Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia by World Bank Russia

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia (Based on Formal Statistics)

Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit Europe and Central Asia Region

The World Bank document

Alex Publishers Moscow 2006

ÂŠ 2003 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK 1818 H Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Printed in the Russian Federation A copublication of the World Bank and Alex Publishers Alex Publishers 4, Tchukotski proezd 129327 Moscow Russian Federation www.alexpublishers.ru e mail: alexpublishers@alexpublishers.ru The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed here are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Board of Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank cannot guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply on the part of the World Bank any judgment of the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material of this work is copyrighted. NĐž part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or inclusion in any information storage and retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the World Bank. The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA, telephone 978 750 8400, fax 978 750 4470, www.copyright.com. ISBN 5 9618 0021 0 All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to the Office of the Publisher, World Bank, 1818, H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, fax 202 522 2422, e mail: ubrights@worldbank.org.

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1. DEMOGRAPHIC CONTEXT OF GENDER ISSUES IN RUSSIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.A Gender Distinctions in Life Expectancy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.B Factors Contributing to Excessive Death Rates Among Men . . . . . . . . . 1.C Gender Disparities in the Age Structure of the Population . . . . . . . . . . . 1.D Marital Structure of the Russian Adult Population: Limits of the Distribution of Traditional Gender Roles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.E Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

17 17 20 22

2. EDUCATION OF MEN AND WOMEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.A Level of Education of Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.B Student Composition in Terms of Gender and Level of Education . . . 2.C Range of Fee based Education for Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.D Sources of Financing of Men’s and Women’s Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.E Reasons Provided by Men and Women for Discontinuing Studies . . . 2.F Predominance of Women Among the Teaching Staff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.G Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29 29 31 36 39 40 42 46

3. EMPLOYMENT AND THE LABOR MARKET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.A Economic Activity and Inactivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.B Employment of Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.C Employment Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.D Employment of Men and Women in Enterprises and in Organizations with Different Forms of Ownership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.E Gender Issues in Unemployment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.F Employment under Harmful Working Conditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.G Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47 47 49 53 54 56 59 61

4. GENDER ASSYMETRY IN WAGES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.A Gender Wage Differentials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.B Factors Related to the Development of the Gender Gap in Wages . . . 4.C Impact of Education on Gender Wage Differentials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.D Men and Women Seeking Extra Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.E Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

63 63 66 73 75 76

5. GENDER ASSYMETRY IN PENSION PROVISION (BY BENEFIT TYPE AND SIZE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.A Retirement age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

77 78

25 28

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia 5.B 5.C 5.D 5.E 5.F

The Pension Population by Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Distribution Among Pensioners by Pension Type . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Differences by Pension Amounts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender related Issues in Non state Pension Provision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

6. PUBLIC HEALTH IN RUSSIA AND THE ACCESSIBILITY OF HEALTH SERVICES: THE GENDER ASPECT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.A Mortality by Gender: Dynamics in Recent Years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.B Maternal Mortality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.C Abortions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.D Infant Mortality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.E Gender Aspects of Morbidity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.F Gender Differences in Health Parameters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.G Disabled Persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.H Accessibility of Health Services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.I The Need for Paid Medical Assistance and the Assessment of Financial Constraints . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.J Gender Differentials in the Pattern of Payment for Health Services . . . 6.K Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

79 80 83 85 87

89 89 91 95 102 106 110 115 119 122 129 132

7. GENDER ASPECTS OF SOCIAL DISEASES (ALCOHOLISM AND ALCOHOLIC PSYCHOSES, TUBERCULOSIS, DRUG ADDICTION, HIV/AIDS, SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.A Spread of Alcoholism as a Gender Issue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.B Use of Drugs for Purposes Other Than Medical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.C HIV/AIDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.D Incidence Rate of Active Tuberculosis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.E Gender Distinctions in Tobacco Smoking Regimes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.F Sexually Transmitted Diseases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.G Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

133 133 141 143 145 149 151 154

8. GENDER INEQUALITY IN ACCESS TO MATERIAL RESOURCES . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.A Welfare Gap Between Two Parent and Single Parent Households . . . 8.B Subjective Assessment of Welfare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.C Level of Welfare Inclusive of Real Estate Ownership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.D Savings as a Factor of Welfare Stabilization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.E Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

155 155 158 161 169 173

9. MEN AND WOMEN IN DECISION MAKING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.A Executive Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.B Legislative Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.C Judicial Branch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.D Gender Composition of Local Governments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.E Educational Background of Men and Women in Government Authorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.F Confidence of Men and Women in Government, Non government and Political Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.G Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

175 175 179 182 183 185 186 187

Contents 10. CRIME RELATED GENDER ISSUES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.A Gender Distribution of Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.B Gender Characteristics of Crime Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.C Violence Against Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.D Human Trafficking Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.E Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

187 187 188 192 196 196

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

197

List of Tables Table 1.1:

Table 1.2: Table 2.1: Table 2.2:

Table 2.3: Table 2.4: Table 2.5: Table 2.6: Table 2.7: Table 2.8: Table 2.9: Table 3.1: Table 3.2: Table 3.3: Table 3.4: Table 3.5: Table 3.6: Table 4.1:

Death Rates of Men and Women of Employable Age Due to Accidental Alcoholic Intoxication and Suicide, 1995–2001 (deaths per 100,000 persons of employable age of respective gender)1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Men and Women Aged over 16 Years According to Marital Status, 2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Level of Education of Women and Men (based on 1989 and 2002 census data) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of Students According to Types of State Educational Institutions as of the Beginning of the Academic Year 2003–2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Boys and Girls by Grades (Academic Year 2001–02) . . Proportion of Students by Gender in Different Levels of Vocational Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Men and Women Students by the Terms of Financing of Their Education (%) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Financing of Education by Source for Students Studying on Cost Recovery Basis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Men and Women According to Reasons Provided for Discontinuing Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Women Among Heads of Full time General Education Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Faculty of State Higher Educational Institution (as of the beginning of the academic years 2001–02 and 2003–04) . . . . . . . . Distribution of Employed Men and Women According to Their Education Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of Working Men and Women by Employment Status . . . Distribution of Men and Women According to Their Employment in Enterprises . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Participation of Men and Women in Employment Service Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Share of Men and Women Employed in Industry and Construction in Conditions Inconsistent with Sanitary Standards, 1999–2003 . . . Gender based distribution of injuries due to Occupational Accidents and of Fatal Occupational Accidents, 1998–2003 . . . . . . Men’s and Women’s Wages (per Month) in Enterprises with Different Types of Ownership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

21 25 30

32 33 35 38 40 41 45 45 51 53 55 58 59 61 65

6 Table 4.2: Table 4.3: Table 5.1:

Table 5.2: Table 5.3: Table 5.4: Table 6.1: Table 6.2: Table 6.3: Table 6.4: Table 6.5: Table 6.6: Table 6.7: Table 6.8: Table 6.9: Table 6.10: Table 6.11:

Table 6.12:

Table 6.13: Table 6.14: Table 6.15: Table 7.1: Table 7.2: Table 7.3: Table 7.4: Table 7.5:

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia The Ratio of Women’s Wages (per Month) to Men’s in These Sectors, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Men’s and Women’s Wages (Per Month) in Terms of Their Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of the Total Population with Earnings Lower Than the Minimum Subsistence, by Age and Gender, 2000–03, in percent (based on Sample Household Budget Survey Data) . . . Recipients of Different Pension Types, by Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Average Monthly Pensions Granted1/ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Composition of Non state Pension Fund Participants (NPF) by Age and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maternal Mortality (Regional Differentials) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maternal Mortality in Russia, 1995–2003 (per 100,000 live births) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Induced Abortion, 1980–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Effect of Primary Causes on the Infant Mortality (per cent) . . . . . . Morbidity Rate in 2003 Compared to 1990 (percent of 1990 level) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lethality of Malignant Neoplasms: Proportion of Deaths Within the First Year after Being Diagnosed, 1992–2002 (in percent) . . . . Incidence of Malignant Neoplasms in Men and Women by Localization, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Men and Women across Age Groups According to Their . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ratio of Men and Women Receiving Free Medical Assistance (% of group size) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Assessment of Income and Expenses for Medical Services and Medicines (Rubles) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: “If You Were Referred to a Hospital, Have You Been Actually Admitted?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Men and Women Responding to: “What Kind of Outpatient Treatment Have You Had Over the Last Three Months?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship between Age, Health Assessment, and Frequency of Medicine Usage for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Payment by Men and Women or Treatment in Hospital Depending on Their Level of Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: ”Who Pays for Your Medical Assistance?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Consumption of Alcoholic Drinks and Beer in Russia, 1990–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Frequency of Alcohol Consumption by Men and Women . . . . . . . . . Alcoholism and Alcoholic Psychosis Incidence in Women (1990–2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alcoholism and Alcoholic Psychosis Incidence in Women and Men, 1998, 2001, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Alcohol related Mortality Rates,1 1990–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

70 72

77 81 83 86 92 94 98 103 106 107 109 111 113 114

124

125 125 128 130 134 135 136 136 137

Contents Table 7.6: Table 7.7: Table 7.8: Table 7.9: Table 7.10:

Table 7.11: Table 8.1: Table 8.2: Table 8.3: Table 8.4: Table 8.5:

Table 8.6:

Table 8.7: Table 10.1: Table 10.2:

Table 10.3:

Number of Men and Women Who Committed Crimes in a State of Alcoholic Intoxication, 1995–2000 (Thousands of Persons) . . Incidence of Drug Abuse, Men and Women (1998, 2001, 2003) . . Incidence of HIV Infection Across Age Groups (as of January 1, 2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Active Tuberculosis Incidence by Sex and Age Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mortality of Able bodied Residents from Infectious and Parasitic Diseases Including Tuberculosis1 (deaths per 100 000 of able bodied persons), 1995–2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Syphilis Incidence Rate Among Men and Women by Age Groups . . . Distribution of the Number of Two parent and Single parent Families by Monthly Average per Capita Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subjective Assessment of Welfare and the Size of the Average Per Capita Income in Single parent and Two parent Families1/ . . . . . . Sources of Funds of the Total Household Budget (Percent of Households Indicating this Source) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subjective Assessment of Welfare and Selected Indicators of Housing Availability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Housing Benefits and Arrears in Payments to Housing and Public Utilities Office in Different Types of Households at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of Families Having Other Types of Real Estate Than the Main Dwelling (percent of the number of families in this category) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of Saving by Gender (Proportion of the Total Number of Respondents, in Percent) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Violent Crimes Targeted at Victims in 2003 (in thousands) . . . . . . . Proportion of Men and Women (in Percent) Responding to the Question:”To Whom Should Women Appeal for Aid in Case of Domestic Physical Abuse?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rapes or Attempted Rapes, 1998–2003 (in thousands) . . . . . . . . . . .

141 142 144 147

148 152 156 158 160 162

166

167 171 193

194 194

List of Figures Figure 1.1: Men’s Life Expectancy, 1950–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 1.2: Women’s Live Expectancy, 1950–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 1.3: Differences in Life Expectancy at Birth between Men and Women in Selected Countries, 2002–03 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 1.4: Proportion of Men and Women in Terms of Age in 1897 and 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 1.5: Marital Status of Men and Women by Age Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 1.6: Proportion of Men in Different Age Groups According to the Frequency of Consumption of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 2.1: Proportion of Girls in the Number of Students of General Education Schools Aged 14 to 18 Years (academic years 1989/90–2001/02) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 2.2: Changes in Proportion of Students Making Their Studies on the Basis of Full Recovery of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

18 18 19 23 26 28

34 37

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 2.3: Proportion of Men and Women Discontinuing Studies because They Consider Their Level of Education Sufficient (Depending on Respondents’ Level of Education) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 2.4: Ratio of Average Nominal Gross Payroll of Educational Workers to Average Wages in the Economy as a Whole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.1: International Comparison of Economic Activity Rate for Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.2: Rates of Economic Activity of Men and Women Across Different Age Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.3: Employment Rates for Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.4: Distribution of Employed Men and Women According to Education level (1992 and 2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.5: Number of Unemployed Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 3.6: Unemployment Rates of Men and Women, Selected Countries (2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 4.1: Men's/Women's Wages (Per Month) in Selected NIS Countries . . . Figure 4.2: Women's/Men's Wages (Per Month) Depending on Age . . . . . . . . . . Figure 4.3: Distribution of Employed Men and Women by Sectors of National Economy and Average Wages per Month in these Sectors, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 4.4: Proportion of Women in the Number of the Employed in the National Economy and the Ratio of Women’s Wages (per Month) to Men’s in These Sectors, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 4.5: Age Specific Profiles of Gender Wage Differentials in Terms of the Level of Education (Women’s/Men’s Wage Ratios, % and Approximating Curve) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 5.1: Gender Distribution of New Pensioners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 5.2: Gender Distribution of Pensioners, by Pension Type (in percent) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.1: Mortality Rate by Cause of Death, 1965–2001 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.2: Maternal Mortality in Russia. 1985–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.3: Maternal Mortality, Including Death Cases from Abortion per 100,000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.4: Absolute Number of Abortions, 1980–2003 (in 1,000s) . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.5: Number of Abortions per 1,000 Women Aged 15–49 and per 100 Deliveries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.6: Number of Abortions per 1,000 Women in All Age Groups (1995–2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.7: Infant Mortality, 1970–2003 (Post Neonatal Mortality Rate per 1,000 Live Births . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.8: Infant Mortality Across the Basic Categories of Mortality Causes, 1990–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.9: Causes of Morbidity Among Pregnant Women, 1980–2003 (Number of Diseases which Caused Delivery Complications per 1,000 Deliveries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.10: Incidence of Malignant Neoplasms by Gender, 1991–2003 (the Number of New Cases per 100,000 People in All Age Groups) . . . . Figure 6.11: Incidence of Women’s Oncological Diseases by Localization . . . . .

42 43 48 48 50 52 56 57 63 65

74 79 80 90 92 94 96 99 100 102 104

105 108 110

Contents Figure 6.12: Gender Profile of Subjective Health Assessment (All Ages) . . . . . . . . Figure 6.13: New Disability Cases, Men and Women, 1994–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.14: New Disability Cases among Working age Men and Women, 1994–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.15: Marital Status of Disabled Men and Women by Age Group . . . . . . . . Figure 6.16: State Health Expenditures for Selected Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.17: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) According to their . . . Figure 6.18: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) According to Their Assessment of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 6.19: Expenditures on Medicines and Medical Supplies During the Last . . . Figure 6.20: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: . . . . . Figure 6.21: Total Expenditure (Ruble) by Men and Women at Different Levels of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.1: Mortality Rates in Men and Women of Able Bodied Age Caused by Haphazard Alcohol Poisoning, 1995–2001 (Deaths per 100,000 Able bodied People) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.2: Men and Women Who Committed Crimes in a State of Alcoholic Intoxication (in percent), 1995–2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.3: Number of Convicts under Court Sentences Passed and Enforced for Wrongdoings and Violations of Rules Governing the Handling of Narcotic and Psychotropic Substances, 1995–2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.4: Active Tuberculosis Incidence by Sex and Age Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.5: Gender Composition of Groups with Different Extent of Addiction to Smoking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.6: Distribution of Men and Women by Age When They Start to Smoke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.7: Syphilis Incidence Rate Among Russian Men and Women, 1975–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 7.8: Syphilis Incidence Rate of Men and Women by Age Groups, 1975–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.1: Distribution of Two parent and Single parent Households by Aggregate Family Incomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.2: Average per Capita Income (Ruble) in Two parent and Single parent Families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.3: Dwelling Floor Space Availability at Different Levels of Subjective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.4: Subjective Assessments of Welfare and Average Assessment of Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.5: Proportion of Recipients (in percent) of at Least One Type of Housing Benefits or Housing Subsidies at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare, in Percent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.6: Propensity to Save by Gender (Percentage of Men and Women Responding to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 8.7: Priority Rating for Purposes of Saving by Gender (Proportion of the Total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 9.1: Gender Composition of Public Servants Across Categories, Groups of Positions and Branches of Power (in percent) . . . . . . . . .

9 112 116 117 118 120 122 123 126 127 130

138 141

143 146 149 150 151 153 157 159 163 164

165 170 172 176

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Figure 9.2: Proportion of Women (in percent) Among Employees Holding Public Offices (By Categories) Among Executive Authorities (at the Federal Level and at the Level of the Constituent Entities of the Federation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 9.3: Share of Women Among Deputies of National Parliaments – An International Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 9.4: Share of Women Holding Public Positions (by Categories) in the Judiciary at the National and Subnational Levels, in percent (as of September 1, 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 9.5: Composition of Men and Women Holding Government and Municipal Offices by Educational Level, in percent (as of September 1, 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 9.6: Index Profile of “Confidence – No Confidence” in Major Power holding and Public Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 10.1: Number of Men and Women Offenders, 1990–2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 10.2: Proportion of Convicted Men and Women (in percent) by Types of Crime (on the basis of court rulings that became effective in 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Figure 10.3: Number of Male and Female Inmates, 2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

178 180

182

184 185 188

189 191

List of Boxes Box 1.1: Box 6.1: Box 6.2: Box 6.3: Box 7.1: Box 8.1: Box 10.1

Men Dominate in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abortions: Zigzags of Legislation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in Abrotion Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reasons for Informal Paymants in Health Care . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender Aspects of Alcohol related Crimes in Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Real Estate Tax Can Prove Unaffordable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Suicide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

24 97 101 121 139 168 195

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This report was produced by a team comprising Marina Baskakova, Elena Mezentseva and Elena Zotova. Elena Zotova was the team leader for the activity. She holds a Ph.D in Economics from Moscow State University and holds the post of Referent of the Department of Social Policy and Environment Protection of the Government of the Russian Federation. She is an expert in labor, pensions, social protection, disability and gender issues. She is responsible for preparation and processing of official documents on social policy issues including but not limited to funding of social policy, development of social programs. Until mid 2005, she was Senior Technical Specialist and World Bankâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Gender Focal Point in the World Bankâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Moscow office and initiated this work there. Marina Baskakova holds a Doctor of Economic Sciences (PhD) and is a lead researcher at the High School of Economics (HSE). In the last two decades labor and gender issues were the main focus of her academic and research work. She spent 15 years as the Senior Researcher of the Center for Gender Studies at the Institute for Socio Economic Studies of Population, Russian Academy of Sciences, and she has more than 50 publications devoted to gender issues in Russia and ECA CIS countries. Ms. Baskakova provided consulting services to the World Bank, and was one of the key gender resource persons in the Gender Mainstreaming Pilot. Elena Mezentseva holds a Ph.D in Economics, docent at the Chair of Economic Sociology in the High School of Economics (HSE). Since 1992 she has been specializing in gender issues working as a research fellow at the Moscow Center for Gender Studies, and since 1998 as the Senior Researcher, Laboratory of Gender Economics, Institute of Social and Economic Issues of Population of the Academy of Sciences of Russia. Since 1993 until currently Ms. Mezentseva is a Member of Institutional Reform Section of the MAGE (Marche de Travail et Genre)

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

international research network, Paris, France. She has 29 scientific pub lications on gender issues, and has participated in joint research of more than a dozen of projects. Valuable comments were contributed by Pierella Paci, Tatyana Leonova, Asad Alam, Andrei Markov, Mary Canning, Anne Margreth Bakilana, Patricio V. Marquez, and Ruslan Yemtsov of the World Bank, and Marina Gordeeva (Ministry of Health and Social Development of the Russian Federation). Special thanks to Mita Chakraborty for her invaluable support in editing the document and Judy Wiltshire for document processing. Special gratitude is extended to the Government of Finland for pro viding financial support to the research and publication of the report.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This study provides an overall description of gender issues and trends in gender indicators. The study is based on an analysis of a broad range of statistical data that present the status of men and women on a wide range of social and economic dimensions (including health, education, employment, labor market, pensions, and decision making). The fin dings of the study point to gender asymmetries in different aspects of life, especially with respect to high male adult mortality and low male life expectancy, higher female education attainment yet female disad vantage in wages, gender biases against women in the pension system, and limited female participation in decision making. The study stress es the inter related nature of many of these issues. It follows an earlier review of the gender literature based upon national sources.1 During the 1990s, gender differences increased in the context of the broad political, economic and social transformation of Russia which was accompanied by a collapse in incomes, rising inequality, and the institution of deep market reforms. These had differential gender impacts in the society notwithstanding the various national initiatives promoting gender balance. The beginning of the new millennium saw a turning point in Russia’s development. The eradication of poverty and the doubling of the GDP over the next decade became paramount objectives as Russian growth rebounded from the deep recession of the 1990s. Macroeconomic stability was restored. In early 2005, the system of social benefits and subsidies was changed; and the new Housing Code came into effect. A program of administrative reforms was initi ated, and further reforms of the health and education systems are being planned. It is obvious that in order to carry out such ambitious reforms, the specific characteristics of the status of men and women, and gen der differentiated risks need to be incorporated in policymaking. This study includes proposals concerning the development of an effective state gender monitoring system and provides a short list of statistical indicators which could track the evolution of gender statis 1 See World Bank, 2004, ”Gender Issues in Russia: Analysis Based on National Publications of 1993–2003.”

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

tics. This study will inform the general public, decision makers, politi cians, journalists, scientists, students and non government organiza tions of gender issues in present day Russia and aid in the development of gender focused programs at different levels and reduce gender asymmetries.

Dimensions of Gender Inequality Life Expectancy and Health. The most critical concern is the low life expectancy of men of only 58.8 years compared with 72 years for women. Although there are some regional variations, the gender gap in average life expectancy is 13.2 years which is quite significant by inter national comparisons. This draws primarily from the high mortality rate for men, which is driven by accidents, traumas, alcoholism, HIV/AIDS, addiction to tobacco, and various other social diseases. Many of these are lifestyle related. At the same time, the maternal mor tality rate has been declining over the last two decades or so, though there are considerable differences across the regions. This is primarily due to a decrease in the number of abortions, with other forms of birth control becoming more prevalent. The frequency of medical usage increases at a younger age for men than for women indicating that with age men’s health worsens at a much faster rate than women. However, the incidence of some of the social diseases is spreading among women, thus, narrowing the gender gap in these aspects. The extent of these gender asymmetries also vary across regions. The social and economic consequence of the high death rate of men, especially at the employable age, is disturbing. The economic loss from early deaths is high, primarily through a reduction in the active labor force.2 But this also leads to higher health care costs, higher dependency ratios in the social insurance system, and the destabiliza tion of the family. The latter is particularly important as the emergence of a large number of single parent families headed by women leads to lower household incomes and increased social stress for women who now have the double burden of the traditional role of household man agement and “breadwinner.” The poverty impacts can be significant. Indeed, about 78 percent of single parent families subjectively assess 2 See World Bank, 2005, “Dying Too Young: Addressing Premature Mortality and Ill Health Due to Non Communicable Diseases and Injuries in the Russian Federation.”

Executive Summary

their condition as living in destitution compared to 56 percent of two parent families. The increasing incidence of social diseases among women further exacerbates their vulnerable condition. Evidence also suggests that financial affordability is a stronger constraint for women in their access to health services than for men. Education and Labor Market Outcomes. In education, the gender asymmetry is biased in favor of women but women still face wage dis parities in the labor market. More women are seeking higher education in both general as well as vocational education and more men are lim iting themselves to the primary level of education. The persistence of gender asymmetry especially in vocational education would further increase the gap in the level of education of men and women. The higher level of education, however, has not translated itself into com petitiveness for women in the labor market. On average, in 2003 women’s wages accounted for only 64 percent of men’s wages although regional variation of gender differentials in wages is wide spread. Part of the explanation may be the historical concentration of female jobs in low wage sectors or at lower ends of the job hierarchy, differences in working hours, or female choice of non entrepreneurial jobs where returns may be more muted. But it may also be due to labor market discrimination and lack of effective mechanisms for ensuring protection though this is an area that needs further examination. These factors need to be understood and addressed so that economic oppor tunities for women’s economic advancement and incomes are consis tent with their education and skills. Pensions. Gender asymmetry also extends in the current pension system with Russian women constituting a majority of the pensioners (their proportion has ranged within 64–66 percent in recent years). This is due mainly to gender differences in their early retirement age (55 years) compared to that of men (60 years) and also their longer life expectancy. The current low retirement age coupled with longer life expectancy for women results in the fact that retired women are expected to live on average nine years longer than men. The issue of gender asymmetry in pension amount is especially more pronounced for disabled women. Women’s disability pension, on an average, is only 83 percent of men’s disability pension. The asymmetries in marital status (i.e. lack of spousal support), and in the provision of pension leads to an increase in the incidence of the

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

poverty rate among retired single women. They constitute 10.4 percent of the total population with an income lower than the minimum sub sistence level. This is more than twice the corresponding incidence among men of 4.2 percent. This problem is even more acute for dis abled women retirees who have higher poverty rates which are accen tuated by some other specific factors. Other research has shown that pensions are a key source of improved living standards for retirees. Measures to address the pension issue with respect to women would go a long in improving the living standards of elderly and disabled female retirees. But the tensions may be further enhanced with the ongoing pension reform launched in 2002 which is aimed at tightening the link between workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; contributions and benefits, and is more sensitive to the inequalities in the labor market. Decision making process. The involvement of women in the Russian political system is highly skewed. The participation of Russian women in the decision making process is inadequate in all branches of power â&#x20AC;&#x201C; executive, legislative, and judicial. There is evidence of pronounced ver tical disparity, that is, the higher the rank in the hierarchy, the lower is the proportion of women holding those jobs. Inadequate representa tion in decision making may lead to insufficient promotion of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s interests. This is particularly a concern at present when major sectors of the society are being restructured. The study also finds that notwith standing their higher overall educational attainment, the level of educa tion of women working in the government bureaucracy is lower than that of men and may reinforce the existing vertical disparity.

Conclusions Existing gender asymmetries in the Russian Federation have long term implications for economic development and poverty reduction, and need to be addressed with appropriately tailored public policies. Reducing gender asymmetry, in general, would require introducing gender dimensions in economic and institutional reforms. It is also important to monitor progress on reducing gender asymmetry on a regular basis through the implementation of an information system that captures national and regional level gender statistics and makes them publicly available for research and analysis.

1. DEMOGRAPHIC CONTEXT OF GENDER ISSUES IN RUSSIA

Demographic and gender issues in present day Russia are closely interrelated. That is why any problem faced by one gender has its immediate impact on the situation of the other. Section 1.A describes the differences in life expectancy across genders, which affect both genders. The high male death rate is then discussed in the context of the factors that contribute to it in Section 1.B. The next section, Section 1.C, deals with the disparities in the age structure of the popu lation. Section 1.D describes a number of gender problems related to marital status.

1.A Gender Distinctions in Life Expectancy The average life expectancy in Russia is much lower for men and women compared to other economically developed countries. Also, there is considerable difference in life expectancy between men and women. Such gender based difference in life expectancy is much larger compared to other developed and developing countries. The most serious gender related problem in Russia today is the low level of menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life expectancy (Figure 1.1). Today, this problem has acquired the proportion of a national disaster as, on average, menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life expectancy is only 58.8 years. During the same period, life expectancy for women has been much higher than men, and, was 72 years in 2003 (Figure 1.2). There has been a negative trend in the life expectancy of both men and women in Russia in recent years. Life expectancy was rising up to the mid 1960s for them, that of women reaching the level of the deve loped countries and that of men coming closer to that in developed countries. Later, the life expectancy of both men and women began to decline, though at a different rate (slower for women and substantially faster for men), with some increase in the second half of the 1980s and in the 1990s (Figures 1.1 and 1.2). Between 1998 (the year of the economic crisis and of maximum life expectancy for men and women throughout the last decade) and 2003

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 1.1: Men’s Life Expectancy, 1950–2003

Figure 1.2: Women’s Live Expectancy, 1950–2003

men’s life expectancy at birth fell by 2.5 years (from 61.3 to 58.8 years), and was at its minimum at 58.5 years in 2002. The value of this indica tor for women decreased less substantially by only 0.9 years (from 72.9 to 72 years) during the same period. So, decrease in women’s life expectancy was nearly three times less than that for men, and it shows not only the social and economic nature of these changes but also their “gender” roots. Thus, in 2003 the maximum life expectancy at birth registered for women living in the Republic of Ingushetia was 78 years and that for men was 72 years, in Dagestan it was 76 years and 68 years respective ly. In Moscow, life expectancy for women was 75 years (same as in the

1. Demographic Context of Gender Issues in Russia

Republic of Kabardino Balkaria, the Chechen Republic, North Ossetia Alania, and Tatarstan) and that of men was 65 years. Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life expectancy as registered in the Republic of Tyva was 60 years with the corresponding figure for men being 49 years. Some other figures available for life expectancy show that in Koryak Autonomous Okrug, it was 63 years for women, and 46 years for men. In Komi Perm Autonomous Okrug, it was 64 years for women and 51 years for men. Some other data registered for maximum life expectancy for men and women point to the following facts. The life expectancy registered for women was 64 years in Chukotka. That for men was 52 years in the Nenetsk Autonomous Okrug, and 54 years in each of the provinces of the Novgorod, Pskov, Irkutsk, Chita Oblasts, the Republic of Karelia, and Altai.

Figure 1.3: Differences in Life Expectancy at Birth between Men and Women in Selected Countries, 2002â&#x20AC;&#x201C;03

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Due to regional differences in life expectancy of men and women, the gap between life expectancy of men and women in Russia also show a substantial regional differentiation. In 2003, the gap was 17 years in the Koryak Autonomous Okrug, an, 16 years in theYaroslavl and Novgorod Oblasts (more than the national average in each of these provinces). On the other hand, the gap was 11 years in the Republic of Tyva, 10 years in Moscow, eight years in the Republic of Dagestan, and six years in Ingushetia (less than the national average in each of these provinces). In addition, “life expectancy at birth” varies considerably across dif ferent regions in Russian for both men and women. The range of these values is so broad that the regional maximum life expectancy at birth for men “overlaps” considerably with the minimum regional values of this indicator for women. The recent social and economic changes that took place have result ed in the growth of the gender gap in average life expectancy. While in the most favorable year (1998) the gap was 11.6 years, in 2003 it was 13.2 years. This difference in the life expectancy of men and women is one of the largest in the world (Figure 1.3), and presents an extremely disadvantageous situation in terms of gender problems in the country.

1.B Factors Contributing to Excessive Death Rates Among Men In describing the gender problems concerning life expectancy in Russia, it is essential to identify some very important trends. First, the low life expectancy of men is notable for the excessive death rate of men at the employable age. The death rate for men in this age group from all caus es is 3.8 times higher than that of women in this category. Second, men’s excessive death rate is largely determined by the impact of social, economic and behavioral factors which are not so rel evant for women’s death rate. A gender related feature specific to men’s mortality is the death rate from so called “external reasons” (including alcoholic intoxication, transport injuries, suicide, murder). Official statistics indicate that 462.9 men per 100,000 men of employ able age and 96.6 women per 100,000 women of employable age died from such causes (the rate for women is 4.8 times less) in 2003. It should be noted that the male death rate due to external reasons is one of the highest in the world. Gender stereotypes and the standards of behavior established by the society for men, which permit excessive alcohol consumption as a means of overcoming stress or as a manifestation of masculinity, encourage the

1. Demographic Context of Gender Issues in Russia

growth of a number of “risk” groups (including people abusing alcohol, tobacco or drugs, living an asocial life) in the present day context of social and economic disorder. The difficulties that men face in perform ing their traditional gender role of wage earner increase their stress and thus increased the number of those “risk” groups. In general, the rela tionship between stress and the death rate is much stronger for men than for women. As a result, the death rate from the abuse of alcohol, drugs, tobacco has risen sharply. The increase in men’s death rate from suicide is an extreme form of response to social and economic pressures. For example, in 2001 (Table 1.1), 74.9 men per 100,000 men of employable age in the urban areas committed suicide and 56.1 men per 100,000 men of employable age died of alcoholic intoxication, where as the respective indicators for women were only 10.1 and 13.3 per 100,000 women of employable age. Table 1.1: Death Rates of Men and Women of Employable Age Due to Accidental Alcoholic Intoxication and Suicide, 1995–2001 (deaths per 100,000 persons of employable age of respective gender)1 1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

Urban Population Men From accidental alcoholic intoxication

64.9

51.8

39.2

37.1

42.4

53.5

56.4

From suicides

84.2

78.7

71.1

67.0

73.0

73.4

74.9

Women From accidental alcoholic intoxication

14.2

10.9

8.3

7.8

9.7

12.4

13.3

From suicides

12.4

11.0

10.4

9.6

11.2

10.1

Rural Population Men From accidental alcoholic intoxication From suicides From accidental alcoholic intoxication From suicides

69.5

57.9

48.3

126.5

124.0

119.9

15.1 17.3

13.0 16.3

10.6 16.0

1 Men 16–59 years, women 16–54 years. Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

47.9

59.7

66.2

112.2 123.2 Women

43.2

128.8

128.3

13.7 16.4

16.3 16.7

9.8 15.0

11.3 16.2

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

In rural areas the death rates related to suicides and alcohol abuse are substantially higher than in urban areas. In 2001, out of 100,000 men of employable age, 128.3 committed suicide and 66.7 died of excessive alcoholism, whereas these indicators for women were only 16.7 and 16.3 respectively per 100,000 women of employable age. Changes in the death rates from suicides and alcoholism show their linkage with the social and economic situation in the country. Between 1995 and 1998, a period of relative well being, the indicated death rates were decreasing for both men and women and in both cities and rural areas. After the 1998 crisis the rates started to increase.

