The William & Mary Educational Review, Volume 3, Issue 2 by The William & Mary Educational Review

The

William & Mary Educational Review Volume 3, Issue 2

Volume 3, Issue 2

The William & Mary Educational Review Volume Three, Issue Two April 2015

ISSN 2330-7498 ÂŠ2015 www.wmer.org

Information for Contributors The William & Mary Educational Review is an independent, refereed journal published by graduate students of the School of Education at The College of William & Mary. Our mission is to make a substantive contribution to educational and counseling literature through the publication of high-quality literature reviews, scholarly papers and studies, reports from the field, interviews, and other short pieces, in order to build interest and understanding through multiple perspectives on education and counseling. In so doing, we provide graduate students first-hand experience with the publishing process. The William & Mary Educational Review welcomes manuscripts that employ qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods; literature reviews that disclose relevant gaps in existing research on a relevant topic; theoretical analyses of important issues in education and counseling; policy analysis papers and briefs; and historical papers. Submitted papers should have a clearly specified research question and a theoretical or conceptual framework, employ appropriate methods, and contribute new knowledge to the body of educational and counseling literature. Submissions are accepted year-round, with one publication in the fall and one in the spring. Please visit our website, http://wmedreview.blogs.wm.edu, for complete submission guidelines.

Julie K. Marsh 2 Amanda Armstrong 4

Giovanna DiPasquale 8 Megan L. Johnson 11 Taylor Johnston 15 Rachel McDonald 18 Sara Moseley 23 Cathleen Pinkerton 27 Mike Postma 29 Joseph Thomas 32

Amanda Armstrong 36 Madeline Smith Jaymi Thomas M. Amanda Johnson Adam Barger 47 Davis Clement 58 Brian Fries Mike Postma Bei Zhang Catie Greene 70

The William & Mary Educational Review Volume 3, Issue 2, April 2015 Contents Letter from the Editor Wren's Nest Student Affairs and Higher Education Practitioners as Self-Directed Learners:A Resource for Bridging Theory and Practice Policy Brief on Digital Badges Disclosure of Infidelity Secrets in a Therapeutic Setting Training Teachers to Bridge the Digital Divide Moving Beyond Accommodations to Access Implications of One-to-One Computing Initiatives on Education: A Policy Brief Exceptional Expectations Pell Grant and Low-Income Student Postsecondary Education Meeting Challenges: Competency-Based Education and the Obama 2020 Goal Manuscripts Consumerism in Higher Education: Pressures and Faculty Conformity

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies: A Media Analysis Informed Interaction: A Funds of Knowledge Approach to Students in Poverty

Investigating Meaning Making: Body Image and the College Athlete Experience

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From the Editor Dear readers, As this letter goes to production, I am in my final month as Editor-inChief of The William & Mary Educational Review. I am one of the founding members of WMER, and I have served in three different Executive positions over the last three years. It has been my absolute privilege to help develop and continue the vision that a small group of doctoral students had in Fall 2012. I have helped steer our expansion beyond the walls of the College of William and Mary to include local and international contributors. At every turn, we continued our focus on the facilitation of perspectives, experiences, and conversations in and around education and counseling. The mission of The William & Mary Educational Review is to make a substantive contribution to educational and counseling literature while provoking rigorous and open engagement with the various challenges facing educators and counselors today. We want to incite, support, and sustain conversations focused on educational social policies, infrastructures, foundational understandings, and teaching and learning practices. Our goal with this independent, refereed journal is to create another venue where multiple perspectives are shared and conversations take place to face educational challenges. The following articles and manuscripts highlight many social issues in education and counseling, ranging from low-income studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; experiences, to issues of technological access, to the roles of therapists. As always, we at WMER continue to look for ways to evolve and make meaning from our experiences as educators and counselors. Through the continued efforts and commitment of our authors, Executive Board, and Editorial Board, we will continue our growth. To the many students who have volunteered their time, intellect, and enthusiasm to make this issue possible, my sincere thanks. This truly is a student-run journal and would not be possible without our collective efforts. I hope you also join in on the conversation by reading and sharing this edition as well as by submitting your own perspectives to future editions. Sincerely, Julie K. Marsh Editor-in-Chief

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Editor-in-Chief Julie K. Marsh

Managing Copy Editor Linda Innemee

Financial Manager Mitch Vander Vorst

Managing Editor Diana Theisinger

Copy Editors Elizabeth Auguste Linda Feldstein Tiffany Pugh Leah Shy Audra Vasiliauskas

Programming Director Debbie Grosser

Production Editor Davis Clement

Marketing Director Claire Brantley

Editorial Board The History of the Wren's Nest The story behind the name... A Scottish fable tells the story of the Eagle and the Wren. The Eagle and the Wren once tried to see who could fly highest, and the victor was to be king of the birds. So the Wren flew straight up, and the Eagle flew in great circles, and when the Wren was tired he settled on the Eagle's back. When the Eagle was tired he stopped--

"Where are thou, Wren?" said the Eagle. "I am here above thee," said the Wren. And so the Wren won the match. The history behind the name... The Wren Building on the campus of William & Mary is the oldest college building in the United States. Gutted by fire three times (in 1705, 1859, and 1862) the interior of the structure was rebuilt, but the building itself remains the heart and soul of William & Mary. It is for both of these qualities—resilience and perspective—that the name The Wren's Nest was chosen for the front section of The William & Mary Educational Review.

Counseling Catie Green Pam Harris Richelle Joe Sharon Kim Clare Merlin Sarah Svatos Sterling Travis Amy Williams K-12 Education Duna Alkhudhair Giovanna DiPasquale Lexi Hartley Kim Rodriguez Higher Education Maria Arbizo Kim Edwards Todd Estes Diana Hernández Rachel McDonald Jamison Miller Mike Postma Joseph Thomas Katie Winstead Reichner Faculty Advisors Jim Barber, PhD Jamel K. Donnor, PhD

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Student Affairs and Higher Education Practitioners as SelfDirected Learners: A Resource for Bridging Theory and Practice Amanda Armstrong As a practitioner in residence life, financial aid, or student leadership (among others), what actions are taken when an unfamiliar issue arises in daily work? One solution is to look for an answer in books, manuals, and guides. As made clear by Cranton (1996), how-to materials for educators have proliferated over the last few decades, and attempting to keep up with the abundance of information can cause information anxiety. This article is not a “how-to” manual on how to become a better student affairs or higher education professional; rather, it is to help guide practitioners in continuing the learning process after they have completed their coursework and obtained their degree. The structured sense of education does not equate to learning and it is imperative to develop lifelong learning skills outside of the education one once pursued. Learning Learning is often viewed as a sense of power struggle between who decides what should be learned and

how those ideas should be explored (Brookfield, 2013). This article is not meant to be used as a power tool; the concept of self-directed learning is intrinsically developed. In this article, I suggest that intentional learning can instill a sense of autonomy and selfefficacy, challenge current understandings, and lead to transformational practices in one’s work. I do this by exploring the following questions: • What is learning? • What is knowledge? • How can one make connections between the two in order to become a self-directed, transformative learner and educator? As defined by Knowles (1980), andragogy, or the study of adult learning, assumes that “as a person matures, his or her self-concept moves from that of a dependent personality toward one of a self-directing human being” and that “the most potent motivations are internal rather than external” (as cited in Merriam, Caffarella, & Baumgartner, 2007, p. 84). While this suggests that selfdirectedness is an ongoing developmental task, it is necessary to recognize that to take full advantage of the frameworks and strategies, one must be prepared to continually individualize and critique resources, leading to intentionally established changes. Knowledge Practitioners often think of themselves as trainers rather than educators. There are, however, varying types of knowledge that can be

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utilized to practice an educator mindset. Habermas, as explored in Cranton’s (1996) work, developed a theoretical three-domain framework of knowledge that is comprehensive in its applicability to practitioners in the field of education (see Figure 1). Most likely, practitioners tend to utilize the technical, or instrumental, domain the most by focusing on tasks at hand and controlling their external environment. Examples include checking email for hours to “get them out of the way” and responding to an emergency in housing with the appropriate protocol. The other two domains, practical and emancipatory, however, are crucial levels of knowledge when establishing transformative learning. Practical, or communicative, knowledge stems from the need to understand others and to be understood in return. Education is inherently social; therefore, practitioners can work to improve their communication through the practical application of talking,

listening, and writing to co-workers and colleagues. Emancipatory, or selfdirected, knowledge is the foundation for transformative learning. This domain is representative of one’s desire to grow and develop in ways that are free from personal bias and social influences (Cranton, 1996). Self-Directed and Transformative Learning Not only are practitioners educators, but they are also social change agents and/or keepers of the status quo. By increasing individual awareness, practitioners can more aptly direct their learning, analyze current beliefs, and transform their actions. Some educators are hesitant to invest money, time, and effort in professional development opportunities such as workshops. If educators do attend workshops, they may be more drawn to instructive workshops as opposed to those that use facilitation and delegation

Figure 1. Habermas’ three domains of knowledge: A visual representation of each domain and its respective type of knowledge. Adapted from Professional development as transformative learning: New perspectives for teachers as adults, P. Cranton, 1996, San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

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(Cranton, 1996). Practitioners are conditioned to be taught by an expert or teacher (as they were in school) as opposed to assisting in the creation of their own learning outcomes (Cranton, 1996). Learners are, however, more directive in their learning process when they are not monitored by external factors (Brookfield, 2013). How can educators be more directive in their own learning? The discussion thus far argues that self-directed learning can assist in this process. Below are three main goals of this concept outlined by Merriam et al. (2007): • To enhance the ability of adult learners to be self-directed and promote personal growth; • To foster transformational learning, or critical awareness of

one’s own learning; and • To promote emancipatory learning and social action. In addition to defining selfdirected learning, Cranton (1996) defines two more steps: critical reflection and transformative learning (see Figure 2). Critical reflection is the central process in transformative learning. At this point, practitioners tend to question their underlying assumptions and reflect as a way to solve problems. This type of reflection leads to a change in perspective. Transformative learning involves a behavioral revision of previously held assumptions, beliefs, or perspectives, yet not all critical reflection necessarily leads to transformative learning. Practitioners must revise their basic assumptions and beliefs, leading them

Figure 2. Steps towards transformative learning. Adapted from Professional development as transformative learning: New perspectives for teachers as adults, P. Cranton, 1996, San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

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to change what they know and the actions they will take as a result of critical reflection (Merriam et al., 2007). Conclusion What constitutes significant learning and how do individuals know whether they acquired enough skills or learned enough material during their academic program or professional training to be a significant educator and continuous learner? Fink (2013) is known for his framework in identifying factors for significant learning among college students. As a practitioner, it is beneficial to recognize at least two of his taxonomies: learning how to learn and application. Working professionals are now dependent upon their own learning and, by doing so, are capable

of continuing their learning for the rest of their careers. This sense of selfdirection will enable transformative learning to take place, allowing practitioners to take action in their everyday work as a result of application. References Brookfield, S. D. (2013). Powerful techniques for teaching adults. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Cranton, P. (1996). Professional development as transformative learning: New perspectives for teachers of adults. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Fink, L. D. (2013). Creating significant learning experiences: An integrated approach to designing college courses. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Merriam, S. B., Caffarella, R. S., & Baumgartner, L. M. (2007). Learning in adulthood: A comprehensive guide. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

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Policy Brief on Digital Badges Giovanna DiPasquale How can educators today prepare students for tomorrow if traditional methods are no longer working? It is a widely held belief that traditional assessments simply test a student’s ability to take tests. Research into the achievement gaps between and within subgroups finds that traditional methods of teaching and assessment unfairly disadvantage specific students. Stiggins and Chappuis (2005) reported that “students draw life-shaping conclusions about themselves as learners on the basis of the information we provide to them as a result of their teachers’ classroom assessments [and] as evidence accumulates over time, they decide if they are capable of succeeding or not” (p. 11). Stiggins and Chappuis urged educators to spark confidence in students to succeed and to redefine assessment processes. Internationally known scholar and author Dr. Yong Zhao (2014) argued that a traditional education “[prepares] our students for an economy that no longer exists” (para. 4). This claim is supported by analysis of the U.S. Census Bureau’s report which showed that bachelor-degree holders are increasingly unemployed or working low-wage jobs which do not require degrees (Abel, Deitz, & Su, 2014). Zhao (2014) asked us to reconsider the value of skills, knowledge, and talent.

Twenty-first century workers will need creativity, critical thinking skills, and enterprising competencies in order to be competitive in our technology driven, global economy; but how are these measured in the school systems of today? How can educators successfully prepare students for this dynamic future? One strategy is to modify and individualize traditional assessment methods through the use of digital badges. What are Digital Badges? Digital badges are electronic representations of learning and skills mastery (Ferdig & Pytash, 2014; Grant, 2014). Like achievements or badges in video games, digital badges are earned by “accomplishing a skill or acquiring knowledge after completing an activity” (Ferdig & Pytash, 2014, para. 1). Attached to the badge are data, including the specific means of earning a badge and the learning it represents. Badges can be stored in a digital portfolio or online profile which highlights the skills of an individual. Across the literature on digital badges, the idea behind their creation seems to be acknowledging that learning can (and does) take place outside of the classroom and in a variety of situations. How, then, will educators bring this concept into the classroom to change the face of education? Two Main Uses There are two main uses for digital badges in education: (a) qualifying and exhibiting skills teachers gain through professional development; and (b) individualizing student instruction and assessment. This brief specifically focuses on the

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latter. Being applied in an entirely new way, digital badges have a very short history in education. In order for teachers to incorporate digital badges, they will need to be introduced slowly. Teachers can use badge creation sites such as Credly.com and award recognition for specific skill of content mastery. Teachers can also utilize existing badges like the ones found at SmithsonianQuests.org or KhanAcademy.org to supplement traditional pedagogies. Unlike the endorsements on LinkedIn or the bullets added to resumes, digital badges offer legitimate, verifiable information about the individual. Before they become accepted and acknowledged, however, there will need to be widespread use and cooperative agreement about what each badge represents. A level 1 Composition badge earned in one teacherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s third grade classroom may have little meaning to the studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fourth grade teacher, for example. In order to challenge standardized tests, the criteria required to earn a digital badge will need to be selected carefully. Teachers will need to work together across grades and districts to determine what alternative forms of assessment will ascertain skills or content mastery. They will also need to consider which non-traditional skills should be included. Multiple, differentiated options will need to be provided to students, but each should be equally well suited to demonstrate learning. The more widely digital badges are used, the more beneficial and genuine this type of assessment will become. Motivation Digital badges provide a non-

traditional means of measuring proficiency and can motivate learners by allowing students to choose projects which appeal to their own interests and work at their own pace. Alexander Halavais, associate professor in Arizona State Universityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, cautioned against allowing digital badges to become extrinsic motivators (as cited in Waters, 2013). Halavais reported that if students work toward a badge simply to earn the badge itself, the benefits will no longer be positive. However, the freedom to self-select interest-based assignments may give students the opportunity to find material that will intrinsically motivate them to work harder toward a goal. Teachers can then align traditional content within the framework of student-selected materials. In the same way that students may increase reading enjoyment and improve reading skill by self-selecting books, students may also improve any number of skills if projects and assessments can be self-selected through the use of a digital badging system. Conclusion If digital badges can help students prepare for the future by targeting non-traditional skills and allowing for individualized assessment, exploration of their use should begin immediately. At the very least, digital badges represent thinking in the right direction as they are a means of allowing teachers to gauge and develop the much-needed skills of entrepreneurial and creative thinking. Educators and school boards need to have conversations

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today about the integration of alternative, individualized forms of assessments into the classroom to address these twenty-first century aptitudes. The world will not change for our students unless our students are prepared to change the world. References Abel, J., Deitz, R., & Su, Y. (2014). Are recent college graduates finding good jobs? Current Issues in Economics and Finance, 20(1), 1. Retrieved from http://www.ny.frb.org/research/current_issues /ci20-1.pdf Ferdig, R., & Pytash, K. (2014, March). Thereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s a badge for that. Tech & Learning, 34(8), 23. Retrieved from http://www.techlearning.com/ features/0039/theres-a-badge-for-that/54727 Grant, S. (2014). Badges: Show what you know. Young Adult Library Services, 12(2), 28-32. Reid, A., & Paster, D. (2013). Digital badges in the classroom. Retrieved from https://www.inside highered.com/advice/2013/10/11/how-use-

digital-badges-help-your-classroom-teachingessay Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2013). Toward a social psychology of assimilation: Self-determination theory in cognitive development and education. In B. W. Sokol, F. M. E. Grouzet, & U. Muller (Eds.), Self-regulation and autonomy: Social and developmental dimensions of human conduct (pp. 191-207). New York: Cambridge University Press. doi: 10.1017/cbo9781139152 198.014 Stiggins, R., & Chappuis, J. (2005). Using studentinvolved classroom assessment to close achievement gaps. Theory Into Practice, 44(1), 1118. doi:10.1207/s15430421tip4401_3 U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). Educational Attainment. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/hhes/ socdemo/education/ Waters, J. K. (2013, May). Digital Badges. T.H.E. Journal, 40(5), 14-19. Retrieved from http:// online.qmags.com/TJL0513/default.aspx?pg= 14&mode=1#pg14&mode1 Zhao, Y. (2014). College ready vs. out-of-basement ready: Shifting the education paradigm. Retrieved from http://zhaolearning.com/ 2014/07/02/college-ready-vs-out-ofbasement-ready-shifting-the-educationparadigm/

Giovanna DiPasquale holds a B.A. in Fine Arts and is an elementary education masters student in the Department of Curriculum & Instruction at the College of William & Mary. She is currently student teaching at D.J. Montague Elementary School in Williamsburg, Virginia.

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Disclosure of Infidelity Secrets in a Therepeutic Setting Meghan L. Johnson Abstract This paper explores the ethical obligations of a therapist as it relates to the disclosure of an infidelity secret within the therapeutic setting. The ethical obligations of a therapist involving confidentiality and equal advocacy complicate the decision surrounding disclosure of infidelity secrets to the offended partner. The literature investigates the consequences to the pair bond relationship, individual partners, and therapeutic relationship in the event of both disclosure and nondisclosure to the offended partner. The paper identifies a recommended solution for therapists in this situation based on the presented findings in the reviewed literature. One of the more common reasons couples enter marriage and family therapy is infidelity by one partner. According to Butler, Harper, and Seedall (2009), infidelity is seen by many therapists to be the second most destructive event to a marriage behind violence. Although it may be assumed that both partners are aware of the infidelity at the time therapy is initiated, literature has shown the presence of an infidelity secret within a relationship is prevalent (Butler et al., 2010). Occasionally, the disclosure of infidelity by the offending partner to the offended partner is presented in

the midst of the therapeutic journey. In some instances, however, the offending partner discloses an infidelity secret to the therapist with an attached request for confidentiality. This circumstance creates a significant ethical dilemma for the therapist. The Role of the Therapist in Couples Therapy Confidentiality is an ethical obligation of a therapist. Butler et al. (2009) describes confidentiality within the therapeutic relationship as one of the most important therapeutic factors to creating a working therapeutic environment. Furthermore, the American Association of Marriage and Family Therapy Code of Ethics governs that confidentiality must be preserved between the counselor and each member of the relationship dyad (Butler, Feinauer, Rodriguez, & Roper, 2010). In addition, therapists are ethically obligated to provide equal advocacy among the partners (Butler et al., 2010). Equal advocacy warrants both partners have access to all pertinent relationship information (Butler et al., 2010). Butler and colleagues (2009) suggest that equal advocacy also involves relationship choice, which can only be attained through full disclosure. Thus, both parties should be privy to any information regarding their relationship, so the choice to be in the relationship is made freely (Butler et al., 2010). If one partner withholds information, this puts the spouse in an inferior position and challenges the therapistâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ability to maintain equal advocacy. The actively withheld pertinent relationship information may cause inferior partners to lack full

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awareness of the current dynamics of their relationships. As a result, the freedom to make an educated relationship choice is hindered. In the presence of an infidelity secret, a therapist’s ethical obligations of confidentiality and equal advocacy collide. Therapists’ Decision-Making and Disclosure: A Power Shift Disclosure of an infidelity secret to a therapist alters the therapeutic relationship and creates concern for ethical obligations. The therapeutic relationship is affected by the revelation of an infidelity secret by the offending partner to the therapist, because the therapeutic alliance becomes distorted, the relationship is triangulated, and equal advocacy is excluded (Butler et al., 2010). The therapist’s power over the relationship dynamics increases upon receipt of the infidelity secret. Thus, a therapist’s response to the disclosed infidelity secret is a key determinant for the future course of the couple’s treatment (Butler et al., 2009). Butler and colleagues believe it is essential that the therapist’s response be ethically defensible and based in a theoretical understanding of relationship dynamics. A therapist should use clinical judgment to anticipate possible outcomes of any decision. Once the therapist has decided upon a course of action, it is essential to develop and document a clear clinical protocol (Butler et al., 2009). Choosing to Disclose an Infidelity Secret By harboring an infidelity secret, the therapist and offending partner

make the relationship decision for the offended partner (Butler et al., 2010). Without full disclosure of relevant relationship information, the offended partner is in a disadvantaged position and lacks the freedom to make relationship choices. A therapist can choose to destruct this power shift by disclosing the infidelity secret or requiring the offending partner to disclose it. This would protect the equal advocacy within the relationship. Whether infidelity is disclosed or not, “free floating” (p. 135) repercussions will reveal themselves (Butler et al., 2009). Butler and colleagues (2009) explain that the offending and offended spouse may not understand where the formation of stressors like emotional distance and physical withdrawal stem from; however, the effects will be felt. Without addressing the infidelity secret, it is difficult for the parties involved to identify the infidelity as the root cause. Disclosure allows the root of the negative feelings to be identified so that healing may begin to take place. One must also consider the nature of secrets when deciding whether to disclose the infidelity. A secret has no expiration date. In order to ensure it never affects the relationship, the offending spouse must perfectly and permanently conceal the secret (Butler et al., 2009). If the offender does not, the deceit tied to hiding the infidelity has shown to be more harmful to a relationship than the infidelity itself (Butler et al., 2009). Couples can heal from infidelity; however, deceit has been shown to cause a more intense trauma to the relationship (Butler et al., 2010). Furthermore, the risk of

