New Guard April 1962

^/^ N E W G U A R D

THE M A G A Z I N E

OF YOUNG

AMERICANS

FOR

FREEDOM

APRIL

1962

•

25

CENTS

The Rally Heard 'Round the World

The Capital

Victory, Red Herrings and ^Stinkers' by

Lee

Edwards

Neither scornful editorials by unfriendly papers nor stubborn assurances by a nettled Administration have dissuaded the Senate Armed Services Subcommittee from continuing its investigation of the most important question of our time: Is the United States pursuing a policy of victory in the Cold War? When the subcommittee opened its hearings in mid-January, its assignment was to probe the "cold war policies" of the Pentagon. The inquiry was precipitated by charges from Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina that military leaders—generals, admirals and officers of lesser rank—had been prevented by defense and State Department censorship from voicing forceful opposition to the Communists and calling for victory.

The investigation quickly established that stringent censorship of anti-Communist phrases by military leaders had been practiced extensively. Example: numerous speeches

by Lt. General Arthur Trudeau in 1961 were edited so that phrases like "Fabian Socialists," "to outperform the Reds," and "the Communist conspiracy directed toward absolute, universal domination of the world," were deleted.

Secretary Stahr M u z z l e d

Even a speech by Secretary of the Army Elvis Stahr was modified when a State Department censor deleted the phrase, "and extend freedom," explaining that it "implies military liberation."

After copious documentation of this procedure, the subcommittee faced this question: "Was such censorship established as originating mainly in the State Department in accord with national policy or was it due to the personal prejudices of individual censors in the State Department?"

Here the subcommittee was stopped by the White House. President Kennedy, as is his right, invoked "executive privilege" and ordered individual 2

censors not to submit to congressional questioning. He and other officials in State and Defense asserted that the censors did act in accord with national policy but that the "public interest" forbade any interrogation of the men involved.

This presidential edict followed urgings by former President Dwight Eisenhower and Admiral Arleigh Burke, recently retired chief of naval operations, to tell "the stark truth about communism" so that "our citizenry and other peoples appreciate the blessings of liberty." Said Eisenhower in a prepared statement: " I suspect that the Reds would be delighted if we should prevent the military from spreading the truth about communist imperialism."

Next, the subcommittee took up the question of just what is the present foreign policy of the United States.

Countless questions were asked of administration spokesmen. The inquiry began ranging farther afield, extending even into the Congo and the Far East.

But beyond repeated assurances that firm resistance to communist aggression remained official American policy, few specifics were offered.

One clue to our foreign policy may have been given when a State Department censor repeatedly crossed out the word, "war," in an officer s submitted speech and finally scribbled in the margin, "War is a dirty word."

Senator Thurmond commented that the censors were apparently swayed by two major sentiments: (1) Disbelief in the conspiratorial nature of world communism, and (2) confidence that the Soviet Union will change or mellow into a non-aggressive and peaceful socialist state.

M a r i n e Quiz

About this time, a large red herring was thrown into the investigative pot.

Senator Wayne Morse denounced the questioning of a group of Marines by Senate investigators as "gestapo procedure." Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (a former Marine) added that he was "shocked and astonished"

at what he deemed an affront to the loyalty of the Corps and its commandant.

The carefully circulated rumor was that the Marines were quizzed behind "locked doors" and were forced to answer questions casting doubt upon their patriotism. The carefully disregarded fact was that 48-hour notice had been given the Marine Corps about the proposed interrogation and that it was conducted with the cooperation of Marine officers. There was no "coercion" behind locked doors and the Marines found it an interesting experience although they termed some of the questions too technical (as they were supposed to be).

Temporarily dropping the censorship program, while the State Department prepared a written "explanation" of specific deletions of anti-Communist phrases, the subcommittee centered its attention on troop training programs.

Was the American soldier being taught why he was in uniform?

A preliminary survey indicated that at least 500,000 American soldiers are deficient in knowledge not only of the evils of communism but of the benefits they enjoy in a free society.

