress.

TWO NEW MEASURES INTRODUCED CONCERNING LEBANON

On July 31, Rep. Darin LaHood (R-IL) and three cosponsors introduced H.Res. 1077 “expressing the sense of the House on the continued importance of the U.S.-Lebanon relationship.” It would recognize “the role of Lebanon and its institutions as historic examples of democratic values in the Middle East,” and express “support for the continuation of democracy and democratic ideals in Lebanon.”

In contrast to the LaHood resolution, H.R. 3331, “Countering Hezbollah in Lebanon’s Military,” was introduced by Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-NY) with 15 cosponsors on June 18. It would limit the use of security assistance funds for Lebanon until certain conditions are met. However, S. 3691, “to prohibit the provision of U.S. Government assistance to any Lebanese government that is influenced or controlled by Hezbollah,” introduced by Cruz in May, still has no cosponsors.

NEW MEASURE EXPRESSES SUPPORT FOR IRAQ; ANOTHER WOULD SANCTION TURKEY

Rep. Colin Allred (D-TX) introduced H.Res. 1062 on July 23, “affirming the nature and 28

importance of the U.S.-Iraq bilateral relationship, including security and economic components of the relationship.” It calls on the U.S. “to provide continued support for Iraq and its citizens through trade and investment, medical assistance, and stabilization efforts.” The measure has 13 cosponsors.

On July 16, Rep. Adam Kinzinger (R-IL), with two cosponsors, introduced H.R. 7639 “to impose sanctions with respect to Turkey’s acquisition of the S-400 Russian air and missile defense system.” ■

Israel & Judaism Continued from page 17

that voices, such as Beinart and Rogen, speak for more and more American Jews.

An article appeared on July 29 in The Forward with the headline, “Wake Up, Jewish Establishment: Seth Rogen Speaks for a lot of us Young Jews.” The author, Joel Swanson, wrote: “Few millennial Jews

have the ability to capture the Jewish cultural conversation the way Seth Rogen does. And…he used that influence to show the Jewish establishment why it can’t keep pretending that young Jews who reject Zionism and the State of Israel are relegated to a tiny, insignificant fringe of the community.…Seth Rogen is one of the most publicly Jewish celebrities right now, and has made one of the year’s most anticipated Jewish movies. He can’t easily be dismissed as marginal or fringe. Jewish establishment organizations have every reason to be afraid of what Seth Rogen’s point of view represents.”

Beinart and Rogen represent only the tip of the iceberg of the growing disillusionment with Israel and Zionism within the American Jewish community, which is coming to understand how Israel has turned its back on the Jewish moral and ethical tradition. The attacks upon them cannot change this reality. ■

TRANSCENDING THE ISRAEL LOBBY AT HOME AND ABROAD WASHINGTON REPORT On Middle East Affairs

Virtual Zoom events with analysis and Q&A!

IsraelLobbyConEXTRA! is a free online initiative created in 2020. It advances IsraelLobbyCon’s mission and provides key expertise, analysis and global outreach opportunities between our annual National Press Club conferences. Sign up or view archives at IsraelLobbyCon.org!

9/2/2020 AT NOON EST UMASS PROFESSOR EMERITUS SUT JHALLY will share select clips and discuss the key findings of his 2016 documentary, "The Occupation of the American Mind," which analyzes pro-Israel public relations efforts within the U.S. He'll examine pro-Israel spin in election-season news coverage.

9/10/2020 AT NOON EST Rabbi Lynn Gottlieb, Jewish Voices for Peace, will address Jewish Zionism as a failing ideology for many younger American Jews who reject Israel’s oppressive occupation policies and bellicose actions toward Iran, as well as the relationship between U.S. and Israeli militarism. Allan Brownfeld, American Council for Judaism, discusses the growing disillusionment of American Jews, and some Israelis, with the Jewish state and Zionism.

9/17/2020 AT NOON EST Reverend Don Wagner, author of “Zionism and the Quest for Justice in the Holy Land,” speaks and addresses questions about the impact of Christian Zionism.

Sign up to participate or view archives online at IsraelLobbyCon.org!

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

OCTOBER 2020

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OCTOBER 2020

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

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williams_30r.qxp_UNITED NATIONS REPORT 9/3/20 4:13 PM Page 30

United Nations Report

U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Kelly Craft (front, center) and U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres (r) during the Security Council meeting on maintenance of international peace and security and upholding the U.N. Charter at the U.N. Headquarters in New York on Jan. 9, 2020.

IN AUGUST, the U.S. sent a letter to the U.N. claiming to trigger the “snap back” of sanctions on Iran envisaged in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). You can hear a pin drop in the empty halls of the U.N. now, but even so no one noticed “snap,” since the other members of the Security Council—Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France and Germany—denied that the United States had standing to trigger the snap back mechanism because it had abrogated the JCPOA two years before.

People clamoring for “snap back” on Iran in the U.N. are reminiscent of someone who goes to a court in the wilds of Texas and proves with impeccable maps and diagrams that income tax is unconstitutional and in any case Texas is not part of the U.S., who is then bewildered when the federal marshal hauls him way to a federal prison.

U.N. correspondent Ian Williams is the author of UNtold: the Real Story of the United Nations in Peace and War (available from Middle East Books and More).

30

A few years ago, the U.S. was able to get away with such fineprint diplomacy, leaning on a casuist trail of contingent clauses, to achieve its ends as it did over Iraq. However, when it comes to the snap back clause, it is a trail too thin. Only in the mental universe of Israeli and Republican politicians like Vice President Mike Pence would the world respond to an American call to enforce an agreement that the U.S. had unilaterally abrogated!

The assertions from Pence and Kelly Craft, the new socialite U.S. ambassador to the U.N., that all the U.S. had to do was snap its fingers and Iran would again be embroiled in sanctions, demonstrates not just how, but why, the U.S. is losing its global predominance.

When he tried, Pence was met with impatient “what planet is he on” reactions from other U.N. members. In some ways, it was even more humiliating that the only support he could get in the Security Council was from the Dominican Republic, whose newly elected government seems to have remembered it was one of the U.S.’ original banana republics.

Continued on page 37

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

OCTOBER 2020

PHOTO BY EUROPANEWSWIRE/GADO/GETTY IMAGES

U.N. Ignores U.S. Calls for a “Snap Back” of Sanctions on Iran

By Ian Williams

zakat_ad_31.qxp_ZAKAT Full Page Ad 9/3/20 2:41 PM Page 31

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WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

31

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Three Views

PHOTO BY -/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

Beirut Blast Shatters Political Landscape and Lives

A woman cleans the rubble in her damaged house in the Lebanese capital Beirut on Aug. 6, 2020, two days after a massive explosion shook the Lebanese capital. The blast, which appeared to have been caused by a fire igniting 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate left unsecured in a warehouse, was felt as far away as Cyprus, some 150 miles away. The scale of the destruction was such that the Lebanese capital resembled the scene of an earthquake, with thousands of people left homeless and thousands more cramming into overwhelmed hospitals for treatment.

Lebanese Wonder if Beirut Explosion Was Caused by Negligence or Graft

By Rana Sabbagh

AS AUTHORITIES are counting the dead and hospitals are struggling to treat survivors of the massive blast that ripped through Beirut on Aug. 4, a mourning population is wondering who is to blame for

Rana Sabbagh co-founded Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism in 2006, when a network of muckraking journalists in the region seemed like an impossible dream. She is now Middle East and North Africa editor of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, where this was first published on Aug. 5.

32

the disaster in their country that has been engulfed by ruling class corruption and negligence for decades.

The explosion on Tuesday evening at a Beirut port warehouse killed more than 200 people, injured 6,500 and left over 300,000 homeless. The blast sent a mushroom-shaped cloud into the sky, rattling windows and ripping off facades in a city still scared by the 1975-1990 civil war, the ongoing economic meltdown and a new surge in coronavirus infections.

Mayor Jamal Itani estimated the damage to be over U.S. $5 billion and said the city looked like a war zone. He was seen crying on TV after inspecting the mass devastation.

A surgeon at the emergency department of the American University of Beirut Medical Center told the organized Crime and Corrup-

Washington RepoRt on Middle east affaiRs

oCtoBeR 2020

views_32-35.qxp_Three Views 9/3/20 10:56 PM Page 33

tion Reporting project (OCCRP) his teams treated over 400 victims who mostly suffered from burns and glass shrapnel injuries.

“We have not seen such a thing even at the worst attacks suffered during the Lebanese civil war when I started my career,” he said.

The distressed public is now asking who owns the 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate and who allowed it to be stored for six years in a warehouse in the middle of the densely populated capital without proper safety measures.

Prime Minister Hassan Diab has ordered an investigation and in a government statement said that authorities have put “those in charge of storage and security at the port since 2014 under house arrest until the investigation is concluded.”

Julien Courson, executive director of the Lebanese Transparency Association, told OCCRP that authorities have issued conflicting statements and called for a proper probe that would reveal whether negligence or corruption were to blame for the carnage.

“Surely there are suspicions, and what could help is an open and transparent investigation, supported by independent technical experts who would be able to understand what happened,” he said.

The ammonium nitrate reportedly arrived at the Beirut port in late 2013 when a Moldova-flagged ship, the MV Rhosus, ran into technical trouble while sailing from Georgia to Mozambique with 2,750 tons of the chemical on board. Lebanese authorities did not allow the dangerous cargo to leave on a defective ship which was allegedly abandoned by its owner. The crew was eventually repatriated and the ammonium nitrate was moved to a port warehouse awaiting auctioning or proper disposal.

According to Moldova’s Naval Agency, the Rhosus was owned by the Panama-based company Briarwood Corporation, and chartered by a Marshall Islands company, Teto Shipping Limited.

Both are registered in secrecy jurisdictions that hide companies’ true owners, but media reports and one Greek maritime services company that had previously dealt with Teto Shipping identified the manager of the Marshall Islands company as Igor Grechushkin, who is reportedly a Russian resident of Cyprus. Grechushkin hung up when an OCCRP reporter called him on the phone. The Cyprus Shipping Council told OCCRP they never heard of Grechushkin or his company.

Back in Beirut, local websites are circulating two documents indicating that Lebanese Customs had asked the court every year from 2014 to 2017 to order the “concerned maritime agency”—which could be the port warehouse—to re-export the stored cargo or allow its sale to a local private company, Lebanese Explosives Co. SARL (Majid Shammas & Co).

None of the involved authorities that now keep blaming each other had made any move to eliminate the dangerous chemical from the port or secure it properly.

Most Lebanese have lost confidence in the government and the judicial system a long time ago. The country is the 137th least corrupt nation out of 180 countries, according to the “2019 Corruption Perceptions Index” reported by Transparency International, and many do not believe that justice will ever be served by an earthly court.

“God, please punish all those who are behind this disaster,” Karimah Jacque, a mother of three who lives near the port, appealed as she spoke to OCCRP. OCTOBER 2020 augusT/sEpTEMBER 2019

Expect Huge Political Aftershocks from The Beirut Explosion

By Rami G. Khouri

THE MASSIVE EXPLOSION in Beirut that devastated many parts of the city is a tale with three distinct but linked parts, about the past, the present and the future. The past is about how this could happen, given that for the last six years the government knew about the thousands of kilos of dangerous ammonium nitrate stored in the port, and did nothing about it.

The present is about how the immediate reconstruction and humanitarian aid processes will impact the current government that has very little domestic or international credibility.

The third, and most important in the long run, is about whether in the future the Lebanese people’s heightened anger with their government, for subjecting them to yet another massive source of sustained suffering, will translate into political action that removes the government and starts to reform the entire political-economic structures of the country.

These three dimensions also relate to the lives of several hundred million civilians across the Arab region, who suffer the consequences of their own cruel regimes, of which Lebanon is only the most dramatic, painful and recent example. Lebanon is instructive because it is one of a handful of Arab countries where tens of thousands of citizens are out in the streets almost daily demonstrating peacefully against their governments for what they see as their mistreatment by those governments.

The Beirut port explosion is a consequence of the cumulative incompetence, corruption, lassitude, amateurism and uncaring attitude by successive Lebanese governments, going back two decades, which has brought the Lebanese people to a point of majority pauperization and desperation. Ordinary citizens don’t have enough clean water. They don’t have electricity. They don’t have good new jobs. They don’t have reasonably priced food. They cannot get their own money from the banks. Education quality is declining. Trash is not properly collected or disposed of. Environmental conditions deteriorate across the land. Their currency has collapsed. The future is bleak for all, other than the very wealthy.

Every dimension of life in Lebanon has declined, steadily and uninterruptedly, for the last 20 years. But perhaps the worst aspect of this, in the citizen’s eyes, is that the government does not seem to care, or to do anything to fix the situation, as in most Arab countries.

The Beirut port explosion is the most catastrophic example of how an uncaring, inattentive and criminally negligent government operates, because the ruling oligarchic power structure circles the wagons and protects itself against angrier and angrier citizens in the street.

Because nobody in power did anything about the ammonium nitrate in the Beirut port, as has been the case with water, garbage,

Rami G. Khouri is journalist-in-residence and Director of Global Engagement at the American University of Beirut, a non-resident senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School, and an executive board member of the Boston Consortium for Arab Region Studies. He tweets @ramikhouri Copyright ©2020 Rami G. Khouri. Distributed

by Agence Global.

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damaged area, she was hounded out of the neighborhood with shouts of “resign!” and “revoluWITHIN 24 HOURS of the explosion in Beirut, the American Task Force on Lebanon (ATFL) began tion”! outreach efforts to Congress, the Trump administration and humanitarian organizations to get These are signs from the immediate humanitarian relief to the Lebanese people. They helped organize airlifts of medical Lebanese citizens of why, when supplies with more than 50 organizations, including Direct Relief, the Afya Foundation, ANERA, they march in protests, they call the Ghassan and Manal Saab Foundation, the Center for Arab American Philanthropy (CAAP) and for the departure of all the governothers. ing elite, not just one or two bad Nearly 100 tons of essential medicines and supplies arrived Aug. 24 in Beirut on a plane donated apples. This is similarly the case

by FedEx. The shipment is a people-to-people exchange, a gift from the American people to the in the protests in Iraq and Algeria, Lebanese. It is destined for the hospitals, critical care centers, and care providers attending to the where disgruntled and dehumancommunities in Beirut who were most affected by the shocking explosions of Aug. 4. The shipment ized citizens demand the removal contained requested essential medicines and personal protective equipment worth in excess of of the entire governing elite, and $13 million which will help relieve the strain on Beirut’s healthcare facilities. This shipment included its replacement with a more par131 pallets of high-value medicines donated by Direct Relief as well as 96 pallets from other ticipatory, accountable and rulesources. of-law-based system.

ATFL President Edward Gabriel said, “This effort represents the love that we Lebanese AmerThis is the critical issue now in icans and those who care about Lebanon have for that special country. Manal Saab has been inLebanon—the transition from the strumental in facilitating this campaign, and we are grateful for her partnership. We also want to humanitarian catastrophe of the thank the Clinton Foundation and Rep. Donna Shalala for their key support early in the campaign.” explosion to a political reconfiguMore airlifts are being planned to help the Lebanese people. For both monetary and medical ration of the political system. Yet, supply donations, please consider donating through the Lebanon Relief Project. For more inforArab citizens marching in the mation, contact Lebanon Relief Project coordinators Jean AbiNader (jean.abinader@atfl.org) streets largely have not been able and Rashal Baz Zureikat (rashalbaz@gmail.com) or visit www.LebanonReliefProject.com to remove their governments by popular will in the last 30 years. So the region continues to be ruled by autocratic, authoritarian and inelectricity and the economy, the political aftershocks are likely to be creasingly militarized regimes, whose policies have led to around the most significant dimension of this incident. These will happen 75 percent of all Arabs being poor or vulnerable. only after some time, as the country absorbs the psychological and The explosion destroyed much of Beirut. It might soon destroy physical shocks of the explosion, and deals with the massive huthe old, heartless political system that allowed it to happen. manitarian suffering.

The Lebanese people—like the Algerians, Sudanese, Iraqis and others—are actively focused on understanding how they can demonstrate and mobilize politically in order to achieve a common goal: to recreate a legitimate, credible, effective and humanistic govBy Selim Mawad ernment system that treats its own citizens as human beings and not as animals without rights, without feelings, without voice.

BEYOND THE SHADOW of a doubt, the two so-called major Middle This populist force across the entire region has been out in the Eastern protagonists, Israel and Hezbollah, and respectively behind streets demonstrating now for a decade. Since the 2010-’11 upristhem the United States of Trump and the Islamic Republic of ings, Arab men and women have signaled the intensity of the politKhamenei, are still absorbing the reverberations of Beirut’s cataical deficiencies and the populist quest for dignity in Tunisia, Egypt, strophic explosion that destroyed large parts of the city and with it Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, Sudan, Algeria, Palestine, Jordan, a social fabric, on Aug. 4, 2020.

Iraq, Mauritania and Lebanon.

Minutes after the blast, a few reports in the Israeli media A core problem that must be resolved is how to overcome the blamed Binyamin Netanyahu for the Beirut explosion until he mistrust of power that defines all Arab countries experiencing upvociferously denied it a few hours later. At the same time, risings. The Lebanese people certainly don’t trust their government Hezbollah, applying its common practice of self-containment, anymore, because they’ve suffered the physical and emotional conremained silent. sequences of its cruelty and deficiencies over the last 20 years.

A sense of horror reigned not only over Beirut but over the That’s why most Lebanese demand an independent international whole of Lebanon and the Middle East. This sense of terror was investigation to find out how the port explosion happened and who driven by speculation and rumor that Israel targeted an arms should be held accountable. warehouse belonging to Hezbollah at the port. The potential for Similarly, many also ask that international humanitarian aid should retaliation after the blast resonated over many decision-making not go to the Lebanese government, but rather to non-governmental capitals. A few days later, the rumors that the explosion was the organizations or international groups who can be trusted not to steal Selim Mawad is a political activist living in Beirut, Lebanon. the money. When the minister of justice went to inspect one badly

Lebanese Americans Help Organize Relief

Clash of the “Titans” in Lebanon

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result of an Israeli strike lost ground and was replaced by new speculation that the 2,700 tons of ammonium nitrate belonged to Hezbollah and was stored for military reasons. As a result, until now there is a politically driven narrative incriminating Hezbollah for the blast in the devastated Christian-majority neighborhoods.

With its colonial ties to Lebanon, France’s President Emmanuel Macron was the first leader to fly to Beirut. He tried to convince the Lebanese that his mission was one of solidarity and humanitarian aid, assuring them that France’s aid would go directly to the people. Meanwhile, Macron repeated the warning, sent earlier by the international community to the Lebanese corrupt political elite, of the necessity of creating a new political reality. Less than a month earlier, on July 8, Macron visited Lebanon after the pro-Hezbollah cabinet resigned under the pressure of the protesters in Beirut. The day before his arrival, the majority of the existing political elite consensually nominated a new prime minister with the intention of forming a cabinet of technocrats in a record time.

Before the explosion, Lebanon was crushed by an economic meltdown and the political crisis that had festered for years as a result of a pandemic of corruption and a dysfunctional sectarian governance system. The unified cataclysm of the street, known as the “October 17th Revolution,” caused the government to take notice. The main slogan, “All of them means all of them— Kouloun Ya’ni Kouloun,” in reference to the political elite, echoed in the streets of Lebanon in October and only became louder and angrier after the blast.

After Macron’s visits, many of the civil society movements began calling for the disarmament of Hezbollah and went as far as to raise a banner with a new slogan, “Beirut—an Arms Free City.” Such a demand resonates with the Western agenda and that is no surprise; most of Lebanese civil society or politico-civil movements have always orbited within the Western sphere. Most Lebanese non-governmental organizations are supported by Western funding, particularly from the U.S. and its different governmental and non-governmental agencies.

