This report examines the nexus between climate change and gender-based violence (GBV) in Lao PDR, focusing on the role of sustainable development policy and programming. It suggests that climate and environmental changes act as a threat multiplier by exacerbating the risk and prevalence of violence. These impacts are enabled by harmful gender norms, social hierarchies, and power dynamics pervasive throughout society. The study investigates how environmental policies, and economic goals serve to reinforce development priorities based on the commodification of natural resources, and the potential for gender-based violence, consequently.
The report presents the findings of a community-based, participatory action research study, conducted by WWF-Laos and CARE International, developed by the Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) in Asia, and in collaboration with Lao civil society organization, the Gender Development Association (GDA), to explore these interlinkages. The study developed data collection methodologies to examine the systemic causes of GBV through policy interventions on climate justice, sustainable livelihoods, and environmental conservation efforts. The methodology was tested in four communities in Lao PDR, with potential for broader application in the Greater Mekong region and across the Asia-Pacific.
Central to this report is the framing of climate change and GBV, and the link between the two. The report considers GBV beyond the manifestation of outward expressions of violence, and additionally investigates embedded systemic and structural forms of power which enable violence. This framing provides a necessary lens for examining GBV from the context of socio-economic and political systems which are used to maintain social orders and harmful gender norms. This report considers climate change beyond biophysical impacts, but additionally as an enabling factor for GBV that shifts the attention towards social inequalities and economic processes based on the commodification of nature, which amplify conflicts over natural resources. While the report initially sought to highlight strictly the link between climate change and GBV, the study produced additional results which allowed for a greater understanding of environmental issues in Lao PDR and the impacts on GBV.
Understanding GBV as a structurally rooted form of oppression and recognizing the socio-political dimensions of climate change and GBV are crucial for addressing these issues in local contexts. The study asked:
1. How does climate change (both as biophysical and policy based) affect access to local resources and livelihood strategies?
2. Do these effects have an impact on GBV?
3. How is GBV normalized across social groups?
4. Through what strategies can community-led interventions reduce GBV and increase adaptive capacity?
Mixed methodologies were used to address these questions, namely a desk review of relevant literature and policy documents; key informant interviews; a quantitative survey; qualitative gender-responsive focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. The methods developed through this research were piloted and carried out by a local civil society organization alongside National Protected Area (NPA) staff and Lao Women’s Union (LWU) representatives in four study sites: Dan and Paksong villages in Xayabouli Province, and Yangtuey and Omphia villages in Phongsali Province. The sites were selected based on existing programming with CARE and WWF, with field staff present in both provinces.
Following the preliminary round of data collection and analysis in 2022, the research team determined that additional data validation was required in the Xayabouli sites, as the participants were not able to fully engage in the questions on gender. This was attributed to prevalence of gender-blind development interventions and/or the lack of prior gender-specific programming in these sample sites. Respondents were not familiar with gendered terminology or core concepts and could not attribute their accounts of violence as forms of GBV. As such, the research team adapted the research methodology, and additionally conducted a foundational gender and women’s empowerment training with the target communities in 2023, followed by supplementary data collection, to ensure the study captured a fully accurate data-set.
● While climate change itself has adverse impacts on natural resources and agriculture production, some climate policies also have adverse effects.
o Climate mitigation measures, such as those related to forest management, land allocation, and intensified agriculture, have shaped and at times limited resource access for those who are more resource dependent and climate at-risk.
o Despite economic benefits to some, many people affected by land allocation and resettlement are confronted with challenges of cultivation land shortage, fluctuating market demands, and soil degradation. These changes heighten their susceptibility to climate change-related shocks and expose them to risks of violence and conflict over resources.
o Inequality in access to and use of natural resources between local communities and resource investors is justified among respondents; resource conflicts are regarded as the result of human error, rather than economic policies that cause resource scarcity.
● Key climate policies and frameworks lack gendered targets or interventions, while social and gender policies that reference the environment are primarily from a livelihood and economic lens.
o Women, gender diverse groups, and ethnic minority groups are not well represented across policies and plans as agents of change or in key decision-making roles.
o Climate change issues were often overlapping with other environmental impacts such as; deforestation, commercial agriculture expansion, and biodiversity loss from environmental degradation.
● The study highlights systemic factors that perpetuate and legitimize GBV within communities, such as the framing of resource conflict, the normalization of domestic violence, and social stigma regarding reporting of GBV. For instance:
o GBV is often justified through patriarchal gender norms, rather than examining root causes, inequality or power imbalances.
o GBV is often only understood as domestic physical violence, and largely normalized across respondent groups. This is attributed to a wide range of factors, including lack of education on and awareness of GBV, as well as a lack of support services or policy enforcement on protection of women and children from GBV.
o The lack of support services and social stigma attached to reporting GBV further discourages survivors of violence from seeking help, perpetuating a culture of silence. The study identifies numerous barriers that hinder survivors of violence from reporting, including fear of persecution, feelings of shame, financial costs associated with filing complaints, and lack of trust in authority.