1.C Gender Disparities in the Age Structure of the Population The enormous gender gap in life expectancy, with men having a lower life expectancy than women, in general, has resulted in disparities with regard to the age and gender structure of the population. In 2004, the Russian population was 144,168,000, with women constituting a majority (53.5 percent of the total population) â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 77,144,000 in absolute numbers. The number of men in absolute numbers was 67,024,000 persons (46.5 percent of the total popula tion). International comparison with data from economically deve loped countries, former socialist countries and other transition economies, reveal that except Russia, Ukraine is the only other country with a lower proportion of men in the total population (46.2 percent). In Russia the proportion of men and women in the total population vary across regions. Currently, the most predominance of women among the total population is registered in Ivanovo Oblast (55.3 per cent), followed by Saint Petersburg, Tver and Tula Oblasts (55.1 percent each). However, there are some regions of the Russian Federation in which the proportion of women is lower than that of men, for example, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug (48.1 percent of the total population), Kamchatka Oblast (49 percent), and Yamalo Nenetsk Autonomous Okrug (49.9 percent).\ Figure 1.4 compares historic data (as of 1897) on the proportion of men and women across different age groups with the most recent data (as of January 2004) available. Recent data show the predominance of women in the total population with an increase in age. Historically, on the other hand, the proportion of men and women in the total popu lation has been roughly the same across all age groups with proportion

1. Demographic Context of Gender Issues in Russia

Figure 1.4: Proportion of Men and Women in Terms of Age in 1897 and 2004

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

of women being slightly higher than men. However, the percentage of dominance of women in different age groups was small and varied, for example, between 50.1 percent for the 40 to 45 age group and 54.6 per cent for the 70 and over age group. In present day Russia, the proportion of boys and young men is slightly higher than that of girls and young women in the age group 0

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

to 24 years.3 The predominance of women in the total population increases in the older age groups, where a clear relationship can be observed: the older the age group is, the higher is the proportion of women among the total population. For example, in 2004, the propor tions of men and women in the age group 25 to 29 were the same

Box 1.1: Men Dominate in China Chinese demographers are concerned that the correlation between boys and girls among newborns shows that the birth rate is skewed towards boys. Even today, there are 117 men per 100 women in the CPR . The situation is so serious that it brought about an adjustment of current family planning policies in China and has become a focus of lively discussions at the annual session of the People’s Political Advisory Council of China (PPAC) that completed its work in Beijing. According to Lee Veisyun, Deputy Chairman of the Committee for Human Resources and Environment of the All China PPAC Committee, the situation is worse in rural communities where all people want to have a son: in China they are seen as reliable support for parents in their old age. According to census data for 1982, the average correlation between girls and boys among newborns in China was 100:108.5; it is already 100:116.9 at present. Moreover, in Hainan and Guandun Provinces in the south of China, over 130 boys were born per each 100 girls. Lee Veisyun believes that all encompassing integrated measures in legal, social, economic, cultural, and educational spheres are needed to be undertaken by the State so that the trend could be reversed. The first priority is to impose a ban on “premature” identification of an embryo’s gender in the mother’s womb. It seems that the authorities have heard the demographers’ voice. Chzhan Veitsyn, Chairman of the CPR State Committee for Population and Family Planning, has set it as a priority to align the composition of genders among new born as a principal benchmark for demographically driven efforts. The South Chinese province of Guandun is setting an example by translating the policies into action. In the framework of a national campaign under the slogan “Take care of girls” families who have no boys are granted education and medical benefits for their daughters. Bestowal of such benefits to families without sons are condition al only on the fact that they (the families) can not have more than two daughters. Dmitry PRIVALOV Trud, March 18, 2004.

3 Normal correlation of boys and girls among infants, as a rule, is equal to 105–107:100.

1. Demographic Context of Gender Issues in Russia

(about 50 percent each); the proportion of women was 52.6 percent (and men constituted 47.4 percent) in the age group 45 to 49; and the proportion of women was 71.2 percent in the age group over 70 (the number of women was 2.5 times higher than that of men). These obser vations corroborate the low life expectancy of men in Russia. This situation is a distinctive feature of the present day develop ment of the country. By way of contrast, Box 1.1 outlines the situation of gender imbalance in China, where men are predominant in absolute and relative terms.

1.D Marital Structure of the Russian Adult Population: Limits of the Distribution of Traditional Gender Roles Disparities in the age and gender structure of the population not only result in gender imbalances in the elderly population (a subject often discussed in the media in connection with the pension reform process), but also give rise to a whole range of gender problems related to the marital status. First of all, the number of women of marriageable age (over 18 years) is higher by nearly 11 million than the number of men of the same age. This means that nearly every sixth woman of marriageable age is unmar ried because of the shortage of men. Table 1.2: Distribution of Men and Women Aged over 16 Years According to Marital Status, 2002 Married

Marital Have never Widows/ Divorced status not been married widowers indicated

Men (percent)

62.6

25.1

3.6

7.6

1.1

Women (percent)

52.5

17.5

18.0

11.0

1.0

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The 2002 All Russia Census showed substantial differences in the marital structure of men and women in Russia (Table 1.2). In general, 62.6 percent of all men over 16 years old are married, and every fourth man has never been married. The main reason for marriage termina tion for men is divorce (7.6 percent of all men of that age); only 3.6 per cent of men were widowers.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The proportion of married women among all women aged over 16 is lower that that of men. At the time of the census, about half (52.5 per cent) of women were married. Women were unmarried mainly because of husbandsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; death (in Russia, 18 percent of all women over 16 years old are widows) or through divorce (11 percent). If we consider marital status of men and women in terms of age, the picture would be more complete (Figure 1.5). Figure 1.5: Marital Status of Men and Women by Age Groups

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics (based on 2002 census).

An increase in the proportion of married men is taking place almost throughout the employable age, reaching its maximum in the pre retire ment age (55 to 59 years), when an overwhelming majority of men are married (81.1 percent). In addition, at the age of 55â&#x20AC;&#x201C;59, every tenth man is a widower and only every twentieth is divorced. As they reach retire ment age, a slow decline in the proportion of married men is taking place (with a moderate acceleration of this process over 65 years). For exam ple, over 70 percent of men at the age of 70 and above remain married, 25 percent become widowers and only 2.6 percent are divorced. For women the picture is quite different. The highest proportion of married women is registered among considerably younger women (35 to 39 years). At this age, 72.4 percent of women are married, 2.2 percent are widows, and 15.2 percent are divorced. In the more advanced ages, the proportion of married women falls sharply. Only

1. Demographic Context of Gender Issues in Russia

60 percent of women are married in the 55 to 59 age group. The decline in the proportion of married women is due not so much to a rise in the proportion of divorced women (14.8 percent of all women of that age) as to widowhood (20.4 percent of all women of that age). Less than a quarter (22.9 percent) of women 70 years and above remain married, whereas most (65.8 percent) of these women are widows. The characteristics of the age and gender structure of the popula tion determine the existence of a large number of single parent fami lies headed by women. According to the above analysis, the possibility of living one’s entire life in the married state is substantially higher for men than for women. The high death rate for men of employable age increases the possibility of widowhood for middle aged and elderly women and minimizes the possibility of a second marriage (both after widowhood and after divorce). In Russia, the traditional division of roles in the family assumes the existence of a married couple (both husband and wife). The man is considered the principal earning member of the family. The woman is responsible for household management and raising children. Earnings of professional women, though an important source of income for the families, are considered more as secondary in their significance. Against this background, it is a very difficult situation for women who have become the heads of single parent families as a result of wid owhood/divorce and have lost the opportunity to continue in the gen der role to which their life had been subordinated. Following the tradi tional role, these women are at an age where adaptation resources are minimal and behavioral stereotypes are difficult to change. Consequently, the distribution of traditional division of labor in Russian families is detrimental to the welfare of the large number of divorcees and widows among women. In addition, with an increase in the number of male “risk” groups (men ill with alcoholism, drug addicts, those serving their sen tences in places of confinement), the number of men who play the role of “breadwinner” is very limited. A certain proportion of males may even inflict wasteful expenses on the family budget rather than adding to it. Against this background and in the context of the low birth rate in Russia, the current discussion, in the mass media on the traditional gen der division of labor has considerable demographic limits. The NOBUS survey findings confirm the gravity of this problem. According to these findings, 17–18 percent of Russian men aged 30 to 59 consume beer, wine or strong alcohol several times a week or even on a daily basis (Figure 1.6). We would like to emphasize that in this sur vey the frequency of alcohol consumption was identified by the respon

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 1.6: Proportion of Men in Different Age Groups According to the Frequency of Consumption of Beer, Wine and Strong Drinks Per Week

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

dents themselves or their relatives, which means that there is a great probability of their under reporting the respective data. Increasing alco holism among the male population would further reduce their life expectancy, increase the gender gap between life expectancy and also cause further distortion to family structure.

1.E Conclusion This chapter has emphasized the demographic aspects of the gender issues in Russia, as well as the relevant age related and gender role issues. In particular, the discussion has stressed the problem of low life expectancy among men and has described the factors that contribute to this situation. Also, it describes the marital structure that is evolving due to the changing demographic patterns. The next chapter will deal with gender issues as related to education.

2. EDUCATION OF MEN AND WOMEN

Education has an important bearing on gender issues in Russia. This has implications for employment and labor force participation including human capital accumulation across genders. Section 2.A dis cusses the educational level of both men and women and its effect on gender issues. Next, the composition of students in terms of gender and education level is discussed in Section 2.B. The question of the financing of education, including fee based education for both men and women is discussed in Sections 2.C and 2.D. Finally, reasons are presented to explain the drop off rate from the education system for both men and women in Section 2.E. Section 2.F describes and ana lyzes the high proportion of women educators. Conclusions are pre sented in Section 2.G.

2.A Level of Education of Men and Women Education has undergone changes both across time and across dif ferent levels. This shift has implications for the socio economic sta tus of both men and women. The 2002 All Russia Census showed some growth in the level of education of the population (age over 15 years). However, there has not been much change in the gender composition at different levels of education. The proportion of women with some level of education has been constant at 54 percent between 1989 and 2002. The earlier (1989) data as well as the current (2002) data corroborate the fact that except for the primary initial vocational education level, the pro portion of women at all other levels of education continues to be higher than that of men. The gender gap in terms of composition of students has narrowed in recent years in some spheres of education (for example, secondary specialized and primary initial vocational), but it has widened in some other spheres (for example, postgraduate education).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 2.1: Level of Education of Women and Men (based on 1989 and 2002 census data) 1989

Women

All population aged 15 years and over with some level of education (number of persons, in thousands) (In Percent): Higher education (including postgraduate education) Incomplete higher education Secondary specialized education Primary initial vocational education Secondary (complete) education Basic general education

Men

2002

Gender Distribution, Women % Women

Men

61,593 51,445

Men

Gender Distribution, % Women Men

65,893 55,407 54

10.9

11.7

16.3

15.5

1.7

3.1

21.4

16.5

28.9

25.0

9.0

17.7

10.1

15.7

16.3

19.8

16.6

18.7

17.2

17.9

13.5

14.1

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Analysis of the data reveals that the composition of women students has shown a notable shift towards higher and secondary specialized education, whereas there has been a shift away from basic general edu cation. The composition of male students has shown a significant move towards secondary specialized education. On the other hand, the proportion of male students in primary initial vocational education as well as general education (secondary and basic) has declined. The end

2. Education of Men and Women

result of these compositional changes have led to a widening of the gender gap in higher education in favor of women, narrowing of the gender gap in secondary specialized education in favor of men and nar rowing of the gender gap in primary initial vocational education in favor of women. Changes in the gender gap in composition are not so obvious in other spheres of education.

2.B Student Composition in Terms of Gender and Level of Education In the new millennium the trend in Russia is towards a decline of the overall number of students in the public education system established throughout the economic reform period.4 In general, in the period 2000 to 2004 alone, the number of students in absolute numbers at all levels declined by 1,188,000 (women by 612,000, men by 576,000). Men became a minority among students pursuing education under the public education system: in 2004, their proportion was 49 percent, while womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s was 51 percent. Although the number of students overall declined, social, economic and demographic factors have a multidirectional impact on the num ber of students at different levels of education and their gender com position. Demographic factors contributed to a rapid decline in the number of students in the general education schools while the impact of social and economic factors resulted in a significant growth in the number of students in the vocational education system. On the other hand, between 2000 and 2004, the number of students in general education schools declined by 2,070,000. And, as distinct from previous years, this decline was gender symmetrical (the number of females went down by 1,019,000 while the number of males declined by 1,051,000). Between the academic years 1997â&#x20AC;&#x201C;98 and 2000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;01, in the context of the general decline in the number of stu dents by 2,820,000, the number of males accounted for 1,437,000 (or 51 percent of the overall reduction). As a result, in general, the gender balance among students (50 to 50) has remained unchanged.

4 Thus far, non state segment of the education system, particularly at the level of general education schools and initial vocational education, is underdeveloped and is not to be comparable with the state segment in terms of the capacity to attract students.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 2.2: Number of Students According to Types of State Educational Institutions as of the Beginning of the Academic Year 2003â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2004 Women

Men

13,598

13,081

100 General education institutions

Gender Distribution, % Women

Men

100

62.0

63.9

Institutions of initial vocational education1

4.5

8.0

Secondary specialized institutions

9.6

9.1

23.5

18.4

0.4 0.0

0.6 0.0

45 44

55 56

Number of students(in thousands) By type (percent)

Higher vocational educational institutions Postgraduate education Doctorate 1

As of the end of 2003. Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

On the other hand, the number of vocational education students has been growing fairly intensively. In general, between 2000 and 2004, the number of students in this system increased by 882,000 (about 10 percent). The characteristic feature of this period is that the number of male students in vocational schools grew more than the number of female students (475,000 and 407,000, respectively). But this failed to correct an earlier existing gender asymmetry among vocational education students. In the academic year 2003â&#x20AC;&#x201C;04, female students still constituted a majority at 52 percent in secondary spe cialized institutions and 57 percent in higher vocational education institutions.

General Education School In Russia, as in many countries of East Europe and the Former Soviet Union, the proportion of boys and girls among students at all grade lev els combined in the general education school system is almost identi cal. However, the gender composition of students differs substantially in terms of the grades and levels of general education schools.

2. Education of Men and Women

Table 2.3 portrays the gender composition of students according to different grade levels in the general education system. Gender differences, although not substantive, in the proportions of boys and girls among stu dents from Grade 1–4 (compulsory level of education) during the aca demic year 2001–2002 (51.4 boys and 48.6 percent girls, respectively) reflect mostly the differences in the proportions of boys and girls in the respective age groups in the total population (51.1 percent boys in the 5 to 9 year age group and 48.9 percent girls in the same age group respec tively). The data also reflect a slight difference in the level of education coverage of boys and girls of junior school age. According to data from the 2002 all Russia Census, two percent of girls and two percent of boys of age seven and one percent of boys and one percent of girls of age eight were not covered by the education system. As for the nine year old age group, only one percent boys were out of the education system, and the propor tion of girls not covered by education was statistically insignificant. Table 2.3: Distribution of Boys and Girls by Grades (Academic Year 2001–02) Proportion of Girls Among Students(%)

Proportion of Boys Among Students(%)

Grades 1–3 (4)

48.6

51.4

Grades 5–9

49.2

50.8

Grades 10 12

56.5

43.5

56.1

43.9

56.9

43.1

51.3

48.7

Total by schools

50.1

49.9

– including Grades

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The ratio of boys and girls among students of Grades 5 to 9 (com pulsory level of education) also mainly reflects the demographic com position of this age group. An increase in the proportion of girls among students at this level compared to the primary level is most likely the result of a reduction in the education coverage of children in this age group which mainly affects boys (boys constitute a majority among homeless children or those working in the streets). For students in the third level of the general education school sys tem (Grades 10–12), which are not compulsory, differences in gender

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

composition is more substantive (56.5 percent are girls, and, 43.5 per cent are boys respectively). Disaggregating the data by grade levels show that in the academic year 2001–02, girls constituted a majority (accounted for 56.1 percent of all Grade 10 students and 56.9 percent of Grade 11 students). The higher proportion of girls in Grades 10 and 11 is related in part to a change in the gender ratio at this age (at the age of 15–19, the proportion of girls in the total population rose to 49.2 percent, or by 3 p.p., as compared with the preceding age group). However, the main cause of gender asymmetry is related to a more intensive transfer of boys, graduates of Grade 9, to the initial vocation al education system (a higher proportion of young men in the number of students in vocational schools at this level) or to work (a higher pro portion of young men of this age group are employed). Figure 2.1: Proportion of Girls in the Number of Students of General Education Schools Aged 14 to 18 Years (academic years 1989/90–2001/02)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

At the same time, it should be noted that over time there has been a tendency towards the leveling of gender asymmetry in the composition of senior students in the general education schools. This can be con firmed by changes in the age and gender composition of students 14–18 years old during 1989–2002 (Figure 2.1). At the beginning of the last decade (1989–90) the proportion of girls in the composition of senior students was larger, with gender asymmetry in such composition widen ing until it peaked in 1993–94 (for example, girls accounted for 59.5 per

2. Education of Men and Women

cent among 16 year old students in that year). Since mid 90’s, the pro portion of girls among senior students started to decline, and reached its minimum around the end of the decade (2001–02) especially in the age group 14–17. The corresponding increase in the proportion of young male students in that age group shows an enhanced interest on their part in receiving a complete general education. However, as they approach 18 years of age, the proportion of girls among senior students were a little higher than the preceding year and also compared to 1991–92 perhaps due to a higher drop out rate among male students of that age.

Vocational education Changes in the female/male ratio among students of vocational education institutions of different levels (from initial vocational education to the doc torate) indicate that throughout the years of reforms men and women have developed different strategies for acquiring vocational education: women are seeking an increasingly higher education level, whereas men are increa singly confining themselves to the lower levels of vocational training. Recent data show that men constitute a majority of the students in initial vocational education institutions, as well as postgraduate and doctorate studies. Women constitute a majority in secondary specia lized and higher vocational education institutes. (Table 2.4). Table 2.4: Proportion of Students by Gender in Different Levels of Vocational Education (In percent)

1996 1997/98 2000 2001/02 2003

Initial vocational education Proportion of young men 61 Proportion of young women 39 Secondary specialized vocational education Proportion of young men 40* Proportion of young women 60* Higher vocational education Proportion of young men 46* Proportion of young women 54* Postgraduate studies Proportion of young men 57 Proportion of young women 43 Doctorate Proportion of young men 70 Proportion of young women 30 * Data for 1995. Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

61 39

62 38

41 59

45 55

48 52

45 55

43 57

58 42

56 44

55 45

68 32

42 38

59 41

56 44

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The gender gap in composition of students, however, shows some interesting trends. Women, although still comprising a majori ty of the students in secondary specialized education institutions (SSEI) (which correspond to secondary technical schools) have in recent years become less interested in this level of education and are increasingly being replaced by men. However, in recent years, women are more interested in higher vocational education (their proportion has shown some increases till 2000 and stabilized since then), thus further widening the gender gap in composition in favor of women. As for postgraduate and doctorate level education, though women still constitute a minority to date, their proportion in this student cate gory is steadily increasing, whereas the proportion of men has been declining. Consequently, the gender gap in composition of students in the highest level of vocational education, though still quite large, has declined considerably in recent years in favor of women. It is obvious that more and more women are seeking the highest levels of vocation al education. As a result, the current trends in education may further exacerbate the gender asymmetry in vocational school education with a bias in favor of women.

2.C Range of Fee based Education for Men and Women A nationwide process of actual migration to fee based educational services continues to gain momentum. As can be seen from Figure 2.2, over the past six years, the pro portion of students in higher educational institutions (HEIs) stu dying on the basis of full cost recovery has doubled from 27.2 per cent in 1998–99 to 53.9 percent in 2003–04. During the same period, the proportion of fee paying students in the secondary specialized vocational institutions has risen from 22.3 percent to 37.9 percent. For institutions of initial vocational education, the proportion of fee based educational services is not high so far, and it is essentially linked to the fact that the first vocational education at this level should be provided to Russian citizens free of charge in compliance with Article 50 of the Russian Federation Law “On Education.” Notwithstanding the fact that the rules for fee based education at all levels are formally gender neutral (that is, they do not depend

2. Education of Men and Women

Figure 2.2: Changes in Proportion of Students Making Their Studies on the Basis of Full Recovery of Learning Costs (1995â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2004)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

on the studentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gender), NOBUS survey data show that today women pay for their learning more often than men (Table 2.5). This statement is true for almost all levels of vocational education except for the postgraduate level. Comparing the gender composi tion of students at al levels of vocational training with the compo sition of fee paying students (Table 2.4 and 2.5), the following points are noted. In the initial vocational education system where men are dominant (62 percent of all), only 11.1 percent of male stu dents pay for their learning, the corresponding number of female students being 17.43 percent. In secondary specialized education institutions, where women constitute a majority (52 percent of stu dents), 48.17 percent of female students and 37.89 percent of male students are studying on the basis of full cost recovery. In higher educational institutions where women constitute the majority of students (57 percent of all students), the proportion of students paying for their learning is 55.12 of the female students, and 47.09 percent of the male students respectively. The picture is different for postgraduate education where men are, in fact, dominant (55 percent of all students), and, also more as a proportion of fee paying students.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 2.5: Distribution of Men and Women Students by the Terms of Financing of Their Education (%)

Initial vocational education institutions Pay for their learning Do not pay for their learning Total Secondary specialized education institutions Pay for their learning Do not pay for their learning Total Higher educational institutions Pay for their learning Do not pay for their learning Total Postgraduates Pay for their learning Do not pay for their learning Total

Men

Women

11.1 88.9 100

17.43 82.57 100

37.89 62.11 100

48.17 51.83 100

47.09 52.91 100

55.12 44.88 100

18.75 81.25 100

16.98 83.02 100

Source: Data from a Survey of Household Welfare and Participation in Social Programs, RF Goskomstat (2003).

Levels of education differ substantially in the range of provision of fee based educational services (this provision depends in many respects on the extent of government guarantees with regard to pro viding free education at these levels), and also as was shown above, in the gender composition of students. The greater proportion of women among fee paying students especially till the graduate level is explained by an uneven distribution of fee based services in vocational training specializations and also by gender base differences in studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; prefe rences to enroll themselves in particular specializations and levels of education. It is primarily the levels of education where the majority of students are women that have become fee based. Also, the highest proportion of those paying for their studies has been registered in humanities, social studies, economics, and, management (where women constitute a majority of students) and a lower proportion of those paying for their studies is found in technical specializations (which traditionally remain male dominated). It should be added that fee paying in education could have a higher gender asymmetry if men of conscription age were not granted defer

2. Education of Men and Women

ment of military service in cases of studying in educational institutions on a full time basis. Today for many young men the avoidance of mili tary service is an additional incentive to continue studying, including studying under full recovery of learning costs. At the same time, NOBUS data have shown that while women more often study on a fee paying basis, men on average pay higher amounts for education. Formally, the amount of tuition fees imposed by educational institutions on students studying under cost recovery is not differentiated in terms of student gender. However, differen tials in learning costs in different educational institutions or by dif ferent specializations, as well as the uneven distribution of men and women across these educational institutions and specializations have resulted in the average amount of tuition fees being slightly higher for men than for women. For example, in the initial vocational education system, men paid annually, on average, 4,700 rubles and women paid 4,300 rubles; in higher education institutions, men paid 14,000 rubles and women paid 12,400 rubles annually on an average. In postgradu ate education, the average annual payment for men was 18,800 rubles and for women was 12,100 rubles respectively. Only in SSEIs, the tuition fees were lower for men than for women (7,600 rubles and 7,700 rubles respectively). Differences in payment amounts for coaching services, though not so high in absolute amount, have a large gender differentiation (higher amounts paid by male students compared to women). According to NOBUS data, in the initial vocational education system, on average, men paid 3,700 rubles to coaches while women paid 1,500 rubles; in SSEIs, the respective figures were 2,900 rubles and 2,000 rubles; in HEIs, the respective figures were 3,100 rubles and 2,600 rubles. Even in post graduate studies some men and women needed coaching services (the average payment by men was 19,000 rubles and that by women was 12,000 rubles).

2.D Sources of Financing of Men’s and Women’s Education Currently there is one main financing source for students who are studying on a full cost recovery basis. According to NOBUS survey data,, this source is either the students’ families or the students them selves. As is evident from Table 2.6, in no less than 90 percent of cases, fees are paid from this source for both men and women at all levels of vocational education.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 2.6: Financing of Education by Source for Students Studying on Cost Recovery Basis (%) Initial Vocational Education

Student/student’s family Organization where student works Private persons Source of payment is not indicated

SSEIs

HEIs

Men

Women

Men

Women

Men

Women

93.68

93.98

93.35

92.02

90.14

1.05

4.01

2.96

6.06

3.95

6.25

5.26

2.87

5.18

4.36

7.29

1.05

0.57

0.18

0.96

0.9

Source: NOBUS.

Another source of financing is enterprises or organizations where students work. However, enterprises provide such financing only rarely: on an average about 4.0 percent of fee paying students receive financing from this source. Enterprises or organizations mainly pay for their staff who study in secondary specialized (SSEIs) or higher educa tional institutions (HEIs), paying for men’s education more often than women’s (Table 2.6). In the year of the survey, only four percent of young men and three percent of young women studying in SSEIs on a fee paying basis received money from their enterprises. For HEIs the figures were six and four percent, respectively. For female students, pri vate sources sometimes are more important sources of financing than enterprises especially at the higher levels of vocational training. Private sources financed the education of about five percent of female stu dents in SSEIs compared to about 3 percent of male students. The cor responding figures for HEIs are 4 percent of male students and 7 per cent of female students respectively.

2.E Reasons Provided by Men and Women for Discontinuing Studies One of the basic requirements for the successful development of the present day Russian economy is to build and ensure the efficient func tioning of a lifelong education system. Therefore, an analysis of the rea sons why people choose to discontinue their studies helps in assessing not only the pre conditions for gender equalization in education poli

2. Education of Men and Women

cies but also the extent of men’s and women’s readiness for lifelong education and skills upgrading. As NOBUS survey findings (Table 2.7) have shown, the underlying reason for discontinuation of studies by men and women help to explain to some extent the gender asymmetry in different spheres of education. For instance, most of the respondents often do not con tinue studying because they consider their level of education suffi cient. However, according to the survey, 46.2 percent of men who dis continue with their studies provide this reason compared to 43.9 percent of women who do so. Table 2.7: Distribution of Men and Women According to Reasons Provided for Discontinuing Studies (%) Why Are You Not Studying?

Men

Women

My level of education is sufficient, I do not propose to study any longer High cost of studying Need to work No vacancies in educational institution Too low quality of education Educational institution is too far from home Compelled to leave (expelled) Other reasons Total

46.2 4.9 16.3 0.0 0.3 0.2 0.6 30.0 100.0

43.9 5.5 10.9 0.0 0.3 0.3 0.3 37.9 100.0

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

More men (16.3 percent of the respondents) cite the need to work as a reason for giving up studies compared to 10.9 percent of women. This reinforces the traditional gender role of men as the “breadwinner.” Women more often than men mentioned “other rea sons” (37.9 percent of women and 30 percent of men). Since the list of suggested reasons did not mention the heavy burden of family and domestic responsibilities, such reasons were included in the ca tegory “Other reasons.” A more careful analysis of these reasons has shown the following trend: the lower the respondents’ level of education, the less they con sider their level of education sufficient. However, for the same level of education, men more often than women consider their education level sufficient. This situation is typical for respondents at all levels of educa

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

tion, except for the lowest level (“have no primary education”) and the highest level (“have postgraduate vocational education”) (Figure 2.3). At the same time, the survey has shown that some of the reasons are similar in frequency for men and women. But these are obviously sec ondary reasons since they are indicated by less than 10 percent of respondents in total. One such reason is the high cost of studying (indi cated by 4.9 percent of men and 5.5 percent of women). The low qua lity of education, a lack of openings for new students, distance of the educational institution from the place of residence are not so signifi cant (each of these reasons were indicated in no more than one per cent of responses of both men and women). Figure 2.3: Proportion of Men and Women Discontinuing Studies because They Consider Their Level of Education Sufficient (Depending on Respondents’ Level of Education)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

2.F Predominance of Women Among the Teaching Staff Another gender issue in the education system is a high proportion of female teachers among the teaching staff. In general, in education (as an economic sector) the proportion of women among the employed

2. Education of Men and Women

is extremely high and it has been rising gradually until recently. The highest proportion of women among those employed in the educa tion sector was registered in 1995 when it accounted for 83 percent. Currently, eight out of 10 employees in the sector are women. One of the key factors in this process is a chronic underestimation of the significance of educators’ labor, which manifests itself, inter alia, in the level of their wages. Educators’ wages have never been high. In the years of “developed socialism” educators’ average wages were only 70 to 80 per cent of the economy wide average. However, in the reform process this ratio has been gradually falling, reaching its minimum level in 2000–01, when it was equal to only 56 percent of the economy wide average. A slight growth followed but 2003 saw another fall in this indicator. At the same time, teachers’ wage differential compared to the national average has grown depending on the type of educational insti tutions in which they work (Figure 2.4). In 2000–01, teachers’ wages in general education institutions amounted to only 52 percent of the economy wide average, and in SSEIs they amounted to 68 percent, and only in HEIs were these wages substantially closer to the economy wide average, accounting for 82–85 percent thereof. In 2002, the wage differential has lessened at levels of educational institutions, especially in the HEIs, where the average wages are at the same level as the national wages. However, teachers’ wages in general education institu tions was still only 60 percent of the overall average. Figure 2.4: Ratio of Average Nominal Gross Payroll of Educational Workers to Average Wages in the Economy as a Whole

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The low level of wages in the sector has made this work extreme ly unattractive for men. Indeed, statistics show that the lower the level of wages in educational institutions at a particular stratum of education, the lower is the proportion of male educators in that insti tution. Between 1990 and 2002, the number of males among teachers and heads of general education institutions decreased by 11,000 while the number of women increased by 198,000. As a result, the proportion of men in this category of workers fell from 17 to 14 percent during this period. In 1990, the proportion of men among teachers of Grades One to Four and Grades Five to Eleven was 1.7 and 12.3 percent, respective ly. The corresponding figures in 2002 was 1.5 percent and 10.6 percent respectively. The predominance of women educators is not so obvious in higher education, although in recent years state statistics show some growth in the number of women on the faculties of the state higher education institutions. Between 1995 and 2003, the proportion of faculty in high er education increased by 6.6 percent (from 44.4 to 51 percent), of which almost the entire growth came from women educators. During this period, in absolute numbers, the women on the faculties of the state HEIs increased by 42,200, whereas the number of men increased by 9,400. Despite the fact that an overwhelming majority of educators in the general education institutions are women, here, as in other economic sectors, there is evidence of vertical disparity (Table 2.8). For example, women constitute 86.4 percent of the teachers in the general educa tion system while they comprise of only 84 percent of school head masters. Also, the higher the level of general educational institutions is, the lower is the number of women among their heads. In 2003–04, women accounted for 95 percent of the headmasters in primary educational institutions, 71 percent in basic education, and only 65 percent in secondary education (Table 2.8). However, the situa tion has been changing over time. Between the academic years 1998–99 and 2003–04, the proportion of women headmasters in primary education institutions grew by three percentage points, in basic education by five percentage points, and in secondary educa tion by 6 percentage points respectively. There have been corre sponding decline in the proportion of male headmasters in these levels of education (Table 2.8).

2. Education of Men and Women

Table 2.8: Proportion of Women Among Heads of Full time General Education Institutions (%) Academic Year Academic Year 1998/99 2003/2004 Women

Men

Women

Men

Head masters and their deputies in general education institutions1) including : Headmasters of general education institutions: Primary

Basic Secondary (complete)

66 59

34 41

71 65

29 35

1 According to institutions as established by the Russian Ministry of Education. Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Table 2.9: The Faculty of State Higher Educational Institution (as of the beginning of the academic years 2001–02 and 2003–04) (%) 2001/2002 Numbers of faculty (in percent)

2003/2004

Women

Men

Women

Men

including : Rectors

Vice rectors, heads of subsidiaries

Deans

Heads of chairs

Professors in departments structure

Assistant professors in departments

Senior professors

Professors, assistants

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The picture is similar in higher education as in the lower levels of general education (Table 2.9) In general, the gender distribution of the faculty–all ranks combined –is almost gender neutral. In 2001/2002, the proportion of men and women in among the faculty is half for each category. The distribution is slightly skewed in 2003/04 in favor of

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

women (52 percent women and 48 percent men). However, there is considerable evidence of vertical disparity here as well. The lower the hierarchy, the higher is the proportion of women faculty. For example, women account for only seven percent among senior executives (rec tors) with their proportions increasing down the hierarchical structure, accounting for 68 percent of professors and assistants. But the situation also varies over time: the proportion of women in senior staff is gro wing. During the two year period (2000/01 till 2003/04), the number of women among rectors grew by one percentage point, vice rectors by 3 percentage points, deans by three percentage points, whereas the proportion among professors and assistants remained unchanged.

2.G Conclusion Today in Russia the level of education for women has become higher than that of men. However, there has been an overall decline in the numbers of students (although their numbers in vocational education has been growing). It is notable that a nationwide migration to fee based educational services is growing, and women are more likely than men to pay for their education. Financing for fee based education comes almost entirely from the students themselves or their families, although a small proportion comes from the enterprises or organiza tions that employ these students, and this is mostly provided to men. Another small proportion, which favors women, comes from private sources. One problematic area is a tendency for both men and women to discontinue their education, although there are gender differences in the reasons for doing so. Analysis of this situation is important in view of Russiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s need for an efficient lifelong education system. Women educators are predominant in the education system which is mainly explained by the low level of wages in the education sector making these jobs unattractive for men. However, there is considerable evidence of vertical disparity in all spheres of general education. The higher the level of hierarchy, the less is the proportion of women and more is the proportion of men.

3. EMPLOYMENT AND THE LABOR MARKET

Employment and labor market conditions in Russia are determined to a large extent by the status of education in addition to other factors. Section 3.A outlines the general state of the economy. Gender represen tation in employment is then discussed in Section 3.B. This is followed by Section 3.C on the employment status (employees versus entrepreneurs) of men and women. Section 3.D discusses employment in enterprises and organizations with different forms of ownership. Unemployment and its implications for gender issues are covered in Section 3.E. Finally, harmful working conditions specific to both genders are examined in Section 3.F. A brief conclusion follows in Section 3.G.