The Lebanese economy has been severely restricted by U.S. and international sanctions directed at Hezbollah/Iran in Lebanon and Syria. The COVID-forced closure sent Lebanon into hyperinflation and the restrictions on cashflow left citizens unable to access the money in their accounts. For months, Lebanese officials had been in complex negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a rescue from their default complicated by the reforms required by the IMF. Macron’s public call for reforms during his visits were not new, but his agreement to have Hezbollah representatives present during his meetings and his statements describing Hezbollah as a legitimate political party—elected by the people and worthy of a seat at the table—were new. That contradicted the American agenda for Lebanon and its goal of eliminating Hezbollah from the Lebanese and regional political scene. Unlike Macron, David Schenker, the American assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, limited his meetings to opposition leaders. The Lebanese are left to wonder if France is willing to oppose the U.S. for the sake of Lebanon or is Macron OCTOBER 2020

just benefiting from the pause America is taking until the November presidential election?

Macron’s call for a “new order” is also in conflict with Turkey’s ambitions in the region. Thus, it was no surprise that Recep Tayyip Erdogan was not far behind Macron, as he sought to ensure Turkey and its allies were part of the conversation. In his talks with Lebanese President Michel Aoun, whose ruling coalition includes Hezbollah, Erdogan promised to rebuild the port, provide humanitarian aid and give Turkish citizenship to Lebanese of Turkish or Turkmen origin.

Lebanon has been and still is a gateway for many foreign players to safeguard their geopolitical, economic and strategic interests in the region.

It is becoming obvious that the U.S. is trying to put a Hezbollahfree new cabinet in place in order to manage the crisis and to transition Lebanon into early elections to implement “needed” reform before lifting the economic sanctions imposed on Lebanon. This has also been Israel’s goal since 2006. So far, while approving the proposed French roadmap, including a lower representation in the new cabinet, Hezbollah has refused calls for early elections.

With anger growing toward Hezbollah after the Beirut blast, the Iranian-backed party will never yield to early elections. It seems willing to call on its supporters to secure its presence within the Lebanese political web and challenge Western pressure, as it did in 2008 causing armed clashes in the streets of Beirut to prove its point. However, using its muscle on the streets this time, given the growing polarization over the past 15 years, will definitely lead to violence. The only winner will be the heavily armed Iranian-backed Hezbollah, unless the U.S. and Israel dive into battle directly.

The U.S. and its allies on one hand and France lately on another must be cautious while dealing with the intricate Lebanese quagmire since any false step could unleash one of the “two Titans.” Should Hezbollah be pressured to revert to local violence in an attempt to stay in power, not only Beirut will be wounded but the whole country will bleed. Should Hezbollah be pressured to leave the political establishment, it will have more reason to retaliate against Israel than just to avenge its repeated strikes against its military cadres in Syria.

Most probably Israel is not behind Beirut’s blast and if a transparent investigation is launched and concluded, the rumors about Hezbollah having arms stored at the harbor may be put to rest.

What is sure is that both “Titans,” Israel and Hezbollah, and the powers behind them, are carefully considering the pros and cons of their potential clash. The blast in Beirut serves as a warning against unleashing another lethal clash. It also serves as an opening that could be used by the West to provide economic and humanitarian aid to rescue Lebanon and turn its citizens against the pro-Iranian players.

It is becoming apparent that the French initiative is crafted in a way to extend the expiry date of the truce between the two “Titans” until after U.S. elections. The explosion was the exclamation point on the failure of the Lebanese political system, but could also be the beginning of the end of Hezbollah’s legacy of pushing back against Israel. ■

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Arts and Culture

COURTESY ART RELIEF FOR BEIRUT

Accounting for the Arts in Beirut After the Blast

By Eleni Zaras

Diana Halabi’s “Beirut August Fourth, 2020,” on sale as part of Art Relief For Beirut.

THE AUG. 4 BLAST in Beirut, which shook the foundations of Lebanon’s urban and political environment also delivered a devastating blow to the arts and culture sector of the city. Local and international arts organizations spent the rest of the month assessing the damage and fundraising for reconstruction.

Based on reports from the Directorate General of Antiquities of Lebanon (DGA), UNESCO and other international institutions, at least 8,000 buildings, primarily in the historic districts of Gemmayzeh and Mar-Mikhaël, have been damaged. Approximately 640 are registered historic buildings and about 60 are “at risk of collapse,” according to Sarkis El Khoury, the Director General of the DGA. The Sursock Museum, the National Museum of Beirut, New York Universitythe Arab Image Foundation, and the Archaeology Museum of the American University of Beirut are among the major arts institutions severely damaged by the blast.

Eleni Zaras is the former assistant bookstore director at Middle East Books and More. She is a student in Near Eastern studies at New York University’s Kevorkian Center and has a BA in the History of Art from the University of Michigan and a Masters degree in History from the Universite Paris Diderot.

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From UNESCO initiatives to artists on Instagram, fundraising and solidarity campaigns have been launched worldwide to support the countless imperiled artists, museums, monuments, libraries, archives and artifacts. On Aug. 24, the International Alliance for the Protection of Heritage in Conflict Areas (ALIPH) announced the most substantive allocation of funds for the arts yet, promising $5 million to “stabilize, protect, or rehabilitate the city’s cultural heritage.” This followed a joint statement of solidarity released on Aug. 11 and signed by 27 cultural institutions, including UNESCO, the Louvre in Paris, the British Council and the World Monuments Fund in New York. UNESCO estimates that about $500 million will be needed “for heritage and [the] creative economy.”

With the support of the Louvre Museum and the DGA, ALIPH pledged to prioritize the restoration of the National Museum of Beirut, as well as “emergency relief for some 20 cultural heritage entities (museums, libraries, etc.), in cooperation with the Prince Claus Fund and the Lebanese Committee of the Blue Shield,” as stated in their press release.

Local and regional arts organizations and artists have mobilized to provide immediate, smaller-scale relief by hosting virtual perfor-

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mances, art sales, and other fundraising campaigns. The Arab Fund for Arts and Culture (AFAC) and Culture Resource (Al Mawred Al Thaqafy), for instance, launched an international “Lebanon Solidarity Fund” with the goal of raising $500,000 for arts organizations and artists who have lost their homes. Partnering with the Arab Documentary Photography Program (ADPP), they have promoted their initiative via Instagram with an account takeover series, “Stories From Beirut,” which features posts by Beirut-based photographers.

Initiatives, such as “For the Love of Beirut” and the newly created Instagram account, Art Relief For Beirut (@artrelief4beirut), have also boosted aid to charities through sales of artworks donated by the artists. “For the Love of Beirut” sold prints by 60 Lebanese and regional artists and donated all proceeds to the Lebanese Red Cross. It was organized by Gulf Photo Plus (GFF) and Ruwa, in partnership with Beirut Center of Photography, In My House and Jadaliyya.

Art Relief For Beirut, launched by Beirut-born artist Mohamad Kanaan, posts one artwork for sale per day on Instagram and donates all proceeds to a selection of Beirut-based charities. The artworks sold have included two prints by winners of the 2019 Turner Prize, which alone raised $60,000, according to Artnet News.

“I am sure [the art community] will recover,” Andrée Sfeir-Semler, the owner of Sfeir-Semler Gallery, told Artnet. “The Lebanese resilience is legendary—but it will take a lot of work, a lot of effort, and we will have to band together to make it happen.”

However, given Lebanon’s dire economic situation, Sursock Museum director Zeina Arida warned in a webinar with the organization Afrika on Sept. 1 that “only international solidarity” can ensure reconstruction. “There is no other way.” ■

United Nations Report Continued from page 30

The battle was not exactly won by the Iranians, rather was lost by the U.S. The ayatollahs, along with their allies Hezbollah, are not exactly the poster boys of other U.N. members. Insofar as they win, it is rather a reaction to the relentless monomania of Israel and the U.S. who obsessively bring up Iran in issue after issue.

One should not discount this tactic, since sheer repetition, even if annoying, has a cumulative effect as shown by Israel’s success with the Palestinians over the years. If Israel makes it the U.N. equivalent of a federal case every time a settler stubs his toe, it does drown out the real murders, arrests and beatings by the IDF, not least since the Palestinians and their allies are not equipped to counter Israeli hasbara activities.

The corrosive effect of complaints about the mere possibility of Iranian nuclear weaponry outweigh the lack of mention or concern about the actual weapons possessed by India, Pakistan, North Korea and India. At one time Egypt would raise the issue of Israeli nukes, but only in a half-hearted way to avoid cutting off the cash flow from Washington that was mandated by AIPAC as part of the “peace process.”

Certainly, no U.N. official looking for promotion would raise the OCTOBER 2020

nuclear issue gratuitously, and not many countries had a dog in the fight. But in a stunning piece of hypocrisy, India, a nuclear power and non-signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty, sitting on the International Atomic Energy Authority had voted for referring Iran to the Security Council in the first place for alleged nuclear breaches.

But again, there is the sound of silence. Gilad Erdan, the new Israeli representative to the U.N., hit the mud with his feet splashing and denounced the U.N.’s failure to enforce the U.S.’ unilateral call for the snap back, as a blow to the organization’s authority. Unlike, of course, annexing East Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and threatening to annex the West Bank, let alone building settlements in illegally occupied territory and shooting down Palestinians in the thousands.

Erdan replaces the irreplaceable Danny Danon, who has finally quit his post at the U.N., and, after five high profile years in New York, has presumably amassed a file of right-wing donors who will support him when he moves back to far-right domestic politics in Israel; his rebarbative attacks on the U.N., the Palestinians and, of course, Iran—doubtless helped his resumé.

Sadly, he has indeed been highly effective in his position, at times treating the U.N. itself almost as occupied territory, staging events celebrating Israel there and inviting significant groups of local supporters. Compared with some of his predecessors, who treated the U.N. and its member envoys with disdain, he has wooed countries that he assessed did not have a dog in the fight. Trips to Israel helped, of course, as did his lobbying to place Israeli officials in key positions in the U.N. Erdan is unlikely to change direction. He began in politics by opposing the Oslo accords but not on the sound grounds espoused by the much-vindicated Prof. Edward Said. He was a political adviser to the late unlamented Ariel Sharon and later to Binyamin Netanyahu. He will doubtless find the new U.S. ambassador to the U.N. even more pliable than her predecessors.

Will this unprecedented Security Council dissidence with the U.S. translate into other Middle East issues? One fears not. The motives of the other four permanent members are mixed. There is genuine exasperation that Washington expects them to fall for such silly legal prestidigitation but also a shared desire to stop proliferation of nuclear weapons, especially to the ayatollahs. They saw the JCPOA as the best way to achieve that, and then it was cast aside like a broken toy by the infantile crowd in Washington. It is also true that Russia and China see Iran as a potential military customer impelled

by Israeli and U.S. threats, but U.S. diplomatic ineptitude is reason enough.

For now, the imbroglio over Iran is yet another diversion from creative thinking and yet another reason for the U.N. and its members to ignore its responsibilities from Syria and Palestine to Yemen and the Sahel.

The U.S. might have gone too far this time. For years, it has kept the U.N. on diminished life support and occasionally resurrected it when needed. However, we really can’t be sure it will be revived in any viable form in the future, which is not a good thing for the dispossessed of the world. ■

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Gaza on the Ground

PHOTO COURTESY YOUTUBE HTTPS://WWW.YOUTUBE.COM/WATCH?V=2RKHRDQXJ0Y

The First Thing I Heard was a Gunshot: A Gaza Symphony

By Mohammed Omer

Video of 11-year-old Abdelrahman al-Shantti rapping in English while surrounded by his school friends in Gaza has gone viral.

THE VOICE of 11-year-old Abdelrahman al-Shantti is heard in Gaza—a new voice which he calls a message of “peace and humanity” from a forgotten besieged Gaza, to the world.

“I am here to tell you our lives are hard. Our streets are broken, and bombs lay in the yard,” go the lyrics of his song “Gaza Messenger,” alluding to three devastating assaults that shocked the people and shook Gaza. The singer/songwriter attends seventh grade at a school run by UNRWA in Gaza City.

There is an American lilt in his voice when he sings, yet he has never been outside the 25-mile long by 5-mile wide open prison of Gaza. Inspired at the age of nine by Eminem, Tupac and DJ Khaled, al-Shantti started to put his words to rap music, hoping to be the Eminem of Palestine.

When he discovered his talents, he kept practicing. “I still want to continue to improve and learn how to write more original

Award-winning journalist Mohammed Omer reports regularly on the Gaza Strip.

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lyrics,” he says.

Through his music, he hopes to add more of a spotlight on Gaza, while global headlines selectively ignore the protracted inhumane blockade on Gaza and its effect on his people. Another song, “Peace,” stems from early memories of war in 2009. “I was born in Gaza City, and the first thing I heard was a gunshot. In my first breath, I tasted gunpowder,” his lyrics say.

There are limited opportunities in Gaza, but as filmmakers and other observers note, there is no lack of zeal and courage displayed by its children and youth, aspiring for a better future. Sometimes, Gaza kids follow the latest hits even before American kids. When you are locked in, then a smartphone is your only means to connect with the world.

Yet, Gaza still survives despite an 18-hour-electricity blackout and where charging phones with car batteries is common.

Al-Shantti combines both technology and music, and says music is as important as life. For him, music is long, and life is short. It is evidently the explanation of life as a Gaza symphony; the trumpets

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and drums of war and the harps and strings of short-term peace. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a chance you can die, weâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ll see what the future holds. My life is on the line, right behind the bullet holes,â&#x20AC;? raps al-Shantti, in one of his most emotional and widely viewed video clips on social media, describing the war-torn coastal enclave.

He sees music as a food to nourish a love that he canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t give up on. The death of George Floyd hit the 11-year-old Palestinian so deeply, he decided to sing for himâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;his messages were shared by several well-known artists, including the UKâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Lowkey.

Al-Shantti posts on Instagram as @mca.rap (www.instagram.com/mca.rap/) and Facebook as Abdelrahman.alshantti (www.facebook.com/Abdelrahman.alshantti), which are managed by his father.

Saudi hip-hop host Ahmad Dennaouiâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; better known as Big Hassâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;shared alshanttiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s video with his social media net-

work. Al-Shanttiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s YouTube videos were picked up by Sky Arabia, BBC Arabic and Al Jazeera. The 11-year-old rapper has earned praise from famous music artists around the world, from Palestinian-American rapper Waheeb Nasan, U.S. artist DJ Khaled to Canadian signer Masari to the UKâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Akala and Lowkey.

Al-Shantti has risen from the impoverished streets of the sealed-off enclave, to a global spotlight. He knows the everyday limitations on life that he sees in the fences and borderlines that surround him. Yet, he knows there are people who can hear him and will repeat his songs. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I know the echo of the songs are heard behind the wallsâ&#x20AC;? he says, smiling. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I believe in the spirits of free humans, they are silent, but I know they read us and I know they listen to us,â&#x20AC;? he says, as he pauses. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Maybe they hear us at night, but I hope the echo of our house vibrates inside their hearts because they love Palestine as much as they love freedomâ&#x20AC;? he said in a

reassuring voice.

The 11-year-old schoolboy is keen to send a message to the outside word and to American children, saying, â&#x20AC;&#x153;I want to show them how, as children, we are also supposed to be free, like children from outside the walls, fences and bombs of Gaza.â&#x20AC;?

Unfortunately, Al-Shantti has plenty of inspiration for new raps. Recently Israeli forces have launched numerous attacks on the Gaza Strip and tightened its disastrous blockade imposed 13 years ago. Gaza hospitals are already overwhelmed as they deal with COVID-19 patients amid a shortage of medical supplies and an electrical power crisis.

Al-Shantti dreams of becoming a professional rapper and touring the United States and already has a stage name, MCA. When asked where he wishes his music will take him, he pauses then says, â&#x20AC;&#x153;I aim to spread peace, unity and love through my music.â&#x20AC;? â&#x2013;

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WashingtOn repOrt On Middle east affairs

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Special Report

PHOTO BY SAMEH RAHMI/NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES

Why are so Many Young People Committing Suicide in Gaza?

By Mohammed Abu Asaker

Members of a grieving Palestinian family at a cemetery on the first day of Eid al-Fitr, in Gaza City on May 24, 2020.

LIFE IN THE GAZA STRIP has reached a breaking point. Living in what is described as the largest open-air prison in the world, many Palestinians feel life is a continuous struggle with no hope that their conditions will improve.

Palestinians have no faith in the reconciliation process between Hamas and Fatah; in eventual unity between the West Bank and Gaza Strip; in finding employment; in having access to opportunities for personal and professional growth; and, as a populace, ever being able to independently meet their most basic needs.

Several United Nations reports describe Gaza as “unlivable,” with 80 percent of the population reliant on international aid. With closely interlinked energy, water and healthcare crises, today people are still only receiving a maximum of two to four hours of electricity each day,

Mohammed Abu Asaker is a Harvard Kennedy School of Government graduate. He is Palestinian from Gaza and has more than 17 years of professional experience in the humanitarian field.

40

making drinkable water and sewage systems inoperable. In addition to this, the World Food Program reports that some 68.5 percent of Gazan families are experiencing food insecurity.

With the highest literacy rate in the world, young people in Palestine, especially in Gaza, are highly educated. Historically, investing in education has been a strategic choice for Palestinians, believing it to be key to empowering the youth and equipping them with skills to succeed and grow amidst such difficult conditions. However, with staggering unemployment rates of 69 percent among Gazan youth, and 45.1 percent among the broader population, made worse by the Trump administration’s defunding of UNRWA and the Palestinian Authority, youth are disenfranchised and unable to imagine a future.

In recent years, human rights centers in Gaza have also reported an increase in depression and despair, particularly among those who are highly educated and unable to apply their skills within the local economy or move abroad. While the rest of the world faces chal-

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lenges with the expectation that tomorrow can be better, Palestinians in Gaza are sure that tomorrow will be worse. Indeed, a life without hope for the future is no life at all.

Evidencing this, the Palestinian Human Rights Center has reported that more than 100 people have committed suicide in Gaza since 2015 with more than 2,000 people reported as having attempted suicide. In August 2020 alone, four people committed suicide, bringing the total number to 12 since the beginning of the year. If this trend continues for the next six months, there will have been an increase of nearly 80 percent in suicide cases in 2020 compared to the previous year.

However, there is no official tracking of suicide attempts or actual cases by Hamas authorities in the Gaza Strip. There are also social, cultural and religious pressures on families not to report deaths as suicides, so figures are thought to be much higher. Nevertheless, the trend among these cases is stark; they are young and unemployed.

Importantly however, these devastating statistics are not simply the product of local social dynamics, they are part and parcel of the political conditions that sharply define life for Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

The complete siege imposed by Israeli authorities for the past 13 years has caused substantial deterioration in the economic situation, making hundreds of thousands, mainly youth, jobless.

Hamas sees Israel’s siege as collective punishment against the two million people in the Gaza Strip following its 2006 victory in the first democratic election in Palestine.

But Hamas also perceives the Ramallahbased Palestinian Authority as a Fatah affiliate working to destroy their economy and undermine their governance in Gaza.

However, speak to the people in Gaza and they will tell you that Hamas has neglected their responsibility to address the people’s urgent needs. Some Palestinians believe that Hamas uses violence against Israel to deflect attention from their failure to provide essential services and skirt their responsibilities as the elected government.

Hamas denies that the rate of deaths by suicide is increasing and has arrested journalists and activists who publicly raise the OCTOBER 2020

issue. This is justified as, according to Islamic beliefs, committing a suicide is a strictly forbidden and unforgivable sin, haram, and those who commit suicide are infidels who would be led to hell at the day of judgment.