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harm caused by free floating repercussions remains as long as the secret is in place. Nondisclosure of an Infidelity Secret Nondisclosure is believed to protect the marriage from unnecessary distress that significantly increases the likelihood of divorce (Butler et al., 2009). A therapist and offending partner who choose nondisclosure may feel that disclosing the infidelity will serve no benefit to the overall good of the relationship. The therapist may justify this choice based on an ethical obligation of confidentiality to the offending partner. Therapists may see accommodating the infidelity secret as a routine adherence to their ethical codes (Butler et al., 2010). Butler and colleagues (2010) found that 95% of surveyed therapists would rarely or never disclose an infidelity secret to the offended spouse. This statistic is surprising considering the “negative perceptions of infidelity and other relationshiprelevant secrets in couple therapy,” (Butler et al., 2010, p. 83). However, considering the majority of couples remain in marriages after disclosure, this statistic is closely aligned with views supporting the therapist and offending partner’s choices not to disclose an infidelity secret (Butler et al., 2009). Some believe disclosing the infidelity secret to one’s spouse causes more harm than benefit (Butler et al., 2010). The sole reason offenders would confess to infidelity is to relieve their conscience (Butler et al., 2009). Admitting wrongdoing removes the guilt tied to indiscretion. However, the relationship does not benefit from the confession. In fact, admission of

infidelity to the offended spouse will be only further traumatizing. Butler and colleagues (2009) discuss various viewpoints supporting nondisclosure of infidelity secrets because of the likelihood of retraumatizing the offended partner. This school of thought stems from the belief that a relationship can heal and move forward without the disclosure of the infidelity. Furthermore, the focus of the therapeutic process can shift to blaming and shaming the offending partner (Butler et al., 2009). This shift in focus contributes to retraumatization of the offended partner. Rather than focusing on healing the relationship and moving past the infidelity, therapeutic time is spent dwelling on the betrayal. Informed Consent: A Possible Solution Infidelity secrets put the offending spouse, offended spouse, and therapist in a difficult situation balancing morals, ethics, and freedoms. It is a balancing act between betrayals of people and values. The final decision on disclosure, though, rests on the therapist. Butler and colleagues (2010) claim the surest way to form a therapeutic relationship built on trust, where the therapist can act as an equal advocate, is by obtaining informed consent at the beginning of therapy. Preferably, the consent should establish an expectation that the relationship will be open and without individual privileged communication (Butler et al., 2010). Butler and colleagues also posit that although full disclosure is favored, alternatively, therapists could include in their informed consent that privately shared

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information will not be disclosed. Ideally, therapists choose to inform participating couples of the benefits of creating an open and honest environment free from secrets at the onset of their therapeutic relationship. However, informing both clients of decided limitations on confidentiality at the start of the therapeutic relationship is the most important component. Exceptions to Disclosure Special attention should be given to specific situations that may merit nondisclosure. Although disclosure is preferred, under special circumstances nondisclosure may be a better option. Additional consideration should be given in situations where the offended person is suffering from a terminal illness, divorce is definite, abuse may result from disclosure, or one of the partners suffers from a form of psychopathology that puts the offended spouse at risk for harm (Butler et al., 2010). In these instances, the therapist may decide that revealing the infidelity in no way benefits the future of the relationship. In fact, disclosure could cause unnecessary harm to the relationship or persons involved. These circumstances require the therapist to rely on clinical experience and expertise to decide if disclosure or nondisclosure is best for the clients.

Conclusion An infidelity secret permeates the therapeutic environment and perversely impacts the therapeutic relationship. At the disclosure of an infidelity secret, a therapist must weigh the ethical obligations of confidentiality against the need for equal advocacy among all parties. Although many couples repair bonds destroyed by infidelity, the trauma caused at the hand of deceit is more difficult to mend. Addressing infidelity secrets at the onset of a therapeutic relationship by outlining a consent policy that does not tolerate individual privileged communication is the most certain manner to form an effective therapeutic environment that preserves confidentiality and allows the therapist to serve as an equal advocate. References Butler, M. H., Harper, J. M., & Seedall, R. B. (2009). Facilitated disclosure versus clinical accommodation of infidelity secrets: An early pivot point in couple therapy. Part 1: Couple relationship ethics, pragmatics, and attachment. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 35, 125143. doi: 10.1111/j.1752-0606.2008.00106 Butler, M. H., Feinauer, L. L., Rodriguez, M. K. A., & Roper, S.O. (2010). Infidelity secrets in couple therapy: Therapistsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; views on the collision of competing ethics around relationship-relevant secrets. Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 17, 82105. doi: 10.1080/10720161003772041

Meghan L. Johnson (B.I.S., Arizona State University) is a clinical mental health counseling masters student in the Department of School Psychology and Counselor Education at the College of William & Mary. Her research interests include patient and family membersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; coping with chronic and terminal illness. She is completing her practicum at the Peninsula Cancer Institute in Newport News, Virginia.

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Training Teachers to Bridge the Digital Divide Taylor Johnston Executive Summary In the United States, many school districts are already aware of the “digital divide”—a phenomenon that manifests as an inequity in technology use and availability, limiting the opportunities available to students who are often already at a disadvantage due to socioeconomic factors. Some districts have taken steps to reduce the digital divide. Oneto-one technology initiatives and “Bring Your Own Device” programs are common attempts to remedy the problem. These programs are not always feasible or effective, however. Wherever technology is made available in schools, classroom teachers must be trained in its use. The nature of the training that teachers receive can have a major impact on their effective use of technology to bridge the digital divide. Many of these current training practices have not been particularly successful, however. Therefore, a reformed methodology for technology training for teachers is necessary. The United States public school system is often idealized as having the power to bridge socioeconomic gaps among students by providing educational equity (Hohlfeld, Ritzhaupt, Barron, & Kemker, 2008). A digital divide still persists in U.S. public schools, however. The digital divide may be an abstract concept, but it has concrete consequences for

today’s students. Students who have access to technology and know how to use it for meaningful purposes enjoy advantages over students who do not. For example, students on the “have” side of the divide are already comfortable with using a variety of technologies. This allows them to focus completely on their assignments rather than on learning to use the technology involved. Consequently, these students leave school with a deeper understanding of technology and its uses—making them more likely to find work in a job market that values technological competency. Furthermore, these individuals have greater access to information about social and political issues and greater awareness of opportunities for civic engagement (DiBello, 2005). Students on the “have not” side of the digital divide—often those of low socioeconomic status—may not have access to the Internet or a computer outside of school (Hohlfeld, Ritzhaupt, Barron, & Kemker, 2008). At some schools, this divide is further perpetuated by a lack of modern technology (Hohlfeld et al., 2008). This puts these individuals at a clear disadvantage both in school and in their later lives. Approaches and Results Leaders in the field of education have proposed a number of strategies to reduce the digital divide. A school administration’s active support of student use of technology is considered to be a key factor (DiBello, 2005; Price, 2014). Teachers are more likely to use technology in their classrooms if they are encouraged to do so by administrators. Teachers will

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also be more likely to use available technologies if they are encouraged to foster collaborative relationships with the Information Technology staff. Wherever quality technology is not available in sufficient quantities, teachers can receive instruction on writing grants and identifying possible sources of funding (Price, 2014). At the heart of reducing the digital divide is the ability of teachers to capitalize on the advantages provided by technology made available to them. If teachers are perceived as capable of improving student performance through the use of technology, the probability of increased funding for technology increases. Extensive training in the purposeful use of technology in the classroom is crucial if teachers are to narrow the digital divide. Many school districts provide professional development training sessions on various technologies. However, the effectiveness of these training sessions is often limited for a number of reasons. In many cases, the training sessions are inconvenient to attend and the content is perceived as irrelevant to actual teaching practices (Training tech-shy teachers, 2010). Sometimes, school districts commit to the training but do not determine a clear focus for the sessions. The training involved typically assumes a uniform familiarity with the technological content, overlooking the varying needs of teacher participants. To make matters worse, the training session is often a one-time event, and a limited amount of support is available after the session ends (Galanouli, Murphy, & Gardner, 2004). In order for technology training

sessions to sufficiently familiarize teachers with the available technologies, changes in the training methodologies are necessary. Teachers cannot effectively use technology to reduce the digital divide for their students if they do not first fully understand the technology itself. A successful technology training session entails careful planning and implementation. Broadly speaking, the session must take place at a time convenient for teachers. The session’s leader must provide knowledgeable technical support and encourage teacher participants to support one another in their use of technology—both during the session and after its conclusion. The technological equipment that teachers engage with must be up to date and fully functional. As teachers participate in the session, they should feel that the content is relevant to their practices and that it is differentiated to meet their individual needs (Galanouli, Murphy, & Gardner, 2004). An effective session involves in-depth exploration of a limited number of technological concepts rather than a general overview; as one teacher observes, “It’s better to just do one thing that makes a real difference to your teaching . . . then you’ll go on to do other things as well” (Haydn & Barton, 2007, p. 446). The session leader should also address the participants’ attitudes toward educational technologies, as some teachers may not be aware of the digital divide in their schools and the power they have to reduce it through the use of technology in the classroom (Galanouli, Murphy, & Gardner, 2004).

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Implications It is time to transform the way teachers learn about technology. Technology training sessions in the past have been ineffective in too many schools. If teachers are to capitalize on technological opportunities and reduce the digital divide, they need exemplary training. Quality technology training is informed by the best practices outlined previously, including attention to detail in the planning, implementation, and post-training phases. It is critical that teachers leave training sessions confident in their ability to use technology for the benefit of their students. When teachers’ dedication is coupled with technological competence, the digital divide cannot help but shrink.

References Training tech-shy teachers. (2010). Tech & Learning, 30(8), 10. DiBello, L. C. (2005). Are we addressing the digital divide? Issues, access, and real commitment. Childhood Education, 8(1), 239-241. doi:10.1080/ 00094056.2005.10522280 Galanouli, D., Murphy, C., and Gardner, J. (2004). Teachers’ perceptions of the effectiveness of ICT-competence training. Computers & Education, 43(1-2), 63-79. doi:10.1016/j.comp edu.2003.12.005 Haydn, T. and Barton, R. (2007). ‘First do no harm’: Factors influencing teachers’ ability and willingness to use ICT in their subject teaching. Computers & Education, 51(1), 439-447. doi:10.1 016/j.compedu.2007.06.001 Hohlfeld, T. N., Ritzhaupt, A. D., Barron, A. E., & Kemker, K. (2008). Examining the digital divide in K-12 public schools: Four-year trends for supporting ICT literacy in Florida. Computers & Education, 51(4), 1648-1663. doi:10. 1016/j.compedu.2008.04.002 Price, B. (2014). How to narrow the digital divide in your school. Retrieved from http://www. lehigh.edu/~inexlife/papers/principal.pdf

Taylor Johnston (B.A., College of William & Mary) is an elementary education masters student in the Department of Curriculum & Instruction at the College of William & Mary. She is currently student teaching at D.J. Montague Elementary School in Williamsburg, Virginia.

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Moving Beyond Accommodations to Access Rachel McDonald An increasing number of students with disabilities have enrolled in colleges and universities across the United States since 1973, largely due to the opportunities provided by the passage of disability laws that mandate accommodations be provided to students with documented disabilities (Rao, 2004, p. 19). While this has been an exciting opportunity for new learners, many faculty members, although experts in their own fields, do not understand how to implement the best teaching and learning practices for students with varied learning needs. As a result, frustration on the part of both faculty and students occurs, and student learning outcomes can be negatively affected (Zhang et al., 2010). Schools should seek to educate all students as whole persons by developing holistic plans for training and supporting faculty members through faculty professional development in the areas of differentiation, Universal Design in Instruction (UDI), and faculty-student mentoring programs (McDonald, 2014b). Historical and Legal Background Prior to the passage of Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, students with disabilities were not

given full access and accommodation to allow them to attend college without barriers. Under federal law, a person with a disability is defined as one with a “physical or mental requirement that substantially limit[s] one or more major life activities” or “regarded as having such an impairment” (McDonald, 2014a; Rao, 2004; Reilly & Davis, 2005, p. 31). These major life activities include, but are not limited to, functions such as self-care, breathing, hearing, seeing, speaking, walking, learning, sleeping, and standing (McDonald, 2014a; Reilly & Davis, 2005, p. 32). Due to years of exclusion and mistreatment of individuals with disabilities in the United States, the federal government has passed several pieces of legislation beyond the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. They include Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, which was amended to broaden the definition of disability and specific accessibility regulations. Both of these laws prevent qualified students from being denied admission to universities based on their disability, and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 requires that “reasonable accommodations” be provided on a personalized basis to students for whom a documented disability impacts one of the previously mentioned life activities (Lake, 2011, p. 244; McDonald, 2014a; Reilly & Davis, 2005, p. 31; Salmen, 2011). Students and Accommodations Students with documentation verifying that they have a disability are

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eligible to receive classroom and residential accommodations, usually through the office of disability services on their campus. On average, 10% of college students have a disability, with learning disabilities being the most common type of disability for first year freshmen (Raue & Lewis, 2011; Wolanin & Steele, 2004, p. 38). Additional disabilities that faculty may see in the classroom include orthopedic and health impairments, sensory disabilities, and traumatic brain injuries (Heward, 2006; Powell, 2003; Raue & Lewis, 2011; Wolanin & Steele, 2004, p. 2). Due to improvements in pharmaceuticals and improved treatment options, students with mental health issues such as depression or anxiety disorders are also a growing subcategory within this group (Brockelman, Chadsey, & Loeb, 2006). Classroom accommodations for students vary depending on disability and individual needs, with some of the most common accommodations including alternate or extended testing, note-taking services, study skills supports, and text materials offered in varied formats (Broadbent, Dorow, & Fisch, 2007; Duffy & Gugerty, 2005, p. 100; Wolanin & Steele, 2004). However, while a student may present a faculty member with a letter describing his or her classroom accommodations, it does not mean that the instructor is going to understand how to fully implement them, or further, to improve instruction beyond accommodations to be inclusive of all types of learners. Faculty members are trained well in their content areas (Lattuca & Stark, 2009), but are not always trained to

differentiate instruction, and are often only provided with a confidential list of accommodations that they should provide to students with no further explanations or support (Zhang et al., 2009). Faculty Professional Development: UDI The concept of UDI originated in the field of architecture and fits naturally with best practices in disability and accessibility services. It has also broadened to the realm of design, curriculum development, and technology. In addition to its grounding in accessibility and differentiation, it conveys the idea that what is good for people with disabilities often benefits others as well. UDI provides a framework for instructors to consider individual student needs and course considerations when creating lessons and learning spaces. The seven main principles of UDI are equitable use, flexibility, simple and intuitive use, perceptible information, tolerance for error, low physical effort, and size and approach for use. Specific applications in higher education and possible workshop or professional development topics include syllabus creation, diversity and inclusion practices, creation of physical spaces that promote both accessibility and collaboration, increased and multimodal options for content delivery and communication, and maximized usage of available technology resources (Burgstahler, 2008, p. 1-3; McGuire & Scott, 2006, p. 124). UDI also provides opportunities for students to receive natural supports that limit the need for them

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to be singled out or excluded. “Stigma is often exacerbated when students with disabilities are singled out by being required to take tests in separate locations in order to be afforded extended time . . . or to enter through the back of the building when that is the only location of an accessible door” (Johnson & Fox, 2003, p. 8). Most importantly, UDI principles provide a framework for faculty to design instruction in a way that moves beyond merely fulfilling required student accommodations to designing instruction that is differentiated for all students (Salmen, 2011). Faculty Mentoring Programs Students who have the opportunity to develop relationships with faculty members tend to have higher rates of satisfaction with their learning experiences (Harris, Ho, Markle & Wessel, 2011, p. 27). Ball State University created a program in 2006 that has provided dual support to students and the faculty members who serve them. Their Faculty Mentorship Program (FMP) seeks to provide direct support to new students with disabilities by matching them with a faculty member in their intended program of study and facilitating activities and strategies to encourage a mentoring relationship between the two (Harris et al., 2011, p. 28). Although the program was intended to improve student learning outcomes, interviews of faculty and students involved revealed that the program also created benefits for faculty members. Findings indicated that faculty relationships with their student mentees increased faculty members’ understanding of working with

students with disabilities, and thereby improved their overall practice of teaching (Harris et al., 2011). Zhang et al.’s (2009) review of faculty instruction of students with disabilities supports these findings, revealing four important influences that impact classroom practices and interactions with these students: “faculty knowledge of legal requirements, personal attitudes regarding students with disabilities, perceived institutional support, and level of comfort in interacting with individuals with disabilities” (p. 277). The findings of the Ball State University program are further supported by Brockelman et al.’s (2006) study that examined faculty perceptions of undergraduate students with mental health conditions, a growing population of students served by disability services. Researchers found that professors who had a personal relationship with someone who had been diagnosed with a mental illness were less likely to view students negatively based on stereotypes (Brockelman et al., 2006; McDonald, 2014a). The faculty mentoring program at Boise State University went a step further in its approach by creating both a Disability Advisory Group (DAG) and a Faculty Mentoring Group (FMG). The DAG was interdisciplinary and comprised of faculty, staff, and students that met monthly to discuss issues related to students with disabilities. Some of the topics discussed included physical accessibility on campus, service animals, and UDI principles (Humphrey, Woods & Huglin, 2011). The second group, FMG, was

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comprised of at least one faculty member from each college within the university. The members met once a month with the DAG Director, and served as liaison support to the faculty members in their respective colleges (Humphrey et al., 2011). The mentoring program at Boise State demonstrated the power of administrative support and institutional resources. In addition to the positive effect on students, institutional and faculty outcomes of this mentoring program included an increase in faculty members (not just disability services personnel) speaking at new faculty orientations, improvements in syllabus writing, and the incorporation of UDI into the accreditation process (Humphrey et al., 2011). Recommendations For Best Practices If colleges and universities want to move beyond the minimum legal requirements of disability law, they must use professional development instruction that teaches faculty members how to understand and follow accommodations, communicate effectively with students with disabilities, and incorporate UDI methods into their curricula. Such instruction will both improve instruction for all students and minimize the need for students to be singled out for basic accommodations that could be incorporated into a flexible course structure. In addition to selecting the type of professional development needed, such as UDI, schools need to consider who will provide the training, how it will be supported financially and

institutionally, and how it will be delivered. A wide variety of training methods should also be considered for broader access (Getzel & Finn, 2005). Another recommendation for best practice is the creation of faculty mentoring programs. Unlike professional development for accommodations and UDI instruction, these programs may be better suited for voluntary participation as a way to produce informal teacher mentors who can serve as supports for other faculty mentors within each college. Both Boise State University and Ball State University created models that were the best fit for their own practice. A further extension of such a program would be the creation of a teaching and learning program, such as was borne out of the Boise State University program, which combined professional development, UDI techniques, and additional interdisciplinary teaching and learning tools. These best practices can lead to embedding differentiation of instruction into a schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s institutional culture (Harris et al., 2011; Humphrey et al., 2011; Lattuca & Stark, 2009). Students with disabilities are here to stay, and their presence on college campuses will continue to enrich and diversify the college experience for both students and faculty. Faculty members who want to facilitate best practices and holistic learning opportunities that push beyond the minimum expectations of accommodation adherence need access to professional development and mentoring partnerships that are supported and sponsored by their institution.