Despite its abundance of natural resources, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) is characterized as one of the most economically poor countries in Southeast Asia. With a largely informal and agriculturebased economy, approximately 68% of the population lives in rural and remote areas and relies primarily on subsistence farming.1 As a small landlocked country and home to just over 7 million people, Lao PDR is also considered highly susceptible to climate change and natural hazards, particularly to flood and drought conditions which seriously affects the country’s agriculture production.2 Due to a combination of political, geographic, and social factors, Lao PDR ranked 131 out of 187 countries in the 2022 ND-GAIN Index.3 Lao PDR also currently ranks 139 in the UNDP Human Development Index (out of 193 countries and territories) and ranks 116 on the Gender Inequality Index (out of 166 countries in 2022).4
Climate change affects everyone, but not equally. Deeply rooted gender norms, power dynamics, and patriarchal structures, which assign women primarily to unpaid household tasks and caregiving roles, influence the disproportionate exposure of women and girls to climate change hazards, hinder their ability to cope with the associated threats to their security, and exclude them from meaningful participation in the development and implementation of solutions. These impacts are intensified further for women and girls belonging to groups experiencing multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination and marginalization, especially for ethnic minorities, people with disabilities, LGBTQI+ persons, migrants, and those living in rural and remote areas. Furthermore, the consequences of climate change on women and girls are not only experienced by heightened levels of vulnerability, but also in increased time burden, as many women bear the primary responsibility of unpaid caregiving tasks reliant on natural resources.
As such, gendered divisions of land, labour, decision-making power, and other resources leave women susceptible to extreme poverty, food insecurity, poor health, unemployment, exploitation, adolescent pregnancy, and all forms of gender-based violence (GBV) including human trafficking, child early and forced marriage, and domestic and intimate partner violence. While the connection between gender, climate change and key socio-economic development indicators such as health, education, and employment in Lao PDR are well researched and supported by a multi-sector evidence-base, there is far less information available on the relationship specifically between climate change and GBV.
1
Gender-based violence (GBV) is any harmful threat or act directed at an individual or group based on actual or perceived sex, gender, gender identity or expression, sex characteristics, or sexual orientation, and/or lack of adherence to varying socially constructed norms around masculinity and femininity. Across its many forms and manifestations, GBV is a human rights violation prohibited under international Human Rights law, and is a barrier to civic, social, political, legal, and economic participation.5
Since ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1981, Lao PDR has been committed to eliminating GBV and discrimination. The Government of Lao PDR recognizes that the elimination of GBV is crucial to protecting the rights of all persons in Lao PDR and achieving sustainable development. However, according to UN Women, one in three women and girls in Lao PDR experience some form of physical or sexual violence in their lifetime, mostly by an intimate partner.6
Although government agencies and development partners have been working to facilitate social behavior change, transformative social change cannot be institutionalized without a systems change. Simply, without an abiding rule of law and governance mechanisms to prevent GBV and provide remedies for survivors, the elimination of violence cannot be achieved. This is in addition to addressing the fundamental structures, perceptions, norms, and beliefs that have established an environment that enables and normalizes violence against women and children.7
GBV harms individuals and imposes direct and indirect costs on families, communities, economies, global public health, and sustainable development. Individuals and communities can suffer long-term effects as a result of GBV, from the spread of infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, to psychological harm. Identifying and addressing the impacts of psychological harm from GBV remains a key challenge as mental health and other psychosocial support services in Lao PDR are limited – as is the culture of acceptance around mental health support. GBV prevents survivors from exercising their economic and political rights and limits their access to education and employment8 opportunities. Similarly, social stigma against survivors perpetuates barriers to legal remedies, reinforcing a culture of impunity and pushing the realization of meaningful justice further out of reach.
5 USAID. “Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response.”
6 UN Volunteer Programme. “Facing Unseen Violence: What Can Youth Do to End Gender-Based Violence by 2030 in Lao PDR?”. 2021.
7 Vivona, D. “Examining Barriers to Justice for Survivors of Violence against Women, especially Ethnic Women in Vientiane and Oudomxay Provinces,” Gender Development Association, June 2022.
8 Includes formal and informal income generation.
According to the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), evidence shows that there are direct links between environmental pressures and GBV, and that the degradation of nature, competition over increasingly scarce resources, and environmental crime can all exacerbate violence.9
Considering Lao PDR is amongst the countries most vulnerable to projected climate change trends10, evidence suggests that women and girls, in all their diverse identities, are already experiencing the devastating impacts of violence as they continue to be on the frontlines of climate change. Women and girls in Lao PDR experience nuanced changes to the landscape that their families and communities rely upon for subsistence living. They have gained invaluable local ecological knowledge on adaptation, and at the same time, are disproportionately impacted by the devastation of climate shocks and stressors including physical health, discrimination, disempowerment, and violence.
The disproportionate impacts discussed in this study are social and political; they manifest in harmful gender norms, social and cultural hierarchy between ethnic groups, and power dynamics between the State, private sector and communities. Furthermore, siloed approaches in development, climate and environmental programming have limited the conversations and progress on identifying integrated solutions to GBV, social justice and environmental sustainability.
This report was initiated by CARE International in Lao PDR (CARE) and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) Laos. This partnership provided complementary background and expertise to the study objectives, with both CARE and WWF having decades of experience working in Lao PDR with communities and local authorities to understand and address issues related to the nexus of GBV and climate change. The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) in Asia, with the support and expertise of the Gender Development Association (GDA) in Lao PDR, developed the tools for the research study to explore the nexus between GBV and climate change in Lao PDR.
Understanding how climate change and related policy discourse influences the situation of GBV experienced by women and girls is important for both CARE and WWF. Women and girls hold critical roles in their day-today interactions with the environment, in seeking alternative livelihoods, and in defending their access and rights to natural resources. As such, the broader purpose of this initiative is to contribute to the growing body of evidence which is essential for informing policy and programming interventions in support of communityled solutions, addressing systemic causes of GBV through climate justice, sustainable livelihoods and environmental conservation.
From August 2022 to January 2023, CARE and WWF enlisted the support of SEI to undertake a research initiative aimed at examining the linkages between climate change and GBV. The field study was conducted jointly between SEI and GDA, a leading civil society organization (CSO) with a longstanding reputation and expertise in advancing the rights of women and girls in Lao PDR. While GDA led the primary data collection in sample sites, SEI was responsible for developing the research methodology, data collection tools, and analyzing the results. The study was conducted in existing CARE and WWF project sites in Phongsali and Xayabouli Provinces.
