Architecture Undergraduate Thesis Research_Celebrating the formal-informal interface by Yashasvi Admane

CELEBRATING THE FORMAL-INFORMALINTERFACE

ADDRESSING ARCHITECTURAL EXCLUSION

at Phoenix Market city mall, Kurla

D E C L A R AT I O N I hereby declare that this written submission entitled “CELEBRATING THE FORMAL- INFORMAL INTERFACE, ADDRESSING ARCHITECTURAL EXCLUSION at Phoenix Market city mall, Kurla” represents my ideas in my own words and has not been taken from the work of others (as from books, articles, essays, dissertations, other media and online); and where others’ ideas or words have been included, I have adequately cited and referenced the original sources. Direct quotations from books, journal articles, internet sources, other texts, or any other source whatsoever are acknowledged and the source cited are identified in the dissertation references. No material other than that cited and listed has been used. I have read and know the meaning of plagiarism* and I understand that plagiarism, collusion, and copying are grave and serious offences in the university and accept the consequences should I engage in plagiarism, collusion or copying. I also declare that I have adhered to all principles of academic honesty and integrity and have not misrepresented or fabricated or falsified any idea/data/fact source in my submission. This work, or any part of it, has not been previously submitted by me or any other person for assessment on this or any other course of study.

Signature of the Student Name: Yashasvi Admane Exam Roll No: 01 Date: 27th November, 2018.

Place: Academy of Architecture, Mumbai

*The following defines plagiarism: “Plagiarism” occurs when a student misrepresents, as his/her own work, the work, written or otherwise, of any other person (including another student) or of any institution. Examples of forms of plagiarism include: •the verbatim (word for word) copying of another’s work without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; •the close paraphrasing of another’s work by simply changing a few words or altering the order of presentation, without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; •unacknowledged quotation of phrases from another’s work; •the deliberate and detailed presentation of another’s concept as one’s own. •“Another’s work” covers all material, including, for example, written work, diagrams, designs, charts, photographs, musical compositions pictures, from all sources, including, for example, journals, books, dissertations and essays and online resources.

A P P R O VA L C E R T I F I C AT E

The following Under-Grad Design Dissertation Study is hereby approved as satisfactory work on the approved subject carried out and presented in a manner sufficiently satisfactory to warrant its acceptance as a pre-requisite and partial fulfillment of requirement to the 5th Year Sem IX of Bachelor Of Architecture Degree for which it has been submitted. This is to certify that this student Yashasvi Admane is a bonafide Final Year student of our institute and has completed this Design Dissertation under the guidance of the Guide as undersigned, adhering to the norms of the Mumbai University & our Institute Thesis Committee. It is understood that by this approval and certification the Institute and the Thesis Guide do not necessarily endorse or approve any statement made, opinion expressed or conclusions drawn therein; but approves the study only for the purpose for which it has been submitted and satisfied the requirements laid down by our Thesis Committee. Name of the Student: Yashasvi Admane Date: Tuesday, 27th Novâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 2018

Approved By Principal Ar. Prof. Suresh Singh

Certified By Thesis Guide Ar. Prof. Ashley Fialho

Examined By

External Examiner-1 ( )

College Seal

Certified Seal

External Examiner-2 ( )

A C K N OWLEDGEMENTS

As I am presenting this Dissertation, I would like to thank the people how have helped me through this project. Professor Ashley Fihalo, my guide for all his encouragement, guidance and his patience when I wanted to explore new things. I am grateful to the College Administration for all the facilities it provided me, in terms of the library, the computer laboratory and the classrooms provisions. I would like to extend my gratitude to Professor Yagnik Bhatija for his motivation. Ar. Saurabh Mhatre for his guidance and critical ideation of thought process. Ar. Prasad Shetty and Ar. Ajay Naik for their critique. My classmates, Saurabh Madan and Kinjal Vora for being their throughout the process and for all the support they have extended. Lastly, my parents and Yukta for all the love and support. And a sincere thanks to all those who I have missed, without whose contribution this project would have been incomplete.

CONTENTS 2.........................................................................................................................................................Abstract 4....................................................................................................................Key

terminologies

O V E R V I E W

CHAPTER 01

Introduction

6.................................................................................................................................................................................A

City 1.1 of Mumbai:Identifying hints of exclusion 1.2 10..................................................................................................................................................Mumbai today 1.3 11........................................................................................................................The Built Environment 1.4 12................................................................................................................................................................Concerns 1.4.1 12..........................................................................................................................................................................Needs 1.4.2 14..............................................................................................................................Research Questions 1.5 8................................Evolution

CHAPTER 02

Research Methodology 15........................................................................................................................

Aims and Objectives

16..................................................................................................................................................................... Scopes

2.1 2.2

Limitations 2.3 Research strategy 2.4

16......................................................................................................................................................... 19..................................................................................................................................

L I T E R A T U R E

R E V I E W

CHAPTER 03

Exclusion

Architectural Exclusion 3.1 Architecture as an exclusionary medium 3.2 29.......................................................................................................................................... Interface study 3.3 30........................................................................ Architectural elements of exclusion 3.3.1 33.......................................................................................................................Edge and Boundaries 3.3.2 35.......................................................................................................................Interfaces of Mumbai 3.4 37......................................................................................................Social exclusion in Mumbai 3.5 26................................................................................................................

27.......................................................

CHAPTER 04

41...................................................................................Process

Formal vs Informal

of Urbanization in India of Informal settlements 44...................................................................................................................................What is informal? 46....................................................................................................................................................Significance 48...........................................................................................................................................................Concerns 50.................................................................................................Paradox of Redevelopment 52............................................Views of people about informal settlements 53..................................................................................................................................................................Vaccum 54...............................................................................................................................................................Osmosis 56.................................................................................................................................Dead end ahead? 43.............................................................Categorization

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.3 4.3.4 4.4 4.5 4.6

CHAPTER 05

Theories for program building

Jane Jacobs; Border Vacuums 5.2 Sarah Williams Goldhagen; Welcome to your world: How the Built Environment Shapes Our Lives 5.3 Jaime Lerner; Urban Acupuncture 5.4 Rahul Mehrotra; Ephemeral Urbanism 5.1

CHAPTER 06

Case Studies 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6

Explora Park, MedellĂn, Colombia Klong Toey Community Lantern, Bangkok, Thailand The Happy City experiment, Vancouver, Canada School Bridge, China Delhi Haat, Delhi, India Orchard road mall, Singapore

CHAPTER 07

Informal settlements of Mumbai

Selection of site study area.....................................................................................................89 Identifying sites of urban contrast...............................................................................91 7.3 Site selection criteria.........................................................................................................................94 7.3.1 Colaba Koliwada.......................................................................................................................................96 7.3.2 Kajupada, Kurla west.........................................................................................................................97 7.3.3 Sahar village....................................................................................................................................................98 7.4 Analysis for Site selection...........................................................................................................99 7.5 Conclusion......................................................................................................................................................102 7.1 7.2

CHAPTER 08

Site Study 8.1 8.2 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.9

Kajupada, Kurla west......................................................................................................................105 Site context....................................................................................................................................................107 Phoenix Marketcity Kurla Timeline...........................................................................109 Kajupada community.....................................................................................................................111 Community interviews..................................................................................................................112 Interface mapping...............................................................................................................................113 Identified nodes......................................................................................................................................121

CHAPTER 09

Synopsis..........................................................................................................................................................................126 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5

Hypothesis Aims Objectives Limitations Conclusion

CONTENTS

CHAPTER 10 131.....................................................................................................................................................Site

Program

values 132........................................................................................................................Field of opportunity 133..............................................................................................................................Strategy Proposal 136...................................................................................Possibilities of the design ideas 137................................................................................................................Possibilities derivation 139......................................................................................................................................Program values 141............................................................................................................................................................Program 142....................................................................................................................................................Conclusion

10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8

Appendix

143...............................................................................................................................................................List

of Figures

145.....................................................................................................................................................Bibliography

Fig. 01 Alternate Future Source: Author 1

A BS TR AC T

The city functions just like the process of Osmosis. It needs to exchange, give-take and coexists to maintain balance with the different realms of the society. Cities cannot work in vacuum, it needs different agencies to co-work with each other for it to sustain better. The urban fabric todays exhibit patterns of disparities which have become individual worlds in themselves trying to break the flow for the osmosis. The city has become fragmented with new built developments which seem like numerous bubbles in the urban fabric, making the built environment more and more exclusive. The shift from the rural to urban societies have had a major impact on the economic, social and political environment of the cities. This shift has given rise to inequalities and spatial division between different classes leading to the marginalization of people based on their economic background. Two different worlds are seen in the urban fabric categorized as Formal and Informal. Places where informal settlements develop, exclusion of these entities is evident through spatial and social marginalization and this has strengthened through architectural regulatory means. The question here is, how can these co-exists when the one needs to be thought about in new way of ideas from the perspective of the challenges it pose in the design? Can the spatial configuration of simultaneity be imagined? This research is neither an attempt to aestheticize the informal settlements nor an attempt to undermine the role of the built environment professions in enabling or constraining the possibility of emergent urbanity in the city. It is an attempt to initiate a dialogue between the formal and the informal realms of the society.

KEY TER MIN OLOG IE S

Built environment All the physical things constructed by humans as aids to living Social exclusion Social exclusion is the act of making certain groups of people within a society feel isolated and unimportant. Inclusive Inclusive Design is the design of an environment so that it can be accessed and used by as many people as possible, regardless of age, gender and disability. Urban Fragmentation Process in which new forms of habitat that arise are characterized by one defensive urban design, which is causing the rise of the urban fabric pieces evidencing the break with its context in the architectural and urbanistic language, generating impermeability of space. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/305117363_New_Concepts_or_New_ Stories_the_Urban_Fragmentation

Marginalization Marginalization is the process of pushing a particular group or groups of people to the edge of society by not allowing them an active voice, identity, or place in it. Architectural exclusion Discrimination and Segregation Through Physical Design of the Built Environment. Equity The quality of being fair and impartial.

