Young Ambassadors Journal of Global Affairs

APRIL 2022 | POLICY JOURNAL

YOUNG AMBASSADORS PROGRAM Young Ambassadors Journal of Global Affairs Policy Papers by Women of Color

@wcapsnet

wcaps.org

Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security & Conflict Transformation

Young Ambassadors Journal of Global Affairs

By Young Ambassadors Program

April 2022

TABLE OF CONTENTS Authors

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Editors

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Letter from the Young Ambassadors Program Leadership

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Access Denied & Connection Not Available Bridging the digital divide--Internet Access & skills development for the digital age for Rural Bluefields, Nicaragua (Rural Caribbean Coast)

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An Open-Door Policy?

African Students at US Colleges and Universities

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War on our Soil: The Hyper-Militarization of Law Enforcement Agencies in the United States 20 Conflict in the Digital Age: How Can We Preserve Human Rights?

Abstract

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Background

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Recommendations

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Urban Sprawl: The Rise of Suburbanization and Food Security

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AUTHORS SHANEL WILSON takes pride in providing sustainable social and community development programs for everyone. She, in rare and audacious form, driven by her commitment to “filing in the gaps” in creating initiatives and strategies to resolve unmet social needs. As a Social Engineer and prospective Law Student, her goals include providing administrative strategies to national leaders, facilitating women’s development programming, and advocating for socio-economic development in Bluefield’s, Nicaragua. Shanel got her start in the field of social development while a student at Howard University where she was involved in reviving the Transfer Student Association, an integrating system for students who transferred to Howard university from community colleges or other universities. In her free time, Shanel continues to pursue child advocacy for orphaned youth, takes as many Solidcore classes as possible, Bake and assortment of goddess, and brainstorm more original programing to birth into the world. Shanel’s roots spread across Compton, CA, Oceanside, Ca, Bluefield’s, Nicaragua, and where she currently resides, Washington, D.C. KYLA DENWOOD is a recent graduate from Tulane University where she earned dual degrees in Economics (B.S.) and International Development (B.A.) to understand the role of the private sector in promoting social change. Her research and career interests lie at the nexus of labor, international education, social innovation and social entrepreneurship, and economic development. She has been fortunate to pursue relevant opportunities in Kenya, Paraguay, the United Arab Emirates, and New Orleans. Kyla recently finished her tenure as a Youth Ambassador at Expo 2020 Dubai where she represented Illinois and Louisiana as a cultural ambassador at the U.S.A. Pavilion. Inspired by her international experiences and quantitative research, she now works as a Research Associate for the International Programs department of NORC at the University of Chicago, where she researches a variety of topics ranging from youth engagement to poverty alleviation to democracy and governance in countries across all regions of the world. In her freetime, Kyla enjoys playing flute, ballroom dancing, and learning to skateboard.

MARI FAINES, MSc is the Director of Communications and Outreach for Physicians for Social Responsibility, a podcast host, and diversity & equity activist. Faines holds a Master of Science in the Politics of Conflict, Rights, and Justice from SOAS University of London. Her Undergraduate research from Colgate University and Postgraduate Academic research specialize in conflict resolution, transitional justice, and racial disparities in the US, sub-Saharan Africa, and throughout the diaspora. Faines serves on the Board of Women of Color Advancing Peace and Conflict, UK, and as Steering Committee

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Member for their global DEI initiative ‘Organisations in Solidarity’. Faines also serves as the founder and host of the WCAPS-UK Podcast ‘Got Melanin’. Faines current political and Advocacy work includes, being a member of Foreign Policy 4 America, NextGen Initiative, serving as co-lead for the DEI working group. Previous political and advocacy activities include work with Democrats Abroad, African Development Forum, the London Conversations; and as a UNITE 2030 Youth Delegate Lead for the 2021 program focused on UN Global Goals. Faines has a passionate belief that only through unselfish commitment, and authentic innovative collaboration, can we ever hope to achieve optimum health, equity, justice, and peace, for all populations.

ALONNA WILLIAMS is a budding peace researcher and data scientist. She studied Law and Government at the illustrious Florida Memorial University and recently obtained her master's degree in International Development at IE School of Global and Public Affairs. As a master's student Alonna specialized in social inclusion and technological innovation in sustainable development. She is most interested in merging her love for data science and international development to advance progress on issues like poverty, economic development and peace and conflict.

MIA VEAL is a grassroots organizing consultant for the Union of Concerned Scientists' "Back from the Brink" campaign. She recently earned her master's degree in International Relations with an emphasis in Human Rights Law from the University of Kent's Brussels School of International Studies. Her experience working with refugee youth while completing her graduate degree ignited her passion for advocating for vulnerable members of the global community, specifically on those issues that acutely affect women and girls, such as reproductive health and equal access to quality education.

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EDITORS ALEXI SANTIAGO is a contractor in Washington, DC. She received her Master’s of Science in Legal Studies from the University of San Diego School of Law and her Bachelor's degree from The George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs with a concentration in International Politics. Alexi currently serves as the President of the US ASEAN Young Professionals Association (USAYPA), Board member of The George Washington University Asia Pacific Islander Alumni Network, and the Foreign Policy and Research Director for the Young Ambassadors Program of Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS).

NIKITA SHUKLA is a 2022 Pickering Fellow and will be attending the Harvard Kennedy School as a Master in Public Policy candidate. Upon graduating from Tufts University in 2017 she joined the Clinton Health Access Initiative as a global health workforce analytics associate. Nikita has held leadership positions in Women of Color Advancing Peace and Security, Women in Global Health, and the World Economic Forum Global Shapers LA. Nikita, a 2019 USA Head Delegate to the G7 Youth Summit in Paris, France, served as the 2020 Sherpa to the G7 Youth Summit on the COVID-19 response, and received the highest civilian honor from the New Jersey Senate.

AMBER DEMERY is an analyst with the US federal government where she works on Asia-related topics and coordinates with government agencies on briefings, products, and cases. Outside of work, Amber is a Young Leader with foreign policy research institute the Pacific Forum; a member of Women of Color Advancing Peace and Security (WCAPS), where she chairs the Asia and Pacific Working Group and is on the leadership team for Intersectionality in National Security sub-Working Group; and was recently accepted into Foreign Policy for America’s NextGen Foreign Policy Initiative. Prior to beginning her professional career, Amber completed a Boren Fellowship from 2014 - 2015 in Japan where she studied Japanese and completed an internship with an Asia-focused human rights organization. She received her Master's degree in International Relations with a focus on Security Studies, Foreign Policy, and Asia from The Maxwell School at Syracuse University, and her undergraduate degree in Psychology at Howard University in Washington, DC.

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GABRIELLE B. GUEYE, Impact Investing, and Private Sector Engagement Specialist.

Gabrielle works at a leading International Development organization in Impact Investing and Private Sector Engagement, where she leads the Knowledge Management and Learning activities around blended finance and private sector engagement. Gabrielle also leads the WCAPS Mentorship Program and the WCAPS Pipeline Fellowship Program. Additionally, she is Co-Chair of the International Development Working Group, where she focuses on learning about and fostering discussions and actions geared towards decolonizing International Development. She holds a Bachelor of Arts degree in Justice Studies from Kent State University and a Master of Arts degree in Global Affairs and Management from Thunderbird School of Global Management at Arizona State University.

