Streets of Ambivalence

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STREETS OF

>AMBIVALENCE<

YANNICK BONTINCKX



In 2011, New York City’s recycling rate dropped to 15%, that’s less than half the nation’s average of 34% and five times less than San Francisco’s 77%. New York exports all of its 25,000 tons of waste (per day) out of the city limits. Things need to change.



Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


TABLE OF CONTENTS


I. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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II. INTRODUCTION

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III. GOWANUS, NYC.

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DESIGN OUTLINE 12 FRAMEWORK 14 AMBIVALENCE 16 GOWANUS IN A NUTSHELL 22 LOCATION 25 DESIGN LOCATION 27 ZONING 28 HISTORY / CREEK 31 HISTORY / INDUSTRIAL 34 HISTORY /ENVIRONMENT 37 SOCIO-ECONOMICS / THE PROJECTS 40 SOCIO-ECONOMICS / RESIDENTIAL GENTRIFICATION 41 SOCIO-ECONOMICS / INDUSTRIAL GENTRIFICATION 42

IV. THEMATIC INPUTS

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WASTE MANAGEMENT 46 CONTAINER PARKS 50 CANNERS 52

V. DESIGN BRIEF

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VI. REFERENCE PROJECTS

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VII. GOWANUS ENVIRONMENTAL CENTER

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VIII. REFLECTION

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IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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X. APPENDIX

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CSO RETENTION FACILITY CONTAINER PARK REDEMPTION CENTER ECO-MANUFACTURING SPACE COMMUNITY INFRASTRUCTURE WASTE TRANSFER STATION

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CONCEPT 80


I. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS


Thanks! First off, I would like to take the opportunity to express my deepest appreciation and sympathy to my Academic promotor, Dr. Arch. Kris W.B. Scheerlinck, who’s wise words always kept me on track. Without his guidance and mentorship this master dissertation project would not have been possible. I would also like to thank Pratt Institute, and in particular Adjunct Assistant Professor Stuart Pertz, Professor Ronald Shiffman and Chairperson of Center for Planning and the Environment John Shapiro, for their detailed information and talks about the Gowanus neighborhood with all its social, political and cultural aspects. Last, but not least I would also like to thank my family and especially my parents for their everlasting support. Having two sons studying creative professions with all the associated ups and downs was not easy on you. Thanks for letting us make mistakes and picking us up again. Thank you Stef, my brother, for being there for me and helping me complete the final stages. Christine, my fiancée, thank you for bearing with me during all these years and not minding my staring at buildings every time we’re on holiday. I promise that I’ll take some more time staring at you in the future.


II. INTRODUCTION


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


DESIGN OUTLINE In the following paper the design proposal for the Autonomous Master Project, ‘Streets of Ambivalence’ will be presented and tested to current and future needs, opportunities and challenges of the Gowanus neighborhood, located in Brooklyn, New York. The research starts with the Streetscape Territories (ST) research project as a framework. ST is directed by dr. arch. Kris W.B. Scheerlinck, also the academic promotor of this master dissertation project. The notion of ambivalence within the Streetscape Territories project is addressed and added to the research framework.

Research Question:

The Streets of Ambivalence project questions how a city the size of New York should deal with manufacturing zones that are under residential rezoning pressure. Is there still a future for manufacturing in New York City and the Gowanus neighborhood in particular? If there is still a future, what kind of manufacturing can take part within this complex context and how can it be sustained over the years to come? New York is facing the consequences of global warming and climate change in a very confronting way. Storm surges caused by Hurricane Sandy were responsible for a lot of damage in the Gowanus neighborhood. It is expected that similar events will occur more frequently in the future. If we combine these predictions with current environmental issues that affect the Gowanus Canal, a

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central part of the Gowanus neighborhood, a response to these challenges is in order. Gowanus is a chain in the complex network called New York, so sufficient attention is given to the broader context. There is a link between the current Waste Management crisis in New York and the opportunities that lie in the Gowanus area. The design will combine both elements into its program. The design proposal will include a research on how these challenges can be incorporated into the design itself and provide a strategy for future development to cope with changing climatological en environmental parameters.

Research Proposal:

In the next chapters all current and future opportunities and challenges will be analyzed and the proposition for a Gowanus Environmental Center will be made. The Gowanus Environmental Center aspires to optimize a large number of economic and social opportunities within the Gowanus neighborhood while at the same time tackle the most urgent challenges in a sustainable way. The Streets of Ambivalence project will prove that infrastructures that deal with waste management are able to fit in our urban streetscapes in a transparent and open way instead of being pushed outside city limits and out of sight. By incorporating the Environmental Center into our daily lives awareness is raised for one of the most pressing challenges of our times.


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


FRAMEWORK The framework for this Autonomous Master Project (AMP) is the Streetscape Territories research project directed by Dr. Arch. Kris W.B. Scheerlinck: “Streetscape Territories is the name given to an international research project that deals with the territorial organization of urban projects, explored in different contexts, studied as part of different cultures, and defined by different social networks. Streetscape Territories deals with models of proximity within a street, neighborhood or region and starts from the assumption that urban space, from the domestic scale till the scale of the city, can be understood as a discontinuous collective space, containing different levels of collective use that are defined by multiple physical, cultural or territorial boundaries. Etymologically, streetscapes refer to systems of streets. Therefore, streetscape territories allude to the existence and importance of territorial systems as related to the street. Examples of these territorial systems could be a set of properties, of which the exterior boundaries are constantly questioned and tested by its neighbors, or a house or storefront that exists as part of a shared portico in a street. One might consider either a courtyard or passage commonly used by a restricted group of neighbors in a residential area, or even a square, as part of a succession or set of collective spaces within a city. Independent from the categories of scale or function, streetscapes are defined by and dependent upon systems of adjacent, overlapped, and integrated territories, controlled by multiple agents. Territoriality, permeability, and proximity have indeed become the real protagonists of urban growth or transformation. Therefore, the contemporary discourse on streetscapes no longer focuses on the aesthetics of a perfect Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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set design. Neither does the quality of a streetscape depend on the size of the constituent building lots nor the dimensions of its buildings. The built environment, together with its constituent elements and related dimensions, is increasingly defined by access control and its inherent social networks. As explored in the 1960s as a reaction to modern planning recipes, streetscapes can be seen as configurations simple or complex with physical, visual, and territorial factors defining a morphological and functional display of urban cues that are coded and decoded according to the present socio-cultural framework of a neighborhood. This model, however, needs to be updated according to new spatial and social phenomena. Streetscape Territories wants to take this particular challenge as a starting point.”[1] Within the framework outlined by Kris Scheerlinck, the concept of ‘Ambivalence’ is added and further elaborated within a specific streetscape. One of the most interesting concepts is the notion of depth within a streetscape. To research how deep collective spaces penetrate into certain building blocks is an important research tool to discover how different types adjacent to these spaces work on a social or cultural level.

of the network of little alleyways in Venice, Italy. You experience some alleys as being more collective than others. Visitors are often confronted with a hesitation of going into certain alleyways, regular inhabitants make other decisions in terms of which routes and alleys they follow. This all adds up to a multitude of ways to experience an urban streetscape. We need more of these ambigious spaces also in terms of permeability of the urban fabric. Permeability is another concept that is used within the ST research project. In the Streets of Ambivalence project the idea of permeability questions how clear the line between permeable and not permeable should be. Does the level of permeability influence the way we engage with others? Are we activily invited to participate in the streetscape? An ambivalent relationship between permeable and closed off elements in a streetscape again offers multiple interpretations and makes the urban fabric more complex and thus more closely related to human life.

If we are to combine this with the notion of ambivalence, one can argue that spaces that aren’t immediately apparent in terms of depthness, could be spaces that allow for multiple interpretations. Take for instance, the example [1] Scheerlinck, K., About, accessed 25 March 2013, <http://streetscapeterritories.wordpress.com/2013/04/03/about-street-scape-territories/>.

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AMBIVALENCE The choice for focussing the scope of this master dissertation on what the concept of ambivalence means in a social and architectural context is based on own personal developments as a student and human being and is at the same time strongly related to the research of Streetscape Territories. When browsing through the portfolio of the author of this dissertation project one can discover an inconsistency. There’s no apparant leading thread connecting all projects. One can wonder this was perhaps due to the nature of architectural education in general or the student’s own personal learning process. Perhaps he was still looking for his own personal style? The designs are not ‘recognizable’. When looking at all the internationally renowned architects and their recognizable style he could ask himself the question why his designs always seem to be so different from each other. An answer to that question could perhaps be found in the exhibition ‘Less and More’ about the work of Dieter Rams (industrial designer for Braun), where his design ethos suggests a balanced approach between the Modernistic and Post-Modernistic slogans; Mies Van Der Rohe’s ‘Less is More’ and Venturi’s ‘Less is a Bore’.[1] Over the following chapters of this Autonomous Master Project Paper the ethos of ‘Less and more’ is further elaborated, a theme that is intimately connected to our [1] Rams, D. and Ueki-Polet, K., et al. (2009) Less and more. Berlin: Gestalten.

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am· biv· a· lence:

1. The coexistence of opposing attitudes or feelings. from Latin ambi- “both” / “in two ways” + valentia “strength,” from prp. of valere “be strong”


contemporary lives, to the essence of our humanity. Humans are characterized by conflicting emotions. Architecture in our contemporary society is viewed too much as a black-or-white opposition. And while these two extremes are, of course, prominent in our lives and necessary, there’s a gradient of greys in between. A mixture between black and white that most contemporary architects seem to deny or neglect. Our environments, cities and lives are becoming ever more complex and layered. Complexity is strongly related to the concept of ambivalence. In his doctoral thesis ‘Depth Configurations’, Kris Scheerlinck refers to the work of Warren Weaver to describe three types of complexity: simple complexity, disorganised complexity and organized complexity. Simple complexity, on the one extreme end, consists of only two or three variable problems, disorganised complexity, on the other end, are problems characterized by millions and millions of variables that can only be statistically approached, like for example behavior of molecules in a gas. Organized complexity however, is the middle region between the two extremes that involves billions of variables. And to quote W. Weaver: “Much more important than the mere number of variables is the fact that these variables are all interrelated... These problems, as contrasted with the disorganised situations with which statistics can cope, show the essential feature of organization.” By focussing more on the middle region between ‘simple’ and ‘disorganised’ complexity in architecture we are able to enrich our urban fabric in ways that are much more related to our own human behavior and intentions.