3.A Economic Activity and Inactivity The economic activity rate for both men and women is fairly high in Russia by international standards (Figure 3.1). In 2003 the activity rate for women (aged 15 to 72 years) was 60.6 percent while for men in the same age group, it was somewhat higher at 70.9 percent. These are very high values as compared with other countries in transition, but they are not among the highest in the world. For example, in 2002 in Norway, the economic activity rate was 70 per cent for women, and 77 percent for men; in Denmark it was 74 and 82 percent, respectively; and in Sweden it was 76 and 80 percent, respectively. The only other transitional economy with a higher eco nomic activity rate than Russia is Kazakhstan (Figure 3.1). Another feature of the economic activity rates of the Russian pop ulation is that there is not a large discrepancy (about 10.3 percent) in the rates for men and women in comparison with many countries throughout the world. For example, the following countries show considerable differences in the rates of economic activity of men and women: Germany (17 percent), Hungary, Latvia and Great Britain (15 percent each), France, Poland, the United States and Estonia (14 percent each), Canada and Lithuania (12 percent each), and Kazakhstan (11 percent).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 3.1: International Comparison of Economic Activity Rate for Men and Women

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Figure 3.2: Rates of Economic Activity of Men and Women Across Different Age Groups (1992 and 2001/2002)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

3. Employment and the Labor Market

In 2002, the economic activity rates for both men and women among the working age (16 to 54 years for women and 16 to 59 years for men) population is higher compared to 1992 ( Figure 3.2). In 2002, 75.1 percent of all women and 79.9 of all men in this age group were considered either employed or unemployed. The low value of gender based differences in the rate of economic activity (4.8 percent) points to a similarity in economic behavior strategies for both men and women in Russia. The difference in the rates across genders is, in gen eral, not very significant even when disaggregated by age groups. The liberalization of the economy, accompanied with the abolition of the system of forced employment, resulted in a growth in the eco nomic inactivity of women and of men. Nevertheless, the present day economic inactivity rate in Russia is relatively small, and gender differ ences are insignificant. In 2003, the rate of economic inactivity among women aged 15 to 72 years was 39.4 percent while for men it was 29.1 percent. The highest level of economic inactivity obviously is found among the young and the elderly. In 2003, a quarter of the economically inactive population (both men and women) wanted to work in principle. The bulk of those who do not want to work is made up of young students and old age pen sioners. Housewives make up only 18.6 percent of economically inac tive women, and men make up only 0.8 percent of economically inac tive men.

3.B Employment of Men and Women According to the latest data (2003), the proportion of men and women in total employment is almost the same (women account for 49 per cent and men for 51 percent of total employment). Therefore, it can be argued that Russian women have managed to retain their presence in the labor force over the period of social and economic changes. The economic growth seen in recent years has positively affected the employment of both men and women; however, indexes charac terizing the range and rate of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s employment have increased at a substantially higher rate. During the period 2000 to 2003 alone the number of employed women rose by 1,382,000 and the employment rate rose by 2.4 percentage points (from 53.6 to 56.0 percent); at the same time the number of employed men rose by only 649,000 and menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s employment rate rose by only 1.4 percentage points (from 63.7 to 65.1 percent).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 3.3: Employment Rates for Men and Women

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Figure 3.3 provides a more detailed analysis of the relevant data on employment rate by different age groups for both men and women during 1992–2003. The employment rate has been extremely uneven for both men and women. For almost all age groups, employment rates in 2000 are lower compared to 1992 (the beginning of radical eco nomic reforms). However, the rates are, in general, higher in 2003 com pared to 2000. For women, the greatest increase in the employment rate was in the age group 55–59 years (12.7 percentage points) fol lowed by the age group 25–29 years (3.8 percentage points). In fact, the current employment rate for women in the age group 55–59 years has by far surpassed even the corresponding employment rate at the start up of the radical economic reforms (1992). Age specific changes in male employment rates have been smoother. The maximum increase in the male employment rate also occurred in the age group 55–59 years (though by a much smaller pro portion (5.8 percentage points). A rapid increase in the female employment rate especially during 2000–03 can probably be explained by the new rules for the assess ment of the labor pension. The new pension legislation enacted at the

3. Employment and the Labor Market

end of 2001 provides for the so called â&#x20AC;&#x153;soft increase of retirement age.â&#x20AC;? The intent of this procedure is to introduce material incentives for workers so that they will continue their labor activity beyond their retirement age. Thus, pursuant to new legislation, those who retired upon reaching the established retirement age (55 years for women and 60 years for men), or those who retired upon reaching the estab lished retirement age but who continue their labor activity will receive higher pension benefits.5 Table 3.1: Distribution of Employed Men and Women According to Their Education Level (as of end November, 2003)

Women

Men

Gender based Distribution, % Women

Men

Employed in economy, total (In thousands) (In percent),

32,473

34,023

100

25.7

20.8

2.1

2.0

32.2

21.7

13.0

20.2

Including those having: Higher vocational education Incomplete higher vocational education Secondary specialized vocational education Primary vocational education Secondary general (complete) education

20.2

25.8

Basic general education

6.1

8.7

Primary general education, with or without

0.8

0.9

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

5 In the first case, the amount of notional defined contributions (NDC) is assessed according to a standard formula, but a shorter length of payout is taken for assessment purposes: it goes down by one year for each year of work after the statu tory established retirement age, but no less than 14 years. In the second case, the NDC amount is annually increased thanks to contributions made during the period of work after having reached the established retirement age.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 3.4: Distribution of Employed Men and Women According to Education level (1992 and 2002)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The educational structure of men and women employed in the economy reproduces the educational structure of the total popula tion in many respects as discussed in Chapter 2. Accordingly, employed women possess a substantially higher human capital than men. Today, every fourth professionally employed Russian woman has a higher vocational education diploma whereas only one out of five men has such a diploma. One out of three women has a specia lized secondary education, but only one out of five men has this level of education. Accordingly, women make up the majority of all wor kers having a specialized secondary education or a higher vocational education. On the other hand, among those who have only primary vocational education or an education in the framework of general education, the proportion of men is considerably higher than that of women (Table 3.1 and Figure 3.4).

3. Employment and the Labor Market

3.C Employment Status The current economic environment in Russia does not favor the growth of an entrepreneur class. As a result, an overwhelming majority of workers in Russia continue as employees due to lack of entrepre neurial opportunities and funds for investment. Table 3.2: Distribution of Working Men and Women by Employment Status Men

Women

Status of Activity Employment at enterprise, in institution, organization, etc.

Number

Percent

Number

Percent

19,991

81.74

22,230

84.8

Employment with private individuals

2,687

10.99

2,735

10.43

Owner or co owner of an enterprise, firm

312

1.28

155

0.59

Entrepreneur without establishing a legal entity

525

2.15

500

1.91

Farmer

0.37

0.11

Self employed

546

2.23

382

1.46

Production cooperative member

305

1.25

182

0.69

24,457

100

26,214

100

Total

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

According to NOBUS data, the proportion of female employees is more than males 95 percent of working women and 93 percent of working men are employees at enterprises, in organizations or with private persons (Table 3.2). Among the small proportion of entrepreneurs, the share of women is much less than that of men. Their number is particularly low among owners (or co owners) of enterprises (firms) and farmers. Thus, women make up only 31.6 percent of all enterprise owners and 23 per cent of farmers. This is explained not only by the fact that women in general are less prone to take up entrepreneurship (they are less inclined towards Russian style entrepreneurship or the Russian style of business functioning), but also by the fact that considerable start up capital is required to start a business, which most women lack.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The lack of adequate funds for women’s entrance into business was to a large extent predetermined by the outcomes of the privatization that took place in the country; though formally it was gender neutral, actually it did not involve women (with the exception of housing pri vatization). Only those who were in power (at different levels) at the moment of privatization reaped benefits from participation in this process. Taking into account the fact that on the eve of privatization men were in the overwhelming majority among heads of enterprises or organizations (95 percent)6, it is clear that women did not acquire any resources from the privatization of large or medium scale assets. As a result, Russian women’s entrepreneurship ventures was limited by inadequate resources required to launch and manage own business. Also, on the eve of privatization, a large proportion of women were not ready to manage their own business. Today, women engage mainly in entrepreneurial activities that do not require significant start up capital. Women constitute about 47 percent of entrepreneurship which are not registered (informal sec tor activities), 40 percent of the self employed, and 36 percent of mem bers of production cooperatives. However, there is reason to believe that this picture will gradually change over time, since young women are increasingly proactive in joining the ranks of entrepreneurs. In particular, this was evidenced in a survey of individual entrepreneurs in the consumer services sector conducted by Rosstat in 2002. The survey findings show that there is a direct relationship between the proportion of women among indivi dual entrepreneurs and the age of those entrepreneurs. Thus, among entrepreneurs aged up to 20 years, women make up 70 percent; among those aged 21 to 30 years they constitute 48 percent; among those aged 31 to 40 years they make up 43.3 percent; among those aged 41 to 50 years, 40.1 percent; among those aged 51 to 60 years, 39.1 percent; and among those over 61 year women make up 28.1 percent only.

3.D Employment of Men and Women in Enterprises and in Organizations with Different Forms of Ownership The NOBUS survey findings have shown that to date state owned enterprises and organizations (federal or those of the constituents of 6 Conditions of Women’s Labor and Everyday Life. Statistical Handbook. – М.: RIITS, 1992, p. 204.

3. Employment and the Labor Market

the Russian Federation) remain the basic sources of employment for both women and men. Table 3.3: Distribution of Men and Women According to Their Employment in Enterprises with Different Forms of Ownership Men

Women

Form of Ownership of an Enterprise or Firm

Number

Percent

Number

Percent

State (federal or Federation subjects)

10,213

46.14

11,300

45.95

2,678

12.1

55,16

22.43

Municipal Grass roots associations

662

2.99

530

2.16

Private

6,525

29.48

5,794

23.56

Mixed, without foreign participation

1,823

8.24

1,304

5.3

225

1.02

140

0.57

0.05

0.04

22,137

100

24,593

100

Mixed, with joint Russian and foreign participation Foreign ownership Total

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

The proportion of both men and women employed in state owned enterprises is the same at about 46 percent (Table 3.3). As for enterpris es with other forms of ownership, there is a substantial difference in preferences with regard to the employment of men and women. Private enterprises rank second in terms of providing employment for both men and women. However, men are employed by private enterprises much more frequently than women (29.5 percent of all employed men and 23.6 percent of all employed women). Such asym metry could be partly also due to womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reluctance to work in pri vate enterprises rather than employersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; reluctance to hire them. Also it can not be deduced that men prefer employment in the private sector as according to NOBUS data; the average wage of men working at pri vate enterprises are lower than the average wage of all respondent men. Only the wages of men working in municipal enterprises are infe rior than that of private enterprises which may explain the low pro portion of men (12.1 percent) compared to women (22.4 percent). A higher proportion of women are employed in municipal enter prises in spite of the very low level of wages in comparison to other

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

forms of enterprises. The most likely explanation is that women find employment at municipal enterprises more attractive not so much because of the wages but rather because the location of the workplace is close to their places of residence. The proportion of men and women employed in firms under for eign ownership (0.05 percent of employed men and 0.04 percent of employed women) or in firms with joint Russian and foreign participa tion (1.02 and 0.57 percent, respectively) is not too different but extremely low.

3.E Gender Issues in Unemployment The basic parameter of national unemployment, for example, the unemployment rate, serves as additional testimony to the fact that dur ing the years of social and economic changes Russian women managed to remain in the labor market. Figure 3.5: Number of Unemployed Men and Women

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Gender asymmetry in the proportion of the unemployed as preva lent in Russia at present is quite typical of the former Soviet Union. But the extent and the direction of the asymmetry varies depending on the methodology used to measure the unemployment rate (Figure 3.5). On the one hand, throughout the entire period of economic reforms, the proportion of women is much higher among the unemployed who re

3. Employment and the Labor Market

gistered them through the government employment services. Currently, 1,106,000 women and only 533,000 men are registered with the employment service. Since 1992, the proportion of women among the registered unemployed has varied. The proportion of women among the officially registered unemployed was 60 percent in 1996,70 percent in 1999, and 68 percent in 2003. On the other hand, as in many countries throughout the world, the proportion of men is higher among the figures of actual unemploy ment registered according to the ILO methodology. According to this methodology, currently, there are 2,652,000 unemployed women as compared to 3,064,000 men. Since 1992, the proportion of women among the unemployed registered through the ILO methodology has varied. The proportion of women among the unemployed measured according to the ILO methodology was 47.3 percent in 1992, 44.8 per cent in 1996, and, 46.4 percent in 2003. Gender related asymmetry is significant in rural areas, where the proportion of women among the unemployed was 43 percent in 2003 according to this metho dology. Many experts link the discrepancies in the officially registered and the actual unemployment rates among women to the rules of registra tion of the unemployed in employment services as well as to the gen der specific features of job searching and job placement. Figure 3.6: Unemployment Rates of Men and Women, Selected Countries (2002)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

An international comparison of unemployment in Russia with that of other developed and transition economies reveals that the unemployment rates in Russia for both men and women are only of moderate ranges when compared to these countries. However, it should be noted that not these figures may not reveal the entire story as not all the unemployed register themselves owing, on the one hand, to insignificant state support of the unemployed (which does not encourage people who have lost their jobs to register with employment services) and, on the other hand, to adminis trative barriers to the registration of the unemployed in employment ser vices and the computation of their unemployment benefits. Official statistics show that the gender problems of Russian unemploy ment (both registered and actual) have seen no actual changes in recent years. As before, women more often than men find themselves unem ployed owing to labor retrenchment, redundancy, or liquidation of an enterprise or their own business (23 percent of all unemployed women and 18 percent of all unemployed men in 2003). Young men and women without a work history are most affected (24 percent of all unemployed women and 21 percent of unemployed men belong to this category). This means that for young women without work experience, it is more difficult to find a job than for young men. Men more often find themselves unem ployed as a result of voluntary termination or the expiration of temporary, seasonal work or a contract (23 percent of all unemployed women and 30 percent of unemployed men belong to this category). Table 3.4: Participation of Men and Women in Employment Service Programs Employment Service Program

Men

Women

Number

Percent

Number

Percent

0.22

128

0.46

Got a job under the program of job rationing

0.02

Job found under the program for creation of new jobs Assistance in start up of own business

0 1

0 0

3 2

0.01 0.01

Other assistance in job placement

0.04

0.03

Training and retraining

0.09

0.25

Other

0.05

0.15

26,186

99.58

27,761

99.09

Public works

Took no part in employment service programs

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

3. Employment and the Labor Market

As a rule, womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s unemployment is of longer duration: in 2003, the average job search period was 8.6 months for women and 7.9 months for men. As previously, women tend more to seek a job through public employment service. In 2003, 40 percent of unemployed women resort ed to this form of job search as compared with 27 percent of unem ployed men. NOBUS survey findings have shown that women take part twice as often as men in public works proposed by employment services and in the programs related to own business start up (Table 3.4). Women undergo training or retraining almost three times as often as men although the proportion is not too significant. In addition, women demonstrate more active participation in dif ferent programs launched by employment services; they make better use of the opportunities provided by these services. However, in absolute figures those differences are not important as the number of unemployed covered by those programs is insignificant (judging by NOBUS survey findings, they cover less than one percent of the unemployed).

3.F Employment under Harmful Working Conditions There are some aspects of the labor market which are biased against men. Table 3.5: Share of Men and Women Employed in Industry and Construction in Conditions Inconsistent with Sanitary Standards, 1999â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (%) Industry

Construction

Men

Women

Men

Women

1999

26.4

14.9

11.0

6.3

2001

27.5

15.5

11.2

6.3

2002

27.8

15.6

11.5

6.0

2003

28.6

16.3

12.1

6.4

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The most important among male related problems is the high rate of menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s employment under harmful working conditions (Table 3.5).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The proportion of men employed under conditions inconsistent with sanitary standards is about twice that of women. There is an increasing trend in the proportion of both men and women employed under such harmful conditions (only in construction, the proportion of women employed under such conditions is more or less stable). The most like ly reason for growth in the proportion of men and women employed under unfavorable working conditions appears to be the revival of the Russian economy, however, using outdated, worn out, and “moth balled” equipments. The higher proportion of men working under harmful conditions can be partly explained by the current labor safety system in Russia. This system (adhering to some traditions adopted in the former Soviet Union) is targeted primarily at maternity protection, and, hence, is biased towards improvement in women’s working condi tions. Many restrictions that persist in this system with regard to women’s labor in various professions emerged as far back as 1932 to protect women’s reproductive health. Later, the list of such profes sions was revised several times. The current list includes nearly 600 occupations and activities. At the same time, no comprehensive studies related to the impact of harmful working conditions on the health (including reproductive) of men have been produced. There are no bans on specific professions for men. In professions which involve harmful working conditions, women’s employment is permitted along with men, and, early retirement eligibility is provided for both men and women (the so called List No. 1 and List No. 2). However, the time frames for early retirement and the length of service under harmful working condi tions ensuring this eligibility differ substantially for men and women. The age limit for early retirement for men is 5 to 10 years higher than that for women, and the required length of service is longer. Differences in the regulation of employment under harmful work ing conditions for men and women, as well as gender differences in employees’ commitment to production discipline and adherence to labor safety rules, predetermine the fact that male workers are more susceptible to be employed under harmful working conditions and sit uations which may lead to industrial injuries.

3. Employment and the Labor Market

Table 3.6: Gender Based Distribution of Injuries Due to Occupational Accidents and of Fatal Occupational Accidents, 1998–2003 Number of Persons (‘000) Women

Men

Gender based Distribution, %

Number per 100,000 Workers

Women

Men

Women

Men

Injured in occupational accident 1998

123

272

720

2001

110

267

676

2003

227

530

Fatal occupational accidents 1998

268

4,028

2001

283

4,085

2003

205

3,331

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The proportion of men injured in occupational accidents is about three times that of women (Table 3.6). However, it should be noted that the there is a declining trend in their proportion and an increasing trend in the proportion of women during the period especially in recent years. The number of fatal accidents is 16 times higher for men than for women and there has not been any change in the proportions over the period 1998–2003.

3.G Conclusion The economic activity rate in Russia is high for both men and women, and women’s employment rate has increased over recent years. It should be noted, as well, that every fourth professionally employed woman has a higher education diploma compared to every fifth man. Women tend overwhelmingly to be employees rather than entrepreneurs – partly a reflection of the difficulties that women face in acquiring the necessary resources. This may well change, as younger women become more proactive in becoming entrepreneurs. Women are found more frequently on the employ ment registers, and women’s unemployment is of a longer duration.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

However, women show a more active participation in the various programs launched by the employment services. A final issue is that of employment under harmful working conditions â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a problem that is more severe for men. Wage differentials across genders is an important issue, a topic discussed in the next chapter.

4. GENDER ASSYMETRY IN WAGES

Significant wage differentials between genders persist in Russia. Such dif ferentials vary by regions as well as by types of enterprises. Section 4.A out lines gender wage differentials. Section 4.B analyzes the factors which lead to gender gap in wages. Section 4.C examines the impact of education on gender wage differentials. Section 4.D discusses the scope of additional employment by men and women and examines the gender wage diffe rentials that persist in such employment. Section 4.E concludes.

4.A Gender Wage Differentials The significant gender gap in wages has always been a key employ ment related problem in Russia and remains the key “female gender issue” in the Russian labor market. Thus far, the gap has been consider able and shown no tendency towards reduction. According to data provided by the Federal Service of Statistics, the average wages of women working in large or medium size enterprises were 70 percent of men’s wages in 1998, 63 percent in 2001, and 64 percent in 2003. Figure 4.1: Men's/Women's Wages (Per Month) in Selected NIS Countries

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

In comparison to other transition economies, gender specific wage differentials are quite high in Russia, superseded only by Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and, Belarus. Before proceeding to an analysis of the causes for the persistence of gender wage differentials over time, we analyze such differentials across regions, communities, types of enterprises, sectors, skill level, and, employment status. A wage differential persists when, given other things, for the same level of competitiveness of men and women, and, for the same job, their labor is not remunerated on an equal basis. Regional variation of gender differentials in wages is broad based. For example, in 2001 the regions where women’s wages accounted for only 52–57 percent of men’s wages included the Republic of Komi, Astrakhan, Kemerovo and Tyumen Oblasts, Yamalo Nenetsk Autonomous Okrug, and Krasnoyarsk Krai. In 2003 women’s wages in Belgorod, Kursk and Tyumen Oblasts and the Republic of Dagestan were 54–57 percent of men’s wages. Such a significant gap results from diverse factors (including regional industrial structure, inci dence of traditional gender roles). On the other hand, there are two autonomous okrugs (Ust Ordynsk Buryat and Aginsk Buryat) in the Russian Federation in which women’s wages have been higher than men’s for many years. And this differen tial is growing over time. For example, in 2001, in Ust Ordynsk Buryat Autonomous Okrug, women’s average wages were 104 percent of men’s wages, and, in Aginsk Buryat Autonomous Okrug, women’s wages were 106 percent of men’s wages. In 2003 women’s wages were 113 percent of men’s wages. The age specific profile of gender wage differentials also shows that, on average, women’s pay is lower than men’s in all age groups. All surveys dealing with this issue (and NOBUS has not been an exception) demonstrate that the lowest differentials in men’s and women’s wages are typical of the 15–19 and over 70 age groups (Figure 4.2). Experts explain that the youngest and oldest workers (both men and women) are, as a rule, the least encumbered with fa mily responsibilities, and this “equalizes” employers’ attitude towards them. The highest wage differentials are among men and women between 20 and 40 years of age. For women, this is a period when child raising occupies most of their time and this partly explains employers’ bias in favor of male employees translated in higher wages for them.

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

Figure 4.2: Women's/Men's Wages (Per Month) Depending on Age

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Table 4.1: Men’s and Women’s Wages (per Month) in Enterprises with Different Types of Ownership Form of Enterprise Ownership State (federal, Federation subjects) Municipal Grass roots associations Private Mixed without foreign participation Mixed – Russian and foreign participation Foreign ownership Total

Men

Women

Women’s/Men’s Wages Ratio, %

No. of Ruble/ People month

No. of People

Ruble/ month

10,007

4,462.6

11,170

3,037.7

68.07

2,640

3,466.4

5,445

2,623.3

75.68

648

5,261.1

524

3,489.6

66.33

6,409

3,824.8

5,717

2,755.5

72.04

1,797

5,186.5

1,285

3.535.2

68.16

219 9

6,870.7 5,861.1

132 8

4,321.5 8,700

62.90 148.44

21,729

4,262

24,281

2,923.2

68.59

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The Russian economic situation makes it clear that the type of enterprise (organization, firm) ownership determines in many ways the extent of its labor legislation compliance. Respective studies show that in this regard the best situation is at state owned enterprises. Workers’ rights, including those of women, are mostly violated in enterprises outside the purview of the state. Gender specific wage differentials also vary according to the own ership type of enterprises (Table 4.1). The largest gap in the wages of men and women was registered at enterprises with a mixed form of ownership with joint Russian and foreign participation. Women’s wages at such enterprises, on average, were only 62.9 percent of men’s wages. In grass roots associations, too, the gender gap in wages is quite high (women’s wages are equal to 66.3 percent of men’s). At the same time, the wages of men and women at municipal and private enter prises differ considerably less than the wage gap in other types of enterprises. However, the opposite is observed at enterprises of foreign owner ship where women’s wages, on average, substantially exceed men’s wages (by nearly 1.5 times). As a matter of fact, employment in a for eign firm has become the only type of employment in which Russian women earn more than men do. However, this fact has little impact on the wage differentials persistent in the rest of the economy, since only a small proportion of the work force is employed in enterprises with foreign ownership (out of 24,281 women who answered this question, only eight, or 0.03 percent, worked in foreign firms; out of 21,729 men, nine persons, or 0.04 percent worked in foreign firms).

4.B Factors Related to the Development of the Gender Gap in Wages The gender gap in wages emerged under the impact of a number fac tors, including sectoral and occupational segregation (uneven distribu tion of men and women by professions when women are employed in less prestigious and less well paid jobs); vertical disparity (uneven rep resentation of men and women in the job hierarchy that results in poor access to well paid jobs in the upper strata of the hierarchy for women); differences in working hours; the incidence of discrimination against women (in recruitment, career development, layoffs); self dis crimination (when women themselves think they are inferior to men as workers); and many other factors.

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

Figure 4.3: Distribution of Employed Men and Women by Sectors of National Economy and Average Wages per Month in these Sectors, 2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Differentiation among sectors in terms of wages as well as the dis tribution of employed men and women among sectors have consi derable impact on gender wage differentials. On the one hand, there is significant difference among wages in different sectors of the economy. For example, average wages in the “finance and credit” sector (maximum level) is nearly seven times higher than in agricul ture (minimum level). On the other hand, the distribution of employed men and women by economic sectors are not identical. There are typical “male” and typical “female” sectors in the economy and also sectors where gender composition of employees is bal anced. Meanwhile, the increasing tendency is for women to become concentrated in the sectors where the wage level is below the eco nomy wide average.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The aforesaid may be illustrated through assessing and comparing the employment rate of women and men in the sectors in which the average wages are lower than the economy wide average. Or, in other words, through comparing the proportion of men and women employed in the low paid and in the high paid sectors. Some simple computations based on government statistics show that in 2003 the average wage in seven economic sectors (agriculture, forestry, educa tion, culture and arts, health care, trade, housing and utilities) out of 14 was lower than the economy wide average (5,499 RUR), while in the remaining seven economic sectors (industry, construction, manage ment, science, communication, transport, and, finance), the average wages is higher than the economy wide average (Figure 4.3). The concentration of employed women in the low paid sectors is increasing over time. Government statistics show that in 1998, 60 per cent of all employed women and 38 percent of all employed men worked in the sectors in which average wages were lower than the econ omy wide average. And by contrast, only 40 percent of employed women and 62 percent of employed men worked in the highly paid sectors. Recent statistics show that in 2003, about 62 percent of employed women and only 34 percent of employed men were working in the low paying sectors. The picture was reversed for the group of highly paid pro fessions: out of all of the employed, 63.1 percent were men and only 35.6 percent were women. The current changes in the sectoral employ ment structure would reinforce a further rise in the gender gap in wages. Intra sectoral gender wage differentials appear to be due to both hor izontal (occupational) and vertical disparity between genders. It should be emphasized that such vertical disparity with a bias against women is formed in spite of a higher vocational education level of women as com pared with men. This points to the fact that higher education for women in Russia has not succeeded in giving them a “social lift”. Gender wage differentials are common to all Russian economic sec tors – for the sectors where the proportion of women among the employed is higher (70–80 percent) and for those sectors where the reverse is true (Figure 4.4). But the range of differentials by sectors is quite broad. In 2003, the maximum gender gap in wages was registered in “communications.” In this sector, women’s average wages were lower than those of men by 40 percent. The lowest differentials in men’s and women’s wages were registered in agriculture (six percent). It should be noted that the minimum gender gap in wages has been typical of agriculture for several decades, which seems to be explained by the lack of effective employment opportunities for rural residents.

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

Figure 4.4: Proportion of Women in the Number of the Employed in the National Economy and the Ratio of Women’s Wages (per Month) to Men’s in These Sectors, 2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

The gender wage differentials among sectors has no explicit dependence on the proportion of females in the sectors (Figure 4.4). For example, in education, a sector where a majority (80 percent) of the employed are women, their average wages are lower than men’s by 23 percent. In construction, where the proportion of women employ ees is minimal (20 percent), the gap between men’s and women’s aver age wages is 18 percent. In the two sectors (communications and trade) with the maximum gender gap in wages, women account for 60–65 percent of all employed and their wages are 38–40 percent of men’s wages. Differences in the working hours of men and women explain only a small fraction of the gender wage gap as there is not much differ ences in the average working hours of employed men and women. According to official data, the average working week in 2002 for men was 39.7 hours and for women was 38.6 hours. It should be noted that during the years of radical economic transformations the average working week reduced only for men, though not significantly (from 40.7 hours in 1992 to 39.7 hours in 2002). At the same time, women’s average working week has seen no changes.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 4.2: The Ratio of Women’s Wages (per Month) to Men’s in These Sectors, 2003 Position

Men’s Average Women’s Women’s/ Wage Per Average Wage Men’s Wages Month (Rub) Per Month (Rub) Ratio ( %)

Heads of government authorities and regulatory bodies of all levels Top specialists

7,032.1 5,742.2

4,885.9 3,989.6

69.48 69.48

Medium specialists

4,681.8

2,975.3

63.55

4,613.7

3,057.6

66.27

Employees involved in information preparation, documentation handling, accounting and servicing Service workers, housing and utilities workers, personnel of trade and allied activities

3,707.1

2,485.8

67.06

Skilled workers in agriculture, forestry, hunting, and fishing

2,286.8

1,721.2

75.27

Skilled workers in large and small industrial enterprises, art crafts, construction, transport, communications, geology, and exploration

4,689.5

3,082

65.72

Operators of machinery and plants, assembly fitters Unskilled workers

4,071 2,311.8

3,167.4 1,728.1

77.80 74.75

5,506

4,304.3

78.17

Armed forces

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

An examination of men’s and women’s wage differentials by posi tion shows that on average women are paid lower wages than men in absolute terms in all identified positions (Table 4.2). According to the NOBUS survey findings, the maximum gender gap was registered in the wages of medium specialists, where the average women’s wage was 63.6 percent of that for men. The minimum wage differential in wages (women’s wages being 78.2 percent of men’s wages) is registered in the armed forces. A remarkable fact is that the wage gap between genders

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

was over 50 percent even among “employees involved in information preparation, documents handling, accounting and servicing,” that is, in jobs and professions which, are perceived by both employers and employees (both men and women) as typically belonging to the “female” domain (where the work suits women better than men). There is also a discriminatory component in the differentiation of men’s and women’s wages. Discrimination against women in employ ment is based on a traditional division of gender roles that is wide spread in the Russian society (in which men are considered the princi pal earners while women are considered homemakers, and the latter’s presence in the work force is often perceived as temporary and forced) and hence, there is a stereotype of working women as overburdened with housework and less skilled. Russian legislation (both domestic legislation and a number of international treaties ratified by Russia) prohibits discrimination, including gender based discrimination but, in the absence of effective mechanisms for ensuring protection against discrimination, it is widely practiced.7 However, direct discriminatory practices in wages (when employers pay different wages to men and women for the same job and other things being equal, for the same level of efficiency) have no all out incidence across the country. More often, gender based wage differentials are established indirectly through other forms of discrimination against women (at recruiting, in career development, through layoffs). Differentials in the social norm of wages for men and women play an important role in generating the gender gap in wages. All sociologi cal surveys conducted on this subject.8 show that, as a rule, men’s and women’s perception of “the right wage” differs by 25–30 percent skewed against women. This means that women a priori assess their cost of labor as being 20–25 percent cheaper than that of men. This creates a basis not only for “self discrimination” (when women are willing to perform the same work as men but for lower wages) but also for creating a tolerant attitude towards any discrimination on the part of employers. 7 For the first time, the existence of discrimination against women in the Russian labor force was recognized at the state level in the Concept for Improvement of Women’s Situation in the Russian Federation, approved by the RF Government, Resolution #6, dated December 8, 1996. 8 See, for example, Baskakova M.E., Economic Efficiency of Investments in Higher Education: Gender Aspect. – M.: Helios ARB, 202, pp. 114–119; Markova K.V., Roschin S.Y. Job Searching in the Russian Labor Market. – M.: Teis, 2004, pp. 81 82.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 4.3: Men’s and Women’s Wages (Per Month) in Terms of Their Marital Status Men’s Average Wages Per Month (Rub)

Women’s Average Wages Per Month (Rub)

Men’s/Women’s Wages Ratio

Officially married

4,512.1

2,926.8

64.87

Non officially married

4,060.3

2,768.7

68.19

Widower/widow

3,631.4

2,641.4

72.74

Divorced

3,885.6

3,175.6

81.73

Separated

3,778.3

2,997.3

79.33

Never been married

3,523.6

2,883.4

81.83

Marital Status

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

The traditional gender division of roles in Russian families when woman’s earnings are perceived at best as an “additional” source of income, have an impact on wage differentials between men and women. Table 4.3 portrays the dependence of men’s and women’s wages on their marital status. The NOBUS survey findings show that the most significant gap in wages is among men and women who have officially registered their marital status (women’s wages are 35 percent lower than that of men), that is, those who, in principle, may adhere to traditional gender roles and redistribute their resources inside the fam ily. Here it should be noted that married women more often make a decision to take part time employment, which adversely affects their wages and affects, accordingly, the wage differentials between married men and women to the detriment of the latter. Men and women whose marital status does not imply a redistribu tion of resources inside the family have lower gender wage differentials. For example, men and women who, though living together, have not formalized their relations have a somewhat lower gender gap in wages (women earning 31 percent less than men). Men and women who are divorced or have never been married have the minimum wage differ entials (women earning only 18 percent less than men). For the divorced, there could be at least two explanations for this situation. On the one hand, the proportion of women raising children without any help and who depend on only what they can earn themselves is rather high among divorced women. It encourages their activity in the labor

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

market and ultimately results in a rise in their wages (they have on aver age the highest wages as compared with wages of women with differ ent marital statuses). On the other hand, some fraction of divorced men may under report their real wages, to some degree, since if they have minor age children they may seek to avoid paying alimony. Minor differentials in wages of men and women who have never been married may be connected with the respondents’ age. This group basically constitutes young people and who, as stated above, do not have significant gender based wage differentials because the employers do not perceive women of such status and age group as encumbered with family responsi bilities, and, hence do not have any negative bias against them.

4.C Impact of Education on Gender Wage Differentials Most present day labor markets are characterized by a positive rela tionship between workers’ education level and their wages. This rela tionship to a certain extent is typical for the Russian economy as well, substantiated by research based on survey data.9 An increase in the education level (particularly vocational education) of women is expected to decrease the wage gap between genders. In other words, the higher growth rates in women's level of education is expected to raise their competitive capacity in the areas of employment and also result in a gradual reduction in women's wages lagging behind that of men. Since the gap in the level of education of young men and women is decreasing especially in the spheres of higher levels of education, it should first of all affect gender differentials in the wages of young workers. Another factor that is expected to contribute to the reduction in gender based wage differentials would be a gradual abolition of the system in which young men and women, especially in vocational edu cation, are enrolled in different educational institutions providing spe cialized education pertaining to particular sectors of employment. One can assume that a more equal distribution of young men and women among the educational institutions would contribute to their more equal distribution in employment by occupation and sectors in the future. Consequently, the sectoral and/or occupational impact on wage differentials would be minimized as there would be no typical "male" domain or "female" domain of employment. 9 See, for example, Nesterova, D., Sabiryanova, K. “Investments in Human Capital in the Transition Period in Russia.”//EERC. – 1998.– #99/04.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 4.5: Age Specific Profiles of Gender Wage Differentials in Terms of the Level of Education (Women's/Men's Wage Ratios, % and Approximating Curve)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

4. Gender Assymetry in Wages

According to the NOBUS survey data, in real life changes are taking place contrary to expectations. As can be seen from Figure 4.5 for men and women in the 20 to 40 years age group, no level of education allows a reduction in the wage gender gap even to 20 percent. Women with a higher or secondary specialized education face a 40 percent wage gap (higher than the economy wide average) with men of the same age group and the same level of education. As is obvious from this analysis, a higher level of education has not enabled Russian women to bring their wage level any closer to that of men. It is likely that in the current scenario where more women are seek ing higher levels of education, a further rise in the wage gap between genders has been restrained. High levels of education have successfully counterbalanced, to some extent, the impact of other factors whose action is targeted at increasing this gap (such as marginalization of women's employment, hindrances to career development). Therefore, women with high levels of education undoubtedly have an advantage over less educated women but still education fails to make women equally competitive in the labor market shared with men.