Recently youth activists in Gaza have been active on social media defending and contextualizing the rising suicide rates explaining that people are taking their lives when no other options exist; it is their only escape. To express this, activists have used phrases and hashtags like “Enough! Complaining to no one other than God is a humiliation”; “We want to live”; and “I am not an infidel; hunger is an infidel.”

In March 2019, activists in Gaza Strip took to the streets to protest the unlivable living conditions and demand their right to employment. In return for these most basic demands, Hamas and its internal security forces violently repressed the protests, imprisoning and torturing many organizers.

Sleman Alajoury, a 23-year old, was one of the leading activists of the “we want to live” protests. His demands, like others, were simple: the basic conditions to live a dignified life. Alajoury was arrested several times by Hamas security forces, accused of “spreading chaos.” He committed suicide by shooting himself in the head. In his last post on Facebook, Alajoury wrote: “This is not a futile attempt. This is an attempt at salvation. Complaining to no one but God is a humiliation.”

For young people in Gaza, protests are often the only channel through which they can express their anger, frustration and feel connected with others who feel the same.

With Hamas’ intolerance for such public forms of expression, people are left dejected and isolated.

To reach the point of taking one’s own life is not an instantaneous or irrational decision, but one of suffering, pain and paralyzing hopelessness. Since 2014, many Gazans have tried to change their situation by attempting to leave the Strip for educational or employment opportunities or to seek asylum. Others stayed and protested for change but their efforts were thwarted.

Now, with the current situation in Gaza, people are forced to sell their belongings to

simply buy food. When these meager survival strategies fail, or run out, people are forced to seriously consider the options in front of them. Sadly, as many young people say, the choice is either to die slowly or to die quickly.

The rising suicide rates in Gaza are a clear indication of the complete deterioration of the economy and social fabric for which the responsible authorities in Gaza should be held accountable. The ongoing repression of public freedoms and absence of social justice in Gaza will only continue to rob people of their hope. Just as the Lebanese people were reaching their breaking point before COVID-19 and the port explosion on Aug. 4 with suicides on the increase, Palestinians in Gaza are at their own breaking point. Without addressing their real grievances, the magnitude of the Lebanese crises will unfold in the Gaza Strip.

This does not discount the role Israel plays in the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza. Israel remains an unwavering occupying force controlling Gaza’s borders, resources and trade with the outside world.

The failure of the international community to end Israel’s 13-year siege on Gaza perpetuates the destruction of livelihoods, systems of dependence, cycles of violence and denial of self-determination.

On the other hand, the Palestinian Authority and the leadership in Gaza should take practical steps to end the protracted separation between the West Bank and Gaza, and work to promote unity between Palestinian groups. Not only would this counter Israel’s ongoing efforts to divide Palestinian populations but it would also, at least, bring hope to people’s hearts.

Palestinian leaders should show Gaza’s youth and people a glimmer of hope by breaking their isolation from each other and the rest of the world. If they cannot deliver services and respond to people’s daily needs, then they are not qualified to remain in governance, and an alternative internationally accepted government should be established. Otherwise, the young people in Gaza will give up, and without them there is no future for Gaza. They are the ones who could rebuild Gaza and bring a smile to people’s faces. ■

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Special Report

Friends at a Gaza City funeral in 2006 comfort a father whose 10-year-old son was killed by an Israeli missile in “Operation Summer Rains.”

THE ROCKETS and mortars that Hamas and other Gaza militant groups fire into Israel are almost universally condemned. Most U.S. politicians blame these projectiles for the Israel-Gaza conflicts, and the U.N. and EU have condemned them. In 2014, President Barack Obama legitimized Israel’s “Protective Edge” assault on Gaza, stating, “As I’ve said repeatedly, Israel has a right to defend itself from rocket attacks that terrorize the Israeli people.”

In November 2019, presidential candidate Joe Biden followed suit: ”Israel has a right to defend itself against terrorist threats. It is intolerable that Israeli citizens live their lives under the constant fear of rocket attacks.”

Rockets are a significant reason for Gaza’s continuing split with the West Bank: Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has denounced them as “counterproductive,” accomplishing little and provoking Israeli retaliation endangering Gaza civilians.

Gregory DeSylva is a board member of Deir Yassin Remembered and has written and produced six videos related to the Israel-Palestinian conflict.

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ROCKETS, LAW, AND LIBERTY

For the international community, these denunciations reflect the rockets’ perceived violation of international humanitarian law (IHL), the area of international law concerned with the means of war. Attacks intentionally targeting civilians are absolutely prohibited under the principle of noncombatant immunity (NCI). Attacks that target military assets but incidentally impact civilians are acceptable only if their civilian impacts are proportionate to their military purposes. Attacks that can’t discriminate between military targets and civilians pose unacceptable risks to civilians and are forbidden because they’re indiscriminate. Gaza’s rockets lack internal guidAccording to the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, B’Tselem, from Jan. 9, 2009 to July 31, 2020, Israeli security forces have killed 3,088 Gazans, primarily civilians, while a total of 33 Israeli civilians and 45 soldiers have been killed in conflicts with Gaza.

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

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PHOTO COURTESY GARY FIELDS

Gaza’s Rockets: Weapons of Terror or Liberation?

By Gregory DeSylva

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ance systems and thus are very inaccurate. So it’s generally infeasible to make meaningful distinction with them between military targets and civilians. Ergo, they’re indiscriminate and forbidden under IHL. Ditto for Gaza’s mortars.

Thus, compliance with IHL would require Gaza to end all use of its projectiles. But how can weak, technologically unsophisticated Gaza liberate itself from powerful, technologically advanced Israeli oppression if it’s deprived of its only possibility of impacting Israel militarily? Non-violent resistance alone won’t do—Palestinians have engaged in it for decades with little success, the most recent instance being Gaza’s “Great March of Return” that left 13,000 protesters severely wounded and over 180 dead at the hands of the Israeli military. The “peace process” has been an even greater failure.

IHL creates this conundrum by dissociating the justice of a party to the war’s cause from the means it can use in making war. Under this rubric, both aggressor and victim must comply with IHL in their means of combat. Gaza’s overwhelmingly just cause gives it no right whatsoever to utilize its projectiles against an entity that has dispossessed and oppressed it for over seven decades. Yet, foregoing them could condemn Gaza to perpetual oppression. As such, IHL is constituted to keep down the oppressed to the benefit of powerful oppressors. It also conflicts with relevant parts of international human rights law: the rights to liberty, freedom of movement and to return to one’s country.

ABSOLUTIST LAW IN EXTREME CIRCUMSTANCES

IHL’s “no exceptions” divorce of the justification for war from the means of war hasn’t gone uncontested. Michael Walzer proposes a striking exception in his classic Just and Unjust Wars. If a country is in a “Supreme Emergency”—imminent danger of conquest by an aggressor that would subject it to tyrannical oppression—then this preeminent justification for war gives it the right to fight by any means it chooses, OCTOBER 2020

including deliberately attacking the aggressor’s civilians. This rationale was implicit in Britain’s bombing of German civilians in WW II. Prime Minister Winston Churchill believed Britain’s only chance to avoid Nazi tyranny was to target German civilians. By doing so he hoped to undermine Germany’s military and/or to arouse its civilians to overthrow the Nazis. Though the impact on Germany’s war machine was minimal and no uprising occurred, these attacks, which killed more than 300,000 civilians, were tacitly accepted by the international community.

Although Walzer proposes only the Supreme Emergency exception to IHL’s separation of cause and means of war, there’s no a priori basis for disallowing additional exceptions. Gaza isn’t facing a Supreme Emergency—it’s enduring Supreme Oppression. The full scope of what was in store for it has manifested over decades rather than in one fell stroke.

Many Palestinian refugees fled to Gaza from their homes in what is now Israel to escape the 1948 war, expecting to return when the violence abated. Israel violated—and to this day violates—their right under international human rights law to return to their country. Thus, they have been largely confined to Gaza for decades, where they have languished in rampant unemployment and poverty. In 1967, Israel occupied Gaza, subjected it to harsh military rule and began colonizing it, shoving aside the refugees and brutally suppressing their resistance. Then it fenced in Gaza, making it into a big concentration camp. All of this contributed to Hamas’ rise to power and significant rocket attacks on Israel beginning in 2006, Israel’s strangling siege and blockade in 2007, intensified rocketing, and a series of savage Israeli reprisals from 2006 to 2014.

If Supreme Emergency warrants an exception to IHL, then such Supreme Oppression also warrants it. Britain struggled against a more powerful enemy to avoid tyranny and loss of liberty; Gaza is doing so to throw off tyranny and regain liberty.

Its just cause for war is at least as strong as Britain’s was, and it has at least as

much right as Britain did to choose its means of war. This doesn’t mean Gaza should fight “any way it chooses.” If it seeks liberty instead of revenge, it shouldn’t intentionally target Israeli civilians as have some of its militant factions. Such bald contravention of IHL is indeed counterproductive because of the condemnation it arouses by the governments and citizens of foreign nations, by the U.N., and

by NGOs like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. U.N. and NGO reports of IHL violations in the conflict have far greater bearing on Gaza’s fortunes than any military impact its projectiles might have. These assessments have contributed to its ruling Hamas party and some of its militant factions being placed on lists of terrorist organizations, resulting in crippling economic sanctions—including the blockade—against Gaza.

IHL puts Gaza in a cruel catch-22 predicament. If it uses its projectiles in violation of IHL it can expect continued condemnation and the negative impacts it has on the Palestinian cause. If it forgoes them, it is likely to remain interminably under Israel’s knee. Humanitarian law that limits the oppressed to such intolerable options is itself inhumane and should be amended. For cases like Gaza’s, this amendment should permit regulated use of indiscriminate weapons involving reasonable relaxation of the noncombatant immunity of the oppressor’s civilians. This amendment would pertain to certain provisions of Additional Protocol I of the Fourth Geneva Convention and to other areas of IHL. Per this amendment, “regulated use” of such indiscriminate weapons would be available only to entities enduring extreme, perpetual violation of their human rights under international law. Regulated use of such weapons must be essential to gaining those rights, and there must be no viable alternative for gaining those rights.

They must not be used for extraneous purposes such as terrorism or vengeance.

They must have only military objectives, although there can be no guarantee that Continued on page 63

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Canada Calling

STAFF PHOTO CANDICE BODNARUK

National Survey Explores Canadian Views on Israel

By Candice Bodnaruk

Protesters march in Winnipeg during the summer of 2014 when Israel invaded Gaza during the 51 Day War. A LARGE MAJORITY of Canadians want their government to oppose Israeli annexation of additional Palestinian territory and they support the imposition of sanctions on Israel if it proceeds. Canadians also advocate increasing support for Palestinian human rights, international peacekeeping and combating climate change. These are just some of the findings from the first part of the national opinion survey released in June 2020, entitled “Out of Touch: Canada’s Foreign Policy Disconnected from Canadians’ Views.”

The EKOS Research Associates polling firm conducted the online survey of 1,000 Canadians between June 5-10, before Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu agreed to delay his annexation plans.

Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME), Independent Jewish Voices (IJV), and the United Network for Justice and Peace in Palestine-Israel (UNJPPI) co-sponsored the two-part

Candice Bodnaruk has been involved in Palestinian issues for the past 14 years through organizations such as the Canadian BDS Coalition and Peace Alliance Winnipeg. Her political action started with feminism and continued with the peace movement, first with the No War on Iraq Coalition in 2003 in Winnipeg.

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research project. The first part covered Canadian views on Israel’s annexation of the West Bank as well as Canadians’ attitudes toward support for Palestinians and international aid. The second part is expected to be released within the next few months.

The survey found that a majority of Canadians, 74 percent, oppose Israel’s planned annexation of the West Bank and they want their government to reflect their concerns. Furthermore, younger Canadians, 18-34, were not only more likely to oppose annexation but also support sanctions against Israel for its behavior. Of the Canadians polled, 68 percent of New Democrats (NDP), 59 percent of Green Party voters, 54 percent of Bloc Quebecois, and 42 percent of Liberal Party voters support imposing sanctions on Israel. The survey demonstrates that there would be considerable support if the Trudeau government were to impose sanctions on Israel.

Michael Bueckert, vice-president of CJPME, said that annexation would be a colossal injustice for the Palestinian people and a huge setback for peace. “Canada has an obligation to stop this from happening,” Bueckert said, and he expected his government to reflect Canadian views.

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Overall, the survey concluded there is very little support for Israeli annexation among the Canadian public, with the exception of Conservative Party voters, 27 percent of whom said that Canada should support Israel’s plan while 25 percent said Canada should do nothing. Bueckert said that even though 50 percent of the Conservative Party base supports annexation and inaction, that also means 50 percent of Conservative Party voters want Canada to speak out against annexation.

“This should be a warning to Conservatives, if they choose to be in support of annexation, that a lot of Conservative supporters don’t agree with it,” he stressed.

When survey respondents were asked how Canada should react to Israel’s plans to annex more Palestinian territory, 42 percent support imposing economic and/or diplomatic sanctions on Israel. Those favoring sanctions rose to 59 percent for younger Canadians, a change of attitude that gives optimism to survey sponsors.

Younger generations have grown up entirely in the shadow of the Oslo accords and see no reason for optimism. They have seen nothing but settlement growth, attacks on Gaza, and acquisition of Palestinian territory.

“I think younger generations have seen that these old former methods, those old peace processes just haven’t worked and something new is necessary,” Bueckert observed.

In terms of supporting Palestinians, 40 percent of survey respondents believe Canada should increase its support for Palestinian human rights. Interestingly, support for Palestinian rights was highest among Liberal and NDP (New Democratic Party) supporters, while only 11 percent of those who identified as Conservative Party voters believe in increasing support for Palestinians. In fact, together Liberal, NDP, and Green Party survey respondents were three times more likely to agree with greater support for Palestinian human rights than to oppose increased support.

Bueckert went on to explain that Palestinians have been able to build bridges with Black Lives Matter as well as Indigenous and decolonization movements, connecting their experiences to these other groups.

OCTOBER 2020

Asked why Canada was so slow to speak out against Israel’s plans for annexation, Bueckert said it’s hard to know for sure but the reason may have something to do with Canada’s disappointing response to President Donald Trump’s “peace plan.”

“Trudeau was silent when those American plans were released,” Bueckert said.

Canadians have been following the issue of injustice for a very long time, becoming disillusioned with the lack of progress and Canada’s unconditional support for Israeli violations of human rights, he said. “They are just sick of this and Canada has an obligation to stand up,” he said.

In early July CJPME and IJV launched a pledge asking Canadians to oppose annexation. The pledge has been endorsed by more than 60 civil society organizations.

Bueckert added that 75 percent of Canada’s opposition parties (including New Democrats, Green Party and Bloc Quebecois) have signed on to the pledge.

“It’s heartening to see cross-parliamentary support,” he said, pointing out that all Bloc Quebecois and Green Party of Canada Members of Parliament, as well as almost all New Democrats (22 of 24) oppose Israel’s annexation plans. The two NDP MPs who refused to support the pledge to oppose the annexation were the party leader, Jagmeet Singh and MP Randall Garrison, who is vice chair of the Canada-Israel Interparliamentary Group, a pro-Israel lobby group has been criticized by many other NDP MPs for not opposing Israel’s actions. To date, 10 MPs of the governing Liberal Party have also signed the CJPME pledge.

However, UNJPPI’s George Bartlett warned things are getting worse for the Palestinians in the West Bank. Bartlett, who served three months as an ecumenical accompanier in Palestine with the World Council of Churches, said, “Mobility rights are very restricted,” adding that this makes it difficult for Palestinians to have any economy in the West Bank. He noted that illegal annexation has been going on for the last 50 years, as well as two systems of law, one for illegal settlers and the other for Palestinians.

Bartlett said that the world recognized and acted against apartheid in South Africa and today more and more people realize that what is happening in Palestine is even worse. Bartlett explained, “Traditionally Canada has been very much for justice in the world and peace but there’s a disconnect” when it comes to Palestine.

He noted that several MPs have travelled to Palestine and believes such visits work to change perceptions. Once people, including MPs, see what is happening to Palestinians living under the occupation, minds do change.

With growing Canadian support for their government taking firm stands on Palestinian rights, as the survey results indicated, Bartlett is hopeful for the future. “I am an optimist on many things and as information comes out about what’s happening to the environment and human rights issues, the electorate becomes concerned and hopefully it does affect their voting pattern,” he said. ■ (Advertisement)

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Islam and the Middle East in the Far East

PHOTO BY FREDERIC SOLTAN/CORBIS VIA GETTY IMAGES

Migrant Workers in Middle East Hit Hard in COVID-19 Outbreak

By John Gee

Accommodations in the Al Quoz area where many migrant workers live in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, in January 2016.

BANGLADESH’S government has long encouraged labor migration as a means of generating income from remittances. Around 400,000 workers go abroad each year, and at the beginning of 2020, between 8 and 10 million Bangladeshi citizens worked in other countries.

Labor recruitment has been a lucrative source of income for Bangladeshi middlemen, many of whom are connected to a web of established politicians and bureaucrats. In order to obtain a job, migrant workers typically pay the equivalent of well over a year’s salary in the country where they go to work. Workers pay up because they feel they have no choice, and, if they’re lucky, they might remain employed for years in a job that gives them a much higher income than they could earn at home. Their earnings support the education of younger relatives, allow their families to buy land and build better houses, sometimes room by room, or simply to survive. For many

John Gee is a free-lance journalist based in Singapore and the author of Unequal Conflict: The Palestinians and Israel.

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families, a relative working abroad is their main source of income.

A young man who goes abroad to work improves his marriage prospects and, even if he doesn’t manage to earn much, his sacrifice in going to work in a foreign country gains him respect.

When COVID-19 spread around the world, migrant workers were among those hardest hit. Many male workers in the Gulf region and Southeast Asia were living in packed dormitory accommodations, including mega-dormitories housing thousands of men. Once one worker was infected, the disease spread rapidly among their colleagues and they were then perceived as a threat to the local population in their countries of employment.

Many employers, faced with lockdowns and collapsing incomes, decided to fire some or most of the migrant workers they’d hired.

Those dismissed workers who were paid in full and repatriated at their employers’ expense were the fortunate ones. In many cases, workers went unpaid or underpaid and were left to figure out for themselves how to return home.

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For Bangladesh, this made COVID-19 doubly disastrous. In a matter of weeks, demand for Bangladeshi workers plummeted. Those already abroad started to return.

At least 80 percent of Bangladeshi migrant workers were employed in the Middle East, mainly in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. Saudi Arabia alone employed 1.5 million, half of whom had become undocumented workers as a result of their work permits expiring. Undocumented workers everywhere during the COVID-19 outbreak have been particularly exposed to risk. Besides typically living and working in confined conditions, they are normally very reluctant to seek medical treatment when they fall ill out of fear of arrest, penalization and deportation.

Between January and March, around a million Bangladeshi workers employed in the Middle East returned to their country. Few were quarantined, even when the danger posed by COVID-19 was widely recognized and the countries where they had worked were already reporting significant rates of infection. Bangladesh only reported its first case on March 8, but the infection was probably already well-established by then.

In 2020, according to a World Bank report released in April, remittances directly contributed $18.3 billion to Bangladesh’s income. For South Asia as a whole, the report anticipated that remittance income would fall by 22 percent this year. Many returning workers could not even bring with them their final earnings; NGO reports suggest that three out of every four returned workers had either not been paid their final wages or had only been paid in part. In addition to economic losses, conditions in Bangladesh have been exacerbated by catastrophic floods that affected over half of the country and are among the worst in living memory.

Besides facing loss of income and movement restrictions, workers who remained in destination countries have been distressed by news from home. At the beginning of the COVID-19 outbreak, some received appeals from relatives to return for the sake of their own safety, but as infection took hold in Bangladesh, many workers were advised OCTOBER 2020

by their families that they were probably better off where they were.