SAYAKO QUENLIN is a cybersecurity expert with a background in policy, program development, and incident response (IR). She has conducted digital forensics and led over 40 IR engagements, including ransomware, insider threat, and nation-state APT cases.

She has also advised executive management on cybersecurity posture improvement and trained information security teams at dozens of organizations. Sayako has a paper published by the think tank New America titled "A Brief History on Law Enforcement Hacking in the United States." She graduated Magna Cum Laude from Georgetown University with a major in Science, Technology, and International Affairs. Outside of her professional interests, she has a passion for learning foreign languages and is conversationally proficient or higher in Spanish, Japanese, and English.

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Letter from the Young Ambassadors Program Leadership Dear Reader, The WCAPS Young Ambassadors Board presents to you the premiere version of the Young Ambassadors Journal of Global Affairs.

The culmination of these five policy recommendations written by women of color covers a variety of issue areas that are relevant and researched and most importantly the passion areas for our members. These women are emerging experts and professionals in their fields of international development, national security, peace, and technology. Their contributions are representative of the areas of the world they want to improve and fortify the skills to do just that.

We hope you will find the topics to be timely and thought-provoking and will support the distribution of this publication as a way to amplify these first-time publishers.

We are thankful to the Women of Color Advancing Peace Security and Conflict Transformation organization for welcoming the thoughts and ideas of first-time publishers. In addition to the editorial team for volunteering their time to help shape our writer’s pieces. Special thanks to continued support from the WCAPS team, Executive Director, Shalonda Spencer, and Kynnedi Taylor-Henry, Foreign Policy and Programs Lead. Without their leadership, this publication would not be possible. Our mission is to increase the dialogue of young women of color to transform the representation of women of color in peace and security conversations happening on a global scale. We look forward to continuing to build the Young Ambassador Program for those who follow.

Young Ambassadors Leadership Co-Chair, Mansi Thakar Foreign Policy & Research Director, Alexi Santiago

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Access Denied & Connection Not Available Bridging the digital divide--Internet Access & skills development for the digital age for Rural Bluefields, Nicaragua (Rural Caribbean Coast) Author, Shanel Wilson

Abstract The North and South autonomous regions in Nicaragua a.k.a Rural Bluefields make up more than 50% of Nicaragua’s landmass and are home to less than 10% of the national population1.

Bluefields known to the indigenous people as Región Autónoma Del Atlántico Sur (RAAS) of the Southern Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAS, the Spanish acronym) of Nicaragua, and is one of the few cities in a largely rural region–which since 1894 was granted self-rule. Bluefields is a port city (see Figures 1-2) that has historically been dominated by Creole people. Bluefields is sacred land to the largest Indigenous residents on the Caribbean east coast of Nicaragua. The residents of Bluefields have a unique quality of life. Humble living; a consistent buzzing outdoor central market, with weekly worship with the Moravian church. Additionally, the land of Bluefields is accessorized with a medium sized wooden boat dock filled with professional fishermen and merchants to import and export their goods. President Ortega does not accept Bluefields as a self-governing territory. Despite being a diverse city with historic importance, Bluefield’s offers weak infrastructure and limited economic opportunities for locals. “Connection Not Available” and “Access Denied” are notifications familiar to those living in nations/areas with Internet accessibility and quality digital learning when trying to connect to the vast network that connects computers and other technology devices all over the world. Through the Internet, people can share information, access almost any type of material, and communicate from anywhere—as long as internet connection is granted. Access to the Internet and skills development for the digital economy is an urgent investment to fixing a plethora of issues rural Bluefield’s is facing. Fixing internet accessibility will increase skills development programs that will provide new dimensions to the way trade, agriculture, and healthcare is providing the rural Caribbean people the resources and innovation needed to ensure clean water, and advance education to produce a competitive economy.

Background The COVID-19 pandemic exposed digital economic inequalities. Two thirds of the world’s children & teenagers have no internet access at home2. The numbers of those in Bluefields Nicaragua is startlingly lower. According to Static,3 iInternet access in Nicaragua is up by 1 million users, but of that 1 million about 40.8% of those live-in rural Nicaragua, and those on the Caribbean coast are less than 20%. Lack of internet access and skills development in the digital 1

(INIDE (Instituto Nacional de Información de Desarrollo) [National Institute of Development Information], 2016) 2 (The International Telecommunications Union, n.d.)

3 https://www.statista.com/statistics/942400/number-internet-users-nicaragua/

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age is costing the next generation their futures. A study conducted by Aprendo y Emprendo, a non-profit, in 2016 found that nearly three-fourths of youth ages 14 to 29 in five Caribbean Coast municipalities know how to use the internet, and the vast majority are accessing the web on cell phones.4 Although users in Nicaragua have wide access to digital platforms and websites, the regime of President Daniel Ortega and its allies have asserted control over the online landscape through the manipulation of information, politically motivated use of copyright claims to remove content, and new legislation that severely punishes users who disseminate supposedly false or harmful content. Social media platforms such as Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, and YouTube are resources used on new cell phones with those that can afford one – which has exposed some to living in a digital world. It is important to point out that, accessing social media websites vs a search engine website, let’s say Google are vastly different mediums for accessing knowledge.Consequently, social media can only assist with skills development on a micro level due to the algorithm. Social Media Algorithms are based on what a user likes and what is popular in the culture. If a youth likes basketball videos, make-up tutorials, and dance routine videos, their news feed will be personalized with just that– basketball videos, make-up tutorials, and dance routines and will not allow access to information unless the youth begins to like other niches. On the other hand, exposure to accessing a search engine, is not based on an algorithm, which has the ability to teach youth how to use critical thinking skills by researching questions about different ways of life and or how technology can be used for teaching, such as online learning programs, in home learning which was critical during the global pandemic. See, access to a search engine and digital media beyond social media expands the intellect beyond one's personal interest. In contrast, in order for youth to develop and compete globally and progressively, skills development and sustainable internet access needs immediate implementation.

Nicaragua has the largest youth bulge in Latin America with more than 2 million school-aged children, according to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Unesco. Half of all children and adolescents live in poverty. Digital literacy is something youth see as important to their futures and is lacking in their education. The high price of the internet in Nicaragua is the primary obstacle that impedes the access to the internet for the majority of Nicaraguans. How much is the price of the internet in comparison to the United States? In Nicaragua, if you live near a primary city such as Leon, Managua or Granada, you can opt for Claro services, Claro offers internet service via USB or Turbonett (fiber optic). Which cost about $30 a month, but is not known to have the best service due to speed and consistency. For those living outside of the city centers, such as Rural Bluefields, IDEAY or IBW which can set up a private tower at their house provides the fastest, most consistent internet. It's costly though at US $70-$130 a meg of download speed. Bluefields residents can absolutely not afford this when

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Aprendo y Emprendo: https://www.creativeassociatesinternational.com/stories/microsoft-usaid-to-expand-nicaraguan-youth-ac cess-to-technology/