4.D Men and Women Seeking Extra Work It was only in the late 1980s that Russians were given the right to addi tional employment. Since then, an additional job has become one of the most relevant strategies for social and economic adaptation to changing living conditions, and for many people it has become a strat egy for survival. However, in many ways, owing to the inadequate development of small and medium size businesses, the opportunities for an extra job are extremely limited. According to the NOBUS survey findings, additional jobs are not widespread among the population: only 2.98 percent of all respondents held jobs in addition to their pri mary jobs, and another 7.6 percent were looking for such jobs. Despite the fact that women’s overall workload (market related plus household) is substantially higher (on average by 16 hours weekly) than men’s, it is more common among women to hold additional jobs10. But men sought such work more frequently than women (10.1 of the employed men and 6.1 percent of the employed women, respectively). 10

Mezentseva, E.B. “Gender Divisionof Domestic Labor: Basic Tendencies and Issues of Economic Assessment, “ in “Gender Inequality in Present Day Russia in the Light of Statistics. – M.: URSS, 2004, pp. 295–311.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

However, the wage gap between genders prevails even among the additional sources of employment. According to NOBUS data, although women are more proactive in resorting to extra work to replenish their budget, their extra earnings in both absolute and rela tive value are lower than those of men. If male respondents, on aver age, received RUR 4,261 per month from their primary jobs, their earn ings amounted to 2,746 rubles from additional employment (or 64.4 percent of their earnings at the place of primary employment). On average, women’s wages at the place of primary employment were 68.6 percent of men’s wages while at the additional jobs their wages were only 51.3 percent of men’s wages.

4.E Conclusion Gender wage differentials – a key employment related problem in Russia – vary by regions and by types of enterprises, as well as by age groups. The gap developed because of sectoral and occupational dis parity, vertical disparity and, among other factors, discrimination against women. Education is an important equalizing factor; however, in Russia, women’s high level of education fails to make them compet itive with men in the labor market. Many women (and men) rely on extra work in addition to their primary jobs to add to their incomes, although their incomes still remain below those of men in the second ary sources of employment, and, the wage gap persists. Chapter 5 dis cusses gender gap in incomes from pension.

5. GENDER ASSYMETRY IN PENSION PROVISION (BY BENEFIT TYPE AND SIZE)

Gender asymmetry exists in the current pension system in Russia in many areas including categories of pensioners and their pension provi sion amounts. Such a situation is a reflection of the legislation in force, which contains a number of pension regulations that differentiate between men and women but account neither for the gender differ ences in life expectancy nor for the gender inequalities in employment and the traditional gender division of paid and unpaid labor. Table 5.1: Distribution of the Total Population with Earnings Lower Than the Minimum Subsistence, by Age and Gender, 2000–03, in percent (based on Sample Household Budget Survey Data) Including: The Surveyed Women Aged Men Aged 16–30 Year Low income Children Under 16 16–30 31–54 55 and 16–30 31–59 60 and Group Over Over 2000

100

23.6

11.9

21.1

10.6

10.4

18.1

4.3

2001

100

23.2

12.3

21.3

10.2

10.7

18.1

4.2

2002

100

22.0

12.7

21.3

10.1

11.5

18.1

4.3

2003

100

21.6

12.8

21.2

10.4

11.6

18.2

4.2

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

The urgent need to consider the gender aspects in pension provision is also generated by a higher level and larger scale of poverty among retired women in comparison to men of retirement age. Indeed, retired women make up 10.4 percent of the total population with an income lower than minimum subsistence, while the proportion of retired men with income lower than the minimum subsistence level is only 4.2 per cent (Table 5.1). These numbers are equivalent to 15 percent of all women aged 55 years and over and 13.5 percent of men over 60 years of age. This is true despite an increase in the average amount of pension in Russia to a level above a pensioner’s minimum subsistence.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

This chapter discusses the given asymmetry in its various aspects, beginning in Section 5.A with a description of the retirement age. In Section 5.B, the gender distribution of pensioners is described, fol lowed by Section 5.C on gender distribution by employment type (with repercussions on pensions received) and Section 5.D on gender differ ences by pension amounts. Section 5.E covers gender in non state pen sion provision and Section 5.F concludes.

5.A Retirement age The retirement age is one of the basic parameters in any pension sys tem which in many ways determines its financial sustainability as well the number of pensioners and the level of pension provision for the older population. Russia still retains a very low and gender differentiat ed retirement age which was established in the 1930s. Generally, it is set at 55 years for women and at 60 years for men. This regulation in its unchanged form was last confirmed by Federal Law No173 FZ â&#x20AC;&#x153;On Labor Pensions in the Russian Federationâ&#x20AC;? (December 17, 2001). A low retirement age for pension provision is a factor which pres ents a considerable hindrance in the functioning of the Russian pen sion system, but an official increase in the retirement age has not yet even been put on the agenda owing to the low life expectancy of the population, especially men. Presently, an increase in the retirement age of women can only be considered as a viable option for closing the gender gap in retirement age. A low retirement age is detrimental to working women and reinforces gender asymmetry in the following way. The current low retirement age coupled with longer life expectancy for women results in the fact that retired women are expected to live on average nine years longer than men. On the other hand, a lower retirement age set for women within the framework of the new pension system (where the benefit size will be directly linked to the amount of pension contributions and the con tributing period) will inevitably contribute to gender differences in pen sion amounts. Bridging the gender gap between retirement ages will also mean reducing the gap in pension coverage between men and women. In fact, the first step in this direction was made when a mechanism was established within the new pension system framework to enhance the incentives for older workers to remain in the labor force beyond the offi cial retirement age. However, such decisions require action on the part of the government to create new jobs.

5. Gender Assymetry in Pension Provision

5.B The Pension Population by Gender Over two million people become eligible for pensions in Russia every year. The gender composition of a new pensioner group (those who were granted a pension in the accounting year) is extremely asymmetrical. The total pensioner population has been increasing until recently followed by a slight decline in 2003. Between 1995 and 2001, it grew from 37,083.5 to 38,630 thousand (or by 4.2 percent) which amounted to 26.7 percent of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population. The year 2002 marked the beginning of a gradual decrease in the pensioner population. In 2003 it was down to 38,164 thousand (or by 1.2 percent decline since 2002), the same as the corresponding figure for 1997. At the same time, the gender asymmetry in the composition of the pensioner group is becoming increasingly obvious. In the Russian Federation, women constitute the majority of the pensioners and their proportion in this category has varied between 64 and 66 percent (this fluctuation being rooted in gender differences in retirement age and life expectancy). In 2003, the number of female pensioners was 25,188.24 thousand (or 66 percent of the total number of pensioners). Thus, retired women made up almost a third (32.5 per cent) of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total female population that year. At the same time, the number of male pensioners was 12,975.76 thousand (or 34 percent of the total number of pensioners) constituting 19.2 percent of the total male population. Figure 5.1: Gender Distribution of New Pensioners (those Granted Pensions in the Current Year), 1997â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003

Source: Data before 2002 from the former RF Ministry of Labor; starting 2002, from the RF Pension Fund as of the end of year.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

At the turn of the century, the proportion of women in this group had not only exceeded the corresponding proportion of men but is continuously increasing (Figure 5.1). In 1999 women made up only 47 percent of all new pensioners, in 2000 their proportion increased to 52 percent followed by 66 percent in 2003.

5.C Gender Distribution Among Pensioners by Pension Type It should be noted that the Russian system of pension provision is extremely complicated and comprises numerous pension types, granted on various grounds and to different population categories. In addition, the regulations for granting pensions and the population categories that they cover are asymmetrical by gender, which creates a significant gender gap among recipients of different pension types. Figure 5.2: Gender Distribution of Pensioners, by Pension Type (in percent)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

5. Gender Assymetry in Pension Provision

It became possible to analyze the existing gender structure of the pensioner groups receiving different types of pension only after the NOBUS survey (Figure 5.2 and Table 5.2). The survey results highlight old age pension recipients as the largest category of pensioners among both men and women, with more than four fifths of female pensioners and more than three fifths of male pensioners in this category. Women constitute a majority among this class of pension recipients (more than twice that of male recipients). The second largest group of pensioners among both men and women are disability pension recipients (persons with activity limita tions). The recipients of this pension type comprise 11.6 percent of all male pensioners but only 5.7 percent among female pensioners. Contrary to the situation with the labor pension, men make up a slight ly higher proportion of disability pension recipients (52.9 percent). Social pension recipients constitute another rather large pensioner group for men in Russia. They make up the third largest pensioner cat egory among male pensioners (7.7 percent of all male recipients). On the other hand for women survivor labor pension is the third largest group (4.5 percent of all female recipients) just ahead of social pension (3.9 percent).11 Overall, men slightly outnumber women (at 52 per cent) among social pension beneficiaries and women outnumber men (57.8 percent) among survivor labor pension beneficiaries (Table 5.2). Table 5.2: Recipients of Different Pension Types, by Gender Number of pensioners, total (‘000) (%) Labor old age pension (%) Labor disability pension for persons with activity limitations (%) Survivor’s labor pension (%) State length of service pension (%) State old age pension (%) State disability pension for persons with activity limitations (%) Social pension (%) State survivor’s pension (%)

Men

Women

12,763

22,747

35.94 30.06 52.88 42.20 70.57 62.01 72.49 51.90 30.56

64.06 69.94 47.12 57.80 29.43 37.99 27.51 48.10 69.44

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics. 11 Those entitled to a social pension include people disabled since childhood, children under the age of 18 after the loss of one or both parents, children of a deceased single mother who are not eligible for a survivor’s pension, persons with systemic disease related disabilities, the indigenous peoples of the North who have reached the age of 55 and 60 and are not eligible for a labor pension, as well as per sons under 55 and 60, who are not entitled to a labor pension.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

The number of pensioners receiving state insurance based pensions (including length of service pensions, old age pensions, disability pen sions for persons with activity limitations and survivor’s pensions), is small among both men and women.12 For all these categories except for state survivor’s pensions, men outnumber women as recipients at 62–72 percent. While discussing old age pension it should be borne in mind that the proportion of men and women differ substantially depending on the age group of the pensioners. The Majority of men are in the early retirement age groups (35–45 years), making up 75–87 per cent of the total number of early retirees. This is probably due to the fact that a large number of men are employed in jobs that entail a “privileged” (earlier) retirement age (see Section 3.F in Chapter 3). However, in the age group 50 to 60 years, the proportion of women increases considerably (up to 71–76 percent); this is explained not only by the fact that women outnumber men in the corresponding age groups but also by stipulated early retirement age for women. Then, beginning at age 60, the proportion of women decreases again owing to mass retirement among men who have reached the stan dard retirement age; beyond age 70 the proportion of female pen sioners goes up again owing to the higher mortality rates of men in that age group. Also, for pensioners receiving social pension, male female ratios among recipients vary across different age groups (which is related not only to demographic processes but also to the differences in disability and old age pension amounts). Though working age women are underrepresented among the recipients of this pension type, the pro portion of women gradually increases in the older age groups (from 40 percent at 15–19 years to 49 percent at 50–54 years). After age 55, part of the women’s disability pensions are transferred to the old age pensioner group, which results in an increase in the pension amount in that group and a reduction in the proportion of women among dis ability retirees.

12 Such pensions are granted on the following grounds: the person’s employment as a civil servant (here women constitute the majority at 65 percent) or as military ser vicemen (only 8 percent women in this group), World War II veterans (27 percent women), victims of a radiation or man induced catastrophe (38 percent women) or incapacitated persons – family members of military servicemen or victims of radia tion or man induced catastrophes (67 percent women).

5. Gender Assymetry in Pension Provision

5.D Gender Differences by Pension Amounts For several years now, the Federal State Statistics Service has published data available from the Russian Pension Fund on gender differences in pension amounts (Table 5.3). According to this information, gender differentiation in pension amounts is insignificant in Russia (in 2003 women’s average pension amounted to 92 percent of men’s average pension). It is noteworthy that the gender differentiation in the pen sion amounts has not been significant over the period 1997–2003, although the pension amounts in real terms increased five times over the same period. However, it should be noted that the data provided by the Pension Fund of the Russian Federation provide an “overall” pic ture (covering all pension types at a time) which, although providing a rough picture, rules out an analysis of the real life situation. The NOBUS survey data make it possible to fill in the blanks in the individ ual types of pension provision. Table 5.3: Average Monthly Pensions Granted1/ Average Amount of Pensions Granted, Rub a Month (in thousands of 1997 Rubles)2/ Women

Men

Ratio of Average Monthly Pensions Granted to Women and Men, in percent

1997

345

406

1998

388

431

1999

506

550

2000

806

855

2001

1,100

1,225

2002

1,412

1,558

2003

1,697

1,845

Years

1/ Including compensation. 2/ Source before 2002: Former Russian Ministry of Labor; source starting from 2002: Pension Fund of the Russian Federation, as of the end of the year.

Calculations reveal that gender differences in pension payments vary by type of pension. For instance, at the time of the survey, men received monthly pension payments of 1,693 rubles on average, while women received 1,561 rubles (or 92.2 percent of men’s pension). The insignificant gender differentiation in the amounts received is due to the fact that the majority of present day pensioners are retired under

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

the old pension system which did not directly link the future pension er’s aggregate work contribution and benefits (it was little dependent on the worker’s earnings and length of service). The gender gap in the pension amount received may significantly change depending on the outcome of the ongoing pension reform. The pension reform was launched in Russia at the beginning of 2004. Its preparation involved considerable international experience in pension system reform as well as the World Bank recommendations. A new system that mixes the pay as you go (PAYG) and funded com ponents has been introduced to take over from the old system based exclusively on the PAYG principle. The baseline of the state pension sys tem being implemented via reform is the so called “labor pension” granted at the retirement age determined by the legislation (a mini mum of five contribution years is required). The PAYG portion of the labor pension incorporates a base component (a basic state pension), a flat benefit which is the same for all insured persons, and an insured component (a notional defined contribution benefit with a notional accumulation of capital, based on future pensioners’ total contribu tions allocated to notional individual accounts and life expectancy at retirement). The funded pension is a mandatory element of the state labor pension and its size is directly linked to the amount of a person’s pension savings allocated on his individual account and which, in their turn, are determined by the amount of contributions and investment returns on these contributions as well as life expectancy at retirement. Compared with the old pension system, the new one is aimed at tightening the link between workers’ contributions and benefits and is more sensitive to inequalities in the employment sphere and in legisla tion. For example, early retirement age for women limit the total num ber of working years and their contribution to the pension fund. As a result, gender differences in labor old age pension payments can con siderably increase in the future. This scenario could certainly contribute to a greater incidence of old age poverty among women. The gender based pension gap is even smaller among the recipients of a social pension compared to those in receipt of a labor pension (though the absolute value of social pension payments is considerably lower). At the time of the survey, this pension type averaged 1,080 rubles a month for men and 1,019 rublesfor women (or 94.3 percent of men’s pension). The absolute value of state insurance based pension benefits (where male recipients form the majority) is the highest, but the gen der gap among its recipients is significantly greater compared to the

5. Gender Assymetry in Pension Provision

above mentioned types of pension provision. According to the NOBUS research, men received 3,003 rubles monthly on an average under this type of pension provision while women received only 1,802 rubles (or only 60 percent of men’s pension amount). The RLMS data also indicate that the state survivor’s pension is the only type of pension provision where the pension amount received by women exceeds that of men, with women comprising the majority of its recipients. Men receive this type of pension only within the cate gories of children under 18 and full time students. These pensions rank among the smallest in absolute value. In 2001, their average amount was 863 rubles for women and 818 rubles for men (that is, 95 percent of women’s pension amount).

5.E Gender related Issues in Non state Pension Provision The insufficient level of pension provision offered by the mandatory pension insurance within the state pension system demands that a sys tem of additional (voluntary) pension insurance be developed. The government of the Russian Federation is considering strategies to boost the numbers of economically active population covered by addi tional pension insurance. However, despite the fact that the rubric of this system was laid down over ten years ago, the development has not proceeded satisfactorily. At the same time, it is expected that non state additional pension coverage will not be equally available and not equally attractive for men and women. It will affect not only the male/female ratio among voluntary pension insurance participants but the size of the additional pension payouts as well. Problems related to women’s participation in voluntary pension provision (VPP) can be connected primarily to the relatively lower pay that they receive. Compared to their male counterparts, women would be less often able to afford additional contributions to non state pen sion systems, which may limit the extent of their personal involvement in VPP. Second, owing to their concentration in budget dependent and low wage branches of the national economy, women less frequently take part in occupational schemes (these schemes are offered by com panies with considerable financial assets and the capability to set up professional pension schemes and are interested in creating a volun tary pension scheme of this type for their employees or for employee categories).

57.5

52.4

48.1

52.6

130,905

179,670

313,040

725,957

30â&#x20AC;&#x201C;40

40â&#x20AC;&#x201C;50

Over 50

Total

100

970,450

416,414

260,197

172,932

120,907

48.9

47.6

46.8

51.8

55.5

100,0

Source: Non state pension funds that submitted reports on this index. Pension Funds and Investments magazine, #4 (10), 2003, p. 79.

64.1

655,238

338,063

163,173

96,621

57,381

47.4

51.9

47.6

42.5

35.9

% of All % of All % of All % of All % of All Male Male Total Total Total Partici Partici Partici Partici Number Number Partici Number pants pants pants pants pants (2001) (2002) (2001) (2002) (2001) (2001) (2001) (2002)

Under 30 102,342

Age in years

Men

100

1,012,275

458,344

296,329

160,731

96,871

51.1

52.4

53.2

48.2

44.5

% of All % of All Female Total Partici Partici Number pants (2002) pants (2002) (2001)

Women

Table 5.4: Composition of Non state Pension Fund Participants (NPF) by Age and Gender

100

% of All Female Partici pants (2002)

86 Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

5. Gender Assymetry in Pension Provision

The factors constraining men’s involvement in VPP can first of all be related to men’s extremely low average life expectancy, which in a number of cases brings up the issue of the economic practicability of additional pension contribution payments. In fact, the data provided by non state pension funds (NPF) indicate that the proportion of men and women differ across age groups (Table 5.4). There is not much of a difference in the proportion of males and females among all participants in the NPF (the share of men among NPF participants amounted to 52.6 percent in 2001 and 48.9 percent in 2002). However, disaggregating by age group reveals that female par ticipants are proportionately less inclined to participate in the young and middle aged groups than their male counterparts. On the other hand, in the age group over 40 years, the proportion of female partici pants is higher than that of males. At the same time, the gender and age compositions of the participant groups are still very dynamic and have undergone significant changes even in the period of one year which testifies to the absence of established trends for this issue. The NOBUS survey reveals gender differentiation in the amounts of additional pension provision. The size of the women’s additional pen sion amounted to only 67.4 percent of the men’s additional pension at the time of the survey (men, on average, received 725.4 RUR monthly and women, on average, received 489.2 RUR monthly).

5.F Conclusion There is an urgent need to address the gender aspects in pension pro vision – especially in view of the greater prevalence of poverty among retired women. In view of the inadequate level of the mandatory state pension insurance, the government has been considering coverage by additional pension insurance (non state). However, studies and sur veys have indicated that the gender gap is not so easily closed for women.

6. PUBLIC HEALTH IN RUSSIA AND THE ACCESSIBILITY OF HEALTH SERVICES: THE GENDER ASPECT The recent decades in Russia have been marked by a number of negative health trends. In view of this, it is particularly important to develop an appropriate social strategy, with particular emphasis on public health care services, to ensure the availability of basic medical services to all categories of the population, irrespective of sex, age, place of residence and income. The aspects of health care strategy covered in this chapter include the gender aspects of mortality in Section 6.A; maternal mortality in Section 6.B; abortion in Section 6.C; infant mortality in Section 6.D; gender aspects of morbidity in Section 6.E; gender differences in health parameters in Section 6.F; the disabled in Section 6.G; health care access in Section 6.H; the need for paid medical assistance and the assessment of financial con straints in Section 6.I; and payment for health services as affected by gen der in Section 6.J. A brief conclusion follows in Section 6.K.

6.A Mortality by Gender: Dynamics in Recent Years The period 1994–2003 in Russia was characterized by somewhat incon sistent trends in mortality rates. The number of deaths and the mortali ty rates were at their highest in 1994 (2,301,000 deaths, or 15.7 deaths per 1,000 people) and in 2003 (2,370,000 deaths, or a crude mortality rate of 16.5 per 1,000 people). The period 1995–98 was characterized by a decline in the overall number of deaths (as well as the crude mor tality rate) but since1999 mortality rates resumed an upward trend. As demographers emphasize, the crude mortality rate is defined not only by the actual intensity of mortality but also by the age structure of the population. Therefore, it is natural that in regions with a higher median population age the crude mortality rate will be higher than in regions with a younger population. Under Russia’s specific conditions this logic is evident in a decline in the crude mortality rate across the country from the northwest to the southeast. As in the majority of developed countries, circulatory diseases are the major causes of death in Russia for both men and women at more than 55 percent of the overall number of deaths for men and more than 60 percent for women in 2001 (Figure 6.1).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 6.1: Mortality Rate by Cause of Death, 1965â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2001

Source: Federal Service of Statistics

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

According to the latest data available (2001) the distinguishing fea ture that sets Russia apart is that since the early 1990s, neoplasms rank third (12.9 percent in 2001) among the leading causes of mortality for men, preceded by accidents, intoxication and traumas which rank sec ond (18 percent in 2001). The sobriety campaign of 1985–87 made a positive contribution to a decrease in the male mortality rate from acci dents, poisonings, and injuries. However, a sharp increase in the mor tality rate from these causes in the period 1987–94 wiped away the advantages in the decrease in mortality gained at the time of the cam paign. For women, the causes of mortality retain the usual structure as in the developed world in which neoplasms take the traditional second position. While the crude mortality rate due to neoplasms dropped over the period (a tendency indicative for both men and women), the contribution of circulatory diseases to the mortality rate has been steadily on the rise since 1995.

6.B Maternal Mortality An analysis of the gender aspects of the death rate cannot ignore such an important issue as maternal mortality. Though researchers consider a decrease in maternal mortality as a challenge usually facing developing countries, this problem has not been completely solved in Russia. Although the last 19 years have seen a decline in the maternal mortality rate, Russia still has a high maternal mortality rate index compared to Central and Eastern European countries, let alone the developed Western world. The position of Russia among the former Soviet Union countries with regard to maternal mortality is rather discouraging. Only Central Asian countries such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, the Kyrgyz Republic and Georgia have higher mortality rates than Russia. In 2003, 463 cases of maternal death, or 31.3 cases per 100,000 live births were registered in Russia (Figure 6.2). The corresponding rates average 4.9 per 100,000 live births for the EU countries and 24 per 100,000 live births for European countries as a whole.13 Thus, the cur rent maternal mortality rate is six times higher than the corresponding average rate across the EU countries. 13 V. Sakevich. Maternal Mortality Worldwide. Demoskop Weekly/Population and Society Bulletin, electronic version. The Center for Demography and Human Ecology, Institute of Economic Forecasting, Russian Academy of Sciences. № 199–200, 18 April – 1 May 2005. http://www.demoscope.ru/weekly/2005/0199/reprod01.php.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 6.2: Maternal Mortality in Russia. 1985–2003

Source: V. Sakevich. Maternal Mortality Worldwide. Demoscope Weekly/Population and Society Bulletin, e version, ##199–200, April 18 – May 1, 2005. http://www.demoscope.ru.

Although the absolute number of maternal deaths registered over a year is continuously decreasing since 1986, this decrease has been dependent, to a considerable degree, on the decline in the overall birth rate. As for the maternal mortality rate per 100,000 live births, it began to slow down only in 1995 (Figure 6.2 and Table 6.2). Table 6.1: Maternal Mortality (Regional Differentials) Regions With the Lowest Maternal Mortality Rates Hanty Mansi autonomous region Belgorod region Kirov region Penza region Kurgan region Kaluga region Smolensk region St.Petersburg Republic of Northern Ossetya Alania Samara region Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Regions With the Highest Maternal Mortality Rates 5.0 7.2 7.4 8.2 9.7 11.0 11.1 12.4 12.5 12.6

Omsk region Republic of Khakassia Altay territory Republic of Buryatiya Tambov region Republic of Kalmykia Republic of Tuva Jewish Autonomous region Republic Mary El Nenetsky Autonomous region

58.1 62.3 67.8 68.3 70.4 77.4 127.5 131.0 133.1 150.4

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

Considerable regional differentiation in maternal mortality rates is presently observed in Russia (Table 6.1). In some regions this rate approaches that of Central European countries, while in other regions it is close to the rates typical for developing countries. For example, in 2003 maternal mortality rate in nine regions of the Russian Federation exceeded the average mortality rate in Russia by two to five times. The available official statistics might be challenged with respect to accuracy and reliability of some data on maternal mortality. For exam ple, according to the Federal State Statistics Service, in 2003 there were no registered cases of maternal deaths in such regions as the Karachaevo Cherkessian Republic, the Komi Permyatsky Autonomous Region, the Altai Republic, the Tajmyrsky autonomous region, the Evenki autonomous region, the Ust Ordynsky Buryatsky autonomous region, the Aginsky Buryatsky autonomous region, the Kamchatka area, the Koryaksky Autonomous Region and some other regions. None of the listed regions belongs to the economically developed regions and is not characterized by a high level of health care. This suggests that the lack of the respective statistics simply reflects the fact that cases of maternal mortality are registered under other categories of causes of mortality. The existence of such practices was mentioned, in particular, in the report of the Presidential Commission on Women, Family and Demography.14 It is also evident from regularly noted discrepancies (by four to five points) in the maternal mortality data published by the Federal State Statistics Service and the data received by the Ministry of Health based on the results of the automated coding system for mater nal mortality data which was introduced in 1992. The maternal mortality structure in the Russian Federation has remained practically unchanged over the past few years (Table 6.2). More than a half of the maternal mortality cases are caused by three major factors: hemorrhage during pregnancy, labor and after delivery complications, toxicosis in late pregnancy and abortions. According to experts, in 30 percent of cases maternal mortality is unavoidable (the reasons include severe somatic pathology, thromboembolic pul monary artery obstruction and amniotic fluid), and in 70 percent of cases it is avoidable or conditionally avoidable.15 14

Ibid.

15 V.Sakevich. Maternal mortality rate is decreasing. // Demoskop Weekly, Population

and Society Bulletin, electronic version. The Center for Demography and Human Ecology, Institute of Economic Forecasting, Russian Academy of Sciences. No 85â&#x20AC;&#x201C;86, 21 October â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 3 November 2002. http://demoscope.ru/weekly/2002/085/barom04.php.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Table 6.2: Maternal Mortality in Russia, 1995â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (per 100,000 live births) 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Causes. Total

53.3

48.9

50.2

44.2

39.7

36.5

33.6

31.3

Extra uterine pregnancy

3.9

3.5

4.3

3.1

4.0

2.6

1.8

2.4

1.6

Induced abortion

1.5

1.2

1.9

1.6

1.3

3.0

1.3

1.4

0.7

10.9

10.1

10.3

8.4

9.4

6.6

6.4

4.9

4.5

6.7

6.5

5.7

5.8

8.1

6.6

6.0

5.3

7.2

Pregnancy related toxicosis Sepsis during delivery

5.3 2.4

6.4 2.6

5.3 2.4

4.1 1.7

5.7 1.9

5.7 1.4

6.5 1.4

5.2 1.4

4.1 1.2

Other pregnancy and delivery complications

22.7

18.6

20.3

19.3

13.9

13.7

13.1

13.0

12.0

Including:

Criminal abortion Hemorrhage during pregnancy, in labor and after delivery

Source: Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation.

Figure 6.3: Maternal Mortality, Including Death Cases from Abortion per 100,000 Women of Reproductive Age, Russia, 1995â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

A decline in the maternal mortality rate over the past 8 years in many respects has been determined by a decrease in the number of abortionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201C;especially criminal abortions (Table 6.2 and Figure 6.3). In 1995 maternal mortality rate due to criminal abortions was 10.9 per 100,000 live births, whereas the corresponding figure in 2003 is only 4.5. According to research findings from the Scientific Center of Obstetrics, Gynecology and Perinatology of the Russian Academy of Medical Science16, the death of 78 percent of women from criminal abortion occurred after 12 weeksâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; gestation, which means that they could not have legal abortions in medical institutions. Moreover, unlike the situation in many other countries where the problem of criminal abortions predominantly concerns young or unmarried women, half of the women who died from criminal abortions in Russia were aged 30 to 40 and had had previous pregnancies. The leading cause of death from a criminal abortion performed outside a medical establishment was after abortion infections (in 80 percent of the cases). In view of the above situation, the decision to cut down the list of social indicators for abortion on social grounds, adopted by the go vernment in 2003, is rather disputable as it may create additional incentives to force women to have criminal abortions (see the next section for a detailed discussion of abortion).

6.C Abortions Russia still has a high abortion rate. However, the absolute number of abortions in 2003 dropped by 2.4 times compared to 1980 and by two times compared to 1990 (Figure 6.4). A similar decline in the number also affected mini abortions with a twofold drop in their absolute number in 2002 compared to 1990. The absolute number of abortions in primigravidae (first time pregnant) women did not change much during the period 1985â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2002. Thus, over the past two decades, abor tion as the primary method of fertility control in Russia began to give way to other methods of family planning.

16 I.A. Zhirova, O.G. Frolova , T.M.Astakhova, E. Ketting. Abortion Related Maternal Mortality in the Russian Federation // Studies in Family Planning, 2004, 35 (3).

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 6.4: Absolute Number of Abortions, 1980â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (in 1,000s)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

During the Soviet era, the problem of high abortion rates and the neg ative effect of abortion on womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s health began to receive more atten tion. However, the emphasis in the debates on this issue has changed in recent years. Much of the discussion early on focused on the problem of abortions mainly in terms of protection of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reproductive health, the current debate highlights the demographic crisis in Russia. The most conservative politicians and public figures view a high incidence of abor tion and widely used contraception as the main factors contributing to a decline in the birth rate. Thus, they urge limited access to contraceptives and dramatic cuts in the number of social factors responsible for abor tion. Some of the changes in attitudes can be seen in Box 6.1. Table 6.3 and Figure 6.5 portray a steady decrease in the number of abortions covering all categories of women of reproductive age. If in 1995 there were 202.6 registered abortions per 100 live births, only 128.7 were registered in 2003. Thus, the ratio of abortions to deliveries is steadily decreasing. This indicates that Russia is gradually moving towards contraception as the major birth control method. According to the Ministry of Health and Social Development of the Russian Federation, by the end of 2001, 15.6 percent of all women of repro ductive age were using intrauterine spirals and 7.8 percent were using hormonal contraceptive drugs.

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

Box 6.1: Abortions: Zigzags of Legislation 1920: “By strengthening the socialist regime and agitating the masses of work ing women against the abortions, [the workers’ and peasants’ government] is fighting this evil; by implementing the principles of maternity and infancy pro tection, it provides for a gradual disappearance of this phenomenon. But while the survival of times past and hard economic conditions of the present still force some of women to risk this operation, the People’s Commissariat of Justice, in order to protect women’s health and interests of the race against ignorant and greedy predators, and considering the repression methods in this area absolutely unsuccessful, decrees that: 1. It is permitted to perform induced abortion operations in Soviet hospi tals, where the maximum safety is ensured. 2. It is strictly forbidden to perform such operations by any person, except by medical practitioners. 3. Maternity nurses or midwives guilty of performing such operations are deprived of their practice and brought before the People’s court. 4. A medical practitioner, who performed an abortion in his private capac ity or out of mercenary purpose, should be brought before the court as well. "Induced Abortions.” Resolution of the People’s Commissariat of Health and People’s Commissariat of Justice of November 16, 1920.

1936: “Only the socialist system makes it possible to address the issue of fighting abortions, including by means of prohibitory laws… Central Executive Committee and the Soviet of People’s Commissars of the USSR decree that: …1. As abortions have been proved to be dangerous, their performance must be prohibited in hospitals, special medical institutions, at doctors’ domiciles and private apartments of pregnant women. Abortions can be performed only in hospitals and maternity clinics in cases when the pregnancy can threaten the life of or entail a serious health risk for the pregnant woman, as well as when the parents have grave inheritable diseases. "On abortions prohibition, increase of material assistance to women, estab lishment of family allowance, development of the maternity clinics, day nurseries and kindergartens network, criminal sanctions for evasion of payment of alimo ny and on some amendments to the divorce legislation.” Resolution of the Central Executive Committee (CEC) and the Soviet of Peoples’ Commissars (SPC) of June 27, 1936.

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Box 6.1 (continued) 1955: …The measures implemented by the Soviet state on maternity moti vation and protection of childhood, as well as the constant increase of con sciousness and cultural development of women, … permit today to repeal a ban on abortions; further state measures to motivate maternity and increase public awareness will help preventing abortions. The repeal of a ban on abortions will eliminate damage caused to the health of women by the criminal abortions. With a view to give to women the possibility to make decisions about maternity at their own discretion, as well as to prevent damage from criminal abortions the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR decrees to annul paragraph 1 of the resolution of CEC of the USSR and SPC of the USSR on abor tions prohibition of June 27. "Repeal of a ban on abortions" Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of November 23 1955.