Nevertheless, the desire to return home could become very strong, particularly when workers heard of the illness or death of a relative (not necessarily from COVID19), or received images on their mobile phones of the destruction wrought by the floods. In most GCC countries, workers must obtain a permit from their employer in order to leave; the exception is Qatar, which did away with exit visas in October 2019.

And, some workers, who wanted to return home, simply could not get a flight back when they wanted one.

Across South Asia, the story is similar, though with variations. Nepal will suffer most from the loss of remittances, which are its largest source of foreign earnings.

The relatively robust health system of the south Indian state of Kerala was put to the test when workers repatriated from the Gulf region brought COVID-19 with them. In a March 25 article, independent journalist Rejimon Kuttappan, reported that of 63 COVID-19 cases recorded in Kerala in the preceding three days, 44 had been imported from Dubai.

On May 1, more than 350 NGOs from across South Asia issued a joint call for governments to protect migrant workers. A month later, Migrant Forum in Asia and four other transnational NGOs launched a call for an urgent justice mechanism for repatriated migrant workers. Their press release said: “Without ensuring that companies and employers are doing their due diligence to protect and fulfill the human rights and labor rights of repatriated migrant workers, states across migration corridors become complicit in overseeing procedures where millions of workers will be returning without their earned wages or workplace grievances being heard, nor seeing justice in their situation.”

“Extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures,” said William Gois, regional coordinator of Migrant Forum in Asia. “Millions will suffer if this crime goes unnoticed. We cannot see this as collateral damage brought by the pandemic.”

In the Middle East, some NGOs and in-

dividuals tried to provide assistance to workers in the midst of the crisis. This included delivering food to workers who were confined to their accommodation and who had no income. In some places, workers organized mutual support, with those who had food or income sharing with those who had neither. In June, the International Domestic Workers Federation and a group of Lebanese NGOs called on the Lebanese government to facilitate the return home of workers without any penalties, in view of the dire situation in the country.

There will be long-term consequences of COVID-19 for migrant workers’ presence in some Middle Eastern countries, especially those already affected by the fall in oil prices. In 2017, the International Labor Organization estimated that the Arab states (not including those of North Africa) employed 23 million migrant workers, of whom 9 million were women. The majority came from Asian countries.

Before COVID-19, migrant workers outnumbered the indigenous population of the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait, and in Saudi Arabia, 12 million migrant workers comprised a majority of the work force. Their numbers have certainly fallen and may not return to their previous levels, although it is unlikely that any of these states can radically reduce their reliance on migrant workers, who do work locals will not. ■

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Islam in America

Minnesota Congresswoman Ilhan Omar and her staff help the Zakat Foundation of America distribute food in Minneapolis during the George Floyd protests.

COVID-19, divisive leadership, mass unemployment, economic and social injustices, civil unrest—they all culminated into an uncertain, fearful year. The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted overall inefficiencies in our institutions, but also the systemic inequities that disadvantage Black and brown communities.

We were warned that a plague was coming, but we, as a nation, failed to plan accordingly as our for-profit-driven health care system deprioritized sufficient implementation of solution-based protocols.

The coronavirus pandemic hit hospitals and health care providers hard. Doctors and nurses, facing severe shortages of PPE, were unprotected against a lethal microscopic enemy. It became clear as COVID-19 cases increased that hospitals, overloaded with critical care patients, were on the brink of collapse. With no vaccine in sight, adequate testing or contact tracing capabilities, Americans were mandated to shelter in place. Subsequently, our consumer-driven economy that depends on the social exchange of goods and services to fuel the engine was brought to its knees. Americans faced near-Depression-era unemployment rates and lost access to health care insurance that was tied to their jobs. They struggled to keep

Shadin Maali is a public affairs consultant based in Illinois.

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their businesses open in a “new normal” and isolated world.

Millions of Americans could not pay their bills, put food on the table and faced evictions. Many still have no income. Our world, forced to shut down, was thrown into a deep recession. With 80 percent of Americans living paycheck to paycheck, the demand for the government to step in and support working families was critical.

Congress provided checks to Americans; unemployment insurance kicked in, but it was still not nearly enough to cover the enormity and gravity of the situation.

An estimated 30 million Americans have faced some form of food insecurity since the pandemic struck the country in March, according to Bloomberg. It is no surprise that this unprecedented economic strain and uncertainty would cause a surge in demand for resources and assistance. The government left gaps in the supply and support chain and nonprofits stepped in to help meet these increasing demands. For the first time since the Great Depression, millions of Americans waited in drive-through food distribution lanes for hours to collect their nourishment for the week.

It became clear that to address COVID-19’s dire effects, collaboration among elected officials, grassroots group leaders and nonprofit organizations was paramount. Nonprofit workers and volunteers

WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

OCTOBER 2020

PHOTO COURTESY ZAKAT

Zakat Foundation Distributes 1 Million Pounds of Fresh Food in U.S. Amid Pandemic

By Shadin Maali

maali_48-49.qxp_Islam in America 9/3/20 4:08 PM Page 49

joined the front-line workers and became a lifeline for vulnerable communities.

And so emerged global humanitarian nonprofits like Zakat Foundation of America to address these unprecedented demands.

Headquartered in Illinois, with locations throughout the U.S. and abroad, Zakat Foundation was among the first nonprofits to step up and provide assistance, especially to our most vulnerable 3.5 percent— the undocumented community. Many of those undocumented workers were ineligible to receive governmental support.

While most nonprofits rely on the majority of their funding from grants, Zakat Foundation receives its funding from individual donors. U.S. donors give more than $44 billion a year to help impoverished communities around the world, according to Philanthropy Roundtable. Most donations come from middle-class people while religious faith motivates more Americans to give than any other factor, according to the Roundtable.

Zakat means “obligatory alms,” or “alms upon wealth,” and it stands as the third pillar of Islam. Every Muslim possessing the designated minimal amount of wealth must, as a matter of worship, satisfy the duty of paying zakat.

“Zakat Foundation is proud to have distributed over 1 million pounds of fresh food throughout the U.S.,” said Khalil Demir, the international nonprofit’s executive director.

In its first Minneapolis distribution alone, during the George Floyd protests, Zakat Foundation relief workers passed out more than 36,000 pounds of colorful produce and 400 gallons of milk. “We want to put a little bit of love in the hearts of people, bring some healing to our nation,” Demir said.

In only 10 days, Zakat Foundation delivered more than 120,000 pounds of free produce and milk into Minneapolis’ afflicted neighborhoods. They’ve now duplicated this giving for hard-pressed people in cities across the nation, including Chicago, New York, Durham (North Carolina), St. Louis and Oakland.

They returned for similar distributions in Minneapolis, with help from Minnesota Congresswoman Ilhan Omar and her staff. Each produce box contained about 25 pounds of OCTOBER 2020

farm-fresh fruits and vegetables. “I invited them to bring another container of food as there is, unfortunately, no shortage of need,” Congresswoman Omar said. “And I am honored to join and help them in the distribution.”

But they did not stop there. Zakat Foundation of America also secured and donated medical-grade gloves and masks to hospitals in underserved communities, distributing approximately 1 million pairs of gloves and more than 100,000 medicalgrade masks, along with food packages, hygiene kits and even cash assistance.

“For two decades, Zakat Foundation has stood with the oppressed, providing aid to underrepresented communities throughout the world. Now is no time for us to stay silent,” said Amna Mirza, the global charity’s head of marketing and communications, who originally conceived of the idea for Zakat Foundation’s fresh-food rescue campaign. “This is what Zakat Foundation stands for. To truly feel connected to each other. To understand the plight of our neighbor. To feel empathy. To understand it’s our humanity that connects us. It’s putting our common humanity above what divides us.”

The humanitarian organization was also among the first to recognize the mental health effects of the virus on the vulnerable population. Demir and his team utilized its mental health arm, Khalil Center, a national professional mental health group, to treat

underserved Americans.

It made its help available nationwide, for free, to people adapting to the isolation of physical separation and shelter-in-place recommendations. “There’s a secondary contagion to COVID-19,” said Hooman Keshavarzi, Khalil Center’s executive director.

“Panic and anxiety combined with forced social isolation and social distancing—the sudden, unpredicted change has drastically impacted all of our lives, resulting in detrimental mental health effects, especially given the uncertainty of how long such measures will remain in place.”

Khalil Center, a Zakat Foundation project, dedicated a crisis phone line, strong webtherapy services, an open chat forum, and a series of informational videos teaching practical steps for family and self-care in light of COVID-19. They anticipated the needs of patients who could not reach their providers and others who felt a newly urgent need to seek out psychological consultation.

The pandemic affected every facet of society, and it has also exposed institutional systemic failures that need work. The nonprofit industry, as the third largest employer of skilled, talented and resilient American workers, is uniquely positioned to fill in the gaps and address these problems head on.

Humanitarian charities like Zakat Foundation of America have been ready and eager, rising to the challenge. ■

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Talking Turkey

Sumeyye Erdogan (r) the daughter of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is vice president of the Women and Democracy Association (KADEM), which announced support for the İstanbul Convention. This photo was taken in July 1, 2014 as her father was nominated as a presidential candidate.

BACK IN 2011, Turkey became the first country in Europe to ratify the Council of Europe Convention on Combating and Preventing Violence Against Women, now commonly known as the Istanbul Convention.

Back in 2011, too, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) was instrumental in getting that convention through the Turkish parliament.

On Aug. 13 this year, however, that exact same convention was described by that exact same Turkish leader as “putting dynamite in the foundations of the family”—and then cast it as foreign, Western interference in Turkish affairs. At the time of writing, Erdogan was thus poised to take the country he and his party have ruled for the past 18 years out of the convention altogether.

Much has changed in the politics of Turkey and the wider region since 2011. Yet, one thing that has not changed is the pandemic of violence against women. “In the last couple of months,” says Milena Buyum, Amnesty International’s senior Turkey campaigner, “we’ve seen 60 women killed by men in Turkey—or around one per day.”

Jonathan Gorvett is a free-lance writer specializing on European and Middle Eastern affairs.

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While no country on earth can boast of a good record when it comes to violence against women—a recent UK survey found onein-four women experience some form of male violence during their lives—one murder per day is around three times the average for Germany, a country of similar population size.

Indeed, according to data compiled by the independent Turkish press agency Bianet, in 2019 alone, some 328 women were killed by men in Turkey, with more than half of them killed by their husbands or ex-husbands. This does not include some 134 “suspicious deaths” that may well also have been a result of male violence.

Femicides in 2019 were also up 29 percent from 2018, while other forms of male violence—rape, harassment and violence against children—were up 27 percent.

This year has also seen some particularly shocking media reports of femicides, including most recently in July, the brutal slaying of 27year-old Pinar Gultekin by her married boyfriend in the Aegean province of Mugla. “From secular women to conservative women, from working women to not working, women are angry,” Melek Onder, from the Istanbul-based campaign group, We Will Stop Femicide, told media after a demonstration in Izmir triggered by Gultekin’s murder.

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PHOTO BY KAYHAN OZER/ANADOLU AGENCY/GETTY IMAGES

Turkish Women Unite Against Domestic Violence

By Jonathan Gorvett

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Perhaps unsurprisingly then, support for the convention—which is the first piece of legislation worldwide to mandate signatory governments take action against violence against women—stretches across Turkey’s political divide. Conservative, pro-Islamist AKP women have mobilized in its support, as well as their more secular sisters, with large demonstrations held in recent months defending the legislation.

Yet, President Erdogan remains hostile to the convention; his recent about-face playing into a series of other recent U-turns by the president toward conservative and nationalist positions. From his turning the 1,500-year old basilica of Hagia Sophia back into a mosque to recent pronouncements calling for the banning of “non-Turkish” words from the language, these moves may shore up his conservative, male support base—but may come with a heavy price amongst his female supporters.

HISTORIC MOMENT

The Istanbul Convention came out of a series of meetings and debates among the 47 member states of the Council of Europe (COE). This body, founded in 1949, includes the 27 European Union (EU) members, plus a range of non-EU states, stretching from the UK to Azerbaijan.

Turkey joined in 1950.

The convention is the world’s first to characterize violence against women as an infringement of human rights and in criminalizing both psychological and physical violence and intimidation. It also obliges signatories not only to address incidents of violence against women, but also to implement preventive strategies.

This has been far from uncontroversial, however, with 11 COE states still having failed to ratify the convention, as of time of writing—including the UK. Major campaigns against it have also been mounted by conservatives in Bulgaria, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland.

“There is a perception, a received wisdom in Western countries that it is Muslim countries like Turkey that are repressive against women,” says Buyum, “but other countries, like Poland, where religion has a powerful OCTOBER 2020

place, are further down the road to leaving the convention than Turkey is.”

Conservatives across the COE states have found the convention’s definition of gender as “socially constructed roles,” particularly infuriating.

In 2018, the Bulgarian Constitutional Court ruled against the treaty on the grounds that, “If society loses its ability to distinguish between a woman and a man, combating violence against women would remain a formal yet futile commitment.” The AKP’s deputy leader, Numan Kurtulmus, echoed this sentiment in a July TV interview when he said that signing the convention “was wrong” because of “two critical issues…One of them is gender rights; the other is sexual orientation rights.”

The convention, however, makes just one reference to LGBT+ rights, stating that there should be no discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation.

The other line of attack by conservatives has been a nationalist one. “I am of the opinion that we are highly capable of drafting texts which honor human dignity, put the family at the center and which are appropriate for our social fabric,” President Erdogan said on Aug. 13. “Instead of translated texts, we need to determine our own.”

Such arguments have been widespread in other, European rejectionist countries, too.

MATTERS OF “HONOR”

Nonetheless, Turkey does have some specific problems. One example is that courts will often accept the defense of “provocation” when it comes to violence against women and against members of the LGBT+ community.

“Honor killings”—when a woman is thought to have disgraced the family’s “honor” by her actions—are also often looked on leniently by the judicial authorities.

Earlier this year, the AKP also attempted to reintroduce to parliament a bill, which it had itself overturned in 2004, that stated if a rapist married the woman he raped, then he would be set free. The bill, however, was halted due to protests that included outspoken statements from AKP women. They have also spoken out against attempts to leave the Istanbul Convention.

“Making the convention a target like this means ignoring the real causes [of murders of women],” an Aug. 1 statement from the Women and Democracy Association (KADEM) read. KADEM’s vice president is Sumeyye Erdogan—the Turkish president’s daughter.

As a sign of how divisive the issue is, a meeting of the AKP’s executive to discuss leaving the convention, originally set for Aug. 5, was postponed to Aug. 13, but failed to convene. At time of writing, no new date for this discussion had been set, giving women campaigners hope that the government will not take any further steps.

“Turkey is deteriorating in terms of its rights and freedoms,” says Bianet’s Selay Dalakli. “If we withdraw, it would be a significant further step, as women will lose their assigned rights. But I don’t believe Turkey can really do this.”

Many in Turkey—and elsewhere—are hoping so, too. ■

BIDEN PROPOSES INTERFERING IN TURKISH POLITICS

Video of an interview New York Times editors held with Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden in December 2019 resurfaced in August, causing a stir in Turkey. In the video, Biden said the U.S. ought to work with Turkish opposition parties to unseat long-time President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Washington should “embolden them [the opposition] to be able to take on and defeat Ergodan— not by a coup, not by a coup—but by the electoral process,” he told the Times. Ankara swiftly condemned the former vice president’s remarks as “interventionist.”

That Biden so casually suggested interfering in Turkish elections at a time when his own campaign is incensed about foreign intervention in U.S. elections shows the extent to which interventionism is deeply ingrained in U.S. foreign policy. Biden and other members of the bipartisan foreign policy elite need to realize that their foreign meddling is no more justifiable than interference operations run by Russia, China or any other country.

—Dale Sprusansky

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Special Report

Dozens Are Killed in Air Strikes Attributed to Israel in Syria. But Who’s Counting?

PHOTO BY /SANA/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES

By Gideon Levy

A handout picture released by the official Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) on May 1, 2020, shows damages on a street after explosions rocked Syria’s central city of Homs. SANA said that the explosions ringing out of a Syrian army position in Homs resulted from a “human error during the transport of some ammunition, which led to human and material losses.” The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britainbased war monitor relying on sources inside Syria, said Israeli air strikes hit a missile depot belonging to the Lebanese militia Hezbollah in central Syria.

THEY ARE THE MOST BORING and low-priority reports of all.

Most Israeli media outlets don’t even bother to post them. They are like a bus plunging into a river in Nepal, like victims in Chad’s civil war or trapped mine workers in Siberia.

The same applies to the victims of yet another Israeli air strike in Syria. Who’s heard about it? Who knows about it, who cares?

Who has the energy to look into it? Military correspondents par-

Gideon Levy is an Israeli journalist and author. This article was first published in Haaretz, Sept. 2, 2020. © Haaretz. Reprinted with permission.

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rot, as is their wont, unfounded statements dictated by military spokesmen, with diplomatic correspondents celebrating in the Emirates, while on Aug. 31, 11 more people are killed in a raid in southern Syria, attributed to Israel. On Sept. 2, Syria reported another strike.

According to the Damascus Center for Human Rights, three of the victims were Syrian soldiers and seven were “Iranian militia operatives,” which automatically justifies any bombing. A female villager was also killed and her husband wounded, but these things happen, after all. A dead woman in Syria really is a non-story.

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dozens of wounded in an air strike attribJune 4, there were nine victims in a Are these air strikes essential? What is uted to Israel. bombing by warplanes firing from their goal? What are the risks they enOnly imagine 11 Israeli fatalities, three Lebanese airspace, attributed to Israel, tail? What is being bombed and why? It’s soldiers and seven settler militia memnot to Luxembourg. On Feb. 7, the Iran, you know. Everything is done under bers, in a Syrian air strike, in a mirror Russian Defense Ministry announced a thick smokescreen, with Israeli media image of what transpired this week in that an IDF attack in Damascus had enopenly and gleefully collaborating, with Syria. War would ensue. But 11 Syrian dangered a passenger plane with 172 no one stopping to ask questions or dead in an Israeli bombing, who’s countpeople on board. Three months earlier, bringing it up for discussion. The sun ing? Imagine a constant bloodletting there were reports of 23 fatalities and rises in the east, and Israel bombs in with dozens of Israeli faSyria. What is not clear (Advertisement) talities over several here? What is not selfmonths. Israel would evident? Only those never put up with it, and who understand nothing rightly so. But in Syria or know nothing dare it’s all right. It will go on ask questions. as long as Israel can The army spokesman, continue. It will go on in response to the strike: until Israel pays a price “The IDF is working day for its strikes. and night to ensure that Israel is determined its strategic goals in the to prevent Iran from getnorthern arena are met ting a foothold in Syria. in an appropriate fashAre the strikes conion.” We seem to be sattributing to this isfied with this blah-blah. process? To what exIt’s hard to think of a tent? The possibility greater insult to one’s inthat Israel will one day telligence. After all, the pay a terrible price for IDF is also working day all this warmongering is and night in the West not even raised for disBank, where we’re familcussion. That’s Israeli iar with the results and hubris, which usually with the modus pays off. Usually, but operandi, but the media not always. and public opinion will Playgrounds for Palestine is a project to build playgrounds for our Such fateful decisions swallow anything. As children. It is a minimal recognition of their right to childhood and cannot be kept in ablong as not one hair of a creative expression. It is an act of love. solute darkness. They Jewish soldier’s head is cannot be left up to a touched, nothing is of inPlaygrounds for Palestine (PfP) is a registered 501(c)3 non-profit handful of politicians, interest. Go ahead, bomb organization, established in 2001. We’re an all-volunteer organizatelligence officials, pilots Syria, bomb Lebanon, tion (no paid staff) that raises money throughout the year to construct playgrounds and fund programs for and generals. After all, bomb Iran, bomb Gaza, children in Palestine. we’ve learned in many to your heart’s content. areas that we can’t trust Every few weeks Selling Organic, Fair Trade Palestinian olive them blindly. So why is there is an air strike in oil is PfP’s principle source of fundraising. it that when it comes to Syria, usually with lethal is year, PfP launched AIDA, a private war and peace, we shut results. On July 20, five label olive oil from Palestinian farmers. our eyes, submitting deaths were reported in Please come by and taste it at our table. ourselves to them in a strike in Damascus.