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References Broadbent, G., Dorow, L. G., & Fisch, L. A. (2007, March). College syllabi: Providing support for students with disabilities. Educational Forum, 71(1), 71-80 doi:10.1080/00131720608984569 Brockelman, K. F., Chadsey, J. G., & Loeb, J. W. (2006). Faculty perceptions of university students with psychiatric disabilities. Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal, 30(1), 23-30. doi: 10.2975/30.2006.23.30 Burgstahler, S. (2009). Universal design in education: Principles and applications. DO-IT, 1-3. Retrieved from http://www.washington.edu/ doit/Brochures/PDF/instruction.pdf Duffy, T., & Gugerty, J. (2005). The role of disability support services. In E. Getzel & P. Wehman (Eds.), Going to college: Expanding opportunities for people with disabilities (pp. 89-115). Baltimore, MD: Brookes. Getzel, E. E., & Finn, D. E. (2005). Training university faculty and staff. In E. Getzel & P. Wehman (Eds.), Going to college: Expanding opportunities for people with disabilities (pp. 199214). Baltimore, MD: Brookes. Harris, J., Ho, T., Markle, L., & Wessel, R. (2011). In practice: Ball State University's faculty mentorship program: Enhancing the first-year experience for students with disabilities. About Campus, 16(2), 27-29. doi: 10.1002/abc.20058 Heward, W. L. (2006). Exceptional children. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill. Humphrey, M., Woods, L., & Huglin, L. (2011). Increasing faculty awareness of students with disabilities: A two-pronged approach. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 24(3), 255261. Retrieved from http://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ966128 Johnson, D. M., & Fox, J. A. (2003). Creating curb cuts in the classroom: Adapting universal design principles to education. In J. Higbee (Ed.), Curriculum transformation and disability: Implementing universal design in higher education (pp.17-21). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota, Center for Research on Developmental Education and Urban Literacy. Lake, P. F. (2011). Foundations of higher education law and policy: Basic legal rules, concepts, and principles for student affairs. Washington, DC: National Association of Student Personnel Administrators. Lattuca, L. R., & Stark, J. S. (2009). Shaping the college

curriculum: Academic plans in action. [Kindle version]. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Retrieved from Amazon.com McDonald, R. (2014a). College student voice and active minds: A narrative inquiry. Unpublished Manuscript. McDonald, R. (2014b, September). Pushing beyond accommodations. Paper presented at the INSPIRe Virtual Symposium. McGuire, J. M., & Scott, S. S. (2006). Universal design for instruction: Extending the universal design paradigm to college instruction. Journal of Postsecondary Education and Disability, 19(2), 124134. doi: 10.1080/10665680303502 Powell, S. (2003). Special teaching in higher education: Successful strategies for access and inclusion. Herndon, VA: Stylus Publishing LLC. Rao, S. (2004). Faculty attitudes and students with disabilities in higher education: A literature review. College Student Journal, 38(2). 191-198. Retrieved from http://eden.rutgers.edu/ ~nork/SNS/FACULTY%20ATTITUDES%20 AND%20STUDENTS%20WITH%20DISABI LITIES%20IN%20HIGHER%20EDUCATI ON.pdf Raue, K., & Lewis, L. (2011). Students with disabilities at degree-granting postsecondary institutions (NCES 2011â&#x20AC;&#x201C;018). U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED520976.pdf Reilly, V. J., & Davis, T. (2005). Understanding the regulatory environment. In E. Getzel & P. Wehman (Eds.), Going to college: Expanding opportunities for people with disabilities (pp. 25-48). Baltimore, MD: Brookes. Salmen, J. P. (2011). Universal design for academic facilities. New Directions for Student Services, 2011(134), 13-20. doi: 10.1002/ss.391 Wolanin, T. R., & Steele, P. (2004). Higher education opportunities for students with disabilities: A primer for policymakers. Washington, DC: The Institute for Higher Education Policy. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ ED485430.pdf Zhang, D., Landmark, L., Reber, A., Hsu, H., Kwok, O. M., & Benz, M. (2009). University faculty knowledge, beliefs, and practices in providing reasonable accommodations to students with disabilities. Remedial and Special Education, 31(4), 276-286. doi: 10.1177/0741932509338348

Rachel McDonald (B.S., Old Dominion University; M.S.Ed., Old Dominion University) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration. She is currently a planning specialist at the Virginia Community College System, and her research interests include accessibility in higher education, disability studies, and student leadership.

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Implications of One-to-One Computing Initiatives on Education: A Policy Brief Sara Moseley Executive Summary Education policies and approaches in the United States are always evolving and changing with new research and trends. With the growing emphasis on preparing students to be productive 21st century citizens in addition to traditional academic preparation, a greater emphasis is placed on incorporating technology into classrooms. One way that many states, districts, and schools have integrated technology into their instruction is by implementing a one-to-one computing initiative in which each student receives some sort of computing device. Research on the outcomes of these initiatives have shown mixed results, though there do appear to be benefits that would make such a program worthwhile for a variety of different groups: students, teachers, and administrators. While one-to-one initiatives can provide many advantages, there are many factors that should be carefully considered before implementation to ensure that the program is effective and successful. Educators today are faced with the daunting task of not only educating students in the traditional

curriculum, such as language arts, mathematics, science, and social studies, but also preparing students to pass numerous standardized tests, teaching students the skills to be productive members of society, and making sure that students are ready to be successful in their chosen careers or simply ready for the next grade level. As the world becomes more digitallybased and technologically-driven each and every day, one of the major areas in which teachers have to educate their students is how to effectively and responsibly use technology. In today’s technology-dependent world, students are digital natives, growing up surrounded by different technologies that they use in a variety of ways. To be a capable 21st century citizen, students need to be able to think critically, communicate clearly and effectively, and problem solve. Many of these skills are enhanced by the use of technology. To teach students how to use these 21st century skills and to capitalize on many students’ existing interest in technology, many school districts and states are implementing one-to-one computing initiatives. One-to-one computing is “an environment in which students use computing devices, such as wireless laptops or tablet pc computers in order to learn anytime and anywhere” (CMP Media, LLC, 2005, p. 3). Programs can vary not only in the devices provided to students, such as laptops versus tablets, but also in terms of student access. Some programs allow students to take their devices with them for 24-7 access to learn, while other programs allow students to have their devices only at

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school for the day or for certain classes, blocks, or subjects (Carr, 2012). According to a report by the Education Development Center (EDC), “one-to-one computing environments are different from what one traditionally finds in most school settings because they offer students and teachers continuous access to a wide-range of software, electronic documents, the Internet, and other digital resources for teaching and learning” (Bonifaz & Zucker, 2004, p. 3). Focus is placed not on the technology itself, but on how the instruction incorporates the technology to motivate students to have a “new sense of enthusiasm and ownership in their learning” (CMP Media, LLC, 2005, p. 3). Other goals of one-to-one computing include “improving academic achievement, increasing equity of access, increasing economic competitiveness of a region, and/or transforming the quality of instruction” (Sauers & McLeod, 2012, p. 5). Approaches and Results Many different approaches have been taken when implementing oneto-one computing initiatives. The current trend is to provide each student in a given class, grade level, school, or even school district with a personal device that he or she can take home. Laptops are frequently used, though many districts are moving to tablets. One-to-one computing programs are typically initially implemented in high school and then expanded to middle school. Although less common, some programs include upper elementary school students such

as fourth and fifth graders. There is a general lack of empirical research regarding one-toone computing programs, especially longitudinal studies. However, the research available on the effects of one-to-one computing initiatives show mixed, but promising, results. There have been some initiatives that were implemented in schools that have not made much, if any, improvement in student achievement, and therefore cancelled their programs (Sauers & McLeod, 2012). The majority of research studies show that one-to-one computing initiatives are beneficial to students in a variety of ways. Academically, research shows that students in one-to-one programs score higher on standardized tests in writing, literacy, math, and science, as well as earn higher GPAs (Holcomb, 2009; Keengwe, Schnellert, & Mills, 2011; Sauers & McLeod, 2012). Other educational benefits of one-to-one computing initiatives include more time spent working collaboratively, more project-based instruction, access to more information, and improved research skills (Keengwe, Schnellert, & Mills, 2011). One-to-one computing initiatives benefit students in other ways as well. Holcomb (2009) suggested that students who are part of one-to-one computing programs are “more engaged, reflective, and active in their learning” (p. 49). Schools with one-to-one computing initiatives also have decreased absentee rates, increased attendance, reduced behavior referrals and school-wide discipline problems, and increased community support (Holcomb, 2009). Although the positive impacts of

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one-to-one computing initiatives are promising, research has highlighted many potential barriers to implementation and negative influences to consider as well, including difficulties with effectively integrating technology into the classroom (Keengwe, Schnellert, & Mills, 2011). Other concerns include “poor administrative support; negative staff attitudes and lack of knowledge towards computers; problems with time, access, space, supervision, and operation; poor software; curriculum integration difficulties; and lack of technical support” (Keengwe, Schnellert, & Mills, 2011, pp. 138-139). Another possible barrier to implementation is a lack of professional development and training available to teachers (Keengwe, Schnellert, & Mills, 2011). One of the main possible negative impacts of one-to-one computing initiatives is the potential for the technology to become a distraction for students, especially if students use their devices for non-educational purposes (Lei & Zhao, 2008). Another concern is that students will become over-dependent on information technology and may resort to plagiarism more quickly (Lei & Zhao, 2008). Implications and Recommendations One-to-one computing initiatives provide access to technology for students that no other policy or initiative has offered before. This type of program puts all students, regardless of their socioeconomic status, on the same level with access to the same technology while at school. The potential benefits of such an

initiative—if implemented correctly and carefully—are much greater than the potential concerns. When implementing a one-to-one initiative, it is important to consider all of the potential negative influences and concerns that are exposed in the research about such programs. Schools should set procedures and rules for both teachers and students to ensure that all parties are using technology effectively and responsibly. Guidelines for proper student usage are particularly important to prevent students from being distracted and using devices for non-educational purposes. Policies for taking care of devices, repairing or replacing damaged devices, and obtaining proper technical support should be developed and communicated to all parties. Proper training for teachers is needed so that teachers are prepared to implement the initiative successfully within their classrooms. Integrating one-to-one computing devices into existing curricula can be a daunting task for teachers, and without the appropriate support, the technology may not be implemented effectively. Although one-to-one computing is still a fairly new initiative in education, it is an approach that is evolving as quickly as the technology it implements. As the plans for one-toone initiatives grow and progress, it will become increasingly important for those implementing the initiatives to continuously consider the goals and intended outcomes of the program. According to Holcomb (2009), “how and why laptops are used in education are critical factors for success. Simply providing each student with a laptop

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will not elicit gains or improvements in learning” (p. 54). Conclusion With the world becoming increasingly digitized every day, it is logical that educators look for ways to incorporate technology into education to prepare students to be 21st century citizens and to create more meaningful and engaging learning experiences. One-to-one computing initiatives are one way to integrate technology in the classroom. Even though there is a lack of empirical research regarding oneto-one computing initiatives and there are some concerns that should be carefully considered and evaluated, the majority of the existing research provides support for the benefits of such programs.

References Bonifaz, A., & Zucker, A. (2004). Lessons learned about providing laptops for all students. Retrieved from http://perkinselementary.pb works.com/f/LaptopLessonsRprt.pdf Carr, J. M. (2012). Does math achievement “h‘APP’en” when iPads and game-based learning are incorporated into fifth-grade mathematics instruction? Journal of Information Technology Education: Research, 11(1), 269-286. CMP Media, LLC. (2005). 1:1 computing: A guidebook to help you make the right decisions. Retrieved from https://outilspedago.wikispaces.com/file/view /1to1Guide.pdf Holcomb, L. B. (2009). Results & lessons learned from 1:1 laptop initiatives: A collective review. TechTrends: Linking Research and Practice to Improve Learning, 53(6), 49-55. doi: 10.1007/s11528009-0343-1 Keengwe, J., Schnellert, G., & Mills, C. (2011). Laptop initiative: Impact on instructional technology integration and student learning. Education and Information Technologies, 17(2), 137146. doi: 10.1007/s10639-010-9150-8 Lei, J., & Zhao, Y. (2008). One-to-one computing: What does it bring to schools? Journal of Educational Computing Research, 39(2), 97-122. doi: 10.2190/EC.39.2.a Sauers, N. J., & McLeod, S. (2012). What does the research say about school one-to-one computing initiatives? Retrieved from http://www.natickps.org/CASTLEBrief01_La ptopPrograms.pdf

Sara Moseley (B.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University) is an elementary education masters student in the Department of Curriculum & Instruction at the College of William & Mary. She is currently a student teacher at New Kent Elementary School.

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Exceptional Expectations Cathleen Pinkerton I have a confession: I cheated on my gifted test. I was 8 years old and terrified. My mom had pulled me out of school with the promise of a Chick-fil-A lunch after seeing a new doctor. I remember the room was dark, with leather chairs that felt unfathomably large in my young mind. The doctor was different from other doctors. I was used to the warm feeling in my pediatrician’s office and the jungle-themed examination room with “funny Dr. Ted” who always pretended I had a worm growing in my ear. I cheated on a puzzle. I was given blocks and told that the blocks, when put together, made something I would recognize. I fumbled with the blocks for a while, and then, seeking inspiration, looked down at my pink light-up Skechers. There, under the table, was the puzzle box and the solution: a man’s face. I was then able to put together the puzzle, and the doctor told me I had achieved the feat at amazing speed. After that I was gifted tracked through high school. The first time I realized I was one of the least naturally intelligent people in my class was during a math lesson in the fifth grade, two years after I became a child conman. The rest of the class understood long division. The kids in my table pod sped through

the worksheets while I stared down at the evil, nasty math problem. I started working especially hard at school, because I despised feeling stupid or unprepared. I tried to stay two steps ahead, always finishing homework, always coming to class prepared and on time. I figured out that if I had a relationship with my teachers they would be more likely to grade my work favorably. My classmates liked me and friends were easy for me to make. I created the illusion that I too was naturally smart. I was never labeled a “nerd,” even though hours were spent at my kitchen table after school attempting to stay ahead of my intelligent classmates. In high school this pattern continued. Many teachers slipped me points here and there, just so I reached an 89.5, an A in my district. I never received a B in high school. However, I received at least five 90s, possible A’s that I may not have earned. I quietly reached the top of my class through constant hard work, calculus tutors, and many nights staying up past midnight. When my fellow students learned I was in the race for Valedictorian junior year, people were shocked. I felt like a fraud knowing that many students ranked below me were naturally smarter, and others knew this too. Many students made comments such as, “Oh, I didn’t realize you were book smart.” Nevertheless, I earned valedictorian and was admitted to William and Mary, my dream school. I know that my scores on the SAT/ACT were not up to par with the rest of my fellow Griffins, and I full heartedly believe that my interview is

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what gained me admittance. Even today, students who work less but have higher GPAs surround me. I celebrate low B’s at this school, while my close friends fret over a 93. I think back to that day where my chubby 8-year-old self cheated on a test that decided my fate. Was she gifted? I recently asked my Mom how I scored on the gifted test, information she always refused to share with me. The cutoff in my district for gifted students is an IQ of 130 and, that infamous day as a second grader, I scored just that. A few points less and my life would be completely different. My own life situation inspired me to start asking questions. How many students in our gifted programs are actually gifted, and how many are simply performing at gifted rates due to the power of teachers’ expectations and self-fulfilling prophecies? A study done at Duke University recently found that students who are taught as if they are gifted begin to achieve at gifted levels (Jackson, 2011). Project Bright Idea capitalized on this research. The program trains teachers to teach all students as if they are gifted. The group has found that 1520 percent of students taught with

these techniques are labeled as gifted by the school district within three years. In the control group of similar children, only 10 percent are identified as gifted (Jackson, 2011). There is power behind being identified as gifted, since the expectation to perform, paired with classroom resources and talented teachers, can boost any child’s achievement level. Students like me, who are borderline cases, can reap the benefits of a gifted education and eventually succeed in highly intelligent environments. However, is it fair that only the lucky identified kids are able to secure a better education? What would education systems look like if we treated all children as gifted? I predict that students would rise to the occasion and that students’ scores would steadily increase. As a future teacher these are facts I will keep in mind so that other students like me can obtain an education that forces them to push their own limits; an education that can lead to a world full of opportunities. References Jackson, C. (2011, March 24). Treating students as gifted yields impressive academic results, study finds. Duke Today. Retrieved from http://today.duke.edu/2011/03/darity.html

Cathleen Pinkerton is a junior in the Undergraduate Elementary Education Program at the College of William & Mary. Her research interests include elementary education and gifted education.

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Pell Grant and LowIncome Student Postsecondary Education Mike Postma At pivotal moments in our nation’s history, federal financial aid profoundly improved low-income families’ access to postsecondary education. America once again finds itself at one of those pivotal moments requiring federal action. American democracy relies upon a certain level of social equality, since radical disparities in prosperity can lead to societal conflict (Fowler, 2013). According to Fowler, America possesses the largest gap in the developed world between low- (25th income percentile and below) and high-income (75th income percentile and above) demographics. The longterm postsecondary education trends of reduced public funding and increased tuition have contributed to this gap (Zumeta, Breneman, Callan, & Finney, 2012). Social equality for low-income families depends upon attaining postsecondary education (Carnevale, 2014). Education policymakers can improve low-income families’ social equality and ameliorate America’s economic disparity by adjusting federal aid policy and commissioning Pell Grant research. Improving economically disadvantaged students’ access to

college has long resided on the federal policy agenda (Sawhill & GoldrickRab, 2014). For example, the Pell Grant program was established in 1972 as the principal means for subsidizing college education for students from low-income families (DeWitt, 2010). According to the U.S. Department of Education (2014), “the Federal Pell Grant program provides need-based grants to low-income undergraduate . . . students to promote postsecondary education” (A1). In 2013-14, nine million students received $33.7 billion in Pell Grants (College Board, 2014b). Despite federal efforts, from 1972 to 2008 the college enrollment gap between lowand high-income families exceeded 20% (U.S. Department of Education, 2010). Evidence suggests barriers to lowincome student postsecondary education include misinformation about the many benefits derived from college completion and the actual costs of college (Baum et al., 2013; American Association of State Colleges and Universities, 2014). According to Baum and Schwartz (2012), college costs and benefits are commonly misconstrued and the ambiguous postsecondary education return makes the investment uncertain. Education policymakers can address these barriers by providing counseling at high schools where the majority of the student population is economically disadvantaged and by improving college cost and benefit information sharing with low-income families. College completion rates are responsive to public intervention

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through increased federal student aid (Bloom, Hartley, & Rosovsky, 2006). As policymakers address economically disadvantaged students’ college barriers, the numbers of low-income students attending college will likely expand. In 2012, college students and their parents received $17.4 billion in federal education tax credits and deductions (College Board, 2014b). All demographics leverage this subsidy, which equals about half the annual Pell Grant expenditure (Baum et al., 2013). Therefore, tax credits and tuition deductions must be considered for a more complete view of federal college student aid. To help fund the projected increase to low-income college student populations, eliminating tax credits and deductions and adding that funding to the Pell Grant program is an option. Increasing the average Pell Grant amount is not required to enhance economically disadvantaged students’ access to college. Since 1972, the average Pell Grant amount has exceeded the average tuition and fees at public two-year institutions (Archibald & Feldman, 2011). In 201314, the average Pell Grant amount was $3,678 and the average public in-state tuition and fees at two-year colleges was $3,347 (College Board, 2014a). According to the U.S. Department of Labor (2013), the occupations projected to grow the fastest over the next decade typically require two-year degrees and certificates. Therefore, education policymakers can ameliorate America’s economic disparity through performance-based Pell Grants focused on degree and certificate programs that produce trained workers in high-demand job fields.

Critics assert Pell Grant aid contributes to low-income families’ postsecondary education challenges by cushioning institutional tuition increases (Bennett, 1987; Editorial Board, 2012). According to Archibald and Feldman (2011), the existing empirical research was limited and failed to establish a causal relationship between Pell Grant aid and college tuition. Research-based understanding of how Pell Grant aid affects economically disadvantaged students’ postsecondary education is inadequate (Kane, 2001; Long, 2006; Mundel & Coles, 2004). Policymakers can address this knowledge gap by commissioning Pell Grant program research. Improving low-income families’ social equality and addressing America’s economic disparity are challenges for educational policymakers. The Pell Grant program provides a vital means for tackling these challenges by subsidizing college education for low-income students. Misinformation about college costs and benefits are barriers to lowincome families’ postsecondary education. Increasing informationsharing with low-income students and their families can help overcome these barriers. Additionally, researching methods to better target Pell Grant aid is merited. The outlined federal financial aid policy changes must be considered to improve low-income families’ access to postsecondary education. References American Association of State Colleges and Universities. (2014). Beyond Pell: A next-generation design for federal financial aid. Washington, DC: Author. Retrieved from

The Wren's Nest http://www.edtrust.org/dc/publication/beyon d-pell-a-next-generation-design-for-federalfinancial-aid Archibald, R., & Feldman, D. (2011). Why does college cost so much? New York, NY: Oxford Press. Baum, S., Bailey, T., Bettinger, E., Dynarski, S., Hauptman, A., Holzer, H., . . . Jacobs, J. (2013). Rethinking Pell grants. New York, NY: College Board. Retrieved from http://media.collegeboard.com/digitalServices /pdf/advocacy/policycenter/advocacyrethinking-pell-grants-report.pdf Baum, S., & Schwartz, S. (2012). Is college affordable? In search of a meaningful definition. Washington, DC: Institute for Higher Education Policy. Bennett, W. (1987, February 18). Our greedy colleges. New York Times, p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Bloom, D. E., Hartley, M., & Rosovsky, H. (2006). Beyond private gain: The public benefits of higher education. In J. Forest & P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International handbook of higher education (pp. 293–308). Netherlands: Springer. Carnevale, A. P. (2014). The U.S. workforce and higher education: A new deal. The Herbert H. Lehman Memorial Lecture, Lehman College, The City University of New York, New York, NY. College Board. (2014a). Trends in college pricing 2014. New York, NY: Author. Retrieved from http://trends.collegeboard.org College Board. (2014b). Trends in student aid 2014. New York, NY: Author. Retrieved from http://trends.collegeboard.org DeWitt, S. (2010). Higher education act: Supporting student postsecondary options. Connecting

Education & Careers, 85(8), 1-14. Editorial Board. (2012, February 1). President Obama’s fight against rising tuition. Washington Post, p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com Fowler, F. (2013). Policy studies for educational leaders: An introduction (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Prentice Hall. Kane, T. (2001). College-going and inequality: A literature review. New York, NY: The Russell Sage Foundation. Long, B. (2006). The contributions of economics to the study of college access and success. New York, NY: Social Science Research Council. Mundel, D., & Coles, A. (2004). An exploration of what we know about the formation and impact of perceptions of college prices, student aid, and the affordability of college-going. Boston, MA: The Education Resources Institute. Sawhill, I., & Goldrick-Rab, S. (2014). Should Pell grants target the college ready? Education Next, 14(2), 58-64. U.S. Department of Education. (2010). The condition of education 2010. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2010/2010028.pdf U.S. Department of Education. (2014). Programs – federal Pell grant program. Retrieved from http://www2.ed.gov/programs/fpg/index.htm l U.S. Department of Labor. (2013). Employment projections: 2012 – 2022. Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/ecopro. pdf Zumeta, W., Breneman, D., Callan, P., & Finney, J. (2012). Financing American higher education in the era of globalization. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press.