Table 6.3: Induced Abortion, 1980–2003 Total Number of Abortions (Including Mini abortions), in thousands

Per 1,000 Women Aged 15–49

The Number of Abortions in Primigravidae (in thousands)

Per 100 Deliveries

1980

4,506.0

122.9

–

204.4

1985

4,454.4

121.5

148.3

187.4

1990

4,103.4

114

188.8

205.9

1995

2,766.4

72.6

177.7

202.6

1996

2,652.0

69.3

183.3

203

1997

2,498.7

179

198.3

1998

2,346.1

60.6

172.4

182.6

1999

2,181.2

56.2

160.7

179.4

2000

2,138.8

161.1

168.7

2001

2,014.7

51.8

161.6

153.6

2002

1,944.5

161

139.2

2003

1,864.6

–

128.7

Year

Source: Federal Service of Statistics

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

Figure 6.5: Number of Abortions per 1,000 Women Aged 15â&#x20AC;&#x201C;49 and per 100 Deliveries (1970â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

However, the use of modern contraceptive methods in Russia remains at a fairly low level. The country is at the very beginning of a transition to modern contraceptives, a process that began in Western countries in the 1960s and 1970s. Nevertheless, a gradual change for a new type of birth control has been under way over the last 15 years: The use of modern methods of family planning and the rejection of abortion as the primary method of birth control can entail many positive consequences. These include a decrease in the maternal mortality rate, an improvement in womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reproductive health, and a reduction in secondary infertility which in the long run may have a positive influence on the current demographic situation (declining birth rates).

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Figure 6.6: Number of Abortions per 1,000 Women in All Age Groups (1995â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

The decrease in the use of abortion as a birth control device has been predominant among the youngest age groups. For example, in the 15â&#x20AC;&#x201C;19 age group, the number of abortions per 1,000 women of the given age bracket declined over the specified period of time by 44.6 percent while in the over 35 group it decreased by 39.4 percent. This reflects the fact that younger women employed modern contra ception for birth control more actively and with a greater effect. (Figures 6.5 and 6.6). In this context, the decision to reduce the number of social indications for abortion, made by the government in August 2003 (Resolution 485 of August 11, 2003) seems rather disputable. According to the Resolution,

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the following indications for abortion are considered valid (see also Box 6.2): • A documented court decision on the deprivation or restriction of parental rights; • Pregnancy as the result of rape; • The woman’s imprisonment; • The husband having a Group I–II disability or the death of the husband during the wife’s pregnancy.

Box 6.2: Changes in Abortion Indications By this Resolution the Government of the Russian Federation cancelled the previously effective resolution of the Russian Federation dated May 8, 1996 N 567 “On the approval of the list of social indications for induced abortion" according to which the list of admissible social indications for performing abortion includes the following: • the death of the husband during the woman’s pregnancy; • the husband with Group I or II disability; • the woman or the husband having a legally confirmed status of an unem ployed person; • imprisonment of the woman or the husband; • a documented court decision on deprivation or restriction of parental rights; • the woman’s single status; • divorce during pregnancy; • pregnancy as the result of rape; • absence of housing, residing in a dormitory or renting an apartment; • the woman’s status of a refugee or a forced migrant; • having more than three children; • a disabled child in the family. Published in the Russian Newspaper of August 15, 2003, No 161 (3275)

Demographers and health professionals have a nearly unanimous opinion concerning the practical efficiency of this document in terms of overcoming the demographic crisis on the one hand, and concern ing its consequences for women’s health, on the other. The direct results of restricting abortion in a country where abortion is legally allowed can include an increase in the number of criminal abortions

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and, as a consequence, an increase in the maternal mortality rate, a growing number of parents putting children up for adoption (as well as growing social orphan hood), and finally, in the worst scenario, the murder of newborn children, something that appears in crime news reports from time to time. A possible (though not too probable) indi rect consequence of introducing these restrictive measures is the intro duction of modern contraception to those categories of the popula tion that employ abortion as an accepted means of birth control.

6.D Infant Mortality The infant mortality rate (infants who died between birth and the first birthday per 1,000 born alive) in Russia began to decrease steadily since 1970s. Since 1970, this rate has seen a nearby twofold decrease for both sexes (Figure 6.7). Figure 6.7: Infant Mortality, 1970â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (Post Neonatal Mortality Rate per 1,000 Live Births

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

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A slight increase in 1993 can be attributed to the transition to the international standards of definitions of live birth set forth by the World Health Organization. Over the three years from 2000 to 2003, the infant mortality rate has shown a sharp decline, with the reduction being more significant for boys than for girls (20.2 and 17.4 percent respectively). In 2003 the infant mortality rate was 12.4 on an average (13.8 for boys and 10.9 for girls). A reduction in the infant mortality rate is considered an important indicator of the quality of life in general on the one hand, and the qual ity of medical assistance delivered to infants on the other. In this respect Russia still lags behind the majority of developed countries where this rate is 5–10 per 1,000 born alive. Table 6.4: Effect of Primary Causes on the Infant Mortality (%) 17 1970 1980 1985 1990

1995

2003

Infant deaths from all causes (per 1,000 born alive) 230.4 220.7 207.2 174.0 181.2 123.6 Infant deaths from all causes (percent) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Including: Some infectious and parasitic diseases

4.9

14.1

11.6

7.7

7.0

4.8

40.6

35.5

23.3

14.2

13.4

8.5

5.2

2.0

1.0

0.6

13.4 26.8

15.6 23.6

17.7 37.5

21.3 46.0

23.1 43.3

24.4 46.1

Accidents, intoxications and traumas

4.7

4.8

4.3

4.1

5.6

7.0

Other causes

4.4

4.6

6.1

8.6

40.2

39.2

55.2

67.3

66.4

70.6

Respiratory diseases Digestive diseases Congenital anomalies (failures of development), deformations and chromosomal infringements Sporadic states arising in the perinatal period

Congenital anomalies and perinatal complications

Source: Russian Yearbook of Statistics. 2004, p. 123; Demographic Yearbook of Russia. 2002, pp. 297–298.

Over the last few years a reduction in the infant mortality rate has been noted across all categories of the causes of death, though not in 17 Calculated on the basis of the Russian Yearbook of Statistics. 2004, Мoscow, State Federal Statistics Service (Rosstat), 2004. p. 123. Demographic Yearbook of Russia, 2002: Collection of articles. The Russian State Statistical Bureau (Goskomstat), Russia. Moscow, 2002. pp. 297–298.

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equal measure (Table 6.4). The table also depicts a radical change in the structure of infant mortality in Russia over the past 30 years: for exam ple, in 1970, respiratory diseases were the primary causes of infant mor tality (causing 40.6 percent of such deaths), followed by congenital anomalies and perinatal complications (accounting for 40.2 percent of infant mortality). Since 1980, the latter became the principal factors resulting in infant mortality, with a steady increase in the proportion of deaths owing particularly to these cases (more than half of the infant deaths in 1985 and about three fourths of such deaths in 2003 were caused by these factors). On the other hand, the proportion of infant deaths due to respira tory diseases has shown a steady decline from 40. 6 percent in 1970 to merely 8.5 percent in 2003. The current causes of infant mortality, in terms of their importance, have been practically unchanged since the beginning of the 1990s. Figure 6.8: Infant Mortality Across the Basic Categories of Mortality Causes, 1990â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (Infant Deaths per 10,000 Live Births)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

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The changes in the structure of infant mortality were connected to the non uniform rates of decrease in mortality from different causes (Figure 6.8), Although the basic groups of leading infant mortality causes – perinatal complications, congenital anomalies and respirato ry diseases – remain more or less the same, they have shown signifi cant reduction in their contribution (15 to 25 percent decrease). The other causes – involving infectious and parasitic diseases, accidents, and nervous disorders have not shown much changes in their contri bution to infant mortality rates during this period. It should be noted that the infant mortality from congenital anomalies in Russia is cur rently two to three times higher than that in many developed coun tries is an alarming sign and the issue is gaining prominence in me dical and policy discussions. Figure 6.9: Causes of Morbidity Among Pregnant Women, 1980–2003 (Number of Diseases which Caused Delivery Complications per 1,000 Deliveries)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Pregnant women’s health and the level of development of obstet rics are still among the main factors that determine perinatal mortality (i.e. death within the first 7 days of life). Deterioration in the health of

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pregnant women and parturient women has been noted since 1980s across all the key parameters (Figure 6.9).18

6.E Gender Aspects of Morbidity Over the last few years the morbidity rate of the population has been growing in all of the main categories of diseases except one: respirato ry diseases, which have shown an overall downward tendency, though it varies in different years.19 Table 6.5: Morbidity Rate in 2003 Compared to 1990 (percent of 1990 level) All Diseases Diseases of blood, blood forming organs and sporadic abnormalities involving the immune mechanism Endocrine system diseases, nutrition disorders and metabolism malfunction Congenital anomalies (failures of development), deformations and chromosomal abnormalities diseases of urogenital system Circulatory diseases Pregnancy, deliveries and the postnatal period Neoplasms Diseases of nervous system and sense organs Diseases of muscular skeletal system Skin and hypodermic diseases Digestion diseases Some infectious and parasitic diseases Traumas, intoxications and some other consequences of external reasons Respiratory diseases

15.0 238.5 166.7 128.6 114.8 83.9 73.4 63.6 54.1 35.5 34.6 29.8 8.0 5.5 â&#x20AC;&#x201C;7.6

Source: Federal Service of Statistics. 18 In 2003, among the women who completed pregnancy, anemia was detected in 41.9 percent, about 20 percent had hypertensive disorders and the same number had diseases of the urogenital system. In the same year the proportion of children born with a disease (among the overall number of children with a bodyweight of 1,000 grams and over) was 40 percent, while in 1980 they comprised only 7.9 percent. 19 The morbidity rate is a ratio that measures the number of people afflicted with a specific diseases occurring in a population within a year (covering the cases detect ed after the individuals sought medical assistance or the cases revealed during regu lar medical check ups ) to the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s annual average population. Statistical analy sis employs two main criteria in this area: the incidence and the prevalence of a certain disease. The term incidence refers to the annual diagnosis rate covering the number of new cases of a specific disease. The term prevalence is defined as the over all number of individuals afflicted with a certain disease registered within a year regardless whether they were diagnosed with it for the first time or they had previ ously sought medical assistance regarding this disease.

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

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Table 6.5 shows the change in the morbidity rate in 2003 com pared to 1990. The fastest growth of morbidity in this period was seen in the diseases connected with the immune status and metabo lism. In addition, there was a rapid increase in the incidence of such diseases as congenital anomalies and chromosomal abnormalities as well as diseases of the urogenital system (more than 100 percent increase in each case). The increase in the morbidity rates due to trau mas, intoxications, infectious and parasitic diseases has been much modest. The only notable decline in morbidity rate is due to respira tory diseases. Unfortunately, the gender aspects of morbidity cannot be described in as much detail as the gender differences in mortality, since the pub lished statistical data on morbidity come without a gender breakdown, with the exception of some types or groups of diseases. The state sta tistical data make it possible to describe the gender situation in relation to morbidity in four basic categories: oncological diseases; sexually transmitted infections; the health of pregnant women, parturient women and new mothers; and, finally, morbidity in women from indi vidual diseases. Although the share of oncological diseases in the overall structure of morbidity is insignificant (the incidence amounted only to 1.2 percent in 2003), malignant neoplasms attract as much attention as tuberculo sis or AIDS because of their extremely high lethality. Table 6.6: Lethality of Malignant Neoplasms: Proportion of Deaths Within the First Year after Being Diagnosed, 1992â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2002 (in percent) Due to Neoplasms of Year

Total Gullet Stomach

Straight Intestine

Lungs

Mammary Gland

Cervix Uteri

1992

38.4

62.2

55.5

36.3

56.7

12.2

19.3

1995

37.7

61.6

56.0

37.3

55.6

12.5

21.0

1999

36.2

66.0

56.9

36.2

57.6

12.6

21.5

2002

33.9

65.2

55.3

33.3

56.2

11.9

20.3

Though mortality from oncological diseases within the first year after being diagnosed is gradually decreasing, it still remains high (Table 6.6). Of this, the gullet, the stomach and the lung account for more than 50 percent of first year deaths from malignant neoplasms.

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Figure 6.10: Incidence of Malignant Neoplasms by Gender, 1991â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (the Number of New Cases per 100,000 People in All Age Groups)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

On average, the incidence of oncological diseases in men is higher than that of women although the gap has narrowed down significant ly in recent years. Malignant neoplasms, being highly lethal reduces average life expectancy by 1.2 to 2.3 years.20 Though men die from malignant neoplasms twice as often as women, the incidence rate is larger for women, and as a result the gender gap is gradually, though slowly, closing (Figure 6.10). The incidence of oncological diseases has considerable gender vari ation. While lung, stomach, skin, and prostate gland cancers are pre dominant in men, women are most commonly affected by mammary gland, skin, and cervix uteri (Table 6.7 and Figure 6.11).

Ibid

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

109

Table 6.7: Incidence of Malignant Neoplasms in Men and Women by Localization, 200321 Women

Men

Total. thousands of people

239 Total. thousands of people

216

percent

100 percent

100

Including localizations:

Female mammary gland

19.4 Tracheas. bronchial tubes and lungs

Skin Uterus body and cervix, placenta Stomach Segmented intestine Ovaries

14.8 Stomach 12 8

Skin

12 10.1

Prostate gland

6.4

6.9 Segmented intestine

5.4

Lips. oral cavities and pharynx

Straight intestine. anus

4.9 Straight intestine. anus

Lymphatic and blood forming tissue

4.4 Lymphatic and blood forming tissue

Tracheas. bronchial tubes and lungs

22.8

5.3 5 4.7

Bladder

4.6

Kidneys

2.7 Kidneys

3.9

Pancreas

2.6 Gorge

3.2

Lips. oral cavities and pharynx

1.3 Pancreas

3.1

Liver and intrahepatic gall ducts

1.3 Gullet

2.6

Bladder

1.1 Liver and intrahepatic gall ducts

1.7

Gall bladder and extrahepatic gall ducts

Gall bladder and extrahepatic 0.8 gall ducts

0.4

Gullet

0.7 Other localizations

8.8

Gorge

0.2

Other localizations

9.9

Source: Men and Women in Russia, 2004, p.50.

21 Calculations based on: Men and Women in Russia. 2004: Collection of Articles/ Rosstat. â&#x20AC;&#x201C; Moscow, 2004. p. 50.

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Figure 6.11: Incidence of Womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Oncological Diseases by Localization (Registered New Cases per 100,000 Women, 1980â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Over the past two decades, the incidence rate of breast cancer in women has more than doubled. However, there has not been a signifi cant increase in the incidence rate in the other categories of female oncological diseases (Figure 6.11). According to the Russian Research Center for Radiology and Nuclear Medicine, morbidity due to breast cancer has grown by more than 30 percent over the last 20 years in Russia. An alarming tendency is that an increasing proportion of young women under 30 years of age is being diagnosed with oncological diseases.

6.F Gender Differences in Health Parameters The morbidity rates published by official statistical services only par tially reflect the actual male/female morbidity ratio. Moreover, the latent morbidity rate is closely linked to a particular disease type. For example, in such categories as venereal diseases, alcoholism or drug addiction, the rate of the "latent" component is estimated to be several times higher than the morbidity rates as determined by official statis

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

111

tics. This fact is one of the important arguments in favor of the necessi ty to complete the research in men’s and women’s health based on offi cial statistical data from the results of public health surveys. Another argument testifying to the importance of such an analysis is that simi lar studies make it possible to link the changes in people’s health with their basic social, demographic and economic characteristics. The gen der aspects of health, revealed by the results of the NOBUS survey, are discussed briefly below. Table 6.8: Proportion of Men and Women across Age Groups According to Their Perception of Physical Well Being Age Group 51–70

Over 71

Total

0.95

4.88

16.71

2.92

16–25 26–50 Men Proportion of Respondents (percentage) Very bad

0.58

Bad

3.92

7.27

23.94

44.57

13.22

Satisfactory

37.8

54.65

59.29

35.81

50.94

Good

53.67

35.27

11.43

2.71

31.05

Very good

4.03

1.86

0.47

0.21

1.86

Total

100

Average Health Assessment

3.57

3.3

2.79

2.25

3.16

Very bad

0.25

0.94

5.76

19.41

4.54

Bad

3.33

9.49

31.43

50.23

19.7

Satisfactory

42.2

61.31

56.53

28.94

52.45

51.09

27.27

6.1

1.36

22.29

Very good

3.12

0.99

0.17

0.06

1.02

Total

100

Average Health Assessment

3.54

3.18

2.64

2.12

2.96

Women Proportion of Respondents (percentage)

Good

The survey reveals that in all age groups women rate their health worse than men (Table 6.8). While men’s average self health assess ment across all age groups was 3.0 points (on a 5 point scale), it was 2.9 points for women.

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Figure 6.12: Gender Profile of Subjective Health Assessment (All Ages)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

The differences in self assessed health ratings are depicted in Figure 6.12: the women’s average self rating profile is shifted towards "bad" while the corresponding men’s average self assessment is shifted towards "good." At first glance, owing to the lower life expectancy of men and their serious health problems, such results are quite surprising, especially since they are confirmed by other similar research studies.22 Researchers traditionally explain this paradox by psychological and behavioral fac 22 For example, see the RLMS results (I.B.Nazarova, Subjective and Objective Public

Health Assessment//Journal of Sociology, 1998, № ѕ, p. 246–249) and the Taganrog project research results (I.V. Korkhova, Health Assessment Methods// Woman, Man and Family in Russia: the last third of the 20th century. Taganrog project/edited by N.M.Rimashevskaya, Moscow, ISEPN Publishing House, 2001. pp. 224–252.), and other.

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6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

tors. In reality comparative data reveal that men have higher morbidity rates of various diseases as well as higher mortality rates. For example, the male morbidity rate from tuberculosis is 3.5 times higher and the mortality rate from the same disease is eight times higher than those rates for women.23 Also, gender differences in behavioral practices point to higher rates of alcoholism related morbidity and mortality, smoking related mortality and frequency of suicides among men (see Chapter 7). Still as evidenced in Table 6.8, women in all age groups perceive their health as worse than men. The psychological explanation for this behavior is connected with the fact that women are more concerned than men about their health, more often seek medical advice and do not neglect their diseases until they reach the irreversible stage. The NOBUS survey data make it possible to confirm the thesis that women have better skills of self protective behavior than men. There are more instances of women seeking medical assistance than for men (the average number of visits to the doctor is 3.3 times a year among women and 2.9 times a year among men). In addition, women more often use private medical services irrespective of their income level. Table 6.9: Ratio of Men and Women Receiving Free Medical Assistance (% of group size) Men

Women

38.35

23.24

footwear is already difficult»)

37.36

23.16

Poor («We have enough money for food and clothes, but not enough to buy expensive things»)

36.44

24.56

Medium income group («We can buy some expensive things (such as, for example, a TV or a refrigerator, but we should save up for it»)

39.57

27.09

High income group («We do not have money problems and in most case we can afford expensive purchases »)

41.69

27.92

Living in destitution («We do not have enough money even for food») Extremely poor («We have enough money for food but buying clothes and

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Health Care in Russia. Moscow. Goskomstat, 2001. pp.44–45.

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At the same time, the NOBUS survey does not confirm the conclu sion about men’s negligence of their health – at least, not in their “eco nomic” relationship with the health care system. The proportion of men receiving free medical assistance is higher at all economic groups, and, in high income groups, the difference is nearly 1.5 times more (Table 6.9). Table 6.10: Assessment of Income and Expenses for Medical Services and Medicines (Rubles) Medicines (over last month) Men Living in destitution 242.88

Women

269.8

Out patient services (over 3 months) Men

Women

In patient services (over the last year) Men

Women

Total medical expenses (per month) Men

Women

1,689.17 1,183.71 2,346.99 2,488.84

623.28

555.56

Extremely poor

273.06 273.26 1,101.14 1,254.71 2,297.08 2,187.38

577.36

551.8

Poor

278.21

291

1,271.04 1,478.95

2,828.7

2,776.27

621.38

634.07

Medium income group

299.59

303

1,533.75 1,580.54

3,078.8

3,401.21

721.08

742.71

High income group*

399.44 353.12 2,532.19 2,031.91 8,271.48 3,462.35 1,612.03

875.21

* It should be noted that among high income respondents who paid for in patient care, men are underrepresented for the purpose of making statistically correct com parisons of average care expenditures. Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Also, the survey results give some ground for optimism: it appears that health is gradually ceasing to be perceived by the male population of Russia as a “free of charge inexhaustible natural resource.” The higher their income, the more they are paying to obtain medical ser vices. Especially in the high income group men’s medical expenses are significantly higher than that of women in the same group. This is par ticularly true for in patient services (Table 6.10). Men, on average, pay more than women for in patient expenses, especially among the low income groups, and, also in the highest

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

115

income group, where the average monthly expenses incurred by men are almost double that of women. The same holds true for total medical expenses. If we compare these data with menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s low life expectancy in comparison to women, the conclusion is obvious: despite equal, and in some cases even higher, health related expenses, men do not manage to make up for the negative effects on their health produced by a self destructive way of life. The expansion of paid medical services has become one of the fac tors enhancing the appreciation of health importance on the values scale. Despite all the criticism directed at fee paying medicine, one can not fail to recognize that the introduction of fee paying services in health care makes people revise their attitude to health, as any health problems now entail the reallocation of expenses for the purpose of health maintenance. Today health maintenance requires payment, which may require rejecting other forms of consumption. Therefore, there is a certain (though weak) hope that health will gradually take a higher position in the values scale among the male population of Russia.

6.G Disabled Persons The significant variations in the estimations of the aggregate number of disabled persons and their share in the population of Russia are dependent on information sources and calculation methods. The NOBUS survey estimates the number of disabled people in the country at 9.233 million with women outnumbering men (the proportion of women being 53%) and the proportion of the disabled in the total pop ulation being seven percent.24 There are over a million new cases of disability in Russia every year. As is seen from Figure 6.13, the absolute number of new disability cases was higher among men than among women for most of the period (1994â&#x20AC;&#x201C;1999); however, the rate of increase in new disability cases had been similar for men and women so that the ratio of men and women among the newly disabled was the same during this period. The only exception to this balance was observed in 2000 and 2001 when the number of new disability cases among women was higher than that among men (the number of such cases among women increased by 10.5 percent and 11.3 percent, respectively). However, in 2002, the 24 V.Baskakov, E.Yanenko.The Evaluation of Insurance Risks and Disability Pension Insurance.//Pension Funds and Investments. 2005, â&#x201E;&#x2013; 1.

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absolute number of new disability cases among men and women was almost equal. In the period of time covered, the share of women in the total number of new disability cases fluctuated between 47.1 and 55.4 percent. Figure 6.13: New Disability Cases, Men and Women, 1994â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics

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Over the last decade, the dynamics of disablement differed among men and women. In the period between 1994 and 2003, the number of disabled men of working age dropped by 9,000 a year, while the num ber of their female counterparts increased by 38,000, which has gradu ally been bridging the gender gap in disablement (Figure 6.14). About 0.7 percent of all men aged 16–60 and 0.5 percent of all women aged 16–55, were disabled in 2003. The disablement in the working age population is characterized by different gender factors. The reasons behind the disablement of working age men are similar to those that determine men’s excessive mortality at this age. At the same time, it should be noted that gender differences in average life expectancy pre determine a larger proportion of women, not only among the retirees, but among the disabled population as well (as disablement and its severity are largely age dependent). Figure 6.14: New Disability Cases among Working age Men and Women, 1994–2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

In Russia, the disabled women belong to the least socially protected categories of the population. They especially need support from the fam ily, the state and the society. However, the major "female" gender problem related to disablement in Russia is that disabled women of middle and senior age groups are predominantly single. And women become single not only because of widowhood determined by excessive mortality rate

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in working age men, but also because of the high divorce rate (the pro portion of the divorced among disabled women is 1.6 times higher than among disabled men). At the same time, the majority of the disabled men even among the most senior age groups can count on family support within the family because of their married status (Figure 6.15). Figure 6.15: Marital Status of Disabled Men and Women by Age Group

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Another factor enhancing the importance of the lack of family sup port and the consequences of single status especially among the disabled population, and predominantly among women, is the extremely low level of financial provision for disabled people. On the whole, their pen sion provision is much lower than that of old age pension recipients. In 2003 the average disability pension was only 81 percent of a pensionerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s subsistence minimum in Russia. Also, disability pensions are differentiat ed considerably on the basis of gender. According to the RLMS data,25 25 The Russia Monitoring Longitudinal Survey is a nationally representative sur vey of households in Russia, implemented by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the University of North Carolina and other research centers (11 survey rounds were conducted over the period of 1990 2002).

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an average disability pension amounted to only 858 RUR a month for dis abled women, whereas it was 1,036 RUR for disabled men and thus a woman’s disability pension was only 83 percent of that paid to men.

6.H Accessibility of Health Services In recent years, issues of health care accessibility have been the focus not only of researchers but also of the public at large. Health related issues have drawn special attention in recent months owing to reform efforts in this area and the monetization of benefits. At the same time, the analysis of issues related to health care accessibility usually leaves out the gender aspect, although the conventional wisdom is that the extension of fee for service health payments affects men and women in different degrees. The transition to a market economy was accom panied with a general increase in gender inequality in many spheres of life which also impacted in some way the accessing of competent me dical assistance by men and women in equal measure. To date the gender related factor has not been taken into practical consideration in the development of the social reform strategy (partic ularly as regards health care), thus impeding the extension of equal access to the available social benefits. We shall try to highlight this aspect of the issue in the following discussion. In analyzing the gender aspect of access to health care, the follo wing issues should be taken into consideration: • A reduction in the state share in the financing of the health care system throughout the 1990s with a concurrent increase of costs for the public • The extension of fee paying for health services with the concur rent reduction in the availability of similar free services • Distinctions between men’s and women’s needs in seeking health care services • Disparities in the standard of well being of men and women, which may affect the affordability of paid health services. Between 1995 and 1998, state expenditures on health care were steadily declining (the year 1997 was an exception). The gradual growth of state financing began only in 1999. However, in spite of that, in 2003 state expenditures on health care was only 2.2 percent of GDP, which cannot be compared to the situation in developed countries where the respective spending is 5–8 percent (Figure 6.16).

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Figure 6.16: State Health Expenditures for Selected Countries (in percent of GDP; Data for the Last Year with Available Statistics)

Source: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Social Status and Living Standard of the Russian Population,â&#x20AC;? 2004, p. 498.

The state share in the structure of health financing costs declined from 83 to 63 percent between 1995 and 2002; at the same time, the populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s contribution to health financing increased from 17 to 37 percent. In this context, the issue of the financial affordability of health services becomes increasingly relevant for many Russian citizens. According to budget survey data, Russian households on average spent a little over 4 percent on health. However, the findings of some other studies point to substantially higher numbers: according to their

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

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data, health expenditures account for 8 to 16 percent in the budget of an average Russian household.26 Box 6.3: Reasons for Informal Payments in Health Care An analysis of the factors indicate the following points which corroborate that a higher payment for the health care services, according to the state’s guarantees, should be provided free of charge. Among them we should first of all list the fac tors related to the health care system’s operation: • low salary of the medical personnel; • imbalance between the state guaranteed medical assistance and the resource base, between medical ethics and the economic interests of the medical personnel; • patients’ ignorance of their rights to medical assistance; • An inadequate supply of services in the private sector; limiting wealthy people’s choice to the state sector; • a widespread perception that state payment to an individual for quality health care and quality medical assistance is not a taxpayer’s right, but an advantage bestowed to the person because of the personal connections or money; • Informal payments can be made on patients’ initiative. Here the main motives are: • the wish to receive desired medical services or to be treated in a particular medical institution; • advance payment for future services; the wish to personalize one’s rela tions with the medical personnel, to make them more confidential; • the wish to receive extra services; • the wish to avoid queuing to receive needed services, to decrease waiting time; • the wish to thank medical personnel for their efforts. From an economic point of view, such informal payments can be seen as a part of income (like tips), rent income (due to the limited means available to the medical personnel), or a bribe (for difficult to obtain services). In analyzing informal payments in Russia, some of the researchers emphasize that “this is a specific form of cooperation between medical institutions and the poor population, meant to maintain at least some possibility of being treated and to treat patients.” The researchers point out that the health care institutions are not interested in stopping the practice of informal payments. The patients who can afford it prefer to pay in order to have faster and better treatment and better equipment and hospital conditions, rather than the standard free treatment and facilities. The informal payments affect mostly the poorest segments of the population which does not have the means to pay for treatment. Based on: S.V. Shishkin et al. Russian Health Care System: Payment in Cash. Independent Institute of Social Politics. – M., 2004. Pp. 30–33. 26 Shishkin S.V. et al. Russian Healthcare: Settlement in Cash. Independent Institute for Social Policy. – M., 2004, p. 26.

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6.I The Need for Paid Medical Assistance and the Assessment of Financial Constraints Women assess their needs for paid medical assistance substantially higher than men, and at the same time they feel the burden of financial constraints more strongly than men. Figure 6.17: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) According to their Assessment of Needs for Paid Medical Assistance and Financial Constraints

Source: Federal Service of Statistics (Compiled from sampling survey of populationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s consumer expectations over the 4th quarter of 2004).

As can be seen in Figure 6.17, the proportion of men who do not need fee for service medical care is 10 percent higher than the respec tive proportion of women. However, the proportion of men financial ly constrained to utilize paid medical assistance is about 10 percent lower than that of women.27 The financial situation determines not only the opportunities of men and women to utilize health services. 27

Estimation based on NOBUS survey data, 2003.

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The standard of well being is closely related to how people assess changes in their health condition over the previous years. The general picture in this case looks as follows: the higher the standard of well being is, the higher, other things being equal, the proportion of respon dents is who believe that their health status has remained unchanged or has improved. Figure 6.18: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) According to Their Assessment of Welfare Standard and Changes in Health Status Over Last Year

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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In all income groups split by the standard of well being, women assess changes in their health status more negatively than men – the gap in this assessment decreasing in the transition from low income groups to high income groups. This is well illustrated in Figure 6.18: in the group of the extremely poor, 47 percent of women and nearly 31 percent of men consider that their health status has become worse, while in the group of high income people the respective proportion is 24.2 and 18.3 percent. Therefore, an increase in material well being not only decreases the share of people with negative perception of changes in health status but also visibly brings the positions of men and women together in terms of their perception of well being.28 In general, women consult doctors more often than men: women’s average estimated number of annual consultations was 3.3, whereas for men it was 2.94. However, this difference is lower than would be expected according to the conventional stereotype: “Women rush to consult a doctor with a minor ailment while men go to the polyclinic only when it cannot be avoided.” Table 6.11: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: “If You Were Referred to a Hospital, Have You Been Actually Admitted?” (%)

Yes No, as there was no vacancy No, as we could not pay for offered services No, for other reasons Total

Men

Women

85.8 2.3 2.6 9.3 100

81.7 2.5 3.7 12.1 100

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Nevertheless, NOBUS also corroborates that the stereotype does not hold here. Specifically, a greater proportion of men have actually been admitted to a hospital if they are referred to (Table 6.11). Also, there is evidence to suggest that men somewhat more often than women received referrals for hospital treatment (25.1 as against 24.3 percent). In fact, they are taken to hospital more often, and, finally, their average length of stay in hospital is longer (25.4 days as against 23 days for women). At the same time, in this case the range of differences is not 28

Estimation based on NOBUS survey data, 2003.

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very significant but one could say that there are cardinal distinctions in the behavioral practices of men and women in terms of their relation ships with the health care system. Table 6.12: Proportion of Men and Women Responding to: “What Kind of Outpatient Treatment Have You Had Over the Last Three Months?” (%)

Have you had only free medical assistance at your place of residence or at your place of employment? Have you had only paid medical assistance in state medical institutions or in private clinics? Have you had both free and paid medical assistance? Total

Men

Women

89.7

87.6

8.4 1.9 100

9.7 2.7 100

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Most men and women try to solve their health problems through seek ing free health services at their place of residence, or, at places of employ ment (Table 6.12). There is also evidence according to NOBUS survey findings, that the proportion of men and women seeking free medical assistance at their places of residence are much higher (85.4 percent of men and 84.3 percent of women respectively) than their places of employment. Only around 3 to 5 percent seek free health services at their places of employment. In general, the patterns for men and women see king doctor services are similar, although women seek the services of paid state medical institutions and private clinics somewhat more often. Table 6.13: Relationship between Age, Health Assessment, and Frequency of Medicine Usage for Men and Women Frequency of Medicine Usage

Age Health Disparity Assessment of Men and Women Men Women Women 63.4 5.1 2.1 2.1

Age (Years) Men

Several times a day

58.2

Every day

54.5

57.5

3.0

2.4

Several times a week

46.7

50.0

3.3

2.8

Several times a month

35.9

37.7

1.8

3.1

Practically do not take medicines

30.8

29.0

–1.8

3.5

3.6

Total

36.1

40.9

4.8

3.2

3.1

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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Data related to the use of medicines show a more rapid worsening of men’s health status with age (Table 6.13). Although the assessment of men’s and women’s health in all identified groups of medicine users is practically similar, the average age of women in each group steadily exceeds men’s average age, with the gap growing in proportion to the increase in the frequency of medicine intake. As a result, men taking medicines several times a day are younger than women in the compa rable age group by 5.1 years on an average. Therefore, we may say that with age men’s health worsens more rapidly than women’s health. This conclusion is indirectly supported by the fact that men move to the groups of the most active medicine users earlier than women. Figure 6.19: Expenditures on Medicines and Medical Supplies During the Last Month (Ruble)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

This conclusion is also quite clearly corroborated by data related to the expenditures of men and women on medical supplies (Figure 6.19).

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

127

Women spend more than men on medical supplies and medicines among segments of the population who consume medicines infrequently (“do not use medicines” and “several times a month”). However, starting with the group of those taking medicines several times a week, men begin to surpass women in terms of expenditures, with this gap increasing steadily. In ge neral, the ratio of expenditures on medicines and medical supplies between two extreme groups (the most frequent and the most infrequent consumers of medicine) reaches tenfold for men while it is only six fold for women (It should be noted that the composition of this expenditure item for women includes, in addition to medicines, other medical goods). Among retirees earning pension, expenditures on purchasing med icines and medical supplies accounted for 13.8 percent of their total expenses for men and 14.2 percent of their total expenses for women while among working age people, these expenditures were 8.5 and 10.6 percent for men and women, respectively. Figure 6.20: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: ”Have You Followed the Prescribed Treatment Completely?”

