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LETTER FROM THE DAIS Dear Delegates, Dear Delegates, Hello everyone! My name is Wendy and I, along with Emily, am your senior staffer My name is Livvy Bedfordon and incredibly excited to welcome to the SPECPOL YMUN 39’s Commission theI am Status of Women. Currently, I’myou a sophomore at Yale, Committee YMUN 2014. are working hard prepare a wonderful committee majoring inat Psychology withWe a Neuroscience tracktowith plans to go to graduate school. experience for you and we hope you’re ready to work hard and enjoy the process. I am a sophomore thisclassroom year and will either English or Mock History. I love working within Outside of the andprobably YMUN, study I am also part of Yale’s Trial team, a mentor high school students mySupporting dream is to Each one day become a high school teacher. I have been WYSE (Women and and Youth Other), a mentoring group for local middle involved in MUN since my sophomore year of high school and became involved with YIRA school girls, and I am running a non-profit, Codi’s Hats. as soon as I came to Yale. I am also involved with Yale Danceworks as a performer and choreographer and I volunteer a mentor for thehealth Women andand Youth Supporting With the ever-evolving policiesason reproductive rights women’s rights,Each I’m exother (WYSE) program. In addition, I enjoy baking, drinking tea, reading, writing and cited to see the different stances and cultural clashes that the topics may bring out. I look working to at seeing the Davenport where I in specialize in late-night quesadillas. forward how youDive all respond the committee. See you soon! Once again, I’m so excited to welcome you to YMUN; I hope you’re prepared for an exciting and educational -experience. Wendy Cai, Yale ‘15 - Livvy Bedford, Yale ‘16 Hi guys! I’m Emily, and I will also be working as one of the directors for CSW. A Northern California native, I’m currently a sophomore at Yale in Branford College, majoring in Economics with a possible double major in East Asian Studies. After graduation, I hope Mylive name Lisa Zhang and a sophomore in Davenport from East Brunswick, to andiswork in China forI’m several years before pursuing College a graduate degree, possibly in NJ. I am currently pre-med and a prospective Global Affairs major with an interest in global business or law. health and health policy. I started MUN in high school, and never looked back. Here at Yale, I frantically plan social events for my residential college as aserve part of Davenport College When not going to classes or preparing for YMUN, I also as the a mentor in ReadySetCouncil, work with Relay for Life, and volunteer for the HAVEN Free Clinic on Saturday Launch, an organization providing college counseling services to low-income students, mornings. Iinalso spend many afternoons in pursuit a plastic disc as a participate Danceworks, a dance grouprunning at Yale,around and I serve on theofalumni fundraising member Ramona, the Yale women's ultimate baking, frisbee team. In my free time, you can find board forofmy high school. I also enjoy cooking, and playing softball. me crafting, playing some tennis, or laying around in hammocks around Davenport. Can’t YMUN! Iwait can’tforwait to hear your thoughts on the topics we have prepared for committee this year. -Women’s Lisa Zhang, Yaleremain ‘16 a hotly debated topic globally, and I know you all are going to rights
come up with informed, innovative solutions to these pressing problems. Please don’t hesitate to email either Wendy or me with any questions or concerns. All the best, - Emily Harris, Yale ‘15 Livvy Bedford (olivia.bedford@yale.edu) Lisa Zhang (lisa.zhang@yale.edu) All the best, Wendy Cai (wendy.cai@yale.edu) Emily Harris (emily.harris@yale.edu)
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TABLE OF CONTENTS History of the Committee Election Monitoring Topic History Current Situation Bloc Positions Questions to Consider International Migration Topic History Current Situation Bloc Positions Questions to Consider Role of the Committee Structure of the Committee Suggestions for Further Research Notes
5 6 10 16 18 19 24 33 36 37 38 39 41
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History of the Committee !
The United Nations Fourth Committee – the Special Political and Decolonization Committee, or SPECPOL – is one of the most versatile committees of the UN General Assembly. SPECPOL was initially mandated to address decolonization of United Nations trust territories following World War II. The committee’s original mandate can be summarized by Article 73 of the Charter of the United Nations which states, “members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities for the administration of peoples who have not yet attained a full measure of self-government recognize the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of these territories are paramount.”1 In 1993, the General Assembly merged what was then the Seventh Committee – the Special Political Committee – with the Fourth Committee, following the independence of trusteeship territories and other colonies and forming what is now known as SPECPOL. Since the end of the Cold War, the newly merged Fourth Committee has developed a high level of cooperation and consensus on its agenda topics. Today, SPECPOL serves as the primary forum for discussion of issues from the past, present, and future, dealing with topics ranging from Palestinian refugees and human rights to public information, atomic radiation, and outer space. While most former European colonies are now independent UN member states, SPECPOL still follows its original decolonization mandate and facilitates discussion and debate on the sixteen disputed territories that remain classified as “NonSelf-Governing Territories.”
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SPECPOL convenes annually in October following the General Debate of the UN General Assembly. All Member States take part in the committee’s discussions and corresponding resolutions are voted on and forwarded to the General Assembly Plenary for a final decision.
Figure 1: Delegates at the 24th SPECPOL meeting, November 1969.
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Election Monitoring Topic History ! !
EARLY ORIGINS The early origins of election monitoring can be dated back to 1857, when a European commission composed of French, British, Prussian, Russian, Austrian, and Turkish representatives supervised a plebiscite, a vote in which the entire electorate is invited to accept or reject a proposal, in Moldavia and Wallachia. 2 Later, under peace treaties written between 1919 and 1920, elections were held under international or inter-allied commission monitoring in the regions of Schleswig, Allenstein and Marienwerder, Klagenfurt Basin, Upper Silesia, and Sopron. During these elections, international or inter-allied commissions were set up and granted general powers of administration, including electoral arrangements required to ensure the freedom, fairness, and secrecy of the vote. The results of the votes, together with appropriate recommendations for subsequent actions, were then communicated to the Commissions to the Allied Powers for final decisions.3
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EARLY ELECTION MONITORING UNDER THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Following the founding of the League of Nations in 1919, more elections became entrusted to international commissions. In 1920, Poland and a newly independent Lithuania began a dispute over the sovereignty of Vilna, a territory recognized by the Russians as the capital of Lithuania. On October 28, the Council of Nations proposed that an election should be held in the city and surrounding territory of Vilna to settle the dispute. Unlike the earlier elections monitored under various peace treaties, this was taken under the control of the League of Nations, guaranteeing a truly international police force presence. Both Poland and Lithuania accepted the proposal and the League of Nations appointed an International Plebiscite Commission with Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Greece, Holland, Norway, Spain, and Sweden contributing troops to the police force. However, in March 1921, the League of Nations voted to abandon the election in favor
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of direct negotiations between the two countries in light of renewed fighting.4 In 1919, the League of Nations then had its first challenge of territory trusteeship with the territory of Saar, a land caught in dispute between France and Germany. The Saar was then placed under the government of an international commission composed of five members – one French, one native of the Saar territory, and three other members that were not from France or Germany – for the next 17 years. After Hitler came into power in 1933, the Saar territory was forced to have a plebiscite to decide its territorial attribution. On June 4, 1934, the League approved the proposals of the Aloisi’s Committee, which defined who could vote, how voting lists would be established, where the electoral district lines would be, and what methods would be used in the election to determine the final result. In addition, a Supreme Plebiscite Tribunal and eight district tribunals were set up, made up of judges, deputy judges, and officials. For the final vote, the League worked to bring in a neutral presence in every voting center, resulting in about 950 experienced officials being brought in from Switzerland, Holland, Luxembourg, and Scandinavian countries. To ensure security, the League deployed an International Force, composed of 3,300 British, Italian, Swedish, and Dutch members. The election took place successfully on January 13, 1935 and the next day, guarded by the International Force, the ballot boxes were carried to Saarbrücken. There, 300 neutral tellers were ready to evaluate and count them.5 Ultimately, the Saar voted to reunite with Germany. The plebiscite was a political and operational success for the League, and as American political scientist
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Sarah Wambaugh emphasized, it was a great improvement over previous votes. For the first time, the monitoring presence was completely neutral, as opposed to controlled by the Allies like previous votes.