Mike Postma (B.A., Frostburg State University; M.A., University of Southern California; M.A., U.S. Army War College) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration and a policy focus.

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Meeting Challenges: Competency-Based Education and the Obama 2020 Goal Joseph Thomas Competency-based education (CBE) is an educational system that emphasizes sequential mastery of discrete individual skills or learning outcomes instead of critical analysis or abstract thinking (Evers, Rush, & Berdrow, 1998). This paper will seek to establish CBE as a viable alternative to a traditional four-year bachelor’s degree, given the current economic and technological landscape of the United States in the context of the Obama administration’s education policy agenda. Origins of CBE The mid-20th century space race between the United States and the USSR is commonly cited as the original impetus for the development of CBE (Hodge, 2007). Although educational behaviorists such as Ralph Tyler and Harold Bloom had already begun to work with training systems that emphasized setting specific educational goals by the late 1940s, the apparent disparity in technological progress between the two nations—highlighted by the launch of Sputnik I in 1957—caused a flood of educational concerns about how America could regain its former scientific supremacy (Morcke, Dornan,

& Eika, 2013). Increased funding for education research was part of the federal response to these anxieties (Morcke, Dornan, & Eika, 2013). The nation needed more scientists and mathematicians, so a curriculum which aimed to produce specific behaviors and learning outcomes through explicit objectives was developed. CBE has gone through “advocacy and critique cycles” every few decades since its inception, but it has persisted as a model to this day (Morcke, Dornan, & Eika, 2013, p. 855). Competencies are described as unambiguous and measurable skills (Voorhees, 2001). Throughout the learning process, knowledge and abilities are developed and assessed consistently through demonstrations or testing (Voorhees, 2001). Additional knowledge or abilities are not engaged until sufficient mastery of previous competencies is shown. The linear, scaffolding nature of CBE’s design should ideally allow students to progress at their own pace based on proficiency and commitment level. Though CBE has traditionally been associated with teacher education, medical/psychological training, and vocational education (Hodge, 2007), many current initiatives are seeking to expand the implementation of CBE curricula to include a broader group of disciplines. Current Policy Goals and CBE In early 2009, President Obama jointly addressed Congress, establishing a goal for the country to regain its former status as the nation with the highest proportion of college graduates by the year 2020 (White

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House Press Office, 2009). Rhetoric around this goal is primarily framed around “education and training needed for the jobs of today and tomorrow,” increasing access, and increasing affordability (White House, 2014, para. 4). Reducing costs, fostering career readiness, and improving transparency are all aims of this initiative, and CBE has the potential to further each of these goals. Online education is uniquely positioned to employ CBE techniques. Malan (2000) identified six key components of CBE as: (a) explicit learning outcomes and standards for assessment; (b) adjustable time to skill mastery; (c) multiple instructional activities in pursuit of learning; (d) testing outcomes which reference criteria; (e) certification following learning outcome demonstration; (f) student guidance ensured through adaptable program of study. Asynchronous, module-based online education with (a) test gating which limits progression and (b) recognized certification is an excellent example of how current technologies could inexpensively and accessibly provide focused training for the workforce. Distance CBE reduces the need for a physical plant, and these savings could be passed on to students. CBE promotes access by allowing students of all levels and skills to start in the same place; those who are already proficient can save money by quickly progressing toward certification, in comparison to programs which require a minimum amount of classroom hours. The standardized curriculum and testing central to CBE allow for credentials to be widely

recognized, ensuring that an increasingly mobile population will have a more uniform skillset conducive to efficient business practice. The standard curriculum also allows institutions to hire fewer faculty members and have a higher facultystudent ratio. CBE standards can be quickly rewritten in the event of progress in technology or business practice, allowing for smaller, targeted units of professional development instead of bulkier retraining programs that may include information or skills redundant to an individual worker. Western Governors University The most visible current effort to integrate CBE into the higher education environment is the Western Governors University, an online, private, nonprofit school that currently enrolls over 50,000 students (Western Governors University [WGU], 2014a). The university was conceived in 1995 as a cost-effective and accessible method for addressing “rapid population growth confronted by limited public funds for educational services” (WGU, 2014b, para. 2). U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan lauded the institution for its lower-cost model and efficient pathways to degree completion, adding that “while such programs are now the exception, . . . ‘I want them to be the norm’” (Lewin, 2011, para. 18). Today, WGU is accredited by the Northwest Commission on Colleges and Universities and offers over 50 bachelors- and masters-level programs of study (U.S. Department of Education [USDOE], 2014b). According to the 2014 College Cost Scorecard, WGU has a below-

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average net price, below-average indebtedness for all institution types, a student loan default rate that is only half the average among all institutions (7.70% vs. 14.64%), and a net price change of -11.95% over the years 2008-2010 (most recent data as of an April 2014 update) compared to a 7.75% average institutional increase in net price over the same time period (USDOE, 2014a). These data points alone speak to WGU’s relative affordability in comparison to all institution types, but the difference is also seen among consumer competitors. Other large online universities which do not exclusively employ CBE, such as the University of Phoenix Online, show lower sixyear completion rates and higher monthly loan payments (USDOE, 2014a). It would be irresponsible to claim that CBE is the causal variable in the absence of statistical regression, but CBE is a compelling example that could certainly be used to influence school choice for prospective students. Considerations and Conclusions CBE is not without its detractors, however. Talbot (2004) reduces the system to “monkey see, monkey do” (p. 587), further arguing that the practice “limit[s] the reflection, intuition, experience, and higher order competence necessary for expert, holistic or well-developed practice” (p. 587). This line of argumentation may have some merit, but the demands of the Obama 2020 goals require some sacrifice. A system that is both cheaper and more efficient will likely be perceived as lower quality than an elite education at a renowned school, but the traditional system will not be able

to affordably meet changing 21st century labor demands as currently forecasted. CBE is a sustainable alternative that needs a stronger voice at the table as policymakers continue to wrestle with options for reform. References Evers, F., Rush, J., & Berdrow, I. (1998). The bases of competence: Skills for lifelong learning and employability. Ann Arbor, MI: Wiley. Hodge, S. (2007). The origins of competency-based training. Australian Journal of Adult Learning, 47(2), 179-209. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ797578.pdf Lewin, T. (2011, November 29). Official calls for urgency on college costs. The New York Times, A20. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/30/educati on/duncan-calls-for-urgency-in-loweringcollege-costs.html Malan, S. (2000). The 'new paradigm' of outcomesbased education in perspective. Journal of Family Ecology and Consumer Sciences/Tydskrif vir Gesinsekologie en Verbruikerswetenskappe, 28, 22-28. Retrieved from http://www.ajol.info/index.php/jfecs/article/ viewFile/52788/41390 Morcke, A. M., Dornan, T., & Eika, B. (2013). Outcome (competency) based education: An exploration of its origins, theoretical basis, and empirical evidence. Advances in Health Sciences Education: Theory and Practice, 18(4), 851-863. doi:10.1007/s10459-012-9405-9 Talbot, M. (2004). Monkey see, monkey do: A critique of the competency model in graduate medical education. Medical Education, 38(6), 587592. doi: 10.1046/j.1365-2923.2004.01794.x U.S. Department of Education. (2014). College cost scorecard [Data file]. Retrieved from collegecost.ed.gov/scorecard/resources/scorec ard.xls U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2014). College navigator: Western Governors University. Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/collegenavigator/?q=weste rn+governors&s=all&id=433387#programs Voorhees, R. (2001). Competency-based learning models: A necessary future. New Directions for Institutional Research, 110, 5-13. doi: 10.1002/ir.7 Western Governors University. (2014a). About WGU: Students and alumni. Retrieved from http://www.wgu.edu/about_WGU/students_a lumni Western Governors University. (2014b). The WGU story. Retrieved from http://www.wgu.edu/about_WGU/WGU_sto ry

The Wren's Nest White House. (2014). Higher Education. Retrieved from http://www.whitehouse.gov/issues/ education/higher-education White House Press Office. (2009). Remarks of President Barack Obama - as prepared for

delivery: Address to joint session of Congress. Retrieved from http://www.whitehouse.gov/ the_press_office/Remarks-of-PresidentBarack-Obama-Address-to-Joint-Session-ofCongress

Joseph Thomas (B.A., College of William & Mary; M.A., Emerson College) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary. His research interests include arts education, the history and development of drama schools and music conservatories, and online learning.

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Consumerism and Higher Education: Pressures and Faculty Comformity Amanda Armstrong, Madeline Smith, Jaymi Thomas, M. Amanda Johnson

Abstract This article examines, through the lens of social influence theory, the impact of consumerism on faculty behavior. Rathus (2005) defines social influence as â&#x20AC;&#x153;the ways in which people alter the thoughts, feelings, and emotions of othersâ&#x20AC;? (p. 607). Demands such as student-teacher evaluations and high graduation rates can lead professors to lower their standards in order to conform to the expectations of students as consumers of higher education. Further, the institutions which employ faculty members also contribute to such conformity through the perpetuation of this business-oriented mindset. The authors explore consumerism in higher education through the following three elements of social influence: tenure review, accreditation, and marketing strategies. The primary objective is to shed light on the challenges faculty face from the discipline, or paradigm, of social psychology by examining the impact of each element. Keywords: consumerism, higher education, grade inflation, student-teacher evaluations, tenure review, accreditation, marketing, social, psychology, conformity

Since the 1960s, researchers have recognized the impact and development of consumerism in higher education (Germain & Scandura, 2005). This article primarily examines the concerns of this phenomenon through the paradigm of social psychology, and more specifically, through the use of social influence theory. A customer service-oriented, or business-model approach, to students defines consumerism in higher education as students having a significant voice in the teaching and learning process. Zemsky (1993) argues that students covet

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conveniently packaged and easily-digestible knowledge that is useful and directly applicable to their future jobs. Further, institutions of higher education (IHE) perpetuate this trend through areas of social influence such as tenure review, accreditation, and marketing. Thus, both students and institutions ultimately influence faculty to conform to a consumerist model inside the classroom in order to maintain their positions within the academy. Consumerism in higher education comes with the risk of compromising quality and rigor in exchange for marketability. The foundational principles of higher education are questioned when providers of knowledge and research become automatons engaging in business transactions. For example, in a study by Ellis, Burke, Lomire and McCormack (2003), the authors found a positive correlation between high grade point averages and high student ratings of instructional quality at their university. By comparing over 5,000 student evaluations to the grades of over 165 classes, the authors’ findings suggest that instructors who give unusually high grades benefit from notably high instructor ratings. As Ellis and colleagues asked, “Why would an instructor try to adhere to a rigorous grading standard when doing so harms his or her chances for promotions and raises in salary?” (p. 39). Although some faculty members conform to the expectations of a corporatized higher education system, students move away from an investment in self and towards the goal of future material affluence (Delucchi & Korgen, 2002). The following sections discuss conformity, a phenomenon frequently referenced through the paradigm of social psychology within social influence theory. This discussion includes a review of the existing literature as well as an analysis of consumerism in higher education as it pertains to social psychology and social influence. Literature Review Social Psychology Following the mid-twentieth century, “contrasting systems of psychological inquiry evolved toward a greater emphasis on data collection” (Brennan, 1998, p. 309). As the history of science, philosophy, and psychology began to intertwine, and—while the areas of psychoanalysis, behaviorism, and humanism developed further throughout the 1900s—contemporary trends in the field of psychology developed. For instance, throughout the nineteenth century, the precursors to contemporary social psychology were evident through movements including positivism, Darwinism, and social evolution. Floyd Allport, in his 1924 publication of Social Psychology, focused not on instinctual explanations for behavior (as in behaviorism), but rather on what he referred to as “prepotent reflexes, or impulses modified by conditioning” (p. 322) to explain social processes (as in social influences) (as cited in Brennan, 1998). As a result of the merging ideas amongst disciplines, social psychology developed as the field of psychology which seeks to understand the reasoning behind people’s thoughts and behaviors in social situations (Rathus, 2005). Regarding the ontology, or nature of being, social psychology researchers are

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motivated to discover the “sociology of psychology” as both of these fields intertwine to create the meaning and beliefs of this discipline (Ayres, 1918, p. 36). According to the epistemology of this paradigm, an individual’s knowledge is socially constructed. Researchers in this field define axiology, or the nature of value, in terms of human emotions and behaviors (Ayres, 1918). Research employs both quantitative and qualitative methodology, and researchers are interested in measuring social norms such as leadership, competition, trust, and obedience. Three perspectives dominate this field: individual contributions, interpersonal relations, and group behavior (Brennan, 1998). The power of group behavior, or social influence, can play a remarkable role in individual behavior and is the main focus throughout this article. Social influence. One area of social psychology, known as social influence, studies how one individual and/or group can alter another individual’s thoughts and behaviors (Rathus, 2005). These alterations occur when individuals recognize and feel pressured by the ways in which others (people and/or organizations) think and behave—causing those who represent the minority to match those of the majority. Two of the most common areas of behavior on which this theory focuses are obedience and conformity. For discussion purposes, both areas are explored and the latter supports the argument of this article. Obedience. Experiments in obedience theory often express the power of authority on individual behavior and choice. This phenomenon is found not only through research experiments, such as Stanley Milgram’s 1963 shock treatment and Philip Zimbardo’s 1971 Stanford prison experiment, but also in real-world situations including the Holocaust and Rwandan genocide (Rathus, 2005). In Milgram’s experiment, unwitting participants administered electric shocks (which, unbeknownst to them, were fake) to learner-actors when the learners answered a question incorrectly. Milgram found that of the 40 participants, 26 obeyed an authority figure by continuing to shock the learners even after they were seemingly unresponsive (Milgram, 1963). Zimbardo’s experiment, which also focused on obedience to authority figures, asked participating students at Stanford University to play the roles of prison guards and prisoners. After only six out of the scheduled fourteen days, Zimbardo ended the experiment due to extreme emotional reactions (depression, crying, rage, and acute anxiety) among five of the ten prisoners (Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973). Admittedly, the researchers conducted these experiments and subsequently obtained these results under unethical and extreme circumstances. Although Institutional Review Board processes are in place today to protect researchers and participants, these classic and significant studies demonstrate the extent to which some individuals are willing to obey authority in power. Conformity. In addition to the power of authority on obedience and individual behavior, the power of a majority group can also alter individual choice and actions, which is known as conformity (Rathus, 2005). It can be difficult to decipher between obedience and conformity when evaluating individual behaviors, and, in some cases, the two may overlap. When this occurs, researchers

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must recognize from where the change in individual behavior stems—is it to conform to the majority group and social norms (which may be an unconscious process), or is it to obey a required request? As outlined in the following experiments, behaviors can result from a perceived majority pressure, even in the absence of authoritative influences. Solomon Asch’s (1956) social conformity experiment, conducted in 1951, is one of the most cited resources when referencing the power of social influences. The experiment requested groups of seven to nine individuals at a time to take part in a visual discrimination study (N = 123). The participants were asked to match the length of a line shown to them on a card to the length of one of three lines on a second card. Asch instructed all but one of the participants (the minority subject) beforehand to unanimously choose an incorrect matching line. The experiment sought to study the influence of the majority’s selection on the minority subject. Results found that only 7% of subjects in the control group expressed error in their matching, while 37% of subjects in the experimental groups guessed incorrectly along with the majority. From this analysis, Asch asserted that “the unanimously wrong majority produced a marked and significant distortion in the reported estimates [among subjects]” and felt that opposing group pressure influenced the independence of individual judgment (1956, p. 12). Following Asch’s procedures, researcher Richard Crutchfield (1955) conducted an experiment in 1953 in which individuals were asked to answer multiple choice questions in a variety of forms (geometrical figures, lengths of lines, vocabulary items, etc.). Individual subjects were supposedly shown a panel of other subjects’ answers before choosing their own answers; however, the experimental apparatus was wired and no other subjects were submitting answers. Out of the four question types, the following percentages represent the number of times subjects guessed incorrectly towards the majority: 46%, 37%, 58%, and 30% (Crutchfield, 1955). As revealed by these numbers, others’ responses seemingly influenced many participants’ responses. Both Asch and Crutchfield’s experiments highlight the significance of social influences and pressures to conform to the “norm” or the majority. Interestingly, Bargh (2007) recently discussed the implications of contemporary social psychology, suggesting that classic experiments from Asch, Zimbardo, and Milgram focused mainly on external environmental pressures on the individual regarding acts of conformity and obedience. Today, social psychology explores the impact of both internal and external forces in determining individual judgment and behavior when exposed to authority figures and/or majority pressures. Examples of conformity and obedience are found not only in experiments and real-world situations, but also in television shows, such as Primetime: What Would You Do? (Arledge, 2008), and in organized institutions, such as the American higher education system. In the following section, the authors examine the external pressures which students and institutions place on postsecondary faculty to lower their standards, or conform, to the consumeristic demands prevalent in higher education. The question remains as to how faculty balance their internal beliefs on education with the external pressures imposed by

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students and institutions. Consumerism in Higher Education The commodification of higher education is no longer an unfamiliar concept (Armstrong, 2014; Delucchi & Korgen, 2002; Riesman & Farago, 1982). Researchers (e.g., Astin, 1998; Snyder & Clair, 1976) have recognized and continued to express concerns about the consumeristic mindset present within institutions (as cited in Germain & Scandura, 2005). Young (1993) expressed the concern that the influence of students having more control over both what and how they are taught has led faculty, among others, to lower their standards and expectations of quality work. Young claims that good professors “give the students the skills that they need to survive in a competitive world” (p. 13) and that those skills should not be discredited or forgotten for the sake of easy grades and favorable evaluations. Two of the most popular and frequently cited factors contributing to the expansion of consumerism inside the classroom are grade inflation and student-teacher evaluations, while institutional factors such as the corporatization of amenities (i.e., movie theatres in residence halls) and businesslike marketing (i.e., promoting elaborate residential options) encourage consumerism outside of the classroom (Germain & Scandura, 2005; Regan, 2012). These factors create tension between students, faculty, and the fundamental principles of a college education. Zhang (2011) stated that “education is philosophy in action,” where the term philosophy is derived from the Greek word philosophia, meaning the “love of wisdom or learning” (p. 7). The consumeristic ideology, perpetuated by both students as well as institutions as organizations, appears to undermine such values of higher education by encouraging choice overload and the practice of students asking for increased grades without merit, as opposed to an investment in lifelong learning (Delucchi & Korgen, 2002). Institutional influence. As Armstrong (2014) stated, “Students are defining what they want out of their college education due to the abundance of choices reflected in areas such as major declaration and course selection, faculty evaluations, and the available amenities and facilities” (p. 2). Colleges and universities promote and encourage these choices, reflecting signs of ongoing consumerism in contemporary higher education. Understandably, as the field of higher education began to grow following the 1960s, faculty could no longer be the main source of guidance for students. Prior to the 1960s, students depended on faculty to provide not only instruction inside the classroom, but also general guidance and advice (Zhang, 2011). According to Zhang (2011), this period is often referred to as the in loco parentis era, which is Latin for “in the place of a parent.” Following World War II, student enrollment increased, along with students’ expectations of a college education which caused IHE to require more than students and professors; education needed to partner with constituencies from various fields such as marketing and public relations in order to manage, and continue, this increase (Zhang, 2011). This led to the use of promotional services in order for institutions to attract students and compete with one another (Goenner & Pauls, 2006).