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the average salary is less than US $300 dollars a month5 (See Figure 3). A weak economy persists in Bluefields, and there are strong incentives for bi- or trilingual Creoles, who speak Kriol, Standard English, and Spanish, to leave the area. Some take their families with them while others leave many behind to survive on remittances. This labor force leaves to work in call centers (businesses that subcontract customer support services or sales, for example) in Managua, Panama, or elsewhere. Many Nicaraguan migrants also head to Costa Rica to work in agriculture, manufacturing, or the service industry6. Others leave for extended contracts to work on cruise ships, where they work for tips, without vacation (except breaks between contracts), often with the end result of work-related injuries. Better economic opportunities outside of the country also drive some Nicaraguan migration. Brain drain and other migration drivers exacerbate the dilution of Bluefield’s diversity, weaken community cultural fabric, and threaten family structures.Today's agriculture uses sophisticated technologies such as robots, temperature and moisture sensors, aerial images, and GPS technology. These advanced devices and precision agriculture and robotic systems offer businesses to be more profitable, efficient, safer, and more environmentally friendly.7 Without special skill training, the agriculture industry in Nicaragua is behind and unable to export their resources to the rest of the world. Nicaraguan youth on the Caribbean coast want to pursue technical careers, in fields such as mechanics, industrial electricity, computer science, cable wiring and business administration. Which is essential to the country’s development.8 The access to affordable and reliable internet still remains though, in order to teach youth technical skills, Internet access is needed. In 2016 the UN General Assembly passed a non-binding Resolution that “declared internet access a human right.9” This created inspirational headlines around the world, but the Resolution did not address governmental responsibility to provide access to all. Instead it focused on stopping governments from “taking away” access.

Furthermore, the Resolution was resultant from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and is considered “soft law” as opposed to “hard law”, meaning that nation-states do not face significant penalties for not adhering to it. In March 2019, the opposition-oriented Civic Alliance for Justice and Democracy (ACJD) and the Ortega government signed an agreement to strengthen and guarantee the rights of citizens; the pact formed the basis for a set of protocols that included protecting the constitutional rights of freedom of expression, access to information, and press freedom.10 In March 2021, however, the ACJD stated that the government had not met its obligations and demanded compliance.

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https://www.dentonsmunoz.com/en/insights/alerts/2021/march/8/nicaragua-new-national-minimum-w age:Sector/https://ni.usembassy.gov/business/economic-data-reports-nicaragua/ 6 Binational study: The state of migration flows between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, 2001 7 https://nifa.usda.gov/topic/agriculture-technology#:~:text=Today's%20agriculture%20routinely%20uses %20sophisticated,safer%2C%20and%20more%20environmentally%20friendly.

8 https://www.creativeassociatesinternational.com/stories/businesses-youth-talk-tech-education-nicaragu a 9 Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 10 Julio López, “Proponen protocolo sobre libertad de expresión [Protocol on freedom of expression proposed],” Onda Local, July 23, 2019, https://ondalocal.com.ni/noticias/735-protocolo-libertad-expresion-info….

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Recommendations Now is the time to demand direct action from nation-states, like Mexico’s Constitutional Amendment, declaring access a human right with governmental responsibility to provide access for low-income people. The resulting policy response must address the primary difficulty facing many: a lack of income. The internet has become simply too vital in its ability to disperse information on how to stay safe during the covid-19 crisis, its ability to allow many to work from home, and in helping us educate our children at home, for anyone to go without. Quality Internet installation and digital skills development is essential to the quality of life based off of the current digital age we’re living in. Engagement with private sector groups like the Superior Council of Private Enterprise is essential for achieving sustainable youth employment in the Caribbean Coast region, where minimal education, sparse businesses, limited labor demand and few entrepreneurship initiatives undermine youths’ ability to access decent jobs.United Nations enforcement is requested to make sure the access is sustainable and implemented in educational training to assist in the future of the dreamers of Bluefields Nicaragua who dream of an advanced quality of life.

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Figure 3 : Department of Nicaragua Economic Sector/https://ni.usembassy.gov/business/economic-data-reports-nicaragua/

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References

1. (INIDE (Instituto Nacional de Información de Desarrollo) [National Institute of Development Information], 2016) 2. The International Telecommunications Union, n.d 3. https://www.statista.com/statistics/942400/number-internet-users-nicaragua/ 4. Aprendo y Emprendo: https://www.creativeassociatesinternational.com/stories/microsoft-usaid-to-expand-nicaraguan -youth-access-to-technology/ 5.U.S Embassy Nicaragua: Sector/https://ni.usembassy.gov/business/economic-data-reports-nicaragua/ https://www.dentonsmunoz.com/en/insights/alerts/2021/march/8/nicaragua-new-national-min imum-wage 6. Binational study: The state of migration flows between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, 2001 https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/binationa_study_cr-nic.pdf 7.USDA.Gov/Arigculture Technology. https://nifa.usda.gov/topic/agriculture-technology#:~:text=Today's%20agriculture%20routinely% 20uses%20sophisticated,safer%2C%20and%20more%20environmentally%20friendly.

8. (https://www.creativeassociatesinternational.com/stories/businesses-youth-talk-tech-education -nicaragua, n.d.)

9. (Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, n.d.) https://www.un.org/sites/un2.un.org/files/udhr.pdf 10. (Julio López, “Proponen protocolo sobre libertad de expresión [Protocol on freedom of expression proposed],” Onda Local, July 23, 2019, https://ondalocal.com.ni/noticias/735-protocolo-libertad-expresion-info…., 2019) 11. (n.d.). Retrieved fromhttps://freedomhouse.org/country/nicaragua/freedom-net/2021.

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An Open-Door Policy?

African Students at US Colleges and Universities Author, Kyla Denwood

Abstract Many U.S. colleges and universities take pride in their diverse international student populations.

The United States proves to be a top destination for young scholars, with nearly one million foreign-born students enrolled during the 2020-2021 academic year.1 In today’s interconnected world, international students provide economic and social benefits to their universities and host countries. The students bring diverse perspectives into the classroom, provide cross-cultural experiences for American students, and contribute to the revenue of U.S. businesses. In 2019, international students in the United States contributed $41 billion to the national economy and supported more than 450,000 jobs, according to the NAFSA Association of International Educators.2 Once their education is complete, many international students return to their home countries as unofficial cultural diplomats, sharing their international experiences and deconstructing stereotypes about their host country.

While the United States boasts a diverse international student population hailing from over 200 countries, the enrollment of students from sub-Saharan Africa remains minimal. In 2020, African students made up 3.9 percent of all foreign students at U.S. colleges and universities.1 The low engagement of African students at U.S. colleges does not bode well for the future of U.S. engagement on the continent, going against the Biden administration’s hopes. In his U.S.-Africa policy, President Biden expresses a commitment to Africa, aiming to advance peace and security; promote economic growth, trade and investment; and support democratic institutions on the continent.3 African countries have growing youthful and tech-savvy populations that are positioned to generate economic wealth and electoral accountability throughout the continent. To support Biden’s U.S.-Africa policy and improve U.S.-Africa relations for joint economic prosperity, the United States Department of Education and the Department of State should fund more recruitment efforts for international students from Africa.