Figure 2: Nazi poster advocating German possession of Saar. The secrecy of the ballot was made absolute through neutral chairmen and neutral counting and the presence of the International Force enabled the commission to operate efficiently. 6 The successes made by the League
SPECPOL 8 would set the basis for international election monitoring under the United Nations, focusing on neutrality and impartiality, reinforced by the creation of temporary, independent, international judiciary bodies. The formation and presence of an international force made up of various neutral countries would also serve as a model for future UN peacekeeping and police forces in various situations worldwide. THE UNITED NATION’S “FIRST GENERATION” OF ELECTION MONITORING Following decolonization in the post World War II era, the United Nations became more involved in the self-determination of the newly independent territories and began promoting the supervision of elections. The basic legal framework behind UN election monitoring stemmed from the Charter of the United Nations, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and relevant international agreements. The authority for election monitoring missions was then provided by General Assembly resolutions (e.g., in the cases of Togoland, Western Samoa, the Cook Islands), the Security Council (e.g. Bahrain), or the Trusteeship Council (e.g., the Trust Territory
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of the Pacific Islands). The resolutions also provided for the appointment of a Commission, or of a mission, and defined the mandates of each. The UN’s first era of electoral monitoring occurred from the late 1940s after its founding into the early 1990s, during the time of trusteeship and decolonization. During this time, the UN oversaw plebiscites and elections in Korea, Togoland, British Cameroon, Western Samoa, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, Turks and Caicos, and numerous trust territories. The election monitoring in these areas was a mix of “supervisions” and “observations.” The term “supervision” generally was employed to describe a UN presence encompassing the entire process of popular consultation, from the electoral provisions for the election, the conduct of the electoral process, to the approval or endorsement of the final votes. An “observation” was usually more limited in its scope, where a UN body would simply follow the events of an electoral process and compile a final report. The majority of these early UN electoral operations were small in size, with the number of observers rarely exceeding thirty. This small size limited the UN’s ability to become thoroughly involved in the planning and implementation of elections.
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Regardless of size, the UN has insisted on being closely associated with all phases of the electoral process, which involved: " Creation of a timeline for various events; " Setting up a voting system; " Establishing conditions for voter registration; " Implementation of a political education program; " Maintenance of law and order; " Monitoring of the political campaign; " Arrangements for polling; " Provision of penalties for offences in connection with voting; " Counting and tabulation of the vote; " Declaration of the results; and " Arrangements for appeals and review.7 A “SECOND GENERATION” OF ELECTION MONITORING On November 22, 1988, the UN General Assembly proclaimed the years 1990 to 2000 as the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism. On February 21, 1991, the UN General Assembly approved the first in a series of resolutions on “Enhancingthe effectiveness of the principle of periodic and genuine elections.”8 The resolution stressed that periodic and genuine elections are necessary to protect the rights and interests of the governed people around the world and that determining the will of the people requires an electoral process that accommodates distinct alternatives. The resolution further emphasized the importance that the electoral process should provide equal opportunity to all citizens to become candidates and be able to put forth their political views.
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Beginning with Namibia’s 1989 vote, election monitoring has strayed from the “first generation” involvement of simply ensuring that elections were free and fair. Since then, election monitoring missions have become more comprehensive and have often become part of a broader mandate of peacekeeping. The UN now rarely participates directly in election observation, leaving that to other international organizations or NGOs, and instead works on providing detailed electoral assistance, more similar to its earlier days of electoral “supervision,” to its member states. During the 1990s, the UN was able to provide assistance to Timor-Leste, South Africa, Mozambique, El Salvador, and Cambodia, and more recently it has provided its assistance in Afghanistan, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iraq, Nepal, Sierra Leone, and Sudan.9
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Current Situation With the shifting democratic transitions of many nations worldwide, the UN has become a major player in the movements for change. Since 1991, more than one hundred countries have requested and received UN election assistance. Founded in 1992, the UN Department of Political Affairs (DPA), through its Electoral Assistance Division (EAD), monitors global political developments and ensures consistency between UN entities working to provide electoral assistance. The EAD works to: " Ensure consistency in the handling of requests of Member States; " Ensure coordination and consideration of requests for electoral assistance; " Channel any requests for assistance to the appropriate office or program; " Build on experience gained in its history to develop institutional resources; " Develop and maintain a roster of international experts who can provide technical assistance;
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Maintain contact with regional and other intergovernmental organizations to ensure appropriate working arrangements with them.10 Currently, election assistance provided by the UN is a system-wide endeavor, encompassing many different branches and committees of the organization. The DPA heads requests for electoral assistance, which are forwarded to the UnderSecretary-General for Political Affairs. The UnderSecretary-General’s job is then two-fold: advising the Secretary-General on requests from member states and ensuring consistency in the delivery of all UN electoral assistance that is offered and implemented. In addition to its coordination role, the DPA also oversees political missions that may use electoral assistance activities as a part of their conflict prevention or peace-building mandates. In peacekeeping and post-conflict environments, the UN relies on assistance from the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO). To ensure that safe and efficient
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electoral processes can take place, the EAD works closely with the DPKO in order to plan and manage electoral support aspects. In terms of electoral support, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is the major implementing body for technical assistance. The UNDP manages around forty to fifty field-based electoral projects each year and also engages with member states on long-term capacity development. In its long-term assistance, the UNDP works to strengthen electoral management bodies between elections. Locally, each individual UNDP country office focuses on coordinating electoral assistance to its area. The UNDP also produces analysis on election-related issues following its implementation of assistance. To ensure an environment of credible elections and the respect of international standards, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) focuses on monitoring the human rights situation before and after elections. The OHCHR also produces reports outlining specific guidelines to protect against human rights violations during elections. The United Nations Volunteers (UNV) program staffs most electoral field missions. This provides critical substantive and operative support on the ground using experienced professionals who are deployed for short time frames. The EAD works closely with the UNV in selecting volunteers for field mission posts.11 TYPES OF ASSISTANCE Because UN electoral assistance is provided on the idea that there is no overarching universal model for all countries, programs are tailored and designed according to the specific needs of each member state. In cases of requests,
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the UN provides three types of assistance: technical assistance, election observation and other assessments, and organization or supervision of elections. The most offered type of electoral assistance has come in the form of technical assistance. This covers a diverse range of short and long-term expertise that is provided to the national authorities in charge of administrating elections in their country. In these cases, advice and information is provided in all sectors of electoral administration. As UN member state requests have grown to become more specific, the range of technical assistance provided by the UN has expanded. Technical assistance can be provided in areas such as: " Electoral administration and planning; " Review of electoral laws and regulations; " Electoral dispute resolution; " Boundary delimitation; " Voter registration; " Election budgeting; " Use of technologies; " Training of election offices; " Voter and civic education; " Voting and counting operations; and " Election security. In cases of election observation, the UN is called upon to assess or sometimes validate the integrity of electoral processes and results. Because these mandates are political, they are always based on a decision by the Security Council or General Assembly. In the early days of UN electoral assistance, mandates were often given for “observation,” “verification,” or “supervision,” particularly in cases that followed periods of decolonization. However, in more recent times, the observation mandates have evolved to become
SPECPOL 12 “certification” types of mandates, in which the UN will step in to verify different electoral processes. In other cases, the UN can send in small “expert monitoring” teams that will then issue a report to the SecretaryGeneral. In rare cases, the UN may be fully in charge of organizing elections for a member state. This has only occurred twice – in Cambodia (1992-1993) and Timor-Leste (2001-2002). In other cases, UN experts become an integral part of the national electoral administration, which has occurred in Afghanistan (2004-2005) and Iraq (2005). However, these cases are exceptions taken in specific transitional settings. Today, the UN still focuses on taking a supporting role in elections, merely providing assistance or observation.12 LIBERIA Between late 1989 and the early 1990s, civil war in Liberia claimed the lives of more than 250,000 people.13 During this conflict, the UN and other international bodies began to work in Liberia with the aim of achieving peace and eventually implementing elections. In 1993, the Security Council established the United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL)
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to support the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the implementation of the newly brokered Cotonu peace agreement. Elections were scheduled for February 1994; however, delays in the implementation of the peace agreement and resumed fighting among Liberian factions made this difficult. After subsequent negotiations and with a ceasefire in force, UNOMIL and ECOWAS declared the electoral process that put President Charles Taylor in power in July 1997 as free and fair.14 However, the newly attained peace was short-lived. In 1999, the Second Liberian Civil War began when a Guinean-backed rebel group emerged in northern Liberia. Taylor eventually lost control of the majority of the country and was forced to resign at the end of 2003, leaving Liberia without a leader until elections were completed between 2005 and 2007.15 In September 2003, the Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1509 establishing the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), which would assume peacekeeping duties, and later, aid in electoral processes.16 In 2005, Liberia received assistance in organizing a general presidential and legislative
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election and successfully elected Ellen JohnsonSirleaf as president. In 2011, UNMIL assisted the Liberian government and its National Elections Commission with the October/November general presidential and legislative elections by providing logistical support. Sirleaf ran for re-election in this new set of elections. Aid was provided particularly in the delivery of election materials to remote areas, coordinating international electoral assistance, and supporting Liberian institutions and political parties in creating an atmosphere conducive to the conduct of peaceful elections. UNMIL also provided logistical support in the deployment of electoral observers nationwide. During the elections, UNMIL civilian staff monitored polling centers and the election atmosphere, and police and military personnel maintained a highly visible presence, both on the ground and in the air.17 After six years of rebuilding post-conflict Liberia, Sirleaf was reelected by an overwhelming margin.