Mayer and M a r s h a l l Clash

At this point, the hearings broadened to include evidence on character defects in the young American male as compared with his counterpart a few years ago. Controversy developed between Lt. Colonel William E. Mayer and Brig. General S. L. A. Marshall, familiar with studies of American troops in the last decade, but both agreed that the character of young (Continued on page 11) THE N E W

GUARD

Heroes Are Everywhere And now, on top of everything else, we have been accused of being nudists. Yes, i n a recent column Ralph M c G i l l stated, and we quote: "Perhaps the most pathetic and psychologically naked young men i n America are the so-called conservative Young Americans for Freedom i n New York." M r . M c G i l l based this outlandish conclusion on the fact that YAF invited President Moise Tshombe to our recent rally i n New York City. Explained the columnist: "They are psychologically naked because they confess, by their dilemma, that i n their own country they do not have a hero."

W e suppose that being a busy man, M r . M c G i l l does not have the time to check out all the facts before writing his column, but even the most casual glance at any advertisement about the rally would have shown that there are many Americans whom we consider to be heroes and who were present at the Madison Square Garden meeting, including Senators Goldwater, Tower and Thurmond, Messrs. Edison, Weaver, von Mises, Dos Passes, Liebman, Evans, Milliken and Bozell. However, we do not apologize for inviting an African to our rally, for YAF is interested i n the cause of freedom for all men, regardless of race, creed, color or religion.

But M r . M c G i l l was not content to impugn the patriotism of Young Americans for Freedom indirectly but went on to state that the Garden "has seen many weird rallies," including ones held by "Fritz Kuhn of the U.S. German B u n d " i n "Hitler s days." M r . M c G i l l

THE NEW GUARD The

Magazine

of

Young

APRD., 1 9 6 2

Americans

for

Freedom,

V O L . I I , No.

•

Inc.

4

Table of Contents ARTICLES •Sincerely, Nikita Khrushchev'

8

Private Enterprise a n d the A r a b - I s r a e l i

Conflict

Jerry Un-Americans Abroad The U n d e r g r o u n d C o n s e r v a t i v e

R. F o r e m a n

9

Jim Tuck

10

Fred R. B a c h m a n n

14

DEPARTMENTS The C a p i t a l - - - -

Lee E d w a r d s

Books

-

YAFtivities

-

13

Letters

18

SPECIAL

FEATURES

The Rally a t M a d i s o n Square G a r d e n Rally Sponsors a n d Patrons APRIL

2 15

1962

(pictures)

6 12

remarks, " I t is odd how many uses are made of the word freedom."

We w i l l add: i t is odd, and sad, how many misuses are made of freedom, especially the freedom of the press.

Battle Against Poverty I n Washington last month, a new work for guitar and voice was performed by its composer, Assistant Food for Peace Director Jimmie Symington, son of the Missouri Senator. I t had nothing to do w i t h Jackie's culture campaign. *A-pickin' and *A-singin' his original "Alianza para el Progreso," young Symington was setting the folksy mood for what President Kennedy had to say to an assembly of 1 2 5 Latin American diplomats in the State D i n i n g Room of the White House.

On the first anniversary of the inauguration of his ambitious "Alliance for Progress," the 10-year plan for wiping out poverty and illiteracy i n Latin America, the President was rather hard on his distinguished listeners.

Although he pledged his confidence i n the panel of nine "experts" appointed by the Organization of American States to oversee the use of the $ 2 0 billion promised by the U.S., the President nonetheless insisted that our neighbors to the South must "help themselves," i f American aid were to attain its goal. The two main reforms—taxation of hitherto untouched wealthy minorities and the redistribution of land—have begun slowly and painfully in a few countries.

But the President and his planners have become impatient w i t h the snail's pace at which the "Alliance" is creeping forward. Judged by the most pessimistic

Editor: Lee Edwards Managing Editor: Carol D. Bauman Book Editor: Robert Ritchie Contributing Editors: Kenneth E. Thompson, William M .

Schulz, Allan Ryskind, Antoni E. GoUan, Robert M .

Thornton Art Editor: Denis Larkin Circulation Manager: C. Alexander Jerome

•

The New Guard is published by Young Americans for Freedom, Inc. in Washington, D. C. Copyright 1 9 6 2 in the U.S.A. by Young Americans for Freedom, Inc. All subscription orders, changes of address and undeliverable copies should be sent to: THE NEW GUARD 79 Madison Ave., New York 16, N . Y. Telephone: Murray Hill 5-0190 All manuscripts, cartoons, and letters should be sent to: THE NEW GUARD, P.O. Box 1 7 3 1 , Washington 13, D. C. Telepone: Lincoln 7-0406.