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With this growth also came revisions to the tenure review process and accreditation criteria, including more of an emphasis on student evaluations and a shift from enrollment- to outcomes-based assessment, both of which have contributed to increased consumerism in higher education by pressuring faculty members to conform to these metrics (Dodd, 2004; Kezar, 2013). Kezar’s research quotes a non-tenure track faculty member’s feelings of being overlooked and conforming to institutional distinctions. The professor states, “I’m the one who’s written a recent book on the issue and is well published, and I speak across the country on the issue but I cannot even design the course” (Kezar, 2013, p. 584). Student influence. Young (1993) and Regan (2012) discussed the irony of how faculty tenure and promotions are influenced by student-faculty evaluations: students typically rate their professors on matters not relevant to teaching competency, but rather on their perceptions and feelings “about such intangibles as personality of the professor [and] grading standards” (Young, 1993, p. 2). Uncontrollable factors that students take into consideration significantly influence these evaluations, such as teaching styles (performance-based versus lecture), testing procedures (multiple choice versus essay), and the degree to which students feel they should receive a particular grade (Young, 1993). Additionally, much research exists on the idea that students’ perceived sense of entitlement for “choosing” higher grades often influences grade inflation. In a 2002 study based on approximately 850 undergraduate sociology students, Delucchi and Korgen found that 73.3 percent of their student sample would take a course where they learned little or nothing if they could receive an A grade. Lewis (2014) found that “grade inflation is embedded into and rewarded by institutions” (p. 46). In one longitudinal study, researchers from the Teachers’ College at Columbia University found that “A” grades increased from 7% to 26% while C grades decreased from 25% to 9% across undergraduate populations enrolled in institutions around the nation from the years spanning 1969 to 1993 (Kezim, Pariseau, & Quinn, 2005). While this trend in grade inflation could be due to a variety of factors, it is clear that it coincides with an increase in consumerism over the last several decades. As Delucchi and Korgen (2002) emphasized, it is now common practice for students who do not earn the grades that they need to simply demand them instead. Student and institutional perpetuation of consumerism are arguably byproducts of the social influences seen from the tenure review process, accreditation, and marketing strategies. The following sections will explore these ideas more fully through the paradigm of social psychology and the use of social influence theory. Discussion Social Influences Peter Seybold (2008) asserted that “the entire university is being subjected to the logic of profit, which is reshaping the priorities of the institution and degrading the everyday practice and culture of higher education” (p. 116). This perspective on the matter reflects the current trend in higher education

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toward consumerism. Learning is often secondary to the business transaction of obtaining a degree. In other words, if the student-consumers are not satisfied with the product of the postsecondary experience, the institution loses revenue. This is perhaps best illustrated in the classroom, especially when viewed through the paradigm of social psychology. At the institutional and student levels, several social influences which perpetuate consumerism impact faculty behavior to the extent of conformity. Examples which demonstrate this include the tenure review process, institutional and unit-level accreditation, and marketing. Accreditation. Accreditation at both the institutional and unit levels is an unavoidable and recurring obligation for any institution which seeks to acquire or maintain eligibility for federal funding and the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) (Eaton, 2006). Further, accreditation is crucial in order to maintain and expand the revenue stream that is student enrollment. Given that students are often motivated to attend college in large part due to the perceived return on investment that a postsecondary education could provide, it is logical to conclude that they will most often choose to enroll in a fully-accredited IHE where they are also able to receive federal loans. Although institutions have minimal control over the criteria set by accreditors for new or continuing accreditation, they must still demonstrate that such criteria are being met. Dodd (2004) stated, â&#x20AC;&#x153;In recent years, there has been a national revision of standards toward institutional effectiveness with an emphasis on achievement of outcomes rather than adherence to standardsâ&#x20AC;? (pp. 14-15). Further, Chaden (2013) found that institutions traditionally hired faculty members to focus on teaching within their disciplines. However, due in large part to the aforementioned shift in accreditation criteria, retention is now the focus of many faculty members across the higher education landscape (Chaden, 2013). Given these trends, faculty members must now conform to this type of outcomes-based assessment as a form of social influence, which ultimately places significantly more of an emphasis on retention and matriculation than ever before. The authors of this article would be remiss not to mention that consumerism in higher education can hold positive implications as well. For example, Chaden (2013) found that the aforementioned changes in accreditation standards, including a shift toward outcomes-based assessment, can result in faculty members developing innovative teaching practices in order to increase student learning rather than lowering standards. If this trend continues into the future, the result could be even more graduates with adequate preparation for the workplace or other aspirations than before. Tenure review. The availability of tenure-track positions is becoming increasingly rare in many fields. According to Kezar (2013), as many as two-thirds of both the full- and part-time professoriate are now considered to be non-tenure track faculty. In order to generate the greatest amount of profit, administrators must decide where to make cuts in restrictive budgetary times. Given that tenuretrack faculty require more resources to support, it is evident that this is one such area in which cuts continue to be made; additionally, competition for positions continues to increase (Kezar, 2013). To further complicate matters, many question

Consumerism and Higher Education

the overall fairness of the tenure review process. Many faculty members believe that unfair and inconsistent criteria determine one’s place within the university (Lawrence, Celis & Ott, 2014, p. 162). Lawrence et al. (2014) also studied faculty perceptions of this process and found the existing literature in support of the notion that faculty often view it as “problematic” (p. 156). One of the primary reasons for this view is frustration with the use of student-driven faculty evaluations as a significant factor in the review process. According to Berrett (2014), “Even though evaluations have become ubiquitous in academe, they remain controversial because they often assume a high-stakes role in determining tenure and promotion” (para. 4). In combination, these institutional decisions result in an increased amount of pressure on faculty members to conform to the consumeristic model of higher education. Students may also socially influence professors through the tenure review process due to their role as intermediaries between the faculty and the remainder of the institution’s administration. Many colleges and universities allow their faculty evaluations to read as if they were “customer/student-satisfaction surveys” instead of assessments of teaching ability (Delucci & Korgen, 2002, p. 105). Trout (1997) claimed that when higher education functions properly, faculty members are bound to frustrate students. The author states, “Students--who want--in their terms--a comfortable environment should find much to complain about, if professors are doing their job well” and argues that education is not meant to be a comfortable place where students’ feelings become the professor’s priority (p. 29). Faculty members conform to the trend of consumerism when they lower their standards in order to appease the students who are responsible for completing the faculty evaluations which ultimately impact tenure decisions. However, students do not receive the most fulfilling academic experience if they request curriculum and standards of teaching to be diluted in the name of receiving easier assignments and more “A” grades on transcripts. Therefore, both institutions and students perpetuate consumerism and faculty conformity through the current structure of the tenure review process. Marketing. A third factor for consideration with regard to the perpetuation of consumerism in higher education is marketing. Through television, social media, and texting, IHE are reaching students quickly and purposefully. According to Wright (2014), “In order to attract students, colleges and universities must offer a product (service) which is positioned to attract students” (p. 88). Whether this includes a campus that resembles a resort or inflated statistics regarding job and graduate school placement rates, it is clear that such marketing strategies can create preconceived notions in the minds of the students as consumers regarding their role in the academic process when they arrive in the classroom (Bradley, 2013). As potential consumers of the university’s services, students want institutions to market education in a service-friendly manner where they have a say in faculty-student interactions, course content, and course management (Judson & Steven, 2014). Further, “university marketing may bypass the filter of skepticism through which young people typically perceive other advertisements” (Bradley, 2013, p. 84). Marketing as a social influence can

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ultimately perpetuate the role of students as consumers who pressure faculty members to conform to the lowering of academic standards in order to provide them with the above-mentioned deliverables. Conclusion The aforementioned social influences of the tenure review process, accreditation, and marketing are not intended to comprise an exhaustive list of the social influences which perpetuate a consumerism that ultimately results in faculty conformity. However, these factors are intended to illustrate how students and institutions perpetuate such influences, which can ultimately increase the consumeristic effect. Perhaps the main question that remains concerns how faculty members demonstrate such conformity. Faculty face the challenge of appeasing multiple constituencies while maintaining academic quality and rigor. With over 7,000 postsecondary Title IV institutions in existence in the United States, students are inundated with choice (U.S. Department of Education, 2013). Unfortunately, as students drive the market of mass higher education, this often forces institutions into pandering in order to sustain enrollment and compete in the marketplace. Implications When considering the issues of consumerism in higher education through the lens of social influence theory, there are ostensibly few solutions. The nature of social influence theory and conformity results in faculty obliging to the pressures of their institution and students. By threatening the livelihood of instructors, or facing coercion by their colleagues, faculty will continue to succumb to demands. Perhaps the only solution is for institutions to attempt to restore postsecondary instructorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; confidence in their ability to educate through means such as revising the tenure review process to focus more heavily on scholarship than on student evaluations. Of course, this further perpetuates our debate regarding how much weight each element (typically teaching, scholarship, and service) of the tenure review process should carry. While researchers continue to understand topics surrounding grade inflation, the tenure review process, accreditation, and marketing strategies, several key questions remain for future consideration. The most pertinent of these questions is who should drive the market and how can IHE, students, and faculty members adjust to the phenomenon of conformity while upholding the academic identity of the postsecondary institution? Potential solutions for addressing the issue of faculty conformity to consumerism in higher education may be elusive, yet still possible to identify and implementâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;especially from the accreditation and tenure review perspectives. Regarding accreditation, one solution may be to reform the criteria in order to balance outcomes-based assessment with an increase in evidence that students are meeting required course learning objectives. Similarly, a potential solution related to the tenure review process may be a shift toward the use of performance-based teaching evaluations. In other words, the administration would place less emphasis

Consumerism and Higher Education

on student evaluations of instructors while more heavily weighing evidence of students meeting course learning objectives. Some faculty members may attempt to appease students’ consumeristic interests by conforming to the traditional, lecture-style teaching in order to maintain opportunities for professional advancement. Many faculty members consider this type of conformity to students’ expectations to be a form of coddling that drives the consumeristic mindset among college students (Lattuca & Stark, 2009). However, such conformity is a disservice to students and makes it less likely that they will gain the skills needed to survive in a competitive world such as the ability to analyze, and to think, read, and write critically (Young, 1993). One potential solution to this pedagogical dilemma is for faculty to adopt more student-centered approaches to teaching and learning where students learn to be autonomous, life-long learners (Doyle, 2011). References Arledge, R. (Director). (2008). What would you do? [Television series]. New York: American Broadcasting Company. Armstrong, A. (2014). Teacher-centered vs. student-centered pedagogy and their effects on consumerism in higher education. Unpublished manuscript, School of Education, The College of William & Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia. Asch, S. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: A minority of one against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs, 70(9), 1-70. Ayres, C. E. (1918). The epistemological significance of social psychology. Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods, 15(2), 35-44. Bargh, J.A. (2007). Social psychological approaches to consciousness. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Berrett, D. (2014, September 18). Scholars take aim at student evaluations’ ‘air of objectivity.’ The Chronicle of Higher Education. Retrieved from http://chronicle.com/article/Scholars-Take-Aim-at-Student/148859/ Bradley, J. (2013). Integrity in higher education marketing? A typology of misleading data-based claims in the university prospectus. International Journal for Educational Integrity, 9(2), 74-88. Brennan, J. (1998). History and systems of psychology. (5th ed.) Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Chaden, C. (2013). Engaging faculty in retention: Finding traction through accreditation. New Directions for Higher Education, 2013(161), 91-100. Crutchfield, R. (1955). Conformity and character. American Psychologist, 10(5), 191-198. Delucchi, M., & Korgen, K. (2002). “We’re the customer—we pay the tuition”: Student consumerism among undergraduate sociology majors. Teaching Sociology, 30(1), 100-107. Dodd, A. (2004). Accreditation as a catalyst for institutional effectiveness. New Directions for Institutional Research, 123, 13-25. doi: 10.1002/ir.116 Doyle, T. (2011). Learner centered teaching: Putting the research on learning into practice. Sterling, VA: Stylus. Eaton, J. S. (2006). An overview of U.S. accreditation. The Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac Issue 2005-2006, 52(1), 1-11. Ellis, L., Burke, D., Lomire, P., & McCormack, D. (2003). Student grades and average ratings of instructional quality: The need for adjustment. The Journal of Educational Research, 97(1), 35-40. Germain, M., & Scandura, T. (2005). Grade inflation and student individual differences as systematic bias in faculty evaluations. Journal of Instructional Psychology, 32(1), 58-67. Goenner, C. & Pauls, K. (2006). A predictive model of inquiry to enrollment. Research in Higher Education, 47(8), 935-956, doi:10.1007/s11162-006-9021-8. Haney, C., Banks, C., & Zimbardo, P. (1973). A study of guards and prisoners in a simulated prison. Naval Research Reviews: Office of Naval Research, 1-17. Retrieved from http://www.zimbardo.com/downloads/1973%20A%20Study%20of%20Prisoners%20and%20Guards,%2 0Naval%20Research%20Reviews.pdf Judson, K., & Steven A. (2014). Moving from marketization to marketing of higher education: the co-creation of value in higher education. Higher Education Studies, 4(1), 51-67.

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Kezar, A. (2013). Examining non-tenure track faculty perceptions of how departmental policies and practices shape their performance and ability to create student learning at four-year institutions. Research in Higher Education, 54, 571-598. doi: 10.1007/s11162-013-9288 Kezim, B., Pariseau, S.E., & Quinn, F. (2005). Is grade inflation related to faculty status? Journal of Education for Business, 80(6), 358-363. Lattuca, L., & Stark, J. (2009). Shaping the college curriculum: Academic plans in context. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Lawrence, J., Celis, S., & Ott, M. (2014). Is the tenure process fair? What faculty think. The Journal of Higher Education, 85(2), 155-188. Lewis, C. (2014). Confessions of a recovering grade inflator. Writing on the Edge, 24(2), 45-52. Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral study of obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67(4), 371-378. Rathus, S. (2005). Psychology concepts and connections. (9th ed.) Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth. Regan, J. (2012). The role obligations of students and lecturers in higher education. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 46(1), 14-24. Riesman, D., & Farago, J. M. (1982). When they bought in, did we sell out? David Reisman on the student as consumer on higher education: The academic enterprise in an era of rising student consumerism. The Journal of Higher Education, 53(6), 701â&#x20AC;&#x201C;715. Seybold, P. (2008). The struggle against corporate takeover of the university. Socialism and Democracy, 22(1), 115125. doi: 10.1080/08854300701820643 Trout, P.A. (1997). What the numbers mean: Providing a context for numerical student evaluations of courses. Change, 29(5), 24-30. U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2013). Digest of Education Statistics, 2012 (NCES 2014-015), Table 5. Wright, R. (2014). Student focused marketing: Impact of marketing higher education based on student data and input. College Student Journal, 48(1), 88-93. Young, R. (1993). Student evaluation of faculty: A faculty perspective. Perspectives on Political Science, 22(1), 12-16. Zemsky, R. (1993). Consumer markets & higher education. Liberal Education, 79(3), 14. Zhang, N. (Ed.). (2011). Rentzâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s student affairs practice in higher education. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.

Amanda Armstrong (B.A., Mars Hill College; M.A., Appalachian State University) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, and Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in Higher Education Administration. Her research interests include college teaching and learning, college students' moral and spiritual development, student learning outcomes, first-generation students, and social media. Madeline Smith (B.A., The Ohio State University; M.Ed., Ohio University) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration. Her research interests include higher education finance, as well as accreditation, assessment, and evaluation. Jaymi C. Thomas (B.A., Wake Forest University; M.A., Marymount University) is an Ed.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration. Her research interests include student-of-color narratives and community engagement in underrepresented student populations. M. Amanda Johnson (B.A., Hollins College; M.A., Eastern Michigan University) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration. Her research interests include the role of government policy in higher education in developing countries.

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies: A Media Analysis Adam Barger

Abstract This article explored two complimentary frameworks for utilizing web-based simulation games in social studies classrooms and applied them in a media analysis of a popular web-based civics simulation. McCallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2014) practical framework and Raphael, Bachen, Lynn, Mckee, and Baldwin-Philippiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2010) approach provided a thorough construct for effectively evaluating and utilizing simulation games in social studies classrooms. The Redistricting Game (USC Annenberg Center, n.d.) is detailed in light of these frameworks and analyzed for potential instructional use. Keywords: web-based simulations, social studies games, civics

Utilizing games and simulations to enrich pedagogy in social studies instructions is a relevant and ongoing area of development in recent scholarship (e.g., Kee, 2014; Lenhart, Kahne, Macgill, Evans, & Vitak, 2008). Practical classroom implications of social studies gaming research, though still developing, are essential considerations when attempting to transfer theoretical assumptions to classroom activities. McCallâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2014) approach to outlining a practical framework for analyzing, preparing for, and using history simulation games as a key instructional practice was a significant step towards putting social studies gaming theory into action. Similarly, Raphael, Bachen, Lynn, Mckee, and BaldwinPhilippi (2010) presented a conceptual framework for exploring specific game characteristics that relate to civic learning and potential real-world engagement through the application of civic knowledge. Taken together, these frameworks

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provide theoretical and practical grounding for social studies teaching and learning with simulation games. The following media analysis will synthesize both frameworks and apply them to a popular web-based simulation game in order to better understand the theoretical and practical implications of using web-based games in the social studies classroom. A Two-Pronged Approach to Instructional Gaming Decisions Instructional gaming in social studies is an area of research characterized by a notable gap between research and practice. Multiple empirical and theoretical studies on the potential for digital gaming in the classroom permeate the field (e.g., Kee & Graham, 2014; Moore, Beshke, & Bohan, 2014) yet few studies explored game-based teaching practices built upon established theories in the social studies content area. This article utilizes a two-prong approach to analyze and examine the implementation of digital games in social studies instruction. First, attention is drawn to the pedagogical decisions involved in implementing digital games by vetting potential games and considering options for their use based on McCall’s (2014) practical approach. Second, potential skill transfer from the gaming experience to real-world scenarios or experiences is assessed utilizing Raphael et al.’s (2010) conceptual framework. This provides insight into the particular advantages and disadvantages of digital game characteristics. McCall’s Practical Framework In calling for a clearer and more practical approach to using history simulation games in the classroom, McCall (2014) emphasized the sharp contrast between utilizing games for learning and playing them for fun. As a classroom teacher and practicing historian, McCall found value in engaging games that lend themselves to analysis and provide unique vantage points for student learning. In his words, “simulation games have compelling features as educational tools; whether they are fun is not at issue” (McCall, 2014, p. 232). What then is the issue? What qualities make a historical game or simulation a sound instructional choice? How should teachers navigate the many decisions involved in utilizing games in social studies classrooms? McCall’s framework, based on personal experience and action research in the field, provided guidelines to help teachers answer these questions and take practical steps to use games in their instruction. First, teachers must assess the validity of the simulation game in terms of the underlying historical interpretation. McCall posited that a game should “offer defensible explanations of historical causes and systems” (2014, p. 233). Given the innumerable interpretations of historical phenomena, portraying a completely accurate view of history is not possible, nor is it desirable. After all, part of the students’ analyses will focus on critiquing the historical interpretation present in simulation games. However, to be a viable instructional tool, simulation games should be built upon reasonable historical conventions of the past. Once this type of validity is established, teachers should turn their attention to the historical content framing the simulation game. The second guideline involves the consideration of the historical issues or problems presented in the simulation game in order to better scaffold the

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

critique and questioning necessary for analysis (McCall, 2014). According to McCall, aspects such as the role of the game-player, the use of in-game resources, and the possible actions that can be taken by the player are important considerations for teachers as they prepare students for encountering game challenges. Understanding the position of the game-player in encountering the historical issues of the game is an important point of reference for learners. What power or agency do they hold within the game? What historical themes or problems will learners encounter in that role? Answering these questions helps to frame the simulation within real and virtual systems so learners can better navigate the game for learning purposes. The final guideline for implementing instruction using simulation games is encountering the collection of pedagogical decisions necessary for success. McCall (2014) detailed these decisions as necessary for guiding student learning rather than dictating a specific learning path. Specifically, teachers should plan time for gameplay training, allocate time for observing and recording observation notes, construct analytical exercises related to the simulation game, and provide a culminating experience with opportunities to reflect and critique (McCall, 2014). Obviously, the planning and implementation described above is time consuming for both teachers and students. McCall admitted that many teachers, especially those bound to mandated curricula and/or high stakes testing, cannot feasibly implement these steps for complex games such as Rome: Total War or CivCity: Rome as described in his article. However, he noted the strong possibility of valuable instruction based on web-based simulation games that are simpler and played on a smaller, more manageable scale. Naturally, consideration of such games uncovers more questions for researchers and teachers alike. Web-based games are numerous and vary greatly in their potential for learning and application. What types of games help build content knowledge and real-world skills? What aspects of social studies games are most important for student engagement? What values should social studies games promote, and how can these values be applied? Such questions require a theory-based conceptual model for evaluating games in specific content areas. Raphael et al. (2010) proposed a theoretical framework for evaluating the instructional value and pedagogical choices regarding gaming for civic learning. The following synthesis of their framework provides insight into the content-specific aspects of simulation games in social studies as well as the potential real-world civic applications. A Civic Learning Framework Raphael et al. (2010) advocated for the consideration of games with applicable civic content as opposed to games that merely include social interaction, such as fantasy role-playing games. In their words, â&#x20AC;&#x153;games foster civic learning when they help players to develop knowledge, skills, and dispositions that players then apply to public matters in the world outside the gameâ&#x20AC;? (2010, p. 229). Games with civic content, such as Decisions, Decisions 5.0 (Tom Snyder Productions, 1997) or SimCity 4 (Maxis Software, 2004) are hypothesized to have

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more real-world connections regarding civic engagement (Raphael et al., 2010). Given this hypothesis, Raphael et al. designed a civic learning framework based on two overlapping continua on which game characteristics are placed (see Figure 1). Exploring the levels of agency, structure, expediency, and ethics within the game help gage aspects of civic value.

Figure 1. Raphael et al.â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2010) proposed conceptual framework for civic game characteristics. The overlapping continua illustrate both the role of the learner and the basis of civic values. According to Raphael et al. (2010), agency refers to the freedom to control and manipulate game mechanics. Games high in player agency often have less rigid gaming structures and allow for more personalized decisions. Raphael et al. described expediency as the utility of the means for achieving game goals with or without consideration of justice or ethics. Games high in expediency have less focus on ethical systems and principles; whereas games that focus on ethics often rely less on expedient or utilitarian gameplay. Raphael and colleagues were careful to note that some degree of expediency is inherent in all game play, but not all civic games have strong ethical foci. Therefore, the use of continua as depicted in Figure 1, rather than a dichotomy, is useful for understanding games for use in civic learning. Based on these four characteristics,

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

Raphael and colleagues extrapolated the potential transfer of skills for real-world civic engagement. The Civic Learning framework provides a useful basis for predicting what civic skills could be transferred to real-world scenarios (Raphael et al., 2010). Specifically, the authors point to four types of citizenship promoted in civic games: citizenship of influence, citizenship of justice, citizenship of discipline, and citizenship of responsibility. These four types of citizenship correspond with the overlapping continua discussed above (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. Types of Citizenship on the game characteristics continua (Raphael et al., 2010). Utilizing the Civic Learning framework (Raphael et al., 2010) enables social studies educators to focus on potential real-world application of civic skills. This conceptual framework provides a useful avenue for evaluating civic games for instructional use during specific units of study or relevant topics. Coupled with the practical steps for game implementation outlined by McCall (2014), these frameworks provide a purposeful structure for evaluating and implementing games for instructional use in social studies classrooms. The remainder of this article will implement this two-prong structure through an analysis of The Redistricting Game (USC Annenberg Center, n.d.) and a discussion of its instructional potential.