O V E R V I E W CHAPTER 01

INTRODUCTION

Fig. 02 Formation of city Source: Author 05

1.1

Since the start of time, the early individual required other individual solely for the reasons of security. They started forming groups. As the human minds developed and established belief systems. This gave rise to families and societies and communities. The primitive human stopped hunting and gathering and started to settle in one place. The human realized that they cannot live in isolation and need other individuals around. Small settlements started to develop. Human started growing their own food and led to villages and small towns.

A CITY

People started building their own houses in these villages giving rise to civilizations. Religion, Culture, Trade, Administration, Law and order flourished giving rise to cities. Cities have always responded to sociocultural needs of people and society at large. Indian cities are developing with an outstanding speed. The shift from the rural to urban societies have had a major impact on the economic, social and political environment of the cities.

Pre 1800 Bombay one of the seven different islands

1812 Fortified town of the Englishmen, Indian settlement outside the fort wall

1862 Orders for the demolition of the fort wall

1964 Town Planning act of 1964 published a DP for Greater Bombay. Concept of FSI introduced

Fig. 03 Mumbai maps Source: https://www.oldmapsonline.org/map/britishlibrary/IOR_24_2812_1933

1.2

MU MBAI

Identifying hints of exclusion

A remarkable feature inherent in the growth of the settlement was the residential segregation that took place on the basis of race and caste, with the many communities that settled in Bombay establishing their own distinctive enclaves. This undoubtedly also contributed to an inflexible and insulted social compartmentalization which was physically conspicuous in the different enclaves that eventually comprised the town. The most obvious divide was apparent within the boundaries of the Fort. The eastwest line of Churchgate street conveniently functioned as an intangible demarcation between the homes of the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’. The Development plan of Greater Bombay, published in 1964, had come into effect as a sort of bench mark for planning in Bombay. The plan introduced for the first time the idea of FSI or floor space index. These were based on the perceived holding capacities of different localities. This imposition of abstract mechanism such as FSI to govern the urban form of the city was a clean break from the earlier approach, were rules that governed urban form were formulated area- wise, based on the perceived needs. But then this approach was relevant when the city grew incrementally. Now, planning perceptions were attempting to prompt a new vision for Bombay- a vision which not only emphasized macro level planning, but in the process also saw planning as a ‘numbers game’. Planning for Bombay was now changing hands from the city administrators, patrons and architect to the politician, statistician and economist. Historically, especially during British colonization, the different worlds in these cities: whether economic, social, or cultural: occupied different spaces and operated under different rules, with a goal of maximizing control and minimizing conflict among the opposing worlds.

• Rahul Mehrotra, Sharada Dwivedi. Bombay: The Cities Within. Indian Book House PVT LTD, 1995. Print.

“EVERYTHING HAS GONE WRONG. POLITICIANS EITHER DON’T UNDERSTAND OR THEY DON’T CARE. MUMBAI PAYS A BULK OF INDIA’S TAXES, BUT IT GETS NOTHING BACK. MUMBAI IS BEING ‘SLOWLY STRANGLED’ BY POLITICIANS AND CORPORATE LOBBIES WHO TREAT THE CITY AS A ‘MILKING COW’ AND HAVE NO SENSE OF RESPONSIBILITY TOWARDS ITS PEOPLE.” -CHANDRASHEKHAR PRABHU

1.3

In Mumbai, what runs through is the existence of startling dualities, in constant interactions of opposing events and their coming together and moving apart. This is why in Mumbai, processes that began at the time of settling the town, creating the dual city structures, setting Mumbai up as a market and introducing the capitalist ethos, are being physically manifest today as events leading to the irreversible creation and existence of two worlds on the same space. The polarity between the two worlds in the city is heightened by the manner in which the built environment is structured today.

RURAL TO URBAN SHIFT

INCREASE IN POPULATION IN THE CITY

MU MBA I TODAY

Today, in fact, the sheer numbers of poor rural migrants in the city are virtually shaping and making the culture and the physical form of the city, as much as they are adjusting to it.

This shift from the rural to urban societies have had a major impact on the economic, social and political environment of the cities. This shift has given rise to inequalities and spatial division between different economic and social classes. In this context an intervention of equality demands a new approach of architecture and urbanism.

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPED

LACK OF AFFORDABLE HOUSING

SPATIAL + SOCIAL INEQUALITY

URBANIZATION

TWO DIFFERENT WORLDS

RICH AND POOR

FREE MARKET SYSTEM

BUILT GOVERNED BY CAPITALIST ECONOMY

NO PLACE FOR POOR

• Rahul Mehrotra, Sharada Dwivedi. Bombay: The Cities Within. Indian Book House PVT LTD, 1995. Print.

Fig. 04 Flowchart of Mumbai’s current scenario Source: Author 10

1. 4

T HE B U I L T E N V I R O N M E N T

Differen entities of the urban fabric Rigid interfaces

Urban Fragmentation

Permeable interfaces

Urban Continnum

Fig. 05 Urban Fragmentation Source: Author 11

1.4.1

CON CERNS

Today Indian cities are developing with an outstanding speed, with new built environments created in the existing fabric. The profession of building has changed hands with the politicians, builders, economists in the last few decades. This has dawned a new era of capitalism in architecture. Real estate governs the design and implementation processes. The richer tend to get richer and leaving the poor helpless in their situation. The city is becoming more and more exclusive, with the development happening in isolation with no consideration to the socio-cultural, economical and built context around. This Urban Fragmentation, has resulted in the formation of various interfaces in the urban fabric, which do not correspond with each other. This condition is the process of formation of the rigid edges in the built environment. These interfaces act as exclusionary means to separate activities and users both physically and socially. Isolation attracts another community of fugitives: criminals, misfits, corrupt politicians, united by their common dislike of law and order. -Delirious New York, Rem Khoolas.

Urban Landscapes in India are today emerging as a set of disparate conditions spreading across the country irrespective of city boundaries. These conditions, which form the basis of Contemporary Indian Urbanism, seem like numerous bubbles frothing in new emergent patterns, transcending conventional notions of city and metropolitan areas. 1.4.2 NEED Growth is only in the forward direction and it should be for a purpose and meaningful. This transformation is still an ongoing process, still posing an opportunity to set course of urbanization on a more sustainable and equitable path. In few years this window of urbanization will shut. Our future generations would be left to deal with the consequences of what we do today.

â&#x20AC;˘ Rahul Mehrotra: The Kinetic City â&#x20AC;˘ Frothing Urbanisms, Rupali Gupte, Rahul Mehrotra and Prasad Shetty, 2007

1.5

R ES EA R CH QU ES TIONS

The Urban Fragmentation of Mumbai has resulted in the formation of various interfaces in the urban fabric, which disconnect different built entities from each other, acting as exclusionary means to separate activities and users both physically and socially. What will be the new model of development in this scenario that will be inclusive, permeable and in continuum of the urban fabric for the whole society and gives everyone the access to the city? How does architecture act as regulatory mean to exclude the lower economic groups in the society? The brief study of Mumbai’s urbanization and the main concern of inclusivity in the city, derives the primary research question mentioned above. To analyze the research question, a set of sub questions arise from the primary which will help in the complete analysis of the concern. Sub questions • What will be the new model of architectural development for an inclusive built environment? • On what parameters the interfaces formed act as means of exclusion through architecture and who do they exclude? • What should be the approach for new developments in the built environment that will tackle the marginalization of people? • What kind of architectural approach will help reduce the difference between formal and informal development; and social exclusion of the minority users group? • What approach should be taken to create permeable interfaces between the formal and informal developments? • How can a dialogue be initiated between the formal and informal developments?

CHAPTER 02

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The state of urban fragmentation of the new individualbuilt environments of Mumbai forms these rigid physical and social interfaces, which restricts the permeability of the different entities in the urban fabric. These stagnant interfaces are seen as dividing people and has done its part architecturally to add to the existing social exclusion in the society. The blurring of these interfaces will result in the continuum of the urban fabric and will be a step towards all-inclusive built environment.

2. 1

AIM A N D O B J EC TI V ES

1. The aim is to understand how architecture acts as a regulatory mean to exclude different people. • On what social basis, architecture acts as an exclusionary mean. • To understand the elements of architecture that leads to exclusion. 2. To understand the impact of different interfaces of the built entities in the urban fabric. • To understand socially and physically the relationship the interface developed with different entities. • To understand how do these interfaces contribute to the social exclusion in society. 3. To understand how these interfaces behave when separating minorities. • What kind of interfaces are formed between the formal and informal developments in the urban fabric. • What is the characteristics of these interfaces.

2. 2

S C OPES

• The research will be conceived through the lens of inclusivity in the existing urban fabric. • The research will propose an inclusive model for the city. • It will pose guidelines for an equitable development of the city.

2. 3

L I M ITA TION

• The study is limited to the city of Mumbai. • The research is focused on sensitizing people about the exclusion of minorities through the built environment.