An exploration within the Streetscape Territories framework will be made to test how ambivalent architecture could be a defining agent in the creation and transformation of territorial depth. What are ambivalent spaces? How do these spaces influence the distinction between collective and individual space over time? How do they stimulate overlaps in territorial depth? How do they correspond to the previously described organized complexity of architecture? In his doctoral thesis Kris Scheerlinck also describes N.J. Habraken’s theory on territorial overlap as follows: “The importance of the concept of territorial overlap lies in the possible rich ambiguity of an urban project: besides having multiple options to access a building or an area (as in dual orientation), the location of the private property here obtains as well an increasingly relative character. This allows different users of space to interpret and appropriate projects in a more flexible way. Territorial overlap can be defined in a fix morphological way or can depend on timerelated space appropriations, spontaneous or not.” [emphasis added] It becomes immediately clear that ambiguity plays a defining role in the complexity of our urban environments. Ambivalence, as a stronger form of ambiguity, allows for a multitude of different interpretations and interactions that would benefit our urban fabric. Ambivalence, a term coined by Swiss psychologist Eugene Bleuler in 1910, since taken on a broader literary and general sense, is of course closely related to our human psyche. In our contemporary architectural discussions the focus is too often on formalistic discourse. By includ-

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ing ambivalence together with the Streetscape Territories project into he Gowanus Environmental Center we could shift the focus back on how social and human interaction shape our environment and architecture. An illustration of this shift towards a more human centred approach is explained by Kris Scheerlinck.. When talking about space as a system, Scheerlinck quotes Bill Hillier and Julienne Hanson: “...syntactic generators of space are shape-free: the study of space as a system is not about shape. Besides that, they [Hillier and Hanson, red.] dedicate a limited role to “distances” or “location” and focus on simultaneously existing relationships that are ever-changing. In other words, they are interested in rethinking the concept of proximity at an urban scale.” [emphasis added] By introducing the aspect of ‘Ambivalence’ into the ST research project, an exploration will be made on how urban growth and transformation take place and benefit from more ambivalent architecture. An architecture that allows for uncertainty, multiple interpretations and above all architecture that is human, which means it’s ambivalent. Jeremy Till illustrates the possibilities of ambivalent archicture with an anecdote in his book ‘Architecture Depends’.[2] In one of the last chapters Till talks about how Elvis Costello would ask his technicians during the recording of an album to play the recordings through a cheap transistor radio because this would be how most people would experience his music. Till argues that architects should have a similar attitude, keeping in mind the low-fi while [2] Till, J. (2009) Architecture depends. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

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designing a project. And while Till is right to point out that the distance between ‘designer’ and ‘end-user’ is too large, Till forgets to incorporate an important element. We all have ambivalent feelings. Not everybody still listens to the cheap transistor radio. There’s people listening to cheap mp3-players, there’s people who still love the sound of the good old LP-player but there’s also a growing number of audiophiles with hi-tech equipment that want to hear the sound of Costello’s fingers gently touching the microphone. And above all there’s people who listen to the car radio in the morning during a traffic jam, and enjoy Costello in the evening on their Dolby Surround installation at home. We are ambivalent beings. We love to be able to enjoy both extremes and everything in between. Architecture needs this ambivalence in order to keep up with an ever faster changing and transforming society as our ‘options of listening’, to remain in the same terminology, keep on growing. Yannick Bontinckx, February - June 2013



III. GOWANUS, NYC.


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


GOWANUS IN A NUTSHELL

Gowanus was first settled by Dutch farmers in the 1630s and the Gowanus creek serviced their mills and produced one of America’s first export products, Gowanus oysters. From the 1800s onwards, the waterfront started to develop and served as the main warehousing, storage and receiving centre for New York Harbor’s bulk products. By 1849, amidst a rapidly expanding Brooklyn waterfront, Gowanus still retained a mixed character between maritime industries and agriculture and the New York state legislature approves the construction of the Gowanus Canal, transforming the creek into a commercial waterway. From then on, until the turn of the century the area thrived and around 60 water-dependent businesses were located alongside the canal. 1920 noted a turning point with six million ton of cargo being shipped on the canal. After this peak, things started to fall into decline due to the construction of new bridges and motorways, thus increasing transportation by trucks. And the maintenance of the canal was neglected as a result. After a few years, the canal was used more as a means of discarding excess waste or as a sewage overflow. Things started to change in 2008 when the city of NY presented a proposal to rezone large areas of Gowanus, which would affect the use, scale and existing urban texture dramatically. Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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employment centre, it is home to a significant number of industrial businesses, maritime support services, small artisan producers of goods, a concentration of serviceoriented businesses and a growing number of arts producers and creative commercial activities. Despite the uncertainties about the future in terms of rezoning, impacts of climate change and rising sea levels, the community of Gowanus remains positive and resilient towards new threats like real estate speculation. It is in this highly complex and mixed-use neighborhood with all its challenges and opportunities, the concept of ambivalence inside the Streetscape Territories framework will be explored and investigated.

Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

In 2010 however, the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) placed the Gowanus canal on its ‘Superfund Priority List’, a federal law designed to clean up sites contaminated with hazardous substances. This has placed a pause on the city’s rezoning plans and the large scale generic development that was waiting to be implemented next to the waterfront. Next to these political issues the area is subject to flooding, something that was painfully demonstrated when Hurricane Sandy hit and damaged the Gowanus neighborhood quite severely. The Gowanus seems to be ‘one of those post-industrial wastelands’ at first sight. However, it still remains a major

Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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MANHATTAN

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Photocredit: Google Earth


LOCATION The area of investigation for this master project is the Gowanus neighborhood located in Brooklyn, New York. Named after the canal that serves as a spinal chord through the neighborhood, Gowanus is one of the last industrial/manufacturing zones within close range of Manhattan. The surrounding neighborhoods of Carroll Gardens, Park Slope and Boerum Hill, illustrated on the map on the right are all highly gentrified residential neighborhoods. One can easily see the shift in grain size of the built volume the closer one gets towards the canal. The Gowanus neighborhood’s south border is the Gowanus Expressway, a marvelous piece of engineering (indicated by the red arrow) that connects Brooklyn with Manhattan through the Hugh L. Carey Tunnel. On the left side of the Gowanus Expressway the neighborhood of Red Hook is located. Red Hook, like Gowanus still holds a large number of manufacturing and industrial zoned land (see next section).

Map 01 showing the borders of the Gowanus neighborhood and its surrounding neighborhoods. The red arrow notes the Gowanus Expressway, leading to Manhattan.

After careful investigation and consideration of the Gowanus area the scope of the design proposal has been limited to the area surrounding the head of the canal at the north border near Boerum Hill. The reasoning behind the limitation of the design scope will be explained over the course of the following pages.

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DESIGN LOCATION The map on the left shows a close up of the north part of the Gowanus Canal where the Streets of Ambivalence project will be researched and designed. As you can see, the grain size of the building blocks is a mixture between small residential scale volumes and large manufacturing scale volumes. This ambiguous rhythm of changing grain sizes and consequently changing activities and uses creates a number of diffuse borders. In this area the Gowanus Environmental Center will incorporate itself into the complex streetscape that defines the Gowanus neighborhood (red dotted line). The building volumes highlighted in red are social housing facilities, also called ‘The Projects’. Gowanus Houses on the North-West corner and Wyckoff Gardens on the North-East corner. The two red arrows represent two of the three only bridges that cross over the Gowanus canal. Opposite the design site for the Gowanus Environmental Center lies the Thomas Greene Park and the D&D Pool complex. The park is an important recreational facility for the surrounding residential neighborhoods and features one of the few outdoor pools in the Brooklyn area. Especially in summer months the pool and park complex are a hotspot for residents living in Gowanus and surrounding neighborhoods.

Map 02 showing a close up of the location for the Streets of Ambivalence research area and the area designated for the realization of the Gowanus Environmental Center

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ZONING New York City put in motion the first zoning ordinance in 1916 to limit building setbacks and the height of buildings. Almosy half a century later, in 1961, the city deemed it necessary to plan the use of buildings into three different types of zoning. Residential, Commercial and Manufacturing. As the city’s needs and society in general changed adaptations and additions were made to the zoning regulation.

Gowanus Canal Corridor

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January 2007 BROOKLYN OFFICE

Map 03 showing the current zoning overlays for the Gowanus area.

Map 03: Dept. of City Planning. (2007) Existing Zoning. [e-book/pdf] New York City. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/pdf/gowanus/5_gowanus_existing_zoning.pdf [Accessed: 15 April 2013].

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DEPARTMENT OF CITY PLANNING

Commercial (C) zoning allows for a multitude of different uses and vary from C1 to C8. The first allows for local retail districts and the latter provides the opportunity to build heavy repair shops, car repair shops, industrial cleaning, etc...

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Residential (R) overlays are giving a suffix number ranging from 1 to 10 according to their density level. R1 and R2 overlays allow single family detached housing, while R10 overlays allow the highest density, tower construction.

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One of the more recent developments in the Gowanus has been the rezoning of 4th Avenue in 2003 of 39 block fronts to R8A/C2-A. This allowed for an increase of building height over the R6 overlays that exist in neighboring streets and avenues. The rezoning stimulated development on 4th avenue. Building heights and uses differ in such an extend from adjacent avenues that it now serves as a border that limits Gowanus on the east side.

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Map 03 (see appendix 02) on the left shows the current existing zoning overlays that define the Gowanus. One can immediately see large parts of M1 and M2 zoning adjacent to the Canal, with a number of M3 zones on the west border, near the break in the canal. On the east side, the R8 corridor of 4th Avenue defines a shift in zoning with commercial and residential overlays interweaving the manufacturing zones. Due to residential real estate pressure as a result of gentrification in surrounding neighborhoods such as Park Slope or Carroll Gardens, developers are looking are looking at Gowanus for new opportunities. The New York Department of City Planning proposed a new zoning of the Gowanus. Map 04 (see appendix 03) on the right shows a close-up for the north section of the canal where one can note a drastic change in zoning.