Rates: $ 3 a year. The editors welcome unsolicited manuscripts but request the enclosure of a self-addressed return envelope. Opinions expressed in signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the editors.

of standards, the project has been a near flop. I n fact it has never really gotten underway. Notwithstanding this failure, the President has promoted Richard Goodwin, the 30-year-old Harvard grad who wrote the original "Alliance" speech, to the task of main overseer of the project. Goodwin had never set foot i n Latin America before he wrote the magnificent speech.

Since he falls roughly within our own age group, we see no disrespect in giving him some advice. Failures of foreign aid are everywhere around us, and seldom has i t succeeded in stemming the tide of Communism— specifically in Laos, and neither does i t succeed in gaining allies for the West—specifically in India. I n short, we know that money alone w i l l not stop Communism, improve the lot of the masses over a long period, nor encourage the establishment of democracy.

Yet that is what the President expects from his program. Moreover, we cannot expect that long established patterns of living and governing w i l l change overnight in Latin America. I t is well to remember that the panel of "nine wise men" directing the "Alliance" funds includes only one American. I t is not likely that he w i l l be able to convince the other eight that aid should be suspended if certain countries fail to follow President Kennedy's advice on domestic policies.

Progress has been made i n many Latin American countries—progress more often than not spurred by private American investment i n local industry. The "Alliance," however, w i l l discourage this by concentrating on the so-called "public sector" of the economy, and by forcing the establishment of more bureaucratic institutions to drain funds into non-productive governmental projects. American investment has already fallen from $540 million in 1959 to $90 million in 1961.

Free market economy and individual initiative may seem like hackneyed terms, but their rewards were what brought prosperity to this country, and we believe that they could work the same miracles in the poorer countries of this hemisphere. Many of them are rich in resources and labor, waiting to be put to work for the well-being of their citizens. Pouring American dollars into their governments w i t h instructions to "redistribute" the wealth w i l l never succeed in giving individuals a permanent better life.

. . . And the Retreat Castro is back on the scene and, a little apologetically, has substituted the doctrinaire "Marxist spirit" for meat and vegetables in an effort to sustain the fervor of Cuban "revolution."

Blaming Cuba's economic plight on the U.S. embargo, Castro has attempted to stir up new revolutionary spirit by promising that Communism w i l l occur i n Cuba in about "30 years." He must have disappointed even the blindest followers by imposing strict rations of meat, fish, rice, soap and milk. "Even under the despot Batista," many Cubans must be thinking, "we could always buy what we needed." While many of their relatives have fled the island for the shelter of Miami, the remaining Cubans are now experiencing the fruits of a painful transition from the abundance of freedom to the poverty of slavery.

The plight of our Cuban neighbors, however, does not dampen hopes for the success of President Kennedy's "Alliance for Progress." I t seems easier to forget the failure of last year's invasion attempt and concentrate instead on the battle to appropriate more and more money to other Latin American countries. H o w ironic that the same President who has admitted responsibility for the failure of the Cuban invasion attempt should question the anti-communist dedication of those who w i l l oppose the massive foreign aid proposals he has recently submitted to Congress. " I t is odd," he said at his press conference, "that those who oppose these programs (foreign aid) are the same ones to make the most Anti-Communist speeches in Congress."

I t is odd, we think, that he who wants to give away billions of American dollars to "save Latin America from Communism," should ignore Castro and promise aid to Marxist Cheddi Jagan.

It's Now or Never When President Kennedy stepped up the flow of American men, equipment, and military talent to help in the fight against Communist guerrillas in South Viet Nam, he made a wise, though we hope not belated, move.

Mr. Kennedy's action last February of creating the military command in South Viet Nam headed by General Paul D . Harkins marked a new, significant shift from the somewhat spineless, lackadaisical position A

THE NEW

GUARD

which the United States had maintained i n Southeast Asia.

U n t i l February American personnel had been confined primarily to training and supplying South Viet Namese forces. Now the stage is set for their greater participation in the actual planning and carrying out of military missions.

As the United States plunges deeper and deeper into the undeclared war i n Southeast Asia, for once i t is matching its promises w i t h participation. As Robert S. McNamara, Secretary of Defense, puts i t : " I think our mission i n South Viet Nam is very clear. W e are there at the request of the South Viet Namese government to provide training."

Nearly 4,000 U.S. military men are in support of the South Viet Namese struggles against the Viet Cong (the Communist insurgents). The United States is committed to help the South Viet Namese w i n their struggle.