ARCHITECTURE AS AN EXCLUSIONARY MEDIUM OUTCOMES OF URBAN FRAGMENTATION OF MUMBAI

SPATIAL INEQUALITIES IN THE BUILT PATTERN OF MUMBAI

ENQUIRY

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS OF MUMBAI

REVIEW

SCOPES LIMITS INCLUSIVITY OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT OF MUMBAI

INTERFACES OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL BUILTS INTERFACES OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL BUILTS

INCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENT MODEL

FORMULATE

DISSOLVING THE INEQUALITY THROUGH BUILT ENVIRONMENT CHANGING THE PERCEPTION OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Fig. 06 Research Methodology diagram Source: Author 16

2. 3

RE S E A R C H S TR A TE G Y

BOOKS AND ARCTICLES INTERNET

STEP

DISCUSSIONS WITH PROFESSIONALS SITE SURVEY

Fig. 07 Research Strategy diagram Source: Author

STUDY AGENCY

SCHEME OF STUDY

RAISING THE QUESTION

LITERATURE AND CONTEXT STUDY

AREA OPTIONS AND IDENTIFICATION

OUTCOME OF THE STUDY

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

CRITERIA IDENTIFICATION

STUDY OF SELECTED ISSUE ON SITE

CHALLENGES AND ISSUES ANALYIS AND STUDY OF THE SELECTED AREA

CASE STUDIES

PROGRAM BUILDING

DESIGN FRAMEWORK

AIMS, OBJECTIVES

DESIGN INTERVENTION

THE RESEARCH AIM EXAMINE UNDERSTA INFORMAL SETTLEME OF NEW ARCHITECTU IN ORDER TO UNSETT OF THE UNDERLYING MAY CONTRIBUTE TO EFFECTS OF TH

MS TO CRITICALLY NDINGS OF URBAN ENTS AND THE ROLE URAL DEVELOPMENT. LE AND UNPICK SOME ASSUMPTIONS THAT THE MARGINALIZING E DISCOURSES.

L I T E R A T U R E

R E V I E W

Literature review will cover two chapters, Chap ter 03: EX CLUS I ON a n d Chap ter 04: FO RM A L V S I NF O RM A L This topic will analyse and check the existing condition of exculsion in and by the built environment of Mumbai and will understand the role of informal settlements in the city of Mumbai.

CHAPTER 03

EXCLUSION

EXCLUSION [noun] The exclusion of something is the act of deliberately not using, allowing, or considering it.

SOCIAL EXCLUSION Social exclusion is a form of discrimination. It occurs when people are wholly or partially excluded from participating in the economic, social and political life of their community, based on their belonging to a certain social class, category or group. It affects both the quality of life of individuals and the equity and cohesion of society as a whole. Social exclusion is on the basis of factors like: • Cultural background • Religion • Race • Caste • Ethnicity • Gender • Political influence • Economic background Apart from the economic background of the people, rest of the factors of exclusion depends mostly on the personal consent of people.

Exclusion on the basis of economic background is rather involuntary and can be seen socially as well as spatially in the society.

Fig. 08 Exclusion Source: Author

3.1

A R CH ITECTU R A L EX CLU SION

O n t h e b a s i s of e c on om i c b a c k g r o und

We often experience our physical environment without giving its features much thought.

Stereotyping of places in local and national discourses as ‘rough’ and dangerous can have very real consequences, such as non-residents’ physical avoidance of these neighbourhoods, which further contribute to their spatial isolation, stigmatisation and exclusion (Morrison 2003).

A wall doesn’t mean that a person cannot enter a community or other space; it just makes it more difficult for him to do so. Exclusionary zoning is a method whereby municipalities’ zoning regulations require large plot sizes, square footage minimums for buildings, or occupancy restrictions that make property unaffordable to or impractical for use by poor people. The built environment in turn is also constructed in a way that furthers political goals. A common version of the phenomenon of exclusion is one of the most obvious forms of architectural exclusion: the walls, gates, and guardhouses of gated communities. These architectural features are intended to keep out those who are not desirable or welcome inside.

The built environment is characterized by man-made physical features that make it difficult for certain individuals often poor people and other minorities to access certain places. • Sarah Schindler. Architectural Exclusion: Discrimination and Segregation Through Physical Design of the Built Environment.

3. 2

A RCHITE C TU R E A S A N E X CLU S ION A R Y M EDIU M

Exclusion through architecture can be experienced at various scales from macro to micro namely individual, household, group, community, country and global. In case of Mumbai, Exclusion was experienced majorly on the following levels.

Policy level Unvailability of affordable housing leads to the development of informal settlements

2 Neighbourhood level Walled estates, Private neighbourhood blocks.

Street level Private streets, Street furniture, Non-disable friendly sidewalks.

4 3 Building level Gated communities

Fig. 09 Images of architectural exclusion at different scales Source: Author 28

3. 3

IN T E RF A C E S TU D Y

3.3.1

A R CH ITECTU R A L ELEMENTS OF EX CLU SION

Architectural Exclusion physically originates from the point of connection, where the two realms meet. This connection of two realms can be termed as an interface. INTERFACE [noun] the point at which two different systems, activities, etc. have an influence on each other. [verb] to be or become interactive with the other. The relations between the two realms are established in the form of interfaces as a medium. Social, economic, political and ecological differences affect these interfaces. This interface affects urban life at a micro level within its immediate surrounding and ultimately at the macro level of the city. Interfaces act as:

A connection

A separation

A transition

It defines a space

It defines a volume

A condition

Fig. 10 Interfaces as Source: Author 30

INTERFACES

CONNECTION

VOID

CONNECTING PARTITION

SEPARATION

DIVIDING

OPEN

CONCAVE

Fig. 11 Connecting and dividing Interfaces Source: Author 31

The interfaces inherit various characteristics of: • Connection • Open • Partition • Separation • Void • Concave And can be broadly divided into:

CONNECTING INTERFACES- multi-functional, interactive, humane environments. DIVIDING INTERFACES- barriers & physical separators that articulate structure and

planning.

To study the interfaces and their behavior, a criteria by which to analyze interfaces • Form (arrangement, shape) • Materiality • Scale (large and small) • Functionality and use • Edges and boundaries The criteria by which the interface may be able to separate two entities physically is given by the character of edges and boundaries.

“Connective interfaces, such as boundaries, physical connections, transition regions and geometrical edges that harbour fundamental human activities, are essential to creating urban coherence” (Alexander in Salingaros, 2010)

3. 3 . 2

E D GE S A N D B O U N D A R IES

EDGE [noun] The outside limit of an object, area, or surface. The line along which two surfaces of a solid meet. [verb] Provide with a border or edge. Quoting Kevin Lynch, Edges are the linear elements not used or considered as paths by the observer. They are the boundaries between two phases, linear breaks in continuity: shores, railroad cuts, edges of development, walls. They are lateral references rather than coordinate axes. Such edges may be barriers, more or less penetrable, which close one region off from another; or they may be seams, lines along which two regions are related and joined together. These edge elements, although probably not as dominant as paths, are for many people important organizing features, particularly in the role of holding together generalized areas, as in the outline of a city by water or wall.

BOUNDARY [noun] A line which marks the limits of an area; a dividing line. A limit of something abstract, especially a subject or sphere of activity.

Fig. 12 Edges and boundaries Source: Author 34

3. 4

IN T E RF A C E S O F M U M B AI

Interfaces are the entities that separate different physical entities forming a whole new territory, where one may or may not interact with another but exists in the same environment. So, in case of a city, how are these interfaces formed. In the case of Mumbai, who do they separate? The architectural implication of these interfaces are part of our natural growing and planned built environment. They are different functions coexisting, different typologies, different treatments applied, it depends on their existing condition or state and also how different people use them. The way in which these are manifested might pose a threat to the society. On a city level, the interfaces are defined by the natural bodies, the transit networks and the various built typologies that sits in the plots marked by the urban networks. The built typology can be further summed into two physical entities as: 1. Public and Private a. Government projects vs Private projects b. Open access vs Restricted access c. Social vs Commercial

PUBLIC

Fig. 13 Public-private interface Source: Author 35

PRIVATE

2. Formal and Informal a. Permanant vs Temporary b. Planned vs Unplanned

PLANNED

UNPLANNED

FORMAL

INFORMAL

This research takes in account the interface of the Formal and the Informal settlement patterns seen in the urban fabric of Mumbai.

Fig. 14 Planned- unplanned interface Fig. 15 Formal- Informal interface Source: Author 36

3. 5

S O CIA L E XC L U S I O N I N MU MBA I

Cities where informal settlements develop, exclusion and ‘othering’ of these places is evident through spatial and social marginalization. A human development report, prepared to determine the quality of life in Mumbai, has commented on the city’s changing social fabric and the wide gap between rich and poor. The report finds that the two segments occupy completely different economic, physical, and social spaces even as they share a geographical territory. “The contrasts in living standards are of a magnitude not seen anywhere else in the country,” says the report. “Two distinct cities exist within one. While these socio-economic disparities are yet to balloon into social disruption, they are a clear and present danger, the report cautions, and calls for integrated planning and inclusive growth to bridge this gap.”

The cities of the future, rather than being made out of glass and steel as envisioned by earlier generations of urbanists, are instead largely constructed out of crude brick, straw, recycled plastic, cement blocks and scrap wood. Instead of cities of light soaring toward heaven, much of the twenty-fIrst-century urban world squats in squalor, surrounded by pollution, excrement, and decay. -Mike Davis. Planet of Slums, 2006.

• Melanie Brigid Lombard. Making a place in the city: Place-making in urban informal settlements in Mexico. 2009.

IT IS JUST ABOUT TIME TO STOP STIGMATIZING THE INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS AND START CONSIDERING THEM AS PART OF THE SOCIETY.

Fig. 16 Newspaper clipping Source: Author 38

THE FREEDOM TO MA CITIES AND OURSEL ARGUE, ONE OF THE MO

NEGLECTED OF OUR -DAVID RIGHT

AKE AND REMAKE OUR VES IS, I WANT TO ST PRECIOUS YET MOST

R HUMAN RIGHTS.” HARVEY, THE

CITY.