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Manufacturing (M) zones permit industrial uses that are defined by the characteristics of the activity. Factors such as noise and pollution are taken into account. M1 zones allow for light industrial use and are mainly used as buffer zones to adjacent residential or commercial zones. In some cases, residential use is also allowed in certain M1 and M2 zones, as is the case in Gowanus. M3 zones on the other hand include heavy industrial and noxious activities such as concrete factories.

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Map 04 Proposed rezoning of the north section of the canal.

Instead of the current M1 and M2 zoning the city proposes so called MX zones[1] and combined manufacturing and residential zones. MX zones, in theory, allow new residential and non residential uses to be developed as of right simultaneously. Considering that the return on investment for residential use per square meter is greater than for manufacturing or industrial use nearly all new development is limited to residential uses. The proposed rezoning puts a threat on the current manufacturing businesses and their future. In later [1] Nyc.gov (2011) NYC Zoning - Zoning Districts. [online] Available at: http://www. nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/zone/zh_special_purp_bk.shtml [Accessed: 15 April 2013].

Map 03: Dept. of City Planning. (2007) Draft Zoning Proposal. [e-book/pdf] New York City. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/pdf/gowanus/draft_zoning_proposal.pdf [Accessed: 15 April 2013].

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sections the importance of keeping the area zoned partly manufacturing will be further elaborated.

environmental issues, while at the same time keeping its productive manufacturing characteristic.

Another recent challenge that puts a threat on manufacturing zones are new hotel developments. Due to an anomaly in the 1961 building code the construction of hotels is allowed as of right in manufacturing zones.

Even when considering the possibility of mixed use and residential rezoning taking over large parts of the Gowanus area, the Environmental Center still remains a valid activity that deserves a prominent location in the heart of the community instead of being pushed outside city limits and out of sight.

Stuart Pertz, (Adjunct Assistant Professor, Grad Center for Planning at Pratt Institute, NY), noted that one of the strategies used by real estate developers is to speculate on rezoning in up-and-coming neighborhoods, build hotels as of right in manufacturing zones and filing for bankruptcy after an amount of time. Hotels can, by another quirk in building legislations[2], be easily converted into residential use, thus increasing its real estate value. The aim of the Gowanus Environmental Center is to provide a valid alternative to the current residential pressures. The centre proves it is able to create a high added value while at the same time it plays a key role in the realization of the Solid Waste plan outlined in plaNYC(see section ‘Waste Management’, page xx) and helps save millions of dollars in waste processing. Aside from sound economical arguments the center also holds a social importance that will activate surrounding residential neighborhoods to actively participate in [2] Archpaper.com (2009) Room Service in Gowanus? - The Architect’s Newspaper. [online] Available at: http://archpaper.com/news/articles.asp?id=3190 [Accessed: 20 April 2013].

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Development on 4th Avenue Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


HISTORY / CREEK If we are to understand how the canal zone works we need to look back to what the area used to be. The Gowanus Canal was originally a tidal creek surrounded by wetlands. The creek was part of a terminal moraine formed by the Wisconsinan ice sheet during the last ice age. Moraines are created at the edge of the greatest extend of a glacier, leaving debris that has been accumulated over its trail. The moraine is left as a marking point of the terminal extend of the ice. The creek formed the lowest part of the moraine, by creating a basin that naturally drained the surrounding upland. Early Dutch settlers saw the potential of the tidal creek and started developing the area by building tidal mills and by the mid 17th century they had taken over all Native American land that is now Red Hook and Gowanus. Because it was a tidal creek and the wetland weren’t filled in yet with farm fields the lands still flooded. After agricultural development by the Dutch and English the need rose to start dredging the creek to increase waterflow to the mills located along its banks. The city of Brooklyn started expanding rapidly and by 1850 it was one of the fastest growing cities in America. Tied to this growth is the economic and demographical expansion of the area. As residential building increased land values next to the creek, developers proposed drainage and better navigability of the creek. Photocredit: Proteus Gowanus Map 05: 1781 Historical map showing the Gowanus Creek.

Map 05: Issuu (2012) 1781 Sproule Map of Gowanus Military Fortifications from the American War of Independence. [online] Available at: http://issuu.com/proteusgowanus/ docs/1781_a_map_of_the_environs_of_brooklyn_showing_gow/1 [Accessed: 01 May 2013].

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Plans were proposed to create a canal from the creek and they even considered connecting Gowanus Bay with Wallabout bay (near Williamsburg) which would have solved a great number of present issues because this would have created a natural tidal flushing of the canal.

4t

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The current Gowanus Canal was completed in 1869, the lower portion followed the natural tidal channel, while the upper portion was cut to adhere to the grid layout that was being developed simultaneously. Roads were regraded and built in durable Belgian block. The industrial revolution kicked in and the canal area thrived with maritime businesses and Manufactured Gas Plants (MGP’s) along its banks. Because there was no continuous circuit of the canal towards the East River the canal zone soon started experiencing issues with flushing of toxic waste products. A heavy chemical pollution in combination with frequent floods resulted in the contamination of soil on the banks next to the canal. When we fast forward to 2012 and the aftermath of the storm surges caused by Hurricane Sandy, we know we can expect similar scenarios in the future. On the Hurricane Storm Surge map on the left we are able to predict the intensity of the storm surges for different categories. Hurricane Sandy was ‘only’ a category 2 hurricane but caused over $42 billion[1] in damage in New York alone. Map 06: Hurricane storm surge

[1]http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/27/nyregion/governor-cuomo-says-hurricanesandy-was-worse-than-katrina.html?_r=0

Map06: Flickr (n.d.) 12-gowanus_storm_surge copy. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13550550@N08/6667347159/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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Some surges even go as far as 4th Avenue, 3 blocks upward from the Gowanus Canal. This is not an isolated event, which the bottom image, taken in 1922 clarifies. Aside from occasional storm surges, the area is also facing the consequences of rising sea levels. The map on the left shows predictions in 30 year increments starting from 2020. It is clear that water management and flood proofing is a design element that will heavily influence this project. Because of the area’s topography and history of floods we can assume that these kinds of events will be repeated in the future and most likely increase in severity. As a result, new developments or refurbishments should take these predictions into account.

Image 01: View on the flooded 4th Avenue in 1922 Map 07: Predicted flood with sea rise level

Image 01: Guskind, R. (2006) The Gowanus Lounge: Gowanus Back in the Day: Fourth Avenue Under Water. [online] Available at: http://gowanuslounge.blogspot.be/2006/11/ gowanus-back-in-day-fourth-avenue.html [Accessed: 13 May 2013]. Map 07: Flickr (n.d.) 9-gowanus_100yr wSLR_IPCC_rev-1 copy. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13550550@N08/6667346321/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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HISTORY / INDUSTRIAL As described in the previous section, the main reason why the canal was constructed, was to stimulate manufacturing development and provide a gateway for delivery of materials over water deep into Brooklyn. The kind of businesses and industries located on the lots next to the canal changed throughout the years but there seems to be one returning characteristic. A large number of the companies were active in the service sector. Lumber yards and other building material companies such as stone workers used the canal to bring raw materials by barge onto the factory site and produced building materials for neighboring communities such as Park Slope or Carroll Gardens. A large number of ‘Brownstone’ Brooklyn houses received building materials from companies located at the Gowanus Canal.

Image 02: Historic view on maritime activity on the Gowanus Canal Photocredit: Brooklyn Public Library

Energy supply and services were also an important part throughout the construction of Manufactured Gas Plants. One of the major Plants in Brooklyn was located on a lot which is now the Thomas Greene park. MGP’s used combustible materials, mainly coal, and gasified them to generate hydrogen, methane, carbon monoxide and ethylene, all gasses that can be burnt for heating and lighting purposes. The downside of this production process was the contamination by residues of coal and other substances, an issue further described in the next section.

Image 02: Bklynpubliclibrary.org (n.d.) Brooklyn Public Library | Slideshows | Gowanus Canal. [online] Available at: http://www.bklynpubliclibrary.org/slideshows/gowanus_canal/index10cb.html?topicid=6 [Accessed: 13 May 2013].

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In present times, the Gowanus area still retains its servicing character by offering a place for car repair shops, taxi shelters, industrial cleaning of tanks, the servicing and restocking of the famous food trucks roaming streets of Brooklyn and Manhattan and the servicing of tourist busses during the night that run along tourist attractions in Manhattan. There will always be a need for these kind of activities that are not visible to people living in and visiting other parts of the city like Manhattan or other neighborhoods in Brooklyn. The service industry is a strong argument in the struggle to keep the Gowanus area zoned as industrial/manufacturing. The intention of the Streets of Ambivalence project is to make the service identity even stronger.

of the area and in some cases, still is a major source of employment. Jobs in manufacturing used to be an economic ladder for unschooled immigrants not speaking the language. In the 1950s about one out of three people in NYC (1 million) worked in manufacturing. Today there’s only 7,000 companies left employing 100,000 people in manufacturing while the population of NYC grew to 8,244,910 people.

Another actor that advocates for the safekeeping of manufacturing in the Gowanus area is the New York Industrial Retention Network [1]. The NYIRN was established in 1997 to strenghten and promote the city’s manufacturing sector. The organization helps big and small companies by advocacy and research, for instance by the creation of New York City’s Industial Business Zones. Aside from the described heavy industries and service industries, manufacturing used to be an important part [1] Prattcenter.net (2012) About | Pratt Center. [online] Available at: http://prattcenter.net/ about [Accessed: 13 May 2013]. Image 03: View on Foodtruck repair/parking spot Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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However still a future for manufacturing in NYC, but due to land value the products created by these businesses should have a high added value. An example of a recent successful manufacturing company is MakerBot. MakerBot creates and manufactures small 3D printers in Brooklyn and proves that manufacturing is still a valid economic activity in Brooklyn.