Figure 4. A nonpartisan ECC monitor during Liberia’s 2011 elections.
Liberia provides an example of a ! government struggling with instability and transition that has depended heavily on a UN
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presence. In addition to providing aid to the 1997, 2005, and 2011 elections, the UN still maintains a peacekeeping force on the ground, whose mandate has been extended annually since 2009 and whose presence has been guaranteed until late 2013.18 Even after seemingly successful elections, Liberia is still a country on the edge of violence, bringing up questions of how involved the UN must stay after elections and what power it has to stay in countries to sustain efforts to transition into democracy. Liberia also brings up a key question — should peacekeeping and election assistance be issued under the same UN mission? Or should each issue be handled separately? EGYPT On January 25, 2011, thousands of Egyptians staged nationwide demonstrations against the rule of President Hosni Mubarak, who had been in power for nearly 30 years. Demonstrations continued into February and hundreds of protestors were killed as Mubarak and his allies tried to crush the uprising. However, on February 11, Mubarak was forced to resign and handed his power over to the military, which dissolved the parliament and suspended the constitution.19 In May 2011, Egypt’s interim Prime Minister Essam Sharaf requested UN help in the country’s upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections.20 UN support was formalized in a project signed in November 2011, just ahead of the first round of parliamentary elections that lasted until January 2012. In the project, the UNDP pledged support in areas such as public outreach and voter education as well as activities to increase the participation of rural and women voters. Though the Egyptian government refused official election monitors, with UN
SPECPOL 14 electoral assistance and advising, the election was the first honest national election held in Egypt since the overthrow of the monarchy in 1952.21 On May 23 and 24, 2012, Egypt held its first round of voting in presidential elections with a field of 13 candidates. Ultimately, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohammed Morsi and Amed Shafiq, the last prime minister under Mubarak, emerged as the top two finishers, and had to face each other in a runoff. On June 16 and 17, Egyptians voted in the runoff, with Morsi winning 51.7 percent of the vote. Though the Egyptians continued to receive some advice from the UNDP, it continued to limit election observers, causing the Carter Center to “express grave concerns about the increasing ambiguity of the [military]-led transition and the meaning and purpose of the presidential election within this context.”22 Nonetheless, new President Mohammed Morsi took his oath of office on June 30, 2012. Today, Egypt faces another potential election, with the huge outburst of uprising and unrest throughout the country. On July 3, 2013, Egypt’s President Morsi was deposed by the military. Violent clashes have killed hundreds of people. The military then suspended the constitution and ordered new elections, giving the
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chief judge of the Supreme Constitutional Court the power to run the country until new elections could be held.23 It remains to be seen when or how these elections will be held, or if the UN will choose to become involved in the once-again volatile environment. DIFFICULTIES SURROUNDING ELECTION MONITORING Though election monitoring practices have succeeded in many countries, it has become evident that it does not work everywhere. In her research reviewing 1,324 national elections from 1975 to 2004, of which about a third were monitored, Judith Kelley of Duke University discovered that in about half of the countries that have hosted monitors, there has been at least some improvement, but improvements are short-lived. Even when monitored, politicians have managed to cheat about 25 percent of the time. Furthermore, monitoring works well in countries already on the road to transition, where there are domestic pressures for change, and where the international community is willing to use its leverage. However, without these conditions, even repeated efforts in a country are likely to be futile.24 Russia provides an example of a country where persistent
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international monitoring has struggled. In this case, the government has too much power, preventing any monitoring from having an influence. Thus, flawed elections continue to transpire, which monitors can barely do anything about. A preliminary report by the European OSCE pointed to glaring problems and called the election “clearly skewed in favor of one candidate,� but could do nothing more.25 Some critics of election monitoring argue that it can harm governance, saying that it has a measurably negative effect on rule of law, administrative performance, and media freedom. Through their research of 144 countries over 18 years, Professors Alberto Simpser and Daniela Donno argue that many incumbents intent on cheating in elections often adapt to election monitoring practices by shifting their fraud away from election day and toward pre-election manipulation. In turn, this has a spillover effect for governance for the future.26 In addition, countries that struggle with violence, such as Liberia, also present struggles for electoral assistance. In these areas, it is difficult for monitors to promote reforms due to the constantly changing conditions. Logistically, numerous issues plague poor countries that lack the infrastructure to support efficient elections. In these cases, electoral reform is tied to development, causing a dilemma between development aid and electoral aid. Election monitoring practices have also been criticized for their neutrality. Critics argue that outsiders can be ignorant of local circumstances related to history, culture, and other characteristics. In many cases, monitors arrive shortly before the vote and usually lack language
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or cultural training that would allow them to effectively evaluate the vote. Furthermore, many foreign observers do not work with domestic observers in order to avoid bias and therefore may not full understand the culture that they are working with.27 Though modern election monitoring is still by no means perfect, the benefits accrued through decades of international cooperation have helped numerous governments with successful democratic transitions.
Figure 5: A survey on perceptions of election monitoring by the United Nations.
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Bloc Positions UNITED STATES
ASIA
The United States has been a strong supporter of democratic transitions in developing countries, and in turn, has also supported the monitoring of elections to ensure free and fair elections. Numerous US-based NGOs such as the Carter Center and the National Democratic Institute have participated in and offered advice to electoral assistance missions worldwide.
With varying forms of government throughout Asia, many states have transitioned to democratic governments and support the transitions of other countries worldwide. Much of Asia supports election observation and assistance. However, as many Asian countries such as Nepal and Cambodia have recently undergone transitions themselves, Asia has not been as active of a player in election monitoring practices.
EUROPE
MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
The European Union provides extensive support to countries undergoing governmental transitions and offers various forms of aid in electoral assistance. The EU is a leading global actor in providing funding to electoral observation missions. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has long been a strong presence in aiding with elections, dealing with conflict prevention and resolution, governance, rule of law, and promoting human rights.
An area in transition, the Middle East and other Arab countries have been heavily affected by the protests of the “Arab Spring.� Struggling with democratic transition and government transparency and corruption, many states are still grappling with issues in conducting free and fair elections. Numerous international organizations have stepped into assist with the transitions and elections, but some countries, such as Egypt, do not welcome the presence of election monitors, and unrest continues on today.
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SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA A continent heavily affected by decolonization and governmental changes, Africa has been in transition for many years. The African Union actively works toward promoting free and fair elections and supports transparency in the electoral process as well as governance. As more
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Questions to Consider! ! ! 1 To what extent should the UN get involved in election assistance? The UN has various resources that it can offer when assistance is requested – technical advice, personnel, amongst other intellectual and physical items. Should the UN provide all of these services? Should they provide even more? 2 Should peacekeeping missions be mixed with electoral assistance? In some cases, UN peacekeeping forces are the ones providing physical assistance during elections. Is it right for a military presence to also be one helping in elections? 3 Should we allow multiple international groups to participate in election monitoring? In today’s world, there are dozens of international organizations that offer to help with election monitoring, many of them in the same area. Is it better to have one overarching organization oversee the entire process or should we allow each individual organization to contribute? 4 Are individual election monitoring organization missions sometimes biased? Individual organizations rely on donations from private donors and specific countries, bringing up questions of their neutrality. 5 What is the most efficient approach to offering free and fair elections? There can be many logistical obstacles to organizing elections, especially in resource poor locations. How can the UN and other international organizations aid in alleviating these boundaries without overstepping their powers? 6 How should the international community deal with elections during times of conflict? Many new elections are taking place in countries that are in transition between governments, leading to the potential for violence and unrest. What should the UN do to ensure the safety of voters and civilians? 7 How can the UN ensure neutrality in all its monitoring practices? The UN is a presence that does not have any political affiliations. How can it make sure that it is creating the most neutral environment conducive to a free election? 8 What kind of personnel should be used to staff electoral assistance missions? What should the UN do when an area is not welcoming of international involvement? Some governments and countries are skeptical of international visitors coming in to monitor and assist with their elections. In these cases, how can the UN offer help, if any?