CHAPTER 04

FORMAL VS INFORMAL

Fig. 17 Mumbai drone photo Source: Copyright 41 Jonny Miller

4. 1

T HE P R O C E S S O F U R B A NISA TION IN M U MBA I

Post the liberalization of the Indian economy in 1991, there has been a decisive shift in its housing policies and its approach towards urbanization. From a mixed-socialist and highly regulated economy till the 1980’s, national policies moved towards a free market system. This changed India’s perspective towards urbanization, which is now viewed as an opportunity by the Indian government, with the policy makers viewing it as a method of alleviating poverty. (Express, 2016). In the current era of globalization and the advent of neo-liberalism, India’s approach towards informal settlements have also become increasingly reliant on the ‘market’ and the local ‘self-help’ agencies (Nijman J, 2008). The capital of the State of Maharashtra, Mumbai is a city of 12 million. Known as Greater Mumbai, it covers an area of 438 km2 with an extremely high population density (27,348 people per km2). Furthermore, the Mumbai Metropolitan Region of 18 million residents is the world’s fifth most populous metropolitan region.

In the late 18th century, Bombay was primarily a marine supply point. But soon Bombay became increasingly significant with the development of foreign shipping that exploited the closer location to Europe. An initial boom and increase of wealth followed the extension of the railway line to cotton growing areas in the hinterland of Bombay (Patel & Masselos, 2003). With growing employment in textile industry and other sectors, the government or private landlords started to establish chalws to accommodate the migrants coming from villages. But due to massive flow of migrants to the city as well as lack of town planning, minimum level of basic amenities of life in chawls and dilapidation of many houses etc, forced people to search for informal solution for settlement which resulted in mushrooming of slums and squatter settlements (Retnaraj, 2001). Slums are as a physical and spatial manifestation of urban poverty and intercity inequality (UN-Habitat, 2003).

• Burdett, Ricky, ed. (2007) Urban India: understanding the maximum city Urban Age. • Changes in slum population and living conditions of slum dwellers in Mumbai. Mumbai Reader 2017.

REAL ESTATES MARKET BLOOMED

BRITISH PLANNED PRICINTS

FSI INTRODUCTION

5 6

PLANNED AREAS OF DADAR AND MATUNGA

SLUMS AND INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

FORCED EVICTIONS AND TDR

Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s approach towards urbanization depends on the real estate market which has led to the negligence of the lesser privileged citizens who are devoid of the opportunities and the services and have been forced to find their way informally due to lack of policies in their favor. Fig. 18 Process of urbanization in Mumbai Source: Author 44

CAT E G O R I Z A TI O N O F I N F OR M A L S E T T LE M E N TS 4. 2

According to the existing Mumbai DP 2014-34, informal settlements can be categorized into 3 types. 1. Slums/ clusters 2. Urban villages 3. Areas under Special Planning Authority (SPA) This research project takes in consideration of the Urban villages and the areas under Special planning authority of Mumbai as the scope of study. Characteristics of Informal settlements (Urban villages and areas under SPA) :

SELF - BUILT

INCREAMENTAL

MIXED USE

ORGANIC

Fig. 19 Characteristis of informal settlements Source: Author 45

4.3

WH A T IS INFOR MAL ?

In Mumbai, 60% of the population does not have access to formal housing. New means of negotiating everyday life are innovated, they are incremental according to the family and work needs and some are made using discarded, temporary and cheap materials. Most informal settlements have a small commercial setup on the ground floor and the residence above. But they cannot be understood as equivalent to the poor. There are entrepreneurs who earn substantially by running small enterprises. These small enterprises range from general stores, to food manufactures, garment makers, Cable TV operators to even professionals like doctors, engineers. Low wage service jobs that the upper and middle-class depend on - cooks, drivers, cleaners are members of the informal economy. Most of the newer generations are well educated and earning a substantial amount in formal jobs. Informal settlement dwellers contribute 7.53% to India’s urban GDP.

Informality is often summed up as a state of deregulation, one where the usage and purpose of land cannot be mapped (Roy, A. 2009). Looking at the Mumbai’s homegrown neighborhoods less as urban anomalies and more as a combination of residents’ initiative and government contempt, helps think housing policy afresh. This is important because these neighborhoods are the biggest producers of affordable homes, at an order of magnitude beyond what developers and the government can provide.

• Rupali Gupte, Rahul Mehrotra and Prasad Shetty. The Interstitial Urbanism, 2007. • Articles from urbz : user-generated cities.

Fig. 20 Photo of informal settlement of Mumbai Source: Author 46

9 million residents of the Informal City inhabit population densities of 200,000 person/sq.km and above Fig. 21 Photo of Mumbai Source: Copyright 47 Jonny Miller

4.3.1

The two worlds of Formal and Informal go beyond their obvious differences to establish a much richer relationship both spatially and metaphorically than their physical manifestations would suggest. Here affinity and rejection are simultaneously played out and are in a state of equilibrium maintained by a seemingly irresolvable tension. The informal economy of the city vividly illustrates the collapsed and intertwined existence of the two worlds. The increasing population influxes in the context of Mumbai has aggravated the inequity and the unequal spatial division of the social classes. The question here is, how can these coexists when the one needs to be thought about in new way of ideas from the perspective of the challenges it pose in the design? Can the spatial configuration of simultaneity be imagined?

SIGNIFICA NC E

Perhaps, as Roy (2005) has pointed out, the problem with dominant paradigms of informality, which portray either crisis or heroism, is that both tend to view formality as fundamentally separate from informality, implying that formalisation is the ‘solution’ to informality. According to Roy (2005: 147), the issue lies with the portrayal of informality as a ‘state of exception’ from the formal order of urbanisation.

New ideas of coexistence, hybridity and simultaneity be questioned for a smoother functioning. That is re-frame the debate about the informal that would sustain this innovative form of urbanism and its seamless integration into the discussion of contemporary urbanism. It is with this shift that the informal city would perhaps be seen not as a condition that needs to be re-made but rather as a contagious phenomenon that actually remakes and humanizes cities. • Rethinking the Informal City: Critical Perspectives from Latin America

TO UNDERSTAND THE C R I T I C AL R O L E S T H E BINARIES OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL PLAY IN THEIR OWN WORLDS I.E THE RICH A N D P O O R, T H E F O R M A L A N D I NF O R M A L , T H E CENTER AND PERIPHERY THE THIRD AND FIRST WORLDS, THE DEBATE OR THE TENSION IN TERMS BE DISSOLVED. - R A H UL M E H R O T R A

4.3.2

TEMPORARY CITIZENS

CON CERNS

As modern urban spatial practices of development planning and architecture are embedded in regimes of formality and legality, these practices require clear boundaries. Without a boundary, the planner is unable to function. Moreover, as cartography is the default language of urban spatial practices, such practices find it difficult to map the blurred relationships between the edge of the street (a public property) and the plot (a private property) adjoining it. As cartographic maps are a law, anything that cannot be captured in them becomes illegal. So when the practitioners of spatial practices, planners and architects try to understand the informal conditions using ‘cartography’, they will find it being not legitimate and conveniently label it as ‘informal’ or ‘illegal’.

MARGINALIZED

Urban contexts are treating the poor exactly in the way older feudal agrarian economies treated their rural poor.

The informal systems don’t necessarily lie in the formal production of architecture, but often challenge it. Here the idea of a city is an elastic urban condition, not a grand vision, but a ‘grand adjustment.

NOT CONSIDERED PART OF THE CITY

CONSIDERED AS POOR

• BARD studio. Of blurry claims and forms. • Rahul Shrivastava. Why Mumbai’s slums are actually villages. Learning from Mumbai, Urban age seminar. 2007 Fig. 22 Concerns of informal settlement Source: Author 50

UNLESS THERE IS POLITI CAL WILL IN GOO D FAITH, REDEV LOPMENT OF THE INFORMAL SETTL EMENTS WILL NEVER BE I N THE FAVOUR OF T HE POOR!

4.3.3

Mumbai was once known as a city where diverse groups across class, caste and religion lived cheek-by-jowl in a web of crowded neighborhoods. This by no means reduced the persistent inequalities but nonetheless intertwined the lives of varied social groups in a manner that gave the city its particular inclusive character (Bhide 2002). While on the face of it redevelopment may seem like a viable route for the state, a deeper investigation reveals the deliberate informality and inequality produced through planning instruments. TDR, for instance, was first introduced in the city to make space for public gardens and public amenities in a spaceless city. A developer who made room for these public spaces could use the surrendered FSI in another plot, elsewhere in the city. Hence, instead of being â&#x20AC;&#x153;propoorâ&#x20AC;?, over the years, both TDR and FSI have emerged as pro-market instruments.

PA R A DOX OF R EDEV ELOPME NT

Most housing is thus generated with little attention to livelihood sources especially in the case where inhabitants run informal business or industries that cannot be practiced in a fixed, vertical structure. Hence, buildings assigned to slum dwellers are also often overcrowded with little spatial flexibility, poor access to basic services, no day-light entering the buildings and dense units with little concern for their quality of life. These new building by the developers are nothing less than vertical slums.

Redevelopment has successfully managed to retrace the geography of the city based on the demands of the market as opposed to the needs of the marginalized.

â&#x20AC;˘ Mumbai in Redevelopment Mode: Implications for Violence and Justice. Centre for Urban Policy and Governance, School of Habitat Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences. 2016

Fig. 23 Newspaper clipping Source: The Guardian and Mumbai mirror

They are poor people Aree ti tar zhopadpatti aahe Dirty and filthy

4. 3. 4

V IEWS OF PEOPLE A BOU T INFOR MAL S ETTLEMENTS

Vaha bohot kachara hoga

Its a shabby area

Why will I go there, I cannot go there

Fig. 24 Photo of people Source: The Lil Flea 54

4. 4

Vacuum

[noun] A space from which most or all of the matter has been removed, or where there is little or no matter. A lack of something. Kept separate from other people and activities.