Image 04: View on servicing area for Manhattan’s tourist busses Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

A large number of these new manufacturing companies focus on green manufacturing and sustainable entrepreneurship. However, there’s is still room for expansion and growth. IceStone, a company located in the Brooklyn Navy Yard, which is an industrial zoned area north of Gowanus, makes tabletops from recycled glass. They expect to double in size and value over the next three years but the crazy part of his business has been that they had to buy the collected glass from companies in the Midwest and truck it into Brooklyn. As will be explained in a later section, NYC’s waste management could be more efficient. When taking into account current and proposed zoning plans, the Gowanus Environmental Center proves that the current manufacturing zoning overlay can be retained. Using other ‘green’ manufacturing businesses and initiatives as examples, the Environmental Center will provide services that could benefit a broader economical network of companies that use waste streams to create new products with a high added value.

http://www.hunter.cuny.edu/ccpd/repository/files/Friedman%20GG%20Transforming%20the%20City2019s%20Manufacturing%20Landscape.pdf

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HISTORY / ENVIRONMENT Environmentally speaking, things turned bad at a very early stage on the Gowanus Canal. In an 1899 song about the area the songwriter already mentioned that “the air is full of microbes, just hold your breath and pass. Or you’ll get asphixiated, sure, down where they make the gas”. (see image 06) From the completion of the canal until now a wide range of businesses were located on its banks. Coal factories, Manufacturing Gas Plants, Foundries, Lumber Yards, Oil Works and other heavy industries contaminated the soil and water for over a century. A study of the historical industrial uses conducted by Columbia University in 2007 shows the possible types of

contamination caused by the aforementioned industries. (see appendix 04) The study indicates an evident contamination by heavy metals, Light Non-Aqueous Phase Liquids (LNAPLs) and Dense Non-Aqueous Phase Liquids (DNAPLs). The City tried to solve the contamination by constructing a flushing tunnel at the head of the canal in 1947. This provided flushing of the canal by withdrawing water from the head of the canal, conveying it through a 1.15 mile tunnel, and discharging at Buttermilk Channel. The pumpstation experienced regular breakdowns and repair costs were often too high. In 1999 however, the facility was rehabilitated and reactivated to bring water from the Buttermilk Channel into the head of the Gowa-

Image 05: Map showing the canal with different types of suspected contamination

Image 05: Issuu (2011) Eco-Gowanus: Urban Remediation by Design, 2007. [online] Available at: http://issuu.com/proteusgowanus/docs/2007_columbia_ecogowanus_toxic_ sites_study_with_cr [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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nus canal, thus reversing the direction of the water flow and flushing the canal southwards into the Gowanus Bay. In 2010 the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) dessignated the Gowanus Canal as a Superfund site[1]. Superfund is the federal government’s program to clean up the nation’s most uncontrolled hazardous waste sites. As a result of years of discharges, storm water runoff, sewer outflows and industrial pollutants, the canal has become one of the nation’s most extensively contaminated water bodies. Aside from the chemical pollution caused by the industrial history on the banks of the canal another type of pollution will need to be addressed. As described in the history of the creek and the canal the Gowanus lies at a low point between higher located neighborhoods. Because of the amount of sealed surfaces and its topography the canal serves as a drainage area. The aged sewage infrastructure can’t cope with stormwater runoff and 11 combined sewage overflow (CSO’s) outlets are located at different locations on the canal. Image 06: Song published in Brooklyn Eagle (1899) describing the environmental issues Photocredit: Proteus Gowanus Archive

This causes raw untreated sewage to enter the canal frequently and consequently leads to biological pollution. The Superfund designation will surely tackle the chemical pollution of the canal by cleaning up the bulk heads and dredging out polluted soil. For the biological pollution [1] Epa.gov (2013) Gowanus Canal Superfund Site | Region 2 | US EPA. [online] Available at: http://www.epa.gov/region2/superfund/npl/gowanus/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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SOCIO-ECONOMICS / THE PROJECTS The public housing project buildings are often referred to as ‘The Projects’, are a form of social housing organized by federal, state or local agencies to provide subsidized assistance for low-income households. Near the site of the Gowanus Environmental Center two large project complexes are located. The first are the Gowanus Houses, a social housing project notorious for being the decor for the Spike Lee movie ‘Clockers’, and houses an estimated 2,836 residents. The Gowanus Houses is located two blocks North-West from the Environmental Center. The second social housing project is called Wyckoff Gardens and is comprised out of three residential tower structures, good for an estimated 1,226 residents. Most of the population living in the project buildings are mainly undereducated people, and have a hard time holding jobs or are on welfare. Because of their grim economic outlook a number of the inhabitants turned to illegal activities such as drugdealing and local gangs are active in the area. This is one of the suspected reasons for the recent outbreaks in violence[1][2] and the appearance of prostitution in and around Thomas Greene Park. [1] Brooklyneagle.com (2012) Gowanus Gang Leader Claims No Jurisdiction for Murder | Brooklyn Daily Eagle. [online] Available at: http://www.brooklyneagle.com/articles/gowanus-gangleader-claims-no-jurisdiction-murder [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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[2] Park Slope Patch (2012) Man, 43, Fatally Shot in Gowanus. [online] Available at: http:// parkslope.patch.com/groups/police-and-fire/p/man-43-fatally-shot-in-gowanus [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

Gowanus Houses Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


SOCIO-ECONOMICS / RESIDENTIAL GENTRIFICATION As mentioned before in the section on ‘Zoning’. The neighborhoods surrounding the Gowanus are mainly zoned residential. During the last couple of decades these neighborhoods changed from on average poor residential areas to high income upperclass areas. As a result, the pressure on surrounding neighborhoods, such as Gowanus and Red Hook, keeps increasing. The construction of a large Whole Foods supermarket on the corner of 3rd Ave. and 3rd St. is likely to attract more developers looking to flip existing manufacturing real estate into residential projects. In March of 2013, the city approved the construction of a 700 unit rental development by the Lightstone Group. Construction is scheduled to start by the end of 2013. The new 12 story complex will create a precedent that other developers are able to use for other new developments.

such as the Gowanus can’t be sustained indefinately. Solutions will need to be found to retain the manufacturing overlay and provide new ways of housing at the same time. Current mixed-use (MX) zoning leads in practice only to strictly residential projects. Architectural proposals that take into account the need for the retention of manufacturing while at the same time accept an increase of density and residential developments are most likely to sustain in the Gowanus neighborhood. The Gowanus Environmental Center will respect the productive manufacturing characteristic of the neighborhood by providing new jobs and stimulating emergent economies active in waste management and recycling. On the other hand, the Center will also provide an infrastructure for current and future residential users of the Gowanus and surrounding neighborhoods. The Center is an extention of the streetscape and transcends its mere function of being ‘a necessary evil’ infrastructure.

In the plaNYC document[1], the city expresses its wish to create homes for almost a million more New Yorkers by 2030. Pressure on mainly manufacturing zoned areas [1] Nyc.gov (2005) PlaNYC 2030 - The Plan - Housing and Neighborhoods. [online] Available at: http://www.nyc.gov/html/planyc2030/html/theplan/housing.shtml [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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SOCIO-ECONOMICS / INDUSTRIAL GENTRIFICATION Aside from the Residential Gentrification, a more recent kind of gentrification is taking place in Brooklyn. Industrial gentrification describes the acquisition of old manufacturing buildings by a creative class. The buildings are often converted into art spaces, artist studios, workshop spaces and rented out to a select group of tenants.

Organizations such as the Old American Can Factory are a viable part of the complex urban fabric that defines the area. Although they are very selective and focussed on a curated group of people that’s allowed to participate, they are part of the diverse mixture between different types of manufacturing needed in the Gowanus area. Industrial Gentrification is an important agent within the broader context of the safekeeping of manufacturing in the area.

One of the most notable examples is the Old American Can Factory located across the Whole Foods construction site on the corner of 3rd St. and 3rd Ave. The Can factory is a curated building with current tenants comprising out of designers, artists and manufacturing companies with a light industrial use (except woodworking). However, the application process for a studio space is very selective and as a result a large number of people are excluded from being able to rent a space for manufacturing. The collective behind the Old American Can Factory (XP-projects) is a strong advocating group in the Gowanus area. They raised their voices when the Whole Foods supermarket was proposed accross the street and they are involved in numerous local initiatives. The Old American Can Factory Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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IV. THEMATIC INPUTS


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


improved substantially. We no longer dump our waste at sea, burn it in unregulated incinerators, or dump it in unregulated landfills. Overall, despite a growing population, waste generation citywide and per capita has decreased over the past 10 years, reflecting nationwide trends. But managing our waste in an equitable, sustainable, and cost-effective manner is increasingly challenging.

WASTE MANAGEMENT

While we are continuously researching alternative methods for disposal and working to increase our diversion rate (the percentage of materials recovered from the general waste stream), we will likely maintain our reliance on landfills far from the city. Together, transportation and methane emissions from these landfills (despite methane capture systems) compose a significant portion of total GHG emissions. We currently spend more than $1 billion a year to manage solid waste including $300 million to export 3.3 million tons of City-collected waste. These costs are projected to rise exponentially. We must take aggressive steps to make our waste management system more environmentally and economically sustainable.

The city of New York generates more than 14 million tons of waste and recyclables every year. Collection is made by over 6000 trucks in the five boroughs and brought to transfer stations. From these stations a large portion of the waste is shipped out of the city by longhaul trucks, rail or barge (an increase is expected over the next years for barge use). New York City currently spends over $1 Ourbillion Plan a year to manage solid waste and one third of Wethat budget must make changes is at every stage of our system–reducing the amount we genallocated to export city-collected waste waste. According erate, reusing more of it, recovering more resources fromthe it, and more efficiently disposto plaNYC, the cost for exporting waste out of city ing of what we can’t eliminate. We must also limits is expected to rise exponentially. change how we think about our waste–not as

a by-product to be disposed, but as a resource that can generate energy, create jobs, and spur economic development.

