anarcho syndicalism part 2 by yan tree

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T&r&s UmBff mEmsi fto; . Show hpw the First lnternational developed . Examine the differenceir between the libertarian

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(anarchitFt) and

authoritarian (Maxist) ralings of the lnternational Discuss thre development of a coherent ianarchist politicat theory looking at the concepts of equality, freeetom, society and organization Analyse the split and etentual demise of the First lnternational.

Terms

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Transitional period: This wag the time between the overthrow ot eapitalism End the establishment of a true communist society. During this period Max argued that the state would ha'ie to be captured dnd used as an instrument of change. He said a 'dictatorship c,f the proletariat' would be established to create the e@nomic <ionrditions to achieve 'full commupism'. ln other vvords, the state would 'withet away'when the 'government of people' gave way to the 'aclministration of things'. Pan-German peoples' state: The idea, strongly influenced by the intellectualcurrents of 19th Century nationa$m, of uniting under common pillitical institutions all people with a eommon langtlage and belonging to a common race. Social Contract: First introdtlped into political theory by Plato and since used to base all ideas of legitimacy and political obligation on a contract hgetween the individual and the sqvereign state. t'lobbes, Locke and Rcrusseau, amorlg$t others, used the idea in various ways. The classic liberal view is that the state is justifiable onlv as a system of c,cnstraints on hhe activities of individuals to pro(ect their freedoms and rights. Unit3-?ndEdition-2m1

Hmftrodms&Eoar Unit 2 highlighted some otithe tactics developed by the wod<ittg cl,ass in 18th Cqntury Britain that vrrould later contrillute to anarcl'to-

syndicalism. Drrrirrg that period hcwever, the dominant idea was that political change would only come etbout through reform, in the guise ol more represe;ntirtive government. The Chartists' main aim was

greater political ecuality through the extension o{ thre vote. Manyr workers recognised the corrupt, unrepresentativq government, but failed to recognise the importanrle of the inequalities of the econQmic sl,stem as a major source of oplpression. However, as capitalist exprloitation grew in thr: 19th Centunv, lhe focus shifted towards economic inequality. A grrlwing number of' workers realised that political reform was not enpu.c;h, and that working class emancipation could only come abr)ut with the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement by an economic syslBnt based on colleqtive ownership. lncreasingly, the labour movement of the 19th Century was characterise,l by growing polarisation of tvrto approaches; (1) political reform leading to economic change towflrds collective owne[ship, and; (2) the replacement of parliament altogether with a collective system based on direlct control by thâ&#x201A;Źr

w:rking class. Much of the impetus for the second approilch stemmed from disillusionment with the idea that ohanging the political system could bring real change to living conditions. ln particular, there was w despread anger that the estahlishment of a revolutionary government in lrrance in 1848 had resulted in yet rnore repressicln, not a more egalitarian society. flncreasingly, wofters rallied to the idea that "the ernancipation of the workers must be the task of workers themsqlves". This led $onre of them to adopt and develrgp methods of direct.action as a way in which the struggle against capitalism coulcf be kept under tyorkers' control, instead of relying on politicians to act on their behalf. The founding of the First lnterrnational is of crucial importance in the development of anarcho-syndicalism, for twcr râ&#x201A;Źrasons. pirctlrl, fte ideas formulated bry the anarchi$t wing of the lnternational laid drpwn sclme of the ba:iic concepts of anarcho-syndicalism. Secondly, the split in the First lnternationalwas r,rot merely abctut abstract political argument unconnected with everyrlay reality; it was about two velry different visions of a future socialist society. This Unit examines the events around the First lnternational,

conc,3ntrating on the different appro-ac;hes of the Maxists and anarchists. ln doing so, we shall concentrate on the icleas of Mikhail Bakunin, one of the main protagonists; in the anarchrist side of the split. However, it iri important to point out that Bakunin was not a leaderr of anarchist groups or ideas, nor did he see ifrinrself as such. ln hiri writing, BakUnin simply articrirlates the ideas ef the many work,3rs who opposed the Marxist llrogramme.

T'he F*rsff 3.mftermmeftEoffimE The First lntErnational (or lntiprnational Working Men's Aesociation) was feunded in London in 1864, largely at the instigation of Karl Max and his followers. Although Marx was undoubtedly the 'midvvife' in the lntrlrnational's forrnation, the idea for it had come from the workers thems,elves. As Bakunin wrote: "The lnternationAl Working Men's'Aasociation did not spring readyr mt?de out of the m,inds of a few erhdite theoreticianlt. lt developed out ,of the actual economic necessitid,s, out of the bitter tribulations thq vyorkers were forbed to endure and the natural imitact of these tridls u:pon the mind+ of the toilers".

Within eightlyears, the First lhternational attrdpted over a milliion mqmbers and was becoming a true;force for revoh,rlionary change. Hgwever, it was dqeply divided. Although after some debate it ungnimously endorsed the principlq of collective ovrtnership, ditiagreement as to how this would be' achieved soen became evident. Whereas the,German, English and (German,gpeaking) Swiss groups favoured tlqe Marxists' stater-communist, centralist programme, thii Belgian, Frendh, Spanish, and (French-speakitq) Swiss groups favoured the anardhist approach arrd argued for fedBralism, based qn workers' direct cortitrol.

Y'he Mmrx*8s* po:re$*$on At the heart of the Maxist argument was lilarx's idea that "fhe conquest of political power is the first task of the proletariat'. They argued that this would lead to work.ers taking control of the state, through which capitalism would be abolished. Ihe Marxists' mailn airn, therefore, \uas the formation of political group$ whose goal rryas to capture state power through the establishment of a workers' government. Ono: in control of government, ther wcrkers would rJse the power of the state to expropriate land and inrJustry from the capitalists and landowners. The economy would then be administered by,the state for the benefit of the working class. lf the wrlrkers could npt win control th6or"19h the electorral process, then there must be a political revolution to seize state power, establishing a government bas,ed on the "dictatorship of the ptroletariat'. The concept at the centre of Marxist thinking was that social revolution ccruld only occur after the political revolution, based on winning control of the state. The Maxist German Social Democratic Party,, founded in 1869, reJlected these,ldeas. Their programme argued that "fhe conquest of p<>litical power was the indispensable condition tbr the economic emancipation of the proletariat' ,anrJ so the immediate objective of the party must be to organise a legarl campaign to win universal suffrage and other politic;al rights. Their fiinal objective was l:he establishment of a Pan-German peoples' state. The idea thBt social revolution could come about through state control relied heavily on the Marxist doctrine of â&#x201A;Źiconomic determinism. This is based on the premise that the nature of an economic systep determines the nature of society as a whole. As such, political and social conditiens are determined by the economy. To change the latter one has only to change the former and so the very act of the rvorkers abolishirg r:apitalism ancltaking control of the economy would automatically end exploitation alrd bring about spcial and political equality. Determinism also extended tc Marxist thecrries of the state. The state was seen as the agent of the dominant ecctnc,mic class, aclministering society on its behalf. Once capitalisrn was abolisl'ned, and the economy ,aras under collec,tive ownershilp, the state would become the tool o1'the workers, and could begin to administer the economy on their behalf. A further argument used by Marxists was that the econonry ,,vould have to come under state control initially, as

workerc did not hdve the expertise to run society. 'l-hery saw this 'diCtatuehip of the pr*tbrlat'as pqrely a Wnsltiortwl period', duringy which workers woriild be trained to fiake over the ruflnirrg of society diiectly. The state under socialism would eventually beeome redundant and' wither away'.

Sulro tr*h *i*€ CoE Ee*1i*v*sffB The anarqhist wing of the First lntemational, irlthough seeking the same end-point of an egalitcrrian society, proposed a very diflferr:nt method for achieving it. They oBposed a purely political prograrnme aimed at capturing state power, and rejected outright the idea that wr:rkers should support parliamentary candidates and campaign for political reform. They also rejectecl the notion of political revolutions ained at establtshing workers' Eovemment. The anarChists held that political rights, suoh as freedom of association, should not be isolated from the ecoitornic struggle: therse rights, they argqed, could only be guaranteed through economic st-uggle. There,ifore, they rejected purely political s'iruggle such dF the formation of workers' political p4rties. lnstead, tlrey advocated workers' self-organisation into economic organisations (unions), wl'rich would use direct action to fight for economic and social chQnge to collective owherchip. The aim 0f tlrese unions vvas to constantly link the dayto-day struggle for improvements to th€i wider struggle Against capitalisin. ln the short term, l.hey would orgarrise strikes and othr:r direct actioits against capitali$im. ln the longefi terrm, this consl,ant struggle wottld lead to the socilrl .c;eneral strike, during which capittalism would be overthrown and replaced with a society in which w(lrkers would control their industries and communities. The anarchist programme was described try the Alliance, the GEo€Vo section of the lnternational: "The Alliance re,isqls all politiC:al action which eloes not have fo,t, itt; imnediate and'direct aim the tiiurnph of the wo,fke,rs over capitdlism. Consequently it f,ixes as its ultilnate aim the ab<tlitlon of the state, itll sfafes, to be rtTplaced by a universalfederation ol local associafions through ano' in freedom."

The emptras-is on "freedortn" rin the Alliance programme is important, for this notion of freetlorn lay at the c€'.ntre of anarchist thinking. lt was al:so what distinguished anarchism from Maxisrn. Although anarchis-is within the lnternational accepted Marxist economic argurpents, they arguiTd that not all ineiquality is rooted in economic inequality. lt could altio stem from unequal power relatiorts under which an individual, or grougrs of individuals, could coerce others. They argued that to pre'uent this, society must be organitiecl dermocratically, based on free ariscrciation.

To the anarchists, the essenQe r:f a future society would be the abilitv for people tdt come together voluntarily, on ec;ual terms, to decicle what is best fcrr them as a whole. They argr[ed that if society, was not based on [re,e association, anrd if human relations were not conducted freely, equally and withOut coercion, then an unequal society based on unequal power relations would develop. The anarchiE{ts argued that afiy new society, i,ather than being administered from the top down, mtqrst be administdred directly by the workers from the bottom up. ln other words, peoplq rrrust come together on equal lenns to decide their collective needs and how best to meet them. lf thfs process was not followed, and power remainecl in ther hands of a ftlw, then social irrecuality would ffirsist. ln arguing that not all inequality originated fr@m the economic syste.m, the anarctrists challenged lMarxist economic determinism. TtlBy also rejected the idea that the state could be used as a toolfoi' workers' emancipation. For the anarchists, the fact that a capitalist parliarment would h6ve been eliminqted was not enough to guarantee that the state woulil act in the interilsts of workers. They argued th{t stdte control, by its very nature, was b,ased on the rule of the minority over the majority. Moreover, the anarchists scdrned Max's view that under the 'pOople's state'folhwing the take-over he envisagetfl, 'lhe proletaria\ wbuhl be elevated to the status of the governlng ddrss'. lf the working class (the overwhelming majority oh tfre population) werre to become the governing class, then who, the anarchists asked, vvould they be ruling over? For the anariihists, the prospQct of the state abolishing market capitalism and private ownership did lrot mean the litate would act any differently towards bringing abOut social equality. They dismissed as naive and patronising the Marxiiit irlea that, undcir the new werrkers' state, 'learned socialists'Uvould administer society on the

wQrkers'behalf. liptead, they predict,ad, the 'learned.socialists'wor-1ld be more likely to uiie their power to form a new rulirrg 'elite and so the Maxist state would not be based on the dictatorshilp of the proletariat, but on the dictatorirhip of a new pri,rileged political-scientific' class of learned socialists. According to the anarchists, whlle the current stefte exercised power o'rer the majority basied on their otvnership of the economy, the new socialist dictatois vuouJd also base their power ov'er thE ntajority on their ultimate control of the economy. The result

wrluld be that secial equality would remain a woikers dream' The anarchists believed that state power, whether based on a constitutional assembly or a revrDlutionary dictattrrship, was the rule of a minority over ia rnajority, and was therefore untlernocratic. No matter what form the state took, those appointed to run and aclminister it would function as dlruling class, asgurning in the process the power and the privilege of a ruling class. As such, the state tuould not be merely the agent of the particular class that happens to own the means of pioduction. Rather, lhe state was viewed as a class in itself, acting on its own behalf. Fuilhermore, a rr,rling class, based on strate control, woulC have the means to become One of the most pcrwerful elites in history, for the Marxist state woultl not only control ihe economy, brurt the whole state apparatus, including the army and police. The anarQhists argued that tl'le programmâ&#x201A;Źi tl"rat the Maxists wished the First lnternational to adopt, based on "The Communi$it Manifesto" writtQn by Max and Entlels, would nclt h>ad to workets' ernancipation, but to their enslavernent. As BakUnin pointed out; 'the construction of a powertd ce'ntralised revolutlonary state w'ould inevlbbly tead to the esbblishment of a millbry dlctatorship...it waild again-@ndefiin the masses,.govemed by edbi to tmmobtllty..-to stivery and exploitatton by a hew quasl'rcvolt$ionary atistrctacf'This turnod r:ut to be a chiflirg prediction of the future Soviet

state. For the dnarchists then, the state is oppressive by its very

nerture, since it iS trased on the rule of a minority over the majorihl. Tlrus, the root cause of the trouble for people, as Bakunin put it;

"does not tie in any pafticular form of govetnnrent but in the fundamental principte of gov'ernment and the very existence qf goverrlment no matlar what form it riight take".

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The anarchi$t core beliefs of rejection of statGl pirwer and enlplrasis on free elssociation were de,veloped at the time of the lnternational and have characterised ilnarchism sinoe. As a result, opponents have clbinred that anard;hisim is nothing inore than a ratlical form of liberal individualism, rilhich places individual liberty before the needs of society as a wholi:. This misrepresents the anarr:hist arguments. The anarchi$it notion of indivitdual liberty was based on ideas put foiwarrd during the '1848 revolution in iFrance, the rallying cry of whioh was 'the slavery of'the least of men is the slavery of ai'l'. Ihey argui]d that individual libeity'was based on,collective liberty; I,ecause human beingls can only confirrm their humanity within sociely, so the freedotn of otlrcrs is merely a reflection of ohe',s own freedofp. ln short, it is impossible to be frpe unless all others around you afe free. ln Bakunin's words: "l i?m truly free itnllr when all huMan beings are qually free. The fritetlom of other fiieir, far from negating or limiting my freedom, is, on the contrary, lts necessary condition and confirmation."