? Fig. 25 Vacuum 55 Source: Author

4.5

Osmosis

[noun] Movement of a solvent through a semipermeable membrane (as of a living cell) into a solution of higher solute concentration that tends to equalize the concentrations of solute on the two sides of the membrane. A process of absorption or diffusion. A usually effortless often unconscious assimilation.

? Fig. 26 Osmosis Source: Author

4. 6

DE A D E N D A H EA D ?

The migrants moving in the city as well as people living in the informal areas through generations, looking for sustenance and their will to live in the harsh condition of the informal settlements cannot be expected to buy their right to the city, against those who have and are already benefiting from the opportunities of urban life and bought their right to the city. This is the manifestation of the inequality conserved through the neoliberal world, which enforce the justice of the ruling class. Then the problem of right to the city is a product of the unsustainability of the current political and economic paradigm.

THIS LEADS US TO A CONTRADICTION, ON ONE SIDE WE HAVE THE ETHICAL MORAL ARGUMENT OF THE RIGHT TO THE CITY AND ON THE OTHER FORMALIZING THIS RIGHT IS LEGALLY, POLITICALLY UNACHIEVABLE IN THE CURRENT SCENARIO OF THE CAPITALIST ECONOMY.

CHAPTER 05

THEORIES FOR PROGRAM BUILDING

J AN E J A C O B S ; TH E D E A TH A ND LIFE O F GRE A T A M ER I C A N C I TIES; BOR DER VA CUUM S 5. 1

Jane Jacobs coined this term called Border vacuums in her bookDeath and life of American cities. Jacobs writes about border vacuums and the physical and functional effects they have on cities by creating boundaries, dead ends and splitting the city into small fragments. A borderâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the perimeter of a single massive or stretched-out use of territory; forms the edge of an area of . Often borders are thought of as passive objects, or matter-of-factly just as edges. However, a border exerts an active influence. These borders tend to create dull experiences on a user. Often such places become stagnant and isolated, leading to no public activity and use. It may attract unwanted activities due to the conditions it generates.

If these border edges are not treated can lead to forming dead edges with no mutual exchange; leading to the fragmentation of the area.

Fig. 27 Border vacuums Source: Jane Jacobs article 61

SA R A H WILLIA M S GOLDH A GE N; WELCOME TO YOU R WOR LD: H OW THE B U ILT ENV IR ONMENT S H A PES OU R LIVE S 5.2

Sarah Williams Goldhagen draws from recent research in cognitive neuroscience and psychology to demonstrate how peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s experiences of the places they build are central to their well-being, their physical health, their communal and social lives, and even their very sense of themselves. From this foundation, Goldhagen presents a powerful case that societies must use this knowledge to rethink what and how they build: the world needs better-designed, healthier environments that address the complex range of human individual and social needs. Our bodies are shaped by the environments in which we live and have evolved, suggests that much of our internal cognitive life takes place outside language and below the level of our conscious awareness. The environment we inhabit has an impact on how and what we think. The built elements or the architectural features of a city has an impact on its user, generating varied experiences and feelings. The behavioral traits of a person can be devised to a extent based on the built environment that person inhabits and experiences.

If the built is not created with utmost care and awareness of its people may lead to unhealty environments and experiences of urban life. Which might lead to other issues of stress, disconnect amongst people.

Fig. 28 Welcome to your world: How the Built Environment Shapes Our Lives Source: Sarah Willams

5. 3

J AIM E L E R N E R ; U R B A N A CU PU N CTU R E

Jaime Lerner writes: “I have always nurtured the dream and hope that with the prick of a needle, diseases may be cured. The notion of restoring the vital signs of an ailing spot with a simple healing touch has everything to do with revitalizing not only that specific place but also the entire area that surrounds it.” He says “good medicine” depends on a good relationship between doctor and patient. In the same way, a healthy city depends on a good relationship between urban planners and designers and the city itself, another kind of living organism. Good urban planning can awaken a city to new possibilities, creating new life. But he cautions that it’s a process. Like medical acupuncture, which is rooted in an ancient Chinese medical philosophy that calls for a sustained, long-term preventive care, urban acupuncture takes time to create cures. Undoing previous damage to our urban landscape is another form of healing acupuncture.

Small changes in the urban fabric can lead to revitalization on a larger context. Intervention that will create a ripple effect change in the context around. A series of these acupunctures will result into revamping the complete distressed area.

Fig. 28 Urban Accupuncture Source: citylab 63

R A H U L M EH R OT RA; EPH EMER A L U R BA N ISM 5.4

Does Permanence Matter? How long-term should urban planning be? He argues that since there are populations of people who are only urban for a few months a year, the city plan should be malleable, and should be able to expand and contract. “We are designing for absolutes not transitions“, he argues, “but instead require more elastic urban environments to manage emergent needs”. Because we take permanence as a default condition, we don’t look at reversibility. Why can’t we design reversible architecture?

The concept of ephemeral for an intervention or infill will act as a event in the everyday people’s life. It revitalizes a space and imparts a thinking in the minds of the users. It brings about resilience in the urban fabric and allows for temporary modifications and adjustments as per different users.

Fig. 29 Ephemeral Urbanism Source: RMA architects

CHAPTER 06

CASE STUDIES

6.1

Explora Park, MedellĂn, Colombia

6.2

Klong Toey Community Lantern, Bangkok, Thailand

6.3

The Happy City experiment, Vancouver, Canada

6.4

School Bridge, China

6.5

Orchard road mall, Singapore

6.1

EXPLORA PARK Medellín, Colombia Area: 17.889 m² Program: Institutional Architect: Alejandro Echeverri Restrepo

A degrading area/ Community can be revitalized by addition of functions that would create new interaction spaces between different communities and also develop opportunities for the less privileged.

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS EXPLORA PARK

CITY

FORMAL

POSITIVE INSERTION RIPPLES OF VITALIZATION

INFORMAL

Fig. 31 Graphic explaining scheme of Explora park Source: Author

In a socially complex along the new Paseo Carabobo, environment El Parque Explora is seen as the symbol of the transformation of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;New Northâ&#x20AC;?. A new topography constructed folds, incisions, contentions and walkways that relate to the city and the backdrop. How to make a museum of science and technology that would not become obsolete quickly? How to make a dynamic and flexible space for young people, away from traditional projects? We did not want an academic and rigid museum that did not respond to the festive spirit of the program, but not an amusement park fast moving consumer with an ephemeral existence.

We seek that fluctuate between an open space â&#x20AC;&#x153;fairâ&#x20AC;? and scientific games under the shade of trees future place; and closed boxes or gaming technology areas, places with interior motion. Create a pendular relationship open and closed spaces.

All images Fig. 30 Explora park photos Source: Alejandro Echeverri Restrepo 70

6.2

K LO N G TO EY C O M M U N I T Y LA N TER N Bangkok, Thailand

Area: 91.0 m2 Program: Community Architect: TYIN Tegnestue Architects

A community can be lifted up with the help of small interventions leading to long term developments

ALLEY

SOCIAL SPACE INTERVENTION

COMMUNITY HOUSES AROUND

SOCIAL SPACE AS A CATALYST FOR DEVELOPMENT

Klong Toey is currently the largest and oldest areas of informal dwellings in Bangkok. More than 140.000 people is estimated to live here, and most are living in sub-standard houses with few or no tenure rights or support from the government.

Fig. 31 Graphic explaining scheme of Klong Toey Source: Author

The area has great social challenges mostly due to the lack of public services like healthcare, affordable education, sanitation and electricity. An extensive drug problem greatly affects the social climate followed by high unemployment rates, violence and crime. The year long preparation period allowed the team to design and build the structure in as little as three weeks. During this period the project team got involved with the community through interviews, workshops and public meetings.

The design of the structure is a combination of many basic ideas and concepts, and embodies several of the features lacking in the area including new hoops for basketball, a stage for performances or public meetings, walls for climbing and seating both inside and around the edges of the playground.

All images Fig. 33 K l o n g T o e y C o m m u n i t y L a nt ern photos Source: Alejandro Echeverri Restrepo 74

6.3

T HE HA P P Y C I TY E XP ER I M ENT

Vancouver, Canada Program: Community public space Architect: Charles Montgomery

Interactive programs to revitalize a dead space and create interaction grounds.

The Happy city experiment was a temporary community space created to bring together local of the New York city. A void in the city was used to create an interactive area aimed to bring the locals together. Their were certain interactive activities, like a screen displaying two hands where stranger would place their hands until they werent strangers anymore. An interactive discussion was initiated, by various questions that were asked. These questions recieved strangely positive response that would not be recieved on any regular day at any other space in the city.

All images Fig. 34 T h e h a p p y c i t y e x p e r i m e n t photos Source: Youtube 76

6.4

S CHO O L B R I D G E China

Program: School + Community public space Area: 240.0 m2 Architect: Li Xiaodong Atelier

Connecting two disjoint areas leading to more interaction spaces and also boosting the community through various functions.

VILLAGE 1 VILLAGE 2

SCHOOL BRIDGE

RIVER

Located at a remote village, Fujian Province in China, the project does not only provides a physical function - a school + a bridge, but also presents a spiritual centre. The main concept of the design is to enliven an old community (the village) and to sustain a traditional culture (the castles and lifestyle) through a contemporary language which does not compete with the traditional, but presents and communicates with the traditional with respect. It is done by combining few different functions into one space â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a bridge which connects two old castles cross the creek, a school which also symbolically connects past, current with future, a playground (for the kids) and the stage (for the villagers).