We hope you’ll love it and make it a staple in your pantry. total blindness? ConOn June 23, five Iranitinue bombing in Syria. ans and two Syrians For more information or to make a donation visit: We trust you. Everywere killed in an attack https://playgroundsforpalestine.org • P.O. Box 559 • Yardley, PA 19067 thing will be fine.■ attributed to Israel. On OCTOBER 2020

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DIPLOMATIC DOINGS Anwar Gargash, the United Arab Emirates’ Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, discussed his country’s recent decision to normalize relations with Israel during an Aug. 20 webinar hosted by the Atlantic Council.

The minister argued that normalization with Israel was inevitable and necessary to advance the UAE’s global ambitions.

“The UAE wants to reaffirm its global position in terms of business, in terms of finance, in terms of logistics, and you can’t do this while maintaining an exclusivist view of the world,” he said. “We will have issues [with Israel], but it is the right thing to do because it will open up the geostrategic space and it will open up also the opportunity space.”

Gargash noted that the UAE and Israel maintained informal diplomatic relations for years, which have recently intensified.

Two accelerators he pointed out were the UAE’s decision to invite Israel to its 2020 Expo in Dubai, and an agreement to let Israel send a delegation to work at the Abu Dhabi-based International Renewable Energy Agency. “As these things developed, I would say it was only natural that we would look into normalizing relations… it was a matter of time,” he said.

He also contended that the timing of the agreement was meant to benefit Palestinians by preventing official Israeli annexation of the West Bank, and thus preserving hope for a Palestinian state. Given the inevitability of normalization, Gargash framed getting a concession out of Israel as a geostrategic victory. “It’s really give and get, because for us normalization is also a positive thing,” he said.

The UAE’s move has been met with widespread backlash from Palestinians, who believe the UAE betrayed Palestine in pursuit of its own interests, and legitimized an Israeli government openly opposed to a Palestinian state and in violation of multiple international laws.

Gargash seemed largely unsympathetic 54

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UAE Minister Defends Normalization with Israel

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (r) meets with UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash on July 15, 2009 in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt. to this view, saying his country “can’t be a prisoner forever” to the stalled peace process and the emotions surrounding the issue. He also maintained that from the moment Israel announced its annexation plans, the UAE “went overboard” in its condemnation of the proposal.

He additionally signaled that the UAE believes there is now an onus on Palestinian leadership to restart peace negotiations with Israel. Palestinians, of course, believe normalization has only reinforced Israel’s philosophy that it can act unilaterally and in a rogue manner without significant consequences.

While Gargash believes Israel will keep its promise to not annex Palestinian land, he also warned that the Israeli vow likely comes with an expiration date. “I don’t see this as in perpetuity,” he said, “but I don’t see this as a tactical [promise] that the Israeli government will renege on in a few months.”

Gargash believes Israeli normalization with other countries in the region is also on the horizon. “There are several Arab countries that are on this scale, in different stages,” he said.

While many believe mutual Israeli-UAE displeasure with Iran, which has reportedly resulted in years of covert security cooperation between the countries, was a major impetus for the agreement, Gargash

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rejected such analysis. “This deal is not about Iran,” he maintained. “This is really about the UAE and its prospects, it’s about supporting the two-state solution and it’s about supporting the more moderate view vis-à-vis the Palestinian-Israeli issue.”

He did, however, acknowledge that Iran’s regional behavior might have fostered a favorable environment for normalization. “I think the Iranian rhetoric and aggressive regional position over the years has made deals like this possible…by changing the sentiment in the region,” he said.

—Dale Sprusansky

WAGING PEACE Palestinian and U.S. Reactions to Israel-UAE Normalization

Following the announcement that the United Arab Emirates and Israel agreed to normalize relations, several think tanks held events to discuss the deal.

On Aug. 27, Americans for Peace Now hosted Palestinian journalist Daoud Kuttab, who dismissed the idea that Israel’s agreement to forgo annexation of Palestinian land in exchange for official relations with the UAE is beneficial to Palestinians.

“People [in Palestine] don’t feel that the move by the UAE has brought any serious results to the Palestinians,” he said. Rather, OCTOBER 2020 JUNE/JULY

Palestinians in Gaza City protest normalization between the United Arab Emirates and Israel, on August 19, 2020. they believe “it was an internal business deal” meant to help the UAE, “which is suffering economically because of the [drop in the price of] oil, because the pandemic has affected [its global] transportation [hubs], and because they’re losing wars in Yemen and Libya.” Abu Dhabi, he deduced, simply “needed something new to be back on the map.”

Kuttab was also reluctant to believe Israel will stand by its promise not to proceed with annexation. He noted that shortly after the deal was announced, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu told reporters that he merely agreed to “delay” annexation and assured Israelis he would “never give up our rights to our land.”

Speaking on an Aug. 17 J Street webinar, University of Maryland Professor Shibley Telhami agreed that the UAE’s attempt to frame the agreement as beneficial for Palestinians was largely self-serving.

“This deal was obviously not about the Palestinians…and the Palestinians obviously pay a price because they will continue under occupation with no end in sight,” he said.

Telhami believes Israel and the UAE saw an opportunity to appease both the Trump administration and a potential Biden administration through the agreement. On the obvious front, he noted the OCTOBER 2020

deal made President Trump, who has a close relationship with both countries, look like an historic peacemaker in advance of an election.

On the more tactical level, Telhami noted that even traditionally pro-Israel Democrats came out strongly against annexation, so by exchanging annexation for diplomatic relations, Israel was able to win back their support. The UAE, meanwhile, appeased these legislators by playing nice with Israel. Normalization “sets [both countries] up better with a potential Democratic administration, and I think that’s really what drove this more than anything else,” Telhami said.

Long-term, Telhami fears the deal will help normalize the occupation and remove urgency to push for a solution. “The worry is that we fall into complacency and think that all is good now and we can go back to business as usual,” he said. “We can’t because it is still a genuinely depressing environment that we all must pay attention to.”

Kuttab noted normalization puts a major dent in Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ attempts to use international diplomacy to put pressure on Israel.

A backbone of this strategy, he said, was the Arab Peace Initiative, which promised Israel diplomatic relations with all Arab and Muslim-majority countries if they agreed

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to withdraw to the 1967 borders. “Once a country violates that consensus, it weakens the rule,” Kuttab said. “This decision does not negate the Abbas strategy, but it certainly weakens it.”

The Amman-based journalist was also skeptical closer UAE-Israel ties will facilitate dialogue benefical for Palestinians. “The UAE says, ‘now we’re on the inside and we can help you negotiate better,’” he noted. “I doubt it…Palestinians, I think in a way like Jews, have really suffered a lot from depending on their brethren and there is a very strong nationalist feeling that we have to solve our problems by ourselves,” he said. “Yes, we do need and we appreciate support from Arab countries and we’re very upset when they stab us in the back, but any solution needs to be done with Palestinians and their approval, and not by going around them.”

—Dale Sprusansky

JVP Joins Successful Campaign for Omar, Squad Reelection Bids

Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) conducted a grassroots promotional and fundraising campaign this summer in support of incumbent pro-Palestinian “Squad” members facing Democratic primary elections.

JVP Action, a year-old political arm of the progressive Jewish advocacy group, secured the support of high-profile proPalestinian activists on behalf of Rep. Ilhan Omar’s landslide victory on Aug. 11 over Antone Melton-Meaux, who was heavily funded by the Israel lobby. Angela Davis, Naomi Klein and Omar herself were among the participants in JVP-sponsored fundraising webinars just prior to the primary election in Minnesota’s fifth congressional district.

“Those luminaries were showing up for Ilhan,” the most targeted and heavily vilified member of the Squad, JVP Executive Director Stefanie Fox noted. Other Squad members include Rep. Rashida Tlaib (DMI) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY)—both of whom cruised to victory in this summer’s primaries—as well as Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-MA), who was unopposed.

Making a cameo appearance at the JVP Action fundraising webinar on Aug. 6,

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Omar recalled she was warned early on about the political risks of being pro-Palestinian, but she rejected the advice, explaining, “Speaking to the rights of anyone should never be tied to whether it would help you in politics.” Omar declared that Black Americans, Palestinians and other marginalized peoples are united in a “fight for the liberation of those who feel oppressed around the world…Our destinies are interlinked.”

In an Aug. 10 webinar, Klein urged support for Omar, a Somali immigrant and a Muslim, declaring, “She has changed the rule book about who is allowed in the halls of power.” Noting Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden’s long history of uncritical support for Israeli repression in Palestine, Klein added, “We need to make sure he is pushed hard from the left,” not only on the issue of Palestine but on other progressive issues.

The longtime radical activist, Professor Angela Davis, also spoke in the pro-Omar webinar, declaring that the congresswoman was “never afraid to speak to power even in the face of widespread white supremacist threats. I’m especially proud that Omar stands in solidarity with Palestine” and with the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.

JVP, which also endorses BDS, made it a priority to defend “the champions we have gained in Congress. We finally made space for brave representatives speaking for truth and justice to be applied to everyone. We cannot afford to lose them,” Fox said. JVP mobilized thousands of phone calls and community events, including a “virtual seder” (a dinner marking the beginning of Passover) for Tlaib. “Our whole base turned out” in support of the pro-Palestinian progressive campaigns, Fox noted.

While the more than $22,000 raised by the JVP Action campaign paled in comparison to the Israel lobby fundraising against the Squad—which Fox pegged at more than $10 million—money did not determine the outcome of the elections.

Omar was heavily outspent in her primary but grassroots efforts on the part of JVP and other groups helped get out the vote for the one-term incumbent.

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Professor Angela Davis shows her solidarity with Rep. Ilhan Omar.

The strong showing by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) in the Democratic presidential primary forced the Biden campaign into compromises on a number of progressive planks, but the mainstream Democrats refused to include reference to the “occupation” in the party platform, or to condemn Israel’s pending annexation of much of the West Bank. Introducing Omar on the webinar, JVP Board member Estee Chandler bemoaned the “complicity and cowardice of the Democratic plank that ignores Palestinian rights.”

Nevertheless, the landslide victories of the Squad, as well as the triumph of likeminded newcomers, headlined by proPalestinian Jamaal Bowman—who crushed 16-term incumbent and Israel lobby stalwart Eliot Engel in New York’s 16th congressional district—underscores growing pressure on the uncritically proIsraeli Democratic mainstream. While Biden, vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris and the centrist Democrats continue to enable Israeli repression in Palestine, the growing squad of pro-Palestinian progressives is beginning to loom large in their rear-view mirror. —Walter Hixson

A Big Win for Freedom to Protest

For 16 years, Henry Herskovitz, a member of the Jewish Witnesses for Peace and Friends, led silent vigils on Saturday mornings in front of the Beth Israel Synagogue,

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in Michigan, where he once was a congregant. Protesters held signs criticizing Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine and U.S. financial and military support for Israel. Marvin Gerber, a long-time member of the Beth Israel, said the protests caused him emotional distress and infringed on his rights. Gerber filed a civil suit in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan on Dec. 20, 2019, seeking monetary damages and attempting to limit freedom of speech inside and outside Ann Arbor religious establishments.

On Aug. 19, Federal Judge Victoria Roberts dismissed Gerber’s suit. The Michigan judge ruled the Constitution does not tolerate such restraint on protesters engaging in peaceful political speech in public areas.

Herskovitz described the motivation behind the protests: “Our peaceful vigils began in 2003 after some peace activists traveled to Palestine under the auspices of the Interfaith Council for Peace and Justice. I felt the report I generated needed to be heard and viewed by Ann Arbor’s Jewish community. None of the three local rabbis granted me access to their membership to hear my experiences and view the photos I had prepared.

“So taking a page from the New Testament, we started holding vigils prior to Sabbath services at Beth Israel Congregation. Our target audience then was the

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Jewish community, in hopes they would see the actions of the Jewish state were harmful to Palestinians.

“We were and remain a pro-Palestine outfit. When we realized the zero-sum nature of the conflict (each home destroyed by Zionists produced a loss to Palestinians and a gain by Israeli Jews), we became ‘anti-Israel,’ a necessary decision: Imagine Ann Arbor’s most famous football game...the Wolverines win ONLY if the Buckeyes lose. Same thing in Palestine: one cannot remain neutral on a moving train—sides needed to be taken and we took ours.”

“In December 2019,” Herskovitz continued, “a Canton, Michigan lawyer sought out members of Beth Israel to act as plaintiffs in a 95-page complaint against our group, Witness for Peace. The suit identified two groups of defendants: We ‘Protester Defendants’ and the ‘City Defendants,’” including the mayor and city attorney who permitted the vigils.

Judge Roberts’ decision effectively ruled “that the U.S. Constitution's First Amendment held sway, and that Witness for Peace committed no crime.”

—Delinda C. Hanley

Would a President Biden Embrace Democracy in the Middle East?

PHOTO COURTEST HENRY HERSKOVITZ

The Cordoba Foundation and Georgetown University’s Prince Alwaleed bin Talal

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Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and then-Vice President Joe Biden laugh during a meeting in Jerusalem on March 9, 2010.

Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding held a joint event on Aug. 11 to discuss how the November U.S. presidential election could impact U.S. Middle East policy, particularly as it pertains to democracy promotion.

University of Denver Professor Nader Hashemi does not envision Democratic nominee Joe Biden actively promoting democratization in the region. “There is very little evidence that suggests he has had any interest in or has publicly supported democracy in the Middle East. In fact, all of the evidence points in the opposite direction,” he said.

In particular, he noted Biden’s track

(L-r) Chris Mark, Marc Murawski and Henry Herskovitz gathered on June 6, 2020 to bring attention to the Isreali attack on the USS Liberty.

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record of viewing authoritarian leaders in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere as “moderate Arab allies” who guarantee “stability” in the region. “Stability,” Hashemi noted, “is simply a code word for supporting authoritarian regimes in the Middle East that back our strategic and economic interests.”

Hashemi envisions a return to the old status quo under Biden, noting that the former vice president has “a very mainstream establishment U.S. foreign policy perspective on the Middle East.” This, he believes, would entail strong support for Israel, and using drones and small troop deployments to continue the war on terror.

Despite his general pessimism, Hashemi sees “some areas where Joe Biden might play a more constructive role.” He believes Biden is likely to rejoin the international nuclear agreement with Iran, and more inclined than President Donald Trump to push regional allies such as Saudi Arabia to reign in some troubling policies, such as the war in Yemen.

Phyllis Bennis of the Institute for Policy Studies also has low expectations for a Biden presidency. “The U.S., under either candidate, will not be a supporter of real democratic change in the region,” she predicted.

While Biden has shown a willingness to evolve on issues over his long political career, Bennis said he has remained rigid in his foreign policy views. “We have seen

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enormous shifts in Biden policy on climate, on immigration, on economics, on a host of issues; we have not seen that change on foreign policy,” she noted.

Like Hashemi, Bennis believes Biden would nonetheless improve U.S. regional policy in some areas, such as de-escalating tensions with Iran, ending the Muslim ban, removing refugee quotas and refunding the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).

At the same time, Bennis fears Biden would stay the course in Afghanistan and surround himself with hawkish advisers such as former National Security Adviser Susan Rice, who was an advocate for the NATO intervention in Libya. “The endless wars, I’m afraid, will continue to be endless,” Bennis predicted.

On Israel, Bennis said Biden refuses to acknowledge his party’s grassroots shift away from unquestioning support for the country. She believes his ardent pro-Israel posture at least in part stems from the traditional belief in Washington that betraying the pro-Israel lobby is not worth the political risks. “There is still the belief somehow that criticizing Israel is a matter of political suicide,” she noted. “I’m not sure it ever was, but it certainly isn’t now.”

Should Biden win in November, Bennis believes activists will need to vigilantly push his administration on important foreign policy issues. The good news, she said, is that unlike the current administration, a Biden White House would likely at least feel the need to listen to its critics from the left. “That’s why I have a little bit of hope going into this election,” Bennis concluded.

—Dale Sprusansky

Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif’s visit to Moscow in July “was rather emblematic of this improvement in relations,” Oxford University doctoral candidate Nicole Grajewski said in a Gulf International Forum (GIF) online discussion on Aug. 6. “As much as this relationship has been shaped by their so-called strategic loneliness, I think it also reflects some overarching common interests in various regional domains from the Middle East to Central Asia, as well as broader international goals,” she said.

Grajewski suggested looking at Russia’s relationship with Iran as emblematic of Moscow’s goal to focus on areas of cooperation while mitigating tensions. “I think Russia views its policy in the Middle East as something of regaining respect internationally and as maintaining its voice in international forums,” she added.

According to Samuel Ramani, non-resident fellow at GIF, Gulf countries are possibly turning toward Russia “as a hedge against uncertainties in continued U.S. leadership in the Persian Gulf.” They are also leaning toward Russia in the hopes that a closer relationship will scare the U.S. into selling them weapons such as F-35 fighter jets, he said. They are likely additionally interested in the Russian S-400 anti-aircraft system, its Pantsir S1 air defense system and “a broader understanding of global energy prices and a stabilization of the global energy markets.”

One high point of Russia’s relationship with Gulf countries was Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 2019 visit to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, as well as Russia’s coordination with both of those countries in Libya, Ramani posited. “The low point was the oil price war that we saw unfold this past winter and early spring.”

Alexey Khlebnikov of the Russian International Affairs Council pointed out the importance of Syria in the Russia-Gulf equation. “Russian involvement in Syria has already played a substantial role in developing relations with Gulf states,” he said.

“The way the Syrian crisis will be settled will affect the new security architecture of the region and the role external powers will play in this security architecture. It will show how Russian policy and relations with the Gulf countries will develop and what will be the ties between external powers and regional players.”

Khlebnikov dismissed the idea of the U.S. withdrawing from the Middle East or Gulf region as “just rhetoric,” adding, “if you ask if it is realistic that the U.S. withdraws from the Gulf—no! Russia knows that America will not withdraw and will take its own steps.”

—Elaine Pasquini

Under Cover of Pandemic, Jordan Cracks Down on Dissent

For Jordan, 2020 has been a year of protests. In January, Jordanians took to

Russia’s improved relationship with Middle East countries has created a new dynamic in global relations, raising questions as to the country’s overall foreign policy goals.

Moscow’s bilateral relations with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members, in addition to its warming relations with Iran, focuses on economic, political and security concerns.

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Russia’s Balancing Act in the Middle East

A man walks past a Russian military vehicle in the town of Derouna Arha, near the Syrian border with Turkey, on June 16, 2020.

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OCTOBER 2020

the streets protesting their country’s contract with Israel to provide natural gas to the kingdom. Donald Trump’s proposed “deal of the century” Middle East peace plan for Palestinians and Israelis also drew protesters in Amman, as did Israel’s plans to annex much of the West Bank.

On Aug. 5, the day after demonstrators in Jordan’s southern city of Karak were dispersed by Jordanian security forces using tear gas for protesting the shutdown of the teachers union, Washington, DC’s Middle East Institute (MEI) hosted a webinar on the country’s crackdown on dissent amid its response to the COVID19 crisis.

“Since COVID-19 started there have been restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly,” said Sara Kayyali, a researcher at Human Rights Watch. “It exacerbates a trend that has existed in Jordan long before the pandemic. But the pandemic has given public health cover to Jordanian authorities to enable them to crack down in a much harsher manner on the opposition.”