The city of New York went through several stages in realmost effective way to minimize the impacts izing their current waste management The strategy. Until the of our solid waste is to reduce the amount of waste we generate. We will encourage individu1930s, much of the waste was simply dumped into the als to adopt waste prevention practices and proopportunities for businesses, institutions, ocean and through the 1980s, the city mote relied on a network of thousands of apartment building and city-operated incinerators in combination with traditional landfills. By the 1990s the city ceased incineration use and closed completely all of it landfills, except the Fresh Kills landfill, which closed in 2001. After closing Fresh Kills, collected waste was send to private transfer stations in the Bronx, Queens and Brooklyn. As described in Chapter III, waste management is an opportunity for the Gowanus area for several reasons. If the Gowanus corridor is to retain its manufacturing/ industrial zoning overlays next to existing and future residential overlays we need to provide valid alternatives that

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the business community, we will pursue ways to reduce packaging and hazardous materials in products, eliminating waste at its source, and expand product stewardship programs in which manufacturers take responsibility for the disposal of their products. While we currently recycle approximately half the waste generated in the city, including construction and demolition debris, fill, commercial and residential waste, we can recover even more resources from our wastestream. We will incentivize recycling and make it easier,

will develop recognition programs for businesses that reduce their solid waste footprint and continue to encourage new markets for recycled materials. To reduce the amount of organic material we send to landfills, we will expand opportunities for community-based composting and encourage commercial food waste recovery operations. Advances in technology will also allow us to pursue alternative disposal methods by safely and efficiently converting our waste into a source of clean energy.

Our plan for solid waste: Reduce waste by not generating it 1 Promote waste prevention opportunities 2 Increase the reuse of materials Increase the recovery of resources from the waste stream 3 Incentivize recycling 4 Improve the convenience and ease of recycling 5 Revise City codes and regulations to reduce construction and demolition waste 6 Create additional opportunities to recover organic material 7 Identify additional markets for recycled materials 8 Pilot conversion technologies Improve the efficiency of our waste management system 9 Reduce the impact of the waste system on communities 10 Improve commercial solid waste management data 11 Remove toxic materials from the general waste stream Reduce the City government’s solid waste footprint 12 Revise City government procurement practices 13 Improve the City government’s diversion rate

Image 07: plaNYC2030’s strategy for future waste management. Source: plaNYC2030: Solid Waste A GREENER, GREATER NEW YORK PLANYC

New York City’s Waste 14 Million Tons per Year

137

Diversion Rate by Wa

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Fill

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Recycled

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

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Image 08: Pie chart showing the origins of NYC’s annual waste. Source: plaNYC2030: Solid Waste Source: NYC Dept. of Sanitation, NYC Mayor’s Office Solid waste management practices have improved substantially. We no longer dump our waste at sea, burn it in unregulated incinerators, or dump it in unregulated landfills. Overall, despite a growing population, waste gen-

and individuals to reuse materi the business community, we w reduce packaging and hazard products, eliminating waste a expand product stewardship p


create a high added value and that can serve as leading examples for other parts of the Gowanus and similar regions on the New York area. In plaNYC 2030, a document created by the Bloomberg administration that outlines future for the New Yorkgoals City’s Waste 14 Million Tons per Year city of New York and numbers show that the average recycling rate has been steadily declining. From a high of 19 percent in 2002, the rate dropped down to a staggering 11% in 2003 and recovered to 15% in 2011. In comparison, the national average for the United States in 2010 was 34.1% and other major cities score remarkably better with San Francisco achieving a record-setting 77% diversion rate in 2009.[1] Commercial Waste

Residential Waste

Fill

Construction & Demolition Waste

The main reason why the rate plummeted in 2002 was a much debated budget cut that suspended glass, metal and plastic recycling due to a budget crisis.[2] Ever Solid waste management practices have improved substantially. We no longer dump our since, the city has been struggling with raising awarewaste at sea, burn it in unregulated incineraness for these environmental challenges. tors, or dump it in unregulated landfills. Over-

According to Eric Goldstein, lawyer at the Natural Resources Defense Council: “New Yorkers haven’t received a clear and convincing message about exactly how to recycle, exactly what to recycle, and why it’s important, both economically and environmentally.”Diversion Rate by Waste Stream Disposed

Recycled

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Residential waste

Commercial waste

Source: NYC Dept. of Sanitation, NYC Mayor’s Office

all, despite a growing population, waste generation citywide and per capita has decreased over the past 10 years, reflecting nationwide trends. But managing our waste in an equitable, sustainable, and cost-effective manner is increasingly challenging.

Creating awareness is one of the most important parts in a global solution for the future waste management for the city of New York.

While we are continuously researching alternative methodsNew forYork disposal [1] Zimmer, L. (2011) New York City’s Recycling Rate Plummets | Inhabitat City. and working to increase our diversion rate (the percentage of [online] Available at: http://inhabitat.com/nyc/new-york-citys-recycling-rate-plummaterials recovered from the general waste mets/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

Construction & Demolition

Fill

Image 09: Bar graph showing the reycling rate (green) per origin. Source: plaNYC2030: Solid Waste Source: NYC Dept. of Sanitation, NYC Mayor’s Office

and individuals to reuse materials. Working with the business community, we will pursue ways to reduce packaging and hazardous materials in products, eliminating waste at its source, and expand product stewardship programs in which manufacturers take responsibility for the disposal of their products.

more cost-effective, and more accessible. We

The city reacted to the declining recycling rates by dediwill develop recognition programs for businesses that reduce their solid waste footprint cating a section called ‘Solid Waste’ in tothe plaNYC that for and continue encourage new markets recycled materials. sets a number of goals the city wants to achieve by 2030. reduce theable amountto of recognize organic material we From the summary (image 07)To we are send to landfills, we will expand opportunities for community-based composting and and encourWhile we currently recycle approximately a pattern that’s aimed at creating more awareness age commercial food waste recovery operahalf the waste generated in the city, including investing moredebris, means of recycling and stimulating tions. Advances in technology will alsonew allow construction andin demolition fill, comus to pursue alternative disposal methods by mercial and residential waste, we can recover emerging markets and economies that create added value safely and efficiently converting our waste into a even more resources from our wastestream. source of clean energy. We will incentivize and make it easier, from wasterecycling streams.

stream), we will likely maintain our reliance on

[2] DNAinfo (2012) Recycling Plummets Under ‘Green’ Mayor’s Watchfar- Manhattan - DNAinfo. landfills from the city. Together, transportation and methane emissions from these landfills com New York. [online] Available at: http://www.dnainfo.com/new-york/20120402/ (despite methane capture systems) compose manhattan/recycling-rate-plummets-under-green-mayors-watch [Accessed: 14 May a significant portion of total GHG emissions. 2013]. We currently spend more than $1 billion a year to manage solid waste including $300 million to export 3.3 million tons of City-collected waste. These costs are projected to rise exponentially. We must take aggressive steps to make our waste management system more environmentally and economically sustainable.

Our Plan

The Gowanus Environmental Center project will address Our plan for solid waste: a large number of the waste management challenges Reduce waste by not generating it 1 Promote waste prevention opportunities 2 Increase the reuse of materials Increase the recovery of resources from the waste stream 3 Incentivize recycling 4 Improve the convenience and ease of recycling 5 Revise City codes and regulations to reduce construction and demolition waste 6 Create additional opportunities to recover organic material

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outlined above. It also incorporates the most important spear points and goals of the plaNYC 2030 plan document. The Center aims to help reduce the amount of waste generated by New Yorkers by not hiding the simple fact that waste exists from the streetscape. The open and transparent architecture shows and incorporates waste streams into the urban fabric. Citizens are able to see and comprehend on a visual level the consequences of waste generation. In addition to the architectural experience, the different programs included into the Environmental Center aim to educate New Yorkers on how to deal with waste and recycling. As you can derive barWaste graph (image Residential andfrom Streetthe Basket 09), the recycling rate for residential waste is far too low, especially in comparison with the rates for comOther E-waste mercial and construction/demolition 12%waste.

how to start a small urban garden. Next to the educational tasks, the center also composts yard trimmings and other organic waste and sells it, among other products, back to the community. Local volunteer organizations are also provided spaces to organize textile collection that can be distributed to homeless shelters and aid relief organizations. Aside from creating awareness to reduce waste generation and promote prevention opportunities the Gowanus Environmental Center also increases the reuse of materials.

Potential for Diversion of Residential and Street Basket Waste Disposed

1%

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events. These allow individuals to discard unwanted but reusable items, which people may take home for free, whether or not they have brought something in exchange. One challenge to increasing reuse efforts is the

Recycled

100%

The Container Park offers aTextiles means of discarding dif7% ferent kinds of waste that is not collected through city C & D Waste or private collection trucks. This ranges from obsolete 5% Household household itemsHazardous such as old refrigerators to kitchen Waste 0.25% and organic waste such as tree oils, batteries, e-waste Food clippings or textiles. 18% Plastic The Redemption Center offers a means for canners14% to Glass redeem collection money in far more convenient way. Metal 4% 5% The Urban GardeningLeaf center provides information for and Yard Waste manage or want to start local community groups that 4% Source: NYC Dept. Sanitation, NYC Mayor’s Office community gardens or to citizens wanting tooflearn Paper 30%

Composted

80% 60% 40% 20% 0% Current state

Future state

Image 10: Bar graph showing the needed increase is composted organic waste Source: plaNYC2030: Solid Waste

recyclables, and making it easier for individuals and businesses to recycle. We can also recognize businesses and institutions for adopting more sustainable waste management practices, including increased diversion rates and the use of recycled materials.

Source: NYC Dept. of Sanitation, NYC Mayor’s Office

We will also set recycling goals for City government and challenge corporations and institutions to meet or exceed those goals. We will recognize standout performance and collect and publish best practices for even broader adoption.


When we take a closer look at the diversion rates for residential and street basket waste as shown in image 10, only a very small fraction (+/- 1%) is being composted at this time. The city wishes to increase share of composted organic waste to about 25%. To help achieve this goal, the Environmental Center provides the opportunity through the Urban Gardening Center to deposit organic waste, and buy the composted waste for use in urban gardens.

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CONTAINER PARKS Container parks, also known as civic amenity sites or household waste recycling centers are facilities where citizens are able to dispose of household waste. Container parks are generally owned and run by local authorities and qualified personnel is available to assist visitors with diverting their wastes in the appropriate containers. Container parks are widely spread across Europe, known in the United Kingdom as Household Waste Recycling Centers (HWRC), they are an integral part of the waste management systems put in place by governmental bodies. They address the need for depositing wastes that cannot be put out for kerbside collection.