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TOPIC II.
International Migration Topic History ! International migration is one of the primary means of culture transfer. The movement of people as well as the goods, traditions and ideas they bring with them facilitates the inter-mixing and juxtaposition of global cultures.28 The search for new economic opportunities has been a driving force in human migration, as generation upon generation has uprooted in order to try their luck in another place. Migration patterns are closely related to the economic conditions both in the countries that receive new immigrants and in the countries from which migrants originate. Over time migration trends have been separated into three distinct periods: pre World War 1, the time between the start of World War 1 and the end of World War 2, and finally the period after both wars. 29 The global economy is, in many ways, dependent upon the labor of migrant workers. In the United States, for example, many industries, such as farming and domestic service, rely entirely on the labor of migrant workers, mostly from Mexico and the Caribbean. In the oil rich countries of the Middle East, laborers from South Asia have become a dominant part of the work force as these countries develop economically.30 Though it is acknowledged that the efforts of migrant laborers are essential to the economies of their host countries this has not prevented the eruption of controversy over the legal, societal and financial implications of labor migration. The problems related to labor migration are often associated only with the host country. Largely ignored are the very real problems faced by the departure countries.
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International migration patterns have changed drastically in the last three decades. In the past, the majority of immigrants to the United States, Australia and Canada came from Europe. Now however, the majority of immigrants come from Africa, Asia and Latin America. Meanwhile, the European countries that were once departure points for immigrants seeking their fortunes in the New World have become destinations for immigrants from the developing world.
Figure 6: Melon harvesters from El Salvador working in Fresno, California in the 1908s.
Beginning in 1945, Western European nations began receiving immigrants from the Southern parts of Europe, but by the 1960s the bulk of immigrants to Western Europe came from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and the Middle East.31 At the same time countries in Southern Europe that had not long ago lost citizens to the wealthier Northern countries received an influx of foreign workers. This shift has made immigration more conspicuous as modern immigrants are more physically and culturally distinct from the citizens of their host country
SPECPOL 20 than past immigrants have been. This trend is not limited to European nations. For example, Japan, which has an aging population and stagnant birth rate, has been increasingly pressured to seek laborers from outside its borders - mostly from poorer Asian nations but as far away as South America - in order to satisfy the country’s industrial needs.32 One of the earliest theories used to explain international migration was developed to explain the close relationship between migration and economic development. According to this theory migration is determined by geographic differences in the supply and demand for labor. Countries with a large workforce relative to capital have low wages while those with a comparatively small workforce relative to capital have high wages. This produces geographical differences in the market wage. Therefore, the theory states that international economic conditions are the primary guide of human migration and workers will naturally follow the highest wages. This means the flow of migration will go from low wage areas to high wage areas. This theory looks at the situation from a macroeconomic level and sees the global market as the driver of human movement.
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This same theory can be extended to the microeconomic level. In this case, individuals analyze the conditions of the home country and weigh the risks, costs and potential benefits of emigration and choose this path only if the movement will be beneficial. Potential migrants make the choice to move based on the net gain that they can receive by doing so.33 Both theories look at human migration as a function of the economic conditions of the country of origin balanced against the conditions in the country they intend to immigrate to. It is evident that economic factors, particularly those related to employment, play a crucial role in the decision to immigrate as those unable to find work in their own country will risk everything to find better employment prospects abroad. In recent years, researchers have begun to look at migration decisions in terms of family unitsor households, which often make important economic and migration decisions together. However, even though the scope of the analysis has been extended to include other people involved in an individual’s desire to emigrate the underlying cause of migration in this theory is still an economic one.
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Figure 7: An example of housing for migrant workers in Florida during the Great Depression.
The global community has become increasingly concerned with the problems and complications associated with labor migration. The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families came into force in July 2003 and covers a wide range of issues related to the rights of migrant workers and those who depend on them for support.34 The main point of this convention was to show that all migrant workers, regardless of their legal status, are entitled to certain rights and protections from the international community. The convention covers all those who fall under the definition of migrant worker regardless of race, gender, age or any other distinguishing factor. The convention also makes some basic
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provisions ensuring migrant workers the right to emergency medical care and other life essentials within the host country.35 The International Labor Organization has been the leader among those trying to protect the rights of migrant workers since the 1920s. The International Labor Organization divides its activism into two branches. Under the first branch, the ILO organizes conventions and makes recommendations for national laws as well as administrative and judicial practices that are used by foreign governments seeking to address the rights of migrant workers. In addition, through its technical cooperation projects, the ILO directly works to improve the rights of migrant workers.36 The ILO has two conventions directly related to the conditions of migrant workers. The first is the Migration for Employment Convention, ratified in 1947, and the second is the Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention of 1975. The first consists of a series of recommendations for the fair treatment of those seeking employment abroad. The second consists of two parts, which states can choose to adopt independently of one another. The first part deals with the rights of migrant workers in abusive situations while the second deals specifically with the need for equality of opportunity and treatment.37 The Convention also recognizes the need to prevent human trafficking as it relates to migrant labor and for all forms of discrimination against migrant workers to end.
SPECPOL 22 Recently, the ILO has developed technical assistance programs to target the informal discrimination against migrant workers found in many destination countries. Though many countries have formally put in place laws that guarantee equal treatment to migrant workers actual conditions in the country are often markedly different. Legal protections for migrant workers cannot perfectly control the discriminatory behaviors of citizens, especially when discrimination remains nonviolent and subtle. Despite the challenges associated with fighting these forms of discrimination, recent studies have shown that ILO efforts to control this insidious form of discrimination have been largely successful and have produced positive change for migrant workers.38 In the early 1970s the issue of human trafficking for labor purposes brought the issue of human trafficking to the forefront of global attention. The aftermath of this increased awareness spurred the rise in concern for the rights of migrant workers. As a result, the General Assembly encouraged states to ratify ILO resolution No.97 and to end discrimination against migrant workers. The Seminar on the Human Rights of Migrant Workers was held in
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Tunis in November 1975. The conclusions of this seminar were to push the global community to grant all migrant workers legal equality, to treat illegal immigrants fairly and to avoid creating situations in which migrant workers remained illegal in immigration status for long periods of time. In addition, the Seminar recognized that both the nation of origin and the destination country have responsibilities toward the migrant worker and must support the human rights of migrant workers.39
Figure 8: Migrant workers at a bean canning plant in Dania, Florida — 1937.
The first mention of an international convention to discuss the rights of migrant
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workers was made in 1978 during the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination in Geneva. In 1980 a working group was established open to all member state as well as several relevant international organizations. This working group was reconvened annually during annual sessions of the General Assembly and finished drafting the Convention in 1990. The Convention was adopted by the General Assembly on 18 December 1990 and opened for signature to all member states. Obtaining signatures for the convention was a more arduous process. By 1998 only 9 countries had ratified the Convention. At this point, the Steering Committee of the Global Campaign for Ratification of the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families was established. This body worked to spread awareness of the plight of migrant workers internationally and encouraged countries to ratify the Convention. The steering committee was largely successful and between 1998 and 2004 an additional 18 countries ratified the convention. The main goal of the Convention is to discourage the conditions that lead to discrimination and inequality for migrant workers. According to the convention all migrant workers are entitled to certain human rights regardless of legal status in the host country. The Convention represents decades of research, work and dedication on behalf of migrant workers. This Convention and
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the efforts it builds upon provide a firm foundation for future actions in the interest of migrant workers. However, it can still be extended and enlarged upon as the current situation of migrant workers is far from perfect and needs a great deal more attention from the international community. It will take far greater efforts to fully eradicate discrimination against migrant workers.