The United States is involved, not only because it wants to stop communism i n Viet Nam, but also because a Communist victory there w i l l immeasurably boost the Reds' chances throughout Southeast Asia. Attempts to stop the Communists i n Laos have been less than successful, i n part because the United States has helped b u i l d up leftist "neutralist" Souvanna Phouma instead of throwing its full weight behind rightist, anti-communist Prince Boun Oum. Rather we have held out for a coalition government w i t h Souphanouvong, leader of the Communist-dominated Pathet Lao rebel forces.

Moreover, geographical handicaps i n Laos make concerted action against Communist infiltration exceedingly difiicult.

Why is Viet Nam important? W h y should the United States be involved i n the former French colony?

First, there is the Malayan Peninsula, which includes all of Malaya and part of Thailand. This is Asia's link w i t h Indonesia and the East Indies.

Second, there is the Indo-Chinese Peninsula which includes the remainder of Thailand and the nations of North and South Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, the latter four of which were carved out of the former French colony of Indo-China in 1954, following the end of the bloody French-Indo-Chinese war.

What does this quick geography lesson prove? Just this: — I f the Communists w i n South Viet Nam, Laos w i l l fall, and the rest of Southeast Asia w i t h it, and the Soviets w i l l have a direct route from Berlin to Singapore.

— Should they succeed i n this, the Communists w i l l have little difficulty i n taking so-called neutralist Indonesia and India.

— The Communists know the significance of this war.

Laos and South Viet Nam are their main targets. That is why they have increased their forces more than threefold i n their full-scale offensive i n Southeast Asia.

The Communists must be stopped. Ngo D i n h Diem needs our full-scale help. There is no alternative.

APRIL

1962

THIS MONTH Recently our spies filched a note in the Kremlin, and when the microfilm reached us last month, we rubbed our eyes Red with amazement. I t was a letter from Red Party boss Khrushchev to the U.S. CP. chief, Gus Hall, about the sad state of things in imperialistic, war-mongering America, particularly about those beastly young things called YAFers. On page 8. ^

Un-Americans, the un-couthest of the boobi amercan% are not in far-off places like Monte Carlo or Nice or Paris. They're everywhere—even right next door in Mexico. Jim Tuck, our Mexico correspondent, tells how those of the disheveled set have caught the Mexican public's fancy, and how they are being emulated. On page 10.

^

On March 7, 18,000 conservatives packed Madison Square Garden for the phenomenon of this decade—a "Conservative Rally for World Liberation from Communism." Pictures on pages 6 and 7.

Names of sponsors of the rally which were received too late to be printed in the special Rally issue of the N E W GUARD appear on page 12.

Our cover is again by Denis Larkin. Gael Pendleton contributed several sketches.

^

Business and Bureaucracy Recent articles i n the Wall Street Journal on "The New Bosses" point up a very important fact: namely, that business, unlike bureaucracy, w i l l in time repair its own house. Business must eventually reform itself unless it enjoys a government privilege that enables it to avoid the consequences that come to those who fail in a profit and loss economy.

The subjects of the Journal articles were invited into their present positions to put the various companies back to operating on an efficient, profitable basis. This required drastic cuts in personnel and costs. Employees from janitors to vice-presidents were sent on their way if they d i d not produce. Little empires within the great companies were tumbled to earth. I t was bitter medicine but entirely necessary if the businesses were to survive. They had grown fat and lazy over the years; instead of competing they had been content to slide along under the momentum built up i n lean years.

Unfortunately, such reform does not take place i n a bureaucracy—you could probably say i t can not take place. Bureaucrats become so entrenched that nothing short of dynamite can dislodge them—dynamite i n the form of a dictator who wields the power of life and death and by exercising i t can destroy the bureaucracy.

Business must pay a penalty for its failures. Bureaucracy, on the other hand, can always reach in the public t i l l to bail itself out and thus postpone the day of judgment. I t w i l l come, of course, but w i t h such a resounding crash that everyone w i l l suffer.

5

Next year—^Yankee

" A n d A h s a y to y e w . .

Stadium!

—Senator

Tower

ommunidm was the theme of YAF's 1962

^ ^ ^

rally,

i t was

stressed in nearly every speech, from Brent BozelFs plea for a reassertion of Western principles to Barry Goldwater's emphasis on the will to win. Strom Thurmond characterized this Administration's strategy as a "no win" policy, and called for a full examination of it by every American—so that they may decide whether they wish to continue this policy.