People unloading household waste into dedicated containers Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

The cost of using a containerpark depends on regulations set by the organizing government. Some municipalities charge a flat rate entrance fee. In other cases the park is divided into a free deposit and paying deposit area. The types of waste generally accepted by container parks seem nearly endless but there are a few restrictions however. As container parks are designed to complement kerbside collection they’re aimed at household waste. Commercial and industrial waste is consequently not accepted. There may also be limitations on the amount of waste each visitor can deposit. Other restrictions might include a ban on large vehicles such as trucks. Unfortunately, in the United States, these kind of facilities are not commonly used or known by local governments or

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Household waste that is too large to be put out for kerb side collection can be deposited at the container park. Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


citizens. To fully comprehend the working and mechanisms behind containerparks a short workflow schematic of a container park in Belgium will be explained over the next few pages.

For each type of waste there’s a dedicated container assigned. Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

This is an old container park where people still need to climb a flight of stairs, often with heavy items to be able to deposit them in the containers. Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx

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CANNERS Canners is a name given to a group of people that collect a selected number of recyclable materials such as soda cans or plastic bottles. The collected recyclables are redeemable at 5 cents each. In 1983 already, the New York state put in place the ‘Bottle Bill’[1]. This legislation stipulates that on certain types of beverage containers a 5 cent deposit must be made by the retainer per purchased container. Consumers pay the retailers the deposit and may then return their empty containers to a retailer or to a redemption center to get their deposit back. Retailers and redemption centers are reimbursed the deposit plus a 3.5 cent handling fee by the distributor for each empty container returned. Retailers are obliged to provide refunds for returns on the brands that they sell for an amount of 12 dollars per individual per day.

Collection center for Canners Photocredit: SureWeCan.org

Canners roam the streets of Manhattan but are also active in residential neighborhoods around the five boroughs of New York. You often see them pushing around meticulously crafted shopping carts or carrying huge plastic bags filled with redeemable items. They’re usually active at night scavenging through garbage that residents have put out for kerbside collection. As a result most people don’t even know of their existence. That’s why a new Oscar-nominated documentary short called ‘Redemption’ captures the daily life of the men, [1] Dec.ny.gov (2012) Frequently Asked Questions About the Bottle Bill - NYS Dept. of Environmental Conservation. [online] Available at: http://www.dec.ny.gov/chemical/57687.html [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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Can sorting Photocredit: SureWeCan.org


women and children who collect these redeemables. In the documentary one of the canners, Susan, notes that the majority of the estimated 5000 people active in the canning business is not homeless. They used to have normal jobs, in restaurants, domestic service or Chinatown sweatshops. As explained in Chapter III, section History/Industrial because of migration of manufacturing jobs to overseas countries, a large number of people had to resort to other types of income. Canning is one of the more honest ways of earning an income to top up Social Security. Instead of turning to illegal activities, canning helps solving the environmental challenge New York faces by sorting out recyclables before collection even happens in the first place. In addition, most canners have got set routes they follow regularly. In some cases they are known by residents which creates social interaction. A lot of people put their recyclables in separate bags to be picked up by the canners. In light of lonely elderly people, social contact with canners helps indicate possible issues they might have. According to Sure We Can[2], a non-profit bottle redemption center that helps remove some of the hardships that accompany canning, some canners earn [2] Surewecan.org (2010) About Us - Sure We Can. [online] Available at: http://www. surewecan.org/home/about-us [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

more than $300 per week and experienced canners can earn up to $80 a day. [3] As mentioned before canners should be able to return collected empty containers to any retail store that sells cans or bottles in exchange for their redemption value. Most supermarkets have set up dedicated machines that work like a reversed vending machine where members of the public are able to scan each container one at a time and collect the redemption values. Unfortunately, most of them strictly control how many bottles or cans they accept back or leave the machines deliberately full or broken down in order to discourage canners from lining up in front of their stores. The only other option is one of the few dedicated redemption centers, but some of them got destroyed in the wake of Hurricane Sandy such as the Pathmark Redemption Center on the Lower East Side. As these redemption centers are few in number, some canners need to bridge large distances with fully loaded carts on often sloping terrains. Some centers offer bulk pick-up redemption services but this requires the canners to wait long hours, often overnight for a truck that may or not may arrive. Worse, many only pay 4 cents per container, which is less than the 5 cent required by law. [3] Nytimes.com (2013) Gleaners of Cans, Working Overtime[online] Available at: http:// www.nytimes.com/2013/01/02/opinion/canners-work-overtime-to-earn-5-cents-a-pop. html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1362834134-nQncehSVhjTJdI6qhE+z2w&_r=1& [Accessed: 14 May 2013].

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Next to difficulties redeeming the empty containers, canners face other difficulties and indignities. The majority of canners is not homeless but their housing standards are very poor, often sharing small flats with several others in neighborhoods miles away from the rich residential neighborhoods where they operate. As a result, they do not have a safe place to store their carts, whether they are empty or full. For the homeless canners, not having a place to store their carts or collected containers that can’t be redeemed because of the described difficulties means they must stay outside to safeguard their source of income. This is often very exhausting, makes sleeping and maintaining hygiene difficult and above all makes them vulnerable to theft and other street crimes. The public also views canners as being a nuisance instead of seeing their value as an integral part of the waste management system of the city. In the Gowanus Environmental Center, special attention has been given to this group of people and addresses their needs. Because of its topography Gowanus lies at the lowest point between three residential neighborhoods. Park Slope, Carroll Gardens and Boerum Hill are popular locations for canners to scavenge for empty containers. By creating a redemption center inside the Gowanus Environmental Center we are able to make use of the topography and allow canners to work their way down with heavy full carts.

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Additionally, an interface is created that allows canners to use the redemption center day and night. This allows the canners to save more time, and creates social control in and around the Thomas Greene Park at night times. This could help solve a recent wave of shootings and issues with prostitution[4] taking place near the park and the Gowanus Housing project buildings. To address their bad housing conditions and resulting hygiene problems, sufficient infrastructure has been created that include shower facilities, a heated space to socialize and bond with other canners and the ability to interact with other members of the public in order to change the public image attached to the act of canning. Sufficient space has been allocated for the storage of personal carts and for safekeeping of collected containers. To top this all off, a small sorting line has been created that sorts the collected beverage containers into different piles, that in turn can be shipped out through the adjacent transfer station by barge to nearby recycling centers such as the newly constructed South Brooklyn Marine Terminal Recycling Facility.

[4] Park Slope Patch (2012) Prostitution Creeps its Way Back to Third Ave. in Gowanus. [online] Available at: http://parkslope.patch.com/groups/police-and-fire/p/the-prostitutes-ofthird-avenue-in-gowanus [Accessed: 14 May 2013].



V. DESIGN BRIEF


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


Scheme showing the different challenges and opportunities in the Streets of Ambivalence project area and how the Gowanus Environmental Center touches all these concerns

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CSO RETENTION FACILITY The need for a CSO (Combined Sewage Overflow) retention facility is part of a solution for the biological pollution of the Gowanus Canal. As mentioned in the previous chapter, section ‘CSO’ there are 11 combined overflow outlets in the Gowanus Canal. The proposed site for the Gowanus Environmental Center is located at the head of the canal where a number of main CSO outlets are located. (RH-033 and RH-034). The EPA proposed to implement the 4 to 8 million gallon CSO facility underneath the Thomas Greene park, that also houses the D&D Pool complex. Local community groups protested this proposal heavily argumenting the park is not a good location to place such infrastructure underneath.

CONTAINER PARK The Container Park is an activity that addresses the reycling challenge New York currently faces. It’s an opportunity to organize community driven collection of waste products in an urban context. As described in the Thematic Imput ‘Container Parks’, these (mostly) city owned infrastructures are one of the possible solutions in solving New York City’s waste management challenge. They raise awareness, provide job opportunities and are an economically sound alternative to shipping waste directly to landfills.

The Gowanus Environmental Center site is even closer to the two head outlets and is a more suitable location for the CSO facility.

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REDEMPTION CENTER The Redemption Center is an urban interface with a temporary characteristic. The Center addresses the immediate needs of the canner population working in the neighborhoods of Park Slope, Carroll Gardens and Boerum Hill.

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ECO-MANUFACTURING SPACE In the former Gowanus Water Station building spaces can be rented out to manufacturing start ups from emergent new economies that make use of waste streams to create an added value.


COMMUNITY INFRASTRUCTURE

WASTE TRANSFER STATION

As the Gowanus Environmental Center is conceived as an extention of the existing streetscape, its spaces and infrastructures can be altered an used for different productive community activities. Flea markets could be organized for instance to help divert waste going to through the recycling process or, even worse, going immediately to landfill sites. The Urban Gardening Center provides citizens with materials, organic composted waste, workshops and information on how to start gardening yourself in urban areas.

The new South Brooklyn Marine Recycling center is about to start operations before the end of 2013. The center actively makes use of transportation by means of barges. With the Gowanus Canal penetrating deep into the center of Brooklyn, a waste transfer station could help the city in its quest to reduce truck transportation of collected waste. Collection trucks running routes in surrounding neighborhoods can drop off their cargo at the waste transfer station in the Gowanus Environmental Center after which it is shipped out by barge to the South Brooklyn Marine Recycling Center.

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VI. REFERENCE PROJECTS


On the following pages a selection of reference projects and case studies that influenced the design of the Gowanus Environmental Center will be presented. 63


1111 LINCOLN RD. (MIAMI, USA)

HERZOG & DE MEURON (CH) (2010)


1111 LINCOLN ROAD, A REINTERPRETATION OF THE CAR PARK. The Lincoln Road project is a mixed use building comprising out of retail on the ground floor, a designer retail shop in the middle of the building and a private residence for the developer of the project and restaurant on the level of the roof. In between these different functions the core function, parking cars is made possible. The project is located at the Lincoln Road Mall, a very lively and active shopping street where a numerous small-scale restaurants and bars serve customers 24/7, all year round. The urban environment required something different than the traditional anonymous car park architectural language. One immediately notices the unconventional floor heights used in this project. Traditionally floor heights for car parks are limited for economical reasons. In this case however the floor heights vary according the programmatic needs, whether they be permanent or temporary.