All images Fig. 35 T h e b r i d g e school Source: archdaily 80

6.5

D ILLI HA A T

Delhi, India Program: Public recreational space Area: 16000.0 m2 Architect: Archohm

Delhi haat is an example an active and permeable interface connecting the artisans to Delhi. This is done through a celebratory space for both different user groups creating common grounds of interaction and exchange.

Fundamentally, all Dilli Haats need to have a common ground of bringing artisans to interface with city dwellers.

ARTISANS PERMEABLE INTERFACE OF THE CITY AND THE ARTISANS

CITY

Fig. 36 Graphic explaining scheme of Delhi Haat Source: Author

This was the underlying layer that bonded the overall program of formal and informal shops to sell crafts and celebrate culture; toinject a new life into this part of Delhi and be its rhythmic â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;heart beatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Formal, informal and open shop spaces are created to bring in the required sensitive adaptations of malls, markets and bazaars into this haat.

Breaking free of the conventional look and feel of its other two counterparts with their brick vocabulary, Dilli Haat, Janakpuri takes a fresh look at the material palette as demanded by the multifaceted program that it houses. The material spectrum is an eclectic mix of modern and traditional. Using the timeless red Agra stone, kota stone, slate and the local Delhi quartz stone masonry on facades and landscapes sets a neat and natural typology to this predominantly green complex.

Fig. 37 Photos of Delhi Haat Source: Archdaily 84

6.7

ORCHARD ROAD MALL Singapore Program: Mall and Community public space

Blurring the edge of a space to create a interactive environment. Interactive functions and events keep the place alive.

The orchard road mall in Singapore is a lively public spaces, its edge being designed in such a way that its physically and visually accessible by the footpath. The footpath acts as a promenade which becomes a space for various activities. This project has led to the regeneration of the surrounding area of the mall.

Fig. 38 Photos of Orchard road, Singapore 86

CHAPTER 07

INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS OF MUMBAI

Fig. 39 Photo of Informal settlement Source: 88 Author

S E L E CT I O N O F S I TE S TU DY A RE AS 7. 1

The study of the entire city of Mumbai in terms of the juxtaposition of the informal settlements i.e. the Urban villages, Areas under SPA with the new built environment leads to the scope of site study according to the following criteria: 1. Should be a situation of Spatial inequality. 2. The informal areas should be in juxtaposition with new developed and active areas. 3. User group from the full crosssection of the society. 4. The area shoud have substantial scope to become a model for inclusive development. 5. Shoud be a situation of Urban contrast. According to the following criteria the areas identified are:

Fig. 40 Mumbai map Source: Municiple corporation of greater Mumbai 89

VERSOVA KOLIWADA

SAHAR VILLAGE, NEAR AIRPORT

KAJUPADA, KURLA KIROL GAON

03 04

DANDA VILLAGE, KHAR

CHEMBUR BKC- MEETHI RIVER- DHARAVI

06 07

DHARAVI

WORLI KOLIWADA ANTOP HILL, WADALA

09 10

MUMBAI BACKBAY COLABA KOLIWADA

11 12

R/N

R/C

R/S

P/N T

P/S

S K/W

K/E

H/E H/W

G/N

M/E F/N

G/S

M/W

F/S

E D

2.5

10 Kilometers

IDE N T IF Y I N G S I TES O F URBA N CON TR A S T 7. 2

Urban villages and the areas under SPA taken into study are:

1st row: 1. Versova Koliwada 2. Sahar village, Mumbai international airport 3. Kajupada, Kurla 4. Kirol gaon Ghatkopar east 2st row: 5. Danda Village Khar 6. Chembur 7. BKC- Meethi river- Dharavi 8. Dharavi

3nd row: 9. Worli koliwada 10. Antop hill , Wadala 11. Backbay 12. Colaba Koliwada

Fig. 41 Photos of Urban contrast of Mumbai Source: Author 91

7.3

S ITE SELECTION CR ITE RIA

Looking at the sites out of the mentioned above, that pose a Public - Private interface along with the Formal - Informal. This is taken into account so that the intervention not only impacts a selected few of the formal system, but increases the scope of audience. The Public - Private interfaces excludes sites posing same building typology on either of the sides. The sites of study according to the criteria set are: 1. Colaba Koliwada

Residential with fisherman community and Industrial interface. 2. Kajupada, Kurla west

Residential area with small businesses and Mall (Public space) interface. 3. Sahar Village, Near airport

Residential settlement and Transport facility (airport).

Fig. 42 Photos of Urban contrast of Mumbai Source: Google earth 94

7.3.1

COLABA KOLIW A D A

Interface: Fishing and Small enterprises village with Transport, Industrial and Residential. Colaba Fishing Village is located about 3.5 km south of Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (CST) Railway Station and is situated just one km away from the Afghan Church in Colaba, Mumbai. The main occupation of the people here is fishing but nearly half of the population has shifted to small enterprises and formal jobs. Younger generation is well educated with substantial earnings from the formal sector. Lines of small houses with protruded TV antennas and an assortment of beached boats typify this settlement. With shops and street vendors on the ground floor and the residential above. This settlement shares its edge with high-end residential buildings, cargo transport facility and industrial land. Fig. 43 Mumbai DP 2034 Source: Municiple corporation of greater Mumbai Fig. 44 Photos of Colaba Koliwada Mumbai Source:Author

7. 3 . 2

KA J U P AD A , KURL A WES T

Interface: Small enterprises village with Recreational and commercial unit (Mall). Kajupada is an old settlement of Mumbai. The people of this settlement have shifted to small enterprises and businesses and even formal jobs initially from mill workforce. Phoenix marketcity has come up in the last decade in place of the old mill that was there.

Fig. 45 Mumbai DP 2034 Source: Municiple corporation of greater Mumbai Fig. 46 Photos of Kajupada, Mumbai Source:Author

7.3.3

SAHAR VILLAG E

Interface: Small enterprises village with (Transit) Airport. Sahar Village lies in the Andheri suburb of Mumbai. It is among the oldest settlements of East Indians on Salsette Island. It is 4.1km from Andheri station and 4.6km form ville parle local station. The people of this settlement have small enterprises and businesses and more than half of the population work in the formal sector. This villages due to the course of development has become amidst the Mumbai international airport and the high-end hotels around it.

Fig. 47 Mumbai DP 2034 Source: Municiple corporation of greater Mumbai Fig.48 Photos of Sahar village, Mumbai Source:Author

A N AL Y S I S F O R S I TE S E L E CT IO N 7.4

SI TE C R IT ER IA

FULL CRO SS-SE C TI O N O F S O C I E TY ( U SER G R O U P)

ST R O NG P U B LI C - PR I VATE INTE R F AC E

N EGLEC TE D AR E A

N O N- PERM E AB LE I NTE R F AC E

COLABA KOLIWADA

f i sh i n g c o m m e r c i al ac t i v i t i e s Hi gh c l ass r e si de n t s C o m m e r c i al ac t i v i t y

r e si de n t i al c o m m e r c i al i n du st r i al m i x e d u se c o m m e r c i al i n du st r i al r e si de n t i al

w e l l k n o w ar e a, c u l t u r al si t e f o r m al ar e a de v e l o pe d

A RCHITECT U R AL E X C LU S I O NAR Y M EANS S E E N

SCOPE OF I NTE R VE NTI O N

yes

Fig. 49 Site selection matrix Source:Author 99

KAJUPADA, KURLA WEST

SAHAR VILLAGE

sma l l en tr e p r e n eu r s p rofe s s i on a l s commer c i a l a c ti vi ti e s

sm al l e n t r e pr e n e u r s pr o f e ssi o n al s c o m m e r c i al ac t i v i t i e s

H i gh c l a s s vi s i tor s Hi gh cl a s s r es i d en ts Comm er c i a l a c ti vi ty Re ta i l a c ti vi ty

Hi gh c l ass v i si t o r s C o m m e r c i al ac t i v i t y

re s i d en ti a l co m m er c i a l ind us tr i a l m i xe d u s e

r e si de n t i al m i x e d u se

com m er c i a l re c r ea ti on a l a m en i ty r es i d en ti a l

t r an spo r t

i nform a l s e ttl em en ts n eg l e c te d

e v i c t e d an d so m e r e de v e l o pe d

forma l a r ea d e vel op e d

f o r m al ar e a de v e l o pe d

yes

y es

yes

y es

SCOPE INDEX

PERSPECTIVE OF INFORMAL

FORMAL

LOW

MEDIUM

HIGH 100

101

7.5

CONCLU S ION

Kajupada settlement with the context of Phoenix market city has the most potential of an research and intervention of inclusivity which will have its impact on the full crosssection of society from the analysis of the three sites based on the criteria set on the basis of the literature and site study.

1. The area where the site lies was initially an major industrial area and has been recently eyed for redevelopment.

The factors that make Kajupada the most suitable are as follows:

3. The site is very near to the Mumbai international airport and attracts crowd from various walks of life.

2. The mall developed just on the edge of the settlement is the largest recreational and commercial hub in Asia.

4. The site lies on the land under the Special Planning Authority, so the informal settlements are not going to be eyed for redevelopment by builders due to its proximity to the airport which will not allow for the construction of high rise buildings not leaping benefits to the developers. 5. The mall being a major attraction, it can become a model of inclusive development for the society.