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Current Situation
Figure 9: Current international patterns of migration.
INTRODUCTION According to the ILO almost 1 in 8 people in the world is a migrant. 214 million of these people immigrate internationally while another
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740 are internal migrants40. The problems faced by migrant workers are of great concern to a sizeable percentage of the world’s population and affect far more indirectly through the economic, social and
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pmigration. Immigration for the purpose of seeking work in a foreign country has existed almost as long as labor itself. However, that span of time has not been enough to thwart the myriad complications that arise when someone moves their home to a foreign place. The global community is well aware of these problems and is actively looking for solutions; however, racism and xenophobia continue to hold back progress toward a comprehensive solution. Though some people claim that we currently live in the “age of immigration� and are witnessing a much greater rate of immigration than ever before, labor migration has been a part of the international economy for centuries. In fact, it is not the case that we are witnessing a sudden increase in labor immigration at all. Instead the nature of labor migration has merely changed as a result of changing global conditions. Rather than an increase in overall migration the world has seen an increase in North-South migration. This increase in the number of people immigrating from the Southern hemisphere to the Northern hemisphere has introduced a greater degree of physically, linguistically and culturally distinct peoples to the northern countries.41 In this way labor migration has become more visible and distinct though the number of immigrants has remained fairly stable. As the routes that immigrants take have changed in relation to the changing international scene, labor migration has become a more pressing issue both for the receiving countries and the countries losing citizens to labor migration. The general understanding of labor migration is that people immigrate as result of reduced prosperity and a lack of economic prospects in the home country mixed with a perception of greater
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opportunity and prosperity in the destination country. This combination of factors creates the conditions in which people are prompted to migrate. This is a fairly sound assumption. However, it does not fully capture the nature of labor migration. The poorest of the poor are rarely in the class of migrant workers. Instead, the people are able to achieve a slight level of prosperity, but not enough to satisfy their desires, who are able to migrate. This trend is seen because a certain level of education and wealth is needed to facilitate movement. Immigration is expensive and dangerous and can only be accomplished by those who have some resources to begin with. Additionally, a certain level of education must be achieved before people are even able to conceive of the idea of seeking better opportunities in a foreign country. The poorest of the poor lack the education needed to understand that beneficial economic prospects could be found in a foreign country. For this reason, the majority of legal migrants to the United States and other destination countries have high school degree or higher.42 A direct relationship can be shown between increased development and migration of the people within that country.43 Initially, at least, increased prosperity in the developing world leads to an increase in emigration from that country as it increases citizens’ aspirations and gives them the resources to migrate with.44 The issue of labor migration is complex, as it affects not just the migrant worker as an individual, but their family and community too. In addition, the political and legal implications of labor migration especially when it is intermixed with illegal activities such as smuggling and human trafficking are far reaching and cannot be solved by simplistic solutions.
SPECPOL 26 Human Trafficking
Figure 10: Human trafficking affects young and old.
The majority of trafficking victims are forced into labor after arriving in the new country. In most instances, the trafficked person left his or her home country voluntarily to work in another country and was trafficked into an exploitative situation along the way. Trafficking of people seeking to find work in a different place tends to follow a similar pattern. First, the person seeks out a recruitment agency, which charges a fee payable by the salary from their new job.45 As soon as the person arrives in the new country, his or her passport is taken with the understanding that it
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will only be returned when their debts were paid.46 The actual wages are much lower than promised, making it all but impossible to get out of debt.47 In this way, an exploited person remains enslaved to the trafficker. As the victim remains trapped in a low-wage labor situation, they are likely to be subjected to sexual, physical and emotional abuse at the hands of their captor. Deceptive employment advertisements placed by traffickers have become commonplace as many people seek out employment in other countries in order to combat economic strain at home. Desperation leads many people to seek employment through disreputable means that put them at risk for exploitation. Also, the importance of producing cheap products has led to an increased need for cheap labor, which can be achieved by means of human trafficking.48 In most cases the victims of trafficking have little or no idea what kind of work they will be doing once they reach the country of destination. They simply know that they have been offered a job and hopes for better prospects in the future. Once there, they have no choice but to do the work assigned to them or face severe punishments. These trafficked people have little opportunity for escape and the fear of retaliation keeps many obedient. Additionally, these people often end up
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alone in a country far from home without any connections or even a grasp of the language to help them through. This isolation prevents trafficking victims from leaving exploitative situations and leaves them trapped indefinitely.49 Moreover, a major portion of the forced labor group is made up of fishing industry laborers, because it is relatively easy to smuggle people using fishing boats.50 Forced labor is commonplace on fishing boats, as traffickers can easily move trafficked workers from boat to boat as needed. These victims are essentially prisoners, forced to work in severe conditions without seeing land for months at a time.51 It is also important to note that not all exploited laborers are adults. Young boys are also forced to work on fishing boats.52 Other exploited children work as domestic servants, harvesters on rice and tea farms, beggars, and as thieves in smuggling gangs, etc.53 Though trafficking for the purpose of labor receives less recognition from the international community it is still devastating for the victims. A study of Burmese workers in Thailand showed that sexual assault, rape, physical abuse, sleep deprivation and other violent acts were commonly inflicted upon trafficking victims. In addition, boys trafficked onto fishing boats are often forced to remain at sea for as long as two years. Researchers estimate that as many as 10% of these boys never return to land because those who become ill are thrown overboard.54 Another study conducted by the German Agency for Technical Cooperation found that the majority of East African girls trafficked to the Middle East are bound for “oppressive domestic work�. Along the way these girls are often beaten and raped.55 There is a need to push for more stringent labor laws that forbid child labor and enforce
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minimum standards for wages. Additionally, the international community should discuss ways to distinguish trafficking victims from other migrants and protect them from further exploitation. Past policies have focused on legal actions against human traffickers as the best way to solve this issue. Yet, as new research shows the ineffectiveness of these policies new ideas that address the root causes of labor trafficking are being explored. For example, the fight against labor trafficking could be brought to the consumer level by creating demand for products that are certified as being produced without the use of forced labor. Consumer awareness and demand for ethically produced products can help force changes in the private sector that will indirectly combat human trafficking.56 In addition, leaders in the private sector could contribute to the battle against human trafficking by creating codes of conduct within their industries that will keep supply chains and production free of trafficked labor. Currently, businesses are attempting to address human trafficking by means of social auditing and voluntary codes of compliance. Social auditing is a practice by which companies voluntarily look at their practices to determine their effect on society. If these results are favorable the company may release the results to show their positive impact on the community.57 Despite the attempt made to address these issues it is apparent that not enough is being done. For example, social audits are often planned and the foreman made aware in advance. This allows time for workers to be given prepared answers for auditors and for those in charge to change records as needed. In addition, social audits cannot account fully for the underlying
SPECPOL 28 psychological aspects of human trafficking. The absence of physical markers of human trafficking does not rule out the existence of psychological control placed on the trafficking victim by their boss. Also, trafficking victims may fear retaliation if they tell the truth and may be hesitant to reveal their true working conditions to an auditor. Even in cases when social auditors have found problematic practices most of their guidelines for addressing these issues are voluntary and cannot be enforced by the auditing organization.58
prevention of human trafficking much more needs to be done to fully address the complex issues of human trafficking. Partnerships between the private sector and governmental and nongovernmental organizations could help to bring awareness of human trafficking to the business community and to further the goal of reducing labor trafficking around the world. In today’s increasingly globalized world it is necessary for consumers and leaders in the private sector to be aware of the effects their economic choices have on the rest of the world and to use their buying power to contribute to the end of forced labor and human trafficking.
Children
Figure 11: Mexican immigrants working at an onion processing factory.