Car park used as wedding location Car park used for cultural activities such as concerts and parties

As illustrated on the images on the right, part of the structure can also be used for weddings, concerts, parties, yoga classes, fashion shows and other social or cultural activities. The whole building is conceived to be as extrovert as possible to suck up the dynamic images of the Lincoln Road Mall and the city of Miami. The public life continues from street level into the carpark on different levels. A large number of people visit the structure ‘car less’, they only want to enjoy the views over the city, visit the artwork that’s spread around the large central staircase

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or go to one of the numerous social events that are being organized on a regular basis. The idea of taking a structure that is traditionally looked at in terms of clichĂŠs and out of date architectural language and placing it in the heart of the community, using the surroundings as a backdrop is also a key concept in the Gowanus Environmental Center project. Waste is one of those aspects of our daily life we placed at the outskirts of our cities and our society. The city of New York realizes it needs to create awareness with it citizens and stimulate recycling, re-use and avoiding waste in general. Car park during its main activity Night shot of the car park structure

In the Streets of Ambivalence project waste is brought back into the center of our society. It proves that recycling and dealing with waste is primarily a community driven matter. It is part of our streetscapes, part of our daily life and above all it offers a variety of different productive uses ranging from salvaging spare parts, community workshops, art projects, volunteer work, etc.. In this aspect, the 1111 Lincoln Rd. project serves as an example of how ‘necessary evil’ structures such as car parks (or recycling facilities) can be more than merely detached infrastructure. City life continues inside of the building and enriches the neighborhood.

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LINGOTTO BLDG (TURIN, ITALY)

GIACOMO MATTE TRUCCO (IT) (1923)


LINGOTTO, THE FIAT ROOFTOP TEST TRACK The Lingotto factory was commissioned by Italian car manufacturer Fiat during the first world war. At the time Fiat held an 80% market share in Italy and was ready to expand its activities and production volume. Fiat appointed engineer Giacomo Matte-Trucco and construction started in 1916. Seven years later, in 1923, the Lingotto plant was completed and production of new Fiat models started. The building boasts a spiral assembly line climbing over five levels up to the roof. On the roof, a test track was constructed to make final inspections to the newly produced cars and make sure everything was up to standards. The Lingotto factory was one of the first buildings of its size that heavily relied on reinforced concrete and an intricate concrete rib structure. The rooftop track was not conceived as a showpiece or afterthought but was an integral part of the production process. As mentioned before the production line started on the ground level and moved its way upward over five different stories, each assigned to a specific part of the assembly process. This way raw heavy materials were kept on lower levels and the cars got more detailed and required less heavy equipment to be constructed each time they went up another floor. If the car was satisfactory after being tested on the loop track it was driven down one of the spiral ramps to the ground floor, ready to be delivered to the end users.

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Roof track was used for testing purposes and races Spiral production line leading up to the roof for final testing


If we were to convey the idea of the assembly line on different levels to the Gowanus Environmental Center project we can immediately see a number of parallels. As described in Chapter V. Thematic Inputs, section ‘Container Parks’ the process of recycling waste is similar to the process of an assembly line. You start of with a collection of different kinds of trash loaded in the trunk of your car or on a trailer and work your way through a series of different ‘stops’. A metallics container, a container dedicated to oils, organic waste collection bins, etc...

Close up view on roof test track Global overview of the Lingotto facility

The organization of these different stops can be similar to the organization used inside of the Lingotto factory. Lightweight materials such as organic waste, textiles, oils,paper and cardboard, plastics, etc... can be deposited on higher levels while heavy weight items such as refrigerators or other household items, metals, furniture, can be placed in receptacles on the lowest levels. In this way managing personal waste can be achieved in an easy, logical manner. In the proposal for the Gowanus Environmental Center, the sequence of spaces and floors is organized in a way that when users arrive with heavy materials on the bottom and light weight materials stacked on top, the light weight items are disposed of in the start of the sequence and heavy weight items at the end. This is also beneficial for the back office management of the building, heavy containers and lifting equipment can be reduced to the ground and first floors which is beneficial for the construction cost and complexity of upper floors.

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GARNIER PALACE(PARIS, FRANCE)

CHARLES GARNIER(FR) (1875)


THE OPERA, A PLACE TO SEE AND BE SEEN. This opera building is probably one of the best known operas in the world mainly because it captured the way of living during the time it was built so beautifully. The Palais Garnier was designed as part of a larger city reconversion project led by Haussmann during the second half of the 19th century. Garnier, the architect of the opera house understood that the opera was more than a place to watch a performance but in the first place the opera was a means to see other people and be seen. The whole building is designed to incorporate this social behavior. When we look at the central staircase we notice balconies overlooking the staircases in order to watch other patrons arriving. Next to the entrance hall and the large foyer, both very spacious and grand areas the building has plenty of small cavities and more private areas where one could hold face to face conversations.

Backside view on main staircase View on main entrance hall, balconies and staircase

The idea of adapting the building to incorporate present social behavior is a very interesting design concept and strategy. In the Gowanus Environmental Project this idea is present in how it relates to the surrounding communities. An example is combining two needs on different levels. As outlined in Chapter V. Thematic Inputs, section ‘Waste NYC’ Mayor Bloomberg’s PlaNYC 2030 stipulates a necessary increase of the recycling rate for organic waste.

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At the same time, especially in the surrounding gentrified neighborhoods such as Park Slope, Carroll Gardens or Boerum Hill, rooftop gardening, urban gardening or community-based gardening is becoming ever more popular. These gardens require nutrients and/or compost and generate organic waste as well. In the Gowanus Environmental Center project there’s designated areas to deposit organic waste such as garden trimmings, clippings, weeds, etc.. And at the same time opportunities to buy composted material that serve as nutrients.

Grand Foyer, a place to socialize

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The Environmental Center also boasts its own rooftop garden where members of the community can learn all about urban gardening and the re use of organic materials.


OPERA HOUSE(OSLO, NORWAY)

SNOHETTA(NO) (2007)


THE OPERA, STILL A PLACE TO SEE AND BE SEEN. More than a century later than the Palais Garnier building was erected, the new Oslo Opera House was designed by Snohetta and opened in 2007. The idea of the assembly line or ‘factory’ as illustrated in the Lingotto project was also a key element in the planning of the Opere House in Oslo. The architects proposed that the production facilities of the opera house should be realized as self contained, rationally planned factory units. Another defining characteristic of the building are the monumental horizontal and sloping roofscapes, which the architects like to call ‘the carpet’. This carpet lifts the streetscape of the city up into and onto the building itself.

Entrance hall and foyer overlooking different levels The outdoor collective ‘carpet’ space that folds around the building and into the water of the bay.

A similar idea is present in the Gowanus Environmental Center. The project researches how the streetscape on the ground level could be extended into the program outlined in the previous chapter making the Environmental Center more than merely a just another infrastructure. The ambition is that the Environmental Center could become a productive, community-based meeting spot, share knowledge on waste treatment, recycling and other environmental issues.

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MEYDAN MALL (ISTANBUL, TURKEY)

FOA(UK) (2007)


MEYDAN, A REINTERPRETATION OF THE MALL The Meydan Mall project by Foreign Office Architects is realized in one of the fastest growing areas in Instanbul and will soon be enclosed in a dense urban fabric. In this sense the Meydan Mall is a pilot project that expresses the future aspirations of the neighborhood. Like the Lincoln Rd. project by Herzog & De Meuron, this project tries to formulate an alternative to the usual language associated with this type of infrastructure. Instead of the usual big box development the architects decided on providing large landscaped areas with a new urban square in the center of the project. The new central square is activated through access routes running through and over the roofscapes of the building. The volumes are made up by a collection of roofs growing out of the existing topography and create different viewpoints with Istanbul as a backdrop. The aspirations for the Gowanus Environmental Center are similar to the Meydan Mall. To lift the urban life from the ground floor up through a series of roofscapes is the leading concept behind the center.

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View on path leading to square Roofscape in connection with surrounding landscape


View on urban square Section showing roofscapes and relation with lower square

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VII. GOWANUS ENVIRONMENTAL CENTER


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


CONCEPT The main concept behind the Gowanus Environmental Center is a continuity of the existing streetscapes on the different levels of the Center itself. The aim is to transcend the prejudiced view on ‘infrastructure’ and weave the Center into the existing urban fabric. An important part in this interweaving process is the notion of ambivalence. Where does one part of the streetscape stop and where does another take over? To illustrate this ambigious relationship the example of the imagined city Sophronia is used. In his book ‘Invisible Cities’, Italo Calvino describes the city of Sophronia as follows: “The city of Sophronia is made up of two half-cities. In one there is the great roller coaster with its steep humps, the carousel with its chain spokes, the Ferris wheel of spinning cages, the death-ride with crouching motorcyclists, the big top with the clump of trapezes hanging in the middle. The other half-city is one of stone and marble and cement, with the bank, the factories, the palaces, the slaughterhouse, the school and all the rest. One of the half cities is permanent, the other is temporary, and when the period of its sojourn is over, they uproot it, dismantle it, and take it off, transplanting it to the vacant lots of another half-city. And so every year the day comes when the workmen remove the marble pediments, lower the stone walls, the cement pylons, take down the Ministry, the monument, the docks, the petroleum refinery, the hospital, load them on trailers to follow from stand to stand their annual itinerary. Here remains the half-Sophronia of the shooting-

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galleries and the carousels, the shout suspended from the cart of the headlong roller coaster, and it begins to count the months, the days it must wait before the caravan returns and a complete life can begin again.”[1] The city of Sophronia is a representation of how ambivalent entities work. There’s a coexistence of (in this case) two opposing attitudes. One would think that one half of the city could easily exist without the other half but as the story ends, the first half-Sophronia city counts the days it must wait to rejoin its other half. The way the Gowanus Environmental Center is arranged is similar to the Sophronia story. On one side there’s the clear and pragmatic composition of the concrete slabs that serve as floors where programmatic activities are able to take place. Combined with the elevator shafts that serve as wind bracing cores and all the technical infrastructure these are the strong, heavy defining elements, the stone walls, the cement pylons, as referred to in Calvino’s depiction of the city of Sophronia. On the other hand, the steel truss structures that support the concrete slabs have a certain playfulness associated with them. There’s a difference in how the slopes that connect each floor to the other are carried by the truss system from how the floorslabs themselves [1] Calvino, I. (1974) Invisible cities. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, p63.