Fig. 50 Open garden at Phoenix marketcity Kurla Source:Author 102

CHAPTER 08

SITE STUDY

103

104

8. 1

KAJ UP A D A , K U R L A , W E S T

Kurla gets its name from the East Indian village of Kurla, whose name, in turn, originated from â&#x20AC;&#x153;Kurliâ&#x20AC;?, the local name for crab, as these were found in plenty in marshes in the vicinity of the village. The earliest settlements in Kurla were in this area in the northern end of Kurla West. Kajupada is one of the oldest settlements of Kurla. The nearest railway stations are Kurla railway station and Vidyavihar railway station. The nearest bus stop is Kamani. The informal settlement of Kajupada and the phoenix market city kurla mall is 2.9km (15 mins by road) from Kurla local station, 3.7km (15 mins by road) from Lokmanya Tilak terminus and 2.2km (10 mins by road) from Vidhyavihar local station. It is at 4.3km from the Mumbai international airport.

Fig. 51 Kajupada informal settlement, Mumbai Source:Author 105

106

8. 1

S IT E CON TEXT

Phoenix marketcity mall and Kajupada settlement

Fig. 52 Site context map of Kajupada settlement Source:Author 107

Vidhyavihar local station

Kajupada settlement

Lokmanya Tilak Terminus

Phoenix marketcity

Kurla local station SantacruzChembur link road

Mumbai international airport

Meethi river 108

8. 3

P HO E N I X M A R K E T C I TY K U R LA

T I M E LI N E

People of the Kajupada settlement worked in the adjoining mill. The old mill was torn down for the construction of the largest shopping mall of Mumbai, Phoenix market city Kurla. The occupation of the people of the Kajupada settlement shifted from mill workers, farmers and salt-makers to small scale business and industries.

Kajupada settlement

Intially Cotton Mill

Kajupada settlement

Mall

Fig.53 Urban contrast seen at Phoenix marketcity Kurla Fig.54 Mumbai DP 2034 Source: Google earth 109

Phoenix Marketcity, is one of the largest shopping malls in India, situated in Kurla, Mumbai. developed by The Phoenix Mills Co. Ltd. Spread across 4.1 million sq ft the mall includes 2.1 million sq ft of retail space which is the largest mall in India in terms of area. KAJUPADA SETTLEMENTS PHOENIX MARKET CITY

110

8. 4

KAJ UP A D A C O M M U N I TY

Fig. 55 Set of Photos of Kajupada settlement Source: Author 111

8.5

COMMU N ITY IN TER V IE WS

From on site interviews with the Kajupada community, following data was devised.

1ST

GENERATION

SERVICE SECTOR

SELF EMPLOYED

2ND

4TH

GENERATION

3RD

GENERATION

PROFESSIONALS

LIVE BOTH

OCCUPATION?

HOW LONG HAVE YOU BEEN LIVING HERE?

WORK

WHAT DO YOU DO IN KAJUPADA?

VILLAGE PART OF CITY

SLUM

WHAT DO PEOPLE THINK OF KAJUPADA?

YES NO

DO YOU OR ANY ONE FROM YOUR FAMILY WORKS IN THE MALL? OFTEN

SOMETIMES

NEVER

HOW OFTEN DO YOU VISIT THE MALL? Fig. 56 People of Kajupada settlement Fig. 57 Pie charts of survey Source: Author 112

8. 6

IN T E RFA C E M A P P I N G

EDGE CONDITION DEAD WALL FENCE

ACTIVITY MAPPING DEAD ZONE LITTLE ACTIVITY (windows, vehicles) LIVELY

3 4

Fig. 58 Interface mapping Source: 113 Author + Google earth

Fig. 59 Edge condition photos Source: Author 114

Fig. 60 Edge condition photos Source: Author 115

Fig. 61 Edge condition photos Source: Author 116

The road between Phoenix marketcity and the open space.

Fig. 62 Edge condition photos Source: Author 117

The back road connecting Phoenix marketcity with the Kajupada settlement on the either side of the wall. Fig. 63 Edge condition photos Source: Author 118

The open public garden, (Shri Promod Maharaj Manoranjan Maidan) that acts as an interface between the Kajupada setttlement and Phoenix market city mall is under Mumbai Mahanagar Palika. As the old mill was redeveloped into the mall, 33% of the plot area is was developed as open public ground according to the DRC. This ground can be accessed from inside of the Phoenix mall. The garden is open from 8am- 11am and 4pm-8pm.

Kajupada settlement

Open public garden

Mall

Fig. 64 Site map Source: Author 119

Fig. 65 Phoenix marketcity garden photos Source: Author 120

8. 7

IDE N T IF I ED N O D ES

The interface between the two realms of the Kajupada settlement and Phoenix marketcity mall becomes an important node. The interface between the two is in form of the open public garden and the back road of Phoenix mall. The nodes that intervention are:

become

viable

for

1. (A and B) The Open public space: The open public garden which is currently accessed from inside the Phoenix marketcity mall is under Mumbai Mahanagar palika. Its on the 33% of land reserved for public open space under the DCR in terms of redevelopment of old mill lands. 2. The facade of the mall facing the Kajupada settlement. The mall has been developed under PublicPrivate parternership on mill land.

121

1B 1A

Fig. 66 Map of phoenix marketcity kurla and kajupada settlement showing nodes of intervention Source: Author 122

The Open public space

123

Fig. 67 Garden edge photos Source: Author 124

CHAPTER 09

SYNOPSIS

125

9.1

H YPOTH ESIS

Celebrating the Formal-Informal interface to create common grounds of interaction will result in a more diverse place, dissolving the inequalities between the formal and informal connecting the lesser privileged to rest of the city, giving everybody equal access and right to the built environment; will be an approach to address exclusion through architecture by community empowerment and participatory planning principles, becoming a step towards tackling social exclusion leading to an inclusive built environment. 9.2

A IM S A ND OBJECTI VE S

1. Creating a permeable Formal-Informal interface. • Creating common ground of interaction for different user groups of society. • Celebratory public space on the interface of Formal and Informal 2. It aims at changing the perception of urban villages, gaothans, informal settlements, by making them aware of their current scenario. • Providing a share in the economic opportunities to the less privileged user groups.

9.3

SCOPE S

This project is conceived from the lens of inclusivity and social exclusion induced due to the architectural elements and existing built environments of the city. 9.4

LIMITA TI ON

• The study is limited to the city of Mumbai. • Urban villages and areas under SPA are considered in the scope of the project. • The research is focused on sensitizing people about the exclusion of people majorly on basis of their economic background through the built environment.

126

THIS CONCEPTION IS NEITHER AN ATTEMPT TO AESTHETICIZE THE INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS NOR AN ATTEMPT TO UNDERMINE THE ROLE OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT PROFESSIONS IN ENABLING OR CONSTRAINING THE POSSIBILITY OF EMERGENT URBANITY IN THE CITY.

IT IS AN ATTEMPT TO INITIATE A DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE FORMAL AND THE INFORMAL REALMS OF THE SOCIETY.

CHAPTER 10

PROGRAMMATIC DEVELOPMENT

129

130

10 . 1

S IT E VA L U ES

WHAT WILL BE THE NEW MODEL OF BUILT THAT IS ALL-INCLUSIVE

MALL

INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

REST OF THE CITY

MILL

INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

OPEN LAND

Fig. 68 Time line graphic of site Source: Author 131

10.2

UNDERSTAND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REMEDIATE CHARACTER

FIELD OF OPPOR TU N ITY

IDENTIFYING THE EXISTING CONDITION AND LOSS OF CONTEXT IN THE PRESENT SCENARIO

UNDERSTAND THE ROLE OF THE INTERFACE AS A EDGE CONDITION AND IDENTIFY SPACE FOR OPPORTUNITY

MAKE THE EDGE CONDITION PERMEABLE IN THE URBAN FABRIC

Fig. 69 Opportunities of site graphic Source: Author 132

10 . 3

S T RA T E G Y P R O P O S A L

TRACING THE EXISTING

WEAVING THE URBAN FABRIC

Tracing the physical condition to establish newer connections and also to reveal and connect to the past.

Tracing the disparate sub cultures of the informal settlements. Translating the new development as a programmatic opportunity that will bind both the disconnected realms together. This process will rejuvenate the informal settlements of Kajupada and will celebrate the old and the new.

133

CONNECT AND EXTEND

BUILDING RESILIENCE

Harnessing existing everyday sociospatial divergences observed and mapped on site through designated adaptable places for informal appropriation. These places emerge from the existing identified sociospatial preferences and patterns and become catalysts to initiate action on a common ground.

Providing structures and social spaces that could accommodate and cater the invisible yet strong community networks that currently support the contrasting urban patterns.

Fig. 70 Program strategy diagrams Source: Author 134

10 . 4

P O S S IB I L I TI E S O F TH E D ESIGN IDEA S

Phase 1: Redesigning the Open public space 1. Treating the rigid edges to become permeable and open from the side of Kajupada settlement. a. This will give equal access to the Kajupada community. b. The people will develope sense of belonging towards the new public space. c. It will ensure security of the public space.

2. Extending the open public area till the possible mall entrance. a. It will attract more people towards the new public space. b. It will became a part of the scheme and not be secluded.

Phase 2: Redesigning the facade of the mall facing the Kajupada settlement. 1. Making the facade porus and opening the mall from the side of Kajupada settlement by adding another entrance node. a. This will make the people of Kajupada settlement accepted by the society. b. It will be a step to dissovle the inequality beteewn the city and the settlement.

Phase 3: Ownership to the people of Kajupada at the mall. 1. Providing economic setup for the less priveleged. a. This will give them equal opportunities. b. It will boost their economy. c. It will them the lift to compete with the rest.