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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The answers given by respondents to the question concerning their motives for seeking medical services on a fee for service basis are quite similar. And both men and women have been practically unanimous: according to NOBUS data, over 36 percent are not satisfied with the quality of free medical assistance; nearly 38 percent indicate that there are no doctors with the necessary specialty in the free medical institu tions; and, finally, over 25 percent say it is difficult to arrange a visit to see a free doctor with the necessary specialty. Financial constraints in terms of access to health services have a more explicit character for women than for men. This is evident in responses to the questions concerning reasons for not following the prescribed treatment (Figure 6.20). As can be seen women, more often than men, fulfil only those prescriptions that are free, or follow the pre scribed course of treatment only in part due to financial constraints. Men on the other hand, are less constrained financially and follow the prescribed treatment more often than women. Although the disparities here are not significant, a general tendency can be seen quite clearly. Table 6.14: Payment by Men and Women or Treatment in Hospital Depending on Their Level of Education What was Your Treatment in the Hospital? Level of Education

Paid Both Paid to Officially Paid Free Medical and to Total Officially Staff Medical Staff Percent of Men

No primary, primary

69.6

21.6

5.7

3.2

100.0

Incomplete secondary, secondary

66.9

23.8

5.0

4.3

100.0

Initial vocational

67.1

25.2

4.8

3.0

100.0

Secondary specialized

61.2

30.4

4.6

3.8

100.0

Higher

62.8

27.1

6.6

3.6

100.0

Percent of Women No primary, primary

68.4

24.4

4.1

3.1

100.0

Incomplete secondary, secondary

63.5

26.2

6.5

3.7

100.0

Initial vocational

63.1

28.2

4.5

4.1

100.0

Secondary vocational

63.3

28.2

5.2

3.3

100.0

Higher

57.0

28.0

8.6

6.4

100.0

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

129

Table 6.14 illustrates ways of paying for hospital treatment for men and women at different education levels. The higher the level of edu cation, the less is the demand for free medical treatment in hospitals from both men and women. Also, there is an increasing trend in the proportion of both men and women to pay officially and/or to medical staff for their medical expenses. A gender wise analysis shows that the disparity between the behavior pattern of men and women in their medical expenses, on an average are also, to some extent, dependent on their level of edu cation (Table 6.14). With an increase in their level of education, women to a greater extent than men are apt to turn down free hos pital services; they also more often put emphasis on paying directly to the medical staff. By contrast, with an increase in the level of edu cation, men begin paying more proactively for their hospital treat ment through official channels, while paying directly to medical staff depends little on education. One could say that men place more trust in official medical institutions and formal commitments, while women place more trust in personal contacts and personal commitments.

6.J Gender Differentials in the Pattern of Payment for Health Services As discussed above, the payment for health services for both men and women, depends first of all on their perception of their level of well being (and indirectly on the education factor). Menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s and womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s expenditures increase by 1.6â&#x20AC;&#x201C;1.8 times in transition from the primary education group to the higher education group, which corresponds to the ratio of the level of their incomes. It is indicative that in the secondary vocational education group women spend substantially less than men on their treatment in hos pital, whereas in the higher education group women spend more which indirectly reflects the level of material well being of men and women in these groups (Table 6.14 and Figure 6.21). In other levels of education, including initial vocational, secondary (incomplete and general), primary and uneducated, the amount paid for medical expenditures on hospital treatment is more or less the same for both men and women.

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Figure 6.21: Total Expenditure (Ruble) by Men and Women at Different Levels of Education on Treatment in Hospital During the Last Year

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Table 6.15: Proportion of Men and Women (in percent) Responding to: â&#x20AC;?Who Pays for Your Medical Assistance?â&#x20AC;?

Payment for Inpatient Care

Payment for Outpatient Care

Men

Women

Men

Women

Independently or by family

96.8

96.7

97.5

Enterprise, institution

1.8

1.5

2.9

1.7

Insurance company

2.1

1.9

3.3

2.8

Other

1.4

1.7

1.5

2.4

Amount in a column exceeds 100 percent as respondents could give several answers. Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

6. Public Health in Russia and the Accessibility of Health Services

131

An overwhelming majority of men and women paid themselves for medical institutions’ services (Table 6.15). The contribution of enter prises and insurance companies in payments for treatment in hospital as well as for outpatient services is very low for both genders; howev er, it is slightly higher for men than for women. Both facts are explained by distinctions in the structure of men’s and women’s employment and job based gender distribution. A higher employment of women in the state financed sector and their concentration in non managerial positions effectively exclude most women as poten tial clients of insurance companies, since, currently, voluntary health insurance is developing mainly in terms of agreements between major private enterprises or high status firms on the one hand, and insu rance companies on the other. In general, this analysis of gender issues related to health care shows that differences in the relationships of men and women with the health care system are based on the entire set of factors, out of which access to health services on the one hand and behavioral fac tors on the other play major roles. Currently, accessibility factors are primarily related to financial, territorial or institutional constraints. Behavioral factors can be characterized in general as a system of preferences and expectations of men and women with regard to dif ferent medical institutions as well as organizational forms and meth ods of treatment. The array of behavioral factors includes such com ponents as the degree of trust in certain medical institutions, the perception of medical assistance quality, the relation to official and alternative care. The NOBUS survey data show that financial affordability are a larg er constraint in terms of access to health services for women than for men. At the same time, although men indicate material constraints less frequently, they prefer free treatment much more often. In our opinion, this reflects gender distinctions in behavioral stereotypes with regard to maintaining their health status. The frequency of medical usage increases at a younger age for men. The higher the frequency, the more is the absolute amount, on an average, spent on medicines and medical supplies by men. Men’s and women’s strategies for paying for their health services are also gender atypical. With an increase in their level of education, men place stronger emphasis on the formalization of contractual obligations (payment through official channels), while women pre fer more personal commitments (informal payment to medical staff).

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6.K Conclusion Negative health trends in recent decades point to the importance of ensuring that basic medical services are available to all categories of the population. The mortality rate is extremely high for men, especially because of accidents, traumas and intoxications. The mortality rate for women has declined over the past 15 years, partly due to a decrease in the number of abortions. While the abortion rate is still high, contra ception is increasingly replacing it as a form of birth control. Over the last few years there has been a reduction in the infant mortality rate. However, problems exist in other areas. For example, the morbidity rate has been growing, with the male morbidity rate exacerbated in part by behavioral practices. Women more frequently seek medical help and are more inclined than men to use private medical services. The disabled belong to the least socially protected category of the pop ulation. As women in older age groups are often single, disabled women especially in the older age groups more frequently lack the support that could come from a spouse or family member. Gender has not been taken into consideration particularly in making health care services accessible, and the transition to a market economy has been accompanied by growing gender inequalities. The discussion in this chapter has taken into account various surveys in which men and women assess their treatment at health facilities as well as their experi ences with fee based medical care. The analysis points to the fact that the gender differences in the health care system are based on a large set of factors, including behavioral, financial and educational factors. The next chapter continues the focus on health by discussing the gender aspects of social diseases.

7. GENDER ASPECTS OF SOCIAL DISEASES (ALCOHOLISM AND ALCOHOLIC PSYCHOSES, TUBERCULOSIS, DRUG ADDICTION, HIV/AIDS, SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES)

Social diseases (alcoholism, tuberculosis, drug addiction, HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted infections, smoking) have become high prior ity items on the agenda in Russia. Typically, these diseases go toge ther, and those affected suffer from more than one of them. The overwhelming majority of the diseases largely affect males. The underlying reasons cited by researches vary, but they point for the most part to social factors. First of all, it is the stress experienced by men associated with the traditional male role in Russia. Also, the distinctive feature of male behavior today is, arguably, menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s neglect of life preserving practices. Yet, trends in the incidence rate of the diseases in question seem to be looming large on the horizon for women too. This chapter analyzes each of these diseases as they affect both women and men. Section 7.A covers the spread of alcohol as a gender issue. Section 7.B describes issues relating to drug use for purposes other than medical use, followed by Section 7.C covering HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis incidence. The gender distinctions regarding tobacco smoking are discussed in Section 7.D, followed by a discussion of sexu ally transmitted diseases in Section 7.E. A brief conclusion follows in Section 7.F.

7.A Spread of Alcoholism as a Gender Issue The high consumption of alcohol by Russian residents is one of the major, and rapidly worsening problems. As this is a long standing prob lem, Russia has managed to put in place a relatively efficient institu tional framework for relevant data gathering.

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Table 7.1: Consumption of Alcoholic Drinks and Beer in Russia, 1990–2003 1990

1995

2000

2001

2002

2003

79.8 5.4

139.9 9.5

117.5 8.1

120.3 8.3

125.2 8.7

131.1 9.1

Alcoholic drinks and beer in absolute alcohol content, mln. dcl. Per capita, l Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

According to the Federal Service of Statistics, sales of alcoholic drinks and beer are increasing over the last decade or so both in absolute quantity, as well as in per capita terms (Table 7.1). Other evi dence for the period 1990–2003, suggest that sales of vodka and liquors grew from 79.8 to 131.1 mln. dcl. per year (or by 1.6 times). Expressed in per capita terms, this reflects an increase from 5.4 l per year to 9.1 l per year (1.7 times more). According to expert estimates, however, alcohol consumption in Russia varies between 8 and 11 liters of pure alcohol per capita per year. When citing these figures experts usually underline the fact that con sumption is calculated for the entire population, including babies. Yet residents – adults included – differ widely in how much and what qual ity (strength) of alcohol they drink. First of all, the consumption pat terns of men and women differ. An analysis of Table 7.2 shows that two thirds of women over 15 years of age practically never drink strong alcoholic beverages. In the same age category, abstemious men make up 42 percent. Men and women alike are not frequent drinkers of wine and champagne (61–62 percent of both practically never drink wines). Forty eight per cent of men and 77 percent of women do not drink beer. However, about a quarter of men and a little less than 5 percent of women take strong drinks on a regular basis (1–2 times a month and more frequently up to daily consumption), 8.8 percent of men and 3.6 percent of women prefer wine and champagne on a regular basis, and 39.7 percent of men and 13.9 percent of women regularly consume beer which is per ceived as a typically “male” drink. Also, the higher the frequency of alcohol consumption, the more is the proportion of men.29 29 In interpreting data gathered in sociological surveys on such sensitive issues as alcohol consumption it has to be noted that these data do not adequately reflect the situation, as respondents can (consciously or subconsciously) understate the level of their consumption. However, this misrepresentation is unlikely to distort gender dif ferences in responses, as both men and women tend to “put gloss” over the situation.

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7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

Table 7.2: Frequency of Alcohol Consumption by Men and Women Men Numbers

Women

Percent

Numbers

Percent

Vodka, cognac, liquor and other strong drinks Practically never drink

19,621

41.81

41,198

68.59

Only on holidays

16,113

34.3

15,970

26.59

1–2 times a month

5,483

11.68

1,890

3.15

Once a week

3,172

6.76

675

1.12

More than once a week

1,799

3.83

239

0.4

743

1.58

0.16

46,931

100

60,066

100

Practically never drink

29,347

62.53

36,638

Only on holidays

13,439

28.64

21,255

35.39

Practically every day Total Wine, champagne

1–2 times a month

2,284

4.87

1,571

2.62

Once a week

937

404

0,67

More than once a week

677

1.44

144

0.24

Practically every day

247

0.53

0.09

46,931

100

60,066

100

22,498

47.94

45,997

76.58

Only on holidays

5,810

12.38

5,751

9.57

1–2 times a month

7,589

16.17

4,662

7.76

Once a week

7,006

14.93

2,753

4.58

More than once a week

3,161

6.4

748

1.25

865

1.84

154

0.26

46,929

100

60,065

100

Total Beer Practically never drink

Practically every day Total

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

There are significant gender differences in alcohol consumption, and, exposure to alcoholism and alcoholic psychoses is distinctly dif

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ferentiated by sex. Official data show that this is largely a “male” prob lem. Every year four out of every five people diagnosed with alcoholism are men. Table 7.3: Alcoholism and Alcoholic Psychosis Incidence in Women (1990–2003) Thousands of

1990 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

Total, people

29.2

39.2

37.3

31.1

3.,0

29.8

36.9

39.7

45,0

46.9

Per 100,000 women

37.1

50.0

48.0

40.0

38.8

38.7

48.1

51.9

59,1

61.2

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

However, statistics show that an increasing number of women are falling victim to alcoholism (Table 7.3). The incidence rate of alco holism and alcoholic psychoses has of late become higher in absolute and relative terms alike compared to the beginning of the period. In 1990, alcoholism and alcoholic psychoses were diagnosed in 29.2 thousand women (37 per 100,000), and in 2003 they were diag nosed in 46.9 thousand (61 per 100,000). Thus, over the period of 1990–2003 the number of women affected and their proportion in the female population grew by 1.6 times. Table 7.4: Alcoholism and Alcoholic Psychosis Incidence in Women and Men, 1998, 2001, 2003 Per 100,000 Residents

Distribution by Sex, Percent

Women

Men

Women

Men

1998

182

2001

241

2003

272

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Alcoholism and alcoholic psychosis incidence rate is growing faster in women than in men, and the proportion of affected women is becoming progressively higher among those sick due to alcohol relat ed causes. For the last five years alone their share has grown from 19 to 21 percent, whereas the share of men declined from 81 to 79 percent (Table 7.4).

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It should be noted that the data supplied by the Federal Service of Statistics take into account only patients under the care of govern ment run drug abuse clinics. Patients receiving similar help in private clinics do not fall into the category of officially registered alcoholics or victims of alcoholic psychoses. The procedure of accounting for this group colors the truth relating to both the number of those affected and their gender structure, since experts believe that sick women are more reluctant to seek a doctorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s advice. Table 7.5: Alcohol related Mortality Rates,1 1990â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 1990 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Men Total deaths (thousands)

14.5

26.7

24.6

28.5

36.3

40.8

45.2

47.0

Deaths in able bodied age group (thousands)

12.6

22.2

20.3

23.4

29.9

32.9

36.5

38.8

Total deaths (per 100,000 residents)

20.9

38.7

35.8

41.6

53.7

60.7

67.6

70.4

Deaths in able bodied age group2 (per 100,000 residents)

29.1

50.5

46.2

53.1

68.2

74.7

83.4

86.4

Women Total deaths (thousands)

3.7

7.7

7.0

8.7

11.2

13.1

15.3

16.1

Deaths in able bodied age group (thousands)

2.1

4.3

4.1

5.3

7.1

8.2

9.6

10.5

Total deaths (per 100,000 residents)

4.7

9.8

9.0

11.2

145

17.4

20.1

21.0

Deaths in able bodied age group2 (per 100,000 residents)

5.2

10.6

9.8

12.7

16.6

19.2

22.4

23.8

Haphazard alcohol poisonings, chronic alcoholism, alcoholic psychoses, alcohol related liver ailments. 2 Per 100 000 residents of relevant sex in an able bodied age group. Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

The spread of alcoholism in Russia has resulted in an extremely rapid growth in mortality rates (Table 7.5) . While in 1990 these prob lems caused 18.2 thousand deaths (1.1 percent of total deaths in Russia), in 2003 the mortality was 3.5 times higher at 63.1 thousand people (2.7 percent of the total deaths). Gender differences in mortality due to alcohol related causes (and this is one of the most important factors for the excess mortality rate

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for men) stem directly from varying patterns of alcohol consumption in men and women and the alcohol abuses described above. Alcohol results in more deaths among men than women. In 2003 it resulted in 47 thousand deaths among men, more than four fifths (38.8 thousand) in the working age group. Similar figures for women are substantially lower: total deaths amounted to 16.1thousand, about three fifths (10.5 thousand) of them in the working age group. However, the pattern of female alcohol related mortality is more dramatic and is undoubtedly associated with higher rates of alcoholism among women (Table 7.5). For the period 1990–2003, the number of women who died of alcohol related causes per 100,000 residents increased 4.5 times (from 4.7 to 21.0); this index for men grew “only” 3.4 times (from 20.9 to 70.4). As a result, the gender gap between alco hol related mortality rates has narrowed down. While at the outset of the period under review the death rate from alcohol related causes dif fered in men and women by 4.4 times, towards the end of the period the difference was 3.4 times. Figure 7.1: Mortality Rates in Men and Women of Able Bodied Age Caused by Haphazard Alcohol Poisoning, 1995–2001 (Deaths per 100,000 Able bodied People)

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Rural residents consume more alcohol of poorer quality than urban residents, as is demonstrated by a long term trend of higher mortality rate from haphazard alcohol poisoning in rural than in urban areas.

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

139

Also, a comparison within each gender shows that the mortality rates from such poisoning is higher for men than for women in both rural and urban areas (Figure 7.1). The dynamics of haphazard alcohol poisoning mortality by year show that since the mid 1990s male and female mortality from this cause was rapidly going down, particularly in the urban areas (from 1995 to 1998 the mortality due to haphazard alcohol poisonings in urban men dropped by 1.75 percent, and in urban women it dropped by 1.8 percent). The year 1998 (most likely in its first half), saw the low est mortality rate due to alcoholic poisoning. The mortality rate due to such causes has been increasing since then. During the period 1998 to 2001, the mortality of urban women as well as rural women from this cause increased by 1.7 times each, and in men, irrespective of their places of residence, by 1.5 percent. Alcoholism is closely related to crime (particularly crime other than “intellectual” crime) and this is a two way relationship. On the one hand, alcohol consumption often prompts the taking of risks and aggressive behavior, and, on the other hand, the criminal environment conforming to male role models calls for frequent consumption of strong drinks. Alcohol related crimes have a gender aspect which have also been true historically (Box 7.1). Box 7.1: Gender Aspects of Alcohol related Crimes in Russia While in the Russian Empire the most popular strong drink was high quality vodka, in the 1920s it was replaced by moonshine. About a quarter of the moonshine was distilled with admixtures to add pungency. Hence, poisoning was not infrequent. Among the most popular admixtures were hop, mustard, horseradish, petrol, tobacco, wormwood, pepper, poultry droppings, lime, vit riol, narcotics, henbane, datura, denatured alcohol, soapstone. Assuming a working class family budget for alcohol containing products in 1922 as 100 percent, it went up to 166.7 percent in 1923, 466.7 percent in 1924, 1,222.3 percent in 1925, 1,344.5 percent in 1926, and to 1,760.0 percent in 1927 (an increase of 1,760 percent over the five year period 1922–27). “Drunken” crime rates were growing along with an increase in alcohol con sumption. In the 1920s these rates were higher than those for crimes commit ted in a sober state. In the period 1925 to 1928 the number of urban dwellers who committed crimes while intoxicated increased 6 times; the number of those who committed crimes in a sober state increased only 1.7 times. In rural areas the corresponding numbers were 7.5 and 1.3 times, respectively. Alcohol accounts for the largest share of household crimes, primarily of those commit ted against persons. In 1925 such crimes were16.1 percent of all crimes, and by 1927 they were 49.6 percent of all crimes.

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Box 7.1 (continued) The gender composition of “drunken” crimes differed substantially from that for crimes committed in a sober state. In the 1920s, 85 percent of total crimes were committed by men and 15 percent by women; the figures for crimes committed by intoxicated men and women were 97 percent and 3 per cent, respectively. So, the reason for differences in crimes committed by men and women lies in the differing “male” and “female” models of alcohol con sumption: a typical Russian woman at that time drank five times less vodka and six times less wine and beer than a typical man. Over the period 1923–1928 the share of “drunks” among male convicts increased more than 7.5 times; among female convicts it increased 6 times. In 1928, out of 100 crimes committed by males, 33 were in urban areas and 30 in the countryside; out of 100 crimes committed by females, 7 were in the urban areas and 3 in the rural areas. Rural women from countryside took the lead over those from urban areas only for the following categories of offences: forcible assertion of one’s rights, prostitution under coercion, procuring and maintain ing brothels, and arson. The higher number of “drunken” crimes committed by urban females is accounted for by the rapid erosion of traditional female roles, the attitude towards alcohol included. The proportion of those convicted for crimes committed in a state of intox ication in respect of such “male” offences as hooliganism (84.8 percent in towns and 81.8 percent in rural areas) and the discrediting of authorities (86.0 percent in towns and 77.1 percent in rural areas) was extremely high. In the 1920s the proportion of female hooligans was very low. According to the Statistics Department, in 1925 women accounted for only 4 percent of those convicted for hooliganism. The majority of them resided in towns. See later. After S. T. Panin “’Drunken’ Crimes in Russia in the 1920s, ” Sociological Journal, N4, 2002

As Figure 7.2 shows, the widespread of alcoholism among Russian males results in their committing crimes while intoxicated more fre quently than their female counterparts. In 2002 the proportion of males who committed crimes while intoxicated was 27 percent, while the corresponding proportion of females was 11.3 percent. During the period 1995–2002, the proportion of males and females committing crimes while intoxicated declined at about the same rate ( 14 percent) (Table 7.2).

141

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

Figure 7.2: Men and Women Who Committed Crimes in a State of Alcoholic Intoxication (in percent), 1995–2002

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Table 7.6: Number of Men and Women Who Committed Crimes in a State of Alcoholic Intoxication, 1995–2000 (Thousands of Persons)

Men Women

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

562.1 60.5

530.3 58.0

421.3 42.2

399.5 38.4

401 41.

365.5 37.2

338.7 33.5

279.7 25.2

Source: Crimes and Rule of Law in Russia: Statistical Aspect, 2003: Collection of sta tistics/Goskomstat of Russia. – M., 2003. – 85 p. Federal Service of State Statistics.

However, over time the absolute and relative number of people who commit crimes in a state of alcoholic intoxication is going down fairly rapidly (Figure 7.2 and Table 7.6). During the period 1995–2002, the number of men (in absolute value) committing crimes in a state of alcoholic intoxication halved, whereas the corresponding number of women declined by about 60 percent.

7.B Use of Drugs for Purposes Other Than Medical Over the last 10 years drug abuse in Russia has increased but to a great extent it remains a latent problem. Also, there is a huge gender imbal

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ance n the incidence of drug abuse. According to health authorities, at the beginning of 2005 those taking drugs for purposes other than med ical numbered 500,000, including more than 340,000 on the list of drug addicts maintained by medical and preventive institutions.30 From 1998 till early 2005, the number of patients registered in medical and prevention institutions with a diagnosis of drug abuse increased 2.1 times. According to experts’ estimates, the actual number of drug abusers in Russia exceeds those officially registered by five to eight times.31 Table 7.7: Incidence of Drug Abuse, Men and Women (1998, 2001, 2003) Per 100,000 Residents

1998 2001 2003

Distribution by Sex, Percent

Women

Men

Women

Men

10.0 13.7 4.5

62.0 77.9 29.2

15.0 17.0 15.0

85.0 83.0 85.0

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Table 7.7 reflects official data on the incidence of drug abuse. This suggests that drug addiction until recently has largely been a “male” problem. In 2003, women accounted for 15 percent of those diagnosed as drug addicts, and, men accounted for the remaining 85 percent of drug abusers. During this period the absolute number of both male and female drug abusers, however, has come down, though their relative proportions has remained more or less the same. The huge gender imbalance in drug abusers necessitates the use of other techniques to measure the number of users in the country. To get a correct picture of the actual number of drug uses among women in particular, all drug users should be counted by differentiating them by sex without including the retirement age group, where the number of these drug users is negligible.

30 http://www.gnk.gov.ru/ V. CHERKESOV. Report at the full scale meeting of the Board of the RF Federal Service for Control over Drug Turnover “On Investigation Operations of the RF Federal Service for Control over Drug Turnover in 2004 and Objectives for 2005”, dated February 18, 2005. PRESS RELEASE of the Federal Service for Control over Drug Turnover. 31 ibid.

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

143

Figure 7.3: Number of Convicts under Court Sentences Passed and Enforced for Wrongdoings and Violations of Rules Governing the Handling of Narcotic and Psychotropic Substances, 1995–2002

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

With the spread of drug addiction, crime rates associated with wrongful acts and violations of rules governing the use of narcotic and psychotropic substances is also increasing (Figure 7.3). Here, again, the proportion of women among those convicted of these cat egories of crimes is relatively small, but the growth rate in their absolute number by far outpaces the absolute number of males con victed (over the period 1995–2002 the number of men convicted of narcotic substances abuse more than doubled, and the number of women increased 4.5 times).

7.C HIV/AIDS The first case of HIV infection was registered in Russia in 1987. Today the number of those with HIV infection shows an uncontrollable growth over the course of time without evidence of any slowdown. In recent years the pattern of HIV infection’s spread across Russia has shown new and alarming tendencies, not only in terms of high inci dence rates but also from the standpoint of expanding the exposure list among new social and demographic groups. Until recently, the problems of those infected with HIV have only sporadically become the focus of gender specialists, as is demonstrated by a gender issues profile composed from national publications of

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Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

1993–2003 at the request of the World Bank.32 Neither HIV infected men nor HIV infected women were singled out as a separate exposure group. Today, due to efforts put by international and non government organizations, and the availability of disaggregated statistics this prob lem is gaining prominence. Table 7.8: Incidence of HIV Infection Across Age Groups (as of January 1, 2004)

Women Number of people (thousands)

Men

Distribution by Sex, Percent Women

Men

198

Age wise distribution (in percent) 0–14

15–19

20–29

30–39

40 and older

Source: Data provided by the Federal Methodological Center under the Ministry of Health and Social Development of Russia for the Prevention of and Struggle Against AIDS.

As of January 1, 2004, the number of officially registered HIV infect ed patients alone was put at 271,000. (Table 7.8). However, in reality the number of people with HIV/AIDS is substantially higher. Statistics show that at the very outset of the spread of HIV infection in Russia the problem was perceived as markedly “male,” as the infec tion was transmitted mostly by those who used intravenous injection drugs (largely men) and preferred same sex relationships. Even now the proportion of men in the total number of the HIV infected is sub stantially larger than that of women, 73 percent and 27 percent, respectively as of January 1, 2004. The proportion of HIV infected men is higher than that of women in all age groups, but more prominently in the age groups above 20 years by 3 to 4 times (Table 7.8). In recent years the focus of attention has shifted to the high inci dence rate of the infection among convicts in the penitentiary institu 32

Gender problems in Russia (from national publications over the period of 1993 2003) – The World Bank, 2004.

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

145

tions. Within the penal system any infection, HIV included, tends to spread much faster than it is the case in the country as a whole.33 Over the period 1994–2002 other available evidence suggest that the num ber of HIV infected convicts in Russia rose from seven to 36,850 peo ple (or from 0.008 to 42.1 of the HIV infected per 1,000 convicts).34 Though focused studies of these issues are not available, it can be assumed that due to the huge gender distortion in the composition of convicts, this way of transmitting the infection results in a higher HIV incidence rate in men. The growing number of infected women is primarily accounted for by the higher frequency of acquiring infection through other ways of transmission, primarily through heterosexual relationships. Here, exposure is highest among those employed in the commercial sex industry where the majority of workers are women. Experts fear that the growing number of HIV infected will trigger into an epidemic form before long, at which point the gender composition of those infected would level out, and consequently “the exposure group” in question would cease to be purely “male.” Another new tendency in the spread of HIV (which would con tribute to leveling the gender issue for both men and women) is a very high rate of growth in the number of infected children. These are primarily children born of HIV infected mothers. For children and juvenile age groups the proportions of HIV infected boys and girls are close, with girls accounting for 47 percent of the total infected children aged 0–14 years and boys accounting for 53 per cent (Table 7.8).

7.D Incidence Rate of Active Tuberculosis The social and economic crisis that struck Russia in the 1990s, a sharp decline in living standards, and the deterioration of the tuberculosis (TB) prevention infrastructure resulted in a surge of active TB inci dence rates. In today’s Russia, tuberculosis is the primary cause of deaths due to infectious diseases. 33

How to reverse the epidemic. Conditions, problems and possible solutions. HIV/AIDS in East European countries. – UNDP, Bratislava, 2004, p.41. 34 AIDS Foundation “East West”, 2003 is quoted after How to reverse the epidemics. Conditions, problems and possible solutions. HIV/AIDS in East European countries and the Commonwealth of Independent States. – UNDP, Bratislava, 2004, p. 40.

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Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Men still face the highest risk to developing active TB. In 2003, 72 percent of 119,000 people who contracted tuberculosis were men. In many respects this is explained by the fact that those living in places of confinement are mostly men. Places of confinement, due to the poor conditions in which persons under investigation and convicted criminals are kept (including overpop ulation, inferior diet, inadequate medical care) have become a source of the spread of TB (as well as HIV infection and drug addiction). In 2002, 10 per cent of the total number of convicts were diagnosed with “active tubercu losis,” 20 percent of whom proved to have polyresistant strains.35 It is believed that in recent years Russia has managed to halt (on the whole) the growth in TB incidence rates, although this achievement has turned out to be rather unstable. Whereas in 1998, 111,000 people were diagnosed with TB, in 2000 the number of such people was 130,000. In 2001 the number of TB cases went down to 127,000, in 2002 further declined to 123,000, and in 2003 there were only 118,000 cases. However, in 2004 the high incidence rates were back again. Figure 7.4: Active Tuberculosis Incidence by Sex and Age Groups (those diagnosed for the first time in their lives, per 100,000), 2000–03

Source: Federal Service of Statistics. 35 How to reverse the epidemic. Conditions, problems and possible solutions. HIV/AIDS in East European countries and in the Commonwealth of Independent States. – UNDP, Bratislava, 2004, p. 43.

147

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

However, the active TB incidence rate among men and women varies considerably. The number of women diagnosed with TB, per 100,000 people, has been much lower than that of males across all age groups. Also, for both males and females, the incidence rate is much higher among able bodied working age population than among the younger and the retired population (Figure 7.4). Table 7.9: Active Tuberculosis Incidence by Sex and Age Groups (those diagnosed for the first time), 2000–03

Total Number Age wise distribution 0–14 15–17 18–34 35–54 55–64 65 and older

2000

2001

2002

Men Women

99,388 31,297

95,018 32,174

91,206 32,134

85,677 32,887

2003

Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women

2,330 2,275 1,454 1,138 37,807 12,220 44,762 10,632 8,392 2,217 4,641 2,815

2,459 2,253 1,573 1,085 35,405 12,657 43,267 11,164 7,881 2,223 4,433 2,792

1,910 1,910 1,235 1,199 33,314 12,926 42,633 11,233 7,622 2,154 4,492 2,712

1,824 1,861 1,208 1,335 30,817 13,237 39,826 11,485 7,511 2,125 4,491 2,844

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Indeed, the period 2001–03 saw a reduction in the absolute and rel ative number of males taken ill with the disease for the first time. In general, the incidence rate of active TB in males over the period 2000–03 dropped from 99,388 to 85,677 persons a year (Table 7.9), or from 146.8 to 128.4 cases per 100,000 residents (about 14 percent reduction). A very important point is that this tendency holds in all age groups. The most distinctive reduction in TB incidence took place in the age groups 0–14 (by almost 22 percent), 18–34 (by 18.5 percent) and 15–17 (17 percent). Women on the other hand, are exhibiting a slow but steady growth in absolute and relative incidence rates. All in all, over the period 2000–03 the active TB incidence rate grew from 31,297 to 32,887 cases per year. And the growth is fueled by able bodied women. Young girls aged 15–17 years had the maximum increase in the incidence rates.

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Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Girls (0–14 years) and retired women (55–64 years) provide a reduc tion in the number of first time TB patients. Also on the rise is “the number of cases per 100,000 women”: in 2000 this index was equal to 40.7 persons, in 2001 it was equal to 42.1 persons, in 2002, to 42.2 per sons, and in 2003, to 42.9. Table 7.10: Mortality of Able bodied Residents from Infectious and Parasitic Diseases Including Tuberculosis1 (deaths per 100 000 of able bodied persons), 1995–2001 Cause of death

1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Urban population Men Infectious and parasitic diseases

42.1

45.3

43.1

38.0

51.2

53.5

52.5

Tuberculosis only

36.8

41.3

39.4

34.6

46.4

47.8

46.8

Infectious and parasitic diseases

6.5

5.7

5.5

5.7

7.3

8.3

8.8

Tuberculosis only

3.9

3.8

4.2

5.1

5.9

6.2

Infectious and parasitic diseases

40.5

46.6

48.9

43.7

56.1

54.6

51.5

Tuberculosis only

37.0

43.2

45.6

41.1

52.6

51.6

48.1

Women

Rural population Men

Women Infectious and parasitic diseases

6.5

6.1

6.6

6.4

8.2

8.8

8.6

Tuberculosis only

4.4

4.6

5.0

6.3

6.9

Men aged 16–59, women aged 16–54. Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Incidence and TB mortality rates alike are gender skewed. Per 100,000 of the able bodied residents of both sexes, TB mortality rates in men exceeded similar rates in women by a factor of about eight in 2001. Similarly for infectious and parasitic diseases, mortali ty rates in men are about 6–7 percent higher than in women both in rural and urban areas. However, since the beginning of the new cen tury, mortality rates for men from these causes tended to go down, while women exhibited an upward trend (Table 7.10). And the same trends are observed in urban and rural areas alike. TB mortality rates

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

149

in the countryside (in both men and women) are higher than in urban areas.

7.E Gender Distinctions in Tobacco Smoking Regimes Today, the incidence of smoking is extremely high in Russia, and unlike the situation in many economically developed countries, it continues to grow. Moreover, the issue of smoking remains latent for researchers in Russia because there is no uniform monitoring. According to data from individual studies and different expert opinions, 55 to 65 percent of adults in Russia are smokers. The incidence of smoking, like the incidence of most other social diseases is characterized by a serious gender asymmetry: smoking is far more common in men than in women. NOBUS survey findings have shown that nearly every second man in the population over 10 years old (48.5 percent) and nearly every tenth woman (9.2 percent) are smokers. Figure 7.5: Gender Composition of Groups with Different Extent of Addiction to Smoking

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

150

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

Figure 7.5 shows that not only is the addiction to smoking less wide spread among women than among men, the severity of the disease is substantially more serious among men. In general, the following ten dency is clearly seen: gender asymmetry in the extent of smoking is ris ing along with a growth in the number of cigarettes smoked daily. Among those who smoke up to five cigarettes a day, women account for 34.6 percent, and among those who smoke more than a pack a day, they constitute only 5.2 percent. In comparison with only about 30 per cent of men, over 70 percent of women admitted that they “do not, and have never, smoked.” Figure 7.6: Distribution of Men and Women by Age When They Start to Smoke

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

The age at which men and women start smoking also varies sub stantially: a higher proportion of men start smoking at a younger age than women, though for both of them the “critical” age is 15 to 20 years. It is in this age group that over 50 percent of all smokers of both genders begin smoking (61.4 percent of men and 51.9 percent of women) (Figure 7.6). Women sometimes start smoking later in their age, with the proportion of women first time smokers being consider ably larger than their male counterparts in those age groups. Recent studies show that smokers constitute a high risk group in terms of succumbing to tobacco related diseases and complications, including lung and upper respiratory tract cancer, pulmonary tubercu

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

151

losis, and cardiovascular diseases. The high risk of coronary heart di sease and stroke is peculiar to smokers. Therefore, it can be argued that gender distinctions in tobacco smoking regimes also contribute sub stantially to menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s excessive death rate.