Background Africa is the fastest growing region on the planet. By 2030, one of every four people aged 15 to 24 will live in Africa, according to the United Nations.4 The expanding population will cause an increase in demand for goods and services, and African countries are already working to produce enabling environments for trade. Opened in 2021, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) has become the world’s largest free trade area, encompassing 55 African countries and 1.2 billion people. Additionally, rapid urbanization and digitalization has catalyzed

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a technological revolution across the continent. For example, phone subscriptions in Africa increased from less than 2 per 100 people in 2000 to 75 per 100 people in 2017.5 Growing access to information technology is enabling business environments and enhancing the quality of education, skills, training and entrepreneurial spirit. In anticipation of future high returns, the Biden administration should invest in Africa’s young population by expanding their opportunities for U.S. education.

As a result of population growth and globalization, the number of African students leaving their countries for higher education is rapidly increasing. Between 2012 and 2017, there was a 26 percent increase in the number of students from Africa attending college abroad.6 The demand for study abroad will likely intensify in the next decade as the population ages and opportunities increase.6 Other countries are taking notice of the opportunity to engage in soft power through Africa’s student population. For example, the number of African students in China has significantly increased in the last two decades. In 2018, African students accounted for almost 16.6 percent of the total international student population in China, which is a 57-fold increase from 2000.7 This follows China’s promotion of cultural exchange to enhance soft power as well as their growing economic presence in Africa.8 Without similar action by the U.S, Sino-Africa relations will widen the radius of China’s activities on the international stage, backed by 53 African allies legitimizing the country’s economic and political interests. To manage future geopolitical advantages in sub-Saharan Africa the United States must promote U.S. study opportunities to African students.

Challenges Although there are great benefits to increasing African student enrollment, there are challenges that must be addressed for fruitful recruitment. Firstly, Africa is a large continent known for its cultural and linguistic diversity. For colleges, this creates difficulty in identifying potential students. Another barrier arising from this challenge includes limited access to U.S. standardized admissions tests. Access to SAT and ACT testing centers can be extremely limited on the continent, with some students having to travel to neighboring countries to take exams.

Finally, cost of attendance remains a major barrier in growing the enrollment rates of African students. Beyond tuition, students must factor in the cost of food, housing, school materials, and plane tickets along with weak currencies relative to the American dollar.

Recommendations 1. The Department of Education should partner with community colleges and minority serving institutions to promote exchange opportunities to African students.

Minority-serving institutions (MSIs), including historically Black colleges and universities and Hispanic-serving institutions, are a vital part of U.S. higher education, providing access to college for millions of students of color. While their success is integral to the success of our

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higher education system, financial instability and enrollment declines threaten the future of minority-serving institutions. The Biden administration has shown commitment to supporting minority-serving institutions, pledging $45 billion to research and infrastructure development.9 To further this commitment, the Department of Education should partner with MSIs and neighboring community colleges and fund scholarships, study abroad opportunities, and additional pipelines to U.S. education for African students. This would increase the amount of African students studying in the United States as well as the funding and attendance at MSIs. 2. Partner with organizations working to improve African student access to international education.

The size and diversity within Africa makes recruitment of prospective students difficult. To ensure an inclusive and equitable recruitment process, the Department of State and affiliated programs like EducationUSA should align themselves with organizations working to increase access to international education for African students. For example, the HALI Access Network is a non-profit organization in Africa that works with high-achieving, low-income students to access international higher education opportunities. By working with organizations like the HALI Access Network, the Department of Education and federal contractors can better target their recruitment initiatives towards African students.

Partnering with pre-existing organizations offers several benefits for students and educational institutions. First, this method allows for direct access to students already interested in studying abroad, reducing recruitment costs. Additionally, working with these organizations would allow U.S. colleges and universities to adopt a cohort model of recruitment, admitting more than one student from a particular country so they have familiar peers during their abroad experience.

U.S.-based college cohort programs like the Posse Foundation have celebrated high college graduation rates by sending students to college in teams and supporting them through scholarships, training and mentorship. This program could be replicated with African international students.

3. Be realistic about the cost.

Recruiting more African students to study in the United States is a necessary, but expensive endeavor. U.S. colleges and universities must be willing to provide more full-funding opportunities to African students to offset education and living expenses. Along with the financial cost, there is an institutional cost of ensuring African students are supported throughout their U.S. educational experience. This means training faculty and staff to meet the unique needs of African students, whether in classroom settings or internships and career planning. To have success in increasing the African international student population, the U.S. government must invest in the students as well as the university to ensure equitable educational experiences.

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References “Africa Ascending: The Demographic Juggernaut Driving Student Mobility in the 21st Century.”

ICEF Monitor.

ICEF, December 11, 2019. https://monitor.icef.com/2021/04/china-emerging-as-a-major-destination-for-african-stu dents/.

Busta, Hallie. “Biden Proposes $45B for Research at Minority-Serving Colleges.” Higher Ed Dive.

April 1, 2021.

“Enrollment Trends.” IIE Open Doors / Enrollment Trends, November https://opendoorsdata.org/data/international-students/enrollment-trends/.

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2021.

Kolb, Elzy. “Countries with the Top 20 Fastest-Growing Populations.” USA Today, July 10, 2019.

Leke, Acha, and Landry Signé. “Spotlighting Opportunities for Business in Africa and Strategies to Succeed in the World's next Big Growth Market.” Brookings Institution, January 11, 2019. https://www.brookings.edu/research/spotlighting-opportunities-for-business-inafrica-an d-strategies-to-succeed-in-the-worlds-next-big-growth-market/.

“New NAFSA Data: Despite Stagnant Enrollment, International Students Contribute Nearly $41 Billion to the U.S. Economy.” NAFSA: Association of International Educators, November 18, 2019. https://www.nafsa.org/about/about-nafsa/new-nafsa-data-despite-stagnant-enrollment# :~:text=NAFSA%20also%20found%20international%20students,the%202018%2D2019%2 0academic%20year.

Niu, Changsong, Si'ao Liao, and Yi Sun. “African Students’ Satisfaction in China: From the Perspectives of China-Africa Educational Cooperation.” Journal of Studies in International Education, November 17, 2021, 1–18.

“Statistics of Studying in China in 2018.” Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China.

Ministry of Education, April 12, 2019. http://www.moe.gov.cn/jyb_xwfb/gzdt_gzdt/s5987/201904/t20190412_377692.html.

“The Biden-Harris Agenda for the African Diaspora.” Joe Biden for President: Official Campaign Website, October 18, 2020. https://joebiden.com/african-diaspora/.

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War on our Soil: The Hyper-Militarization of Law Enforcement Agencies in the United States Author, Mari Faines

Abstract Three years removed from the murder of George Floyd, the world remembers the Summer of 2020 filled with protestors in the streets, calling for equity and justice. The world was forced to grapple with the images of tanks, guns, and tear gas as militarized police forces crowded United States urban areas. The US sent a clear message to Black people and those of whom supported the cause, we will meet your calls for justice with violence and hyper-militarization. American wars have always been unjust, inequitable, and disproportionately destructive for Black communities at home and abroad. That summer was no different.