The anarchi$ts dismissed the litreral notion of tha individual, which, they arguedlr, u/as rooted in the Christian idea ttrat people were not created by sodletv, but by God, orrtside of and apart from it. Aqcordingly, liberatr;social democratic thinking saw hurnans as predating society: it was not society who created humdps, but humans who-created sociely. Within this thinking, society is merely a loose coller:tion of indiviCtuals who comeftogether to perform specific furrctions, such as wc,rk, etc. The rnorst important ftnction of society, for the liberal is to limit the freedonflol the individuahi 'Ihis is becau$e our free will, motivirted by pure self-interest, would lead us to attiack otlrers to meet our immediate needs. To ensure this, a 'social cantract' between hulnans was ob$renred and enforced, and so the state was created Es an outside'arlthority to regula@ lruman relaticns. Should this authority be [pken away, so the theory goes, thrln we would ret4rn to our natural state and chao$iwould ensue. Thus, liberal social democratic thinfting based on individualism viewed socie,ty as a contract not to rip each other apart. The anarchigts, however, put fotward a very cliffr"'rent view of hLlrn.in developmept. They saw humans as a prodqct of society, wl[hout which they could not exist. They argued that humans only

ernerged from drrstate of brutalitll tlrrough collective organisation hnd labour, through wl,rich they were atlle to create the conditions that allowed their mrJtual emancipatirpn. ln other wonCs, humans were only humanised and enrancipated by forming a society. Humanity was therefore creatdd by society andlit is only in society that we become human. Placed outside of society 'we would not be human - alone, atrle to speak arrd think, but conscious only of (one)self. Bakunin surmmed up huinarr developmerut as follows: 'tVan becomes c4tnscious of hiins,elf and his hulnanity only in society and onty by the coltective action of the whole bf s;ociety. He fntecl flimself from the yslqs of external nature only by'c<tllective and soclal labour, which alonte can transfdrm the Eafth intdan abode favourable to the developlnent of humanib.i: lMithout such material emancipation the intellectual tand moral emartpipation of the indiv'idual is impo$sitrle. He can ema,nci,pate himself ftor,n the yoke of Ftis own nature, i,.e. subordinate his in,stincts and movelments of his llody to the conscious direction of his r,oind, the development of which is; fostered only fi',1 education and training. But edlitcittion and training are pre-eminently and exclusively social, hence isolated individdals; cannot possiibly" bâ&#x201A;ŹcoffE consciou;, of their freeilorn." For the anarchists then, all human developmr:nt, intellectual, mcral and material, was the protluct of human society. As such, progress was based on co-operirtion within society. lt was logicdl and neitural for humirns to come togethrEr in a free feileration of commori inl;erests, aspirations and tendencir:s; indeed, this is the only wayr tc' create a societ!,capable of collectively providing the education, tritining and material prosperity ip ensure that e?rch individual deiveloped their far:ulties and powers to the full.

Ammrehfrs.t SoeEeft'y Anarchism tl'rer'efore rejected both individualism and state coller:tivism, since both suppress iridividual liberty. ln an anarchist society, the full deyel:pment of the inrlividual would dopend on the coller:tive provisiortr;ol'the necessary rneans, and oir furll social and econcmic equality. Fowever, the dontinuation and de'relopment of the oollective society would dependlon the individual l,eing able to participate in it fullil and equally, wi'th t:he aim of developing their full potential. Without inclividual tiberty,. si:cial equality r,yould be unattainable, and {vithout social eqlJality, there cou$ rot be individual liberty. ln place of the all-powerful state that imposed authority from above, the anarchlsts of the First lirtelnational developred a view of a society governed b,y llatural laws,'tmade up of custbms, traditions dnd m',Qral norms acquirecl and expanded through the ages in the course ahd practice of daily life'. By'natural', they did not inean that society, or people, are somehow naturally 'good'. They arguerl that society coulcl be either good cr bad, and humans, shaped by riociety, could be gcrod or bad. As Elakunin put it: 'A man born intq a society of brulte's tends to bei>orqe a brute; born into a society of thieves, he tehds to become a thief'. The 'nature' of society depended on the material, intellectulrl arnd ethical levels of its members. Anarchism tl'rer,efore viewed lfi e society-individual relationship as a symbiotic, mutuerl one. Anarchis':s sought a foFm of society where the conditiohs are continuously being created for every inclividual to reach their full potentidrl. ln reaching thpir full potential, they would be expanding the sum of human knowledge, which would, in turn, expand the potential of the individual. As the Alliance (of Geneva) dugrJs6 within the First lnternational:

of hrotlt sexes must, frctm bifth, be piovided with equal means and opporlunities for their lull development, i.e. support, upbringing and Education at all litveis of science, industry and art. Far we are convin'ced that next to goc:ial equality, it wi,rl lead to gredtgr and inueasingnizturalfieedom of idividuals dpd result in the dbolition of aftiftCial aN imposedinequalities - the historic source of u nj u st soci a I o41a n i sati o n". "Th,e children

Besides the krer:d for society to provide the means for individual development, the point was stressqd ':hat individual dervelopment leads; to greater fr*dom and to soCial equality. Alt[orrgh society 1't

could @llectively 6rrovide the demcrcratic structui,es through whidh, ;as inrlividuals, people could parllcipatr> in the collectivc' running of scrciety, it was onllr when people felt equal that thelr could particill-ate orr equal terms. Therefore, the ianarchists reasdnerl, it was only lln a scrciety that sought maximum intdividual developrnent, that social ecluality could be <lnsured. For the anarchists the starting point from whir:h conditions of ecluality could be c;reated was thre r>verthrow of oapitalism. From th,: initial onset of the revolution, soOiety had to be run on democratic principles with the aim of seeking siocial equality, T'hey argued that. rather than the tevolution leading tr> state controilibased on inequality, wr:rkers themselvers should take orrer the practical running of sooiety. Workers should;

'..take possession of all the too,ts of productiiln its wetl as altthe buildings atud tbctories, armtng and organising themselves into regional sechons made up of all groups basiect on street and, neighbourhood boundaries. These federally organised sections would then associate themse!,ves to form a federated commune."

Ammreh Es'k Orga mHsat$om The anarchi$ts argued for organisation at street, area, regiond{, national and intematir:nal level. Edch would retain thhe maximum degree of local autoncmy, ensuring dr>mocracy and et;uality. D0citiions affectinQronly those at sttreert level would lbe made at street levell decisions af$ecting regional lOvel would be mader at regional level, and so on, fron the bottom up. The basic dei'lrocratic buildingr blOck would be the meeting, with pi:ople coming to$etlrer to decide thbir wants and needs. As well as oiganisation by loOality, anarchists ahio called for ori3anisation basedl ort industry and interest groups. V/orkers, for exartrple in the rail industry, would trir,eet in their imrtrediate workplaee to decide how besl, to run that workpletce. They worlld meet with passrlnger groups to decide the leVel of service neâ&#x201A;Źlded. They would meet with railway $vorkers in the immediate area to co-ordlnate local servii:es, and railway workers at rggional, national ancl international leuels to co-ordinale a national and international service. They would also rmeet with othEr ruorkers and passengers to co'ordinate an integrated local, regic,nal, national ancl international tretnsport systerh. The society envisaged by thâ&#x201A;Ź,,arrarchists was higlhly pluralistic Poople would or'lanise themselves in a myriad of different o/ganisations to cder for emotionall, p hysical and intellectual needs' It woirld be a society in which 'the infinite needs of rnan will be rd\ected in an adequate variety of ,organisations'. However, whrile their view of l.he free society lvat; far-reaching,, thDy'were not so naive as to think ilt would emerge irvtrrnight. True equality based on her> and equal alssociation would not come easily. Ttheir argument was threefold; that ther fight for a new r:ociety would have to start immediately; that it must be built withift the existing society; that the folm and methods of workers' organisiations must relilect the society tf'rey hoped to build after the revolution. By consl:ructing organisations on anar0hirst principles, tvot'kers would cri:ate, within the shell of the old sdrciety, the structure of a new social orijer'. The unions and local organisal:ions advocated by the anarchists were therefore much mGrre than mere or(;atts of struggle. They were the meansi by which wfrkG,rs would edut;at,? themselves and develop demo-cratic structures and methods. They would devellop a democrirtic culture base{ on egalitarian Srrirrciples and so be us;ed as the ba$is on which to cfeate and administcJr a new form of

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The anarOhit;ts therefore drgrred that the Firsl: lnternational ruld be madd up of economic organisations (unit>ns) and run i{n a y that reflec[ed the form of thi: future society they hoped to br.+ild. e lnternational vvould then be in a position to brirrg together and lanise the mass of the people, and to educate wr:rkers through ring the day-to<lay struggle to the wider revohutionary struggle. Of ; organisational concept, Bakun n wrote: '..trade secfl'dns and their rep\rssanlr\ives in the Chapelof Lab'our create a greil academy in which allworkers <>ar; and must study economic science; these sectiorls a/so are themselves the living >eds of the new society which is to replace thit old world. Thel are creating not only the ideas, brtt thd facb of tht> future itself."

rEreet SLffE*on It was froin this period of the First lnternational that direct acti,rn came a key G'oncept that sepatrated anarchisrrtl fr,cm all other rvements, bo[h reformist and rer,'olutionary. Rudclf Rocker rvided a brief derfinition in 1936:

"By direct action the anarcho-sy'ndicalists meiln every method ol nmediate waiare against their erconomic and palitical oppressor$. rcng the outitanding are: the strike, in all its g,7s116tions from sim,cle vage-struggld to generalshilre; the boycott; sizbcttage in counlless rms; anti-milltaist propaganda; and peculiarly'. in cases...... aimed resistance of the people foi the protection d,f life and liberty."

While Roi:ker was writing inrarny years aftei the First ernational, this rlefinition remains true to the interpretation of the archists at thir time. lndeed, it remains largely'. relevant today, rough many i'inore tactics can now be added.

FErsft Xrstormaff&oarmBx Dee*:h Thnoes The decisive sFrlit in the First lnlernational thus crccurred over thD confrontation betryeen the anarchists who mainllained it should be made up of unions in economic struggle, and the Maruiists, who advocated political groups united b! a political prograrnme. The anarr:hists argued bitl:erly that the lVlarxist approach would turn the lnlentational into a mere talking shDp, limiting activity t.o campaigning. Ev,en more unacceptably to them, ]nstead of a unifiEd workers' mOvement it would create a parly of elite workers, led by socialist intelli:ctuals, sepaiated from the w0rkers' dayto-day struggles. They pointed out that thi:ser more 'advanced'workers wduld form the new elite in the future statr: system. The central tenr:ts of anarchism had been established - that the means must refledltl"e ends, and thal theory and p4ac;tice are inter<lependent and nrust be combfrrnerJ. The anarchisls argued that only a democraticdlly organised mâ&#x201A;Źlss movement couhl lead to a democratic revolutipnary society aild predicted that thr: Maxist fornt of or1;anising, in which advanced viorliers came togetller in a purely politir:al organisatiOn, was hierarchical and could only result in a future hierarchical society. On theory antl prsqli6q, they nlaintained that anarchist ideas depeltd on, and cat't only be develQed by, orpanisatio ns whobe d ayto-day pritctice reflecF af'ran:hist princi pleis. Within the dyring lnternational, tlre administration of the Marxist and anarchist wings reflected their conceptual approar:hes. Peterl Kroprrtkin provided an eyewitness ircc:ount giving an irrsight into hovr thi: hvo wings opeiated. On arriving in Switzerland frcm his native Russia, Kropotkin ffirst aligned him$elf with the Maodst group in Gbnerva. Howevei; he soon became ,Jisillusioned ulitl. the way the needs of the politi0,ians took prececlerce over thosâ&#x201A;Ź,,ol the workers. After attending a rheerting at which ther leadership argued against a prOpt>sed building r,strike as it might affect electoral prospects, he decicled to contact the anarchists itr Geneva who W:re centred on ttre Swisrs watch indud!ry in the Jura Mourrtains. On hi$ fir'st encounter wlth them he noted: "T'he separation between the leadE'rs and workers whtlch t had noticed d't Geneva in the'fetnple Unique ('tfie' Marxist secti?n)t did not exist in the "lura Mountains...the absence Df division between the leaders and

the masses in the,Jura federation was the reasontwhy there was not a question upoh w,hich evety me'mlter of the fedeyaiiion would not

'15

strive to forM his own indepenoient opinion. Here I saw that the workers were not a mass tl;tat was being led, and being made subseruient lo the political ends of a few men,:, th'eir leaders wbre simply their mitre active comrfie:;." His brief $!ay with the Jura workers conveite<l Kropotkin to

thr>

ceruse of anarclarisrn. lt is interegting to see that it ra,as not just thb idr-.as that attrafierl him, but the wery the organisatir:ns conducted themselves, reflec:ing the fact that theory and pracl,ice are inrseparable in Anarchism. He sl4mmed up his cbnversion thus:

"The theoretical espects of anerclism, as they h4rere beginning to tte expressed in the Jura Feddraiiion, especially by Bakunin; th? criticisms of stete socialism,'the'fear of an econ,cmic despotisln, which I heard formulated there; and the revolutibnary character bf the agitation, appeale'd strongly to ny mind. But the e'galitarian relatio,ts which I found irlithe Jura Mounfiains, the independence of thougt+,t and expression which I saw developing in the workefis...appealed far more strongly to rhy tbelings...my v4ews upon socialism were settled; I became an anarchisf'. The split ryitlrin the First lnternational cam0 to a head in 1872 A conference at Tlre Hague, amid various manot?ur/res by the Maxists, expelled a number of irnirrchists. The evrlnts surroundlipg the Hague conference typify the dilTerences betrryeern the two wings. The defe*t c,f the Paris CQmrnune prevenhd the congress taking place in Paris in 1870 as plarnned. ln 1871 tlre GeneralCi:uncil of the lnternational met in Londdn. Bakunin and thr: anarchists of ttre Jurra Federation wr-.re not invitediarrd in the absence of oppositiotl Max was able tq lyet the Generlal Oouncil of the lnternational to acoept appropription of state po\Ue'as an integrttl F,art of the programme of the lnternational. Tlre congress was moved to the Hague, where iit 1872, Max atti,'ncled in person for the first time. Bilkunin and mhny,anarchists werer unable to atten,l because of the derngers of crossing French and Gt>rman territoryr ,\t least five ofi the derlegates formilng the Maxist rnaj()rity, as the lftour historian G.D.H. Cr:le observed, 'trepresented nan-existent movements or nearly i;o", Marx and Engels erccused Bakulrnin of being a Russian spy and urrscrupulous with money. Theyt also accused llim of organizing a sâ&#x201A;Źrcret society to s,-.ize control of the lnternational. Paul Lafargu6r, 16

who happened to be Max's son-inilarv, was the pril.lcipal source of this irrformation, ndrne of which was e\/er proven. Lilck: of proof in relaticn to Lafargue's claims, and his relationship to Max engenden:d deep suspicion on tht> part of the afiarchists. The Congre$s endorsed the principle of politiDal action througlirr socialist parties. lt alrso extended the powers of the General Council, controlled by Marx, arrd finally agreed to Max's proposal that the headquarters of thi-. lnternational bb nroved from London to New York to, as; Marx stated, "guard the lntefiaiiional against ele'ments of dii;iniiegration". Thertl was opposition, not only frorh the anarchists prrTsent, but also fiont British trade unionists who, qhile they suppcrted the anaichists in little el$e, were worried by the centralisation of pdrwer. Bakunin aird a close assooiate James Guillaume were expe led. ln the view of the lnstitutil of Marxist Lenirrism this:

a clearly dizfined demarcati,on in the lnternettional between the iTenuine proletaiian revolutionary forces and the $.arlous shades of

"hed to

1te tty - b o u rg eo i s

ec't a ri a n i s m, p s

tl o -rev

ut i o n i 3m a nd b o u rg

reforMism." The anarchi$iits were effectivdly baned from the lnternational. Tllg (3eneral Council removed itselfi tc New York, whe'e it was largely isOlal,ed from European worker activities. This split, and the removal of tht> General CoCIncil, proved fatal tc, the lnternational: without the anart:hists'support, it collapsed. T{ne Hague debacle of 1872 was tb prirvel the last Con!1re,ss of the First lnternational.