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The Redistricting Game The stated purpose of The Redistricting Game (USC Annenberg Center, n.d.) is “to educate, engage, and empower citizens around the issue of political redistricting” (USC Annenberg Center, n.d., para. 1). The game design and objectives are built around historical trends of congressional redistricting and the multifaceted process by which districts are redrawn. This process includes political realities, population centers, government bureaucracy, media-rich maps, and more. The game is completely web-based and free for all users. There are basic and advanced levels within each “mission” the player chooses to complete. Additionally, there are multiple hyperlinks to other sections that further explain the redistricting process and guidelines (USC Annenberg Center, n.d.). The Redistricting Game has received multiple accolades (accessible at http://redistrictinggame.blogspot.com/) from media outlets and educators for its ease of use and applicability to real-world content. Game-play is relatively simple and consists of players moving district boundaries on population/political maps in order to meet specific requirements, such as population equality. Additionally, players encounter increasingly difficult missions that require politically motivated redistricting and/or bipartisan gerrymandering in order to have a redistricting map approved by the legislative, judicial, and executive powers represented in the game. The game is a true simulation as it is based on real historical and governmental challenges involved with congressional districting, though the place names and political characters are fictitious. Overall the game is user friendly and information rich. However, through an application of McCall’s (2014) simulation game framework and Raphael et al.’s (2010) Civic Learning framework, the educative value is more precisely characterized in the following analysis. This analysis merges the frameworks in an effort to mirror the logical steps teachers may take when considering game implementation. Validity of the Simulation The key consideration for historical validity is whether or not the basic aspects of the game play offer “defensible explanations of historical causes and systems” (McCall, 2014, p. 233). This is perhaps the most significant strength of The Redistricting Game. The game design is built around the historical concepts as well as relevant aspects of the contemporary system. Redistricting is a complex and often convoluted process that has been debated by politicians and the judiciary for decades. The heart of the process is the political influence often noted in the shapes and locations of congressional districts. The Redistricting Game guides players through the effects of politics by starting the first mission with a focus on population equality, compactness, and contiguity; three foundational aspects of the redistricting process (Levitt, 2010). From there the missions become more complex as players attempt to overcome challenges such as gerrymandering, voting rights, and reform. The historical and political processes are extremely accurate and defensible based on well-documented and accessible evidence from our nation’s history, related election law cases, and basic civic competencies for understanding U.S. representative government (e.g., Center

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

for Civic Education, 1994). Overall, the simulation is valid and applicable for learners, especially those in U.S. history or civics courses. Historical Problem and Necessary Scaffolding This aspect of the framework calls for consideration of resources and supports necessary to facilitate studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; analyses of the simulation game. McCall (2014) asserted that two general categories of resources are needed to effectively scaffold the use of history simulation games: knowledge of historical issues or content and awareness of historical interpretations. The first resource is the most obvious need for utilizing The Redistricting Game. Learners will need a basic knowledge of governmental processes as well as an understanding of the United States Congress, its makeup, and responsibilities. Furthermore, learners should be aware of the general history of political parties and their role in the state-level redistricting processes. The second aspect of scaffolding is an awareness of the gameâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interpretation or point of view. McCall (2014) suggested guiding learners through analysis questions that establish the role of the player, the basic challenges and assumed problems within the game, and the essential strategies necessary to succeed in the game. The stated purpose of The Redistricting Game leads to a quick realization that the point of view is one of raising awareness regarding the complexity and politicization of redistricting. Moreover, a sense of representativesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; political motives and the ambiguity concerning the ethical position of such motives are present throughout each mission within the game. If there is a clear agenda emanating from the game it is one of information and awareness, not political gain. As a result, there is ample room for exploring how the structure of the game may yield real-world applications as discussed by Raphael et al. (2010). Agency and Structure The Redistricting Game offers players substantial agency as they alter district boundaries according to their desires. Political influences are allowed as players determine which party would benefit from various boundary relocations. However, the structure of the game results in a substantial balance to agency. For example, the primary mode of structure is the mission-specific goals that players must meet in order to proceed through the game. Additionally, the scale and simplicity of the game is a type of built-in structure. Players can only alter certain political conditions and are not able to introduce new strategies for dealing with political stakeholders. Given this balance between agency and structure, The Redistricting Game is placed near the center, yet closer to structure, on the agency/structure continuum presented by Raphael et al. (2010). Games for civic learning that are built around structure have potential for promoting a citizenship of discipline and responsibility (Raphael et al., 2010). As observed in The Redistricting Game, players experience the significant challenge of balancing congressional districts while considering the interests of multiple stakeholders. The discipline required to repeatedly submit district maps, obtain feedback, work with authorities, and reconsider previous work is certainly a

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collection of skills with potential for application in real-world civic engagement. Furthermore, players gain experience in handling responsibility and the many possible effects of holding that responsibility in a complex electoral system. Once again, real-world civic applications are numerous, as players will potentially interact with other citizens as stakeholders in the electoral process. Governmental oversight, citizen involvement, and political realities are all areas of civic life that provide pathways for Redistricting Game players to extend their civic learning. Expediency and Ethics The Redistricting Game falls firmly on the ethics side of the proposed expediency/ethics continuum. According to Raphael et al. (2010), ethics in civic gaming refers to the “moral systems or principles that should guide individuals, but also institutional justice, including that of political and economic systems” (p. 207). Given the relative simplicity of The Redistricting Game, ethical reflections and complex decisions are not a point of specific concentration, yet ethical considerations frame the game concept. The purpose of congressional redistricting is equality and equal voice. However, as keenly applied in the game, political and geographic challenges inhibit players from easily attaining district equality. Guiding principles and a sense of justice certainly influence players throughout the various missions. Though player expediency is noted in the form of purposeful player actions and goal oriented missions, such expediency does not take away from the clear sense of ethics needed to succeed in the game. Raphael et al. (2010) posited that games high in ethical considerations promote a citizenship of justice and a citizenship of responsibility. Justice is clearly observed in The Redistricting Game’s quest for congressional district equality and the goal of balancing concerns of the stakeholders. Perhaps more important is the notable focus on citizen responsibility. This overlap with the game’s placement toward structure on the continua magnifies the potential for fostering civic engagement focused on responsible citizens. Helping teach about the importance of character and responsibility in a democratic society is a powerful motivation for implementing simulations games such as The Redistricting Game. With this potential goal in mind, social studies educators can chart a clear path to move beyond instructional gaming as a classroom activity and seek to promote true civic learning and citizen engagement. Pedagogical Decisions for Implementation McCall (2014) argued that simulation games help students learn and think “flexibly” (p. 242). In other words, students can become more aware of how to learn in different ways when learning from varying sources. Many of the pedagogical decisions necessary for implementing a simulation game stem from this position as students take the lead in engaging with the simulation while teachers act as guides for directions and resources. In many high school social studies classrooms, decisions regarding the allocation of time are made out of necessity and the desire to move forward in the curriculum (McCall, 2014). Utilizing a simulation game like The Redistricting Game will require a somewhat

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

significant allotment of time to allow for training, observing, and analyzing at the level suggested by McCall. According to McCall (2014), classroom time should be utilized for training on how to play and interact with the game, observe game mechanics and outcomes, as well as critique the simulation and reflect on the experience. The Redistricting Game is not difficult to learn to play, as most movements are dragand-drop style movements and the interface is simple. However, navigating the various aspects of the political system, while maintaining an awareness of constitutional mandates and other requirements regarding the process, is a challenge. Learners will most likely need specific training in the content area and exposure to redistricting examples and/or related court cases. Most learners will benefit from observing game-play and the movements and decisions of their peers. As suggested by McCall (2014), observation notes on decisions, successes, and failures will be an important part of the final critique and reflection. Given the various difficulty levels within the game, teachers may consider guiding the observation notes process with questions, prompts, and specific points of interest to be sure all students have the information needed for future reflection. Other instructional methods, such as whole class discussions, teacher modeling, or small group collaboration can be incorporated throughout this process and may be especially helpful on the advanced levels of the game. The final pedagogical aspect of implementing a simulation game is the critique of the game’s historical interpretation and a reflection on the gaming process. McCall (2014) recommended guiding learners through similar processes as those followed by historians as they evaluate evidence and interpretations in their field. Researching various sources, studying and perhaps challenging commonly held conventions, and drawing individual conclusions are all important aspects of the historical process. The Redistricting Game provides an excellent venue for such academic processes. Learners will find ample opportunities for questioning the assumptions of the simulation and critiquing the interpretation of the political processes depicted. For example, why is the focus primarily political? What place do popular sovereignty and democratic processes hold? What adverse effects of redistricting have been proven in history? These questions could provide the line of inquiry necessary for learners to make the vital connection between the game experience and the world in which they live. The application of the Civic Learning conceptual framework (Raphael et al., 2010) to The Redistricting Game provides clear direction for real-world applications of civic skills and responsibilities. With this aim as a guiding force, educators can better utilize the game for civic learning and analysis. The Redistricting Game is an excellent example of gaming’s potential in social studies classrooms. Undergirded by McCall’s (2014) practical framework and Raphael et al.’s (2010) conceptual framework, social studies teachers can truly capitalize on this simple web-based resource and still expect significant opportunities for student engagement and real-world applications.

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Conclusion and Implications for Further Application This media analysis has applied two complimentary frameworks for simulation gaming in social studies to a specific web-based game. In doing so, practical applications of simulation gaming are more clearly illustrated but not fully encompassed. As simulation gaming becomes more prevalent in social studies classrooms, further analysis of potential games will help inform practitioners and advance the theory. McCall (2014) designed his framework to provide a better avenue for theoretical assumptions to become pedagogical practice. Raphael et al. (2010) contended their framework offers clear direction for applying game-based civic learning to real-world situations. Both approaches advocate authentic processes in order to cultivate thinking like a historian and/or engaged citizen. Wrestling with open-ended questions, critically evaluating the never-ending stream of available information, and understanding point of view are essential skills for success in a media-rich world. In McCall’s words, “simulation games can help bridge the conceptual divide between humans and their systematic contexts because the games themselves are interactive systems" (2014, p. 230). Perhaps more conceptual bridges should be built in secondary social studies classrooms. With careful planning, analysis, and implementation of simulations like The Redistricting Game, teachers and learners alike can reach beyond textbooks and establish critical connections with content that is better to be experienced than merely observed. References Center for Civics Education. (1994). National Standards for Civics and Government. Calabasas, CA: Author. Kee, K. (Ed.). (2014). Pastplay: Teaching and learning history with technology. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. Kee, K., & Graham, S. (2014). Teaching history in an age of pervasive computing: The case for games in the high school and undergraduate classroom. In K. Kee (Ed.), Pastplay: Teaching and learning history with technology (pp. 228-253). Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. Lenhart, A., Kahne, J. E., Macgill, A. R., Evans, C., & Vitak, J. (2008). Teens, video games, and civics: Teens’ gaming experiences are diverse and include significant social interaction and civic engagement. Pew Internet & American Life Project. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http://www.pewinternet.org Levitt, J. (2010). A citizen’s guide to redistricting. New York, NY: The Brennan Center for Justice at New York School of Law. Maxis Software. (2004). SimCity (Version 4) [Computer game]. Redwood City, CA: Electronic Arts. McCall, J. (2014). Simulation games and the study of the past: Classroom guidelines. In K. Kee (Ed.), Pastplay: Teaching and learning history with technology (pp. 228-253). Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. Moore, C. D., Beshke, C. A., & Bohan, C. H. (2014). Simulations and games in the civics classroom. Social Studies Research and Practice, 9(2), 77–89. Raphael, C., Bachen, C., Lynn, K-M., Mckee, K., Baldwin-Philippi, J. (2010). Games for civic learning: A conceptual framework and agenda for research and design. Games and Culture, 5, 199–235. Tom Snyder Productions. (1997). Decisions, decisions (Version 5) [Computer game]. Waterton, MA: Scholastic. USC Annenberg Center. (n.d.). The redistricting game. [Web-based game]. Retrieved from http://redistrictinggame.org/index.php

Web-Based Simulation Games in Social Studies

Adam Barger (B.A., Cedarville University; M.S.Ed., Old Dominion University) is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in curriculum and educational technology. He is currently a computer resource specialist at Lynnhaven Middle School, and his research interests include the teaching context, instructional decision-making, and educational technology in social studies education.

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Informed Interaction: A Funds of Knowledge Approach to Students in Poverty Davis Clement, Brian Fries, Mike Postma, Bei Zhang

Abstract Students of low socioeconomic status (SES) suffer reduced academic achievement levels compared to other students. Evidence suggests discord between a student’s home and school environments (i.e., the hidden curriculum) contributes to poor educational outcomes. In this paper, we advocate educator, teacher, and administrator use of the Funds of Knowledge theory to identify the hidden curriculum that a student of low SES receives in school. This paper illustrates how, once the hidden curriculum is identified, educators can be better equipped to connect the home and school environments of students of low SES and thereby improve their academic performance. Keywords: funds of knowledge, low socioeconomic status, hidden curriculum

The Elementary and Secondary Education Act, last restructured in 2002 as the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) of 2001, was intended to close the achievement gap between students from families of low socioeconomic status (SES) and their peers (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). Although the NCLB policy outlined a variety of methods to reform American education, children of low SES continue to suffer reduced academic achievement levels when compared to the achievement of other students (American Psychological Association, 2014). SES is defined as an individual’s or family’s economic and social position in relation to other individuals or families (American Psychological Association, 2014). Substantial evidence links low SES (e.g., poverty) to lower educational

Informed Interaction

outcomes. Children from families of low SES score 10% lower than the national average on national achievement tests, and they tend to drop out of high school at higher rates than their contemporaries from higher SES backgrounds (American Psychological Association, 2014). American educational settings include a persistent bias against students of low SES and their academic performance (Gonzalez, Moll, & Amanti, 2005). The SES difference that exists between student populations and teachers drives the need to develop educational environments that foster mutual trust and understanding, bridging the discord between a student’s cultural background and the outcomes and expectations of the curriculum and the school. Evidence suggests that discord between a student’s home and school environments contributes to poor educational outcomes (Brown, 2007). As a result, educators are seeking methods to improve the connection between school and home. The student learning that occurs amid this discord has been called the hidden curriculum by some researchers and advocates (Giroux, 2001). Instead of being explicitly stated, this curriculum is implied by the formal, stated curriculum of a school, yet has widely disparate outcomes for students, depending on their race, SES, ethnicity, or linguistic identity. Identifying what methods are needed to better connect home and school requires school leaders to somehow identify the nature of the discord between a student’s home and school environments. In this paper, we advocate educator, teacher, and administrator use of the Funds of Knowledge (FoK) theory to identify the hidden curriculum that a student of low SES perceives or consumes in school (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). After the nature of this hidden curriculum is specified, educators will be better equipped to connect the home and school environments of students of low SES and ultimately to improve their academic performance. We first explain how identifying the hidden curriculum as a function of the interaction of the school’s formal curriculum and the student’s funds of knowledge is essential to understanding how to counter its effects. Next, we review the emergence of FoK in research literature, highlighting selected studies that have used the FoK theory in classrooms that provide concrete methods for improving student academic achievement. Finally, we offer implications for research and practice. Disparate Outcomes Standardized teaching and testing of a standardized curriculum should result in standardized performance across a normal distribution. In reality, however, the same curriculum affects some populations of students differently than it affects other populations of students (Jones, 2004; Lipman, 2004; Martinez-Roldan & Malave, 2011; Sapon-Shevin, 2004; Weiss, 2006), and highstakes testing of that curriculum results in disparate outcomes across the socioeconomic spectrum (Brignall, 2006; Lipman, 2004; Vinson, Gibson, & Ross, 2004). As a result, students in poverty report more “mistrust,” “anger,” and “dissociation” (Langhout & Mitchell, 2008, p. 595) related to school than students from middle- or upper-class backgrounds. Students who do not identify with

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school, as one might expect of those who are mistrustful of, angered by, or disassociated from school, are less likely to be academically engaged. Academic engagement is defined by Langhout and Mitchell (2008) as “on task and enthusiastic, optimistic, and curious about learning” (p. 595). This definition of academic engagement, however, cannot be operationalized in terms of measured proficiency in a subject area, but rather in terms of specific student behaviors and dispositions that lead to increased proficiency in a subject area. Therefore, increased academic improvement is a result of increased enthusiasm, optimism, and curiosity. Even half a century after the release of the Coleman Report, family SES “still dominates the statistical explanation of student achievement” (Levin, 2007, p. 1384). Students from poorer families have only one-third the vocabulary of children from middle-class families by the time they start kindergarten. At fourth and eighth grades, students in poverty are 25 percentage points below middleclass students in reading and math. In 2001, students from poverty were six times more likely to drop out of high school before graduation than middle-class students (Levin, 2007). Connecting Levin’s (2007) outcomes to the definitions of academic engagement from Langhout and Mitchell (2008), we can infer that the levels of enthusiasm, optimism, and curiosity among these students were just as low. School leaders must consider the possibility that such disparate outcomes between groups of students indicate that their curriculum, ostensibly standardized for all students, is actually different for some students than it is for others. School reform efforts like No Child Left Behind (NCLB) have failed to erase the disparity in outcomes between students of low SES and students from middle-class backgrounds. In an issue brief for the Center for Comprehensive School Reform and Improvement, Jerald (2006) claimed that the narrowing of curricular focus brought on by the new culture of standardized testing ushered in by NCLB disproportionately affects schools that serve students from low-income neighborhoods, as well as students from low-income families who attend majority middle-class schools. These negative effects appear to affect students from lowincome backgrounds, whether they are dispersed throughout schools that serve students of widely varied SES or concentrated in one school or district that serves predominantly low-SES neighborhoods (Levin, 2007). As the legislation does not facially discriminate against these groups, an alternative explanation must exist for the pinpointed effects of high-stakes standardized testing on students from highpoverty backgrounds. The answer is that these outcomes are not merely a result of a particular kind of formal curriculum. All standardized curricula do not automatically imply control or conformity. If this were the case, achievement results and disciplinary outcomes would be predictably tied to the type of curriculum a school delivers. Since there is diversity in outcomes among schools of the same type, it is more likely that the results are the effects of the interaction of the formal curriculum with particular students.