Decades of segregation, criminalization, and systemic disenfranchisement has led to what the Kerner report forcased as “two separate and unequal societies' ”. (Embrick 2015) Black citizens in the United States have not been recognized as full citizens or afforded the same safeties under US federal laws. For some Americans police are a symbol of safety and security, while for Black communities, they’re a symbol of surveillance and a wartime occupying force (Mummolo 2018). With white supremacy and nationalism being recognized by the federal government as a domestic threat, we can no longer spend over one trillion on endless wars, policing, mass incarceration, immigration, ect. (Lee, HR RES_, 8). The United States hyper-militarization of police in Black communities is destabilizing. It's time to re-think the framework for what safety and security looks like in Black communities. We must create policies that emphasize people and prevention rather than retribution and reaction.

Background Historical Framework There are a multitude of ways that sovereign states wield their powers to govern citizens, especially by analyzing the ways in which they regulate their behaviors and revoke their citizens' freedoms. If one looks specifically at the US political system, we must question the tactics and culture that centers violence at the hands of police and other agencies of the state in the name of “safety” and security (Gunderson, Cohen, et al. 2019). This violence wields a particularly rough hand when looking at policing and militarization in communities of color.

Since the early 20th century, Black scholars have acknowledged the distinct differences between the ways in which the United States’ police Black and Brown communities versus the rest of America. W.E.B Dubois, in his 1903 work, Souls of Black Folk noted, the color line as a indicator of difference in the ways Black and white citizens were treated by systems in America, noting, “the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line the relation of the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the islands of the sea.”(Dubois, 1903). In the context of systemic policing, the color line is an explanation for the reasons for the difference in treatment between, white and Black people in the US. James

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Baldwin took this understanding of systematized racial difference to a new level, when he noted that urban police were “occupying forces'' in Black communities (Mummolo, 2018). Today, that has not changed. America has continually created systemic differences that allowed for the stigmatization and criminalization of communities of color (Haviland-Eduah, 2015).

As Michelle Alexander noted in her book The New Jim Crow, since the end of slavery we have seen prisons get darker and younger over time (Alexander, 2010). Policing as a practice was created in the South due to the need for fugitive slave catchers, but as cycles of surveillance changed in Black communities so did the forms of control. Violence toward Black people by the US has always been a key function of control, but with the growth of police departments in the 1960s, police became the sole agencies that held social control for Black and brown bodies (Bonilla-Silva, 2001). By the end of Jim Crow in the late 1960s, the inception of the War on Drugs and today during mass incarceration there has been a transition to the heightened version of modern day police militarization in Black communities (Alexander, 2014).

America has told the narrative that Black people are violent perpetrators, allowing for the social controls of extreme police force and brutality, and in certain cases the specatacle of the modern day lynching at the hands of the US (Alexander, 2010§; smith, 1995). In order to be tough on crime, policing became proactive about catching the “criminals'', entering a new type of police– Militarized.

Military Equipment One of the ways in which law enforcement agencies funded their more militarized police forces was through the 1033 Program. This program originated with H.R 3230, originally signed

by President Clinton during the 1997 Fiscal year which provided the power for the “Secretary of Defense to sell or trade excess military equipment to local Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAS)” (Delehanty, Mewhirter, Welch et.al, 2017). These weapons included (but were not limited to), high-caliber weapons, armored vehicles, aircrafts, tanks, and similar military equipment that were delivered for minimal prices, often with minimal oversight from civilians (Musgrave, Meagher, and Dance 2014). There are a multitude of LEAS which received these weapons, expectantly sheriff and police departments, but most shockingly schools and universities. Since the inception of the program in ’96, nearly 10,000 jurisdictions have received more than seven billion dollars of equipment (including non-lethal equipment and office supplies) (Lawrence, O’Brien 2021). The number of funded jurisdictions and military equipment sold decreased during the Obama-era with reforms such as Executive Order 13688, implemented in the wake of the use of military force in cities including Ferguson, MO in 2015 (Lawrence, O’Brien 2021).

Unfortunately, during the Trump administration we saw those reforms overturned, and we have seen that very little has been done to quell militarization, particularly in Black communities today.

Culture of Militarization

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Militarized policing is not solely about gear and weaponry, it is also a mindset that has inundated modern day policing. The increase of recruitment and training of military veterans as police officers (Weiss, 2011), among other factors, has changed the mindset of those who are expected to “protect and serve”. As noted by one scholar, “ most of these guys just like to play war; they get a rush out of the search and story missions instead of the bullshit they normally do” (Kraska 2001, quoted in Balko 2014, quoted in Delehanty 2017). With the introduction of militarized weapons also came a militarized mindset and culture, both organizationally and operationally (Kraska 2007, quoted in Delehanty 2017).

SWAT and other teams were created to work with military grade weaponry in the most hostile situations. Unfortunately, over time issues including lack of regulation, have allowed them to be used in more mundane police encounters. As noted in Maryland , roughly 90% of SWAT deployments in the state over 5 fiscal years were used to serve drug warrants (Mummolo, 2018). Across the country militarized police units are most often deployed in communities with large Black populations, and in many cases diminish police reputation, rather than enhancing safety or reducing crime. The presence of this militarized policing is incredibly disruptive to the lives of citizens, they often include extensive property damage and can even include physical and potentially deadly harm to mistaken or intended civilians (Mummolo, 2018). While much of the analysis surrounding the effects of militarized policing are anecdotal, there is still scientific and journalistic scholarship that support the claim that there is no evidence that SWAT teams or militarized police lower crime or promote public safety (Mummolo, 2018). More often than not it creates a negative image of police, normalizes the criminalization of Black communities, and diminishes the relationship between the state and their citizens.

Recommendations In President Biden’s 2021 State of the Union address he noted, “We should all agree, the answer is not to defund the police. The answer is to fund the police. Fund them. Fund them!”(Bouie, NYT, March 4th 2022), but this is not the answer. For Black communities the continued investment in police, particularly military investment has done much more harm than it has ever done good. In order for our country to get to the place of equity and anti-racism espoused by this administration, demilitarizing law enforcement agencies is the place to start.

There needs to be a radical shift in the relationship between community members and LEAS in order to improve the relationships between the police and the communities they serve. Policies must be made that move the police force away from being as a surveilling entity, rather implementing social services that help communities. Most importantly, Black and Brown communities who are negatively impacted by the over militarization of their communities have to become central to both the policy and the political conversation.

Resolutions by Congresswomen Lee and Jaypal, have already identified up to 350 billion in defense spending cuts that would both save resources and keep our country safe; through divesting in surveillance, policing, mass incarceration, and deportation and instead investing in social structures that make communities stronger (Lee, HR RES_). Militarized policing is a top down problem, therefore redirecting military spending, carceral spending, and implementing new

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forms of taxation and ways to use the deficit for social services for communities in need would greatly improve communities way of life (Lee, HR RES_).

Further, as noted by the NAACP, ACLU, Movement for Black Lives, and other advocacy groups there must be a repeal of 1033. The “law of instrument” states that, the access to certain tools increases probability for their use in action (Maslow, 1996), therefore LEAS access to military weapons increases the possibility of violent responses (Delehanty, Mehrirer, Welch, et al 2017). If the United States is truly trying to move forward in hopes of peace, justice, and equity for all, it needs to give all of its citizens the same rights under the law, starting with safety and security rather than surveillance. Therefore, we must remove these weapons of war from our communities.

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References Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow. The New Press, 2020.

Bouie, Jamelle. “Biden Says 'Fund the Police.' Well, They Aren't Exactly Hurting for Cash.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 4 Mar. 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/04/opinion/the-police-arent-exactly-running-out-of-c ash.html.