In September 2022, the field study team collected primary data from two villages (Yangtuey and Omphia) located in Khua District, Phonsgsali Province; as well as two villages (Dan and Paksong) from Thongmixay and Phieng Districts, respectively, in Xayabouli Province. Using a gender-responsive and survivor-centered approach, the team collected data from 183 total respondents, across the provincial, district and village levels. The field research undertook a mixedmethods approach to ensure the collection of both qualitative and quantitative data. As such, data collection tools consisted of: key informant interviews (KII), individual surveys (IS), focus group discussions (FGDs), and semistructured interviews (SSI).
The study was largely informed by an initial policy analysis and literature review conducted by SEI. After the primary data was compiled and synthesized, the team organized a data validation trip in January 2023 with all key stakeholders to confirm the initial conclusions of the study, verify the policy recommendations, and gather any additional input
The study encountered limitations through the methodology development, as well as research process and analysis phases. Due to the limited existing research specifically examining the link between GBV and climate change, the research team had limited resources for reference or to build a literature review. Instead, the research team crossreferenced research and policies on gender, GBV, the environment, and climate change, in addition to developing a tailored research methodology applicable to the Lao social and environmental landscapes.
Analysis following the initial round of data collection found the prevalence of gender-blind development interventions and/or the lack of prior gender-specific programming in the Xayabouli sites hindered participants' ability to fully engage with the research process. Respondents in these communities were not previously familiar with terminology around gender, including GBV, and were initially hesitant to discuss these topics with the team. As such, the research team addressed this issue by adapting the research approach and providing a foundational gender and women’s empowerment training in the target community, followed by data validation. While climate change factors were revealed throughout the study, broader environmental issues, such as deforestation, agriculture and infrastructure development overlapped with respondent data. As such, the report takes a wider scope to consider the link between GBV and the environment, including climate factors, so as not to exclude valuable insights and information from respondents.
Although the study aimed to adopt an intersectional and non-binary approach to gender, the analysis predominantly focuses on gender dynamics between women and men. This is due to the scarcity of literature that delves beyond a gender binary, particularly in environmental and climate literature. Moreover, data collectors avoided directly raising questions or documenting respondents' gender identity and sexual orientation beyond self-identification to ensure the safety and security of respondents.11
There are potential limitations to the study due to language differences within the research team. All primary data collection was conducted in Lao language and translated into English for analysis, giving some potential for error or misinterpretations.
Below is an overview of the full study sample:
Overview of respondent group by data collection tool and sample area
Below is an overview of the full study area:
Overview of sample sites disaggregated by ethnic group and sample area
This study aimed to identify a causal link between the impacts of climate change, heightened tension and conflict within and/or between communities, and an increase in cases of GBV as a result. As such, it was important that the study determine that the sample areas were in fact climate-affected, and that climate change was understood to be a driver of these impacts. Next, the study sought to determine whether communities were experiencing heightened levels of conflict because of these climate change-related impacts, which had subsequent impacts on the prevalence of violence (community and household), particularly against women, children, and other marginalized groups. The results of the primary data collection are outlined below.
Results of FGDs and SSIs with villagers in both sample areas highlight significant environmental changes over the past ten years, which respondents believe are mostly a result of climate change. These changes include land loss and shortage for cultivation, reduced land fertility, scarcity of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and scarcity of water and aquatic resources. Other events such as extreme temperatures, excessive rain, storms, floods, and drought – an indicative result of climate change – were also noted.
Responses to the surveys showed similar results. The majority reported that environmental changes over the past ten years are attributed to a reduction of forest resources, which was reported by 75% of respondents in Phongsali and 96% of respondents in Xayabouli. In Phongsali, a greater number of men respondents noted a reduction in forest resources compared to women respondents. In Xayabouli, this observation was noted
by more women respondents, however, this discrepancy could be attributed to an overall greater number of women respondents in these sample sites.
In both sample areas, over 50% of respondents observed a reduction in water availability, attributed primarily to prolonged drought and shift in the rainy season. Whereas a reduction of cultivable land was reported by only 35% of respondents in Phongsali, compared to 46% of respondents in Xayabouli. Furthermore, a substantial 85% of mostly women respondents in Xayabouli reported observing lower fertility of cultivable land, as a potential result from both climate stressors and shifts away from traditional crops towards agri-business, such as cassava and corn. The surveys also provided insights into the availability of natural resources. Respondents in Phongsali did not report experiencing a reduction in access to or availability of natural resources, such as NTFPs.
However, in Xayabouli, 58% of respondents reported a reduction in access to forest resources; 38% reporting a reduction in cultivable land; and 15% reporting less access to water.
In Xayabouli, the surveys revealed that both women and men equally experience restricted access to forests and cultivable land; however, reduction in access to water resources was solely reported by men respondents. The results of reduced access to natural resources can be partially attributed to the increase in forest management programs in the area, such as forest zoning, participatory land use planning, expanding protected forest areas, and forest restoration initiatives. Under the Protected Area Decree12, there are three differentiated Zones: Totally Protected Zone, Controlled Use Zone, and Buffer Zone, with the communities and sample sites living within the Buffer Zones.
intended to provide communities with improved access to infrastructure and social services such as schools, hospitals, water, and electricity. During the resettlement process, each household received two hectares of land for cultivation in their new village. The land allocation and titling process was implemented to ensure villagers farmed within their designated plots, and to penalize those who did not comply. Other studies have documented how this process of formalizing land titles can disrupt the traditional shifting cultivation practice and customary land acquisition of ethnic minority communities in upland areas, especially for women –challenges which are echoed across sample sites in both Phongsali and Xayabouli.