are being carried. This creates a difference in how the truss systems are perceived while at the same time providing a means to structure traffic flows. All necessary secondary infrastructure is conceived as different patchwork entities. The structure for the lighting fixtures is a different stand alone entity, the same applies for the safety barriers along the edges of the slopes, signage across the floors, etc... The idea of stepping away from an integrated approach where different infrastructural necessities such as HVAC, lighting, safety are combined into one sleek element refers to how our streetscapes and especially the streetscape in Brooklyn and Gowanus exist. They’re an ambivalent montage of different structures that coexist in the same space. When we take a look at the proposed activities that take place in the Gowanus Environmental Center there’s a notion of temporary versus permanent activies as well, much like the Sophronia story. The concrete slabs and their attached structural truss members are of course permanent entities but at the same time the other infrastructure-networks (safety, lighting, navigation, signs, etc..) could be of a temporary nature. The same applies for the infill protected volumes. Canners face an uncertain future, their profession could dissapear one day, the Redemption Center is as a consequence conceived as an detached infill structure that

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could be removed or expanded should it be required. This is of course coherent to the concept of the existing streetscape continuing into the Streets of Ambivalence project. The use of space in time is very dynamic in the Gowanus neighborhood, activities on lots change constantly. The Environmental Center adapts to this dynamic flexibility to be able to address changing needs. Aside from being conceptualized for the outlined design brief in chapter V, the whole project is conceived in a way that the spaces can be altered according to the neighborhood’s needs. This is partly made possible by the use of so called ‘abundant’ space. In his book ‘Actions of Architecture’, Jonathan Hill writes about Adrian Forty’s theories on flexibility. When he describes ‘Flexibility by spatial redundancy’ he illustrates the concept by giving the example of Rem Koolhaas’ renovation proposal for the Arnhem Koepel Prison, designed in 1979 but never constructed: “Perhaps the most important and least recognized difference between traditional (1882) and contemporary architecture is revealed in the way that a hypermonumental, space-wasting building like the Arnhem panopticon proves flexible, while modern architecture is based on a deterministic coincidence between form and program ... Flexibility is not the exhaustive anticipation of all possible changes. Most changes are unpredictable ... Flexibility is the creation of a margin – excess capacity that enables different and even opposite interpretations and uses.”[2]

[2] Koolhass, Rem. ‘Revision’. In OMA, Koolhaas and Mau, S,M,L,XL, pp. 234– 253.

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VIII. REFLECTION


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


The design process started off with a week long on-site investigation in Gowanus. During the course of the week a number of meetings with local academics, architects and organizations active in the area were organized. In between those meetings interviews with local business owners, residents and community strengthening groups such as Proteus Gowanus provided insights into the workings of the area. During the first talk with Daniel D’Oca at Interborro, an architecture firm based in Brooklyn, it became clear that the Gowanus area is a highly complex neighborhood that has been studied a great number of times already, perhaps even too much. The Gowanus changed drastically over the years, one of the main reasons according to D’Oca is the pending gentrification. People used to avoid living close to ‘the project’ social housing buildings but land value around in the surrounding neighborhoods are so high that living across project buildings is not perceived as an issue anymore. The second important element in the discussion is how gentrification is looked at by different actors in the Gowanus neighborhood. For some people, an increase in residential density is perceived as something beneficial, that would increase their property value, increase safety, social control and push social and cultural de-

166

velopment. On the other hand there’s a large amount of people opposing the idea of gentrification or an increase in residitential use as such. For this group, it is of paramount importance that manufacturing use is sustained. Both groups provide valid arguements, there is indeed a need for more housing, according to planNYC, by 2030, housing for more than 1 million extra citizens is required. On the other hand, there’s plenty of economical and sustainable arguements to be made to keep one of the last remaining manufacturing zones close to other parts of Brooklyn and Manhattan as an active center of production. The future for the Gowanus is an ambivalent balance between residential and manufacturing uses and the Gowanus Environmental Center is a key agent in providing services for an increase in residents and at the same time sustaining a productive manufacturing activity. Only by achieving this ambigious urban fabric where manufacturing and residential uses overlap and co-exist the Gowanus will be able to strengthen its identity and secure its future growth.



IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinckx


- Scheerlinck, K., About, accessed 25 March 2013, <http://streetscapeterritories.wordpress.com/2013/04/03/about- street-scape-territories/>. -Rams, D. and Ueki-Polet, K., et al. (2009) Less and more. Berlin: Gestalten. -Till, J. (2009) Architecture depends. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. -Dept. of City Planning. (2007) Existing Zoning. [e-book/pdf] New York City. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/pdf/gowanus/5_gowanus_existing_zoning.pdf [Accessed: 15 April 2013]. -Nyc.gov (2011) NYC Zoning - Zoning Districts. [online] Available at: http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/html/zone/zh_ special_purp_bk.shtml [Accessed: 15 April 2013]. - Dept. of City Planning. (2007) Draft Zoning Proposal. [e-book/pdf] New York City. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/ pdf/gowanus/draft_zoning_proposal.pdf [Accessed: 15 April 2013]. - Archpaper.com (2009) Room Service in Gowanus? - The Architect’s Newspaper. [online] Available at: http://archpaper. com/news/articles.asp?id=3190 [Accessed: 20 April 2013]. - Map 05: Issuu (2012) 1781 Sproule Map of Gowanus Military Fortifications from the American War of Independence. [online] Available at: http://issuu.com/proteusgowanus/docs/1781_a_map_of_the_environs_of_brooklyn_showing_ gow/1 [Accessed: 01 May 2013]. - Map06: Flickr (n.d.) 12-gowanus_storm_surge copy. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13550550@ N08/6667347159/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Image 01: Guskind, R. (2006) The Gowanus Lounge: Gowanus Back in the Day: Fourth Avenue Under Water. [online] Available at: http://gowanuslounge.blogspot.be/2006/11/gowanus-back-in-day-fourth-avenue.html [Accessed: 13 May 2013].


- Map 07: Flickr (n.d.) 9-gowanus_100yr wSLR_IPCC_rev-1 copy. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/13550550@N08/6667346321/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Image 02: Bklynpubliclibrary.org (n.d.) Brooklyn Public Library | Slideshows | Gowanus Canal. [online] Available at: http://www.bklynpubliclibrary.org/slideshows/gowanus_canal/index10cb.html?topicid=6 [Accessed: 13 May 2013]. - Prattcenter.net (2012) About | Pratt Center. [online] Available at: http://prattcenter.net/about [Accessed: 13 May 2013]. - Image 05: Issuu (2011) Eco-Gowanus: Urban Remediation by Design, 2007. [online] Available at: http://issuu.com/ proteusgowanus/docs/2007_columbia_ecogowanus_toxic_sites_study_with_cr [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Epa.gov (2013) Gowanus Canal Superfund Site | Region 2 | US EPA. [online] Available at: http://www.epa.gov/region2/superfund/npl/gowanus/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Dept. of Environmental Protection (2008) Gowanus Canal Waterbody/Watershed Facility Plan Report. [e-book/pdf] New York City: http://www.hydroqual.com/temp/gowanus.pdf [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Pardonmeforasking.blogspot.be (2013) Pardon Me For Asking: EPA Discusses Proposed Clean-Up Plan For Gowanus Canal In More Detail With Community Advisory Group. [online] Available at: http://pardonmeforasking.blogspot. be/2013/02/epa-discusses-proposed-clean-up-plan.html [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - iedelstein (2013) CAG Meeting February 11th | Gowanus Alliance. [online] Available at: http://www.gowanusalliance. org/blog/2013/02/11/cag-meeting-february-11th/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Brooklyneagle.com (2012) Gowanus Gang Leader Claims No Jurisdiction for Murder | Brooklyn Daily Eagle. [online] Available at: http://www.brooklyneagle.com/articles/gowanus-gang-leader-claims-no-jurisdiction-murder [Accessed: 14 May 2013].


- Park Slope Patch (2012) Man, 43, Fatally Shot in Gowanus. [online] Available at: http://parkslope.patch.com/groups/ police-and-fire/p/man-43-fatally-shot-in-gowanus [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Nyc.gov (2005) PlaNYC 2030 - The Plan - Housing and Neighborhoods. [online] Available at: http://www.nyc.gov/ html/planyc2030/html/theplan/housing.shtml [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Zimmer, L. (2011) New York City’s Recycling Rate Plummets | Inhabitat New York City. [online] Available at: http:// inhabitat.com/nyc/new-york-citys-recycling-rate-plummets/ [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - DNAinfo (2012) Recycling Plummets Under ‘Green’ Mayor’s Watch - Manhattan - DNAinfo.com New York. [online] Available at: http://www.dnainfo.com/new-york/20120402/manhattan/recycling-rate-plummets-under-green-mayorswatch [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Dec.ny.gov (2012) Frequently Asked Questions About the Bottle Bill - NYS Dept. of Environmental Conservation. [online] Available at: http://www.dec.ny.gov/chemical/57687.html [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Surewecan.org (2010) About Us - Sure We Can. [online] Available at: http://www.surewecan.org/home/about-us [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Nytimes.com (2013) Gleaners of Cans, Working Overtime[online] Available at: http://www.nytimes. com/2013/01/02/opinion/canners-work-overtime-to-earn-5-cents-a-pop.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1362834134nQncehSVhjTJdI6qhE+z2w&_r=1& [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Park Slope Patch (2012) Prostitution Creeps its Way Back to Third Ave. in Gowanus. [online] Available at: http://parkslope.patch.com/groups/police-and-fire/p/the-prostitutes-of-third-avenue-in-gowanus [Accessed: 14 May 2013]. - Calvino, I. (1974) Invisible cities. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, p63. - Koolhass, Rem. ‘Revision’. In OMA, Koolhaas and Mau, S,M,L,XL, pp. 234–253.



X. APPENDIX


Photocredit: Yannick Bontinck


Appendix 01: Map 01 showing the borders of the Gowanus neighborhood and its surrounding neighborhoods. The red arrow notes the Gowanus Expressway, leading to Manhattan.


Appendix 02: Map 03 showing the current zoning overlays for the Gowanus area.

Gowanus Canal Corridor DO UG LAS

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Appendix 05: Map 08: Location of CSO outlets along the Canal.

C HE S

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