Delehanty, Casey, et al. “Militarization and Police Violence: The Case of the 1033 Program.”

Research & Politics, vol.

4, no.

2, 2017, p.

205316801771288., https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168017712885.

Embrick, David G. “Two Nations, Revisited: The Lynching of Black and Brown Bodies, Police Brutality, and Racial Control in ‘Post-Racial’ Amerikkka.” Critical Sociology, vol. 41, no. 6, 2015, pp. 835–843., https://doi.org/10.1177/0896920515591950.

“End the War on Black Communities.” M4BL, Movement for Black Lives, 28 Jan. 2021, https://m4bl.org/policy-platforms/end-the-war-on-black-communities.

Gunderson,, Anna, et al. Does Military Aid to Police Decrease Crime? Counterevidence from the Federal 1033 Program and Local Police Jurisdictions in the United States. 2019, https://statmodeling.stat.columbia.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Militarization.pdf.

Haviland-Eduah, Pete. “To Make Our Communities Safer, We Must Rethink Policing.” Roosevelt Institute, Roosevelt Institute, 18 Aug. 2020, https://rooseveltinstitute.org/2015/06/17/to-make-our-communities-safer-we-must-rethi nk-policing/.

Jayapal, Pramila, and Barbara Lee. “Jayapal & Lee Introduce Resolution to End Poverty.”

Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, 20 May 2021, https://jayapal.house.gov/2021/05/20/poverty-resolution/.

Kraska, PB (ed.) (2001) Militarizing the American Criminal Justice System: The Changing Roles of the Armed Forces and the Police. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press.

Kraska, PB (2007) Militarization and policing – its relevance to 21st century police. Policing 1(4): 501–513.

Lawrence , Charlotte, and Cyrus J O’Brien. Federal Militarization of Law Enforcement Must End, American Civil Liberties Union, 12 May 2021,

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https://www.aclu.org/news/criminal-law-reform/federal-militarization-of-law-enforcemen t-must-end/.

Lee, Barbara. Third Reconstruction: Fully Addressing Poverty and Low Wages from the Bottom up. . https://lee.house.gov/imo/media/doc/LEE_057_xml%20DOD%20GHG%20HRes.pdf.

Mummolo, Jonathan. “Militarization Fails to Enhance Police Safety or Reduce Crime but May Harm Police Reputation.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 115, no.

37, 2018, pp. 9181–9186., https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1805161115.

Musgrave, Shawn, et al. “The Pentagon Finally Details Its Weapons-for-Cops Giveaway.” The Marshall Project, The Marshall Project, 4 Dec. 2014, https://www.themarshallproject.org/2014/12/03/the-pentagon-finally-details-its-weapon s-for-cops-giveaway. team, Reality Check. “George Floyd: How Are African-Americans Treated under the Law?” BBC News, BBC, 21 Apr. 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-52877678.

Weiss, Tomáš. “The Blurring Border between the Police and the Military.” Cooperation and Conflict, vol. 46, no. 3, 2011, pp. 396–405., https://doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416961.

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Conflict in the Digital Age: How can we preserve human rights?

By: Alonna Williams Abstract Technology moves at an exponential pace. As we move forward, algorithms will become increasingly complex, and their use will become increasingly widespread. In the case of social media algorithms, the extremes of what is happening online is escalating already fragile conditions in some countries. In others it is destabilizing democracies. In warfare, the digital sphere has become a new front and the rules of warfare are changing. The protection of Human rights could be at stake if not considered. It is essential that a respected international body, like the United Nations (UN) take charge. As a multinational organization with vast reach and resources, the UN is an organization poised to help tackle this global challenge by promoting accountability via impact assessments for algorithms, deploying country-level risk mitigation strategies and updating international law to include rules on how to enact algorithmic warfare.

Background Social Media Algorithms Stop the Steal. The Arab Spring. Ethnic Conflict in Myanmar. Civil War in Ethiopia. There is not any part of the world that has been spared from the negative effects of social media algorithms. Left unchecked, these algorithms have wreaked havoc on us offline.

Social media sites are akin to a battleground for some conflicts and have played a role in conflict escalation for others. For the first, the conflict in Myanmar comes to mind. Myanmar is a country with an ethnically and religiously diverse population. In 2011, the country began its political transition into a democracy after 50 years of a repressive military dictatorship. The transition was hardly democratic as the military regime had a continued presence in authoritative positions across all levels of government (Rio 2020). The military regime stratified Myanmar’s society into eight ethnic races and 135 “national races”. However, Muslim minority groups, such as the Rohingya were excluded from the list of races. The Rohingya have constantly struggled to obtain citizenship rights within Myanmar, and as the “democratic transition” was ushered in, this issue became highlighted again. By 2017 tensions between the Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine came to a head. In August of that year, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a Rohingya militant group, launched a terrorist attack on various police and military psosts throughout Rhakine State. The aftermath of these attacks led to a humanitarian crisis where over 1 million Rohingya fled to neighboring Bangladesh.

The conflict in Rakhine fed into the already present tensions between the Buddhist and Muslim communities. Anti-Muslim sentiments led to the creation of a Buddhist National Movement, the Ma Ba Tha, and the escalation of violence against the Muslim minority within Myanmar.

According to the BBC, one of the Ma Ba Tha’s leaders has been linked to violence against

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Muslims (British Broadcasting Corporation 2015). As the political power of the Ma Ba Tha rose, access to mobile data became cheaper, which meant significantly more people were able to get online. At this point, Facebook became hugely popular, almost ubiquitous to daily life in Myanmar. Leaders in the Buddhist National Movement used Facebook to spread their message and the military used it to promote and monitor content while also “trolling critics” (Rio 2020).

Facebook’s algorithm made it easy to spread propaganda, hate, and disinformation quickly. For example, after the attacks by ARSA, digital researcher Raymond Serrato found a 200% increase in activity in an anti-Rohingya Facebook Group of 55,000 people (Safi and Hogan 2018). The Ma Ba Tha used virality to engage their audience through tactics like clickbait and tagging many accounts on a post supportive to their cause. Similar to the military, the Ma Ba Tha also used Facebook ads to target their audiences. Facebook’s ad features allowed for a more nuanced audience targeting through the use of demographic factors like age, gender, and interests. The social media site provided a platform for the government and political leaders to amplify their hate against the minority group, which played a significant role in escalating the intensity of hate towards Muslims, and a rise in violence towards the group. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, 1.3 million Rohingya have been displaced and the conflict is continuing to worsen.

Moreover, social media algorithms do not only play a role in conflict escalation in developing countries but in developed ones also. Facebook’s algorithm was a focal point in the United States’ 2020 presidential election. While Facebook was not considered another warfront like in Myanmar, the social media site did play a role in escalating existing tensions within American society. Facebook’s Groups feature has been accused of being a breeding ground for violence.

In 2017, Mark Zuckerberg made Facebook Groups a strategic priority for the company in an effort to promote more “meaningful connections” (Paul 2020). The promotion of Groups is not an issue in itself, in a politically tense environment,the algorithm’s ability to connect like-minded people with violent tendencies can lead to violent conflicts offline.