This section seeks to provide additional context on the impacts of environmental policies on communities, primarily drawing from KIIs and FGDs, as well as an analysis of key climate and environmental policies in Lao PDR. While climate change-related insecurity is a key concern, human interventions in response to climate change (e.g. adaptation and mitigation activities) can also play a role in climate in/security.
Each of the sites involved in the study expressed experiencing some form of community resettlement, for various reasons. It is important to note that community respondents and village authorities in both provinces at times generalized community resettlement as a result of “policies”, without specification. The Protected Area Law and Forest Management Policies do not facilitate community resettlement, whereas resettlement in both provinces has been documented as a result of infrastructure development and rural administration initiatives, such as the Sam-Sang Administrative Policy, which includes the amalgamation of smaller villages into larger ones.13 Specifically in Xayabouli, remote communities were resettled at the height of the LaoThai border conflict in the 1980s to ensure civilian safety, which was noted by respondents in that area.
According to village authorities (VA), community amalgamation for administrative purposes was
12 Lao Protected Area Decree. Available in Lao language version only.
Responses from one FGD and several SSIs in Phongsali revealed that resettlement resulted in a shortage of cultivable land for both relocated people and ‘host’ communities. The impacts were experienced by both groups as residents in the ‘host’ villages had to share their farmland with the newcomers. Participants in one FGD noted that in response to the lack of farmland, many resettled families returned to their old village to farm. According to district authorities, this act is considered illegal and would subject villagers to penalties and fines.
Numerous FGD participants (both women and men) expressed concern that restrictions and regulations related to protected forest and resettlements prevented villagers, particularly women, from collecting NTFPs which are a necessary source of income for many in the sample areas. This inevitably had a negative impact on livelihoods. NTFP collection is an important practice of Traditional Ecological Knowledge14 and an expression of culture and tradition. A loss to these practices, and the opportunities to pass them down to younger generations, is not just a restriction on livelihoods but also on cultural rights and the preservation of traditional practices. These accounts add valuable perspective on the unintended negative impacts of environmental policies which seek to reduce deforestation and preserve biodiversity, as these policies have inadvertently resulted in land shortage, loss of income, and increased vulnerability and insecurity for people whose livelihoods depend on natural resources.
Officials and community leaders within the research sites believe that deforestation is a major cause of climate change, with shifting cultivation and population growth as a result of village amalgamation, being
13 Vientiane Times. “Sam Sang policy spearheads devolution of administration”. September 2022
14 See glossary for definition.
identified as the main causes. This perspective places the blame on traditional livelihood practices carried out by local communities. Their belief echoes the prevailing framing of deforestation in policy discussions, despite research indicating that agribusiness and land concessions are more significant contributors to deforestation than slash-and-burn agriculture. Consequently, this narrative was perpetuated by residents, who during interviews often attributed the scarcity of land, NTFPs, and aquatic resources to population growth, rather than recognizing an inequity of allocation and access to natural resources. This misconception of drivers contributes to the stigmatization of small-scale forest-based livelihoods. It also has the potential to further marginalize women farmers and ethnic minority groups who primarily engage in small-scale agriculture systems.
Another example of this is through the implementation of the Green Growth Strategy and commercialized agriculture. While interviews with villagers in both sample areas revealed that commercialized farming, such as cassava and corn, has increased income for many households, some noted that this new source of income is often unstable due to fluctuating market demand. At the same time, many respondents noted that commercialized agriculture has reduced the quality of land and water and exacerbated the shortage of farmland.
Respondents also noted that the shift to commercial crops required small-holder farmers to use chemicals to ensure adequate yields. These chemicals impose longterm impacts to both farmers and the environment. Throughout the interviews, concerns were raised regarding the intensive use of chemicals in rubber and banana plantations possibly contaminating water sources. Similarly, officials shared concerns regarding winter melon plantations impacting the quality of land due to the excessive use of chemical herbicides and pesticides.
Purchasing chemicals each season also imposes financial burden on small-holder farms, which was highlighted by one woman respondent in Thongmixay who reported that her family “need to invest more than before as we need to buy chemical fertilizer and water pump for our farm”. The growing dependence on chemicals to facilitate the commercialization of agricultural products exacerbates the vulnerability of livelihoods, making them susceptible to fluctuating market demands and environmental degradation.
15 FAO, “Addressing Gender Issues in Pesticide Management”, 2022.
Furthermore, exposure to agriculture pesticides presents heightened risks to rural women, due in part to gender blind health and safety mechanisms.15
Conversely to the unintended consequences of environmental protection policies, Lao PDR has become increasingly reliant on resource and landbased investments as a key source of economic development, given its abundance of natural resources. However, extractive and resource development investments as well as agribusiness have imposed significant consequences on the forest, land, and water, as well as the well-being and livelihoods of local communities.
Respondents from KIIs and FGDs provided insight on these multidimensional impacts.16 For example, the Nam Ou Hydropower project in Phongsali resulted in the loss of over 5,100ha of land, resettlement of seven villages, loss to wildlife and ecosystems, and the depletion of some aquatic resources. The Phon Ngam Village hydropower development inundated nearly 3,000ha of forest, destroying some critical habitats. The mining project at Vangphamone Village took over 10ha of land from four villages and caused water shortages and water pollution. Lastly, mining of forest areas in Thongmixay District emitted oil into the water source, contaminating it and causing severe impacts to fish populations.