Though the general trend in the private sector is toward better treatment of workers and
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Adults arev not the only people who hope to make a better life for themselves through immigration. Millions of children immigrate in search of work every year, some with and some without their parents.59 Some children are successful when they migrate and are able to attain the quality of life they set out to achieve. Many children seek to escape brutal conditions in their own country including forced marriage, natural disasters and human conflict. However, migrant children also face serious challenges in the
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destination country especially when they are immigrating without adult family members. When children migrate to countries that lack legal protection for young people they may end up working without access to education or healthcare for much of their lives. They also tend to end up in the service or agricultural industries. Children are especially vulnerable to the darker practices sometimes found in these industries including abuse and human trafficking. Many children who begin as migrant workers seeking jobs and opportunities end up among the victims of cruel people hoping to profit with human capital.60 Children who immigrate with their parents face many of the challenges to health and safety that their parents are forced to endure. The low wages, unsanitary working conditions of parents, and unsafe living conditions of the family can all have a negative impact on the child’s ability to lead a healthy life. These challenges are especially pressing in the child’s younger years, which are most important for development and education. Children of migrant workers often miss out on necessary aspects of early childhood education and parental involvement that can have serious impacts later in life.61
Figure 12: Children illegally work in agriculture all around the world.
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Children who are left behind by migrant parents also face unique challenges. Though immigrating for the purpose of finding work can have many benefits for families and the communities they have left behind these positives come at a high price for children who often have little say in the matter and are subject to the will of the adults around them. In one study, it was found that children of migrant workers were more likely to rebel, drop out of school and abuse controlled substances. In addition, the study found that children of migrant workers are less likely to be truthful about their daily lives. Children of migrant mothers are especially sensitive, though the departure of a father is also seen to have traumatic effects.62 Chinese migrant workers and their families face both of these problems. In the past decade, millions of Chinese families have migrated from the impoverished countryside to China’s urban centers. Conditions in the countryside are near impossible for those seeking employment as jobs remain scarce and wages at 1/6 the wages available in the city. Most of these migrant workers are between the ages of 16 and 40 and many have young families to support. These families must face the difficult decision between leaving their child in the care of relatives in the countryside or bringing their children with them as they look for work in the city. Approximately 58 million children have been left behind in the country while an additional 19 million have migrated with their families. Together these groups make up almost of all Chinese children.63 The children who are left behind are often separated from their parents for years. One study found that about 44% of these children saw their parents once per year, another 44% saw their
SPECPOL 30 parents twice per year and a mere 3% were able to see their parents three times per year.64 Most of the children were not sure where their parents work and very few had ever visited their parents in the city. Children who are left behind are often not as well cared for as those who live with their parents. As a result, they tend to be more susceptible to accidents and crime. For example, a survey on sexual violence Zhechuan in the Henan province found that 34% of rape cases involved the children of migrant workers. Leftbehind children are also at a greater risk for abduction.65
Figure 13: Chinese child migrant workers sleeping after a long day illegally working at a factory.
The children who accompany their parents to the city have their own challenges to overcome. Low-income levels combined with the restrictive housing registration policies in China
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combine to create serious inequality. Even migrants who have lived in the city for most of their lives are treated as outsiders and do not have equal access to education, health care and are more at risk for physical and mental health problems as well as crime. The high cost of health care makes it hard for migrant families to afford proper treatment for their children leading to higher illness and death rates among migrant children. Though education is compulsory for nine years in China, the education received by migrant children is rarely equal to the education received by other children in the cities. The government officially states that cities should provide equal educational facilities for all children, migrant or not, but these guidelines are only loosely defined and even more loosely followed. Oftentimes, the only way for migrant students to get an education is to pay the high tuition for state schools or to go to a subpar school designed specifically for the children of migrant workers. Either way, it is difficult for migrant workers to get an education. Even when they do receive the opportunity to do so, they are often unable to get an education of the same quality as other urban students.66 These problems are not limited to Chinese migrant workers and the families of migrant workers around the world face many of the same issues.
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Health Care Migrant workers are at an increased risk for many human rights violations. One of the most difficult human rights for migrant workers to maintain steady access to is healthcare. The lack of proper healthcare conditions is compounded by the tendency for migrant workers to work in dangerous industries with little oversight or safety measures in place. In many cases, proper training and safety clothing are not provided or are not adequately explained. Studies have shown that migrant workers are more likely to suffer workrelated injuries. When these injuries occur, they are less likely to have access to medical facilities. Even when provisions have been made for migrant workers to receive health care they may not be fully informed as to the nature of their coverage. As a result even in cases when migrant workers should have full access to health care they are not put in a position to take advantage of these benefits. Departure and destination countries have not yet figured out ways of making migrants aware of their rights regarding healthcare.67 Many of the health problems faced by migrant workers are similar to those faced by the rest of the population. However, the unique challenges and conditions that are endured by migrant workers and their families have resulted in much higher rates of death and disease in the migrant population. In the United States, for example, the life expectancy for a migrant farm worker is 49 years compared to 75 years for the general population. The substandard living conditions and difficult tasks for employment contribute to an increased risk of infectious diseases, illnesses from the pesticides and insecticides used on farms, traumatic injuries, respiratory and skin conditions, heat stress and
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dental decay. Migrant workers are also at risk for long-term health complications including reproductive complications, compromised child health and cancer. These diseases and their longlasting effects have consequences not just for the people who suffer from them, but also for the community as a whole.68 These health complications are then further exacerbated by the difficulties migrant workers face when trying to obtain much-needed healthcare. Regardless of legal status, migrant workers have a much harder time finding access to healthcare through their employers or the community and as such have no way to deal with the health complications to which they are already more susceptible.69 Research has also been done on the heightened risk for STIs and HIV/AIDS among migrant workers, especially young workers. Migrant workers face marginalization in society and are often forced to leave behind the social and familial relations that sustained them in their home country. Migrant workers are typically young and have sexual and emotional desires that must be filled. Lacking the traditional pathways to fulfillment they would have followed if they had remained at home, they seek other pathways. In places where large groups of male migrant workers live together, a thriving sex industry is likely to form and is sometimes even used as an enticement for new recruits. These conditions heighten the prevalence of risky sexual behaviors including low levels of condom use. Thus, migrant workers are at a much greater risk for sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS. This can also lead to an increased stigma against migrant workers both in their home country and in the destination country. In the home country the worker may be held responsible for bringing STDs back when
SPECPOL 32 they return to visit friends and family. On the other hand, they are also held responsible for bringing STDs into their destination country when they engage in sexual relationships with locals or other migrants in the same area. The risk factors and complications of sexual diseases in the migrant population are not easy to address. Some have advised compulsory testing for STIs among at-risk populations, however, there are many social ramifications of such a policy that should not be taken lightly including increased stigmatization and fear of reporting.70 The privacy rights of migrant workers must be balanced against the need to protect migrant workers and their sexual partners from STIs and HIV/AIDS.
Figure 14: Dr. Rafael Carcache takes the blood pressure of an migrant worker in Alabama. Many are often fearful to seek healthcare with tougher immigration laws in place.