{lom*Euxs*$qffin The split tletween anarchiism and Marxism wils inevitable. Tl'rey provided two fulirdilmentally diffd:rerrt ways forward for the working clirss, which in turrr led to the hiiitorical split in the vvorkers' movem(rnt between Maxists, who favouredl centralism and starte control, and arrarchists, who argued for fedei'alism and direct wr>rkers' control. /\t first, the conflict beltween the two currents remaiirerl submerged hs they fought togerthr=r to establish ar:ceptance for'ther idea of collective ovunership. Hortre'rer, within the First lnternational, the differencQs broke out into a bil.ter argument, leading to its collaose. During thil short life of the First lnternational, anarchism continued to de'velop into an indfearsingly coherent set of ideas. ,,After its demise, the irnarchists set ahout putting thesb irrto practice. I'he inrmediate resull uras the rapid growth of an anarchist-influenced wrrrkers' movenrerrt that was evt+nlually to number millions and e;:tend to most parts of the worlij. Not surprisingfy, it was confroirted b1 both the state and the Maxists, and a pattern ol workers'direct action and stator blutal repression tleveloped, stdrtirrg in France iirn tlte larst years of the,19th Century. lJnit 4 charts this wilve of French workers' struggle, and its contrihrution to the further development of arrarcho-syndichlisim.

Key po$rats; The early pait of the 19th centuqr saw the devblopment of the idea that revblutionary changg, r'ather than parliarmentary reform, was heerded to estabHBh a socialist society With the founflirrg of the First lnlemational two distinct movements, onr: based on thie vrritings of Karl Max the other on anarchisnr, augued for funiiarnentally differtent approaches [p how to achie'ue revolutionary chiange The friction betvveen the two lnovements, one câ&#x201A;Źrntralist and authoritarian ther other federdist and liberlarian, caused the inevitable split ernd subsequeft rlemise of the lnternational

The basic tehetr; of anarchisnt were developed during this pbriod.

arnd defined

â&#x201A;Źlheck$Brst[ 1.

What wene tlre main diffen?noes between t{[e two wings of frre First lnterna[ional?

Why did fire anarchists find the Marxist potiiticn unacceptalple, in spite of the aims of both wings to create arr egalitarian society?

What, actorrJing to Christtan-influenced liberal thinking at the time of the First lnternatiohal, is the main puqrose of the sthte?

Why did Feter Kropotkin hecome disillusionerJ with Maxisin? What reaborrs did he give for his conversion to the cause of anarchisnr?

What typd o1'organisation(s) did the anarchisls argue for?

Upon whdrt, irccording to early anarchist thinking, did the freedom of tlre individual deprend?

Axri

swer

$$e$ggms&*o rxm

What were the main differendes between the tw> wings of the First lnternalional? The Maxist$; favoured a stafg-communist, cdntralist programrne and itrgued for the folmation of polifical groups for the conquest of stilte power. This'would see the eiltablishment of arwcrkers' government to bring about the ecoirornic emancipaiiorr of the workiirg clirss. ln the short term this includbd campaigns to win universal suffrage and other pclitical rights. 'fhr: anarchists favoured workers' control and a fedeialist approach. They opposed a purrely political proglamme, rejecti..d campaigns for political reforms and standing candidates for parlianrent, and stodd against any niltion of estatrlishing a workers' state. lnstdad they proposed that workers' olgartisations or uhions would agitarte and organise strikes and direct actiorr against the eatrritalist state. ln lhe longer teriln these struggles wouhl lead to the $iocial generalstrike during which capitalism would be, ouerthrown and wrrrkers' controli ol industries and communities estatrlished.

Why did the anarchists find lhe Marxist positlqn unacceptabla," in spite of the aims of both wiJtgs to create afi'elTalitarian society? The anarchi$,Is could not ac@pl:the Maxist i<lear of establishing politir:al parties to gei:ze control of tlre state. They argued that this woukl create an elite group of intellec':uals or learnOd rsocialists separate from the lda!/-to-day strugilles of majority 0f vrorkers. The!, ak;o :stated that ther. sr>izing of state power would not lerad to the statte wl'thering away an(! ttre creation of an egalitarian socierty. Rather it wOuhl see the construction of a dic-Ntatr:rship of the parly over the work,ers.

What, accoriling to Christian'inlluenced liberA,ltltinking at the time of the Firs.l International, is the main purpo:ie of the state? Liberal individualism saw hurhans as being created by God a$ free ripirits and pre-dating any form of society. Motivated by selfinten>st, people wOrukl attack each otlrer to ensure individual needs. A rsor:ial contract is,;therefore needed ,r'rhereby the state is able to repulate human relations to ensure the smooth runiring of society.

(Cont'd..) 21

Why did Peler Kropotkin become disillusioned with Marxism? What reaborrs did he give for his conversidn to the cause of anarchisrh? Kropotkin became disillusioned with the way the needs of the politicians seedted to take precd{ence over the he(}ds of the wolke's. With the Jura Fedoration he did not see the divi$ions between the more active meld'fibers and the mass of the workbrs Besides this; organisational dspect he was influernced by the ievclutionary clraracter of the agitation and whs also swayed by the independqnce of thought and irxpression.

What type of organisation\F) did the anarahists argue for? They proposed organisatibnsi at street, area, regional, nationarl arrd international lr;vel. They also irrgued for orgpnisations baseij on in,lustries, in thE form of unions, arrd interest groups. These would be bzrsed on direct dermocracy with dercision makingltaking place from the bottom up. The basic buildiirg block would be the meeting where perople would come together to lfer:ide their wanhs irnd needs.

Upon whdt, according to iar,ly anarchist think'ing, did the freedom of the individual ileltend? The anar0hist notion of intlividual liberty wlrs based on ccrllective libertyr. llo, because hunran beings can clnly confirm threir humanity within scciety, the freedom of others is merely a reflectlpn of one's own freedionr. ln this way it is impossible to tre free if otheis around you are not free.

Some dHsieffiss*osr gnoErets . . .

What are the inrplications for contemporary societies, of the idea of 'free irsr;ociation' as originally formulated within the Fil,st lnternational? ln which ways clo the 'means!'change the 'enrls' in terms of projects that airn to bring about social equalityr fcr all?

The Maxist inisirepresentatidn, i:t the time of the First lnternational, ol the anarchists' aims and beliefs seem oddly persistent, and typical of the lype of misrepreserrtation these are subject to even today. VVny ao you think, is anarchism often misrepiesented as 'eadhr Frerson for thems,=lves'with the weaker members of society teirrg left unprotected?

Frsxrther E*ead$mg P, Kropotkin. ltlemoirs of a Rpvolutionist. Black Rose. ISBN 0921 689187. fr11.99. -AK-.LlExcellent, e1,e witness acG;ounts of the deb'ate within the Fir:st lnternational. Peter Kropotkin afrived from Russia a Marxist, visitecl the two sides oi the split, and converted to join the anarchists. Dr:tailed accouhts of the debates and issues. OiFer prints may be found in librarie$ (r>9. Constablq and Co. 1971. l.<iBN 0486 224856 serme title as ahove). Sam Dolgoff (ed) Bakunin oft Anarchism. Blac;k Rose Boolqs, 1St72. ISBN 0919 619059. €12,9!r-AKContains lrnc,st of Bakunin''s rvriting, with a commentary and in':roduction by lpolgoff. While Bakunin by no mqans a'pure' an@rclrosyndicalist (if they exist), he did nevertheless help lormulate and record some of the key fundamqntals, as contaihed here. CentrQs r:n the key arguments between the Milxist and anarctrist tendencies within the First Intr:rnational. Daniel Guerin {ecl), No Gods t{o Masters Book One, AK Press. rsBN 873176643. €11.95. -AKExcellent new anthology whi:h collects colntemporary matqriel from the period, including lots ol previously unpUblished works flrlm the period by Bakunin, Proudhol etc. For exanlple: Bakunin's wlitings 'On Co.oF,eration', 'Worker Association hntl Collective O',vnership', 'The tixcommunicahion of The Hagtle' and 'statism Qncl Arrarchy' and James Guillame's 'ldeas on SocialOrganisation', written in 1876.

Brian Morris. Bakunin: The Plhil,csophy of Fleerlom. Black iRorre BDoks. ISBN t8s5 431662. €tt0.r)9. -AKHistorical biography of Bakurrin, with short extracts of his worl< arrd ideas. Well written, access-fible, and rare as a rnodern accorlnt written by a histOrian and thinkdr vrith a libertaridp 1>erspective. K, Marx. PoliticalWritings Vol. !i: First lnternationa! & After. Penguin Classi"s,. ISBN 0140 445730. -Lt'-BSMax on Marx - what morq is there to say? The original, antiarrarchist perspective from the period of the First lnternational.

R. M, Cutler. The Baslc Bakunin; Vllritings 1869"1871. Pionretheus Books. ISBN 0879 757450. -Ll- -BSA special collection of Bakunin'si writing's fronr tlre years of the Fiist lnternational. Urrfortunately hard to find as it iq printed in the US, buit nray be worth a search.

K. J. Kenafick (ed[. Man<ism, Fr{eclom and the gtarte. Freedom Press, 1984. f1.95. -AKGood vfm foi'a flimsy (but spine,d) volume with sielections of Bakunin's writings and commentarl4, cloncentrating \on the arguments betw,-.en Maxists and anarchists irr tl'e First lntem4tic,nal. G. Woodcock (ed). The Anarchiqt lteader. Fontana. ISBN 0OOq 340113. -L!While Woodqoc:ks brand of ainarchism may nqt tre sparkling, this trook is generAtly available in llprarries and evehlsecond hand shops. You can always ignore his'cornmentary, ani! turn to the extract of Bakunin 'Perils of the Maxi,st State'. Notes: The fuither reading outlined is not designed to be an exhaustive biUiqpaphy or a praegriptive list li is deqigred to provide some pointers fur the reade'who is intercsted in taking the bphs raised in this Unll fu'ther, ln addltion tolhe above, it is alwtUrs urcrth coneulting your locel llbrary fcr g:nerel history Exts which do cover the periocl, although theytiipvilriably understate the level of working class organisation anclt activity. To assist Courue fulembers, an indical:ion is given alotgside each referenip as to lrow best to obtain i1:. The codes ar4 as follows: -Ll- try libraries (from local to uriryersity), -AK-availdple from AK Distribr.rtiorr (Course Memb,er iiscount scheme applies if you order throulyh SetfEd, PO Blx ll9, SW PDO, Mqncrester M15 5HW), -B$- try good booksh0ps, â&#x201A;ŹE-ask SelfEd abcut loans or offplints).

4r Fra#ft#e :4.870*I918 &#reEt

Eas,$=g revo&asffEona

r:fl un&ons;

Thâ&#x201A;Źs Urs$R: aErns; $:o; *

* * " "#*e

Outline thr: sucial, econ,Dh"ic and politicarl conditions in laie Fmnce and htrw they ccrnrt'ihuted to the grcrwth of anarchlo-

19'h

s5,nd cetlis'l't

Lr:nk at the extent to wiriclr trade unir:nisir-r'r in France war$ infnuernqed hy anarchisnr Cutline thr: rise of the Bou,r"ses du Trarrail and the forrnatlrpn of the Fecle,ri,rtion des Enut's6lq clu Trawaii (iFBT) and exarnine the practicet, tr,eor1 and organisational structure of the early Fn=nch unions Give a brirrf history of the <ievelopment, an,l politics of the OGT and exinrnine the reasionsr 1'or the changets in outlook Lor:k at tlre idea r:f 'pr:lillclerl neutrulity' and [he problems it

raise,l"

**ms

er?+d

$:*

ab$ss"evea*s+preg

des Tna'rmilk'purs Souiallsts de France: [:onmed in l ]:ill0, this was the f irr*t socialist party in France. Nt u,als a fl\/lmrxist prartv that helireved n tl're prirnaclr of politicalaction etnc llhrtt [:y winnimg seats in parlianrnnl: the5i 6a1u;6 evel"rtually declare B workens' stBte" Howe'uer it mm(:[l spllt into tvr.ro 1'actions.

flqrdmratimm

fifimesdiets:

l>liarti

-["he

irst faction v,[as nilrnel1 after'the,ir leader Jules

Guesde. T'hey were of fl/larrrist inspiration and had little faith in universa[ sulfr-age. The ner]elg;sity of organiriaton was enrphrasised and they fcrrnred the Parti f,luvriuiIr Francais in 1E87. Howevrer later they moclified their views anql b*:gan to enter eler;tions forriring the Farti Socialiste. de France. [.]n

t 4 - ;hd Ed riorr' 2001

Fi:ssihilistes:

,h siecond faclion leC hy Faui Brou*mt"," Tlrey beli+ve,d cciurld be achierred witl"rin th* pcrllan:entary dernocmtic s'ystenr but that alterrtion should hr* swltr;hed flnonr centralist stalB intervention tr: th= oppoftunilieg eflhrded by

genuine reform*;

municipal socia ism.