The policy analysis indicates that Lao PDR is striving to align climate adaptation and mitigation measures with its economic goals. The Lao economy is vulnerable to climate change in that it is highly dependent on natural resources such as agriculture, hydropower, logging, and mining. To understand how these resources are managed in the context of climate change and in relation to economic development, the study reviewed key policy documents on climate change mitigation and adaptation:
i) The National Strategy on Climate Change of Lao PDR 2021 and Decree No. 321 on Climate Change (2021)
ii) The National Green Growth Strategy of Lao PDR 2030
iii) The Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)
16 Evidence from respondents was corroborated by reports from the World Bank and Department of Forestry.
The National Strategy on Climate Change acknowledges climate change as the greatest challenge facing our future and promotes adaptation and resilience as the national priority to, “prevent, limit, reduce risks and impacts, and recover from climate change loss and damage”. This effort encompasses various strategies, including climate resilient agriculture, land-use planning, Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and Conservation in developing countries (REDD+), conservation and reforestation, participatory forest management, and increasing capacity on climate change mainstreaming across policies.
The National Green Growth Strategy emphasizes “enhancing economic resilience to climate change, natural disasters and global economic uncertainties”, through the development of industries where Lao PDR has a competitive advantage. This includes hydropower, agro-processing, finished wood products, and mineral processing, among others. Commercializing agriculture is presented as a strategy for rural development and poverty reduction, yet this sector is highly dependent on environmental and climate sensitive conditions, while at the same time also a significant contributor to environmental degradation. According to the Green Growth Strategy, agriculture should shift towards commercialization by upskilling rural populations, investing in infrastructures, and facilitating resettlement to enable participation in global value chains. To facilitate agricutural production commercialization, capitalize on infrastructure development, and improve access to public services, the Government of Lao PDR has been implementing a policy of consolidating small villages into larger ones. This approach is proposed as a solution to subsistence farming, which the Green Growth Strategy characterized as having “low efficiency, low effectiveness” and high susceptibility to natural disasters. Studies conducted throughout the region and across sectors suggest that the focus on economic productivity risks corporate capture of local environmental resources and threatens local land rights. Additionally, access to land for small-scale farmers may diminish due to land-use planning, land concessions for agribusiness, mining, and other land investments which prioritize economic growth.
The Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) emphasize hydropower development for both domestic and export use as a climate mitigation measure. However, when considering climate mitigation efforts, it is worth noting that while renewable energy, such as hydropower, plays a pivotal role in transitioning away from fossil fuels and extending electricity access to more households, wider research underscores that there are adverse environmental and societal consequences associated with hydropower projects, including emissions from gray infrastructures and impacts to local communities. Lao PDR was the first country in the Asia Pacific to submit its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) in 2015 under the Paris Agreement, with revised submissions in 2021. The revision included gender integration under the forestry and energy commitments. In 2023, the Government of Lao PDR conducted stakeholder consultations with the support of UN agencies to develop an analysis and action plan for mainstreaming gender action throughout the updated NDC.17
Climate change among respondents is largely associated with environmental disasters and events, and not widely discussed for root causes or drivers. Similarly, violence against women at a systemic level and the connection to climate change as a driver of this violence was more often dismissed or rationalized by respondents. Most respondents did not link their experiences of environmental changes and limited resource access to policies and structural factors. In Phongsali, 80% of the survey respondents related their precarious conditions to climate change impacts such as extreme temperature, irregular rainfall, increased flood and cyclone, and prolonged water scarcity. Only 10% of respondents referred to policy, 5% to large-scale economic investment (including commercial agriculture), and 5% to local activity. In Xayabouli however, 34% of respondents pointed to climate disasters, 32% to policy,12% to large-scale economic investment, and 12% to local activity (10% of respondents indicated other activities or not knowing). The high percentage of respondents associating environmental change with policy in Xayabouli can be attributed to existing forest management and land-use planning programs currently in progress within the province, and previous consultations to raise awareness of these policies among the respondents.
in its Nationally Determined Contribution”, UNDP in Lao PDR, September 2023.
Environmental insecurity is multidimensional and inextricably linked to the decisions made by dutybearers, and yet, the disproportionate impacts are primarily felt by rights-holders. These issues are more complex in countries where the rights of Indigenous Peoples are not fully recognized within the national legal framework, in particular, the right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). Lao PDR does not officially recognize Indigeneity, but has 50 recognized ethnic groups,18 many of whom are communities with cultural and historic connections to the land in which they live and rely on. The above also underscores that climate action itself can exacerbate inequalities, when it is not gender-responsive or locally informed.
Based on the survey results, land conflicts among villagers mostly manifest through verbal exchange, insults, and abusive and threatening language between residents. Even though there are no reports of physical violence, land dispute has instilled a deep sense of fear and insecurity in some of the new settlers, particularly those in Omphia Village. For instance, one man respondent expressed his fear, stating, “we go to collect food in the forest, and we are afraid of being attacked by a neighbor who has a dispute with us.” This fear underscores the significant psychological and emotional toll that land conflicts can take on individuals and communities, even in the absence of physical violence.
Officials in the research sites observed that forest protection and resettlement programs have caused a shortage of farming land, leading to an increase in conflict and complaints. Conflict generally occurs between villagers, villagers and the private sector, and sometimes villagers and authorities. While conflict between villagers is mostly managed or resolved by the villagers themselves, participants in one FGD reported instances of fines imposed on those who violate government orders regarding land division. Results of the study revealed that the most common drivers for conflict at the community-level are access to land, NTFPs, and water.
In Omphia Village, NTFPs remain a crucial source of food and income for most families, particularly when other livelihood options are limited. Results of FGDs and SSIs revealed that the scarcity of NTFPs in Omphia leads to more tension and conflict compared to villages in Phieng and Thongmixay districts in Xayabouli. Village authorities and participants in an FGD in Omphia noted that conflicts arise when people collect NTFPs in the protected area or trespass village boundaries. These conflicts mainly take the form of verbalexchanges, often described as “little quarrels.”