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Hidden Curriculum as Interaction Giroux (1981) defines the hidden curriculum as “the myriad of beliefs and values transmitted tacitly through the social relations and routines that characterized day-to-day school experience” (p. 284). Factors such as materials, teacher qualifications, teacher behaviors, classroom routines, regulations, student tracking, and time spent in instruction—none of which are the prerogative of a standardized curriculum—have a noticeable impact on student performance in and perception of school (Hemmings, 2000; Jerald, 2006; Levin, 2007). We suggest that these elements, or the informal curriculum, combine with the standardized, or formal, curriculum to form a single transmitted curriculum, to use Giroux’s (1981) wording. One might expect the impact of such school-wide decisions to similarly affect all students, but these policies affect different students in different ways (Langhout & Mitchell, 2008). Giroux’s transmitted curriculum, even encompassing the formal and informal utterances of school policies, then, cannot fully account for the hidden curriculum. Levin (2007) sees the hidden curriculum as the “actual content of the student experience . . . characterized by activities and interactions that are profoundly different from the formal dimensions” (p. 1389). From Giroux’s (1981) perspective, there is a clear transmitted curriculum that is the result of both formal and informal phenomena, but in focusing on the individual student experience, Levin proposes a hidden curriculum that is beyond Giroux’s transmitted curriculum. Levin’s hidden curriculum relies on interaction between student and school. Factors such as home language, print access, previous school experiences, peer perceptions of schooling, family patterns, and local microcultural values all mediate the effects of school curriculum, instruction, and testing (Giroux, 1981; Hemmings, 2000; Lipman, 2004; Martinez-Roldan & Malave, 2011; Rueda & Dembo, 2006). It is this interaction that constitutes the hidden curriculum. Therefore, the key to improving outcomes for students of low SES is identifying—and changing—the nature of the interaction between the student and the school. By employing an approach that values students’ home experiences and worldview, educators can change the hidden curriculum from one that stimulates disassociation, resentment, and apathy, to one that engenders enthusiasm, optimism, and curiosity. This is the Funds of Knowledge approach. Funds of Knowledge During the 1990s, the FoK theory emerged in scholarship as an anthropologically grounded approach to replace the deficit perspective usually taken in examining the educational outcomes of children of low SES. Moll et al. (1992) studied the teaming of anthropologists with teachers to conduct ethnographic research into the families of students with low SES through home visitation. The study found that—by drawing on the knowledge resources of the home environment (e.g., interactions with family, friends and community)—teachers were able to develop engaging and rigorous learning environments (Moll et al., 1992). The Moll et al. research is important because it provides a methodology for improving the academic achievement of these

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students based on enhanced knowledge of their home cultures and values. The first step to this kind of understanding is for teachers to familiarize themselves with what ethnographic research is, and to read ethnographies that interest them. Ethnographies are increasingly written for popular consumption and are available through local libraries, online retailers, or brick-and-mortar booksellers. Eisenhart (2001) asserted that the FoK approach rests on culture, defined as “patterns in a way of life characteristic of a bounded social group and passed down from one generation to the next” (p. 4). Cultural patterns reflect a group’s successful adaptation to relatively stable environmental (i.e., economic, social, and political) conditions (Carlone & Johnson, 2012). A student’s funds of knowledge are derived from these environmental adaptations. Though axiologically rooted in cultural studies, the FoK theory’s focus on local community knowledge is a fundamentally different shift in thinking from the broader anthropological concept (Moll et al., 1992). The FoK theory is defined as “those historically developed and accumulated strategies (skills, abilities, ideas, practices) or bodies of knowledge that are essential to a household’s functioning and well-being” (Gonzalez et al., 2005, p. 91-92). FoK encompass a community’s history and culture, and they also may refer to the experiences, knowledge, and ways of learning particular to a given family within a community. According to Basu and Calabrese Barton (2007), the most significant aspect of FoK is cognizance of the home experience of students with low SES and use of that knowledge within the learning environment. There are many ways to obtain this cognizance of home experience without mounting a formal research study. By adapting complex ethnographic methods and principles to the more practical action research paradigm, teachers can discover valuable cultural information to inform their instruction (Malin, 2003). The FoK approach provides a way to meaningfully connect teachers and students from different cultural backgrounds. The American Education Research Association’s Panel on Research and Teacher Education found that the majority of new teachers in urban and rural schools with population predominantly of low SES have very different cultural backgrounds than their students (Cochran-Smith & Zeichner, 2005). To begin to correct this deficiency of cultural understanding on the part of teachers, schools must communicate to parents very early that they are aware of cultural differences between their teachers and their students, and that they are committed to increased interaction between teachers, parents, and students in an effort to bridge those divides (Barab, Thomas, Dodge, Squire, & Newell, 2004). This does not mean questionnaires and focus groups. It can mean student-led film nights, after-school discussions about important issues, guest speakers, and performances. Schools and teachers must communicate interest to their parents and communities (Barab et al., 2004). Such open and interactive school–community relations not only improve school climate but also correlate with higher student achievement outcomes (DiPaola & Tschannen-Moran, 2005). Use of the FoK theory results in a non-deficit and deferential approach to student teaching and learning. Rather than blaming students from low SES

Informed Interaction

backgrounds for their poor academic performance, which is an ontologically negative stance, the FoK approach identifies the mismatch between the home and classroom environments of those students as the issue to be corrected (Moll et al., 1992). In this identification, students are seen as different, not as deviant. Bouillion and Gomez (2001) found that learning issues in students of low SES result from a disconnect between students, who cannot relate the curriculum to their lived experience, and the school teachers, who do not align their instructional methodology to the ontology, epistemology, and axiology of a child’s home experience. In other words, students cannot merely suspend the core paradigm in which they live to meet the expectations of a potentially very different paradigm at school. Incorporating FoK theory into such learning environments bridges the potentially incompatible worldviews of student and school by advancing the idea that education can promote social relations between schools and homes (Bouillion & Gomez, 2001). Educators know that students from low SES backgrounds who make strong connections between home and school environments are more enthusiastic about learning, retain knowledge better, and develop enhanced drive to acquire new information (Upadhyay, 2009). Children learn new ways of thinking and make sense of new experiences through their existing funds of knowledge. The FoK theory is rooted in the concept of applying community knowledge to the school environment for improved student learning (Basu & Calabrese Barton, 2007). Therefore, to better connect students from low SES backgrounds to the learning environment, teachers should incorporate students’ funds of knowledge into curriculum development and instruction. Selected Studies The racial/ethnic, cultural, and SES differences between students and teachers drive the need to foster educational environments that are characterized by shared student and teacher understanding (Rodriguez, 2013). To establish those educational environments, teachers must create processes that facilitate communication of the funds of knowledge of students from low SES backgrounds for classroom use (Moll et al., 1992). For example, Amaro-Jimenez and Semingson (2011) described the use of family journals to communicate classroom issues and success with the student’s teacher. By making the effort to engage parents and learn more about the children’s funds of knowledge, teachers were able to partner with those families to improve the academic achievement of their students. The following studies highlight the use of innovative communicative processes to connect students’ funds of knowledge to the classroom, thereby improving student academic performance (Dworin, 2006; Tan & Barton, 2010; Taylor, Bernhard, Garg, & Cummins, 2008; Upadhyay, 2009). Two studies highlight the implications for the writing classroom that employs the FoK approach. Dworin (2006) presented evidence that linking the school curriculum to the funds of knowledge of students of low SES can improve students’ writing capabilities. The study began by having the children read books that developed the theme of relevant family stories. During the next

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phase of the study, the students used their funds of knowledge to interview family members whose oral stories provided a basis for the writing project. The children engaged their family members several times during the writing process to verify the accuracy of the family oral stories in their writing project. Finally, the students’ writing projects were distributed to the other class members and their family members. By having the students engage their families to write about topics from their homes and communities, the study’s use of the FoK approach enabled students to understand that their lives outside the classroom have importance and meaning inside the classroom. Taylor et al. (2008) also conducted a study that presented evidence on the benefits of linking the funds of knowledge of students with low SES to the school curriculum to improve student writing skills. In this study, students used their answers to questions about themselves, their friends, and their families to write stories about their home experiences. Student families were asked to contribute photos and assist with developing their family members’ stories. The results of this study emphasized the important role that families play within a curriculum and classroom environment to develop literacy for students in poverty. Additionally, the study argued for the use of multimedia strategies as a means to connect classrooms and home experiences. Additionally, the Updahyay (2009) study showcased the ability to teach science using culturally-relevant pedagogy based on the funds of knowledge of students from low SES backgrounds. A fifth-grade teacher in an urban setting identified environmental science projects as an opportunity to incorporate students’ funds of knowledge into the classroom. The students shared their home gardening experiences in small groups to learn from each other, and experiments were conducted that allowed students to see the benefits of learning science beyond the traditional school environment. The study’s results suggested that use of students’ funds of knowledge facilitated the integration of lived experiences and the science curriculum (Updahyay, 2009). According to Updahyay (2009), “teachers can teach science to underrepresented students more effectively if teachers spend the time to understand students’ home environment” (p. 229). Tan and Barton (2010) also studied a middle school science classroom with the majority of students coming from low SES backgrounds that effectively connected students’ funds of knowledge and their learning. The teacher linked a food and nutrition class to students’ lived experiences by having the students bring and discuss associations with foods eaten at their residence. This activity increased student classroom engagement and access to the curriculum while giving the students a voice in curriculum development. The study’s findings showed that the use of students’ funds of knowledge improved the students’ learning experience and attainment of the learning outcomes in a science classroom (Tan & Barton, 2010). Implications for Practice One of the most profound significances of the FoK approach is that it transforms the teacher into a learner. Teachers can broaden their teaching

Informed Interaction

repertoire by including students’ funds of knowledge in their daily work. Every student, then, becomes a biography for the teacher to read, understand, and love. Only after a teacher becomes a devoted, passionate, and empathetic learner of the funds of knowledge of each student’s family, can he or she make informed decisions about teaching. Utilizing FoK theory in teaching practice is a way to help achieve equity across students from a variety of historically-disadvantaged groups. Although the teacher is a critical piece in the classroom, curriculum is also crucially important to student learning. If good relationships have been established and the teachers’ motives for gathering cultural information about students (e.g., to use for adjusting curriculum and instruction to better fit the students’ worldviews and experiences), have been communicated to and accepted by parents, teachers can gather rich information about students’ and families’ funds of knowledge through ethnographic-minded action research (Malin, 2003). This can take the form of student geographies (Raittila, 2012), a kind of autoethnography in which students map their neighborhoods and create descriptions of places, routes, people, distractors, points of pride, and personal successes. Teachers can glean much from these expressions of cultural values that should not only influence their classroom practice, but also their relationships with their students. Even “slice of life” (Hays & Wood, 2011, p. 291) approaches like home visits, journaling, creative writing, video production, and annotated photographic essays can lend valuable perspectives to teacher practice, not only as practical background knowledge for immediate use, but also as a compounded reservoir of sensitivity to cultural difference in the teacher over years of practicing ethnographic action research. The information collected can be used to craft a more relevant and comprehensive approach to curriculum, instruction, and assessment. In turn, students whose cultures are underrepresented in the current curriculum or by current instructional practices will be able to make more significant connections between prior life experiences and new knowledge. As these connections are constructed, increased student learning will take place. Teachers and curriculum writers should also consider their own personal funds of knowledge and the funds of knowledge of the teachers who will be transmitting the curriculum to students. Exploring potential areas of discord—the hidden curriculum—in advance allows teachers to intentionally plan for ways to remediate any discrepancy between the curricula as it is written, transmitted, and received. As just one example, teachers in a rigorous math course may traditionally assign an hour’s worth of homework so that students can have substantial practice opportunities. However, students from low SES backgrounds may have additional obligations after school, such as looking after younger siblings or even working a part-time job to make money for the family, which would take priority over homework. The assertion of the hidden curriculum in this case is that learning math requires more time than some students may be able to commit; this is an exclusionary practice. If teachers are aware of this challenge, however, they

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can plan to periodically operate a flipped classroom, where notes are taken at home and practice opportunities take place in the classroom. By flipping the classroom, the teacher ensures that the majority of meaningful learning opportunities take place in the classroom and that class time is not sacrificed for students to simply take notes. Teachers can also creatively provide other times for students to complete practice problems rather than after school. Professional school counselors and school social workers can also lend valuable expertise to a school implementing the FoK approach. In their daily interactions with students and families, counselors and social workers can gain insights into the funds of individual families, as well as acquire a broad understanding of general trends in the school. As counselors work with groups of students on both academic and social skills, they can intentionally use a FoK approach as they seek to capitalize on students’ strengths. These funds can then be communicated to teachers and administrators so that students’ needs are better met in the classroom. The FoK approach is also a way to motivate and inspire students from families with low SES. The substantial amount of time needed to construct an ethnography of a group would likely result in a close bond between researcher and subject. The commitment of the school to the needs of the families with low SES demonstrates care and investment to those involved. This ethnography would serve as a sort of a history of the family’s successful adaptation to the challenges of middle-class society. Students and their families will feel valued simply because their requests are being heard and because school personnel are taking the time to meet with them. Schools should also consider that discord exists in other areas outside of the academic curriculum. One example related to homework and more pressing obligations to the family was already mentioned. Other examples revolve around concepts of behavior, respect, and student codes of conduct. Many families with low SES, particularly those in urban areas, live in places where physical violence is a means of survival and self-defense. There are neighborhood or cultural codes about the need to not only defend oneself from physical harm, but also to defend one’s reputation by fighting back instead of walking away. Such codes do not always translate well to schools, where zero tolerance policies for fighting—regardless of who is the aggressor in the situation—result in large numbers of students with low SES getting suspended. Schools need to purposefully examine their codes of conduct and the codes of behavior of students outside of school. Any areas of discord must result in training for students and staff alike. Students must be taught academic knowledge; in the same sense, they need to be taught about behavioral expectations as well. Many of these suggestions are ideas that involve large quantities of resources, namely time. At the division level, these suggestions may be feasible. However, classroom teachers cannot be expected to conduct ethnographic research and overhaul curriculum along with their daily responsibilities in the classroom. There are steps that teachers can take to draw on students’ funds of knowledge to impact daily instruction. Family conferences with

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parents/guardians/other relatives and students provide valuable time to learn about a family’s culture and expectations. Teachers could go one step further and conduct these conferences as home visits to gain a better understanding of the environment in which students live. From a curricular standpoint, teachers are ultimately responsible for delivering the transmitted curriculum to students. Teachers can do their part to make sure that the hidden curriculum impacts every student in a similar manner and provides like opportunities for all students to succeed. Finally, teachers can intentionally train students on the differences between school expectations and home expectations as well as provide ways for students to model and practice this new set of expectations. Conclusion That differences in outcomes between students can be explained by wealth and poverty demographics is contrary to the idea of a fair and equal public education. But it is not as simple (or, ironically, as insurmountable) as changing the curriculum. Because the disparity is a result of the discordant interaction between students and their school, teachers who find a way to communicate their expectations in a way that values the students’ experiences will see better outcomes. The Funds of Knowledge approach is one that considers all aspects of students and their backgrounds. Identifying the nature of the hidden curriculum, or the potentially exclusionary values that teacher expectations assume, allows for schools to develop plans to make this discord as small as possible in order to minimize its impact on student achievement. Although ethnographic research is time-consuming, it shows students that their experiences are valued and that their school is committed to improving their educational experiences and academic achievement. As proposed, abbreviated methods like ethnographic action research can still produce a wealth of cultural information through typical classroom assignment, focused school programming, and community outreach. Once incorporated into the culture of a school, the Funds of Knowledge mindset becomes part of the way things are done, which is ultimately the best practice for all schools. References American Psychological Association. (2014). Children, youth and families & socioeconomic status [Factsheet]. Retrieved from http://www.apa.org Amaro-Jimenez, C., & Semingson, P. (2011). Tapping into the funds of knowledge of culturally and linguistically diverse students and families. NABE News, 33(5), 5-8. Barab, S. A., Thomas, M. K., Dodge, T., Squire, K., & Newell, M. (2004). Critical design ethnography: Designing for change. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 35(2), 254–268. Basu, S., & Calabrese Barton, A. (2007). Developing a sustained interest in science among urban minority youth. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 44(3), 466-489. Bouillion, L., & Gomez, L. (2001). Connecting school and community with science learning: Real world problems and school-community partnerships as contextual scaffolds. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 38(8), 878-898. Brignall, T. (2006). No Child Left Behind and urban education: The purpose and funding of public education. In J. L. Kincheloe, K. Hayes, K. Rose, & P. M. Anderson (Eds.), The Praeger handbook of urban education (pp. 110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Brown, M. (2007). Educating all students: Creating culturally responsive teachers, classrooms, and schools. Intervention in School and Clinic, 43(1), 57-62. Carlone, H., & Johnson, A. (2012). Unpacking culture in cultural studies of science education: Cultural

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difference versus cultural production. Ethnography and Education, 7(2), 151-173. Cochran-Smith, M., & Zeichner, K. (2005). Teacher education: The report of the AERA panel on research and teacher education. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. DiPaola, M. F., & Tschannen-Moran, M. (2005). Bridging or buffering? The impact of schools’ adaptive strategies on student achievement. Journal of Educational Administration, 43(1), 60-71. Dworin, J. (2006). The family stories project: Using funds of knowledge for writing. The Reading Teacher, 59(6), 510-520. Eisenhart, M. (2001). Changing conceptions of culture and ethnographic methodology: Recent thematic shifts and their implications for research on teaching. In V. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of research on teaching (pp. 209-225). Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association. Giroux, H. A. (1981). Schooling and the myth of objectivity: Stalking the politics of the hidden curriculum. McGill Journal of Education, 16(3), 282-304. Giroux, H. A. (2001). Theory and resistance in education: Towards a pedagogy for the opposition. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey. Gonzalez, N., Moll, L. C., & Amanti, C. (2005). Funds of knowledge: Theorizing practices in households, communities, and classrooms. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hays, D. G., & Wood, C. (2011). Infusing qualitative traditions in counseling research designs. Journal of Counseling and Development, 89, 288–295. Hemmings, A. (2000). The “hidden” corridor curriculum. The High School Journal, 83(2), 1-10. Jerald, C. D. (2006, August). The hidden costs of curriculum narrowing [Issue Brief]. Washington, DC: The Center for Comprehensive School Reform and Improvement. Jones, K. (2004). Authentic accountability: An alternative to high-stakes testing. In S. Mathison & E. W. Ross (Eds.), Defending public schools: The nature and limits of standards-based reform and assessment (pp. 57-70). Westport, CT: Praeger. Langhout, R. D., & Mitchell, C. A. (2008). Engaging contexts: Drawing the link between student and teacher experiences of the hidden curriculum. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 18, 593-614. Levin, H. M. (2007). On the relationship between poverty and curriculum. North Carolina Law Review, 85, 13811418. Lipman, P. (2004). High-stakes education: Inequality, globalization, and urban school reform. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. Malin, M. (2003). Competing interests between researcher, teacher and student in the ethics of classroom ethnography. Westminster Studies in Education, 26(1), 21-31. Martinez-Roldan, C. M., & Malave, G. (2011). Identity construction in the borderlands. In V. Kinloch (Ed.), Urban literacies: Critical perspectives on language, learning, and community (pp. 53-71). New York: Teachers College Press. Moll, L. C., Amanti, C., Neff, D., & Gonzalez, N. (1992). Funds of knowledge for teaching: Using a qualitative approach to connect homes and classrooms. Theory Into Practice, 31(2), 132-141. Raittila, R. (2012). With children in their lived place: Children’s actions as research data. International Journal of Early Years Education, 20(3), 270–279. Rodriguez, G. (2013). Power and agency in education: Exploring the pedagogical dimensions of funds of knowledge. Review of Research in Education, 37, 87-120. Rueda, R., & Dembo, M. H. (2006). Rethinking learning and motivation in urban schools. In J. L. Kincheloe, K. Hayes, K. Rose, & P. M. Anderson (Eds.), The Praeger handbook of urban education (pp. 217-227). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Sapon-Shevin, M. (2004). Thinking inclusively about inclusive education. In K. R. Kesson & E. W. Ross (Eds.), Defending public schools: Teaching for a democratic society (pp. 161-172). Westport, CT: Praeger. Tan, E., & Barton, A. (2010). Transforming science learning and student participation in sixth grade science: A case study of a low-income, urban, racial, minority classroom. Equity & Excellence in Education, 43(1), 38-55. Taylor, L., Bernhard, J., Garg, S., & Cummins, J. (2008). Affirming plural belonging: Building on students’ familybased cultural and linguistic capital through multiliteracies pedagogy. Journal of Early Childhood Literacy, 8(3), 269-294. U.S. Department of Education. (2002). Elementary and secondary education legislation. Retrieved from http://www2.ed.gov/policy/ elsec/leg/esea02/107-110.pdf Upadhyay, B. (2009). Teaching science for empowerment in an urban classroom: A case study of a Hmong teacher. Equity in Excellence in Education, 24(2), 217-232. doi: 10.1080/10665680902779366 Vinson, K. D., Gibson, R., & Ross, E. W. (2004). Pursuing authentic teaching in an age of standardization. In K. R. Kesson & E. W. Ross (Eds.), Defending public schools: Teaching for a democratic society (pp. 79-95). Westport, CT: Praeger.

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Weiss, J. (2006). Critical theory, voice, and urban education. In J. L. Kincheloe, K. Hayes, K. Rose, & P. M. Anderson, The Praeger handbook of urban education (pp. 289-303). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Davis Clement (B.A., Hendrix College; M.Ed., College of William & Mary) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in K-12 administration. His research interests include critical curriculum theory, implicit learning, practitioner inquiry, and public scholarship. Brian Fries (B.A., College of William & Mary; M.A.Ed., College of William & Mary) is Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in K-12 administration. He is currently assistant principal at Dozier Middle School in Newport News, Virginia, and his research interests include student growth models in teacher and principal evaluation. Mike Postma (B.A., Frostburg State University; M.A., University of Southern California; M.A., U.S. Army War College) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in higher education administration and a policy focus. Bei Zhang (B.A., Nanjing Normal University; M.A.Ed., College of William & Mary) is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Educational Policy, Planning, & Leadership at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in curriculum and educational technology. Her research interests include curriculum-based educational technology integration, technology-based education reform, and foreign language education.