Jordan has been under a state of emergency since March 17, which grants the prime minister sweeping powers to curtail basic rights. “What we have seen since then is that the Jordanian authorities have actually used the law to crack down on freedom of speech or any form of dissent, including insulting the queen or king, and on independent unions, which we have seen with the teachers union,” she added.

Jordanian authorities closed the teachers union on July 25 and arrested 13 of its members. “The closure of such a union can only be done through a judicial order and we have not seen a judicial order,” Kayyali explained. “The teachers union is one of the only independent associations which Jordan has left....The way that the Jordanian authorities dealt with it—the arrests, the show of power, the use of the defense law to arrest protesters in the days that followed...is actually a very concerning show of how low the government’s tolerance has become for any kind of dissent.”

Laith al-Ajlouni, a Jordanian political economist and non-resident scholar at OCTOBER 2020

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Jordanian police close the streets surrounding the prime minister’s office in Amman on July 29, 2020. Protests erupted after the government closed the country’s 140,000-member teachers union and arrested its top members.

MEI, discussed the economic impact of the pandemic. “The Jordanian economy has been facing many challenges in the past ten years,” he stated. “Starting with the war in Iraq, the global financial crisis and the regional turbulence in the aftermath of the Arab Spring…all of these factors led to a complicated social and economic situation in Jordan and a financial problem for the government.”

By the end of 2019, the overall unemployment rate in Jordan reached 19 percent; youth unemployment was 40 percent.

Journalist, author and human rights activist Rana Husseini focused on the future of cyber protests.

The recent protest for women’s rights following the murder of a woman by her father “showed that people can organize themselves even if they do not know each other,” Husseini pointed out. “But we have noticed in the past three or four years that whenever there are protests there is a decline in the Internet service and delays in uploading videos. We noticed that Facebook became very slow.”

Drawing some 1,000 participants, the protest of the so-called honor killing “is a warning sign for the government that people can use social media and take to the streets,” Husseini said. “It is important to raise awareness about violence against women.”

—Elaine Pasquini

Tunisia’s Ongoing Struggle for Democracy

The Arab Center Washington DC’s Aug. 13 online program addressed Tunisia’s attempts at democracy almost 10 years after the country ignited the Arab Spring.

Sarah Yerkes, senior fellow in the Middle East Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, pointed out that jobs, dignity and freedom—the three main goals of the revolution—have all been largely unmet. Unemployment has increased since 2010, and is now estimated to rise to 20 percent due to COVID-19.

“The new governments have failed to root out corruption which really drove people into the streets,” Yerkes said. “It is difficult to point to progress that has been made in devolving power to the local institutions.” There also remains a tremendous divide in the quality of life between the north, which receives the majority of government resources, and the southern and central regions.

“To fully move toward democracy you need participation and one of the troubling signs is that people are turning away from politics to the street,” Yerkes lamented. “A vibrant civil society is absolutely essential to a healthy democracy, but what you need is a trust in politics and unfortunately the trust is declining.”

Poverty and regional inequality “are

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Tunisians pose on machinery at an oil and gas plant in the city of el-Kamour on July 16, 2020.

Hundreds of protesters forced their way past military forces onto the site in southern Tunisia, demanding jobs and development for the historically marginalized region. issues screaming for attention,” noted Qatar University Professor Larbi Sadiki.

“The only certainty of the moment is the uncertainty that is spreading, especially in the south and in the center.”

Discussing the wrangling among Tunisia’s political parties, Georgetown University Associate Professor Daniel Brumberg claimed the government’s power-sharing system “essentially functions like a political cease-fire.”

“People are close to one another not because they trust one another, but because they distrust one another,” he said. “Tunisia needs a system in which there is an actual majority and an opposition and a government that has authority to do things in the name of the majority.” Presently, there “is not a way to cobble out a majority and it is not clear that new elections—which probably will happen—won’t simply reproduce the same problem.”

University of Tunis Professor Raoudha Ben Othman was optimistic about Tunisia’s future, despite the failure of young people to organize into any powerful political force.

While not agreeing on priorities going forward, Tunisians “agree they are against dictatorships and are really longing for freedom. They want dignity, employment, and think we will find a way,” she said.

—Elaine Pasquini 60

In Lebanon, One Tragedy After Another

The Gulf International Forum hosted an Aug. 12 online panel to address the situation in Lebanon since the horrific explosion in Beirut’s port on Aug. 4, which came on the heels of increasing coronavirus cases, an economic meltdown and protests demanding government reform.

Randa Slim, director of the Middle East Institute’s Conflict Resolution and Track II

Dialogues Initiative, stressed the need for international emergency humanitarian aid, as the blast destroyed wheat storage silos in the port, seriously threatening food security in the country.

Lebanon was already in serious economic straits, she pointed out. Its national currency has lost 80 percent of its value, unemployment is at least 30 percent and the poverty rate is 50 percent. “The tragedy exacerbates this economic crisis,” she said.

The failing economy drove protesters into the streets of Beirut last fall calling for government reforms. “Prior to the port tragedy, protesters were focusing primarily on economic reforms; now they are looking at the ruling elites as being corrupt,” Slim explained. “The tragedy changed these frames of reference. Now these elites are looked at as criminals because leaked documents since the explosion have shown that reports warning of the seriousness of this danger of large quantities of ammonium nitrate at the port of Beirut… went all the way up to the president. The leaked documents show that everyone knew and no one did anything. These people who have ruled the country since the end of the civil war now are seen as criminals.”

Kuwait University professor Abdullah Alshayji said the devastating blast “exposed all of the deficiencies and all of the prob-

A man takes a photograph of the destroyed Beirut port on Aug. 16, 2020.

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lems of Lebanon head on.” He warned, “there is no light at the end of the tunnel… as long as factional politics, feudalism and warlords are controlling all of the power in Lebanon.” The country needs to change the electoral law and bring real change that people will embrace, he added.

Asked about the possibility of Lebanon now descending into conflict, Imad Harb, director of research and analysis at the Arab Center Washington DC, said he doesn’t think anyone is interested in violence. “There has to be room for dialogue for the different political factions to come to an agreement,” he said. “I think Lebanon has a great opportunity right now to harness the power of its youth, the power of its intellectuals, the power of the people who know how to run governments and to be able to create a new political system that would be responsive to the Lebanese people and that would welcome again all of the Gulf countries to come there, all of the Arab world…and the international community.”

—Elaine Pasquini

Healthcare Workers Struggle to Provide Aid in Syria

Nine years after the Syrian civil war erupted, healthcare services in the wartorn country have significantly deteriorated. And as the COVID-19 pandemic hit Syria this summer, medical care in the displacement camps was particularly stressed. On Aug. 4, the governmentfunded U.S. Institute of Peace hosted an online panel of field-based physicians to address this deepening crisis.

“Our priority is to keep the healthcare workers safe, especially with the scarcity of healthcare workers,” noted Dr. Bachir Tajaldin, senior program manager for the Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS).

During the ongoing Syrian civil war, many medical workers in northwest Syria fled.

From his base in Gaziantep, Turkey, Tajaldin described SAMS’ preparedness and response plan for the area since the task force started in March. “We realize that prevention of this disease is a cornerstone of our response so we mobilized our community health program along with other partners to target the communities, raise OCTOBER 2020

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A student receives a face mask while having his hands disinfected before taking an exam at an educational center in Damascus, Syria on Aug. 13, 2020. awareness and try to educate them on preventive measures,” he said.

Out of the 4.3 million people living in northwest Syria, “1.4 million are living in camps in crowded situations and the majority are living under the poverty line, so no preventative measures are taking place in the community,” he lamented.

Dr. Hamza Alsaied Hasan, quality and development manager for SAMS in northwest Syria, noted the urgent situation in the region he covers. With borders closed between the government-controlled area of Syria and Turkey, the northwest was isolated, and confirmed cases in that area did not appear until July. Hasan stressed the need to elevate aid to people in northwest Syria. “Every day I see new camps,” he said. “The tents are small and crowded.

There is poor sanitation and people are suffering from poverty.”

Dr. Mohammad Al-Haj Hamdo, health coordinator in northeast Syria for Syria Relief, a British-based NGO, described the situation in Raqqa as “very tense.” He noted the lack of testing machines and poor coordination in testing between the World Health Organization and local authorities. “People here are not afraid of the disease, they are afraid of the stigma more than the disease,” he said. “They don’t want to get infected and have to isolate.”

Noting that in northern Syria there is only one doctor per 1,000 people instead of the typical 25 per 1,000, USIP senior

adviser Mona Yacoubian asked Dr. Amjad Rass how virtual training is helping to address the current health challenges.

The doctor reached out to SAMS members treating COVID-19 patients in the (Advertisement)

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FILM “The Cave” Highlights Life-Saving Efforts in War-Torn Syria

On Aug. 22, the Syrian American Council and Students Organize for Syria held a virtual film screening and conversation about the medical situation in Syria. The Oscarnominated, award-winning documentary “The Cave” was screened and followed by a panel discussion. Participants included Dr. Amani Ballour, a pediatrician and former manager of “the Cave” hospital, and Feras Fayyad, the film’s director, producer, writer, editor and cinematographer.

“The Cave,” a Syrian-Danish documentary, profiles Ballour, a female doctor in Al-

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United States and explored their interest in giving online lectures. “Their response was overwhelming,” he said. “The first courses started in mid-May. We’ve done about 35 hours of lectures, which are all available online.” The trainings are open to everyone in the Middle East and will continue through September. “We look forward to technology-focused training with the U.S. State Department,” he added.

—Elaine Pasquini

(L-r) “The Cave” producers Kirstine Barfod and Sigrid Dyekjær, Dr. Amani Ballour, screenwriter Alisar Hasan and director Feras Fayyad attend the 92nd Annual Academy Awards on February 9, 2020 in Hollywood, CA. Ghouta (located just outside of Damascus) who is operating a makeshift hospital nicknamed “the Cave” during the Syrian civil war. The film was released initially in November of 2019 in Italy, and is a companion to Fayyad’s 2017 film, “Last Men in Aleppo.” “The Cave” has received the Robert Award for Best Documentary Feature, and has been aired on Public Broadcasting Services (PBS).

In an interview with PBS last year, Fayyad said he chose to focus on Ballour to provide “a case study of a woman in the war, not as a victim, but as active—doing something as a heroine.” Viewers, he said, find themselves inspired by her medical team’s perseverance and horrified at the immense level of suffering inflicted on innocent people.

Al-Ghouta is, unfortunately, best known for being the site of an alleged 2013 Syrian regime chemical weapons attack that killed large numbers of civilians. —Samir Twair

ART Arab American Artists Challenge Stereotypes Through their Work

On July 30, the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee hosted artists Doris Bitter and Helen Zughaib to share their art-

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work and discuss Arab American contemporary art. Sarah Rogers, a visiting professor of art history at Middlebury College, moderated their conversation.

Rogers introduced the history of Arab art in America. Scattered exhibitions across the U.S. in the 1950s and 60’s set the stage for a “more sustained infrastructure” in the 1980s. This infrastructure consisted of publications, permanent galleries dedicated to Arab American art, and eventually the opening of the National Museum of Arab American Art in Dearborn, MI in 2005.

Artists themselves, Rogers argued, were essential to laying these foundations, as they “work[ed] not just as practitioners, but as activists, as curators, as researchers, and so on.” However, she pointed out the “fraught nature of this term, ‘Arab American art,’ as it encompasses a very complex history and an equally diverse body of artists and artworks.”

Using their artworks as a launching point, Bittar and Zughaib discussed the challenges they face in a post-9/11 world as Arab American artists.

Before Sept. 11, Bittar was not compelled to engage with the Arab world or Islamic art history. In its aftermath, though, she recalls saying to herself, “I guess I have to go back to the Arab world now.”

Yet she continues to draw inspiration from OCTOBER 2020

across the globe. “Basically what I’m interested in,” she explained, “is finding out if there are shared heritages when you look at patterns across cultures.”

In her collaborative and performative works, Bittar strives to spark dialogues about different perceptions and shared histories, but stops short of labeling her work as “activist” art. Her work, she sums up, “is about figuring out how to bring people into a conversation. And as Arab Americans…it’s a challenge for us to deal with the stereotypes, tell our own history, our own stories and at the same time move the conversation forward toward peace, toward something constructive.”

Creating space for dialogue, reflection and understanding also drives Zughaib’s practice. Describing 9/11 as an “awakening,” she turned to painting and visual storytelling as a way to challenge stereotypes and respond to divisive events.

In some of her work, she directly “parallels” the artist Jacob Lawrence’s “Migration” series from 1940-41 that documented the mass migration of African Americans to the northern states. “In Stories My Father Told Me” and “Syrian Migration,” she documents stories of nostalgia and migration from her family, as well as the stories of millions of Syrians forced to flee in recent years. Delving into different episodes and steps marking their journeys, she captures the “confusion and disruption” the Syrian war has caused around

Gaza’s Rockets Continued from page 43

they will not impact oppressors’ civilians or that those impacts will be proportionate to their military objectives. Oppressors bear responsibility for impacts upon their civilians because they force oppressed entities to utilize such weapons by depriving people of their lawful human rights. This responsibility would be reinforced in cases like Gaza’s in which—as documented by Amnesty International—the oppressor locates its military assets in or near its civilian areas, from which it launches attacks against the oppressed entity.

OCTOBER 2020

© HELEN ZUGHAIB

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Helen Zughaib’s “Abaya Mondrian” (“Changing Perceptions”), gouache on paper. the world, but also underscores “how quickly we forget” and “move on.”

By citing familiar Western artists, Zughaib strives to “bring East and West together,” while emphasizing the necessity and urgency of telling her own story, and encouraging Arab Americans to tell their own stories.

Patterns and beauty, Rogers pointed

out, are inherent to the works of both Bittar and Zughaib. Both draw the viewer in, for “if we can look at an image a little bit longer and not turn away, we’re more apt to hear what the message is,” Zughaib explained.

While the aesthetics are essential, it is imperative to also “hear what I’m trying to say that is behind that,” she added.

—Eleni Zaras

The amendment should also provide for termination of the use of such weapons as soon as an oppressor terminates its violations of an oppressed entity’s human rights. In Gaza’s case, Israel would have to end its blockade and sanctions against Gaza and permit its refugees to return to their country or—if they prefer—make restitution to them based upon expert, disinterested assessment of their losses.

the international community its right to use its projectiles based on principles such as those in the proposed amendment. Israel probably would still retaliate disproportionately, but international sentiment might then shift toward Gaza. These changes in Gaza’s means of war undoubtedly require new or reformed leadership that can unite its populace and factions in purpose and policy. Challenging though all this is, it may be Gaza’s only viable path to liberty.

Such changes also could open the way for reunification with the West Bank establishment in averting the extinction of Palestinian statehood hopes, now critically endangered by Israel’s annexation agenda. ■

WEAPONS OF LIBERATION

Whether or not IHL is so amended, Gaza has a moral right to such regulated use of its projectiles to cast off Zionist tyranny. It is suggested that its leadership clarify to

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Middle East Books Review All books featured in this section are available from Middle East Books and More, the nation’s preeminent bookstore on the Middle East and U.S. foreign policy. www.MiddleEastBooks.com • (202) 939-6050 ext. 1 Heritage and the Cultural Struggle for Palestine

By Chiara De Cesari, Stanford University

Press, 2020, paperback, 288 pp. MEB $28

Reviewed by Khaled Khatib

Chiara De Cesari’s thoroughly researched book reaches previously untouched territory in relation to the Palestinian peoples’ use of culture and heritage in their effort to promote national identity and their decades-long struggle for statehood. The close personal connections De Cesari developed with Palestinians through her lengthy stays and numerous trips enabled her to become well-acquainted and exceptionally knowledgeable about specific, interPalestinian affairs, largely unknown to other international and even local researchers and experts. De Cesari masterfully presents this intimate knowledge of Palestinian cultural institutions and heritage in her book.

De Cesari first guides the reader to the Old City of Hebron focusing on its unique socio-political character and blend of religion and history. She does not mask her emotional connection and deep affection for the local community when discussing the hostile and ruthless Israeli settler outsiders who forcefully made their way into

Khaled Khatib, a civil engineer, has specialized in the restoration of old buildings, especially inside the Old City of Jerusalem, for almost forty years. Since 2011, he has been the director of both the Palestinian Heritage Museum and the Dar Issaf Nashashibi Center for Culture and Literature.

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Arab Hebron’s heartland many decades ago following the 1967 Six-Day War. She then delves into the entangled world of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the mid1990s and Yasser Arafat’s masterful timing of personally announcing the establishment of the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee (HRC) in 1996, a step aimed at neutralizing or at least reducing growing local opposition to PA policies at the time. The author subtly refers to the conflicting roles and colliding practices of NGOs and the PA despite both parties sharing the same nationalist goals.

De Cesari displays her remarkable knowledge of Palestinian history, especially in relation to Israeli colonial policies and tactics. The 1993 Oslo peace agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is briefly, yet unconventionally analyzed, with its implications on the current, chaotic state of affairs. She also introduces readers to new terminology that specifically relates to local heritage NGOs and their increasingly influential role in postOslo state-building efforts. “Heritage as countersettlement” is used in relation to WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

HRC’s mission, and “heritage for development” and “heritage for resistance” is used in HRC’s and other operators’ cases like RIWAQ (an architectural restoration organization) and Taawon (formerly the Welfare Association) and its extensive aid and development programs throughout Palestine and refugee camps in Lebanon.

Chapter one includes a vast amount of fascinating and enjoyable reading with its well-researched and eloquently presented content. De Cesari takes us back to the British Mandate era and the beginnings of NGO “national” activism in Palestine and the rebirth of the nationalist movement following the 1967 Naksa. Two heritage activists in particular, Tawfiq Canaan and Widad Quwar, are credited with the “heritagization of peasant material culture into the broader story of the Palestinian national liberation movement.” The world renowned local ethnographers collected, researched and publicly exhibited peasant and Bedouin amulets, talismans and charms and traditional costumes and embroidered items. Both, in their own passionate ways, helped shape and greatly influenced cultural-political resistance efforts in Palestine and the diaspora alike.

The prominent local feminist and political symbol, Sameeha Khalil and the establishment of the Inash al-Usra Charitable Society in al-Bireh (Ramallah), along with other feminist and heritage activists are also mentioned in some detail. The reader will undoubtedly relish their intriguing personal stories and remarkable achievements.

Chapter two is exclusively dedicated to the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee (HRC) and its intricate network of stakeholders, both on grassroots and “Authority” levels. De Cesari delves into its establishment, initial vision and operational strategy.

She later discusses adjusted duties and roles in thorough detail with personal accounts and contributions by affiliated professionals and direct beneficiaries. Specific issues of an extremely complex and delicate nature are elaborated in a critical and challenging narrative only previously known to local researchers and analysts. The author deploys terms such as “social dismemberment,” “slummification and lawOCTOBER 2020

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lessness,” “loss of patriotism” and “return to tribalism” to describe the shortcomings of the HRC’s ambitious program—though this is done not in a denunciatory way, but rather with a sincere intent.

Chapter three deserves an exclusive review of its own for its rich and diverse content. RIWAQ, Birzeit University, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), United States Agency for International Development (USAID), American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) and United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) are only a few of the names and titles of key players in heritage projects related to archeology and architectural restoration in Palestine that are discussed. De Cesari provides a brilliant account of inter NGO-PA-donor-beneficiary relations within an extremely informative, though quite critical context. She objectively analyzes selected quotations by renowned Palestinian intellectuals like Suad Amiry and Nazmi Al Jubeh as well as other public figures who address delicate issues related to Palestine’s architectural heritage. The influence of policy interventions by various donors in specific cases and the onerous constraints imposed by Israeli authorities are discussed in-depth and are directly linked to an “incompetent” PA order. Reference to specific case study projects such as the eighth century Umayyad Hisham Palace project in Jericho, initiated by then-U.S. First Lady Laura Bush and sponsored by major U.S. aid organizations, adds special flavor to already extremely enjoyable reading.