,Allernanist: Jeianr Allernane led a trreak away Srar.ip frorn the Fossibilistes. T"hey thouEht that the pady wasi tocr elitist and rnor= enrphasis shr:uid be given tother role of unionn. T'r:geiher withrthe Possibilistes thery, later formed tlre lor:sely orgmnised lndependents and by 1898 we re the largest sccialist groupirrE in parliament enrbracing a ranse cf reformi$ts and were lattrr rralrned Fadi Socialiste Frulncrais. Elanquists: The rnuin insurrectlonary strand of the ssrcialist nrr:venrent inrupircd hy Louis [][anc1ui. Thiey sougl'rt to build a tm ptepare itself forthe revolu'lioil and tr: fornr a tenrporary dicta':orship to extlnEuish any renrains mf capilallsn-l and irnposing a relvclutionaryl prcglrarnrre on the peo:k*. $rrction Franunise de l'lnternaltic,nale Ouvrierm {$Hlffi}: Fmrmed in '1905 aftera mcrtion was passed atthe 1904r4rn*tenlarat Oongreris of the (lVlarxir:t) S*concl lnternational denianding the uniflcation ,rf the French p;arties along the ctrthodox Marxist lines of tl'le Germran SPD. It was nrade up of the []art] Socialiste de Frrance anri thsp Parli Socialiste Francais Laiqr, without off,icially changing its positir:n, it wels ':o tmke on d fitsw consensus brns(xl on a cr:nrn'ritr-nent'ir: rmrlianrerttary action ancl the defelnne of the Republic. Bmurnses dr"r Travutfll: Local unicrn t:rEanisations organised nn arrarchist prrinci6lles. T"hese r:an"re toEether in th*r Frederation des Bourses dur l'ra,i'ail (FtsT) in 1892. Gonfederation Br+merale du Trarrail {CGT}: Unior established in '1895 to organiss+ workers on ian industry-wide bursis. In '1002 trlhere was full intmgnatir:n hetween tlfre FEI- and the ril#iT"

conspiratorialelite

Srxftnodrusmâ&#x201A;ŹHore Itr [-lnit 3 vue e.xalrri;"rerl how tha ccnfiict* within ilre i:lr-st lntr*rrtatir:nnl contriiru'.ed to the d*"lelnpment r':f anarchi:;rn" l\ow ws turn r)ur"i'itt*rtiori trr titr:r years after thrl rlenris* r:f -.h* [:irst lntqErnntl,:nai. This w;ls a period *f l'rn1:iul orr:rruth of l: new revcll":tir:nary fllcrveinrrlfit, as'tl"le afierchlsts put the!r nr=thods and idcr:asi ini,n practie;e, 4.lthuuEh it wr.:uNr.n sprearl ilcrost:j tiie lvci'ld, it uuers In Fn;:lrce thiat ih!s eiri+rglng v,rork,ers' niurrenl*nt firs;t t,:ok off. This [-Jnit r:l"larts the effcrrls rrf the Fi-ench wc,rk,img class v,rhq:r, rJurrng this perirrd" rverel to takel arnarchisnr and 'f,r.s;e iis rurethods :lrrd ideas ,sith '[mLrje uriirrl":isiru to (:reate revolutionar] uniorrisrn - a fol'eruirner of a n i.l t"r:Ft o-syrld i:{Iil isi nr. i

Th*

PmrEg"B

Comrmi,r!reffi

11. wms no *ilrprise ti-rat Frann** ,r[:nLrkl i:e the ntxrling ;roint for nsiol l+vulutiDnary iailiirrshist nrovernert$i in the iate 'l 91h and r:arly ftllh Centurieri. Csri;,iinly, it was firl] nters celincidence that French Wilik,Bril wftre fln]onqll1 th* first tc [L$ tJr"mwn t# thr* ne,r()iL.]tir:naryr

nl*:tihn:d:: utrd itlt:e:; o" ananchisn.i, T'[.ri] [;:rrr:nch wr:i-h"er:l' rn*venrertt had :l Imng re'loluti,cnal"y trarXition, urith i*vr:lutionli il"r Fi'aLnce In 'i 87S,

1*iiin, 1848 nnci 187'1, all of rryliich hnrj influenr:etl and shaperl suLrfi*qu$nt tactics and ideas" Fir'srre.;h wurl,ierr; harl con"le tfi l;+ri* levolt-rtlon i:s'he legitinraie qi:,mI r:f u,'mrking class sitrurggie anrJ i:rJ',rancerir*nt. F:or ihe iheir fiurfii"nit,r#ront io tlhe revrrluiionary ilir.lu**, wrrrkers had e Ir"eacy paid a f'tiq1h price overthe+ yE:alrs, against Lrrularl stat* repi-essi tn. ,A,s a result, for nriny Frer:oh u,'or[it]rs, the day-tr:r<1t*1, sf rug;gl* wa* iraturally linkrad to ihe wtt.;it+r re'volutir-:riary alm of estnt:rlishing an ognliiani;ln society. lta,:Xly, panl of {l'ris revr:lutior:ary ti'aijitl*n wi:}s lthe tradition of httruyal. Tirii# elnc.j again wcrker* inar.i spillerr tlrelr blc,od to establish ffi rsvo,lutloflilt-!,

6ov*,'r'rrent, onlli

Gil\r* rflr"ltt:fits wr['fr!

[tr,

firrri that

nel*itrtrr

in:tt:riled

r n"lore intereli;ter:l in ne-establis]iing orcler tltrr:rtigir re6rre*si,J'ir than c[eating fi fit(ir* ju$t cr)ffiplir'" This traciltior': i:rf re,,rr:rli;liein fq-:llovved [:1,Gov-ernnlent r*p"r16$gkln Teiacheil a r]evr/ peai.i !n 1871 with the hloorjji sr-rppressi*:rr *f t"rcl Paris cr:n-lttiilre. During ir f,e

w(]eklong orgy of \Iiolence, Gov+rnnrent troopst nriurd*red soine 1(i,000 French rvot'kers in or:ld bloc'd" The leader oFthe nioderate Rt:publican Govemrment, Thiers, br:asted about the hLlrnan oarnzlgf; , saying that, "fhe i*6rpression had baen piilIess, fft,e srgrhf scr fenrh/tp, li would serre as a tesflng lesson ks the workerd'. flniJeed the Fnench workers did learn a bitter lesson frc,rn tl're butcheninll CIf the Conrmunards, brut it was trot to ltave the intendeti effect" lnsitead th s slaughter was the Final ast of clarss hatred that was to convince nnary wonkers that the state and the pL:liticians who aclrnitristerecl it were the eren'ry and coulld rrever be trusted to pur-sLre the int*rest of the w<:rkers. For nranE French worh:ing class people,, any so-called reyolution aimecl at replacing nne (i,cv'enrment, l,lrlthr another had r;orne to be seen as men*ly the substitLutlon of one set r:f rulers for anr:thet'" The bitter experience of the [:i-ench working clnss was a key ccntributory fac,tor in the developmr3nt of ananchist-n in practice - jus': as it had been in tlte developn']ent lf anarahist idleas. lt was the be:tnayal of the French workers h,y the newNy insfuallerci Governnrent af.erthe 1848 revolution that had krd people like Bttkunin and Proudhon to turn tlreir back on tflre rdea of workers :apturinE politicaLl pcrwer by forniing re workers' Gover-nnient. Frernch anarnhists within th,= international hild sought to outline a prograrflrfie untierl,,thich workers did not have to rely on polticians and political parties to pLrsue their aims. Bearing in nrind this double-h:etrayal hy the state in a :ingle generatiort, it is little wondr:r that Frenah w,)rkers, whose bilter experience had contributtecl sf r'nuch to the dewelopment of arrarchism, would o$k to pt-t analchisrn into practice after 187"|.

Ecoreorn$m CCImd$*Bepres Economic factors were also lnfhtential in making France an ideai place for the ea-ly rise of revolulionary unionisi-r-i, in drawing tht: enrhryonlc French trade union moverrent towards ern:rchism. T-he inelLr:itrlai terrmlurlion in France ton,k ;l velrlr fiiff6;6ot fr*rin lo those in tire re$t i:f' anu ti-l USA. ln Er:tiiirr, Gerruranyand the US,a,, "tL;rcrper = it'itjus;trialisation h;ld resulteul in ecc;rnr:nulic cer:traiisaition, leauling tt: thr* ninpid glrr:wth ol'inlurstrial towi"rs iilrd s:ities tr)afieci on particular lrrrJLrr;tries.

By 1'.)1 1, Elritl.airr had orrer 4"I tolvns wiih o,,rer 1Gi:j,CICIfi inltahitmnti- ,,rririier Cierrrany i-rad 45. ts,i i:ontrast, ln Frrulnce, the pac*r of lnrlus,inialis;iti+r't r,r,;;s much slow*r, l:*rnlrraterj by a riecertralisec Eiyst( rl of prorluctiun based on sn"iieil '.* medium su:ie factories. By lSl'1 1, r,tiith twirerthe Niand area of Brit*ln, France still orriy had 15

iclr;r:r; witii l.nnre tlriln '1 00,000 inhairitant-s.

"X"r;

cc,nf,i-ori+. this more der':+ntralised capili.*lirlt system i'equir*iJ f,ar gr*ilter fle;rii:illty on the

tlf \ /,]rke[-s and the:ir organisr*tir-rrrr:, fi*cini; a rruch rntore varied sl*t *nnditionr*. The ieleraliseci fornli r:i' u_;rganisaticrn advocated by zrrarr:hisn.r alluv*,r+d fr:r far gr*ater 'ii*xibility sf ilctirtn than that offere,J hv the hlghly +entnelisied forms ol'oi"g;rni*ation pui frrv,rard by the l,lurxists artd so[iaI d*nrocrats. Lm*ui arnd regionai rn;crri'iens' fecl$If,';il[ons cr;uirl ;lclc,pt anrJ tailor {he+ [:asic i*leas aLnd tilttics of ih+ Hni,)rr nio,,reilrrenl. to s lt their neerJs, i';rth*r ihan wait fi:r inappropr.ia,te pl,.rrt

crf

mnjels '[nr:m the centriri conrnrittee nr ;:arty. [t runs tho uniqi.le cnrnbinati*n ,*f anti-state attitu,jes brorn of nitl*:r experlence, anc! the relativcliy rlelilentnaliiir,=d capritaiist econormiy', vdNii$h created ti:r the French workerrs thc s,:ciai and ptlitical enrilrnnlneifi'l fc,r thri* 0ervr:1,:pfleni, nrf r*lv*lr,:tii:.rnary synrJic;:lisnr (syllr:iicr*llsn.l is derive d fr*nr the F:r#r:ch nncl Spi:nisl.r ,,y,nrds for iJ

ir:rr'X^

ffi:mn$y

Aâ&#x201A;ŹEemp&s mft Lls*xores

Despite tfre illlistenr:e clf anai'r:hist ideas in Fl'i..Lnce, the first alterrrpttcr org;enise n nntinnaltrarl= union had lillk* tn do with ther irieas of anarr:hisri'1, hi:t was instir:ed dominated by,the socia!ists. Unfike in Bnitain, ,urheue trade uniorrs precerJeci f.irfi f,s:rn.iafiion of the sc:cialist parties, ir Frailce, it waLs the srrcialist trlltrties th.":t canre [](lfure the advent of rnass union o"gTanisation. l.hili order oI events hixl a profound *fi'ect on Flrqnch tr,ade unionisnr. The fjrst conilress of trad+ ur.rii:ns took prlmc+ ln '1876 and rrrari drlnririated by the fu,'larxist Guesdist: igroup nanrecj afterth*ir lead*r ir:ies Guesde. -[h* GLr*rsrjists iiirgled that the unicrns *houkJ cuncentrate oil tl'l{} day-to*day struggle, but lemv,* tre wider political -"truggle ic tlre l*ni*rshlp +f the n;iriy. In 188i3, th* foui'th congrEsE, at i-e 14avre, .')clc:pl#d a pT(lgrilixrn'trl drawn by Gues,r;Je iir cr:nsultaticrn 'nlth [\,']ar-x,,*vhich ""itressed the prirracy of the pcilitical sirug6le irnd the n<;ed Lo capture stete power. it aiso de,:ided t* fornr a Tt*\rrr ,Varxist parl\r, tl:e FerJeration rirPrriii des Travailieurs Soclalisie de France. This; nrnw party r,'uas considei-erl by tlie il,,'lierxist !eader-ship tr: be the nlain vehicle for wrrkers' ernanc;ip;l{ion, with the unlr:n consignerJ tcr a i1.1uno;O sir6:pc;ilive rcle. J-he nsw [\{arrir;t llarty was tcr slir:i'cl in lor:al and n;ltioi'ral electicrnrs to *nsure the ilasslng ot progresuive le5;isiatior: and uilirnately, to fcrni a workers' Gove,rnnrent. Thfr sl(,[J[in that this neriy pliily 6193n1seci ar*i;nd wias; "Ynu ,avc;t'kit'tg c/assrJ -:nnd ,half of yc,ultieputies ic, Parliatnet;i 1:/us nlie aild fhe f?eyoltll:,rt:rr tull fue n*t far ofl'

a iait accon.tpii"'-

Farty unitSr riidr't lsst iong, arcl one party soctr spiit intr: hvn. Tlt* Cuesriists fl$i"fieri 'Frarti CLt'vrlier', while the ft:riii:rqriers *f'Paul

'ousse, a IMa ixisI who a ry ueiC th:lt the party sirr:l..l cl *om*enirater orr inrnrediate rnforrnsi oirlV, fr:rnreC i.h= Fossihjiist'. Cverthe following 1i; yeiars, two fuithen socialist p:rrtie-c spranE r-rp, tt-rs'/\llernanisl'and the 'Blanquists', Ficlr'*ver fi decade, the variouEt scicialisi partie:s eirgaged in a bitter stnuEEle t*,*rln contrnl of the (sliil srnaili [:ren,nh ir;ide union ntollern*nt. The sectar"ian atmosprherne this createcl In the Lri;ioit n.iciieniei-:t v,;as sunrnred r.r;: l,ry Fernand P*:Xl0utlmr (in Dani*l Geurir'r Bcok Cn= -see furiher reac ing'tr: B

"...*ye,r; whe|i a!)reemei'if hadoerei),reacheC OrClissrl;ast,cr;s r,h.#re ra'aund up. ,'ti)re fhir/l ff resuif cf lvsariness t1:u,n of rr:ni,,lcfr,llt,

somdone would fan the spark: {luerdlsts, Blanquist die-hards anct Jirorssisfs would jurnp up angrily, ta tt'rcfr feet to exchange ir.rsu/ts ar.irg tal:e r'ssue.. ..and thi* fresh ou'threak,of fighting woutd drag on tor weeks, only to f'larc up agah when scarely it had linished,. The sectarianism that the soclalist parties brought to the union n'rc'voment led an increasing number r>f unions to rejelt political

partios. An increasing numberof unions began bannirrgthe discussion of electorerl politics at their meetings. pellculier wrote that an increasing number of unions decided that; ":.ltu'm []inrt,' (lri't fhe pcilh;cai aglfaf,rr:r;ilii rr,q:i.llct' he i]cr/li: rl]. fll*,rr cur;csr.r,.l;" t/r,ruf rll discr.lssion, ather than sonontic would her rufir/ess/y excir,er*i:i tiom thek pnsgmt of sttdy and i:itat they tu,ei would de,,rote fhamse I u-e,s tv hol e he a rtedly ilr: resisi i r"t g ca pi tal ".

Nor was the weariness with fadion fighting 16s g,nl;/ reason for

increas,ed disi ll usionnreil with politica I parties.

tfr"

rlnch

".,g'fanrbition tradition of middle class politicians plecihg their persorral above the interests ol'the workers they had swom to rspresent came to the fore yet again in the early 1890s. socialist elec':oral succâ&#x201A;Źss had bemn limited at nrunicipal level, yot oven where sc,cialist gains w-e.re macle,.the..promised benefits for workers turned into the realiiv of in<;re;:ued strike br,:aking by nerrtrly elected socialist deputies arrri town c(rl"lrrcils, as the'/ tried to establrs;h their pornrer hrerses. At naticrnal level, th+ socialis'f caLmpaign was meatinE with srnrp *Licfi,3slli" By 1893, tl'ren3 were somre lifly socialist depr-rtlris from th*

i"rniinus r;ociaiist pailirrs, fin 1899, tltre unofficial lerirder r:l the smjaiisrt daputies in parliament was offered a SnSt in Government, which he leadilV accepted. Bu'tthis was not ther victory the worliers had hoped for. '[he fact that Millerand had been prepred to accopt office and

take his place in a Government that orn'talned General'Gallifet, the

'butcrerer'of the Pars tSommunards, cdused widespread disgust

among many workers. ln 1900, a nurnber of strikers wefe shot and r.illed ai fihalon-sur- liaone. Far from l\lilierand reslgr in1;. he actu,irlirrr endors*cl the use of troops to break stril;es. Such s;furp?ality rnpidly neinforced the alrready deep suspi,:lon ttrat rnurhi r>f the Frer:*h

+,+or[ qg olffis*:i hricl fcn pruliilrians.