7.F Sexually Transmitted Diseases The situation with regard to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) remains quite serious in Russia. The most adverse situation is related to the syphilis incidence rate. According to specialists, Russia suffered an epidemic of syphilis throughout the 1990s, which attained its peak in 1997 (Figure 7.7). Figure 7.7: Syphilis Incidence Rate Among Russian Men and Women, 1975â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003 (Number of New Cases per 100,000 of Population), 1990, 1997, 2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

In 1997, the incidence rate in Russia reached its highest level at 288.3 cases per 100,000 population for men and 268.3 cases for

152

Russia: Gender Issues in Modern Russia

women (Figure 7.7). As statistics show, a normal incidence rate is about 5 cases per 100,000 of population. So, the incidence rate in Russia in 1997 was more than 50 times that of a normal incidence rate. However, since then there has been a decline in the syphilis incidence rate for both men and women. In 2003, the incidence rate was 100 cases per 100,000 population for men and a little less than 100 cases for women. Quantitatively, these data are comparable with the syphilis inci dence rate after the Civil War; however, there is a substantial qualitative distinction: in the Civil War period the syphilis incidence rate was asso ciated with a high spread of syphilis economica and its high incidence rate in rural communities. The epidemic of the 1990s primarily affect ed the urban population and the disease spread mainly through sexual transmission. Table 7.11: Syphilis Incidence Rate Among Men and Women by Age Groups (number of patients with a new onset diagnosis per 100,000 of population) 1990, 1997, 2003 Age Groups 0–14

15–17 18–19 20–29 30–39

40 and Older

All Ages

1990 Men

0.1

2.7

8.8

19.4

2.5

5.9

Women

0.1

8.8

24.3

6.6

1.1

4.9

8.9

181.4

491.9

864.5

475.4

135.2

288.3

561.3 1,258.3 927.9

311.5

73.8

268.3

1997 Men Women

14.4

2003 Men

5.3

45.3

137.3

252.9

174

58.4

101

Women

6.8

119.3

288.5

279.1

135.2

30.3

89.1

Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

Currently, the issue of syphilis incidence rate is more acute for women than for men. During the period 1990–1997, the syphilis inci dence rate increased by 48.9 times for men, whereas for women, the rate was 54.8 times higher. And even though since 1998 the incidence rate has been decreasing, the current indicators are much higher than the pre epidemic 1990 rate. In 2003, the incidence rate was 17 times more for men and 18 times more for women compared to 1990 (Table 7.11).

7. Gender Aspects of Social Diseases

153

Figure 7.8: Syphilis Incidence Rate of Men and Women by Age Groups, 1975â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics

The incidence rate for women exceeds respective rates for men in all age groups under 30 years old (Table 7.11). The largest increase in inci dence rates were registered among adolescents, with the growth rates for

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young women being much higher than those for young men. Between 1990 and 1997, the incidence rates for girls up to 14 years of age increased by 144 times; for boys it was 90 times more. In spite of a decline in the inci dence rate since then, the figures for young women and men in that age group are still 68 times and 53 times higher in 2003 compared to 1990. Experts point out that the higher incidence rate among adolescent women is fostered by the abuse of minor girls and their involvement in prostitution. Despite the fact that there has been considerable reduction in the syphilis incidence rate since 1998, the current incidence rates remain fairly high, and, the rate of reduction is slowing down. However, the rate of reduction, especially among the younger age groups, is not sufficient to decrease the gender gap in incidence of syphilis. For example, in the 15–17 and 18–19 age groups, the rate of reduction for young men is faster than that of young women. Still, the incidence rate for young women remains more than twofold as compared with young men in the same age group (Figure 7.8). Meanwhile, official statistics reflect only registered incidence rates, although, according to specialists, the unreg istered incidence rates are as high as the number of registered cases.36 In addition, the syphilis incidence rate remains extremely high in a number of Russian regions exceeding the average rate by 2.3–3.5 times (Taimyr and Evenkiya Autonomous Okrugs, Republic of Tyva, Altai and Buryatia, Khabarovsky Krai, Amur, Kemerovo, Astrakhan and Irkustk Oblasts, Jewish Autonomous Oblast and Komi Perm Autonomous Okrug).

7.G Conclusion Social diseases have become an important item on the agenda in Russia. While they are much more a “male” problem, the trend in their incidence is also on the rise among women. Alcohol is a major problem in this area, especially as it is closely related to crime. Drug abuse is also on the rise. HIV infection began as a “male” problem, but it is spreading among women – partly through the sex trade. Tuberculosis is the primary cause of deaths due to contagious diseases, although the rates are lower for the younger and older age groups. Smoking is still a major problem, particular ly for men. Among sexually transmitted diseases, syphilis is the greatest problem and is on the rise for young women. In addition, certain regions especially show an alarming high incidence rate. The report now takes up the problem of gender inequality in the area of access to material resources. 36 Current syphilis incidence rate in Russia is comparable with rates existing after World War II http://www2.interfax.ru/rus/news/newsoftheday/030617/20964/story.html

8. GENDER INEQUALITY IN ACCESS TO MATERIAL RESOURCES

Distinctions are growing between men and women in the Russian socie ty in terms of access to material resources, and single mothers now face a greater chance of falling into the poor or extremely poor groups. The present chapter first discusses this problem as it relates to single parent and two parent households in Section 8.A. This is followed by a discussion of the subjective assessment of welfare in Section 8.B. The chapter then describes the effects of real estate ownership and savings practices on wel fare stabilization in Section 8.C. A brief conclusion follows in Section 8.D.

8.A Welfare Gap Between Two Parent and Single Parent Households The social and economic changes that have taken place in Russia over the last 15 years have exacerbated the gender inequalities in the socie ty. One aspect of this situation has been the enhancement of the dis tinction between men and women in terms of access to material resources. According to research findings, women’s risk of being included in the groups of the poor or the extremely poor is closely related to the availability of material support provided by the hus band/partner and/or children. Women raising children without a hus band as a consequence of divorce or the husband’s death and single mothers have a greater chance of being included in the categories of the poor. For women of retirement age (among whom the proportion of married women is dramatically reduced owing to men’s early mor tality), the poverty related risk rises considerably if they have no sup port from their children or other relatives. Given the aforesaid, it would be logical not to treat the issue of gender differences in access to material resources by the categories “men” and “women,” but rather to adhere to an analysis of the welfare of different types of households, especially two parent and single parent families with children. These categories of families are selected because they dif fer in terms of how they generate the total household income (total number of workers in the family, number of dependents) and to what

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extent they can depend on material or domestic support from a husband. These distinctions presuppose differing opportunities to access material resources for members of two parent and single parent households. Government statistics do not help to answer how two parent and single parent families with children up to 18 years old differ in terms of welfare.37 Therefore, we refer to the NOBUS survey data, which enables us to obtain such information. Table 8.1: Distribution of the Number of Two parent and Single parent Families by Monthly Average per Capita Income (%) RUR 0–500 501–1,000 1,001–1,500 1,501–2,000 2,001–3,000 3,001–5,000 5,001–10,000 over 10,001 Total

Single parent Families

Two parent Families

20.4 25.5 15.8 13.6 11.5 9.0 3.5 0.7 100.0

19.1 17.8 17.0 13.7 15.0 11.6 4.9 0.9 100.0

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

According to Table 8.1, the distribution of the number of two par ent and single parent families by income intervals differs considerably. Out of the single parent families, 46 percent have a monthly average per capita income not exceeding 1,000 rubles, while among the two parent families the figure is only 36.9 percent. At the same time, less than a quarter of the single parent families (24.6 percent) have incomes exceeding 2,000 rubles per head while over 32.6 percent of the two parent families have such incomes. In this case, if we adhere to the criterion of referring households to the extremely poor population (that is, the population whose income level is half the amount – or less – of the subsistence level), practically half of the single parent fam ilies and nearly 40 percent of the two parent families could be referred to the extremely poor category. In terms of average per capita income, 37 In case of single parent families, families consisting of a mother with one or several children up to 18 years old without any other relatives have been selected for analysis and comparison purposes; in case of two parent families, they consisted of a married couple with one or several children up to 18 years old.

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

157

single parent families rank below two parent families by more than Rub per one family member a month, or by nearly 12 percent. An analysis of the distribution of both categories of families in terms of total family income demonstrates the distinctions between two parent and single parent families more vividly. The one earner effect not only reduces the overall income, but also obviously restrains the capabilities of single parent family members in cases when there is a need to pool mate rial resources for heavy expenses. Therefore, with respect to poverty in terms of aggregate incomes, single parent families rank below two parent ones (Figure 8.1). A higher proportion of single parent families belong to the low income group (aggregate family income less than 3,000 rubles) and a higher proportion of two parent families belong to the high income group (aggregate family income more than 3,000 rubles). Figure 8.1: Distribution of Two parent and Single parent Households by Aggregate Family Incomes

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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8.B Subjective Assessment of Welfare Welfare inequalities among two parent and single parent households become ever more visible if we use subjective welfare assessments. Dividing the households according to their perception of well being portray a more vivid picture of the differences in their well being in real terms as they depend on the status of the households (single parent versus two parent) Table 8.2: Subjective Assessment of Welfare and the Size of the Average Per Capita Income in Single parent and Two parent Families1/ Single parent Families Options available as responsess to the questionnaire

Two parent Families

Average Average Per Per % of % of Capita Capita Families Families Income Income (Ruble) (Rub)

Living in “ We do not have enough destitution money even to buy food”

17.6

863.6

8.1

897.5

Extremely poor

“We have enough money to buy food but we can hardly afford clothes or footwear”

62.4

1727.1

49.6

1597.0

Poor

“We have enough money to buy food, clothes and we can save something but it is not enough for buying any valuables (like, for instance, refrigerator or a

15.5

2854.6

25.3

2556.1

Middle income

“We can buy some valu ables (like, for instance, a TV set or refrigerator) but we have to be thrifty”

4.2

3549.6

14.7

3389.9

High income

“We have no difficulties and in most cases we can afford expensive purchases”

0.3 100.0

5291.7 1864.6

2.2 100.0

5618.9 2147.3

The question in the questionnaire was stated as follows: “Which of the following statements, in your opinion, corresponds best to the financial position of your household over the last six months?” Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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Among single parent families the proportion of those who consid er their status as living in destitution (“We do not have enough money even to buy food”) or extreme poverty (“We have enough money to buy food but we can hardly afford clothes or footwear”) is visibly higher. These two groups account for 80 percent in the category of single par ent families, whereas two parent families account for only 57.7 percent (Table 8.2). Figure 8.2: Average per Capita Income (Ruble) in Two parent and Single parent Families at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare high income

mid income

low income

poor

Two parent Single parent

extre mely poor

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

6000 rubles

Source: NOBUS, 2003.

However, it should be noted that the average per capita income of two parent and single parent families at the same level of sub jective assessment of their welfare does not differ too much (Figure 8.2). This provides a reason to examine the validity of a poverty indicator based on a subjective assessment as an independ ent poverty indicator.

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Table 8.3: Sources of Funds of the Total Household Budget (Percent of Households Indicating this Source) Single parent Families

Two parent Families

Wages and salaries in cash and in kind

79.9

90.5

Child allowance and other allowances

69.8

60.7

Money and gifts from persons living separately from the household

36.5

28.1

Alimony

22.2

1.4

Pensions of all types

21.2

8.0

Money subsidies, compensations, benefits

11.8

6.2

Incomes from the household plot and the farm

7.9

19.1

Entrepreneurial activities and self employment

4.8

8.2

Unemployment benefit

1.8

3.2

Help received from charity funds and organi zations, from federal and local budgets

0.8

0.5

Banking interests, dividends on shares and other securities, and other incomes from property Money won in lotteries, gambling, and other games

0.3

0.6

0.3

0.5

Leasing of property

0.3

0.6

Scholarships

0.3

0.4

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Two parent and single parent households have significant differ ences in terms of sources of income (Table 8.3). A lower share of such sources as wages, as well as income from entrepreneurial activity, a household plot and a farm characterizes single parent households. At the same time, these households more often than two parent fam ilies indicated receiving funds as child allowance or other allowances, money and gifts received from individuals living separately from the household, alimony, pensions of all types, money subsidies, compen sations, and benefits. Therefore, the structure of single parent fami liesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; incomes includes a considerably higher number of sources that make them dependent on the state, on relatives or on a former spouse (alimony), while in two parent families sources related to

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

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employment, entrepreneurship or self employment is proportion ately higher. The characteristics of the funds (a large share of transfers) received by single parent families make their budget more “transparent.” On the one hand, such transfers tend to increase the share of current cash incomes; on the other hand, their budget is subject to fluctuations due to a relatively high proportion of private transfers (alimony, gifts and assistance from relatives or from husbands), the amount of which may vary considerably over time.

8.C Level of Welfare Inclusive of Real Estate Ownership The measurement of welfare standards on the basis of current income indicators and the subjective assessment of welfare may be expanded to include household housing and property related characteristics. It is especially important to take into account the availability of different types of real estate in the household, since it is this component of wel fare that as a rule is not only the most expensive but is also highly mar ketable. In view of this, it would not be justified to refer households with low current incomes to the category of the poor if they have real estate that can be used to provide some additional income (selling, leasing). According to the calculations of specialists at the Institute of Social and Economic Issues of the Population (ISEPN) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, poverty assessment based on an indica tor computed inclusive of real estate reduces the range of poverty by 40 percent. Diverse types of household real estate can be divided into two basic categories: • A main dwelling that can be characterized by such indicators as total and living area, availability of amenities and ownership status. • Other types of real estate, including second apartment, room(s) in a multi family apartment, individual house, part of a house with a separate entrance, country house, summer house, stationary garage, land plot without any dwelling structures, other (struc tures for farming or manufacturing use). • Considering the housing indicators of two parent and single par ent households with respect to subjective assessments of welfare and current incomes, one notes several trends that move in oppo site directions. A number of indicators show an obvious linkage

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between subjective poverty and housing; at the same time, for other indicators such a linkage is more difficult to find or cannot be found. We will examine some of these indicators. â&#x20AC;˘ Type of dwelling and status of ownership. Though single parent families live in one family (separate) apartments more often than two parent families (65.7 and 62.8 percent, respectively), they also reside more often in hostels and multi family apart ments. However, they are far less likely to live in an individual house (only 13.6 percent of single parent families and 23.5 per cent of two parent families). Single parent families are visibly behind two parent households in terms of dwelling ownership status: 38.5 percent live in municipal dwellings (30.6 percent of two parent families), and only 53 percent live in privatized or purchased dwellings (as against 58.8 percent of two parent families). Table 8.4: Subjective Assessment of Welfare and Selected Indicators of Housing Availability

Subjective Assessment of Welfare

Average Subjective Assessment of Housing Conditions

Average Dwelling Area Per One Family Member (in square mts.)

Paid for Housing and Communal Services for the Last Month, in Rubles

Single Two Single Two Single Two parent parent parent parent parent parent Families Families Families Families Families Families Living in destitution

18.4

14.0

2.4

2.5

400.8

364.3

Extremely poor 19.7

15.3

2.9

2.8

532.8

621.6

Poor

21.3

15.8

3.2

3.1

735.7

767.8

Middle income 20.5

16.8

3.2

708.4

897.5

High income

32.3

19.0

4.5

3.6

783.0

1260.8

Total

19.8

15.6

2.84

2.95

552.9

702.2

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

163

Figure 8.3: Dwelling Floor Space Availability at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare (Total Dwelling Area Per One Family Member, Square Meters)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Average area per one household member. As for this indicator, sin gle parent households are visibly ahead of two parent households: the average area of the dwelling of a single parent family per one family member is 4.2 square meters higher that for two parent families. Greater â&#x20AC;&#x153;square metersâ&#x20AC;? availability is registered in all groups of single parent families irrespective of their level of assessment of welfare (Table 8.4 and Figure 8.3). A comparison of the NOBUS data with that obtained from the Taganrog survey (1998) reveal some degree of dif ferences albeit in the same direction of the correlation between floor space availability in the dwellings and the status of the family (two par ent versus single parent families). According to NOBUS data, single parent families were ahead of two parent families by 27 percent; according to the Taganrog survey data, single family families were ahead by 22.5 percent.

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Figure 8.4: Subjective Assessments of Welfare and Average Assessment of Housing Conditions (Assessment of Housing Conditions: 1 – very poor, 5 – excellent)

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Subjective assessment of housing conditions.38 As for this indicator, there is not much difference between two parent and single parent households. At the same time, in both household categories there is an obvious dependence on the level of welfare: the higher the dwelling is assessed, the higher respondents assess their welfare standards (Table 8.4 and Figure 8.4). One possible explanation for this is that these assessments of the level of satisfaction with housing conditions comprise various compo nents, for example, dwelling floor space (both total and living) as well as the quality of housing conditions. Although respondents from sin gle parent families are ahead of representatives of two parent families in terms of average dwelling total area per one family member and the availability of housing benefits, they are behind in many other respects (for example, quality of housing). The end result is a leveling of the dif ferences between these household categories. 38 This evaluation was measured on the basis of a 5 score scale. The highest score

corresponded to the mark “excellent,” the lowest to the mark “very poor.”

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

165

The reasons for the satisfaction/dissatisfaction with oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s housing conditions are, to a large extent, dependent on the status of the family (single parent versus two parents). Though the general pattern of these reasons is quite similar for both groups of families, there are also impor tant distinctions. The main reason for the dissatisfaction of single pa rent families is the fact that their dwellings are in need of capital repairs (this option was indicated by practically half of the respondents). Single parent families more often cite reasons that to one extent or another are tied to menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s traditional domestic responsibilities: the need for current repair, the lack of a toilet inside the house (in the case of an individual house). As in most cases, single parent families are headed by women, they are limited in their capability to improve their housing conditions as these jobs traditionally belong to the male domain. For two parent families, ongoing maintenance of the dwelling is not so important; on the other hand, very small size of apartments has been mentioned most frequently. Respondents from two parent fami lies also more often indicate inconvenient apartment design as a rea son for their dissatisfaction with their housing conditions. Figure 8.5: Proportion of Recipients (in percent) of at Least One Type of Housing Benefits or Housing Subsidies at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare, in Percent

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

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Thus, the characteristics of the dwelling that contribute most to dis satisfaction with housing conditions are clearly distinguished in the group of two parent and single parent families. For two parent fami lies, the main reasons of dissatisfaction are related to the small size or design of their apartments, while a large proportion of single parent families, cite lack of material support or of practical assistance in main taining their dwelling in a normal condition (especially regarding repairs) as the most important hindrance to improving their living conditions. This implies that access to market oriented ways of addressing issues related to repairs and ongoing dwelling maintenance is fairly difficult for a considerable proportion of households (more often for single parent households) as they lack cash resources and appropriate market based skills for these purposes. Table 8.5: Housing Benefits and Arrears in Payments to Housing and Public Utilities Office in Different Types of Households at Different Levels of Subjective Assessment of Welfare

Welfare Subjective Assessment

Proportion of Proportion of Households with at Households with Least One Type of Housing Payment Housing Benefits, % Arrears, %

Average Arrears (Rubles)*

Single Two Single Two Single Two parent parent parent parent parent parent Families Families Families Families Families Families

Living in destitution

26.3

21.4

22.0

28.1

2,953.9

3,346.2

Extremely poor

27.9

18.3

15.7

15.5

2,113.1

2,107.0

Poor

23.8

13.0

14.9

10.8

1,361.9

2,056.7

Middle income

20.4

11.4

10.2

9.1

2,795.0

1,831.8

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;

7.9

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;

8.7

â&#x20AC;&#x201C;

1,726.9

26.4

15.8

16.5

14.0

2,143.2

2,220.0

High income Total

* Average arrears for households with arrears. Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of Statistics.

Benefits for housing and communal services payments and actual payment for these categories are interrelated. Such benefits represent one of the relevant factors in the alignment of the welfare status of

167

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

two parent and single parent families. Irrespective of the subjective assessment of welfare, single parent families use such benefits more often than two parent families (Table 8.5 and Figure 8.5). This might be a contributing factor towards lower payment (RUR 552.9 rubles, on an average, for housing and communal services by single parent families compared to the payment made by two parent families (702.2 rubles). This is true for all levels of subjective assessment of welfare, except for the poorest group. As is evident from Table 8.4, a higher availability of housing benefits and subsidies has practically no impact on the welfare status (reflected in the payment for housing and communal services) of the poorest categories of single parent families. The proportion of debtors with regard to housing payments and average arrears does not show significant difference between two par ent and single parent families; however, in the category of the poorest households, the trend is in favor of single parent families: the propor tion of debtors as well as the average arrears paid by single parent fam ilies is lower than that of two parent families (Table 8.5). Overall, the analysis makes it possible to indicate a certain leveling impact on the part of the housing factor on the welfare standards of single parent families. Although single parent families have more diffi culties in terms of the ongoing maintenance of their main dwelling (current repairs), they retain their obvious advantages in terms of dwelling floor space and the availability of housing benefits. Table 8.6: Proportion of Families Having Other Types of Real Estate Than the Main Dwelling (percent of the number of fami lies in this category)

Room(s) in a multi family apartment Part of a house with a separate entrance Individual house Second apartment Country house, summer house for seasonal living Stationary garage Land plot without any dwelling structures Other real estate (structures for farming or manufacturing use) Number of types of real estate per 100 households of this category

Single parent Families

Two parent Families

1.1 1.1 2.2 5.8 17.3 11.9 64.0

1.4 1.4 3.7 6.7 15.9 35.7 57.5

29.5

33.7

132.8

156.0

Source: Sample survey of household well being and participation in social programs (NOBUS, 2003), Federal Service of State Statistics.

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Box 8.1: The Real Estate Tax Can Prove Unaffordable Two years ago the government was sure that the real estate tax could be imposed in 2004. It was supposed that the real estate tax would replace all existing property taxes: the property tax for legal entities, the property tax for natural persons and the land tax. It was found, however, that there were too many problems with each of the above taxes, and the introduction of the real estate tax was postponed. The new tax will be imposed once the experiment in Velikiy Novgorod and Tver in 1997 has ended. One of the main problems under the experiment was that the companies were reluctant to buy the land occupied by their enterprises. The valuation of a square meter, proposed by the local authorities, was excessively high. To buy the land, companies would have to spend a lot. The authorities did not have real estate assessment procedures (including housing) in place, which proved to be another problem. It was almost impossi ble to estimate the market value of the apartments. Today the apartments are mostly assessed based on the information of the Bureaus of Technical Inventory (BTI). According to the calculation done by the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation, the actual value of the apartments in 2003 was 15–30 times as high as the assessed value. For example, the price of a three room apartment on the secondary real estate market could be around US $120,000–$150,000, while the BTI evaluation did not exceed US $5,000. The experiment expects to start registration of the real estate of natural persons only in 2005. Local authorities will keep a real estate register contain ing information not only on private apartments and houses but also on non residential property (e.g., garages, both duly registered and “illegal”). It is sup posed that the registration of the garages will produce only 1 to 4 million RUR a year (from 76 to 340 RUR of tax payments per parking stall a year). The experiment will affect the interests not only of garage owners but of apartment owners as well. According to the comments on the amendment to the federal law, “The tax burden could be increased in order to get stable and transparent budget revenues.” The State Duma deputies believe that “in return for services and better standards of living, people can afford to pay higher taxes.” The experimenters’ major objective is “to develop and strengthen propri etary classes” and “to redistribute income from the wealthy to the poor. ” Here the amount of square meters per person is the prosperity criterion. It is assumed that a house owner (notwithstanding his actual economical situation) is a pri ori richer than the owner of a small apartment, and therefore should pay high er taxes than his neighbor. Based on materials from the “Institute of Urban Economics.” Published: Ekaterina Vykhukholeva The Finansovye Izvestia, April 5, 2004

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

169

Other types of real estate. Additional types of real estate that can also be used for income generating purposes have a relatively weak leveling or differentiating impact on the welfare of two parent and single par ent families. This is due to the fact that only a small proportion of households own highly marketable and income generating real estates (second apartment, individual house). The proportion of single parent and two parent families owning additional real estate is similar for almost all categories except for stationary garage, land plot without any dwelling structures, and structures for farming or manufacturing use (Table 8.6). However, the overall â&#x20AC;&#x153;real estate possession rateâ&#x20AC;? is higher in two parent families than in single parent families: on average, one two par ent household has 1.56 types of other real estate, while a single parent household has only 1.33 ( Table 8.6). This difference, to some extent, can be explained by the same feature as in the case of the main dwelling â&#x20AC;&#x201C; it is difficult for single parent families to maintain addition al real estate as domestic help from male partners for maintenance is not available. Any real estate property requires maintenance, which can be provided either with own labor efforts of the household members or with cash expenditures. In this respect, single parent families are in a more vulnerable situation than two parent families. The former either have to pay for services related to maintaining the real estate in a nor mal condition (in two parent families household members can take on these responsibilities themselves) or must put up with an accelerated depreciation of the real estate available, or, ultimately must sell the real estate that is most labor intensive and/or high cost in terms of ongo ing maintenance. (See also Box 8.1 for a discussion of the possible effects of the real estate tax.) Therefore, unlike the situation with the main dwelling, ownership of other types of real estate does not decrease the economic inequality existing between two parent and single parent families. Additionally it also involves more complicated and costly tasks for one parent fami lies with regard to maintaining such real estate.

8.D Savings as a Factor of Welfare Stabilization Stability of living standards is to a great extent ensured by savings in periods of fluctuating household incomes. In periods of relatively high current incomes, people accumulate resources in the form of savings; in periods of low income, they dissave and use the accumulated savings

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for consumption purposes. Thus, savings are in direct relation to wel fare issues. In this context, gender aspects of savings related behavior, particu larly as regards gender differences in the propensity to save, and savings types and purposes are discussed in this section. This aspect of the wel fare issue is directly related to the perceptions of gender roles and of men’s and women’s social competence in the society. Figure 8.6: Propensity to Save by Gender (Percentage of Men and Women Responding to “What would you do if you receive a large amount of money”?)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics (compiled from materials from the sampling sur vey of consumer expectations of the population for the 4th quarter of 2004).

Gender distinctions are visible with regard to the propensity to save. Specifically, in the case of receiving a large amount of money, men more often tend to spend this sum in full, while women tend to spend it only in part (Figure 8.6). These distinctions may be explained to a large extent by the system of the division of responsibility in terms of managing household finance that exists in Russia: the function of earn

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8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

ers is nominally given to men while the function of current financial management is given to women. In the context of low living standards, the latter effectively turns into “poverty management.” However, both men and women assess their present day situation as not conducive to savings: 30.7 percent of men and 32.6 percent of women have assessed their current financial situation as extremely unfavorable, and another 34.4 percent of men and 32.8 percent of women have called it unfavorable rather than favorable. As for positive assessments, only an insignificant proportion of respondents (0.8 per cent of men and 0.7 percent of women) have assessed present day conditions as “very favorable” for savings and another 5.3 percent of men and 4.1 percent of women – as “favorable rather than unfavo rable.” Therefore, it could be stated that the population – both male and female – does not feel certain enough that their savings are safe from any future economic and/or political cataclysm. Also, they do not feel that their current living standard is high enough to enable them to generate enough savings for the future. Table 8.7: Types of Saving by Gender (Proportion of the Total Number of Respondents, in Percent) Articles Securities of Cash Bank and Cash in Precious Real in Hard Durables Deposits Insurance Rubles Metals, Estate Currency Policies Antiques, Pictures Total

33.4

12.2

38.5

15.3

69.5

31.6

Men

30.4

13.2

36.9

15.2

73.4

30.7

11.4

39.9

43.3

15.4

66.3

32.4

Women

Source: Federal Service of State Statistic, Based on materials from the sampling sur vey of the consumer expectations of the population for the 4th quarter 2004.

Men and women prefer to make their savings in different forms of deposits, though gender distinctions are not as significant here as in the propensity to save. Real estate is the most important form of savings for both genders: 73.4 percent of men and 66.3 percent of women have confidence in it (Table 8.7). Cash holdings in hard currency and in Rubles are the next popular forms of savings. Bank deposits and durables rank after that as conduits of savings. Both these types of sa

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Figure 8.7: Priority Rating for Purposes of Saving by Gender (Proportion of the Total Number of Respondents, in Percent)

8. Gender Inequality in Access to Material Resources

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vings are considerably less popular among men than among women. Therefore, notwithstanding gender distinctions in the forms of savings, the general tendency is fairly universal for both genders: after 1998, both men and women prefer those forms of savings that they consider less vulnerable from changes in state economic policy. The purposes of men’s and women’s savings differ except for a few common causes. In fact, the proportion of men and women saving for education, leisure (leave), major purchases for the home, and special occasions is very similar. Savings for these purposes are quite important as each of them accounts for at least 20 to 30 percent of responses from men and women. All other motives for saving are clearly divided into “male” and “female.” Men attach more importance than women to such purposes as the purchase of real estate or a car, the receipt of additional income, construction, repairs, the setting up or extension of own business (these are purposes related to achievement, receiving additional income, and entrepreneurship). Women clearly value saving for “fami ly oriented” issues, and, also “to be on the safe side,” these are savings “against a rainy day,” “for old age,” for treatment, for assistance to rela tives, for “leaving an inheritance” (Figure 8.7). The findings seem paradoxical to a certain extent if we take into account the excessive mortality rate among the men, the rate of alco holism and suicides and the number of men in detention centers. In this context, women’s answers are quite understandable: they plan to be on the safe side against the high risk of divorce, widowhood, loss of material support, and a potential reduction in income. At the same time, it is not quite clear as to what realities are reflected in men’s answers: in the context of “male” problems discussed earlier, Russian men’s achievement driven ideals do not appear credible.

8.E Conclusion Over the last 15 years the differences between men and women in access to material resources have grown. As these differences have had a more severe impact on single women, the chapter has analyzed them in terms of households, namely, single parent households and two parent households as single parent households are mostly head ed by women. First of all, single parent households have lower incomes. However, they assess their welfare level (with regard to poverty) as being much worse than that of two parent families even

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for a higher level of average per capita income. Also, single parent families are less likely to own and maintain other real estate. Despite the difference in gender expectations, both men and women have assessed their present day situation as not conducive to setting aside savings. When they save, they prefer those types of saving that are not vulnerable to changes in state economic policy. The next topic, dis cussed in Chapter 9, concerns the gender aspects of decision making and power issues.

9. MEN AND WOMEN IN DECISION MAKING

The legislation in present day Russia does not set up any obstacles to women’s involvement in either politics or election campaigns. Officially, the laws governing their employment in government service are gender neutral. Any position can be held either by either men or women. Nevertheless, Russian women’s involvement in decision making is still far from adequate. And this is true for any subdivision of state authority, whether legislative, executive or judicial. Women’s representation rate in the State Duma, in the Federation Council, in the legislatures of the con stituent entities of the Federation, as well as in executive bodies at all le vels remains low. Typically, all branches exhibit vertical disparity: in other words, there is evidence of a tendency towards fewer female office (posi tion) holders as offices (positions) become higher in the hierarchy. Women’s absence in the decision making process is a crucial factor especially at a time when major sectors of the social sphere are being restructured., Women’s social and life experience would in many respects contribute towards a more accurate representation of the sta tus of one of the most vulnerable groups of people, and, lead to effec tive policy decisions. At present, Russian politics has a predominance of men. Due to inad equate representation in decision making, women are unable to effec tively uphold and promote their interests. This chapter describes the position of women as employed in the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government in Section 9.A, 9.B, and, 9.C respectively. Section 9.D discusses the position of women in local governments. The educational backgrounds of men and women in their respective gov ernment positions are then compared in Section 9.E. Then, the diffe rences in men’s and women’s confidence in various authorities are examined in Section 9.F A brief conclusion follows in Section 9.G.

9.A Executive Power In the executive branch women constitute the majority of employees, yet over the entire period of reforms they have kept a very low profile.

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In 2003, women accounted for 70.7 percent of public employees in federal executive agencies. However, they are still inadequately repre sented in the ranks of decision makers. A statistical analysis shows that as compared with other branches (legislative and judicial), vertical dis parity at this level is most pronounced: women are represented at the bottom and in the middle of the hierarchy, but their presence is insignificant at the highest level. In the executive agencies of con stituent entities of the Federation, â&#x20AC;&#x153;the gender pyramidâ&#x20AC;? is less distinct. Figure 9.1: Gender Composition of Public Servants Across Categories, Groups of Positions and Branches of Power (in percent)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

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Executive Power at the Federal Level Figure 9.1 portrays the position of women in the federal government disaggregated at different levels of power (executive, legislative, and, judicial). An analysis of Figure 9.1 (second part) indicates that the pro portion of women among the category “A” office holders (the highest ranking officials in the Russian government and sub national govern ments and the federal ministers) is insignificant Among those holding category “B” positions (leading positions in the Presidential Administration, the executive office of the govern ment, the secretariats of the Chairman of the Government, assistants, advisors, reviewers of the President and the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, federal ministers), the share of women was somewhat larger at 14.4 percent. Among those holding category “C” positions (high ranking officials in the federal executive authorities, except for ministers, chiefs of struc tural divisions in government authorities, their deputies, specialists of various categories), the proportion of women was 70.8 percent. In this group of positions the representation of women resembles “a pyra mid”: in the category of positions entitled “highest”, women account for only 11.2 percent and men for 88.8 percent. But the lower a posi tion is, the more likely are women to fill it. The “junior” positions are mirror image of those in the “highest” group. Women account for 77 percent and men for 23 percent of the “junior” positions. It should be emphasized that women are not represented in the government of the Russian Federation at present. The Prime Minister of the RF and his Vice Premier are men. All 17 members of the Cabinet are men. Women do not hold any leading positions in the Executive Office of the RF government, in the federal agencies (6 in number), and, in the federal services (11 in number). Among the three heads of the government funds, only one is a woman (the head of the Social Insurance Fund). All 7 presidential plenipotentiaries in the federal dis tricts are men.

Executive Power at the Sub national Level Women’s representation in decision making is higher at the level of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, though there is only one woman among the governors or heads of the 89 constituent entities.

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Source: Federal Service of State Statistics.