135

SETTLEMENT

C I T Y

SETTLEMENT

C I T Y

SETTLEMENT

C I T Y

SETTLEMENT

C I T Y

10.5

LIBRARY

PR OGR A M DER IV A TION

MARKET AREA

NIGHT SCHOOL

CRECHE

RAINWATER HARVESTING POD AS A PUBLIC SPACE

CAFETERIA

TOILETS

GAMES PLAY AREA

AMPHITHEATER + OPEN AIR THEATER

REDESIGNING THE MALL FACADES AND ELEMENTS

RETAIL SHOPS

EHPEMERAL INFRASTRUCTURE MODULES FOR FLEA MARKET SETUP

Fig. 71 Program derivation graphic Source: Author 136

137

10.6

PR OGR A M V A LUE S

LIBRARY

The library will bridge the gap between the two user groups, it will be a place to share knowledge

MARKET AREA

The market area in this giant commercial hub will uplift the economy of the people of Kajupada settlement

NIGHT SCHOOL

The night school will be a platform where the city will help the less priveleged to grow and learn

CRECHE

Creche will be a tool to bridge the gap bwtween the two classes from a very early age.

GAMES PLAY AREA

Kids are neglected the most. They will benefit with the new games play area and at a very young age interact and mingle with the kids from rest of the city.

RAINWATER HARVESTING POD AS A PUBLIC SPACE

The Kajupada settlement lacks basic service. The rainwater harvesting pod will store water and will become a public space.

CAFETERIA

The concept of Khaugalli, famous elsewhere in the city will be a link between the formal and informal recreation.

AMPHITHEATER + OPEN AIR THEATER

Performances, lectures, movie screenings will benefit both the user groups

138

S IT E S O F I N TE R V EN TI O N

PHASE 2 PHASE 1 PHASE 3

10 . 7

P RO GR A M

Redesigning the Open public space

8500 SQ.M 5000 SQ.M

EXISTING ACTIVITY

3000 SQ.M

THE RIGID EDGES OF THE OPEN SPACE WILL BE BROKENT BY THE FUNCTIONS CATERING TO BOTH THE USER GROUPS

THE WILL BECOME THE NEW GROUNDS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN THE TWO USER GROUPS

Fig. 72 Area statement of open space redesign Source: Author 141

10.7

PR OGRAM

Ownership to the people of Kajupada at the mall.

3000 SQ.M 2500 SQ.M

EXISTING ACTIVITY

500 SQ.M

REDESIGNING EPHEMERAL INFRASTRUCTURAL MODULES FACILITATING VARIED FUNCTIONS AND ACTIVITIES RETAIL OWNERSHIP FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE SETTLEMENT

Fig. 73 Area statement of mall redesign Source: Author 142

143

10.8

CONCLU S ION

Why a public space? A series of historical events will bring into light the changed notions of a public space due to the process of urbanization. In the nineteenth, the public space was reconceptualized on the basis of rich and poor. The city improvement schemes and spatial planning principles played a role in inversion of values by creating private preserves of wealth in form of public amenities allowing access only to a selected user group. This has led us to the harsh reality is the city fragmented into separating the marginalized groups, not having any access or voice in the public spaces of the contemporary city.

The city needs more democratic public spaces, that are diminishing under the process of urbanization and the advent of the capitalist economy. This process of place-making in the city, which pose an example to address spatial inequalities arising on the basis of the economic background of people and will become a model of inclusive development for the city. The Mall is the changed notion of public space but of the rich. It will be a new version if it is articulated in a way that it become a space for the divide classes equally becoming a celebratory function for both the Formal and the Informal. Cities cannot work in vacuum, it need different agencies to co-work with each other for its to sustain better. Kamu Iyer quotes, â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;A city is judged by the way its poor liveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. The social or economic background cannot and should not determine the way one gets treated. Blurring the inequality will help the less privileged to rise in the society. It will be a step towards sensitizing people about the issue and develop a sense of belonging to the city and all its people. It will be a stand against the capitalist approach of todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s era. A step in this path will lead to an equitable society.

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APPENDIX

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 01- Aternate Future............1 Fig. 02- Formation of city............5 Fig. 03- Mumbai maps............7 Fig. 04- Flowchart of Mumbaiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s current scenario ............10 Fig. 05- Urban Fragmentation............11 Fig. 06- Research Methodology diagram ............16 Fig. 07- Research strategy diagram............19 Fig. 08- Exclusion............26 Fig. 09- Images of Architectural exclusion at different scales............28 Fig. 10- Interfaces as............30 Fig. 11- Connecting and dividing interfaces............31 Fig. 12- Edges and boundaries............34 Fig. 13- Public-private interface............35 Fig. 14- Planned-unplanned interface............36 Fig. 15- Formal-informal interface............36 Fig. 16- Newspaper clipping............38 Fig. 17- Mumbai drone photograph............39 Fig. 18- Process of urbanization in Mumbai............42 Fig. 19- Characteristics of Informal settlements............43 Fig. 20- Photo of informal settlement of Mumbai............44 Fig. 21- Mumbai drone photograph............45 Fig. 22- Concerns of informal settlement............48 Fig. 23- Newspaper clipping............50 Fig. 24- Photo of people............51 Fig. 25- Vacuum............52 Fig. 26- Osmosis............53 Fig. 27 Border vacuums............61 Fig. 28 Welcome to your world: How the Built Environment Shapes Our Lives............62 Fig. 28 Urban Accupuncture............63 Fig. 29 Ephemeral Urbanism............64 Fig. 30 Explora park photos............67 Fig. 31 Graphic explaining scheme of Explora park............68 Fig. 32 Graphic explaining scheme of Kl o ng To ey C ommuni ty L anter n............72 Fig. 33 Kl ong To ey C o mmuni t y L anter n photos............74 Fig. 34 The hap p y c i ty ex p er i ment photos............76 Fig. 35 The b r i d ge sc hoo l ............80 Fig. 36 Graphic explaining scheme of Delhi Haat............82 Fig. 37 Photos of Delhi Haat............84 Fig. 38 Photos of Orchard road, Singapore............86

145

Fig. 39 Photo of Informal settlement............88 Fig. 40 Mumbai map............89 Fig. 41 Photos of Urban contrast of Mumbai............91 Fig. 42 Photos of Urban contrast of Mumbai............93 Fig. 43 Mumbai DP 2034............96 Fig. 44 Photos of Colaba Koliwada Mumbai............96 Fig. 45 Mumbai DP 2034............97 Fig. 46 Photos of Kajupada, Mumbai............97 Fig. 47 Mumbai DP 2034............98 Fig.48 Photos of Sahar village, Mumbai............98 Fig. 49 Site selection matrixi............99 Fig. 50 Open garden at Phoenix marketcity Kurla............102 Fig. 51 Kajupada informal settlement, Mumbai...........105 Fig. 52 Site context map of Kajupada settlement...........107 Fig.53 Urban contrast seen at Phoenix marketcity Kurla...........108 Fig.54 Mumbai DP 2034...........109 Fig. 55 Set of Photos of Kajupada settlement...........111 Fig. 56 People of Kajupada settlement..........112 Fig. 57 Pie charts of survey.........112 Fig. 58 Interface mapping.........118 Fig. 59,60,61,62,63 Edge condition photos.........114 Fig. 64 Site map.........119 Fig. 65 Phoenix marketcity garden photos.........120 Fig. 66 Map of phoenix marketcity kurla and kajupada settlement showing nodes of intervention.........122 Fig. 67 Garden edge photos.........124 Fig. 68 Time line graphic of site.........129 Fig. 69 Opportunities of site graphic.........130 Fig. 70 Program strategy diagrams.........132 Fig. 71 Program derivation graphic........134 Fig. 72 Area statement of open space redesign.........137 Fig. 73 Area statement of mall redesign.........138

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

PUBLICATIONS

• Kamu Iyer. BOOMBAY: From Precincts to Sprawl. • Rahul Mehrotra, Sharada Dwivedi. Bombay: The Cities Within. Indian Book House PVT LTD, 1995. Print. • Sourav Kumar Biswas. PLAY:Tactics and strategies public spaces in Mumbai’s informal city. • Suzenne Hall. City, Street and Citizen, (2012) • Jane Jacobs. The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Vintage book edition, 1992. • William H. Whyte. The Social Life of Small Urban • Jan Gehl. Cities for People • Kevin Lynch. The Image of The City. 1990, MIT Press. • Sarah Williams Goldhagen; Welcome to your world: How the Built Environment Shapes Our Lives • Jaime Lerner. Urban acupuncture: Celebrating pinpricks of change that enrich city.

ARTICLES

• Rahul Mehrotra. Soft Theresholds • Sarah B. Schindler. Architectural Exclusion: Discrimination and Segregation through Physical Design of the Built Environment. 2015 • Rahul Mehrotra. Kinetic City • Melanie Brigid Lombard. Making a place in the city: placemaking in urban informal settlements In Mexico. 2009 • BARD studio. Of blurry claims and forms • Rahul Shrivastava. Why Mumbai’s slums are actually villages. Learning from Mumbai, Urban age seminar. 2007 • Rupali Gupte, Rahul Mehrotra and Prasad Shetty. The Interstitial Urbanism, 2007. • Urbz: User generated cities. Homegrown cities, 2013. • Martijn Koster and Monique Nuijten. Coproducing urban space: Rethinking the formal/informal dichotomy. 2017 • Das, P.K. Open Mumbai - Re-envisioning the city and its open spaces. Mumbai: P.K.Das & Associates, 2012.

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DOCUMENTRIES

• Ricky Burdett: Urban Age Shaping Cities- Conflicts of an Urban Age • Richard Sennett. The Open City • Richard Sennett. The Edge: borders and boundaries • Rahul Mehrotra. Ephemeral Urbanism

WEBPAGES

• www.archdaily.com • www.citylab.com

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