#are*s.shss* Ernâ&#x201A;Źon# ge& otrâ&#x201A;ŹBdrem*sed Thergrowing dlsgLrstwith thre sncialist parlies, amd the latent arrti,state attiturciee o1i' the French ur,crrl<ing r:lass, weft* not in thenrselves strctrng enough Teasonri to open fl.le eyels of large nl:mbers of French urrorkers to anarchbm. Though increasingly distrusted, at leasl tltre sociallsts had a clearly deflred strategy as to h<>w they would brin6 about change. Though the+y had first raised ire idea of using the unirns as vehicles I'or change rruitl'rilr1 the First lntelnatir:na!, the *lndrrchists renlaineil unorEanised ailrl with no cielrr idea of how tlreir rr*itv lihentarian s+ciety w,r"s t,: he Srtuught about. However, around 1900 this s ltuationr began t* change. Grouprs ol anarchists aiso active in the tracle union movemrlrrt began tr: prut fonryard the idea of creatirrE local unihn federatlons, oulNecl Bourse ,Jn_r Ttavail', which were'to be organiserctr along anarchi*t iEims and print;iples. They vrete trc he avidly arrti-parliamenHri*.{Ln, remaining independrent $f all pc)[itlcal parties anrl sects. As arr dltemative tcr pirrt;y politics, they were to organist firound derlly, er:oirorni* issues, lirrkitrg these to the il'riden struggle [or socral revoIutinn. Their niethod ol struggle at all tirmers was to be d nect action. The anti.sterte emphasis ancl the argument thal workers sholLlc,l cqrnf ront capitalisnri directly, as crpposecl to placirrg ':helir faith in politicians, provecl afi lrrrrnecliate suGcess. Th,e flrm': [Sounse ilu T'rarail was establisheri ir Parls in 18fi6. By 1892, fifteen orrdrre in exist*ncr* arrd by '1908 there were some '157 Enurses spreadin{J night aurotrs Frarice.

Fedeaaft$ora des Borasfl#es dus

.Fravm sâ&#x201A;Ź

ln '1 ,3$?, tl"re "1 5 t}i,urses niel. t* fmrni a rrati*nai fsderatlon, ihe Fr*der;ntior"r eles [3r:ui"seq r]u Trarraii (f 3T"]. The influence, crf anarchisnt ',qt;ls ,:l*,i';ir frr:nt the r;ut:ii+t" ]-he F":ffi1" ntail*d anrclng its la"rks; ",-trlE #l$ifrucfior: rrl'Ihe peop/r* r'eEuri/ilrg fhe pcmri:sr;r;ess of i: rnvr:ll.rfinn fhaf worurC wak* da vtudth ilhel sul-lsfl'tufrL:rr nf r.u:e sfate r*r i::tnnifh*,,-" eo-r:m s/lor,r/d fhls sfilful be ;: srrclalisf .siafe'. 'T.he ti*[c,+.1

tevoiutionar-y ainrs and ihe flfirnr thi]t this re,,rolution shouiri quite oi+Briy sta{ecl. lti

tq,t+re a,rlxo

''..1ifu*lrlt{ sfrir,rr: fc f,,reruare .?n #I#[it]i$ilirflun I'rihlch ffi irhe'eyer;f of fi truln*;.ti:runafi*rr of srrl(ire[y, t't1i1y'se# fhe r:penafici: or fi:e econa{ny ffu,t'ouglt f/rm fr,er:

grqlping a/l#rfr;-'riiflt"any po!itical iristitl-rfions "superr-#t,rc us;i '

l"he Bourse cr:t.npletely re1*ct*d thg idea

erf

capturing siate

Lr$wslr ir$ r{}Ean$'to h"ing about reri*Lii+,nary change. !t optecl u;r-tr,rtli.rivunirlly fctr the iaftzarchlet a6:,prffilth, tfrirt workers slrr:uld

tak*

thtt running *f irrdr-rstr"y dir*cf i,rr" ilruring thr: 'trfi!)(Is, the Bouru,es mp:licliy grew tc beccnre the -l-hr*y pr*vided arrd c*-,:r'dinater:i u:r:,ni|es: of wurltiirg cl;rsr; resistan**" r{ri["i*r ll;tiun and stnik* supr;rort afiros$, the l,lhr:le r:f thr; r,riorkingl class c*,fiirlrunity" Oirtside fht rr,torkplace, +"lie'/ invnlved theirlrse!,res in :; wictr* r,anE* *f oc,n:rnurrily struggles, gl{ln as the: flght for better he,irltn'l lrrnli ir$r:sinU" The Bcrr;e also pfiacer: -qrer;rt slmpl'xasis on the r-ole of smif-rilrtcrttic.rn, oftE:n 1:ruilding up lcm;nl ilihrilniers ;lnrX p:rrcrrir:iir"rg cour$#$ r:lir'ert

suhjr**[*. Thery aistr pr)viLled limit*ci [irrrl un+nlploynrent trene{jt, anti ng as iin unofficial en;oloyment aHffinfiy, ianrl notifyi;rg n-rnemiployed wcrk,nrs $1'\,,tsilanci,3s that existec

f{nrlvnrltF,}is mn a wic.i': rarnge of et.rirlt:r

i-inl!'l tr*uallV anrJ in ot[rel aru=ns.

Vlithin the B+urse, the rieed 1o si#(l the rlail,y struggltre as part of the urirl*r sinr *f orierlhrowinE capitali:;rr1 was constanl.ly siressed. Tlrr*:g1p tl']is pr$cExls of the daily str*g1gler, it wirs: expreciqtl lliat u;r:rk:r* waukl gnin the aa]nrinistratirre aflri urganisiational skills riliiuessiiiu'y t* r;Lrn the fr,rtLrre !ibertni'ifln fierll'*rLinitit soci :Xy" [-uri:t'srflrhr$r*, they wcr-rlr* also de'vmh:p iain ever-Btrongâ&#x201A;Źrr i]ultu:'e of xnlldi*ri11y anil mL.itu:i,rl aki, leadrng [* thr.: de',rt+ioprnren't lrniC reality of n *n -h r*,r;.l r':lt ical si rrrcrtu ies a N'rd pln;i*cti r::ms. T['i++ [3o1";rses Hd,]T(i the place whtlr'p rvorker$ w,:r. lti devel{lp'tnH, 'lm*rr/ *t;d fec;i;r:icari s/rliis that wauilJ *nabie rhr:rn lT: rui: fhe fr.rfure i

sr:cii=fiy'": {l6y"ud{}n} tirr":, 'r-;ur:/ei fhr; cpi/s .jrolrffid wrltdl ffoe /ulure scci*fy urnuld he, fiI{?i}isd'., T-hey were the social mr}ohisnisn'l through lv!:ich '"tn oofi$flft",irrl lrltffuin fhe bourEeols stafe a snr:lrilllsf a.!fernative". ln their r()l# irs [h* iink L:etween the oki and tlte new sc,clety, il 'fh',ct the E,r:Lirse v,rolrld l;lct as the admrinis*tnntiue body in 'r,;iis expected e:cfi1 locaiity, in thm irurerediate afl*rrrath of the r#vrrlufrmn. During tlrisi *'cn-c,ridirraftng prcducficrrrr, pe ritld, they uloulil he1 an# r;irculaftng int'-ar,ptatiait ol; g:n: dur:fiu* capacift a/:E ccnsurrer ,riemds". L.llioriunateli,, ihe!' nltver got to thrp slagel ("F-low*ulr. a r;irriaiir:n o[ ihr: []ourse du Tm,rilil dici briefly prrt sinrilar plarru: inlo i;rria,:$ic* dLirinS tn': Sjpanish Re.v+l :tirpn, as we sha I see later in ihe **r:rse,)"

["F

ln*:*f. t'a* i. ra.i ri

,AS we have aln:aiJy seen, directaction was the chosen nrethcld "struggle that was tr: tt+aclto the nevrr srciety. fnis hniefly introduced irir Ljnit 3, and deserirms frrtii".niir"iri,'i[.."ro, "rnr*oi*;;' 'thr3 [9"1; movemeni, the lrnmediate appiication of cirecf zrction was tcr win prantial and gradural iimproverneiitts,'urhich, au it ,ri*Ju'ii"ur;"'

crf

'!;rJ rig.m cons.tituting a goat in thernserves. can onry be considered as d rrip,tis of steppting u1t demands an,i wresti,g ntiier iiprorZ,*"r,tr trctm capitarism. untilthe point is readted whe-e,uoriers wiil exprropna{e ca6:ifalrsm by way r5rf fhe geneqa/ sfflke,,.

lndeed, cjirec;t ection was nro'E rhan sirrrpry the c;hosen methoci clf struggle, it lvas rrecoglnised as a rnerthoc,l of en'suri,ig u*,.,-,o"r*v,

siirlce,;

"atry affernpf af ,r'evoil.rfirl n tkat did ttal rewfiy cail ulten ffie direcf actian clf fhe wr:rke rs tttemselves wcrurcJ ,inevitably'ktao,tii fn" l-*' elsfzrlr/isfimertt af ,hiara,rr:rticarand authqritariat br.,r.rr..ru inat waula ,r.r fi;rn m,ce again efls/rrr# the praletariai,'

." Ihrough direCI action, workerc \vere accountablql for their own actiors. onty by getring invorved dire;fly with the 6;i Bou;;'"no it. actio rs could they ensure the denr,cracy of the orj- i*ition. -viitnc,ut

the :rrvolvement of ail, the Bourse lvourd'drift inrlol,rement, as fe,ae-people made alithe decisiJn;. "*rv'rro"'lJnr*oti" Wil;;;;

actior ciame direct dem,cracy. Wqrkr:rs came together to d;;id* thrair nss6s and pursue those needs vritrout reryin"g oiioir.,"" ttrrr

their behalf'.

to a*t

"fr

Drirect action arnounted putti,g rnto opereftion, direcily 19 withctut hteruentian fiorn oubide fc,rces. of-the with.in the working ctess". With no "orrtside inrcrfereili.e1-;;;i;;; coulcl pursue their ora,n struggte witho.rt ,,middli

stritiginiiiiii"

The Bourse alsr saw direct aflti)n as a methqrcl "l*s."-p*ii;,.#r""1 ,:.1education in Through the praciice of direct aicflion, workent *ouiU L-rrn i,rrn each olher "to reflect, to decide, to ac1:". T-lie specific {orru of ilirect actior varied accordirrg to circumsla,te*, ranging c*r;,;Ji bcryc,rtts and street dr-.monstrations to stnike afitidtr u*rf tir* uu* *i Througn cirect action, the rdea that the eman;ipation l3!?tlgg: of rn'3 \ crass n]usr be the task of thre wor-king crass 'orKrng courd be

itsell

f*ri

aefii+vmd.

T'he early pract ce of the FHT' rrotrement laid im1:o6tant

'll

flclrinrja{isns thm:i: definetl the nteamj rg and role of', ali-er:t action fnr:nrcations that rem,in rentrar ro :rilarchosyndicaris rn today. Trre importance of drrett action is murti-tacered. it ia bor.h *uti"o struggle and the basis of a syrtem of dirmt democracy "r itsetf irre op'pos.ite.of the representative dem,:cracy of party porfiics.

;

,iuo

thr: principal meanu of empowering peop-re, enanrrnr* tt"re*it: *"tir* thr=ir own behalf'. 0inect action reriairs arso a r''r*e*s bv whicrr neorrtre can build their owr collective culture inside ihe capitalisi or",liurei,r narff)w self-interest, in practisinstclirr>t,t action, p*o[]ie in strLlggie' leairn to give aniJ rr:opive solida[itv and trust.

F,E;r

a"x€s&s

r'ad Ssxs:BerEssgs

The direcl. ar;tion nrethods ard rgrowing success of lhe Bourses

du Travail attracted firerce criticisnr rrcim the -ttflarxisi iiro .*iari.i parties. ln resp'Dn$e,gq FqI oqanised a nationar m,ngr".. oiil.," whole movement in '1894, which tumed into a battle betileen lr,o*" wlro favoured direr:t action and the dvo"ates of polltical aaton.-fn= conference overvuhelmlngly adoptec the idea ot ,iin,a action -and -ftre ,no -' - tt,,

ge'nerral strike approarch,

re;'ecteo electorat poritics,,

Guesdists immediertely walked out of the confer€.nc,3. The Bourses du Travail were now firmly estabtished as tfre miin Ln,ion orgrniiati,>n

ln France. For the next 20 years, the signiiicant Marxist and socialist parties concentmt€rd entirely on erectorar politics and neeJ ror pclitical unity.. ln so doing, they rej,:6qgd ti-re unions the anA fosttoucfr ertirely with the workers they irairire( ro represent. ureanwtrlL-, ine French trade uniorr nrovement grevr in size'and rr:r ilre rt arti-political revolutionary syndicalirrnl. After a nrrmber or"ngih u]itei failures, the Guesclist Allermanist and the rump cf the giousii.t. qame together to f,rrm the Sectkrn Fr;Ancaise de l,lntennati;;6ouvdere (sFlo). -l'his comprised flre French section ririne secomo lnternationat, fofimod by the Marxis ts after the collallse or tn Fiis,t tt requ.ired ail its nrernbers to endorsi, poriticriacti"n I.:r!."1]onrl. ard was atmost torally made up of po,litical partie,s.

;iit.