W h i l e the liberal c o u n t e r - r a l l y played to a

^ ^ ^ " I d o n ' t w i s h to m a k e light of this. G o v e r n o r , but Y A F insists o n M c G r a w - E d i s o n p r o d u c t s . "

" W e ' l l t a k e M a n h a t t a n , the Bronx, a n d Staten I s l a n d , too . . . "

half empty house—2,000 lost souls in St. Nick's arena—a few hundred hardy pickets marched around the Garden: The Student A.D.A., the Young Peoples' Socialist League, the American Nazi Party, the Communist Party—go over that list again. Inside, 18,000 cheering conservatives unleashed a show of strength which dumbfounded every brave Newfrontiersman.

Strom T h u r m o n d — t h e crow< s a n g " D i x i e " in M a n h a t t a n

From t h e H e a r t l a n d of A m e r i c a — M . S t a n t o n E v a n s , I n d i a n a p o l i s N e w s Editor, a n d H o n . D o n B r u c e , I n d i a n a p o l i s ' C o n g r e s s m a n

" V i c t o r y in the Cold W a r

de-

mands that we recognize that we are in a deadly, life-anddeath struggle with the worldwide Communist movement as such. We must know this movement for what it is—a destructive, irrational, totalitarian force which seeks the eradication of freedom in any shape or variety.

Our objective must be the destruction of the enemy as an ideological force possessing the means of power. Our purpose must be the worldwide defense of human society against a nihilistic force. Where the Communists seek to destroy the live tissues of social order, we must seek to destroy the decomposing virus. And our effort calls for a basic commitment in the name of victory which says we will never reconcile ourselves to the Communists' possession of power of any kind in any part of the world."

— B a r r y Goldwater at the Y A F rally Xonservatives'

Choice . . ."

Senator

Need

Photographs

"A

loyal

f r i e n d of Y A F " — M a r v i n

more b e

by James

Barry M. G o l d w a t e r

of

Arizona

said?

Demetropoulos

Liebman

"To the C o m m a n d e r "Tear d o w n The

in B e r l i n : Wall;

'*To our chief of mission in the C o n g o : "Change There's one

in e v e r y

crowd

Sides."

—Brent

Bozell

An Open Letter

'Sincerely, Nikita Khrushchev' (Another journalistic first for the N E W GUARD: through our counter-revolutionary sources, we obtained a copy of a recent letter from Premier Nikita Khrushchev to Communist Party leader Gus Hall which we reprint below.)

"Mr. Gus Hall General Secretary Communist Party, U.S.A. New York, N.Y. "Dear Comrade: "Greetings and salutations to a firm defender of the principle of self-determination for all peoples and an outstanding advocate of the dictatorship of the proletariat. How goes the revolution in the rotten, decadent nucleus of the West? I have been reading the reports of our various spies, informants, Party members, fellow ti'avelers and diplomats and they are most encouraging when one considers how incredibly self-deluded Americans are.

They look about them at their cars, their televisions, their houses, their super-markets, their factories, their missiles, their armies, their newspapers, their Congress, and they actually believe they are strong, happy and free! Oh, what a grand illusion. Don't they realize they will never be truly free until they eliminate the greedy grasping capitalists who seek profits and not an equitable distribution of wealth? However, we must not allow ourselves to become discouraged, comrade; it is essential to keep working toward the final, ultimate and triumphal victory.

"Here in the birthplace of communism all goes well. Industrial production is up several percentage points and would be even higher if there were enough to eat. Unfortunately, our revolutionary farms are revolting against producing more grain and hogs. It is possible we may have to implement the Incentive Program which was started a few years ago, but only temporarily.

"Our recent nuclear tests were most useful to us in obtaining an estimate of the respective strengths of the U.S.S.R. and the U.S. I can report 8

that the series of tests last year catapulted us far ahead of our previous position until now we have almost half as many nuclear bombs as the U.S. It is important, obviously, that the U.S. not resume testing, and I urge you to continue supporting to the utmost all peace and ban the bomb movements. You are fortimate to find so much naivete in so highly developed a society.