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Investigating Meaning Making: Body Image and the College Athlete Experience Catie Greene

Abstract Four NCAA Division I female college athletes were interviewed about the meaning of the female college athlete experience and how each has come to view and treat her body as a female college athlete. Interview responses were assessed along Perry’s (1970) scheme of cognitive development. Because of the established relationship between the internalization of the societal thin ideal and eating disorder (ED) symptomatology, an argument is made for promoting cognitive development along Perry’s scheme to foster female college athletes’ resilience to ED symptomatology. Implications for practice and research are discussed. Keywords: body image, female college athlete, Perry’s scheme

Following a review of the current issue of eating disorder (ED) symptomatology among college students and college women in particular, a sociocultural perspective on the issue is presented that highlights the unique pressures college women and female college athletes experience as a result of mass messages to adhere to socially prescribed body ideals. Understanding students’ unique meaning making capacities, or positions of cognitive development, may inform counseling and prevention approaches that promote students’ resilience to these pressures. Due to the lack of current literature examining the relationship between cognitive development theory and the ways in which female college athletes view and treat their bodies, a qualitative investigation was undertaken in order to ascertain the meaning making capacities

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of four female college athletes in the context of sociocultural and subcultural pressures to adhere to body ideals. Eating Disorder Symptomatology and the College Environment Clinical eating disorders (EDs), including anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, binge-eating disorder, and other unspecified EDs, marked by intense body dissatisfaction and compensatory behaviors of restriction and bingeing and/or purging, have close to the highest mortality rate of all disorders in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2006; APA, 2013). With a median age of onset of 18-21 years old (Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2012), clinical EDs are estimated to affect approximately 10% of female college students (APA, 2013; Eisenberg, Nicklett, Roeder, & Kirz, 2011). Subclinical ED symptomatology, including body image dissatisfaction, dietary restraint, and binging and purging (bulimic pathology), are serious concerns that eventually combine to contribute to significant clinical EDs (Hensley, 2005). Unfortunately, researchers consistently find that ED symptomatology is prevalent amongst samples of female college students. For example, it is estimated that nearly 50% of female college students engage in binge-eating or compensatory behaviors at least once per week, 66% of first-year college women are estimated to be at risk for clinical ED development, and in one investigation of female college freshmen, only 8% reported not dieting at all (Berg, Frazier, & Sherr, 2009; Cohen & Petrie, 2005; Eisenberg et al., 2011; Krahn, Kurth, Gomberg, & Drewnowski, 2005). This prevalence may be largely due to the sociocultural pressures at play in the college environment as well as the unique developmental needs of college students (Barth, 2003; Keel, Forney, Brown, & Heatherton, 2013), but this connection has not yet been investigated. Sociocultural Model of ED Symptomatology in the College Environment The sociocultural model of ED development posits that societal and social pressures to adhere to unrealistic body ideals leads many individuals to experience a discrepancy between the real self and the socially prescribed ideal body (Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007). Pressures to adhere to body ideals from peers, family, and the media contributes to an internalization of these body ideals, which leads to a general over-evaluation of appearance as well as body dissatisfaction, placing individuals at risk for dietary restraint and bulimic pathology (Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007; Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986). Some contexts, such as the college environment and subcultures of college athletics, have been suggested to espouse stronger or at least unique pressures to adhere to ideal body images than those of society in general, which combine to contribute significantly to the body satisfaction and eating behaviors of the individuals within these contexts (Galli, Petrie, Reel, Chatteron, & Baghurst, 2014; Hensley, 2005; Miles, 2009; Reel, Petrie, SooHoo, & Anderson, 2013). The internalization of societal body ideals, such as the overall societal thin ideal or sport-specific body ideals, and the pursuit of these ideals at the expense of personal health and internal beliefs, has been positively correlated with ED symptomatology amongst college women and female college athletes (Stice,

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Presnell, Gau, & Shaw, 2007; Stice, Ziemba, Margolis, & Flick, 1996; Thompson & Stice, 2001). This is not to say that males are unaffected by disordered eating. However, prevalence rates and sociocultural pressures continue to be higher and stronger for college women than men (Eisenberg et al., 2011; Streigel-Moore & Bulik, 2007). Pressures in the subculture of female college athletics. Thompson and Sherman (1999; 2010) outline unique factors that exist in the athletic environment that place college athletes at increased risk for the development of ED symptomatology. These include the belief that weight/body fat reduction will enhance athletic performance, a lack of consideration of weight loss efforts on health, body stereotypes for athletes, and the similarities between symptoms of EDs and desirable characteristics typically associated with being a good female athlete. It has been suggested that the pressure to adhere to societal and cultural standards for thinness and fitness may be two-fold for female college athletes, who receive the same societal messages and pressures to adhere to body standards as female college student non-athletes in addition to the pressures to adhere to particular sport-specific body standards as espoused by particular sport cultures (Becker, McDaniel, Bull, Powell, & McIntyre, 2012). The combination of these pressures often result in unrealistic standards to measure up against, as female college athletes are simultaneously pressured to adhere to stereotypical feminine traits as well as masculine traits that are inherently conflicting (Mesinger, Bonifazi, & LaRosa, 2007). The internalization of these conflicting standards has been related to increased ED symptomatology among female college athletes (Hart & Kenny, 1997). Internalization of Body Ideals and Cognitive Development The sociocultural model of ED development posits that it is not only the sociocultural pressures that contribute to ED symptomatology amongst female college athletes, but also the internalization processes by which these athletes make meaning of these pressures (Galli et al., 2014; Reel et al., 2013; Thompson & Stice, 2001). Internalization of the importance of meeting these ideals and taking behavioral measures to pursue these ideals at the expense of personal beliefs and health is a causal risk factor for the development of ED symptomatology (Thompson & Stice, 2001). College student development stage theories generally suggest that meaning making capacities fall along a continuum from lower to higher cognitive complexity (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). Evans et al. also indicate that students move from lower to higher meaning making capacities through challenge, slight disequilibrium, and support through learning. College students with more cognitively complex meaning making capacities are better able to filter contextual influences and determine the effects that those influences will have on personal identity than those with less developed meaning making capacities (Abes & Jones, 2004; Abes, Jones, & McEwen, 2007). Higher levels of cognitive complexity have also been positively related to constructive coping mechanisms (Labouvie-Vief & Diehl, 2000). An understanding of the current meaning making capacities, or cognitive

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developmental positions, from which college students operate, may inform approaches that college counselors and higher educators apply in their work with college women in order to promote growth in cognitive complexity and subsequent resilience to the internalization of these body ideals at the expense of personal beliefs and health (Evans et al., 2010; Stice et al., 2007). Existing developmental frameworks, such as Perry’s (1970) scheme of cognitive development outlined in the next section, may help to inform these counseling and higher education practices. Cognitive Development and Resilience to External Pressures Perry’s (1970) scheme of cognitive development, with its foundation in the college student population and its reference to epistemology as it relates to external influence and authority (Love & Guthrie, 2002), provides a framework for understanding female college athletes’ level of cognitive complexity in terms of these external societal and subcultural influences and resulting capacities for coping. Extending from Piaget’s theory of childhood cognitive development, Perry’s (1970) scheme centers on the concepts of assimilation and accommodation to describe how individuals view the nature of knowledge, the self, and the world along a course of nine positions from lower to higher cognitive complexity: position 1: basic duality; position 2: multiplicity prelegitimate; position 3: multiplicity subordinate; position 4: multiplicity correlate/relativism subordinate; position 5: relativism correlate, competing, or diffuse; position 6: commitment foreseen; position 7: initial commitment; position 8: orientation in implications of commitment; and position 9: developing commitments (Perry, 1970; Stonewater, 1988). These nine positions have typically been conceptualized into four major categories: dualism (positions 1 and 2), multiplicity (positions 3 and 4), relativism (positions 5 and 6), and commitment in relativism (positions 7 through 9) (Evans et al., 2010; Love & Guthrie, 2002; Perry, 1970; Stonewater, 1988). The meaning making capacities of students in the dualism positions are marked by low cognitive complexity and the view of authority as all knowing (Knefelkamp, 1999; Perry, 1970). A female college athlete operating from a dualistic position may expect that the way one should view and treat one’s body should be determined by authority or external influences, such as coaches, media, peers, athletic communities, and society at large that hold the right answers on the matter. Next, Perry (1981) stated that multiplistic thinking occurs when “diversity of opinion and values is recognized as legitimate in areas where right answers are not yet known. . . . No judgments can be made among them so ‘everyone has a right to his own opinion; none can be called wrong’” (p. 80). Female college athletes operating from these positions would be expected to have come to the realization that authority figures do not always hold the answers about how one should view and treat one’s own body. These students would be able to recognize the different ways that one may view and treat one’s own body but would be unable to recognize either the faulty or strong evidence behind each method. The positions of relativism represent critical shift in students’ thinking

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wherein students no longer believe that the world is essentially dualistic and are instead able to view multiple perspectives as contextual and relative (Stonewater, 1988). In these positions, students are able to understand themselves as legitimate sources of knowledge with authority figures as a resource (Pavelich & Moore, 1996). Female college athletes operating from the relativistic positions would be expected to be able to weigh the relative evidence of each method of viewing and treating one’s body as well as turn to themselves as a source of knowledge rather than strictly to external sources. Perry described the next positions, commitment in relativism, as more of an initiation of ethical development than a continuation of cognitive development (as cited in Evans et al., 2010). Movement through these later positions represents a number of qualitative changes in the ways that students develop identities and stick to commitments. It is through such commitments that students are able to elucidate some confusion that exists during relativism (Stonewater, 1988). The way these female college athletes may understand how one should view and treat one’s body would be based on the student athletes’ own knowledge, experiences, and commitments with which the student would weigh external suggestions against. The current study sought to examine the meaning making capacities of four current female college athletes on the same Division I team as related to body image and athletic experience through this cognitive developmental framework. The aim of this investigation was to shed light on the possibility that more complex meaning making may be reflected by a greater capacity for rejecting pressures of society and sport culture to adhere to unrealistic body ideals at the expense of health and internal beliefs. Cognitive development was assessed cross two domains; the experience of being a female college athlete and how each woman perceived she should view and treat her own body as a female college athlete. Informed by the responses of these four athletes and college student developmental theory, suggestions are provided for professionals to consider adopting developmental approaches in ED prevention programming. Method Selection and Participants In order to select as homogeneous of a sample as possible, as is recommended for qualitative analyses, a purposive sample of female athletes on the same team was selected due to the variability of athletic experiences and sociocultural pressures for body ideal across athletic teams (Becker et al., 2012). All female college athletes on the same northeastern NCAA Division I crosscountry team were contacted via email to request participation in an interview “about your thoughts and experiences on being a female student athlete and your perceptions about body image.” Four volunteers responded (50% response rate) to the request and chose aliases to conceal actual identities. Other identifiable information has been changed in the current manuscript to protect the privacy of these participants. Participants included Ann, a 19-year-old sophomore sociology major; Patty, a 20-year-old junior physical education major; Molly, a 20-year-old

Investigating Meaning Making

junior pre-law major; and Kate, a 21-year-old junior sociology major. Procedure The researcher emailed all participants with a preview of the structured interview questions before they consented to partake in the interview. Interviews were conducted individually with each athlete via an online video chat portal. Afterward, participants received a debriefing statement including demographic questions and a list of local counseling referrals. As in a previous study by Pavelich and Moore (1996), which used Perry’s (1970) model to assess engineering students’ cognitive and ethical development, each interview began with a question about the athlete’s perception of a purpose related to the college experience. Then, follow up questions were targeted toward understanding how the athlete came to that perception. The first structured question was about the athletes’ view of the purpose of the college athlete experience (Female College Athlete Experience): “What do you view is the purpose of your experience as a student athlete in college?” and, “How did you come to believe this?” The second structured question asked how each athlete came to determine how to view and treat her body as a female college athlete (Body Image): “How have you come to view and treat your body as a female college athlete?” Further questions about the nature of each athlete’s reasoning followed. Through the interviews it was revealed that Ann had recently been diagnosed with the Female Athlete Triad, which is a form of an ED specific to athletes that includes amenorrhea (the absence of menstrual cycles for a minimum of three months), signs of osteoporosis, and disordered eating (Thompson & Sherman, 2005). Although with each additional interviewee the interviewer was provided with more knowledge of a diagnosed ED on the team, the question of whether or not each athlete was aware of a diagnosis on the team was never asked of the participants directly. Each athlete shared her perceptions of this issue with the interviewer at different levels of depth that were each honored at the chosen level of disclosure. As was true in Perry’s (1970) original research and Pavelich and Moore’s (1996) methodology, each athlete’s perceptions were followed by questions that asked for elaboration on that perception but did not probe for information. Because of this, it was not determined whether or not all of the women were provided with formal information regarding Ann’s clinical ED or if the information was gathered by virtue of the athletes’ close-knit team experience and Ann’s choice to share with certain teammates. Evaluation Evaluation of interviewee responses was based on the Alverno Criteria for Judging Student Performance on the Perry Scheme of Intellectual and Ethical Development (Mentkowski, Moeser, & Strait, 1983). Mentkowski and colleagues (1983) developed the Alverno Criteria for Perry’s positions 1-6 for assessors to use in judging student essays. Mentkowski and colleagues (1983) chose to design the Alverno criteria to assess for Perry’s positions 1-6 only, due to the finding that college students rarely show evidence of meaning making capacities beyond

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position 6. Based on the criteria that Mentkowski and colleagues list for each of Perry’s positions 1-6 (see Table 1), the assessor judges the essay’s fit into one of those six positions with a three-digit number, which indicates either a single position or a combination of positions from which the student appears to make meaning. For example, the assigned rating for an essay that contains virtually all evidence of criteria reflecting position 3, the assessor would code the rating as 333. If there is some evidence of position 2 but predominant evidence for position 3 in the essay, the assessor would code the rating as 233. For application to the current study, the transcribed interview dialogues were evaluated in this way by the researcher. Following transcription, each statement made by participants in the interview was individually evaluated and assigned to one of the six positions with evidence from one or more Alverno criteria. The modal position determined the evaluation for each of the participants’ transcriptions. Results Based on the Alverno criteria, Ann’s responses met criteria for 233Female College Athlete Experience and 223-Body Image, while Patty’s responses met criteria for 233-Female College Athlete Experience and 233-Body Image. In addition, Molly’s responses met criteria for 222-Female College Athlete Experience and 444-Body Image, and Kate’s responses met criteria for 555Female College Athlete Experience and 555-Body Image. Table 1 provides a number of selected quotations from the participants as well as selected Alverno criteria that helped to determine these evaluations. Individual Responses and Perry’s Scheme Upon being asked the question about body image, Ann prefaced her response with, “Well, that’s [an] interesting story,” and proceeded to describe her recent ED diagnosis and treatment. When asked about her current understanding and how she may have come to it, Ann relayed seeing younger runners at a particular event: “I was just looking at them like, ‘Oh my God, they’re perfect.’ . . . I was like I wanted to be like that because if [they] can be like that, then a Division I college athlete should be able to be like that.” Then Ann spoke to a period of disequilibrium for her: “I just took it way too far in eating healthy and I started getting faster and feeling so much better for a long time and then all of a sudden it just crashed and it stopped and I felt like crap.” Ann reported doing better now than she was before, but admitted she continues to struggle. “It’s like I have an ED voice on one side and the healthy voice on the other side. The healthy voice is like, ‘You can eat that if it’s good for you,’ and the ED voice is saying, ‘You don’t need it, you’ll be fine without it.’ . . . it’s conflicting inside my head.” At the time of the interview, Ann said that she viewed her body as weak. When asked what she perceived would strengthen her “healthy” side, Ann described the “downward spiral” of “feeling like crap” that led to her having to go home from school and take more serious care of herself. Ann said that doing well at a cross-country meet after some time at home had given her motivation to try to “work hard” to “get past this.” Ann’s dissonance is reflective of a student moving from the position of dualism to multiplicity along Perry’s scheme.

Investigating Meaning Making

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Patty and Ann were assessed similarly on both topics in terms of Perry’s scheme. Both students fell into categories of dualism and early multiplicity. Although Ann revealed in the interview that she had developed an ED, Patty did not indicate that she personally or previously struggled with ED symptomatology. Though Perry’s (1970) scheme has not yet been applied to EDs, based on the connection between EDs and external influence, Patty’s similar scores to Ann’s may be concerning. One particularly concerning multiplistic statement was made after Patty stated that she knew certain teammates of hers went to “extremes.” Upon being asked for elaboration on this perception, she responded, “I don’t think that they’re doing it better, I just think that everyone has their own way of monitoring themselves and what works for them works for them and what works for me works for me and that’s just the way it is.” Without the ability to weigh which methods are better than others, Patty may not be able to adequately prevent herself from viewing and treating her body like Ann does. Molly’s responses to the two topics were the most dissimilar of the four athletes. While her responses to the Female College Athlete Experience were dualistic, her responses to the Body Image topic were reflective of a student within Perry’s (1970) position of relativism. Molly described her experience of being a female college athlete as something of which she was a recipient: “It teaches you a lot about time management because you have to figure out like, studies versus practices versus time being away from school. . . . It also teaches you how to work with a team . . . and that’s good to apply for any kind of profession that you’re going into to have those leadership skills and be able to communicate with others. . . . I [also] feel like it forces me to take time out of my day to exercise.” However, when it came to how she viewed and treated her body, she explained her more active meaning making position on the matter: “The girl that won the race that we were in, she was . . . just skin and bones. And she was wicked fast so I think that a lot of people would say, ‘Okay, she’s really fast and she’s really skinny like those two things automatically must go together.’ . . . And I look at that and I think, ‘Oh my God, you look disgusting. You look so unhealthy.’ I just would not want to ever look like that. Ever, ever.” Molly said that she admires a healthy-looking body and has a hard time understanding why someone would not treat her body well. She felt that her parents and former teachers helped contribute to this perception. Across the two topics, Kate’s responses reflected more relativistic positions along Perry’s (1970) scheme. To the Female College Athlete Experience topic, one of Kate’s responses took an almost existential tone. “I feel like I hope in ten years from now that I hear really great things about the team from what we’ve done with it. And I think about where we started. . . . We have gone through so much together, [we] are passing on something—I guess toughness in the end. And teaching the younger girls how you have to be strong and you have to keep pushing this program forward and now we have an effect on these people; that is pretty important. And I feel important.” With respect to the Body Image topic, like all of the women, Kate referred to her ability to run as a reference point from which to determine whether or not she was treating her

Investigating Meaning Making

body right. But like Patty, Kate spoke about learning to treat her body better by noticing what she had been doing wrong: “And by seeing how other things got so bad, I was like, well, that’s not working, let’s try something else now.” Kate explained how her perception changed as well. “I think I realized how absurd I was sometimes . . . I could have had a really bad day and not felt good about how I ate or exercised [and] looked in the mirror and thought that I was in worse shape. Or I could have had a really good day and not worried about how I ate or exercised and said, ‘Wow, I’m in great shape,’ and there’s no way I could have had this huge change in my body from day to day. Now I realize it’s really just a change in my perception.” Kate pointed to this period of disequilibrium in regard to the Body Image topic as a motivation to learn to engage in healthier behaviors based on her own terms. This is reflective of a relativistic position. In contrast, when Patty and Ann pointed to periods of disequilibrium, they both referred to the way they currently viewed and treated their bodies based on information that they were told either by authority figures or peers, which was reflective of their positions in dualism potentially edging into early multiplicity. Discussion The four athletes’ interview responses varied along Perry’s scheme, ranging from dualistic to relativistic positions in response to the prompts of the meaning of the female college athlete experience and how each athlete has come to view and treat her body. One of the four women interviewed revealed that she personally struggled with an ED and two of the three remaining women spoke about their struggle to make meaning of what they described as a difficult situation having a teammate with a known ED. With societal pressures for thinness on women in general as well as pressures from the athletic—particularly running—community, each woman spoke about external influences playing some role in how she had come to view and treat her body as a female college athlete. A point each woman impressed upon the interviewer was the importance of teammates, both in terms of making the female college athlete experience meaningful and in respect to how each woman viewed and treated her body. These strong mutual relationships along with the development of cognitive complexity may be the two essential pieces to female college athletes’ resiliency to the development of EDs, as connection with the self and others is paramount to the healthy growth and development of young women (Miller & Stiver, 1997; Surrey, 1991; Walker & Rosen, 2004). Lack of mutual connection as well as adherence to externalized standards at the expense of internal beliefs has been historically related to the development of EDs (Surrey, 1991). Implications for Practice Because of the varying levels of meaning making and resilience to external standards, what is concerning to any professional working with a team such as the one in the current investigation would be the extent to which these athletes negatively influence one another in terms of ED symptomatology (Thompson & Sherman, 2005). Ann and Patty struggled to make meaning of authority’s suggestions for how they should view and treat their bodies, while

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Molly and Kate rejected unhealthy ideas. Kate even showed some motivation to understand the perspectives of others. The athletes’ varying meaning making positions will require some flexibility within an ED prevention program that targets the entire team. In the NCAA Coaches Handbook: Managing the Female Athlete Triad, Thompson and Sherman (2005) addressed “behavioral contagion,” which may occur when one or more teammates with ED symptoms influence the rest of the individuals on the team (p. 25). To intervene, Thompson and Sherman suggest that a health-care professional with experience in treating athletes with EDs meet with the team to provide information and answer questions. Given the developmental vulnerabilities and relational needs of this population, a simple informational session may not be adequate to address this sensitive issue. Recently, an efficacy trial of an Athlete-Modified Dissonance Based Program (AM-DBP) resulted in significant reductions in ED symptomatology for female college athletes (Becker et al., 2012). The theoretical justification behind the AM-DBP is that engaging female college athletes in activities that critique the thin ideal results in psychological discomfort that motivates the reduction of thin ideal internalization in order to restore cognitive consistency (Stice et al., 2007). This is essentially the process of accommodation and adaptation that results in movement through Perry’s (1970) scheme. Given the differences between athletes’ meaning making capacities along Perry’s scheme as found in the current investigation, the application of a developmental framework to programs such as AM-DBP would serve to meet each individual at a personal level of meaning making and may promote the overall structural cognitive development of each athlete. Such a program would not only aim to reduce ED symptomatology but would also allow the professional to meet each athlete at his or her developmental level in order to promote cognitive development and promote resiliency to adhere to societal and athletic body ideals. Implications for Research The findings of the current investigation are inherently limited in generalizability due to the qualitative nature of the study and the small sample size. Therefore, as in all qualitative analyses, the observed relationship between the athletes’ meaning making capacities as related to body image and the college athlete experience is limited to this sample of female college cross country runners and their particular team. However, these findings do provide preliminary support for further investigation on the association between college students’ cognitive development and ED symptomatology, as it particularly relates to the processes of internalizing body ideals at the experience of personal beliefs and health. It is recommended that future research includes qualitative analyses of interviews with female and male athletes from other sports and college students in general, as well as quantitative analyses of variables that may be generalizable to a larger population. Researchers conducting further qualitative analyses may also consider purposively selecting a female athletic team where one or more members have struggled with clinical or subclinical EDs. This will allow for a more indepth study of the subjective experiences of having a teammate with an ED.

Investigating Meaning Making

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Catie Greene (M.S., St. Bonaventure University) is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of School Psychology & Counselor Education at the College of William & Mary, with a concentration in college student development and addictions counseling. Her dissertation focuses on college athletes' reflective judgment as a mediator between sociocultural pressures, internalization, and body dissatisfaction.