Fos.mm*E*,*x oS

*he

$=GT

Fr*erl frr:r'lr tlhe influence of the political parties, :he union rmr:vclment hegan to s;trive to build p[tr,atei-internal orgi]nisation. ln

'18{}S, a further congnl$s took place, urt which the Conl'ederation "!-ravail Gemmlrale clu (CGT) was fonnrerll. Ther CGT strt:rve to organise w$rk;,e[s within irrdustr-i;al sectors (in cgntrast to the locirl basis of

organisatimn crf ttre F[}'tr-)" At fllst, the FBT insisted i:n rnaintaining itrs autr:,ntorny frorn this new nationerl orgunisatron. As a n:sult, the CGT rernriained relativr:|!, waakl, whiNe thr* F:l*1" continued to 1trrow and nema!ned the main nafiir:nal organismtir:rn with the French union l"l''l0,rlâ&#x201A;Ź)tT]ent"

["1oweven, grow r]rg irrdustrizrlisation resulted in mure indirstrial integruticln antd ilt bec;anre increariin:gly clear that there was a grolving n{:ed fffir worl<ers to r:rganlse ln industriaN federations. ln tr902, ttrre fiGT'and FB'1" alqreecl'to full inrteglrantiq:n, ,ruitlr the FEIT'r:ontinuirrg to org,tarrlue worket"s on 1:he basis of lmcri l{:y, while the CCIT organised wmr'l,i ers nclustrialiy. J'lie new organ sation reaff irnnetl the prinnacy of the economic struEglul anrl the nejer:tion of politir:ml tlcrrties in favour uf direct action I

-[-he

and the general striker. nrajoritv crf the ne,rqr CGT rralional offiuerrs elq+ct,:d by the trbundi'rg congresrli \tur$rs ffinarchist, or anarchosynid c*;tlist, as theg,were increasilnglly belng oalled. However, even at this *rarly stagm, harlrind the ur"lity r:f'p:rLrrpose in the ecc,nonrlc struggle, thr*re wffir-e alreacly riirrisions enrergingl within the CGT With hind*lglrt, the pnohlern tr;alr \A/ith the confmsion between re"".]**rulia,m mf paft5r polilics ancl pcrlitic;al neutralil,ir- ltJeutrality masked clivisions between lef:rniist syndic*rtris,tu mnd revolutiorrary synci ualists. The refcrrnrist siyndiamtrimtrir tr:okthe idea af political netlttmlity literally, arguing that thur CiffT' sirmuki remain indeperrdent of hnth polltinal partres :lnd the wider pnlitical stnuggle, arrrC concentratr* erutirally on lmprclvinE wol.kers' crlflclitir:!r'te" The revolutionary' slrnclicallst rn;rjority cf the CG1- interprretecl prrlit!r:;;nil nmutrmlltV \/F,lr"/ difTerently" "X-hr*,y rmeant that thr+ SGT shourld retmain o5:posed to al political par"t.i*s;ancl s1:lte control. Critically" ti'retr nrguecl that the (:conornic struglgle must not be se:parated fronr thm politi*al struggle. !n otlrer words, the struggle for hetter conditions watr rot fln arguffilent hut a p()wer sltrtggl* between u,onkers and capitalistt+, Every action fonrned part mf the wider class strugEle - and 'theuel paffis couki not bffi separatrecj lrrithout losing nevcrlultionary 6'rmLr*rrtial. A cortlplex but crucial mlernent of anarc;ho-syndicalisrn ,ners 13

thus established; l)eople had to onganise as a olitss in an ecoriomlc: olqanisation that u'ould use its econ$rilic strength tu bring ahrotLt bol:hr pclitical and eoononric equality, iln a socie{y based on liherlarian conrt'r'runisnr. Thesre anancho-syrrcl calists within th*r fiGT"vlere farn f,mrn"r being politica ly neutral (and nerither are anarcho-synrlicalists torlay)"

ln 1902, the refr:rmrst t"irlemerrt in the CGT rcrriaimed a nrincrritlr" was united around ther princin:les hased on anarol'lisrfl, ard fufthernrore, tttey weTe sclofi {s, Xlut these primciprles into practicer. A vigoi-ous carnpaign launahed hy, :he CGT alrnn*t irnnrediately met wilh growing su$c(!sis, and led rapirlly to grr:wing inilustrial unrest. By 19fl2$, tlrene was smnre 1026 stoppages talring piace and alrnost 4 nrillion days wene lost itr strikes during the y,ear. Meanurlrile, C{lT nrembership t*ppeti 1fi0,00CI. As pant of'thr:r u;ampaign for tlre 8-hor-ir day, tl''e CGT raised the iss;ue of the inequtrlflty of women. It adcrpted a pir:gnessive pr:sitiur-r, al3uing for equall terv and rights, in p:reparation for u future nonalthoritarian soi:ie'[y, in which won"](]n, relieved crf' the li-tll burden of care and in posises;sirrn mf a iiberatqld nrind, woul,rl L:,e tremted equallyi to nren. lncreas;in1;ly, propaganda airn+d speciflir:ally Lrt womren uras pn:duced, and wr:tnen were encouaged to run $itrilie offiq:es and atlend picket lines. Women began j,rirring the *(3T in equal numbets to nren. The CGT also became incr*ilsingly involvec$ in mnti-military canrpaigns. ln 19(10, the FBl- had launched an ant-mllitary canrpair;r'r centred on the anerchist aversion t: ar-rthortty and tlte idea that annn,y Tl^re majority

life brutalised peoprle. Holtrever, with 'the CGT's grcrwinE militanc,l, thr>re was rapidly increas:ing use of the arnry bythe state to put down strikes. The freiT'rr mnti-ntilitary ste nce took on etn increasingllg nr tritant tone, enoornmging soldieis to desert and nrutiny" L"ater r:n, ers thrr spectre of t['re lrinst World 'War 11rew, the CG-[- anti-military alsc: algLred for the genmral strike agalnrit capitalist wars The CG"["s antimilitary canrpaigln rnras to result in r Lrmerous GGT entivlsts being

arested and impri soned. Another aretr where the CGT souEht to hmve an inrpact rrras over the 'peasant ttruestic'n'. Withirr the Flrst lnternnrtional, the ararchists had rejercted the h/arxrst Idea that the pm;+santry were 'p*tfy baurger:isie'and innately reactionary. Thev l'rac{ precllcted tflret thr-, ppplssis ft/anrists placed on tlre historical mle mf the indusririal l/+

workers ;rs the re\iolil'tionai"y olflslii kvc,riid luEC tn ilivision rity and countrlrside" l'he fiGI Cr*rrelopecl this pr--rsitiot"t iiini"i ali'Uil,ie{-l that a nr;rr-ltrutl'rcrltariant t,roi*ty *nuld nt:t i;ra i*chier.red 'withcitt the lnlrcr[rrenrerni of the peasr;art['i, . Th*]" theref:re set out to iiertv,r,uein the+

oq;arrisr+ agnieultural r-Lnlons u.rithit'r'th* Cffi'l-" Hctvrrevel, p,roblenrs prerrsitled lvitlt the 1l{rT 6}nlphasis *n'i r:t:limctirrisation. !-lie Frerici-r ar:th:l*[ pffa$rintry rr+ar; heavily influr:lrue :*cl [:y the i'le;as of Prour.ihan, t',rhn har.l itrpuecl flor ruirg;e slavery

tc h*

nu.prlar:;ee1 [:ry

a systenr of

inr.ilvlclui:l r:wnershi6-r. T[iey were {tuis[]lir)i{)Lrs of colie,ruivisnr" N,l*-t-dirl the OGtr r,:annpalgn f*i, Limtter wnrkirrg ccndltions have niunli irnm*diate attr;iction for the i:neserutry, since it ii/{is cefitred srx

fi5;ht fr:r th* eight-fioul- clay arid il{J \i,!ra$ n:cre relevi:nt ro ti-ie indusitriai w,crkplace. llor,nrev'er, the arrti-miiitary eampliigir had an ir*rne*Jiiate attrac;tion, slnce the pearaltry haql an endliring hatred c1' m lltc rr/ n*i;ruitn.rent, :fld so rt wa* thi-crug;h the ant!-niil tr.ry can.ipaiglt thiilt 1l"ro fiGl'" r.,qlrs il[-rle to beglin t* ;;tfnaqf the peasarrtry t,r its icleas anttr l:r*g1in the task, cf niiaking the ilil] tr" mn nrE;anitation r:1' hoth tolnrn mnd r:ountry. ,AlthoLrgh it cleei-i'/ ied to grr:v,;'ing influ*nce. rhe increasing n.ililitt, nc'l c,f ihe CCiI li:l rrot n'leeri urltil t.he unlversal arpro',ral r:f ali its r'rr'lHft"r[]â&#x201A;Źr$, The rrariol.lrs neforrnlst runi.i sr:ciaNist elemen.s qvilhin the fi(rl'$" l+,elrel 5;lnlwing stearlrly nroTe r,,(:o*l iurci hetter clrg;rnised, nll[rnug;lt it r*nimined rr ]iolal a snralI mrin*rltl,. ln i$i]6 oiierS0?f *f ;,ril ntrik*rri were org;:niL;ed in suppor-i rf tltrl 8-hour c{iry, inctuding a one,Ca,1i g;Xc*neral strike *rglariised bv the: f;#T sfi lviay D;:ty" This latter antio"r l,vas i"r nrajr:r sri{lcess, with pub ic servlfies beriirrl paralysed, #n11 il renlainr i* testanrent tr: the bounciilerris cmnfldence mf ti'rr= CGT at the

th*

'iirirru. 9117, tite lerlal of cJirect &#'li,--r 'r irrorefrsed fufther, Strkes 'wrrre mryani*iecj on tha clocks, the {'ii-'tih\,ft'ys and ilr tl're g;osta| servieel:. Arir:ti:r:r' strihie, h5r r=trectriclans, plungecJ []nris into tJiarkness. For the $eofirrl )rear nntrning, a generall sttilter wllls oru;lnised crrt fi.4ay Day. 'l"hirr Iimal, it attracted e\/tsir'] more vr,iirj*spread supirort amDng ti-re 'ut["lr:1,,, clf th*r [:nench ,ulir:t-l,ling class" [o ermtDership ccrntinuerl to Ero\,v, r*inclring otttlr il(}0,0[[C, ariri ihe fiCiT ,ru'tts beginlririg; trrr:xeft ani irifluern*:e .rn \iJ'orkinE i:;lass lile thiat far r:lutsized even ttris ievel of

l"rrerr:tulrs h ip.

F"lorvever, i:lon91 wlt[-r this startlirg sufrcess, new prrrL;lerns $.,ere h,e,qlrrrtini; trt deu,eln[r, Aiarmerj tty thm gruwit"tg nrilitan:y, refornrist '15

tr: ;1ilIn $,orfiei rr:-]tro! at tl-:r* {l(:] [ c*nfir#*rl irr Arrri*lrs in 1Bfiffi l!,L.iiluste K*ufer, ;l pronrine+nt,r-oir";ri of rei'orniisrn, aten-rpted to steier thrr+ Lrnlon ;rr,,'.raV lrnnr militan*xr *lnd le"rwarcls re oi'nrisnr. He h*il incr*"tsilrEl5r arr3r.:ed thiet thnet [l:,r {}GT should Eliirr"ner'rts atte:"np:'terj

Elnitistr': trncne urni:n moven-lent nrrd n:;*n(r+t'ltiirte r:'l ir:ing refornr. At the (:artgress, hrl i-Irr:p$sed that r: nll "{tni!$sophtcaf, prLriifl*t/ anci r*:/igrir:r"rs nratferd' ther C[iT suhoLrlrj Diss!-ve ''sfricf ,nilurfraii/y". Furthrarntore, Erveryfinr* gii-ir:urlr.l [r* fr<re to "gtrtspagate fhesr;r l.iirl,trs huf uutsio{a; Ille syndrcat*ls;" He nrar:le rio atterrrl:t tr: defin,: jLlst rvhlch pi:ltti*ml viftw'pt-:lnt he ,rius attenrpting tt:r reNtniliise. Hcl,raever, lre clid atEi,e th;lt tl"tt: ''ar;archrsf clocfriirrErs rif allfr ru;f/i*trisrn and anir-p:afrir:;tfsm'' tl"lr:Lild L:e aLanioned uy tlne union anri ple;:ded*;vith the cler:l*tlmtms to tnke the; uriorr out of tfi#. '#ill.i[r#l nf i{t* ana;c:ltisf'. ,( nrof,ir:ni was also rai:ed

il.i,:de! itseli on the

g:;

at iarE cor-rgress th;et tfrE: tGT shou cl ia{filiiete tcr ill* irelvly fornierd St:iO and thenel'orr* j*in t"he $Ecrlrirrj Intenratlonal" The i'efc;"nrisit attetnpt lo gain c(f,ntrol failecl ur.: ntpletely. Arguir:ents were p:t forwarcl hy thcr anancho-s'yr"rCicralists euhoinq th-'

arlu;r'jents of tl"re i,rni.Lrchists t'tr,ithin the First Interr]*rl innal. The:l pcinieci r:utthar'thr; state u,rfis noi r-ei.it,al an'C sfl it r:;l:itld not be: us;erJ for the workers' c;ru$#. Fltt'li'tr:ri'nol'e, they' arguerrtr tital: the cflpture crf st;lir) pc\rvEr, wi'r*ttr"r*rt througit plelrlilrilenl;rry or rftli{.iltitlriflat"5r n"teFlfis would n+t leacl tr-r \i/cr[k#rsi' ernancig:ratr.ion, hut th* e$ilthlishn]ent r:f a ne*rv' elite cased r:r their own (:;or-ril-oi af state pxL\rtrrrtrrfi"

Th*

Chmr*rmr o# Arrs*eses

lflutead of nir:linG toutarrls nm[q:rilri*nil,'lh{* C{]l- nrr;l,eci furlher EM ttr I n favoun of 'w'finLr h*uarure kfio,+,n as the Charter r:f Amlens. This reaf,-firrured ifur r.-*l'ttntitTnnnt tc, anti-sl.i*tlsnr, cXeariy skltirrg lh;rt the unicr-l should r*rnaiit irlderS,rernclent uf the pi-Lrely p:rr:lil ici,rl mtruEgle certrec' or: the -[he plr:llti,:ei pul-ty" CGT r,vas tc rr*nrfl n iun ir,.del.lendel-it econorniq.; m16lanlsntlorr, whose ilint was socinl rcrlrulution 1u be ar:hieved by the '[c,v'riil'rJs i]inarr:hisnt, "[hc.: delegates vc)'ifrrill hy

g*nr,+r*l strik;e. ]"!"le f;hafii=r i,iiso rjeclareri tha't the CG.I; ':.b,rrngs together, otrtsidr every polliiitim/ schotrl $ tlt,tught, all thost: workers elonsc,lnus of the s{rugg7,rm necassalr ts obtain the rJts irp p r:;l n lr;

6e of

1416

grti

{it r?

ril d.}rs

ar;d

nt p

fl.\, â&#x201A;Ź: r s "

'l'her

C,G'[ trrura::i lil be the orElanirsi:tlmn tl"rat unlted all r,rrorkers r,rritl'l th6rl fi*rTlmon aim of o,uerthrowing capitalism. In passirrg the Charlei, ther {iffiT had taken a significant step towarci* beconiir ti a r'*crer gl n isable sps1sfi 6r-s)/fl dica list organ isatia n. [,lnfq:rtunateiy, the Charler i:f An tiens was tD []roue a high pr:int in thel d*:vel,llpn'teni ,-r" ariarchrf-sVnL-Ii$aliH;11"] insirle ihe f:G-l-. Frcn.i 'i L1fifl r"ln. tirr+ flfiT fac;erd ;l n;assi,i'e wl,:,,ru: of st,nte repr-rls:sion rrcl*:ifr*r+itslV tilr"ge+te:r:l crn its nrilitant artl-x$tatc tactics oj'r:lllrect action.