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Bloc Positions North America: In North America, the debate is largely focused on the movement of large numbers of low-skilled workers into the US and Canada, mostly from Mexico but also from a large number of developing countries. Within the debate regarding labor migration there are three overarching topics. The first deals with the number of legal immigrants that should be allowed in to the country. The second deals with how to tackle the issue of illegal immigration. The third tackles the related question of which services should be available to illegal immigrants and what the government can reasonably be expected to provide for individuals and families who have not entered the United States or Canada through legal channels.71 Part of the trouble in North America is the lack of reliable data on labor migration. Many of the workers are undocumented and as such are hard for researchers to track. It can even be hard to obtain data on those who migrate legally due to the lack of a centralized register for this data.72 In the last four decades, migration to the United States from Mexico and parts of Central America has increased dramatically. This marks a departure from traditional migration patterns to the United States that emphasized European and Asian migration. After 1965, the United States adopted more restrictive immigration laws that led to higher levels of illegal immigration. Since that time, the pool of Mexican and Central American immigrants to the United States has diversified to include people from more varied locations moving to seek work in more varied industries.73 As a result, there has been an influx of low-skilled, young, migrant workers with low
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levels of English proficiency moving to states that historically have not received many immigrants. This trend has increased anti-immigrant sentiment in the United States and has contributed to the increased hostility against immigrants, particularly those from Hispanic backgrounds.74
Europe: Despite the recent economic crisis, many nations in Western Europe remain prime destination countries for migrant workers from other European nations as well as Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa. Economic disparities between EU members and the surrounding nations combined with the need for workers to fill positions in a variety of industries continue to provide the push/pull factors that lead to labor migration. In addition, the violence in parts of the Middle East in modern times has changed the face of immigration and added to the diversity of the immigrant pool. In light of these new immigrant groups, it has been necessary for the governments to begin addressing the increased social isolation and exclusion of these groups especially as tensions have risen between immigrant groups and local populations.75 In Europe, effort needs to be made to ensure the human rights of diverse groups of immigrants. Though labor immigration is common, there are also people who choose to immigrate due to persecution in their home countries or other nonlabor factors. The immigration policies adopted in Europe need to address these differing motivations and take adequate measures to protect the rights of these different groups of immigrants.76
SPECPOL 34 Asia: The Asia/Pacific region is extremely population dense and is also home to the largest and most diverse immigrant pool in the world. Approximately 15% of all global immigrants can be located in Asia. In Asia, it is not uncommon for countries to be both origin and destination countries and the majority of Asian immigrants remain within the region. Economic disparities continue to promote a high level of interregional migration as people seek to leave their homes behind in search of better jobs and higher wages. The high level of immigration between countries in this region has created strong economic connections between the regions. These connections have in turn facilitated the easy trade of people, goods and money between countries, making it easy for people to contribute to their home economy by sending money back to family members while working in the new country. On the other hand, increased migration between these countries has led to higher levels of labor exploitation and human trafficking than in other regions. Asia is notorious for being both the origin and destination for a majority of the women trafficked into the global sex trade and the relative ease with which people can move within
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the region has only increased the risk for vulnerable migrant women.77 South and Southwest Asia are typically origin countries for migrant workers. Many of these people end up in the Gulf region in lowskilled occupations, with some migration of highskilled workers to Europe. Most are pushed by reductions in the number of jobs and wages available after the recent economic downturn. East and Southeast Asia continue to be plagued by economic troubles, natural disasters and manmade disasters that push people away from the region toward countries that are thought to offer better conditions and opportunities. The region is moving toward greater cooperation through the ASEAN organization and increased partnerships to address the myriad issues associated with human migration. The most prominent of these are the increased risk of spreading communicable diseases, the sex industry, human trafficking and child labor amongst others. The Asian region needs to work diligently to ensure that it can improve its immigration polices in order to deal with the problems created by the lax rules that have been adopted in the past.78
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Latin/South America: Currently, the majority of immigration in the Americas is from South to North. However, there has been a recent increase in the number of people immigrating between countries in the South. Countries that used to be either a country of origin or transit are now adding the role of destination to their immigration pattern. The economic crisis bears some of the blame for this trend. Some people who had previously immigrated to Northern countries have begun to return to their country of origin in response to the financial downturn. Also, economic tensions have worsened already hostile relations between migrant workers and people native to their destination countries, making the living situation more difficult for migrant workers. The role of remittances is also very important in South America. Remittances are money sent home by migrant workers to family in their home country. Many Central and South American countries are big recipients of remittances, which can help mitigate the most extreme effects of poverty in families that receive them. Remittances, however, are not related to increased levels of development and the brain drain that occurs when people of working age migrate may even have profoundly negative effects on the economy of these nations. Central America is also plagued by high levels of child labor migration and child labor abuse. Sex trafficking has been a recurrent problem in the region but not to the extent that labor exploitation has been. Countries in Central and South America are also becoming increasingly aware of the need to foster good relations between the home country and communities of migrant workers living in the United States, Canada and
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Europe. Successful migrant worker communities abroad are full of skilled and intelligent individuals who could be utilized to encourage development in their home countries if the proper channels for doing so were created.79
Africa/Middle East: Conflict and poverty in Africa and parts of the Middle East continue to create a complex migratory pattern in response to humanitarian crises, environmental concerns, traditional nomadic lifestyles and the transition from rural to urban areas. In Africa especially, international migration is tied tightly to other concerns such as HIV/AIDS, the spread of communicable diseases, refugee management, human trafficking especially in women and children, ethnic conflicts and other problems in regional security. The number of migrants from the region is expected to increase which will undoubtedly impact the economic, social, environmental and political landscape of individual countries as well as the region as a whole. Already, migrants from SubSaharan Africa make up a noticeable portion of the people migrating to North America, Europe and the Middle East.80
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Questions to Consider! 1 What responsibilities do the countries that migrant workers depart from have toward these migrant workers? 2
What responsibilities do the countries of origin have?
3 Should countries treat illegal and legal immigrants differently? What are the boundaries that different treatment should be constrained to? 4 How should the children of migrant workers be treated under the law? What responsibilities do international governments have toward them in both the country of origin and the destination country? 5 What responsibilities do migrant workers have toward the communities they have left behind? How can the ties between these two groups be strengthened and used to further development? 6 How can governments do a better job of ensuring that migrant workers regardless of legal status have better access to health care services? 7 How can governments work to strengthen the relations between migrant populations and local populations that may harbor animosities against new immigrants?
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Role of the Committee The General Assembly was created in 1945 under the Charter of the United Nations and continues to provide a crucial forum for international negotiations and crisis resolution. All countries in the General Assembly have one vote. Many questions brought up in the UN are decided by a simple majority. The General Assembly does not have the power to make demands of other nations. Instead, it can only recommend certain actions, set non-binding standards and initiate research regarding any of the topics or issues covered by its mandate.81 Specifically, the SPECPOL Committee discusses and makes recommendations regarding a variety of topics related to peace including decolonization, refugees and human rights, peacekeeping, mine action, outer space, public information, atomic radiation and the University for Peace.82 All of the powers for recommending actions to the members of the General Assembly are present in the SPECPOL committee. Like the other committees of the General Assembly, the SPECPOL committee cannot make any agreements that are binding on any nation. Recently, the trend in the General Assembly has moved toward finding consensus rather than relying on a majority vote to determine the committee’s action. Finding consensus will help increase the effectiveness of UN actions without the need for force to make countries act according to decisions of the committee.
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Structure of the Committee This committee will function according to the delegate rules and procedures outlined in the Delegate Guide. We will not be making any deviations from the rules expressed in the Delegate Guide. SPECPOL is a General Assembly committee and as such is going to be quite large. We fully expect each of the delegates to conduct themselves in a reasonable and respectful manner that will help everyone have the best possible MUN experience. We will do our best to make sure that everyone is heard despite the size of the committee and look forward to the coming debate. Position papers are an important part of the MUN preparation process. If you would like to receive feedback on your position paper, please submit it not later than January 9th by 11:59pm EST. If you would like to be eligible for awards without receiving feedback, we need only receive your position paper by the beginning of the first committee session. Please submit all position papers electronically as one document containing both topics. Microsoft Word documents or PDFs are appreciated. Please send your position paper to both chairs in a document titled with your last name and country name. Do not include the committee name in the title of your document. We look forward to reading your position papers and hearing what you have to say in debate. If you have any questions regarding the topic, the nature of the committee, position papers or anything else that comes up before the conference please feel free to let either or both of us know. We will try our best to respond to emails promptly and with the most helpful information we can provide.
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Suggestions for Further Research! General CIA World Factbook – https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/ A good source for information about each of the world’s countries including information about the economic situation, languages spoken, ethnic distributions and more. A good start for obtaining information about your country including some of the basic information needed for gauging its motives and needs. Topic I: Election Monitoring United Nations Department of Political Affairs – Electoral Assitance Homepage http://www.un.org/wcm/content/site/undpa/main/issues/elections Here, you will find information on the UN’s election monitoring practices, including a list of all current and past operations conducted under the purview of the United Nations. Use this site as a springboard for further research into topics more specific to your country. National Democratic Institute – Election Monitoring Organizations http://www.ndi.org/election-monitoring-organizations A list of independent election monitoring organizations.
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Topic II: International Migration International Labor Organization – ilo.org The ILO is one of the primary organizations working for the benefit of migrant workers and helping to ensure that they receive equal rights. The organization has a large database of publications on migrant workers that delegates may find helpful as well as some basic background information on its website. International Organization for Migration - http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home.html Another organization dedicated to promoting the rights of migrant workers around the world. Also organizes a database of resources on various topics in human migration and provides some background information about its own efforts for migrant workers on its website.