Chapter four focuses on the history and role of museums, art and cultural centers.

“Museumifying the Palestinian Struggle” connects the reader to a growing trend of museum “start-ups” that, with the exception of a mere few, generally failed to make any detectable impact on the national arena. Innovative arts—museum schemes such as Khalil Rabah’s Palestinian Museum of Natural History and Humankind and Khaled Hourani’s Picasso in Palestine were singled out by the author for their unorthodox approach and ambitious objectives. De Cesari refers to issues such as the impossibility of having museums in Jerusalem and the feaOCTOBER 2020

sibility of “museums in exile” as related to Rabah’s ventures. She also presents the reader with some material for thought regarding the institutionalization of museums and their use as tools for obliterating any remaining colonial influence that had originally utilized similar tools for its own colonial plans.

De Cesari’s conclusion introduces the reader to the Islamic movement in Palestine/Israel and its charismatic leader Sheikh Raed Salah. The conflict between restorers and modernists in religious Islamic buildings is debated through the work of the al-Aqsa Foundation and opponents of its adopted rehabilitation/restoration strategies and techniques. In her final comment, De Cesari opts to leave the reader with a very challenging, and rather tricky thought on the future of Palestinian revolution; with the failure of both diplomacy and armed struggle, folklore and heritage may be the ultimate weapons of revolution, stating that it is “a backward glance that enacts a future vision.”

De Cesari’s Heritage and the Cultural Struggle for Palestine is strongly recommended for those wanting to learn more about Palestinian heritage and 21st century Palestinian non-violent revolution. De Cesari’s extensive research has not been matched by any other on the same subject and is a groundbreaking study on this topic.

Though of great value to all readers across the globe, I do believe that Palestinian intellectuals and culture/heritage practitioners and professionals in particular will benefit most from De Cesari’s research. An Arabic edition of her book is imperative.

Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment: A Global and Historical Comparison

By Ahmet T. Kuru, Cambridge University Press, 2019, paperback, 316 pp. MEB $33

Reviewed by Emily Silcock

“Why are Muslim-majority countries less peaceful, less democratic, less developed?” Ahmet T. Kuru seeks to answer this question in his new book, Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment. Composed WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

of two parts, “Present” and “History,” Kuru’s volume details the historical factors that constitute the roots of contemporary problems in Muslim-majority countries. The book provides a nuanced exploration of this question, rich in historical detail and wellreasoned in its arguments.

Of these contemporary problems, Kuru focuses on three: violence, autocracy and underdevelopment. Muslim-majority countries are home to two thirds of all wars; less than a fifth are democracies, compared to three fifths globally; and, their Gross National Income (GNI) per capita, literacy rates, years of schooling and life expectancy are well below global averages.

To date, two main schools of thought have tried to explain why this is the case.

An “essentialist” approach argues that there is something essential, or inherent, to Islam, which causes Muslim-majority countries to have higher rates of violence, autocracy and underdevelopment. A “post-colonial” approach, on the other hand, stresses the impact of colonialism and the ongoing exploitation of these states. Kuru criticizes both of these approaches for ignoring the facts in preference of promoting a single unified theory.

The essentialist approach ignores the great philosophical and economic achieve-

Emily Silcock holds a BA from the University of Oxford in politics, philosophy and economics, and an MSc in economics from the Paris School of Economics. Her research interests focus on the political economy of the Middle East, including the political aspects of aid, and foreign intervention in the Middle East.

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ments of Muslim societies in the 8th to 12th centuries, during which period they vastly outflanked their Western counterparts, clearly demonstrating that there is nothing essentially incompatible between Islam and progress.

Kuru recognizes that the post-colonial approach has some explanatory power, especially for the increase in violence in Muslim-majority countries over the last three decades. However, it fails to recognize that by the mid-19th century, when colonialism began in earnest, Muslim-majority countries had already suffered multiple political and economic crises, starting as far back as the 12th century, when the reversal of their comparative development with the West commenced.

In the his first section “Present,” Kuru advances his own theory, that the comparative development of Muslim-majority countries, as well as that of the West, can be explained by focusing on the relations between religious, political and intellectual classes. In particular, Kuru focuses on

what he terms the “ulema-state alliance.”

Unlike the “essentialist” school of thought, Kuru is emphatic that there is nothing inherent about Islam that causes violence, authoritarianism and underdevelopment.

Instead, much of this can be attributed to the way Islam has been interpreted, which is more a feature of the political climate than anything inherent to the religion.

In early Islamic history, Islamic scholars viewed close entanglements with political authorities as corrupting, leading to a separation between religion and the state.

This allowed for the development of merchant and intellectual classes, who drove the philosophical and economic advancement of Muslim societies. Starting in the 11th century, however, this position reversed, with the semi-unification of religious scholars (ulema) and the state, in Muslim-majority countries.

Kuru provides a detailed account of how and why this turning point came to pass.

This alliance gave the ulema control over education, the ability to pass laws against

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dissent, social prestige and state support, meaning 12th century interpretations of Islam remained largely unchallenged. For example, the ulema suppressed the mass printing and translation of the Qur’an for over three centuries, promoting both illiteracy and reliance on the ulema for religious interpretation. This led to the entrenchment of medieval norms of violence and authoritarianism, and the suppression of independent intellectuals and merchants, which stymied economic development.

In Europe, by contrast, separation between church and state increased, starting in the 11th century. This allowed for the establishment of independent universities, resulting in the emergence and influence of an intellectual class, which played a seminal role pulling the West ahead of Muslim-majority states in terms of philosophical and economic achievement. For example, intellectuals played leading roles in the industrial revolution, as well as the American and French revolutions, linking them to both economic development and democratization. This culminated in Western colonization and occupation of most Muslim-majority states by the end of the 19th century.

In the second section of the book “History,” Kuru carefully motivates his argument with a history of Muslim-majority countries, describing in detail 8th to 12th century achievements, the 12th century turning point, and the 12th to 19th century reversal in fortunes compared to the West. The separation of the book into the initial section with his main arguments and the subsequent section with supporting detail, makes his arguments exceptionally clear, and allows the book to be appropriate for academics, as well as more casual readers.

Overall, Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment, provides a careful and nuanced view of contemporary problems in Muslim-majority countries, avoiding the easy but erroneous simplicity of grand theories, while still providing highly valuable insights. It is meticulously researched, clearly argued and a great addition to any bookshelf.

OCTOBER 2020

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MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman

By Ben Hubbard, Tim Duggan Books, 2020, hardcover, 384 pp. MEB $27

Reviewed by Incia Haider

“And let it be noted that there is no more delicate matter to take in hand, nor more dangerous to conduct, nor more doubtful in its success, than to set up as a leader in the introduction of changes.”

This quote from Machiavelli’s The Prince is highlighted at the beginning of the book.

And rightfully so. Not only does this Machiavellian idea hit the nail on the head with regard to Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, dubbed MBS, but Machiavelli also emphasized a form of princely rule in which it is better to be feared than loved. Through various examples ranging from massive structural reform to the silencing of dissenters, Ben Hubbard’s MBS makes a stark comparison between these Machiavellian concepts and Mohammed bin Salman’s rule.

MBS has been labeled a maverick among traditional Saudi government officials. Youthful and reform-minded, MBS rose to power around 2015, gaining popularity for his various social reforms, such as revoking the women’s driving ban and opening cinemas and other entertainment outlets previously banned in the Kingdom.

However, in tandem with his modern reform

Incia Haider, who attends the University of California, Berkeley, is a Washington Report on Middle East Affairs summer intern.

OCTOBER 2020

N E W A R R I VA L S Against the Loveless World, by Susan Abulhawa, Atria Books, 2020, hardcover, 366 pp. MEB $25. As Nahr sits, locked away in solitary confinement, she spends her days reflecting on the dramatic events that landed her in prison in a country she barely knows. She dreamed of falling in love with the perfect man, raising children and possibly opening her own beauty salon. Instead, the man she thinks she loves jilts her after a brief marriage, her family teeters on the brink of poverty, she’s forced to prostitute herself, and the U.S. invasion of Iraq makes her a refugee, as her parents had been.

After trekking through another temporary home in Jordan, she lands in Palestine, where she finally makes a home, falls in love and her destiny unfolds under Israeli occupation.

Written with Susan Abulhawa's distinctive “richly detailed, beautiful, and resonant” prose, this powerful novel presents a searing, darkly funny and wholly unique portrait of a Palestinian woman who refuses to be a victim.

Graveyard of Clerics: Everyday Activism in Saudi Arabia, by Pascal Menoret, Stanford University Press, 2020, paperback, 264 pp. MEB $24. Graveyard of Clerics takes up two global phenomena intimately linked in Saudi Arabia: urban sprawl and religious activism. Saudi suburbia emerged after World War II as citizens fled crowded inner cities. Developed to encourage a society of docile, isolated citizens, suburbs instead opened new spaces for political action. Religious activists in particular turned homes, schools, mosques and summer camps into resources for mobilization.

With the support of suburban grassroots networks, activists won local elections and found opportunities to protest government actions—until they faced a new wave of repression under the current Saudi leadership. Pascal Menoret tells the stories of the people actively countering the Saudi state and highlights how people can organize and protest even amid increasingly intense police repression.

Cleft Capitalism: The Social Origins of Failed Market Making in Egypt, by Amr Adly, Stanford University Press, 2020, paperback, 336 pp. MEB $30. After decades of liberal economic reform, the Egyptian economy still fails to meet popular expectations for inclusive growth, better living standards and high-quality employment. Cleft Capitalism offers a new explanation for why market-based development can fail to meet expectations: small businesses in Egypt are not growing into medium and larger businesses. The practical outcome of this missing middle syndrome is the continuous erosion of the economic and social privileges once enjoyed by the middle classes and unionized labor, without creating enough winners from market making. This in turn set the stage for alienation, discontent and, finally, revolt. Adly uncovers both an institutional explanation for Egypt’s failed market making, and sheds light on the key factors of arrested economic development across the Global South.

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policies is a form of strict authoritarianism, which is what New York Times Beirut bureau chief Ben Hubbard analyzes in his first book, MBS. MBS is the culmination of hundreds of interviews in a half-dozen countries over a period of six years and contains a detailed notes section that corresponds to each chapter, enhancing the reliability of information Hubbard presents. Although a work of journalistic nonfiction, MBS reads like an action-packed thriller. It toys with the audience’s emotions and has them awestruck over MBS’ actions dealing with the military intervention in Yemen, the detention of princes in the Riyadh Ritz-Carlton, the kidnapping of Lebanon’s prime minister and the widespread detainment, torture and murder of those speaking against the Kingdom as well as other events.

The book flawlessly juxtaposes the crown prince’s actions, from steering his nation away from Wahhabism, so grounded in the Kingdom’s history, to forming the military coalition in Yemen, to detaining female dissenters and behind-the-scenes killings of peaceful oppositionists. Wahhabism, an ultraconservative interpretation of Islam, saw non-Muslims as a threat, deprived women of their rights and allowed beheadings. The reader is left wondering whether MBS really is heading in the direction of tolerance or if it is all an act to appeal to outsiders.

The climactic point of the book, the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, is explained in detail along with information about his life as a journalist and his relationship with officials in the Saudi government. Certain details about Khashoggi are peppered throughout the work, with a final chapter revealing why he was targeted and how his murder raised a major red flag to outsiders with regard to MBS’ trustworthiness.

Ultimately, I would recommend this book not only to foreign policy analysts, journalists and academics but to every single person who has the opportunity to read such a powerful and eye-opening work. In modern times, it is vital for a country’s citizens to recognize when their rights are being suppressed, and this book offers valuable insights on critical issues occurring 68

in Saudi Arabia. It prompts the reader to make a change and take action, regardless of how small or large.

Outsiders at Home: The Politics of American Islamophobia

By Nazita Lajevardi, Cambridge University Press, 2020, paperback, 304 pp. MEB $24

Reviewed by Allison Rice

It will not come as a surprise that both the events of September 11, 2001 and the 2016 election of Donald Trump have substantially increased discrimination against Muslim Americans. Amid this growing resentment, Nazita Lajevardi offers a systematic, empirically driven study of the extent of the discrimination, how and where it manifests itself, and how Muslim Americans themselves view their status in U.S. democracy. Lajevardi’s extensive research has resulted in a groundbreaking book which provides readers with a more thorough understanding of the climate of hostility toward Muslim Americans.

Lajevardi begins by laying out three overarching questions, “To what extent do Muslim Americans face discrimination by legislators, the media and the general public? Second, how do Muslims view themselves as a group within the U.S. sociopolitical context? Third, what would it take to reduce discrimination against American Muslims?”

Allison Rice, who attends Yale University, is a Washington Report on Middle East Affairs summer intern.

WASHINGtoN REPoRt oN MIddlE EASt AffAIRS

With regard to her first question, Lajevardi finds that Muslim Americans actually faced less de jure discrimination as compared to other marginalized groups prior to 9/11 due to their “legal Whiteness.” However, in the post-9/11 era there have been massive shifts in public attitude, leading to “an almost socially acceptable discrimination justified by patriotism and national security.” This “legal Whiteness” is not purely a privilege though, since it excludes Muslim Americans from affirmative action programs for higher education, hiring or certain government funding.

The author then goes on to explore Muslim American prospects for political incorporation, looking specifically at the likelihood of getting voted into office. She found that Muslim American candidates are preferred on the basis of party and religion, but notably not racial background. A 2015 Gallup poll found that 60 percent of Americans would vote for a Muslim candidate for office. Although this may sound high, 58 percent would vote for an atheist and 47 percent would vote for a socialist.

The media is another important lens through which Lajevardi examines discrimination against Muslim Americans. Many Americans “may only have vague ideas about [Muslim Americans],” and thus consume most of their information about this group from the media. Against the backdrop of the massive increase in mentions of Muslim Americans in news transcripts since 2001, she finds that exposure to negative news about Muslims, foreign or domestic, increases a news consumer’s resentment toward them. Consequently, these exposures affect opinion on policy proposals, giving the media immense sway over the general public’s attitude toward Muslim Americans.

Finally, she measures legislative responses to Muslim American constituents.

In line with much of the other research, representatives are less likely to respond to Muslim Americans, irrespective of educational or socioeconomic status. Even some legislators, who initially appeared not to discriminate, were found to be less helpful in their responses to Muslim American conoctobER 2020

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stituents when responding to the same controlled request.

In the final chapters, Lajevardi turns to the experiences of Muslim Americans themselves and seeks to answer the final two questions. Unsurprisingly, Muslim Americans do feel like “outsiders at home,” especially after the Trump campaign ran on an explicitly anti-Muslim platform. The work ends on a hopeful note; there is room for coalition building between communities of color and Muslim Americans and representation has begun to increase.

Lajevardi’s work is clear and data-driven, as all of her claims are supported by quantitative research. Furthermore, the chapters flow logically from one to the next and the book concludes with a focus on Muslim American voices and their responses to the effects of the travel ban. This book is a must read for anyone who is concerned about the position and perception of Muslim Americans in the U.S. Lajevardi brings a crucial multidimensional and sensitive perspective to discrimination against Muslim Americans in an era where this sort of research is desperately needed.

SUPPORT MIDDLE EAST BOOKSTORE/ COFFEE SHOP

Brick-and-mortar retailers are facing a challenge. Even before the pandemic, competition from Amazon forced a lot of independent bookstores to close. Thanks to your support, Middle East Books and More defied that trend! When it’s safe we hope to welcome you back to browse, shop, and gather our community together for book talks, club meetings and film screenings.

We’re still selling books online (www.MiddleEastBooks.com) but we are also using this time to expand and add a coffee shop to the bookstore. Now that we’ve completed the architectural plans and selected the contractor, we’ve learned that renovations will cost more than $100,000. Please send a check to AET, 1902 18th St, NW, Washington, DC, with “bookstore” on the memo line to help make your favorite bookstore a special gathering place for our community.

OCTOBER2020

N E W A R R I VA L S An Army Like No Other, by Haim Bresheeth-Zabner, Verso, 2020, hardcover, 448 pp. MEB $28. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) was established in 1948 by David BenGurion, Israel’s first prime minister, who believed that “the whole nation is the army.” In his mind, the IDF was to be an army like no other. It was the instrument that might transform a diverse population into a new people. Since the foundation of Israel, therefore, the IDF has been the largest, richest and most influential institution in Israel’s Jewish society and is the nursery of its social, economic and political ruling class. In this fascinating history, Bresheeth charts the evolution of the IDF from the Nakba to the continued assaults upon Gaza and shows that the state of Israel has been formed out of its wars. He argues that the army is embedded in all aspects of daily life and identity. And that we should not merely see it as a fighting force enjoying an international reputation, but as the central ideological, political and financial institution of Israeli society.

Human Shields: A History of People in the Line of Fire,

by Neve Gordon and Nicola Perugini, University of California Press, 2020, hardcover, 312 pp. MEB $28. Neve Gordon and Nicola Perugini present a chilling global history of the human shield phenomenon. In describing the use of human shields in key historical and contemporary moments across the globe, they demonstrate how the increasing weaponization of human beings has made the position of civilians trapped in theaters of violence more precarious and their lives more expendable. They show how the law facilitates the use of lethal violence against vulnerable people while portraying it as humane, but they also reveal how people can and do use their own vulnerability to resist violence and denounce forms of dehumanization. The authors look at cases ranging from Syrian civilians locked in iron cages to veterans joining peaceful indigenous water protectors at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation and link to other countries including Sri Lanka, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine and the United States.

Baba, What Does My Name Mean?: A Journey to Palestine, by Rifk Ebeid, illustrated by Lamaa Jawhari, Tablo Pty Ltd., 2020, hardcover, 32 pp. MEB $25. When Saamidah, a young Palestinian refugee, is asked by her friends what her name means, she isn’t quite sure what to say. She turns to her baba for some answers—but what she gets is an adventure beyond her wildest dreams. In Rifk Ebeid’s debut book, join Saamidah on a lyrical journey, with dazzling illustrations that bring to life her beloved homeland and celebrate the richness of her cultural heritage and the determination to return.

Ages: 5-12. “Rifk Ebeid has written a lyrical, celebrative journey around the names and places that were and continue to be Palestine in the hearts of millions. Focusing on deliciousness and the sweetness of presence, she carries me back to my Palestinian father’s bedtime tales. Miraculously, she makes it all rhyme. So many people will appreciate this precious tasty book and want to pass it on and on.”—Naomi Shihab Nye WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

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CWS/CARTOONARTS INTERNATIONAL www.cartoonweb.com

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THE WORLD LOOKS AT THE MIDDLE EAST

AlAraby Jadeed, Amman, Jordan

CWS/CARTOONARTS INTERNATIONAL www.cartoonweb.com

CWS/CARTOONARTS INTERNATIONAL www.cartoonweb.com

The Khaleej Times, Dubai, UAE

National Post, Toronto, Canada

COPYRIGHT 2020 KHALIL BENDIB WWW.BENDIB.COM

CWS/CARTOONARTS INTERNATIONAL www.cartoonweb.com

Correio Do Povo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil

Verdens Gang, Oslo, Norway 70

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www.Otherwords.org OCTOBER 2020

opm_71.qxp_Other Peoples Mail 9/2/20 3:21 PM Page 71

Other People’s Mail Compiled by Dale Sprusansky UAE-ISRAEL “PEACE DEAL” BELITTLES PALESTINIAN AGENCY

To The Dallas Morning News, Aug. 20, 2020 Re: “Israel, UAE strike deal—U.S. brokers historic agreement; West Bank annexation plan halted,” Aug. 14 news story.