"Mao wrote me the other day. He is on that beef steak diet again. He was cordial as always and deeply regretted that conditions were such in the Chinese People's Republic that he could not invite me to visit him— something about too many flowers blooming. It may be that he is eating too much meat for he waxed quite belligerently about Albania and the correctness of its position, which you and I know to be deviationist and Stalinist. As if I didn't have enough problems with Molotov and Suslov and the rest of the Central Committee.

Comrade, you can't imagine Wi at a burden it is to be the leader of the world's strongest Republic (and I intend to keep it that way). " I am also pleased to tell you that Yuri is feeling much better now and the psychiatrist says that after another year or two of analysis he should be able to control his acrophobia.

"But let us now discuss the work of the Party in the U.S.A. I am gratified by your efforts to try to abolish the infamous House Committee on UnAmerican Activities, which is doing so much to delay the socialist revolution in the U.S. It is hard work, certainly, but the recent vote of the U.S. National Student Association is most encouraging. Tell Burton we appreciate all he is doing. As for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, it got off to a splendid start but understandably has had rough going of late. Don't worry about this. In a few more months, we will have things arranged in Cuba so that what Fidel does or does not do won't matter. " I am quite excited about the success of the various youth groups in the United States — the newspaper, New

Horizons for Youth, the student fronts like the New York City Advance (not, of course, the magazine of the same name which I understand is being published by some young Rockefeller imperialists somewhere in Massachusetts) and so forth.

"However, this recent rally in New York City seems incredible. Is it true there were 18,000 conservatives there? And that the theme of the meeting was 'World Liberation From Communism'? And that such ultra-right war-mongers as Goldwater, Tower, Thurmond, Edison, Sokolsky, Lyons and others whipped the audience into a frightening frenzy? And that the counter-rally only drew about 2000 people? And that you picketed along with that fascist, rascist, Hitlerite group—the American Nazi Party? And that the New York Times carried a photograph of this reactionary rally on its front page? And that the Washington Post did not write a condemnatory editorial? And that Goldwater dared to call for a victory policy in the Cold War? "Comrade, I need not point but to you the serious nature of such a meeting and its theme as well as the danger to all of us if such patriotism and fervor should spread across the United States. Frankly, I can think of no more important project than to destroy by every means possible this Young Americans for Freedom (what a curious title—have we ever used it?).

"Believe me, comrade, when I say that young people have to be led firmly and continuously. Only recently here in Sebastopol, at the funeral of a young school teacher, thousands of youths visited her grave in an open protest against the Party which had been obliged to discipline the young teacher, who chose to take her own (Continued on page 11) THE N E W

GUARD

Private Enterprise and the Arab-Israeli Conflict

by JERRY R. FOREMAN

I t is interesting to note that after 13 years of living w i t h a subsidized economy, Israel has shifted to an emphasis on private enterprise.

David Crohn, vicepresident of the Palestine Economic Corporation, stated i n New York last November, "Private enterpriseâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;this is what w i l l develop Israel."

Most Middle East States have braced socialism, but this has improved the condition of their ples. Jerry Foreman makes his appearance.

emnot peofirst

Those who have been following the developments of the ''cold war" between Israel and the Arab states can perceive this attitude could have a significant effect on the final outcome of this antagonism.

As we know, presently, the Arab states, as well as Israel, are bogged down i n a socialistic economy, which is kept alive only by their intense nationalistic admirations. To what extent the Arabs or Israel have reached their socialistic ''utopia" has not been of much concern i n the U.S. To date i t has been the objective of our foreign policy i n this area to i n sure that these newly independent nations do not f a l l into the International Communist orbit, w i t h out much concern over how far they have developed a national "communist" system of their own.

However, being a Muslim, the events i n the homeland of my religion take a more immediate i n terest, as I weep for my "brothers" who i n their distasteful state of animosity, have been swept away by the clamor of ambitious politicians.

The Arab-Israeli conflict arises f r o m the fact that a million Arabs were deprived of their ancestral home i n Palestine when Israel was created by a United Nations vote in 1948. However, i t is completely without substance to believe that once the Arabs have reclaimed their homes and property that they APRIL

1962

w i l l be well on their way to material prosperity. The present unhappy condition of the Asian and A f r i c a n people is deep rooted, and needless to say, volumes have been devoted to the decline and f a l l of Arab civilization.