The primary data indicated that there has been a noticeable increase in land-related conflict over the past few years in both sample areas. Conflicts are typically around perceived unfair or ambiguous land allocation, unclear demarcation, land titling issues, and disputes over unjust decisions regarding land. In more recent years, competition over land resulting from the promotion of commercial agriculture has become another driver of conflict. This was confirmed by district officials and village authorities who noted the “economic benefit of the land” had led to an “increasing number of land disputes”.
Respondents from FGDs and SSIs also reported that the scarcity of NTFPs requires them to venture deeper into forest areas, exposing them to potential threats including wild animals or “armed criminals”, and increases the risk of having an accident in a complex landscape out of earshot and reach of other villagers. This presents a heightened risk for women and girls, who are primarily responsible for NTFP collection in both research sites. While both women and men are exposed to verbal abuse and threats to their physical well-being due to the scarcity of NTFPs, the type of violence and threats individuals encounter is highly gendered.
In the study sites, water-related conflict tends to occur during dry and farming seasons, primarily revolving around the use of water for household needs, farming, and livestock raising. Notably, this issue of water-
18
related conflict was expressed by more women respondents than men, implying the women may be more exposed to water-related conflict. This difference can be attributed to gendered division of labour, where women often bear more responsibility for tasks related to water, such as household collection. These conflicts usually involve verbal exchange and are rarely reported to local authorities. Furthermore, some respondents in Phongsali reported that the use of water for commercial plantations, like cardamom farming, has exacerbated water scarcity, intensifying the existing tension among villagers over water use.
Phongsali, and that infidelity is a very common driver of conflict (and violence) between couples.
Interviews with village authorities, village mediation units (VMUs), and respondents from FGDs all confirmed that GBV against women and girlsiscommon in both sample areas. Domestic violence is the most common form of reported GBV experienced by women and girls in the sample sites; however, cases from Phieng Village reported youth/adolescent girls experiencing child sexual abuse, trafficking, and forced marriage. Poverty was attributed as the primary cause in both cases of domestic and situational violence. Economic insecurity leads to shifts in traditional gender roles, such as men no longer fulfilling their prescribed role as primary income earners, leading to heightened stress and reports of violence within families. Pervasive poverty is a known driving factor for increased risk of child, early and forced marriage, with rural remote regions being at higher risk. Lao PDR has the highest rate of child marriage in Asia19, which is recognized in international law as both a form of GBV and a human rights violation.
KIIs and FGDs identified psychological abuse (yelling, belittling, destroying household items) as the most common form of GBV between spouses, whereby husbands are most often the perpetrators. Violence of this nature was reported as occurring frequently, and oftentimes daily. Physical abuse was reported as the second most common form of violence against women, which was reported as typically instigated by alcohol consumption, substance abuse, and infidelity. These results are aligned with the conclusions of CARE’s 2018 Rapid Gender Analysis on flood-affected communities in Attapeu Province20, which noted extramarital sexual partners and/or second wife is common among men in
Deeply embedded patriarchal norms are typically used to justify domestic violence by both women and men in the research sites. For example, some women respondents expressed that not fulfilling domestic chores would trigger abusive behaviors as that is what is expected of them as a wife. One respondent noted, “we sometimes had arguments because I went to meetings and did not prepare food and cleaned the house. My husband came back from the farm tired and he got very mad.” Furthermore, psychological abuse and physical abuse are generally normalized behaviors – for some, domestic violence is part of daily life and is perceived as expected (and often acceptable) behavior so long as wives are not perceived as being seriously physically injured.
For example, one woman respondent from an FGD shared that “Domestic violence … It is not considered a serious matter in the village because it is not serious to the point of bleeding, just because of a drunken husband and a quarrel.” An enabling factor for this belief is the Law on the Development and Protection of Women and Children, which differentiates “serious” and “non-serious” violence against women based on the extent of visible physical injury as a determining factor for justice pathways.
Interview respondents had a tendency to minimize instances of domestic violence with several stating that little to no violence existed in their village. Upon probing, it was determined that this was a misconception as many forms of GBV, including domestic violence, were simply not understood as such. This misconception was consistent across all sample areas.
Both the KII and SSIs, along with the FGDs strongly indicated that environmental hardships and changes to livelihoods challenges the ability of men to fulfill their traditional gender norms as providers and protectors, and as a result, often leads to a reliance on alcohol as a coping mechanism. As many instances of GBV occur while perpetrators are intoxicated, it could be reasonably determined that environmental insecurity and changes to livelihoods, likely resulting from climate change, increase the risk and instances of GBV. In this case, climate change is considered a threat multiplier because it enables and exacerbates the conditions for instances of GBV to occur.
20 CARE International. “Rapid Gender Analysis: An analysis of gender equality and social inclusion among flood-affected communities in Attapeu Province, Lao PDR”. October 2018.
According to one district official, “men’s livelihoods rely on nature such as hunting, cutting wood. When they cannot do these activities anymore, they stay at home drinking, watching boxing. This often causes domestic violence when their wives come back from work carrying water or wood.” Many respondents observed a correlation between an increase in alcohol and substance abuse in their village, the increased presence of agribusiness investors, and an amplification of domestic violence.
Among this group, several connected the rise in addiction, mostly among men, with employment in plantations. They noted it was commonly understood that “…drugs make it possible to work longer and be tireless, especially in the [foreign] investor’s plantations.” In addition to coping with the violence perpetrated against them, respondents noted that the wives of plantation workers struggling with addiction also had to bear the weight of increased domestic burden, as they shouldered the additional workload that their husbands were unable to do. When probed, men explained the reasons for drinking include “worrying about poverty and money for children’s schooling”, “refusing to follow wife’s requests”, and “feeling sad”, which relate to the economic insecurity experienced by climate-impacted communities in recent years.
of animals or stolen property.21 This approach creates barriers for individuals seeking support in the form of legal aid and perpetuates the normalization of violence.