This news that President Donald Trump brokered a peace agreement between the United Arab Emirates and Israel came as a surprise to Palestinians whose fate was decided without their participation. The so-called “peace deal” appears to be a ploy to deny Palestinians a homeland.

According to Amnesty International, “the deal does not include Israel completely abandoning plans for further illegal annexation of the occupied West Bank, and comes while Israel continues to build illegal settlements and systemically abuse Palestinian human rights there.”

Palestinian leaders in Gaza and the West Bank have rejected the deal, calling it a betrayal and a “dagger in the back.” Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, a veteran Palestinian peace negotiator, in a tweet to UAE leader Mohammed bin Zayed, said, “May you never feel the pain of living in captivity under occupation” and may you “never be sold out by your ‘friends.’”

Any attempts to secure a just peace must include dismantling illegal Israeli settlements, protection of the human rights of Palestinians and justice and reparations for victims of crimes perpetrated by Israeli authorities.

Without these caveats the “peace deal” is a shame and a sham.

Hadi Jawad, Dallas, TX

OTHER MOTIVE FOR UAE-ISRAEL NORMALIZATION

To The New York Times, Aug. 27, 2020 Re: “Netanyahu Swerves, Eyeing Legacy” (news analysis, front page, Aug. 14).

There may well be significant other reasons Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu of Israel has swerved from immediate annexation of large portions of the West Bank, but it is hard not to suspect that one factor in OCTOBER 2020

TELL YOUR ELECTED OFFICIALS WHAT YOU THINK PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP VICE PRESIDENT MIKE PENCE 1600 PENNSYLVANIA AVE. NW WASHINGTON, DC 20500 COMMENT LINE: (202) 456-1111 WWW.WHITEHOUSE.GOV/CONTACT

SECRETARY OF STATE MIKE POMPEO U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE 2201 C ST. NW WASHINGTON, DC 20520 PHONE: (202) 647-6575 VISIT WWW.STATE.GOV TO E-MAIL

ANY SENATOR U.S. SENATE WASHINGTON, DC 20510 (202) 224-3121

making that decision is the way the political wind is blowing in the United States.

Mr. Netanyahu is ever the pragmatist, and like many others who hitched their future to the coattails of Donald Trump, he may now be doubting whether that was the right move.

Like most of the rest of the world, including many countries that support Israel, the Democrats have repeatedly voiced their opposition to annexation. Perhaps Mr. Netanyahu is no longer as confident that annexation will be a fait accompli if Mr. Trump is not re-elected.

George J. Grumbach Jr., New York, NY

DSA CANDIDATE QUESTIONNAIRE ON ISRAEL NOT ANTI-SEMITIC

To The Riverdale Press, Aug. 30, 2020 Re: “DSA questions Israel,” Political Arena, Aug. 20.

Recent efforts to paint New York City’s Democratic Socialists of America as “antiSemitic” for asking candidates for elected office questions about Israel are in reality part of a campaign to defend Israel’s apartheid over the Palestinian people and occupation of their land.

DSA supports BDS—the movement to boycott, divest and sanction Israel’s violation of international law.

BDS is not anti-Semitic, and includes many non-Zionist Jewish groups as well as unions, academic associations, churches and grassroots movements across the world.

BDS is inspired by the anti-apartheid movement, which helped end the racist South African regime.

The U.S. government gives billions to Israel every year—the most of any country.

Pro-Israel groups also often send elected officials on paid junkets to Israel to win over their support. DSA does not want candidates it endorses to take this “hospitality” designed to whitewash Israel’s occupation and cover the reality of Israel’s apartheid.

Both the state of Israel and U.S. politicians who support it push hard to oppose the antiZionist boycott movement.

ANY REPRESENTATIVE U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON, DC 20515 (202) 225-3121

This is logical since the boycott aims to end Israeli apartheid.

But it makes no sense to call this movement anti-Semitic.

That’s like saying opposition to racism and white supremacy in this country is “anti-American.” Opposing apartheid and white supremacy is progressive and necessary.

Dee Knight, New York, NY

THE TRUTH ABOUT ISRAEL HURTS

To the New Canaan Advertiser, Aug. 13, 2020 In response to the letter “Recent advertisement crossed the line,” Aug. 6, finding fault with an ad about Israeli treatment of Palestinian children.

As a member of one of the groups that sponsored the ad, I rise to its defense.

The photo that accompanied the ad, showing an Israeli soldier manhandling a 12-year-old Palestinian boy, accurately represented the situation in the West Bank, and the caption to it clearly stated the boy had been accused of throwing rocks at Israeli soldiers. If Israel wants Palestinian youngsters to stop throwing rocks at its soldiers, let Israel return the lands it confiscated from those youngsters’ villages for the building of Jewish-only settlements.

Carl Strock, Saratoga Springs, NY

LOVE OF MONEY KEEPS THE ARMS SUPPLY FLOWING

To the Los Angeles Times, Aug. 27, 2020 Columnist Nicholas Goldberg asks, “How does it happen that U.S.-made weapons are routinely being used to kill civilians on the other side of the world?”

The answer is simple: There is profit to be made by American companies. As long as it is profitable, we will remain complicit in a civil war in Yemen.

Profit is the only standard in the U.S. these days.

Doris Isolini Nelson, Los Angeles, CA ■

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O• B • I • T • U • A • R • I • E • S John Lewis, 80, civil rights leader and representative of Georgia’s fifth congressional district, died on July 17 of pancreatic cancer. Lewis, known as “the conscience of Congress” was one of the longest serving members. In 1965, during the Black civil rights movement, Lewis led the first of three Selma to Montgomery marches across the Edmund Pettus Bridge, which was viciously attacked by police and became known as “Bloody Sunday.” Although Lewis opposed most U.S. wars in the Middle East, including both wars against Iraq, he had been a staunch supporter of Israel and has a long record of support for the state since the beginning of his career in 1987.

In recent years, his position on Israel became more nuanced. Philip Weiss of Mondoweiss states, “Notably, Lewis a year ago was an early co-sponsor of Rep. Ilhan Omar’s bill in Congress to affirm that boycott is a free speech right in the pursuit of human rights abroad. The bill was aimed at countering legislation to punish BDS [Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions] supporters. Lewis justified the sponsorship by speaking of the importance of boycotts in the civil rights movement in the South; though at the same time he opposed BDS and supported legislation that characterized the BDS campaign as anti-Semitic.”

Ebru Timtik, 42, Kurdish lawyer and activist, died on Aug. 27 after a 238-day hunger strike in Istanbul. Timtik was one of 18 lawyers who were associated with either the Progressive Lawyers Association or People’s Law Bureau, known to represent clients critical of the Turkish government, who were arrested in 2017 for being members of the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front. Convicted on flawed testimony in 2019, Timtik was given a 13.5year prison sentence. Calling for a fair trial, Timtik and jailed colleague Aytaç Ünsal went on a hunger strike on Jan. 2 of this year. On July 30 they were taken from prison to different hospitals, where Timtik eventually died from her strike.

Sulaiman Layeq, 90, former Afghan leftist revolutionary and poet, died July 31 from injuries related to a Taliban bomb blast. During the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan rule of Afghanistan from 1978-1992 after the Saur Revolution, Layeq served in several different party and ministerial positions in the government. According to the New York Times, “Layeq was an unlikely early champion of the leftist movement in Afghanistan. He came from a lineage of religious leaders and was trained in Islamic seminaries. He was a

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WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

By Sami Tayeb journalist and editor before helping the communist People’s Democratic Party violently seize power.” After the Mohammad Najibullah government was overthrown in 1992 at the start of the Afghan Civil War, Layeq fled to Germany.

In addition to leaving behind 70 volumes of unpublished political diaries from his time in government, Layeq left behind his 40-years-in-the-making magnum opus titled, A Man from the Mountains. In 800 pages of rhyming verse, “the poem examines the life and thoughts of the insurgent,” said friends of Layeq. According to the Times, “the epic is also a treatise on why Afghanistan’s tribal and feudal injustices were never solved either by Marxist ideology or by Islamist militancy.

Each ideology briefly held the country in its thrall, only to leave behind a legacy of chaos and blood.”

Adil Barakat, 88, former president of the Arab American Press Guild, died July 15 in Moorpark, CA after battling a long-term illness. Born in Acre, Palestine, he was forced to leave Acre in 1948 during the Nakba and fled to Anabta in the West Bank. After getting married, he went to work as a teacher in Bahrain in 1958. In 1961, he went to Kuwait to work as a journalist at Humat Alwatan newspaper and AlArabi magazine.

Barakat and his family migrated to the U.S. in 1969, settling in Moorpark CA, and he became successful in real estate. In 1990 and 1991, he was elected president of the Arab American Press Guild. Barakat was also one of the founders of US-OMEN (a nonprofit charitable organization in California that provides medical and educational assistance to countries around the world), a founder of the Islamic Society of Simi Valley in 2013 and an activist for the Palestinian cause. Barakat is survived by his wife Nuha, five children (Nidal, Adala, Abdulrahman, Manal and Mohammed), 18 grandchildren and 24 great grandchildren.

—Samir Twair OCTOBER 2020

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AET’s 2020 Choir of Angels

The following are individuals, organizations, companies and foundations whose help between Jan. 1, 2020 and Aug. 19, 2020 is making possible activities of the tax-exempt AET Library Endowment (federal ID # 52-1460362) and the American Educational Trust, publisher of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. Some Angels are helping us co-sponsor the conference “Transcending the Israel Lobby.” Others are donating to our “Capital Building Fund,” which will help us expand and add coffee service to the Middle East Books and More bookstore. Thank you all for helping us survive the turmoil caused by the pandemic. We are deeply honored by your confidence and profoundly grateful for your generosity.

HUMMERS ($100 or more)

Ahsen Abbasi, Leesburg, VA Dr. & Mrs. Robert Abel, Wilmington, DE Fahed Abu-Akel, Atlanta, GA James C. Ahlstrom, Stirling, NJ Joe & Siham Alfred, Fredericksburg, VA Hamid & Kim Alwan, Milwaukee, WI Nabil & Judy Amarah, Danbury, CT Edwin Amidon, Charlotte, VT Nazife Amrou, Sylvania, OH Anace Aossey, Cedar Rapids, IA Dr. Robert Ashmore Jr., Mequon, WI Mr. & Mrs. Sultan Aslam, Plainsboro, NJ Ahmed Ayish, Arlington, VA Rick Bakry, New York, NY Allen & Jerrie Bartlett, Philadelphia, PA Joseph Benedict, Mystic, CT Bradley Bitar, Olympia, WA Elaine Brouillard, West Hyannisport, MA Sam Burgan, Falls Church, VA James Burkart, Bethesda, MD John Cornwall, Palm Springs, CA Dr. & Mrs. Anton Dahbura, Baltimore, MD Gregory DeSylva, Rhinebeck, NY Dr. George Doumani, Washington, DC Sarah L. Duncan, Vienna, OH Dr. David Dunning, Lake Oswego, OR Dr. & Mrs. Hossam Fadel, Augusta, GA Steve Feldman, Winston-Salem, NC Dr. E.R. Fields, Marietta, GA Joseph & Angela Gauci, Whittier, CA Ahmad & Shirley Gazori, Mill Creek, WA Michael Gillespie, Maxwell, IA Doug Greene, Bowling Green, OH Dr. Safei Hamed, Columbia, MD Ibrahim Hamide, Eugene, OR Erin K. Hankir, Nepean, Canada Delinda C. Hanley, Kensington, MD Susan Haragely, Livonia, MI Dr. Walid & Norma Harb, Dearborn Hts., MI Prof. & Mrs. Brice Harris, Pasadena, CA

OCTOBEr 2020

Mr. & Mrs. Sameer Hassan, Quaker Hill, CT Julester Haste, Oxford, IA Jim Hausken, Kensington, CA Gerald Heidel, Bradenton, FL M.D. Hotchkiss, Portland, OR Barbara Howard, Piscataway, NJ M. Al Hussaini, Great Falls, VA Mr. & Mrs. Azmi Ideis, Deltona, FL Bilquis Jaweed, West Chester, OH Issa & Rose Kamar, Plano, TX Timothy Kaminski, Saint Louis, MO Mr. & Mrs. Basim Kattan, Washington, DC M. Yousuf Khan, Scottsdale, AZ Dr. Mohayya Khilfeh, Chicago, IL Eugene Khorey, Homestead, PA Alfred & Dina Khoury, McLean, VA Tony Khoury, Sedona, AZ Gail Kirkpatrick, Philadelphia, PA Ronald Kunde, Skokie, IL Alison Lankenau, Tivoli, NY Edwin Lindgren, Overland Park, KS Erna Lund, Seattle, WA Allen J. Macdonald, Washington, DC Dr. & Mrs. Gabriel Makhlouf, Richmond, VA Tahera Mamdani, Fridley, MN Ted Marczak, Toms River, NJ Charles Marks, Altadena, CA## Martha Martin, Kahului, HI Stephen Mashney, Anaheim, CA Carol Mazzia, Santa Rosa, CA Shirl McArthur, Reston, VA William McAuley, Chicago, IL Gwendolyn McEwen, Bellingham, WA Ray McGovern, Raleigh, NC Robert Michael, Sun Lakes, AZ Tom Mickelson, Cottage Grove, WI Curtis Miller, Albuquerque, NM Peter Miller, Portland, OR Maury Keith Moore, Seattle, WA Moe Muhsin, Honolulu, HI Isa & Dalal Musa, Falls Church, VA Sara Najjar-Wilson, Reston, VA Stephen L. Naman, Atlanta, GA Mary Neznek, Washington, DC W. Eugene Notz, Charleston, SC

Merrill O'Donnell, New Westminster, Canada Peggy Rafferty, Cedar Grove, NC Amani Ramahi, Lakewood, OH Marjorie Ransom, Washington, DC Kenneth Reed, Bishop, CA John Reinke, Redmond, WA Paul Richards, Salem, OR Ambassador William Rugh, Hingham, MA Hameed Saba, Diamond Bar, CA Dr. Mohammed Sabbagh, Grand Blanc, MI Irmgard Scherer, Fairfax, VA Dr. Ajazuddin Shaikh, Granger, IN Yasir Shallal, McLean, VA Qaiser & Tanseem Shamim, Somerset, NJ Dr. Mostafa Hashem Sherif, Tinton Falls, NJ Zac Sidawi, Costa Mesa, CA Ellen Siegel, Washington, DC Yasser Soliman, Hamilton Township, NJ Darcy Sreebny, Issaquah, WA Corrine Sutila, Los Angeles, CA Mushtaq Syed, Santa Clara, CA Dr. Joseph Tamari, Chicago, IL Eddy Tamura, Moraga, CA Doris Taweel, Laurel, MD Tom Veblen, Washington, DC V. R. Vitolins, Grosse Pointe Farms, MI Hermann Weinlick, Minneapolis, MN Duane & Barbara Wentz, Kirkland, WA Michael Wilke, St. Charles, IL David Williams, Golden, CO Robert Witty, Cold Spring, NY Mashood Yunus, New Brighton, MN Hugh Ziada, Garden Grove, CA

ACCOMPANISTS ($250 or more)

Catherine Abbott, Edina, MN Michael Ameri, Calabasas, CA Syed & Rubia Bokhari, Bourbonnais, IL

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Duncan Clark, Rockville, MD William G. Coughlin, Brookline, MA Dr. William Fuller, Valdosta, GA Eyas Hattab, Louisville, KY Rafeeq Jaber, Oak Lawn, IL Fahd Jajeh, Lake Forest, IL Bilquis Jaweed, West Chester, OH Killgore Family, Washington, DC * Dr. Muhammad M. Kudaimi, Munster, IN Sedigheh Kunkel, Santa Monica, CA Matt Labadie, Portland, OR Tony Litwinko, Los Angeles, CA Nidal Mahayni, Richmond, VA Richard Makdisi & Lindsay Wheeler, Berkeley, CA Dr. Charles W. McCutchen, Bethesda, MD Curtis Miller, Albuquerque, NM Yehia Mishriki, Orefield, PA Museum of the Palestinian People, Washington, DC Claire Nader, Winsted, CT Nancy Orr, Portland, OR Hertha Poje-Ammoumi, New York, NY Phillip Portlock, Washington, DC Mary H. Regier, El Cerrito, CA Jeanne Riha, Brooklyn, NY Rotary Foundation, Evanston, IL Ramzy Salem, Monterey Park, CA Sarah Saul, Portland, ME Dr. Abid Shah, Sarasota, FL Bernice Shaheen, Palm Desert, CA**** David J. Snider, Bolton, MA William R. Stanley, Lexington, SC John K. Y. & Margot S. Taylor, New York, NY Benjamin Wade, Saratoga, CA

TENORS & CONTRALTOS ($500 or more)

Ronald & Mary Forthofer, Boulder, CO Judith Howard, Norwood, MA Mohammed Jokhdar, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia Ghazy Kader, Shoreline, WA Dr. Muhammad Khan, Jersey City, NJ Damaris Koehler, Mannheim, Germany Jack Love, Kailua Kona, HI Mary Norton, Austin, TX M.F. Shoukfeh, Lubbock, TX Gretel Smith, Garrett, IN Dr. Imad Tabry, Fort Lauderdale, FL Donn Trautman, Evanston, IL Young Again Foundation, Leland, NC

Sylvia Anderson de Freitas, Duluth, MN Dr. & Mrs. Roger Bagshaw, Big Sur, CA Helen Bourne, Encinitas, CA William G. Coughlin, Brookline, MA Andrew & Krista Curtiss, Wilmington, DE Mr. & Mrs. Majed Faruki, Albuquerque, NM Raymond Gordon, Venice, FL Alfred R. Greve, Holmes, NY Dr. Wasif Hafeez, W. Bloomfield, MI Masood Hassan, Calabasas, CA Virginia Hilmy, Silver Spring, MD Kandy L. Hixson, Akron, OH Brigitte Jaensch, Carmichael, CA Gloria Keller, Santa Rosa, CA Tom & Tess McAndrew, Oro Valley, AZ Darrel Meyers, Burbank, CA Lisa Schiltz, Houston, TX James G. Smart, Keene, NH Anver Tayob, Saint Louis, MO Tom Veblen, Washington, DC Dr. James Zogby, Washington, DC***

Dr. & Mrs. Clyde Farris, West Linn, OR*,**

Anonymous, San Francisco, CA Asha A. Anand, Bethesda, MD Lois Aroian, East Jordan, MI G. Edward & Ruth Brooking, Wilmington, DE Forrest Cioppa, Moraga, CA Paula Davidson, Naples, FL Nabila Eltaji, Amman, Jordan Dr. & Mrs. Clyde Farris, West Linn, OR*,**

* In Memory of Andrew I. Killgore ** In Memory of Richard H. Curtiss *** In Memory of Eileen Zogby **** In Memory of Dr. Jack Shaheen # In Memory of Rachelle & Hugh Marshall ## In Memory of Amal Marks

BARITONES & MEZZO SOPRANOS ($1,000 or more)

CHOIRMASTERS ($5,000 or more)

American Council for Judaism, Ponte Vedra Beach, FL Anonymous, Palo Alto, CA # John & Henrietta Goelet, Washington, DC William Lightfoot, Vienna, VA Estate of Jean Elizabeth Mayer, Bethesda, MD

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WASHINGTON REPORT ON MIDDLE EAST AFFAIRS

OCTOBER 2020

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American Educational Trust Washington Report on Middle East Affairs P.O. Box 53062 Washington, DC 20009

October 2020

Vol. XXXIX, No. 6

Clowns perform to entertain Palestinian children during a lockdown imposed by the local authorities following a surge in coronavirus cases, in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, on Sept. 2, 2020. The Gaza Strip has been under degrees of lockdown since 2007 when Israel and Egypt imposed a blockade on the impoverished Palestinian territory.

(Photo by MAhMUD hAMS/AFP viA Getty iMAGeS)