Civil rights groups like the Center for American Progress and the Southern Poverty Law Center warned Facebook that its Groups feature had become a breeding ground for hate, political extremism, and misinformation. Unfortunately, the company did not act until after people had been radicalized and the threat of violence was already present. Facebook uses artificial intelligence (AI) to monitor violent language in Groups, but the AI has fallen short, illustrated by the link between individuals who connected via Facebook’s Groups and violent acts committed offline. For example, in October 2020, six men used Facebook to plan a kidnapping of the Governor of Michigan. They were found to be a part of the “boogaloo” movement, which is a far-right, anti-government extremist movement in the United States whose members have been found to organize through Facebook Groups. An advocacy group called the Tech Transparency Project, found that there are at least 125 active Boogaloo groups on Facebook (Boigon 2020).

Recently, Facebook’s parent company Meta has received a wrongful death lawsuit accusing the company of promoting groups that advocate violence. Facebook’s Groups algorithm is front and center in this lawsuit as the suit alleges that Facebook gave rise to the far-right extremist boogaloo movement, which allowed the killers to connect. The lawsuit claims that the social

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media site’s algorithms “are weighted to favor untrue, inflammatory, and divisive content that will grab and keep users’ attention.”(Kurup 2022) The Stop the Steal movement is another example where Facebook’s Groups algorithm played a role in connecting individuals to incite violence offline. In this case, these connections resulted in an unprecedented violent attack on the U.S. Capitol. Meta representatives have had to testify in Congress regarding the social media site’s role in spreading misinformation about the U.S. election and the role it played in connecting thousands of people to incite an insurrection. From wrongful death lawsuits to the kidnapping of a government official to a violent attempt to attack Congress, Facebook’s AI has played a role in connecting people to violent groups while also failing to properly monitor violence to prevent it.

A New Type of Warfare Not only has artificial intelligence played a role in conflict escalation, but it has enabled a new type of warfare called “algorithmic warfare”. Algorithmic warfare involves using artificial intelligence to increase military power. The nations that best collect and make sense of data through AI will increase their military power and enjoy long-term competitive advantages (Jensen, Whyte, and Cuomo 2019). As Vladimir Putin stated “whoever becomes the leader in the AI sphere, will become the ruler of the world”(The Associated Press 2017). This is a chilling statement considering the ongoing war in Ukraine started by Putin.

Militaries will be able to use AI for surveillance and to analyze behavioral trends by identifying people’s attitudes, behaviors and intentions, and locations. In the wrong hands, this data can be used by governments and militaries to target subgroups and track dissenters. AI can also be used to manipulate human behavior through misinformation campaigns, like when Russia interfered with the U.S. 2020 election using disinformation campaigns on Facebook and Twitter.

The concept and use of algorithmic warfare has many concerns. One major one is that the use of artificial intelligence in warfare increases the speed of human decision-making. While this can be considered a good thing in high stakes contexts, the use of a system that has a biased code can potentially be destabilizing. This issue then leads into the ethical concerns of this type of warfare. What would the new rules of war look like? How do you protect civilians’ human rights when using these new military technologies? These are questions that need to be addressed. The digital sphere has become a new front and the rules of warfare are changing.

Human rights could be at stake if not considered. It is essential that a respected international body, like the United Nations (UN) take charge. As an multinational organization with vast reach and resources, the UN is an organization poised to help tackle this global challenge.

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Recommendations 1. Promote accountability through algorithmic impact assessments (Ivanhoe, 2021) A supranational organization like the UN could create a framework to assess the impact of social media algorithms in conflict settings. The assessments would ensure the perspectives of local communities are taken into account and ensure human rights are not being encroached upon.

2. Deploy country level risk mitigation strategies (Rio 2020) One of the biggest factors that allowed the conflict in Myanmar to fester is the lack of content moderators for the local languages. Staff in conflict-fragile areas needs to be scaled and the UN can help. It would be beneficial if the UN created a special digital office meant to address the lack of moderators in conflict-fragile places. Local individuals who speak the targeted languages can be recruited to help protect groups being attacked online.

3. Create a human rights framework for the use of algorithms in warfare In non-digital warfare, human rights are protected through international law. The Geneva Convention includes protocols that have established rules for protecting civilians, prisoners of war and the wounded and sick (International Committee of the Red Cross 2010). The protocols have been updated throughout history and have established rules on how to conduct war on land and what types of weapons are acceptable to use. It is time for an update to the Geneva Convention to include algorithmic warfare and new military technologies to protect human rights.

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References British Broadcasting Corporation. 2015. “The Political Sway of Myanmar’s Monks.” BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-asia-34472023.

Council on Foreign Relations. 2022. “Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar.” Global Conflict Tracker.

March 7, 2022. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/rohingya-crisis-myanmar.

Edroos, Faisal. 2017. “ARSA: Who Are the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army?” www.aljazeera.com.

September 13, 2017. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/9/13/arsa-who-are-the-arakan-rohingya-salvatio n-army.

Getty, LOGAN CYRUS/AFP via. 2020. “Facebook Failing to Contain Content from Far-Right ‘Boogaloo’ Movement, Experts Say.” The Forward. June 25, 2020. https://forward.com/news/449531/facebook-failing-to-contain-content-from-far-right-bo ogaloo-movement/.

Ivanhoe, Hana. 2021. “Peacebuilding, Extremism and Social Media, Part 3: Algorithms – JustPeace Labs.” JUSTPEACE LABS. July 22, 2021. https://justpeacelabs.org/peacebuilding-extremism-and-social-media-part-3-algorithms/.

Jensen, Benjamin M, Christopher Whyte, and Scott Cuomo. 2019. “Algorithms at War: The Promise, Peril, and Limits of Artificial Intelligence.” International Studies Review, June. https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz025.

Kurup, Rohini. 2022. “Facebook Sued over Killing Tied to Boogaloo Movement.” Lawfare.

January 11, 2022. https://www.lawfareblog.com/facebook-sued-over-killing-tied-boogaloo-movement.

Paul, Katie. 2020. “Thousands of Facebook Groups Buzzed with Calls for Violence ahead of U.S. Election.” Reuters, November 6, 2020, sec. Media Industry. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-facebook-focus-idUSKBN27M2UN. Pauwels, Eleonore. 2020. “Artificial Intelligence and Data Capture Technologies in Violence and Conflict Prevention.” Global Center on Cooperative Security. https://www.globalcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/GCCS_AIData_PB_H.pdf.

Riley, Tonya. 2020. “Analysis | the Technology 202: Facebook Struggles to Keep Violent ‘Boogaloo’ Content off Its Platform.” Washington Post, June 24, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/paloma/the-technology-202/2020/0 6/24/the-technology-202-facebook-struggles-to-keep-violent-boogalo-content-off-its-plat form/5ef23ddb88e0fa32f82410c4/.

Rio, Victoire. 2020. “The Role of Social Media in Fomenting Violence: Myanmar.” Toda Peace Institute. https://toda.org/assets/files/resources/policy-briefs/78-rio-myanmar-v2.pdf.

Safi, Michael, and Libby Hogan. 2018. “Revealed: Facebook Hate Speech Exploded in Myanmar during Rohingya Crisis.” The Guardian, April 3, 2018, sec. World news. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/apr/03/revealed-facebook-hate-speech-explo ded-in-myanmar-during-rohingya-crisis.