VMUs have the authority to decide on sanctions e.g., fines and detention upon parties involved. Interviews suggest that people prefer to avoid reporting conflict to the VMUs and resolve the issues internally instead. One reason for this, as indicated by the survey results, is a lack of trust in the VMUs ability to resolve disputes impartially. Additionally, officials in an interview noted that, in general, people avoid confrontation with authorities out of fear of reprisals.
As outlined by GDA’s 2022 report Examining barriers to justice for survivors of gender-based violence, especially ethnic women in Vientiane and Oudomxay Provinces, and further supported by the results of this study, the following factors contribute to underreporting:
● Fear of persecution: According to respondents from VMUs, some women do not report domestic violence because they are “afraid of reprisal from their husbands, they are shy, or they are worried about potential fines”.
Although the Government of Lao PDR has undertaken concerted efforts to address, prevent, and eliminate GBV, capacity gaps and resource constraints significantly impact the establishment of legal mechanisms to ensure meaningful justice for survivors. Furthermore, social norms and lack of awareness perpetuate a culture of tolerance and normalization of GBV, both resulting in underreporting of cases of violence. The 2014 Violence Against Women study in Lao PDR revealed that while one in three women in Lao PDR have experienced a form of violence, less than 2% report it to the authorities.
In terms of access to justice mechanisms, there are Village Mediation Units (VMU) at each administrative level, who primarily focus on mediating and resolving conflict “with the aim of restoring harmony within the family or community”, rather than ensuring justice for survivors of violence. VMUs often have little to no training on GBV, and mediate cases of GBV using the same processes for mediating conflicts over ownership
21 Hyun, M. The World Bank. 2020
● Sense of shame/social stigma: Survivors of violence typically only share their experiences with close family members as they feel a sense of shame or worry about social stigma. One VMU respondent noted, “little family quarrels will not be reported because of shyness and worries that their neighbors will look bad on them or gossip about them.”
● Cost of filing a complaint: Some villages in Phongsali impose ‘mediation fees’ each time the VMU is involved in a case. The fee starts at 50,000LAK for the first instance22, and increases with each subsequent engagement. According to GDA’s report, ‘mediation fees’ are a common occurrence across Lao PDR. The survivor’s family is also expected to ‘host’ the mediation, which includes preparing the space and providing a meal at their expense.
● Lack of trust: Many KII respondents question the VMU’s ability to provide fair resolutions and expressed dissatisfaction with mediation outcomes. This is further supported by survey results which indicate that 36% of respondents do not trust the authorities in resolving conflict.
22 Fee based on 2022 report; not adjusted for inflation.
● Lack of knowledge/access to legal mechanisms: Women in Lao PDR, especially in rural and remote ethnic communities, often face barriers in accessing information. As such, they are often unaware of both informal(villagelevel) and formal (district/provincial-level) processes for accessing the justice system or initiating legal procedures against perpetrators of violence. This is especially relevant in communities that follow patrilocal marriage customs, such as the Khmu ethnic group, whereby women relocate to their husband’s village after marriage. As noted by one VMU respondent, “women often don’t know how to report… the majority of women in this village come from other villages, that is why they are not as familiar with the context of our village as the men are.”
● GBV-free model village: In 2009, the Lao Ministry of Justice introduced Agreement No. 209, marking the introduction of ‘model villages’ or ‘case-free villages’ whereby the State
rewarded villages considered free from incidents of gender based violence. This is measured by villages which had not made referrals to district courts.23 Rather than incentivizing communities to address the root causes of violence and improve access to justice at the local levels, the initiative acts as a deterrent to reporting cases for fear of damaging the village’s reputation or having their status removed.
To further understand the linkages between GBV and climate change, as well as to address this relationship, the report culminates in recommendations targeted specifically to development and civil society practitioners in their respective capacities. Broader recommendations for policy strengthening aim to address the gaps in both institutional and governance level understanding of, and ability to mitigate GBV as a result of climate change, as well as potential negative impacts of environmental interventions.
1. Integrating a socio-political lens across climate and environment programming and policies, for example:
● Assessing and addressing the indirect and unintentional gendered consequences of climate and environment programming and policies.
● Developing and implementing holistic climate change and disaster risk management strategies through collaboration and coordination among various sectors and stakeholders at different levels, including those most at risk of climate and compounding GBV.
● Advocate for policies that recognize and address the link between climate change and GBV. This includes legal frameworks that protect women and gender minorities during climate-induced disasters.
2. Increase the evidence base on the linkages of GBV and climate change, utilizing innovative and locally informed approaches and technologies.
● Adapt the methodology from this study to harvest more data on the intersection of GBV and climate change as it relates to different social and environmental landscapes, policies, events and communities.
● Disseminate findings for public use and in policy advocacy.
3. Implement mitigating measures that address the root causes of gender-based violence resulting from climate change and environmental policies and initiatives, in addition to response measures.
4. Integrate a comprehensive and systematic approach to integrating FPIC principles across programming and activities carried out by implementing organizations, which includes support to CSOs, government and local authorities in the implementation of FPIC principles and awareness raising among local communities on FPIC and associated rights.
5. Strengthen referral and support systems for survivors of GBV, particularly in the aftermath of climate-related events. This could involve setting up safe spaces and providing psychological support services, including peer support groups.
6. Implement school, workplace, and community education programs to raise awareness about the increased risks of GBV due to climate change and environmental degradation. This should include accessible information (available in local languages, adapted to infographics, etc.) on how to seek and provide support.