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Please also make sure you are registered on the delegate forum, your advisors should provide you with a sign up ink. For the latest information, updates, topic guides and more, visit Yale Model United Nations online at: http://ymun.yira.org For the second year, YMUN will be offering a competitive essay competition. For the rules and guidelines visit: http://ymun.yira.org/essay-contest/ Interested in participating in a challenging new program for highly motivated and exceptional delegates? Apply for the Global Exchange Program at: http://ymun.yira.org/global-exchange/ Get connected and download the new Yale Model United Nations iPhone application: https://itunes.apple.com/tc/app/yale-model-unitednations/id721125366?mt=8 or search for Yale Model UN
Like Yale Model United Nations on Facebook and receive all the latest updates: https://www.facebook.com/yalemun
Stay up to date and follow Yale Model United Nations both before and during the conference: @YaleModelUN Find the latest pictures on Yale Model United Nations’s Instagram: ymun: http://instagram.com/ymun
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NOTES Photos Figure 1: UN Audiovisual Library of International Law Figure 2: University of Toronto Figure 3: National Democratic Institute Figure 4: National Democratic Institute Figure 5: WorldPublicOpinion.org Figure 6: California Digital Library Figure 7: FloridaMemory.com Figure 8 FloridaMemory.com Figure 9: PStalker.com Figure 10: Sheridan Group DC Figure 11: IVN.us Figure 12: Albite Law Group Figure 13: Saigon Echo Figure 14: USAToday.com
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UNCSW 42 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 21 "United Nations Department of Political Affairs - Elections in the Changing Arab World: UN Assistance." United Nations. http://www.un.org/wcm/content/site/undpa/main/enewsletter/news0212_elections (accessed August 18, 2013).! 22 "Presidential Election in Europe Final Report." The Carter Center. www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/peace_publications/election_reports/egypt-final-presidential-elections-2012.pdf (accessed August 18, 2013).! 23 "Egyptian army ousts Morsi, orders new elections." USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/07/03/egypt-morsiprotests-army-deadline/2485355/ (accessed August 18, 2013).! 24 Kelley, Judith Green. Monitoring democracy: when international election observation works, and why it often fails. 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UNCSW 43 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 46 Larson, Jacqueline Joudo. “Migration and People Trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 401 (2010): 1-6.! 47 Larson, Jacqueline Joudo. “Migration and People Trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 401 (2010): 1-6.! 48 Larson, Jacqueline Joudo. “Migration and People Trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 401 (2010): 1-6.! 49 Larson, Jacqueline Joudo. “Migration and People Trafficking in Southeast Asia.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 401 (2010): 1-6.! 50 Graham, Euan, “Transnational Crime in the Fishing Industry: Asia’s Problem?,” RSIS Commentaries, 25 April 2011, http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/Perspective/RSIS0622011.pdf, 2.! 51 Graham, Euan, “Transnational Crime in the Fishing Industry: Asia’s Problem?,” RSIS Commentaries, 25 April 2011, http://www.rsis.edu.sg/publications/Perspective/RSIS0622011.pdf, 2.! 52 Kloer, Amanda, “Is ASEAN Faling to Protect Asian Children,” 18 June 2010, http://news.change.org/stories/is-asean-failing-to-protectasian-children.! 53 Kloer, Amanda, “Is ASEAN Faling to Protect Asian Children,” 18 June 2010, http://news.change.org/stories/is-asean-failing-to-protectasian-children.! 54 FEINGOLD, DAVID, “THINK AGAIN: HUMAN TRAFFICKING,” FOREIGN POLICY, 30 AUGUST 2005, HTTP://WWW.FOREIGNPOLICY.COM/ARTICLES/2005/08/30/THINK_AGAIN_HUMAN_TRAFFICKING?PAGE=FULL .! 55 FEINGOLD, DAVID, “THINK AGAIN: HUMAN TRAFFICKING,” FOREIGN POLICY, 30 AUGUST 2005, HTTP://WWW.FOREIGNPOLICY.COM/ARTICLES/2005/08/30/THINK_AGAIN_HUMAN_TRAFFICKING?PAGE=FULL.! 56 Sreeharsha, Kavitha. "It's Human Trafficking Prevention Month, But Is Awareness Enough?" The Huffington Post. January 16, 2013. Accessed January 21, 2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kavitha-sreeharsha/human-trafficking-modern-slavery_b_2481901.html.! 57 "Social Audit." BusinessDictionary.com. Accessed September 01, 2013. http://www.businessdictionary.com/definition/social-audit.html.! 58 Sreeharsha, Kavitha. "It's Human Trafficking Prevention Month, But Is Awareness Enough?" The Huffington Post. January 16, 2013. Accessed January 21, 2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kavitha-sreeharsha/human-trafficking-modern-slavery_b_2481901.html.! 59 "Migration and Child Labour." Migration and Child Labour. International Labor Organization, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.ilo.org/ipec/areas/Migration_and_CL/lang--en/index.htm>.! 60 "Migration and Child Labour." Migration and Child Labour. International Labor Organization, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.ilo.org/ipec/areas/Migration_and_CL/lang--en/index.htm>.! 61 "Migration and Child Labour." Migration and Child Labour. International Labor Organization, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.ilo.org/ipec/areas/Migration_and_CL/lang--en/index.htm>.! 62 The Invisible Children of Migrant and Seasonal Farm Workers. Center for Early Care and Education. Fhi360, n.d. Web. <http://www.ece.aed.org/publications/nms/InvisibleChildren_2.18.09.pdf>.! 63 Chan, Aris. Paying the price for economic development: The children of migrant workers in China. Edited by Geoffrey Crothall. China Labour Bulletin, 2009.! 64 Chan, Aris. Paying the price for economic development: The children of migrant workers in China. Edited by Geoffrey Crothall. China Labour Bulletin, 2009.! 65 Chan, Aris. Paying the price for economic development: The children of migrant workers in China. Edited by Geoffrey Crothall. China Labour Bulletin, 2009.! 66Chan, Aris. Paying the price for economic development: The children of migrant workers in China. Edited by Geoffrey Crothall. China Labour Bulletin, 2009.! 67 "Migrant Workers: Their Right to Health Care." Migrant Workers: Their Right to Health Care. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 4 July 2013. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/Migrantworkerstheirrighttohealthcare.aspx>.! 68 http://phsj.org/files/Migrant%20and%20Seasonal%20Farm%20Worker%20Health/Migrant%20and%20Seasonal%20Farm%20Workers% 20-%20JHCPU.pdf! 69 Hansen, Eric, and Martin Donohoe. "Health issues of migrant and seasonal farmworkers." Journal of Health care for the Poor and Underserved 14, no. 2 (2003): 153-164.! 70 Wolffers, Ivan, Irene Fernandez, Sharuna Verghis, and Martijn Vink. "Sexual behaviour and vulnerability of migrant workers for HIV infection." Culture, health & sexuality 4, no. 4 (2002): 459-473.! 71 Hanson, Gordon, Kenneth Scheve, Matthew Slaughter, and Antonio Spilimbergo. "Immigration and the US economy: Labor-market impacts, illegal entry, and policy choices." Illegal Entry, and Policy Choices (May 2001) (2002).!
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UNCSW 44 !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 72 Massey, Douglas S., Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor. "An evaluation of international migration theory: the North American case." Population and development Review (1994): 699-751.! 73 Rosenblum, Marc R., and Kate Brick. "US immigration policy and Mexican/Central American migration flows: Then and now." Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute and Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, August. http://www. migrationpolicy. org/pubs/RMSG-regionalflows. pdf (2011).! 74 Rosenblum, Marc R., and Kate Brick. "US immigration policy and Mexican/Central American migration flows: Then and now." Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute and Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, August. http://www. migrationpolicy. org/pubs/RMSG-regionalflows. pdf (2011).! 75 "International Organization for Migration." Where We Work - Europe. International Organization for Migration, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/where-we-work/europa.html>.! 76 http://www.ilo.org/public/english/support/lib/resource/subject/migration.htm! 77 "International Organization for Migration." Where We Work – Asia and the Pacific. International Organization for Migration, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.iom.int/cms/en/sites/iom/home/where-we-work/europa.html>.! 78 "International Organization for Migration." Where We Work – Asia and the Pacific. International Organization for Migration, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013.! 79 "International Organization for Migration." Where We Work – The Americas. International Organization for Migration, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013.! 80 "International Organization for Migration." Where We Work – Africa and the Middle East. International Organization for Migration, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013.! 81 "United Nations, Main Body, Main Organs, General Assembly." UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.un.org/en/ga/about/background.shtml>.! 82 "United Nations, Main Body, Main Organs, General Assembly." UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 08 Aug. 2013. <http://www.un.org/en/ga/fourth/index.shtml>.!
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