On the whole, women make up a similar share of public employ ees at the federal level and at the level of the constituent entities of the Federation, but their representation in decision making is sub stantially higher at the sub national level than at the federal level. In almost all categories, the share of women holding public offices is higher in the constituent entities than at the federal level (Figure 9.2). Official data indicate that women constitute 11.1 percent of the total number of category “A” positions, and 47.2 percent of the total num ber of category “B” positions in the constituent entities. Category “C” positions at the regional level (as in the federal level) display a dis tinct “gender representation pyramid”. Women hold one third (30.4 percent) of the “C highest” positions, with their share incre asing down the hierarchy, and, reaching its highest level of 86.4 per cent for the “C junior” positions.

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9.B Legislative Power Legislative power at the federal level Gender distribution in the hierarchy of the legislative branch is very similar. On the whole, as of September 1, 2003, women comprised 50.4 percent of the total number of public employees in the legislative branch. However, among holders of category “A”, “B” and “C” positions they accounted for 6.7 percent, 49.8 percent, and 61.5 percent, respec tively. Among category “C” positions in the legislative branches, gender disparity according to hierarchy is evident, though less than in the executive branches (Figure 9.1). Men dominate in the Upper House of the Russian Parliament – the Federation Council. Out of 178 senators, women constitute only 5.6 per cent (March 2005). The Federation Council is headed by a man, and only one of his four deputies is a woman; out of the 22 heads of committees and commissions only one is a woman (4.5 percent). She presides over the Federation Council Committee for Social Policy. However, it should be noted that new arrangements to staff the Federation Council with representatives of the constituent entities of the Federation (earlier with governors of the constituent entities) resulted in a somewhat higher share of women in the Upper House of the Parliament: while in 2001 only one woman was a member of the Federation Council, in 2002 there were 7 women. In March 2005, out of 178 senators sitting in the Council, 10 (5.6 percent) were women. Women have long been a minority in the State Duma, the Lower House of the Parliament, and until recently their share has been decreasing. There were 60 (13.6 percent) women deputies in the Duma of the First convocation (1993–95), and 43 (9.8 percent) in the Second Duma (1996–99). The number of women in the Third Duma (2000–03) was a record low for the entire post Soviet period: 36 women out of 445 deputies (or 8.1 percent). Elections to the State Duma at the end of 2003 did not substantially affect the gender imbalance in the composition of the deputies. Currently, for the 2003–07 period of the State Duma, the share of female deputies in the Duma is 9.8 percent: 44 women out of 447 deputies. Though this figure is somewhat higher than the previous period, the rep resentation rate of women in the Russian Parliament is still very low. Women are not evenly represented in the parties that constituted the Duma after the latest elections. The “Liberal and Democratic Party of Russia” is represented by the lowest number of women at 6 percent

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(2 women out of 36 of its deputies), the “United Russia” Party is repre sented by 9 percent (28 women out of 306 deputies). Women are most numerous at 27 percent among deputies who do not belong to any associations (4 women out of 15 people). In the “Communist Party of the Russian Federation” and “Rodina” women make up about 11 per cent (6 out of 52 and 4 out of 38, respectively). Figure 9.3: Share of Women Among Deputies of National Parliaments –An International Comparison (in percent)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

When compared with the parliaments of other countries, especially other transition economies, the representation of women in the Russian Parliament (the State Duma) is very low at 9.8 percent (Figure 9.3). At the top of the list is Belarus, where the share of women in the parliament is 29.4 percent. It is followed by Bulgaria (26.3 percent), Lithuania (22 percent), Latvia (21 percent) and China (20.2 percent). Mongolia (6.8 percent), Armenia and Ukraine (5.3 percent) rank low in the list in terms of representation of women in the National Parliament.

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According to the Inter Parliamentary Union, at the beginning of 2005, out of 125 countries, the largest share of female parliamentarians was in Rwanda (48.8 percent), Sweden (45.3 percent) and Norway (38.2 percent). In 11 countries (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, the Solomon Islands, Kuwait, and some others), there was no representation of women in the national parliaments. Russia, along with Cambodia, occupied the eighty fourth place (with 9.8 percent female representation in the Parliament). Paraguay and Zimbabwe occupied the eighty third rank in the list with the share of female parliamentarians at 10 percent. Russia is fol lowed immediately by Sudan and Venezuela, where the share of female parliamentarians was 9.7 percent.

Legislative power at the subnational level In 2003, women accounted for 58.5 percent of public employees in the legislative branch at the sub national level, with them holding 16.2 per cent of category ”A” positions, 49.9 percent of category “B” positions, and 69 percent of category “C” positions. However, the gender pyramid in decision making is not so evident at the sub national level. There are fewer women representatives at the lower level of legislatures than in the State Duma. In addition, female representation at the lower level of legislatures at the sub national level is declining over time. While in 1998 there were 345 (9.25 percent) women out of 3,730 deputies of all legislative authorities in the con stituent entities, in 2002 the number of women declined to 337 (9.94 percent) out of 3,388 deputies,, and in 2003 their number was 357 (10.28 percent) out of a total of 3,471 deputies. Across the regions women’s representation in parliaments varies dramatically (from 0 percent to 43 percent). In 2003 seven regional legislatures (Orenburg, Perm, Tyumen, Chelyabinsk, Novosibirsk, Tomsk and Magadan Oblasts) did not have any women at all. In four constituent entities this proportion of women was only about 2 per cent: in Tambov Oblast there was 1 woman per 50 deputies, in Nizhniy Novgorod Oblast there was 1 woman per 45 deputies, in Irkutsk Oblast there was 1 woman per 44 deputies, and in the Republic of North Ossetia there was 1 woman per 66 deputies. In contrast, the representation rate for women in five local legislatures is very high: in these legislatures they account for more than one quarter of the deputies. In Koryak Autonomous District there are 3 women out of

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8 deputies (27 percent), in Ust Orda Buryat Autonomous District 3 out of 10 deputies (30 percent) are women, in Chukotka Autonomous District there are 5 women out of 13 (39 percent), in Nenets Autonomous District there are 6 women out of 15 deputies (40 percent), and in the Jewish Autonomous Oblast 6 out of 14 deputies are women (43 percent). In Moscow, women account for 21 percent of the deputies elected to the City Duma (7 out of 33 deputies).

9.C Judicial Branch Judicial power at the federal and the subnational level In 2003, women working in this branch of power at the federal level accounted for 65.6 percent. The proportions of women holding cate gory “A” positions, category “B” positions, and, category “C” positions Figure 9.4: Share of Women Holding Public Positions (by Categories) in the Judiciary at the National and Subnational Levels, in percent (as of September 1, 2003)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

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are 58.2 percent, 73.9 percent, and, 86.5 percent respectively. It is evi dent from Figure 9.1 (last part) that the gender representation pyramid is present across all categories even at this level of power. The higher the position in the hierarchy, the lower is the share of women holding such positions. Women’s representation in decision making is somewhat higher at the level of the constituent entities than at the federal level. However, the gender pyramid is still distinct especially among category “C” posi tions the higher the rank of a position in the hierarchy, the lower is the proportion of women holding such positions (Figure 9.4).

9.D Gender Composition of Local Governments The lower the level of government, the higher is the share of women among officials and decision makers in local governments. Women comprise an overwhelming majority of municipal officials – 75.2 percent in 2003 with more than a quarter of them (27.3 percent) holding elective offices. Women are predominant in the other positions within the municipal hierarchy as well, except for the highest “C” posi tions, where women account for only 43 percent.

9.E Educational Background of Men and Women in Government Authorities As has been discussed before, women in Russia are in general, better educated than men. This is true at an aggregate level for both the entire population as well as for those employed in the national economy. However, from a disaggregated perspective, the situation is different in the government sector. Although more women are employed in this sector relative to men, the proportion of women with a higher educa tion degree is lower than that of men. According to official data, in 2003, 74.3 percent of women filling public offices were university graduates, whereas this figure for men was 87.3 percent. Regarding vocational school graduates, 22.1 percent were women and 9.9 percent were men; and 3.6 percent and 2.8 per cent, respectively did not have any professional training (Figure 9.5). A review of educational background by level of government sug gests that municipal officials are less educated than other public offi cials. Gender differences in the educational background of employees

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were greatest at this level of authority. Thus, 59.5 percent of women holding municipal offices were university graduates compared to 80.9 percent men. Among vocational school graduates working in such capacity, 36.4 percent were women compared to 16 percent men (Figure 9.5). Figure 9.5: Composition of Men and Women Holding Government and Municipal Offices by Educational Level, in percent (as of September 1, 2003)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Therefore, substantial gender differences in the educational back ground of public office holders reinforces vertical disparity with a bias against women evident in this area. Indeed, many women among pub lic employees cannot aspire to positions at the upper level of decision making, as the requirements to be met by applicants seeking employ ment in public offices in all categories and groups (except the bottom group in the lowest category, namely, the “junior” positions in catego ry “C”) demand university diplomas. Thus, male public employees have a greater potential for career advancement than female public employees. However, it needs to be examined as to why the educational back grounds of male and female Russian officials are so distinct from nationwide patterns.

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9.F Confidence of Men and Women in Government, Non government and Political Institutions Typical of today’s Russia are the gender differences in the degree of confidence its residents have in government, non government and political institutions ( Figure 9.6). Figure 9.6: Index Profile of “Confidence – No Confidence” in Major Power holding and Public Institutions

Source: Confidence – no confidence indices are calculated as a correlation of respondents who trust and who distrust a particular institution. The index shows by how many times the number of confident respondents exceeds those who distrust. Index values of less than “1” suggest areas of “anti rating” where the share of confi dent respondents is lower than the share of those who voice “no confidence.”

A public opinion poll conducted in the Perm Oblast in the sum mer of 2004 shows that women have a higher level of confidence on most government, non government and political institutions than

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men. Women place their maximum trust in the Orthodox Church (1.7 times more than men) followed by the Constitutional Court, the RF Government, and oblast legislatures and governors. Yet men and women alike express an extremely low confidence in regional and local institutions, specifically, in the militia, the regional mass media, trade unions, local courts and local authorities. Those who express mistrust in these institutions exceed those who take a positive view significantly, but, except for the army, the confidence level of women in these institutions is somewhat higher than men (Figure 9.6). Other evidence show that for both men and women, the President of the Russian Federation enjoys the highest rating, but the confidence index of women is 1.5 times higher than that of men (the indices are 7.44 and 4.91 for women and men, respectively).

9.G Conclusion Russian womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s involvement in decision making in government is far from adequate. Women keep a very low profile in the executive branch, and their status in terms of decision making is not significantly better in the legislative branch. Their representation rate is highest in the judi ciary and in the offices of public prosecutors. Low level of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s education in the government sector contrary to the rest of the econo my reinforces vertical disparity evident in this sector. The final topic in this report is the issue of gender and crime patterns, discussed in Chapter 10.

10. CRIME RELATED GENDER ISSUES

The first years of transition to a market economy were characterized by a series of adverse social phenomena across the FSU countries, such as unemployment, inflation, the weakening of social policies, the decline of the population’s standard of living, the growth of alcoholism, chil dren’s homelessness and the languishing law enforcement agencies. This last factor especially resulted in an increase in the crime rate. Russia is not an exception in this respect. This chapter discusses crime from gender perspectives, and begins by describing the gender distri bution of crime in Section 10.A. This is followed by an analysis of the gender characteristics of crime pattern in Section 10.B. Violence against both men and women is the subject of Section 10.C. Finally, Section 10.D discusses the problem of human trafficking. A brief con clusion follows in Section 10.E.

10.A Gender Distribution of Crime As in other countries, in Russia the composition, extent and pattern of crime differ substantially between men and women. The frequency and the diversity of men’s crimes are considerably larger than the respective indicators for women. In 2003 the number of men who committed crimes reached 1,031,000, whereas the number of women was 206,000 (Figure 10.1). Therefore, men accounted for 83 percent and women accounted for only 17 percent of those committing crimes in that year.39 Crime com mitted in Russia is a male dominated issue originating mainly due to alcoholism, drug addiction, vagrancy.

39 Here it is necessary to specify that actual number of crimes committed in the country substantially exceeds official statistics. According to Ustinov, RF Procurator General, “field investigators register only one criminal offense out of five” (RF Procurator General speech in the State Duma, March 9,2005).

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Figure 10.1: Number of Men and Women Offenders, 1990–2003

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Men’s crime is wider in scope than women’s, but women’s crime in Russia is growing more rapidly. Throughout the period between 1990 and 2003, the number of female offenders increased by 1.7 times whereas the number of male offenders went up by 1.3 times. This resulted in an increase in the proportion of women offenders from 13.7 to about 17 percent during this period, while their proportion amongst all convicts increased from 8.5 to 14.2 percent. However, the crime rate of men varied substantially during the peri od (the difference between the number of male offenders at two dif ferent years during this period had been as high as twofold). The low est crime rate was registered in 1990 when the number of male offenders was at their minimum (785,000). The peak in the crime rate was recorded during 1999–2000 (1,457,000 male offenders). In recent years, official statistics show a sharp fall in the number of male offend ers. During the years under consideration, the number of female offenders had been more or less stable.

10.B Gender Characteristics of Crime Patterns The pattern of crime committed by men and women differs substan tially. There are certain crimes that are typically within the male domain and there are some other crimes that are mostly committed by women.

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Figure 10.2: Proportion of Convicted Men and Women (in percent) by Types of Crime (on the basis of court rulings that became effective in 2003)

Source: Federal Service of Statistics; Men and Women in Russia, 2004, p. 4.

Figure 10.2 describes the pattern of crime committed by men and women in details. Mostly women’s crime have a financial motive, but are nonviolent in nature. The most widespread “female” criminal offense is “consumer fraud.” In 2003, such acts were committed by 60,900 women (about 90 percent of all those committing such offenses). Next in fre quency are “illicit actions with regard to official documents” and “embezzlement or misappropriation” committed by women in almost half of such offences. Women account for 30 percent of criminal activi

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ties related to “fraud,” For all other types of crime, the proportion of female criminals is 20 percent or less. It should be noted that men’s crime is much more frequently linked to violent acts. For example, in 2003 men accounted for more than 90 percent of “robbery,” and “holdup.” Men also accounted for 88 per cent of those who “committed or attempted murder” or who were guilty of “intentional infliction of grave bodily injury.” In almost all spheres of crime (except consumer fraud), the propor tion of male criminals is more than females. Also, men’s crimes are not only wider in scope but also more diverse. Along with the crimes of vio lent nature mentioned above, there are other nonviolent crimes which are committed mostly by men. The proportion of men committing “theft” is 91 percent. More than 85 percent of drug related offenses are committed by men. Ninety two percent of all offenses related to “di sorderly conduct” are attributed to men. ”Malicious evasion of payment of means to support children and spouses” (and payment of alimony) is also a typically “male” crime. In 2003, the proportion of men convicted of such crimes is about 90 per cent (20,600 in number) compared to only a little above 10 percent of women. In other words, 3.1 percent of all men convicted that year were found guilty of intentionally not fulfilling their obligations to support children and their spouses. The proportion of men who try to “mini mize” the amount of alimony payment by taking advantage of illicit or semi illlicit ways is also significant. According to NOBUS survey find ings, only 22.2 percent of the families headed by single women with dependent children, have their family budget replenished with alimo ny from their separated spouses, whereas less than 1 percent of all such families stated that alimony is their main source of livelihood. The recent social and economic crisis has not only increased the scope of crime by both men and women but has also affected the fre quency of various offenses committed by men and women. Official data corroborate that, for example, during the period 1998–2003, the proportion of men convicted for ”hold up” and “rob bery” increased by one percentage point to 93 percent and 96 percent respectively. Among those convicted of “disorderly conduct,” the pro portion of male offenders increased from 91 to 92 percent and among those convicted of “receiving or selling goods knowingly obtained by crime” their proportion went up from 78 to 80 percent. Similar trends are observed for crime committed by females. During 1998–2003, the proportion of women convicted of “consumer fraud” increased by two percentage points to 86 percent. During the same

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period, the proportion of women convicted of “illicit actions with regard to officials documents, seals, stamps, and forms” went up sub stantially from 18 to 48 percent. The growth of crime related to drug trafficking is a serious concern. While the crime rate related to drug trafficking is rising for both men and women, it is spreading more rapidly among women. As a result, between 1998 and 2003, the proportion of women among those con victed of “crimes related to illicit drug trafficking” went up from 10 to 14 percent with a corresponding decline in the proportion of men committing such offences. Experts link an observable rise in women’s violent crime to the growth of violence against women themselves, which is prevalent in Russia in recent years. In correctional institutions, the number of women convicted of violent offenses against their male relatives is increasing. Figure 10.3: Number of Male and Female Inmates, 2002

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

Gender based distinctions in the scope of crime also determine gender differences in the composition of those serving sentences. Figure 10.3 shows the distribution of convicted persons in 2002 according to their gender and term of imprisonment. In 2002, out of a total of 2,67,209 men and women serving sentences in correctional

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institutions, 93.2 percent were men and only 6.8 percent were women. The distribution of men and women by terms of imprisonment is sim ilar: Most of the convicted have their term of imprisonment for two to five years (48 percent and 45 percent of the convicted men and women respectively); About a quarter of the inmates (both male and female) are sentenced to 10 year term imprisonment. A little less than a quarter of them are imprisoned for “up to two years” . The proportion of inmates imprisoned for more than 10 years is much less. On the basis of the statistics above, it can be deduced that the average term of a convicted man is roughly 4.5 years. If we assume that the num ber and composition (by term) of the re convicted does not change in the course of time (i.e., is constant from year to year), obviously the com position (by term) of convicted persons kept in correctional institutions will be characterized by distribution biased towards convicts serving longer sentences. This sharply increases the average term of imprison ment of the convicted. And if we consider this problem in terms of the imbalance in the Russian marriage market (see Chapter 1), it turns out that almost 1.5 percent of all Russian men of marriageable age are in places of confinement and cannot perform their “male” gender role of “breadwinner” on average for more than 4.5 years.

10.C Violence Against Men and Women The RF Constitution (Chapter II, Art. 21, pp.2, 1) proclaims that “Nobody should be subjected to … violence” and that “Human dignity shall be protected by the State.” In addition, Russia has ratified the entire series of international instruments whose effect is targeted, inter alia, to elimination of violence. According to official statistics, men are the main victims of violent offenses in Russia. In 2003, out of a total of 514,000 such crimes com mitted, 286,600 (55.8 percent) were directed against men (e.g, robbery, hold ups). Mostly violent acts against men are committed outdoors (in elevators, entrances, forested areas) (Table 10.1). Violent crime targeted at women and minors (52.4 percent of such offences against women and 6.4 percent against minors) are mostly committed indoors. Women are victims of spousal violence in 81.6 per cent of cases. A critical concern in Russia is the rise in domestic violence against women and children. The issue is especially acute not only because of the extent but also because of the latent nature of such crimes (many

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victims do not even appeal for aid). This attitude not only handicaps efforts to combat such violence, but also prevents the society from understanding the state of affairs. Table 10.1: Violent Crimes Targeted at Victims in 2003 (in thousands) Number of Violent Crimes Targeted at Total Sexual offenses including: Rapes Violent acts of sexual character Offenses committed against: Spouse Son, daughter Offenses committed in: Apartment, home Elevator, entrance Forest areas Vehicles By offense typology: Hold up Robbery

All

Women

Minors

514.0 13.6

184.4 9.8

43.0 4.6

7.5 4.8

6.2 3.1

1.9 2.0

13.6 4.4

11.1 1.9

0.2 2.0

174.9 27.2 2.9 2.7

91.7 10.1 0.9 0.5

11.2 2.8 0.4 0.1

77.5 44.6

25.2 15.1

6.6 2.4

Source: Federal Service of Statistics.

The few studies that dealt with the problem of domestic violence against women show that the extent of such crime is considerably larger than is normally assumed. According to a 1996 study, 25 percent of married women became victims of physical abuse, and up to 30 per cent of divorced women suffered sexual abuse in their former mar riages. In rural areas, domestic violence is more widespread. According to a survey conducted during 2000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;02, in seven Russian regions, 41 percent of women were hit by their husbands at least once, while 3 percent of women were beaten once a month and more frequently. And 87 percent of men and 93 percent of women believe that there is domestic violence against women in Russia while 15 to 20 percent among them believe that violence exists in their own families. The studies also show that domestic violence against women is little dependent on the educational level of their spouses, their income or their social status. This problem exists in the families of alcoholics or

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drug addicts as well as families of high officials and successful busi nessmen. Table 10.2: Proportion of Men and Women (in Percent) Responding to the Question:”To Whom Should Women Appeal for Aid in Case of Domestic Physical Abuse?”

The closest social milieu (relatives, friends) Protector of law (police, lawyer) Psychologist, family counseling, crisis intervention center Local authorities, grass roots organizations, husband’s employer Women should not appeal for aid

Women

Men

56.6 34.2 40.9 5.3 43.7

52.5 29.3 27.3 4.7 51.9

Sociological surveys findings also show that nearly half of the respondents believe that the wife should not appeal for aid in spite of being a victim of domestic abuse (Table 10.2). This view is more com mon among men than among women. At the same time, men are less inclined than women to consider that in cases of physical abuse women should seek and appeal for help. Other evidence show that sexual offenses (rapes and violent acts of a sexual nature) are also committed mainly against women (72 percent of all such cases of which 33.8 percent were offences committed against minors). This is one of the most widespread manifestations of violence against women registered in official statistics. Table 10.3: Rapes or Attempted Rapes, 1998–2003 (in thousands)

Number of registered offenses

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

9.0

8.3

7.9

8.2

8.1

However, there is some reduction in the number of rapes and attempted rapes during the period 1998–2003 (Table 10.3). A special ized survey conducted in Russia showed that 15 percent of declared rapes have been disguised by law enforcement agencies. Therefore, a reduction in the number of committed or attempted rapes may actual ly mean an increase in the latency of such offenses. In addition to rapes and attempted rapes, cases of sexual harass ment and forcing persons into sexual contacts at work are fairly fre quent. Such offenses also primarily concern women. Over 50 percent of men and an absolute majority of women believe that protest against

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Box 10.1: Suicide Before the revolution Russia had the lowest rate of suicides in Europe: 4 per 100,000 people at the close of the nineteenth century. In the era of socialism, the number of people committing suicide increased. The available statistics on the number of suicides since 1955 reveal that the number of fatal suicide cases has been increasing and was more than 1.7 mil lion people in 1999. Men in Russia commit suicide more often than women. During the period 1956–99, the proportion of women and men who committed suicide was, on an average, one to four. The maximum suicide rate among men in the 1990s exceeded the highest level of the previous period, although in general it was in keeping with the trend of 1960–80. As for women, their peak rate in 1995 was even lower than in 1983–84, and the general dynamics of the suicide rate, with all its fluctuations, has not yet reached the very high figures of the stagnation period. In other words, these statistics demonstrates that during the 1990s Russian women were less suicidal than men. In Russia a great number of suicides are committed by middle aged men. Men in the age group 40–59 years exhibit a surprisingly high suicide rate, but, the number of suicides declines among older age groups. In the Western coun tries, on the other hand, the proportion of people committing suicides is high er among older people. In Russia the latter trend is present only among women. The suicide rate is largely dependent on the family status, gender and age of a person, but alcoholism plays a critical role. There is a certain relationship between suicide rates and alcohol consumption: during the “dry” campaign of 1985–87 the number of suicide attempts was drastically reduced; this was also true during “dry” campaigns and also during periods of high prices of strong drinks in the early 1970s and 1980s (although the decrease in the suicide level was less sharp). Other evidence point out that chronic alcoholism contributes to 8–15 percent of the suicides committed. Forensic tests carried out on people who committed suicide in different time periods and in different regions indicate that at least 30 percent of them (three fourth of men and one third of women) had alcohol in their blood. Alcohol was identified in the blood of those who had some alcohol prob lems (registered alcoholics, heavy drinkers and those with family problems), as well as those who “drank like everybody else” or “almost never drank.” This means that not only alcohol abuse, but just a “binge” may cause an increase in suicide cases. Based on an article by D.D. Bogoyavlensky, “RUSSIA’S SUICIDES AND RUSS IAN REFORMS,” Socis, 2002. № 5.

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such harassment at work may cost women their jobs, professional advancement or loss of wages. It is only in recent years that the problem of domestic violence and sexual harassment at work have become issues for public debate. Reliable statistics related to these issues are non existent since such offenses are not actually registered in law enforcement agencies and therefore the police make no investigation of these cases. As a result, almost all of these offenses remain unpunished. An enormous amount of work remains to be carried out by non government organizations, not only to raise public and government awareness of the problem and help eliminate domestic violence against women and sexual harassment at work, but also to design spe cific measures to eradicate this problem. Related to crime and the culture of antisocial behavior is the prob lem of suicide. This is discussed in Box 10.1.

10.D Human Trafficking Today In recent years, against the background of increased labor migration (including illegal), Russia has seen the emergence and persistent extension of criminal business related to human trafficking and the use of forced labor. Until recently this issue was considered mainly involving â&#x20AC;&#x153;young womenâ&#x20AC;? and was being associated principally with exporting female forced laborers abroad to serve as prostitutes and to entertain. Recent surveys show that not only is there a significant export of forced laborers from Russia, but there is considerable domestic human trafficking, too. Furthermore, present day human trafficking and forced labor is a problem not only for women, but also for men, though the areas for the use of such labor differ substantially across genders. Females as forced laborers are mainly used for services including providing sex services and for entertainment purposes, and as maidservants. Men as forced laborers are mainly used in agriculture and construction.

10.E Conclusion Crime and the problems of anti social behavior have been on the rise in Russia since the initial years of transition. Crime is predominantly a male problem, but certain non violent crimes especially with a finan

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cial motive are committed mostly by women. Violent crimes targeted at both men and women are a critical issue, as is domestic violence (large ly against women). This problem tends to be underreported. Human trafficking involves both male and female victims. This chapter is fol lowed by a conclusion of the entire report and recommendations for the report.

Conclusion The research upon which this report is based has shown that the post Soviet reforms, the economic crisis, and the absence of an active gov ernment policy on achieving equal rights and opportunities for men and women has brought about an increased gender asymmetry in social and economic conditions for men and women. In some cases the asymmetry benefits men, in other cases it benefits women. For this rea son, gender issues in the socio economic area have become the main subject of this report. What do official statistics and representative public opinion polls reveal? The analysis shows that inequality among men and women still exists in all areas. This inequality is due, in part, to the traditional struc ture of gender roles in Russian society, where a man as the main sup porter of the family is expected to be strong and to have a successful career (while at the same time the stereotypes of â&#x20AC;&#x153;maleâ&#x20AC;? behavior tol erate alcohol abuse, smoking, drug taking, an asocial way of life, and the rejection of many self protective forms of behavior) and where a woman is responsible for household management (which places the burden of household responsibilities on her but does not rule out her working full time on a paid job). We will briefly enumerate the main gender issues revealed through the analysis. The life span is extremely low in Russia (particularly among men) and the gender gap in average life expectancy is very high. This causes not only social and economic problems, but it also breeds gender prob lems related to marital status. The age and sex structure of the popula tion is changing as a result. Men are more likely than women to stay married all their lives while the number of one parent families headed by women is increasing. The educational level of women in Russia today is higher than that of men, and in future this gap will widen increasingly. The higher proportion of women in the education system is an important gen der issue.

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Gender related differences in the scope and level of economic activity and in employment are minor. However, the horizontal and vertical separation of the Russian labor market is significant. The high proportion of employment in the budget supported sectors and the concentration of professionally employed women at the lower level of the hierarchy are widespread. For men, the characteristic problem is the high proportion of the unemployed (although average unemploy ment period for women is longer) and the high proportion of them employed under unfavorable work conditions. The â&#x20AC;&#x153;main gender problemâ&#x20AC;? for women is the large wage differen tials compared to men, which are not likely to decrease. These differ entials are due to horizontal and vertical disparity, differences in wor king hours, discrimination against women in employment, and negative self evaluation of women of the worth of their labor. Another important problem is that the higher level of education of women in Russia compared to men does not result in a decrease in gender relat ed differences in their income levels. The Russian pension system retains a gender asymmetry in many aspects, including the gender structure of retirees. Overall for all cate gories of pension benefits, gender differences are small, although for some types of pension difference is quite large. In the future gender dif ferences in old age benefits are likely to grow. During the past decades a number of negative health related ten dencies for both women and men have emerged, but the problems are different for different groups. Women of all ages assess their health lower than men. However, women are better at the skills of self pro tective behavior. The pattern of the causes of male mortality in Russia differs from that in developed countries. This is much less true for women. The maternal mortality issue has not been fully addressed, and the number of abortions and infant mortality rate are still quite high. The decrease in state financing of the health care system resulted in differential access to qualified medical assistance for men and women. Although women estimate their needs in paid medical assistance lower than men, they are more affected when their needs are not fully met. Women are more likely than men to be satisfied with free services and drugs, to purchase inexpensive drugs, and to follow the prescribed course of treatment only partially. The vast majority of men and women pay for the medical services out of their own budget. The con tribution of enterprises and insurance companies for health related payments is very low for both sexes, but proportionately larger for men.

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Gender problems persist in the area of disability. In Russia, each year more than 1 million become disabled for the first time (the rate of increase of newly disabled among men and women is almost equal). More than 1,000 people of active working age become disabled annu ally, most of them men. For middle aged and elderly women, the main problem is that a high proportion of them are not married, and, hence lack family support. Disabled men, even in the older age groups, are likely to receive family support because contrary to women, they are more likely to be married. The incidence of some social diseases is growing rapidly in Russia: (alcoholism, drug addiction, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, infections, smok ing). These diseases are traditionally male problems, but they are becoming more and more acute for women as well. In addition,, the incidence of the high rate of sexually transmitted diseases is more for women than for men. One of the most important gender issues concerning women is the low representation of women in decision making in all branches of governmental power: administrative, legislative and judicial. Vertical disparity against women is characteristic of all branches of power. In Russia the male crime rate is higher than that of females, but the female crime rate is growing more rapidly. Crimes committed by women mostly have a financial motive and normally are not violent. Crimes committed by men more often involve violence and are more “diverse” in their motives. Both men and women become victims of violence. Crimes committed outside of the home are targeted mostly at men, whereas domestic crimes are targeted mostly at women. Also, mostly women are victims of sexual abuse and sexual harassment in the office. In recent years crimes related to human trafficking and forced labor have become increasingly frequent. Until recently this was viewed as a problem concerning young women, but other evidence show that human traffic affects both sexes at present, although the purposes for which forced labor are used differ across genders. The existence and the gravity of the above mentioned gender issues in modern Russia requires the development and implementation of specific programs and activities: • Develop programs on reducing alcohol, smoking and drug addic tion among the population, but primarily among men, as well as programs to fight tuberculosis and HIV. • Promote and encourage a healthy way of life.

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• Develop a crisis center network, with shelters and “hot lines” (for both men and women). • Create a mechanism to reduce the number of jobs involving haz ardous working conditions. • Create a women’s personnel reserve for public posts, with the sup port of special training programs. • Amend the labor legislation, assuring anti discrimination norms and equal rights and opportunities for women and men in their employment and career (also equal rights regarding promotion and dismissal), including part time employment for women with children. • Set up a mechanism to prevent discrimination and to control the implementation of anti discrimination labor legislation norms. • Boost the status and prestige of child care, and encourage more equall participation of men and women to take on these respon sibilities, including offering paternity leave. • Increase the salary level in budget financed areas (for example, health care, education, science, culture) to the average wage level in the national economy. • Develop social services that are accessible to all. • Develop policies so as to reduce the current gender based dispar ity among students based on the particular types of professional educational institutions they are enrolled in. • Introduce a practice of compensation by the government for pen sion contribution losses occurring during non reimbursed/non contributing periods due to some social reasons. • Create a gender based mechanism to prevent violence that counts with gender specific of this problem. • Develop rehabilitation programs for the victims of violence. • Improve the quality of gender statistics to monitor the situation of men and women in all areas of life; to make comparisons with international data whenever possible, to assess the effectiveness of the implementation of decisions, and to support a policy based on equal rights and equal opportunities. • Establish special extension courses on gender issues for law enforcement officers. • Deliver a gender appraisal of educational programs (from pre school to higher education institutions). • Integrate gender topics in the educational standards of general and professional education institutions, including education and training programs for government officers.

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• Encourage scientific research on gender issues. • Establish special extension courses on gender topics for the per sonnel of the education system. • Develop manuals and education programs on gender topics to teach the basics of gender information in educational institutions at all levels. • Ensure gender appraisal of the existing and future national legisla tions, as well as of programs on the socio economic development of the Russian Federation. An important part of the implementation of the constitutional prin ciple of equal rights and opportunities for women and men is the design and implementation of a monitoring system for gender related statistics and issues in Russia. Such monitoring will make it possible to follow changes in the situation of men and women, to see whether they fully implement their constitutional rights and responsibilities. It will also provide information control and an assessment of the effec tiveness of the implementation of specific programs and activities under the government’s policy on gender equality. The monitoring cri teria should be comprehensive but compact. Existing gender related data corroborate that government statis tics contain a sufficient set of indicators to adequately reflect the most acute gender issues in the Russian society. The vast majority of these indicators is developed on a regular basis and make both regional and international comparisons possible. The following indi cators can be used as a base for developing a monitoring system for tracking gender issues: • Life expectancy at birth for women • Life expectancy at birth for men • Gender differences in life expectancy • Gender differences in employment/ unemployment and also employment under hazardous work conditions • Number of Deputy (MP) posts held by women in the State Duma • Number of Senator posts held by women in the Council of Federations • Number of posts held by women in the RF Government • Number of posts held by women in the Constitutional and Supreme Courts • Number of female members in the political parties constituting the Parliament, number of women in the lists of candidates from

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those parties, number of women among the deputies from those parties • Number of men and women on parental leave to take care of chil dren under 18 months • Number of men and women on parental leave to take care of chil dren under 3 years • Number of women and men among employers • Ratio of the monthly nominal accrued wages of women, on an average, to those of men • Ratio of the average monthly wages in budget supported sectors to the average wages of the economy in general • Ratio of the average old age benefits of men and women • Index based on the gender based distribution of the students enrolled in professional educational institutions by categories (separately for different levels of professional education) • Number of violent crimes targeted at women, registered by the crisis centers and Internal Affairs Ministry • Number of violent crimes targeted at men, registered by the crisis centers and Internal Affairs Ministry.