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The Associated Press. 2017. “Putin: Leader in Artificial Intelligence Will Rule World.” CNBC. September 4, 2017. https://www.cnbc.com/2017/09/04/putin-leader-in-artificial-intelligence-will-rule-world.h tml.

Tobin, Ariana. 2019. “Civil Rights Groups Have Been Warning Facebook about Hate Speech in Secret Groups for Years.” ProPublica. July 2, 2019. https://www.propublica.org/article/civil-rights-groups-have-been-warning-facebook-abou t-hate-speech-in-secret-groups-for-years.

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Urban Sprawl: The Rise of Suburbanization and Food Security

By Mia Veal

Abstract The importance of food and how it is produced is often forgotten if one is not involved in its production. Farmland is at the center of our food production and the rapid expansion of suburbs in the United States has created a fragmentation in our agricultural lands. Urban sprawl has been attributed to a rising concern in food security in the U.S. by causing annual loss of farmland and changes in farming practices. Additionally, the rise of suburbanization has created a problem for cities' food access and has been correlated to the creation of food deserts. It is vital for the U.S. to look into conserving agricultural land and to give every American access to food.

Background Human development has led to urbanization of our surrounding environments. Since the 1920s the United States has seen sprawling underdeveloped areas, with the biggest upticks being in the postwar era and the mid 1990s. This is known as “urban sprawl” Merriam Webster Dictionary defines it as “the rapid expansion of the geographic extent of cities and towns, often characterized by low-density residential housing, single-use zoning, and increased reliance on the private automobile for transportation.” As the creation of suburbs keeps continuing there are direct effects on the environment but most importantly agriculture. Urban sprawl is strongly correlated to creating a problem for food security by causing a fragmentation in agricultural land and food deserts in metropolitan cities.

Food security in the U.S. is split into two categories by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA): food security and food insecurity. Food security is when people do not indicate any food-access problems or limitations. Food insecurity is defined as a household-level economic and social condition of uncertain access to adequate food. This affects 10.5% of people in the US and is rapidly increasing. Although suburbanization is not immediately affecting our food supply yet, the average annual loss of productive farmland in the United States is at one million acres. This leads to farmland fragmentation which breaks up agricultural land when non-farming development begins in an area. This can cause a change in farming practices and increase in land prices.

Challenges The Agriculture and Food Act of 1981 was passed to protect America’s family farm system and saw agricultural industries as an important aspect of U.S. industry. When urbanization occurs there is a price increase in land and farmers may have to sell their land which in turn creates more non-agricultural land developments.

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Lastly, not only does urban sprawl affect rural areas but it causes consequences for cities as well. When urban sprawl occurs at both the neighborhood and regional level there is an increase in the likelihood of a food desert. Due to the increase in grocery superstores where the stores are now large in size, new markets need to relocate to suburban locations. Due to this, there has been a decline in smaller inner-city supermarkets. Inner cities have been seen to have an “urban disadvantage” to the superstore market, one being buying power and two the use of large stores. Additionally, the U.S. car dependence factors into who can have access to have as well.

In a study done by Dr. Karen S. Hamrick and Emerit David Hopkins, found the travel time and costs was greater for those in food deserts, which often led to residents shopping less often and were more likely to have their children with them which could cause the trip to the store to be more difficult. The length of time it takes to access grocery stores in a food desert lessens a person's ability to have access to healthy food.

Recommendations Food security should be a top priority for U.S. officials. Creating the resources for food insecurity to be as close to eradicated as possible. Halting suburb sprawl is one of the first steps we can take on advancing food security. Having policy steps in place to to support alternatives to curb suburbanization and agricultural fragmentation are some of the various ways we can create better food systems.

First, while we cannot change the suburbanization that has been done over several decades in the country, we must find alternatives for people who are most likely to be affected by food insecurity. One way to do this is by utilizing urban agriculture since it uses the current environment to grow food. Urban agriculture is the practice of utilizing urban areas (cities) to cultivate food. Additionally, it supports localizing food systems, enhances stormwater management, and could increase habitat and biodiversity. Urban farming allows for alternatives to purchased foods that can be accessible in a short distance.

Second, we need to provide alternative forms of transportation to individuals who are in sprawled environments. Providing proper forms of public transportation in the U.S. can accommodate those who do not have access to cars. This calls on cities to expand the public transportation options they currently have and invest in equitable urban planning infrastructure.

There should be incentives to curb car use and make walking, biking, and trains the norm.

Third, policy needs to be put in place that protects the farmland we do have and prevent further farmland fragmentation. One way to do this is through agricultural zoning which restricts surrounding development and protects farmland. However, there are restrictions to what kind of development can be done in the zones. Another way to protect farmland is through advocating for stronger policies such as advocating for the National Agricultural Land Network which hopes to bring together land trusts, government entities, and organizations to protect agricultural land.

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References AGDaily Reporters (2020, May 19). AFT report shows farmland development threatening food security.

AGDAILY. Retrieved March 16, 2022, from https://www.agdaily.com/insights/american-farmland-trust-report-shows-farmland-devel opment-threatening-food-security/ Arena, O., & Salerno, C. (2021, October 4). Four Ways to Address Food Insecurity through Transportation Improvements. Urban Institute. Retrieved March 17, 2022, from https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/four-ways-address-food-insecurity-through-transporta tion-improvements Beach, M. (2013, April 4). Urban Agriculture Increases Food Security for Poor People in Africa.

PRB. Retrieved March 17, 2022, from https://www.prb.org/resources/urban-agriculture-increases-food-security-for-poor-peopl e-in-africa/#:~:text=Urban%20agriculture%20improves%20food%20security,as%20veget ables%20and%20animal%20products Booth, H. (2019, August 5). Urban Food Deserts. UTA study: Urban sprawl creates food deserts News Center - The University of Texas at Arlington. Retrieved March 17, 2022, from https://www.uta.edu/news/news-releases/2019/08/05/urban-food-deserts Dolven, R. I. (2021). Urban Sprawl and Farmland Protection: Responding To Changes In Idaho's Treasure Valley.

Idaho Law Review, 57, 269–297. https://doi.org/https://www.uidaho.edu/-/media/UIdaho-Responsive/Files/law/law-revie w/articles/volume-57/issue-2/dolven-final-approved.pdf?la=en&hash=F3FA529D13 DDF5C09D174A5EE6B1766C0028CC2A Hamrick, K. S., & Hopkins, D. (2012). The time cost of access to food – distance to the grocery store as measured in minutes. International Journal of Time Use Research, 9(1), 28–58. https://doi.org/10.13085/eijtur.9.1.28-58 Larsen, K., & Gilliland, J. (2008). Mapping the evolution of 'food deserts' in a Canadian city: Supermarket accessibility in London, Ontario, 1961–2005. International Journal of Health Geographics, 7(16). https://doi.org/10.1186/1476-072x-7-16 Mead, M. N. (2008). Urban Issues: The Sprawl of Food Deserts. Environmental Health Perspectives, 116(8), 334–337. https://doi.org/10.1289/ehp.116-a335a Mulhollem, J. (2021, March 24). Urban agriculture can help, but not solve, city food security problems.

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