The

Sftm'ke R**poffi;sffi

upto 'i906, iirr irlcre ;lsing rniiitancy of lthe already bro-rghtdown Governrr#rnt repressir.rn on it. In ItiJa,]5, ih* Paris I3suff;e i-iird heen *:vict*d frr:rn its ;:renrises by Cio,verrnrfieftt fi:rr;es. --lcr,vlev*r, it \d,ras thH futay Day gerr*ral stnke that nrrli.tt*,:l ilhjeci alarnr anronEs't thr* ni:iirrq r:lasses. Er,rer in [:r:rnt:e, hiu[r:'lu;rli]r the scene of so much rev,$lutionarry activlty t[,ie iclea h,urj nh,vilys rJnniinated llltit the mass r:f [h*working class har] n* r+ai mp;:i*tit* 'flclr llrm [ed,r)lLtticr'']atry LraL]l:ie. jr,:pular ri;isdcnl In the yeiar:r leadinE

{..1{li-[ hmcj

cjictated thert

re!,r:liltions were due to a small cor"rri,:lous minority steei.ing up the othetwise paSSi\,,â&#x201A;Ź rlrirjority. Within this pr:pular i,visdorn, the ruling cla*:* had becorr.ie inr.:reasingly confirlsnt that suFlerior state force-s 11

c.-rLrlii pr.rt dourir an!i aitempt by a sir:rll rninorltd minrerl ;nt insurre*tion. Tl el stir{e raras *t:r'l''irl*nt *Lhat it couirj prevent ainm+:d insurrection as,

since 87'1 , th* *ti,rte hirr:l mnrle us= of advarrcinpl rulili1lary techncrlogy tr: ne,orflanlse an,J innprov$] ci(t!"rlluitic;atir:rns in thei mrnly. flity r:entre s hed el'en beeri r*l"iL.rilt to ru;:ke streetfighi.ing emsi*r tr: conirol" The generill strike turneci the confitlence #f' ti'* ruling filass iil il.s '1

def*et-ices into ali*ritt, lls its p:r:puian rr,,'isrlon-l.r beEiitr"t ilrr:rr;,:u*ing;ly,tn [te, .l-he

to be falsr:, irjela..i that,+rere bound up itt anarchos,,rni!lcaiisnr, st*h ;::s self'edi-rcatiorr, rlirer;t rnal;.s uction, th* raisirrpl -:f cor"rsciousness ah,tlLrt ti're rerNe rlf thr; state and th* nlNin(t elass; ail shcwed the stilie 1'rat tiris wfls a il€ru/ llath to rev$tLitir:rr to th*t cif pr*r,,ious irisurneatr :nn" The ar:anr;iro-syndir:alists ol.lr:nlv rejectecl ihe lcir:;r that the s1-r*nt*nt+rty r:f the rev:lirt!on;lry act ,rRrc'ulri steer the l.ltajortty of the workens oi.rt r:rf thein passivity. TheV',ru'er*r aargulng lnr;tead that dily to dmy struggie woirld help deuml*p tlhe cl.s$ss[]G,,r,,r-t

ccrrsciousness ti-raI nroLlld prepare lhem for the colriing revnlr-ltion. lr::;ieaC cf pe*ple i:einE irrvak.eriecl h,y re'rolutlc,n, thi: iln;lrchosynijicalists werc: [irft[];:iiing f*r a revrriution thart rrrr:l.rial tre rnxCe bv the cill-sclcus majority. Frrrli'rerrlrore, the rirain ret"eiiuti,-lnml.V r4/e,apon ,,vi>itld be econilrfli,l p,{}\rrrr€t" i'ntl-rer ti arr physical f'orr,:. Tire ruiing cl:isl+, wl':nse lrrl'role stnaiegy fr:ir ciefearting ;ttterngrts at ie,,c i:lioeary clran;e r.vas that the ,,rrorkens ,,,vould Terrnain pussi,,ze, bsgan tc recoqr':is*r that this wlruld rio longer be ti'1.:*; lt:r titr-: ir-t1j',,entent of 1nel i-;GT. A,l:;;o, tirey s[ar1eC to r_iu*siir:n their assui-r.rD'r.icn tl'|at the tl"oops V,;i.:ulr.l a j,-ruays be ahle tr: '0utgr.ill' the

urt;ike;-s ancj seci:Te the r,-r:ntlnued 'urlning l'JCl-iFral sirike" whi,:l-r rruas alnled re al I'eiar ail t1]rii;isi :;npitil i isnr.

otth*

ec,crnorrty. The

at parallisinE the econont!, prr;vc,kr:d

Be[crre [r,tlily )ay '1 0Uti, the r-uiing cless hnrl r,"*mainmd relil[ivel'r urcrcrnu:erned. Wh le It renrmined arl anarchist n,;rtir: i, il'tey frii that wi>r'kers vrtrulql be l"rrlth r;irable anri i-lnriuillino to orgunlse such a strike" Wrren the prospsill nf it l:ecalrne a reerlity, and th* cli.rte clrew nriar, iire

iu inq class pnriirl<nrl. On ihe day, sorne 75,(J0{} trr",clps r,ver+.: rli:;iratcheri to Farir;" The strike alst celused pat"rilm ilrnong tl'ie nrlridlrl ciir:s. as n.ranii tle.,l! ti: the r:ourtrl/,s {h} craciosr} thm r:hnnnel to Erigland. Afte;- the sti"ik*, a neul Gr)\rcrnn;ent r,rvms frrrnerj untier tile ieiidershii) rrf Ci+n'enceail, a fornre r socialist, wii["r the aim of e i lcllcai in g t h* g lc r,i',i ;'r g th r ea"t of iln a lch o-s5r rrcl icali *rn. Dver ihe; nrri:t thr€e Venrs, lh= rierr; :l*t:iirlist (iove;rnniurrt

tft

.i-

tlfrifi:ihstl E \Jrir['!J,(* ,:f state rriip[(!.aiir:iic]ri. *Ll nreir[:ers tEilEi(i ,:ilil$.iil-it harfissnrent arr'li1 inrpris*t"nlt'trlnt. T-r*n,pn 1"nre!-e rrtlutin*115, ut,*S tn;atr[;;l*lr sttikers resultinq in risln6l dinr:th ;;.nrl !njuly ]lo'llsi aftrcnE Iu

e,rlo-:E:, strikens ruo*rr* r"flurti**neci ai idsarhonne, l'''tr;intls mnd Floair l't:tape" $-he brut;:liiiSt #f tt"rf; state niis riucl'r thal iin r.ilttlltrpt to p:r"rl rlcl'tr*rn zL5parian unrs*if ir fu,linli ierar'tr to the l Itli lilfantry

tv*i-k*nl" {t: 1$}07 i'rrutiru\rirrg

lil r.idtlitl*n trr olrlysrcal f,:rrcr* anrj 'ri*tirnisa'[ion, t-h= state. also h*i:iir*n t$ irtfi,rffifisilnUly ilne the tar:::1"ic c]'rmt,tEi* dillrnissnls to hreak *,itrik*i,t,i, ,4 il**t;lN s;trika; collap:secl -[-rer

*lfl

I1'101!I

tt,ht+n postal wclr[<,tirs wi+i"&

Governrnelnt tlflsu mi'[elnr6:k+cl t$ si6,reclfically ir:.ntntifv iarirl unciern,,ine lhe an*r'cho-*"r'nr-llfialicl etlenierrts within th* -l'"hr* presr; laui-r-;tr'red a hate ciilr'r"ri:ifiiUr'r agr*inst p,rrorninent i";4"i,T ai'riiir'{;hr:r"sylrrllq::ralist$ iar}r-l in '1?L-tE, [hel (]*or*rnrrrernt r:rr erred the ari"E=;si *f t[r*r el**tec] :ir.larcf::.r-uynclicalist C[iX- *fficials Yvetr:rl. F]ou_r;et ant* {il.iift,r*lires" Tf'ie refornrists !r: th* fll[JI- attenrl:tecltr: tnke at],;antagt ,*f ';:i'thir rrrllu*li.ion, Lry;+tgr:rng lhat i'[ vlra:r lhei ruvslutirlr:ary aspir;rticr-rs mrrari:ltrtr-u5't"lrlinralisi-rr 'illut r,q;ere to i,rlant* f':i the (3,:,rr:r'rn'renI

11+[:t#L];r]ij

I't?ii?$t$e.

'[hEr nrrI the Ljl't'r,-tnntent its:is1t" i+iIi*r;k.s fr,:nt Lroth lnsiilr,: tiie {l(:l'[ and hvthe stiate ancl its i:r'r.*t'r,r; nnd arrriy naci a c;onsidera[:lm

Isip;liEr+:tr'iiilt-r,

'l-het

mrixture lf t[:rerats anr-1 pLrntishmr*nts began tr: cause el*:ir::*nt$ nf ti"re C[lI nrr:ilthersl":ip:] tD \vit\ier in 'rl'ierir ccl r'rnnitiue:nt to ;*nmrr:hm-svnd!ta!isrn" fln their reJiE*i)ir* finm priuon, tl"rs iln;rrchr:* gcurirl ,;;rtliri{ clffir;lnis fa iu"t..l to uet r*r^sl*:;N.r;:lrrl tr: th*ir fcrrrr*r p:ositions, Th* *g ur:hu ne nr;iilred a narcho-s!'['jfil [iliti l{iii I:ec;: n ;e ii'iL-[ r-las in g try *r:nttt:rnptunus r:lf the re1'orrnists, ;Ll'tcil Ile ar5;r.rxletits bertro,ieen thrlrut [:eL;i:rnr# Iit,.lneasingly b,itter. Ftrflwel,r,ttr, despitr: the staie opFlrfri$isiffi!'r anqJ l!-rr resull.ant divisicrrrru, rhe, *GT '",,,r;:l; able to mnintgrin it* a: rrJanisatlc,nni uirlty. ft,,'l*it"l:heruhipl ilontinr-nâ&#x201A;ŹLi iln gr-o,ur,', re*r:lrin17 sr:rne 600,0(]0 hy 1912. 'l"l'lrj,IJflriiili,J1l #{i"i'[ nt-.rtrsl:itpeis wilrtf,: I'(]fid hrr/ hnnrjrerjg o[ thousand.r of p;r*r*6ticl, *nr:l mrn*sive pr"rblic rneetlni;ri \#*rft l.*:gt.rNarly h=lr.j. I\or did the lnfilrirlnur,* r:f ;ar"tilrcltu-riyl-lciicalisnr i:lele,:1ln+,1 a$ t[]e re;fnrnl'iist: hoped. lri 'Fril$t, a* thr* thi"eat rlf ,;:nrpaigin ',"uar loonied, the fl;t'Ii"tr- iinti-ruri!itii.rl.irlt *p1g;11;l6rp6rer(1 itp Ar+ "rart of this, a $Ltrm*rss'l'lll ?4-irr:ur s;1 rilk* ['r:r p*Einrn] ,,i!'iEri rl["[}iu'ri$r+ti hy tire CGT irr 1(}'l t,

inrlri.l:rl.

B.he

FEx"seâ&#x201A;Ź

Wce-Ed TSIren mmdE mfter

While Governrnent repression had had a werrlterning effect, it hird falled to crusl anarcl"to-syndioallsrn within the t](l'T'. However, the outbreak of, w* n rruae to deliver a harnnren hlu\qr 1'nortt wlticlt it woulti nclt recover easily" ln the first day*i aften\Marwari declared, the fl;G'l" callerJ tbr de:monstrations mgainst it. F'{nwe,relr, a wave of patriotisrn swept ac)ross France ancl, in the face of vridespreac{ ,u,rar'fl,*nvml.lr, they wen* scron to conre out ir"l favour r:f the vrar. Wlthin days, they agreerl to jo n the "Sacred Uniorl', an aNliancer of all politrcal 6riariies aimenl at urrifyirrg France fot'the war effort. A, new Gorrennmr=nt rcf unity was formed, in which tlre flt4ancist SFIO tonk a nurnber urf cahinet positiorrs, A rnajority of thm tsourses rioofl natified the natinn;ntr cornnritte+e d<rision to jcrin ther Sacred Unlaru. Behind the vrar hysteria, there nenrained therme within the CGI wlro opposed the rernln. A general strll<e vvas c;:rlled in Lyon, only tr: l:e cariled off after Go,terntment threats anici the interverttir:m crf the CGT s neilionalcomnritteer. Pierre Monattee resigned frnnt the CGT's nirtional committeel in protest at the: clecisiorr to joim the Sac,t"ed Un{ttn. A nLrnrber of demc,nstrations were called, but were preventerJ fronr taking place by thel state. Though the r:pposition to the war may appftii:l'tu have largely evaporated as wat' hroke out, this is in some i/[iffiysi understanrlable. 'l-tre Government had in place a well-organrserl siraLtegy to overcclme otrrposition to the urar. fu4artinl Law wirs declaned, r,t'itlr papers close,J arrd strikes and dernr:nstratinns banned. An extemsiver list r:f OG]ac,tivists had been cnnnpiled In ordt:r ilo ensure th*:rt 'frrultbfe n']akc"rs' wrlre amorxgst the flrtlt trr he called up. As a nlmult, many militants found thenrselve*s on the way ttr thrr front. withln rJa5,s ,rf, war being d<>clared - or forced underground. Despite the'Sovernnrent's efflorts, howe'/Err", t re ffiGj"' slowly recovered its conrl:osure, and soolr members were relc$nsidering tl"te wisdom of acceptitrg the war arrd loining the Sac:rerl l-Jnion" They

brpan to organise, A larye pac,ifisl. gnoup beg;an ta rJe;velnp, centueii orr the powenfu l m etaiworkers federation. Anarcho,.Ely'ncl icalisnr heE an tci re-asseft an influence. Within a year, anti-war p"trplag;enda produced by tlrese groups rrvitliin tl're CGT began t( iappear, includirrg a parnphlet entiilerj "Th[s W'ar", wrilten by ltflr:natie, whinh ar1;1uecj that the cause of the war was routed in the esonornic mlrugEle between British antj Gerrnarr capitalism. 20

As the opprosltion grew within the {}GT to its prr:-wan stance, an anti-,rvar gnoup called '{loruitee der l}mlernse Sydicaliste ' established i"lsa+lf l\s the war progressed, this grcrrp wa$ uble to (lr-Eanise grorvinEl suprport aEairst the war within tlre CGT. By'the closing stag;els $fl the war in 1918, inspirerd hh, riews of the Eloilghevik revr:lutinn, an mtternp': trr launah a gererrral strike agiainstthe rivan warn launc;hed by il rninorily tlf rnilitant synrJicaltes centred itr the anarchnsynd nalist stnsnl3huld n1'the Loire. Tl"t+ strike was onl'g a paftial sr"JCorlss, but it confirrned the growing strength of nrilitarncy within the

ffiffiT once aEain. \{lith the end of the r,,var, Monatte lnuncherl a nelv weekly paper, Its fll.st issu* carrierd t;xtracts from pre-war writings ,of ii nunlher of piionrin{:nt anaTchcr-sirnclicalists. lt alEo announced:

"litb

heforc fhe war and we rernatt-l s'o. thet niar kas anly fu;ltCet:ed aur aont{ict[ons.."