7. Adopt people-centered and human rights-based language.
● Expand the framing of GBV in climate related events to include gender diverse people.
● Raising awareness and understanding of intersectionality and its significance in climate policy and programming among policymakers, practitioners, and the general public. This involves recognizing how patterns of gender and social discrimination at multiple levels of society intersect to shape individuals’ experiences of and exposure to violence.
● Redirect the narrative of women and marginalized groups as victims and vulnerability to survivor centered language, while recognizing intergenerational knowledge and adaptive capacity.
8. Promote a multi-sector approach to addressing GBV, enhancing partnerships and coordination mechanisms to support sharing best practices and resources
Climate change
The long-term fluctuations in temperature, precipitation, wind and other aspects related to climate and weather. The United Nations Convention on Climate Change describes it as the change of climate that is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity that alters the composition of the global atmosphere, and this is in addition to natural climate variability observed over comparable time periods.24
Domestic violence Occurs when someone uses abusive behaviour to control and/or harm a member of their family, household, or someone with whom they have an intimate relationship. It includes many different forms of violence including physical, sexual, emotional and financial abuse. Different forms of abuse can also occur in a range of relationships and contexts. Some examples of various types of family violence are intimate partner violence, child abuse and neglect, elder abuse, violence based on so-called ‘honour’ and forced marriage.25
Gender
Gender-based violence
The roles, behaviors, activities, and attributes that a given society at a given time considers appropriate for men and women. In addition to the social attributes and opportunities associated with being male and female and the relationships between women and men and girls and boys, gender also refers to the relations between women and those between men. These attributes, opportunities and relationships are socially constructed and are learned through socialization processes. They are context/ time-specific and changeable. Gender determines what is expected, allowed and valued in a woman or a man in a given context. In most societies there are differences and inequalities between women and men in responsibilities assigned, activities undertaken, access to and control over resources, as well as decision-making opportunities. Gender is part of the broader sociocultural context, as are other important criteria for socio-cultural analysis including class, race, poverty level, ethnic group, sexual orientation, age, etc.26
Any harmful threat or act directed at an individual or group based on actual or perceived sex, gender, gender identity or expression, sex characteristics, or sexual orientation, and/or lack of adherence to varying socially constructed norms around masculinity and femininity.
Gender division of labour
An overall societal pattern where women are allotted one set of gender roles and men are allotted another set. An unequal gender division of labour refers to situations in which there is an unequal division of the rewards of labour by sex, i.e., discrimination. The most obvious pattern in the gender division of labour is that women are mostly confined to unpaid domestic work and unpaid food production, whereas men dominate in cash crop production and wage employment.
Gender equality
Gender relations
Gender-responsive climate action
Refers to the equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities of women and men and girls and boys and other gender minorities. Equality does not mean that women and men will become the same but that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities, and opportunities will not depend on whether they are born female or male. WWF sees equality between people of all genders as both a human rights issue and a precondition for, and indicator of, sustainable people-centered development.27
A term that emphasizes the relationship between men and women as demonstrated by their respective roles in power sharing, decision making, the division of labour, returns to labour, both within the household and in the society at large.
Recognition of gender differences in adaptation needs and capacities; gender-equitable participation and influence in adaptation decision-making processes; and gender-equitable access to finance and other benefits resulting from investments in adaptation.
Gender roles
Intersectionality
Communities and societies create social norms of behavior, values, and attitudes that are deemed appropriate for men and women and the relations between them. These roles are assigned by social criteria rather than biological. For example, childbearing is a female sex role because men cannot bear children. Although both men and women can rear children, these duties are socially assigned.
A framework to understand howparticular forms of interconnected identities work together to create one’s lived experience. Intersectional paradigms remind us that discrimination cannot be reduced to one fundamental aspect of an individual’s life. Rather we must critically consider the combinations of factors that make up one’s entire identity. Intersectional feminism examines the overlapping systems that create unique modes of discrimination or privilege that women experience, based not just on gender but on race, ethnicity, sexuality, economic background, ability, nationality, citizenship, and a number of other axes.
Intimate partner violence
Marginalized groups
Any act of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occurs between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim. It constitutes a form of violence which affects women disproportionately and which is therefore distinctly gendered.
Different groups of people within a given culture, context and history at risk of being subjected to multiple discrimination due to the interplay of different personal characteristics or grounds, such as sex, gender, age, ethnicity, religion or belief, health status, disability, sexual orientation, gender identity, education or income, or living in various geographic localities. Belonging to such groups or even being perceived to belong to them heightens the risk of inequalities in terms of access to rights and use of services and goods in a variety of domains, such as access to education, employment, health, social and housing assistance, protection against domestic or institutional violence, and justice.28
Sex
Systemic violence
Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK)
Sex refers to the biological characteristics that define humans as female or male.
Systemic violence refers to the harm people suffer from the social structure and the institutions sustaining and reproducing it. This type of violence prevents its victims from satisfying their basic needs and is an avoidable impairment of the fundamental means necessary for human existence.
The on-going accumulation of knowledge, practice and belief about the relationships between living beings in a specific ecosystem that is acquired by Indigenous People over hundreds or thousands of years through direct contact with the environment, handed down through generations, and used for life-sustaining ways. This knowledge includes the relationships between people, plants, animals, natural phenomena, landscapes, and timing of events for activities such as hunting, fishing, trapping, agriculture, and forestry. It encompasses the world view of a people, which includes ecology, spirituality, human and animal relationships, and more.29
Vulnerability
The propensity or predisposition to be adversely affected by the impacts of climate change (or other). Vulnerability is determined by sensitivity and susceptibility to harm and by adaptive capacity, among other factors.