rmere revo/,ufrnnrr,l,,svndical[ati

Itle fria/ af

met about,:hanging thm Im 19'19, at t'rel congress in Lyons, the Cffi1"

l-he anaroho-syndiicalist minoritlr nt:w

r*fr:rrist post-war C()T',

re'Fr:rrint learjer canrr; r-.!nder sueinineil attffi$lc. for his clags cqllal:,cration and the CGT's failure to sutpport an outb"eatk r:f strikes; thiat lriltl occurred across France earli,sr in the year. lrnrmecliately afrler thrn com$ress, tlre Oonites de Sydir*mlistes Revolutionrraires (CFRS) waei 'onrned, wittt tlhe aim overcominl; refr:rrnisnl and reiurning the ffifi"tr- to its rcvolt;tionerry roclts. Ovmr the next ?'3 years, the CRS grmw steadily. Eeforer nonE, motionu n:ut to CGT' ccingn=ss by the flt'{,5 wmre mnly narrr:vuly, drlf'eateci [:rl thrt refr:rmrist nnajority. Fearful of slmromt,certain lossi of controi, the ffG'["'s national som'rittee atlterutpted to stifle intemal o1:p:ositir:rn ien,ci voted to exp,elthe CF'S" The expelledl CRS; went on to fr:'r'rfi the Confedet-ation Generale du Tlanlmil [Jnitaine (CGll-lJ). This nr*vr,' o"ganisation hn:adly refiected th,e rr*umlutionary poli'licsi of the prm';wru ffiGT . Hr:wev(rr, i'[was nrrt mEuuttm nn;irkthe reLlrth of anarcho-svndicalisffr in Frilnr:e. The remsion wms not that the French pefiplrs hacl been wrrn over to rnfonni$rm durin5l the corLrse of the First V\lorld War - irtdeed, a larger sectirr"r rrf the wor[,lin5; alass remained revoluttionary artd opposed to parlizunentary rreffns 'X-he prinrary refl$on whythe C{iTU was dugEed with prohlernrs frorn dav on,e \'/fi$j the evefitsr in R,ussia the

year before. Revolutionaries across France rvere unahrler to nelslst the 21

al]parent success of the Bolshe,'rik revolution. lt is hard to imagine ncn,r the shear slize; r:[the innpiact the events in 1li]'li' F?,ussia must helv+ had on re,/o["itlmnary r't']ovorxionts acroES th,L+ v,r#rlel at the tinne. Litl+ matter that t["te elvents were of an insurrecti+naqr natune, and that the Brrlsherrlkt trrere quink to aclopt l\4axistt lpo\'rer struetures, and to crursh any oppo:lit"ion frorn othen workers' moverr emts throuEhout Rrssia. Revoluttionaries r:nly tender,l to get the g;clccl rlews clelivererl fnrm Russia by the H,olsher,rik suppotters, and they unclerstandahly rushed to support what appearerl t,: be the crealicrr of the first ccrmmunist society'" Since tlris contmunist society hac,l been ac;l'lieved through the Mantig;t iilea of capturirrg state powmr, rnany whn irr tlhe past had argued for rJilect wtlrl<ers c<lntrol thr+ugh c'{in"ect aoti,,:rr, atlandoned anarsl'rierfl and ernbmc;erd [v]arxist c$rfirnrinisrl'1, orr the basis of this apparent succesri. l-herCGI-U wet$ ns exneptir:rito thlt; de:lusion, and it vot*ci overwlrrelrninUl!, in favout-{tf jr:i11ins 16* tsr:lshevik-organist;d Red Trade Union lnternationa, despite thefac[ that this ,rnganismtion denrandedl the union striCly adhered to the di:taLtes of the comtnnunist party leaLclership,, ln 1921, the Red Internationzrl liaunched arr altar:k on the lirlritrrrj trzrde union indepernclence that the CISTU had managecl ter reiain, This caused a relaiively small numher ,cf surviving irninrchn'l-helyr set r-rp th*r i*:nferieratium du syndicalists to lr=arre the CGTI-j" Travai I Synd ical ist-Revol ution na ire, wh ich reaffi nrn q d its c*rlt m itn'rel.l{ to the Charter crf ,a nriens and for-u'nt:d an independent anar*hosy ndicallst organisation. However, thrs was the ext;eptlon to thre nule. Euen after the reality of the Bolshevi[t state becarnu known, th<* revolLrtionary mrr:v+ment in France was to renrain ir the grip of

Maruism for the nerxt 40 years.

1')

Co rtcBusxoxre "['ltt*

[nfluenr:e cf anarchism oil the Frencfi r,vork*re' nro,,rramr]fll iurn r:f ther 2ilth [i+ritury wi+s r*i6trmi'fi*ant, hL",rt unf,:rtunaieiy si;*nliv+r:l l\lthough the ryrairr rnitritant f:rr,rrch trade unicn feda-+ration of the penntl ,'irlas the {lclnfederation fien*niaie ciu l-ravail (C{lT) ancJ it v+as the'l'int't seti:;ll i:rgianisi;l,ic,n to be hernu,lX5, tnrflu*nced I:y ihe enrei'ging lq.lear of aneirch*-sy,prlicatrisrn, it r,\r,as+ r'lclt entii"ely r;r:nnposed of r:ri'trhe

ian*r'r:hi:*sll"tdicalists. lncieed, .thert': u,as a liaige reforrlisit elenreff[ +,,rithin ti:* #4iT', uuhlcl'r gu-e,,nr to don"lil"l,,lter clurir:g tl"re F'iirst lVorld War". help:,*d alonEi hy st;rte rerpresslon iiriri *rn,-;i*trist opposit r;rn io the r:n;lrt:hr:r-*yr;dtc;:list rq:v*lutlonary ruirnl nnd tuctir:s" Celrlainly, the ${iT ulr.rs a nr;:rss wo'hterrs' organisi,+tinn, within which the rrajorit}i r:f tuo{'k:rs mrerc initiialltrr cXnr:tnyn towards *rnar*l"lisnn hecause it's idear,l t"slfle'rr:'[$rl th+L'*wn e prerience, and olfered prar:tical s:luiioi-is basecl mn

thai,nxp*llence. -l.-l't*

cl,t+veluplrnent rlf anarchr:-uyndl,":*lisnl tvlthin thr+ CG-[

iras

n sign ,:'i Great srolir!ilrity'ivlthin the Frrench working ciass, in ths) {;*cre *f what br:c,!Lme overul'hr,*lrning advr:rrsit5r. r-he lessons ll*rnln*ql 'd/â&#x201A;Źit-e fiot it-rst and the exprari*rri;* q:f the CGT'rvas sufficient to insi,p:[ "el ut"hmn annrcirist rrrrovenrent* nrr:Und the vu*rirJ. L]nii 5 will lcri;[( mmu,er1.hek:ss

mt t["tti inrtrml

spread r-:r]'an;lrr;ho*s1,indir:,al[*ii ldeas iii vrol"king clasr:

riril-'r(jrTl#r'rt$

outside F'rance, s'tading v,iith

$irit;ein.

i,:l

H,*y poErets ,

-[-he

workers' rnovernent iir F-ance hrad a k:ng r*rrt-.lutimnary tradition anri, es6:**i;lli1' after the siippressinrr r:1'the Paris Comnruile, rnanv wclrkers had developerJ an inbuill tiistrust of 'r.he

state i:ntl politicians

The industriitl revollttion in Frarrce took a ,:iittrlrmnt lcrrm tt: tho:e in Britirin, ii*rnrany an# tire [JS, .

The high det;ree sf sectarianism evident in '[he sscialist partles led to the early unions in France rejecting e|ectmral politics

Direct action was adopted as the means to ar;hieve shot"r-ternr improvemen[s but also ultintrtely to bring about the destructicn of capitalisnr through the social general strike

The French anarcho-syndicalists saw the Ferleration des Bourses du '[ravail (FBTi anrl the Confederalir:n Generale du Travail (CGll as the social nrechanisnis with wl'rich to bLrild aLr alternative to the capitalist state

. *

The conoept of pr:!itical neutrality nrasked divisions hetwr+en the reformist anrj revolutionary s'Tndicalists in the CGT at(* reSiression, <lspeciall5r aftertlte **tbreak of war., the c'ifT+ctg of [hr: Russian F]erelution weakenerJ everrtu'ul lr1' destroyed the a riarctro-syn d is,al ist i n iiu e nr;e o r

increasing;

corrrblnerl a nc.i

,nritir

the Frencir tra{[e union n"]ovenient"

Chm*k*$m& 1.

trA/hat were

WltV dirl the traJre unir:n mover-nent con"re to reject electonal pi:litics an<1 any intei-Ference fron the $ocialist piartles?

Wlrat was the n:[e of the Bmursers du Travmil?

4. 5.

F{uw did the FB-[- clefirre the m"lr*trning and role of direct action?

ti"

lA/hat nrer+ the nain far:tors in ttre decline of anaLrcho-synrdicaiist influence in the French workers' rnmvenrent?

the nmin contrihultclrrr factors that rirew the French workers toward; the ldeas and ruethods of ananr;l'lism?

F"iow

dld the rok; of the CGT rjlffer from that r:f the FBT?

?1,

rti,sâ&#x201A;ŹSUv#

r $sUg$*%ft ; O$BS

What were trhe main cantributary factars fhaf drew fhe F,remoh workers fouu;erds the ideas and mefhods rrf enllan:,folsrn? Firstly there wms the revolutionary traditimn in thm [:renc]'r wqrrkers' mr:vmrnertthat led thern t,r giee revrrlution as fl legitimate "T"hely gcrafl of workinE class struggl* and aclvancemerrt" Ninked the claLy-tn-day struggk: tcl the wider ieirn t;rf estahlishing mn egalitarian scciety. Secondly th,e repression erften the Paris Ccrrnrnune convinc*d th= workers that the state and politcians could not l:e tnusted to act in th itrterests of the wonkers. Finally the indr:strialis;rtlon of [:rmnce = io,:k a drfferent forn tr: that r:f Britairr and Germarry, n'[ was much slower and domin:rted by a dercent-alised syst*n'r o'' prnduction basrld or smaller factories. To confront t['ris rt required a glreater flexitrilitv ln th,= Fart of the wr:nkens and the fed frrrrn of r*nEmnislatirln advocated =ndil by tl"re anarchists t,v;ss he$]t sLrited tr these condrtilottsr"

\4[hy' rlid fhe frade unto,rr rnoven'renf cornm fo reyec:f efmrf*rai politics and' ;am;/ infe,rfmrence from ffoe sncialisi:parfies? Unlike Hrifain, tlte fr:rrnation rf rsociaXist parties preueclecl the aclvent of nrass workers' l:rEunisatior-rs. There wer{} miany diff*rences arrd splits in these parties and ihey trattled constanlly to gain control of the French unior rnovement. Tl"re sectarianism alnqi factir,:n fighting th;at this brought intr: the unions merant that increasimg nul,nher"s of urrions began banrring ditict-rss,lon of e*lectonal pollticra ;a't their nr'eetings. ln additir:n, wl^len the scei';llists dicl hav* eleqtorml $Liccess at nrunicipal levelll-re prornised [:erretlits to workers flâ&#x201A;Źrver nr,aterialised. The reality was increased strike bnea<[ng Lry the elected sccialist deputies and town councils eager to huilcl l:herir own power barse.

What was ffue rrc/e n/ fhe tsorrrs*s du Travai{"t They were lcrr:ail union federztions, organis*cl mlong amarchist airrrs and principleri" The Bourses du Travail c,rglenniserd arouncl daiN'/ ec:orxomic issueln mnci seen as an alternatiye to plartv pmlifi+s linking th,= day-to-day strutgElle tr: the wider arm r:f soaiml rmvolutien. They v,r(:re also seefi as future admirristratir,re bodies ccl-errdinatinp'l prudLrction and cottsumption in the irnnredlate aften'n*rth of revr:lution.

4 {[r

llaw did the FBT deflne fhe

-t"he

rneanr,rrg and rr:r'*r of ed,rrecf acfrnn'2 FBT \ira$ a fedetatir:n of all tl-le Nncal Hlounses and w;as

air*dir:nt*r:i io th() t{jea r:rf ,,r,rcrl';*rr tmiling oveT the rirnning of indi.tsitr\r riitt'ctty rathertli:an capturlnui st;?te pr:wrrrx-. it rn-oniinaterl striker antion anii";i st:'lke suppr:rt aflci i;tlkrr r:trirer:t mctir:n us integral in

iiltffiinin[t lrnmecliate il,rrprcrvenrentrs; thrrt uv*ulrl culnrina'.e in the social Emnerrul stri$qe. Direcl a,:tion was fil:s* Er,[rnn as a me'lhr:d 1io ensure c.lirc,i<":t r.nerncxrracv anc that the worf,rsq,"r, \1/erffi a6sounta:ler for their own actir:its, In r-liiing this the FET sar4r dlrect action as a nrr=thod of eclrcatirtt: wheretr,'r'l,rrlr[cers rnoi.rld it*nnn, thrnugh praCir:e, irow to tritfl,ie denisiurt* and i*ct on lhell" *wn behr*if,

I'ircrr,,rjir/ f,ire rr:i= of fhe CGtr rt'iilmr frr:rn

af ol' ittr:

FB"F?

fiGl- lvas *:lt,ablished tq: orr;ariise workers uirthin industrii*i s{lrltcrrui. l-he F:ilT r;ortinued to organ ser r,r'r#rlcers on tft* i:asis of i-f r*r

lor*rlity ri?ven aflflr f ull iltegr;rtion.

iii"

fact*n; r,rr f,'ier deciii:s oi'.lilr:lrcrho-syldica.,{isf in fhe F/'ench ryork#r;s'nt,:v*nteruf ? l-itrrrr* u,;rs cor"llusion [ietwee;"i tlte tejection cf p:rrly politics and I,#tu.rf v'unrc* the nlilri,.

i",rtll*.,1*nce

politl,"ml nr*utrniity" iil:i'crrnrlsts ari-jLrercj l,hirt thm CGI sir*Lild only u;Lti'rililrli!-il'[e on ficoriUrnic issues, nonr]F;rltrffting r:n inrlirc,ving urorkers' r;r-:nq:{iIir:,ns"* and nteryin'; indep*ndr*nt +1'r-arly wic{en prrrlltlr:;al struEgleLi" l"[tr"r tr...r,,ruiiltii.tnrrry syrclll;aiists how'*rr{rr, $;]w the r*cunr.:mlc struEgle iilntJ the pnlitimi:l struggle as Insep;,rretL le" Hvery action 1'c{-ired part of iir virirlerr class utruguner antJ coulci n+t he r:leparatecJ witlr*ut iosirrg r*'r,r:'luti,cil'r;:rt"y pollentl"rl" l-he ref,:rffii*tr mrgu*cl that thâ&#x201A;Ź} rr:volutionary lrruftlrati,rrrrs *f tl'rr= analrcfro-synclicialLBtr; \,r/#[t] flru hlal"rie for the Increfiser

in s[trte r*pr**slr;n, lnc[uriing the g*rrritnnrent's; urse of troups and tAiitl-r tht= arj,u,ent of the Firrll 'Jll'atril,:l VVar the i"e1'crrrnists lveTe -[hn nhle ic;r rviir cr:nirol of the CCI-[. en;rrnh*-syrtCicalist wei-e ev*lnlurtlly *xpeilerJ aruj fltrrnred their nlnrn un5Tanisatlon, the CGI-|.J. b,:i ther i;lu:nsiar revmiutlor l'rad the effe*ct ,:f piersuaCinrg nrirny,, of thenr to irh;,lncir:r i:.1inu+*t ;lction after sielein61 thffi 13$lul-tsrviks gain power. By l$]ii? I 1,hmse sti;ivirig; loy'alto anarc['rr.r-synrlicali*i principflet; r,xiel"e few dfid, fiutln aftet"the le ality of Bofshelvi q F(t-tssiu becanre: known, the

ilrre$t$.

reVCrlUtit'"ln;lnt

rl*V*;'rrrlnt in Frranc*

\4rfiS

rernrait"t

fr,4nrXisl handU.

Slome . . " "

dEscaessEosxr poEm*s

What dn yr:rr see as the nrairr differences between the concegrts of a 'General -9trike' and a 'Social General Strike'and whai rs itsi relevance tcday? How could the ideas of 'Direr:t,Action' be put into practice today?

What could ;anarcho-syndica isls do to prevettt

drift to

lf an anarich,l-$yndioalist union was fr:rrned irr Britain today how

couid it resis;t altacks via leEislation

refornrism in a nevolutir:nary union now? capritaNist propetganclal, governnnent

ard probable statrr repression?

J A

+,\

?= n) ,Jt VL'o

\1 I

r{z

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(

,o (\ N F\

t a\

A \\

t \

\ v J<

i.,

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^:'

)i t"i ti. \i