American Muslims greet w i t h approval the book, Communism and Democracy, written by Hazrat Mirza I I , our spiritual leader and a Pakistani national. He bluntly states, "We are ourselves largely to blame for this state of affairs and the remedy lies to a great degree in our own hands. . . . I am firmly of the view that a friendly understanding between the West and the countries of the East is not only possible but is essential for the preservation of freedom and the restoration of moral and spiritual values.

"No friendly understanding is possible w i t h Communism, as the very basis of Communism is world domination through the destruction of religion, f a i t h and all moral and spiritual values and complete subordination of mankind to the doctrines and ideology preached

by Engels and Marx. . . . we cannot be deceived by the apparent shifts i n the policy and practice of Communist countries.

Their objective remains firm and unaltered."

I am confident that once the people of Asia and A f r i c a take to heart the words of Hazrat Mirza I I , they w i l l see that they cannot continue to blame the Western "imperialist" for the sad state of affairs that they are faced w i t h i n their homeland. For although most of the nations of Asia and A f r i c a have won their independence from Western political control, there has been no significant change i n the standard of living of any of these countries, except for those few who have permitted the Western "capitalist" to remain behind and cooperate w i t h the nationals i n their economic development.

I f Israel keeps its pledge to set its economy free from the strings of government bureaucrats, the

incentive for private business to homestead i n Israel w i l l be abundant. No one can deny that Israel has a population of assiduous people, w i l l i n g to earn their daily bread. Whether Israel has a right to exist in the heart of the Arab homeland w i l l continue to be debated, but the Arabs must face the reality of its presence and then be w i l l i n g to do what is necessary to secure their rights i n this area. The Arabs cannot hope to compete w i t h Israel, or even protect themselves from a people armed w i t h a dynamic and industrious economy.

As the promises of Nasser and Kassim continue to remain oiily promises, and the economic conditions of the Arab states continue to move into a state of virulence, the Arabs w i l l have to take stock of that economic system which they have embraced i n order to reach their place i n the sun.

Many considered the "liberat i o n " of Syria from the socialistic

"utopia" of President Nasser as a good "omen" for private enterprise i n Asia and A f r i c a . Whether the Arabs are ready to denounce the false "prophets" of the neoteric economics, and return to the concept of private property and international trade as the basis for any social order, I cannot say.

But i t is apparent that unless the Arabs start to put their house i n order there w i l l be an ever i n creasing threat from the economic and scientifically superior Israel.

9

<4 Mexican Portrait

Un-Americans By

J I M TUCK

These reflections are based on observation of American colonists—not tourists—in the four localities most favored by our residents in Mexico: Acapulco, Puerto Vallarta, San Miguel Allende, and the island of Cozumel.

Well, what can be said? Do we have here a Quiet American, an Ugly American, or yet another category of that seemingly limitless species? The dominant impression that emerges is that Mexico's gallery of Americans contains not one portrait but two and for purposes of this article I will arbitrarily designate these highly dissimilar groups as "Americans" and "UnAmericans."

The "Americans," unhappily a minority of about 20%, are people in Mexico for a serious purpose—resident businessmen, missionaries, doctors, retired folk, and writers and painters who work at their jobs, as opposed to the sickening gaggle of "artistic" riffraff — "writers" who don't write and "painters" who don't paint—particularly prevalent in San Miguel Allende.

In spite of occupational differences, the "Americans" combine common characteristics of patriotism, dignity, self-respect and respect for customs of their host country, and—almost universally — a good fluent knowledge of Spanish.

And the remaining four fifths? Unequivocally, they are a disaster — to America, to Mexico, and to all efforts to improve relations between the sister Republics. The "Un-Americans" can be roughly subdivided into four distinct but by no means mutually exclusive groups — beatniks, remittance men (and women), homosexuals, and "pohticals," i.e., self-exiled Communists and fellow travelers who migrated to Mexico in the early 50's as refugees from "McCarthyism."

In sharp contrast to their creditable compatriots, the "Un-Americans" combine a near total ignorance of Spanish with an expatriate fervor that makes 10

Abroad

Lost Generation cafe delinquents of the 20's look like flagwaving superpatriots. Common to almost all "UnAmericans" is an idee fixe that North Americans can do no right and Latin Americans can do no wrong. This feeling — bolstered by a monumental inferiority complex based on their personal inadequacies—sets in operation a mental mechanism that justifies and even exalts every Mexican shortcoming. Let a maid be perpetually late for work, she is a free spirit, refusing to kowtow to petty routine; let a store or restaurant outrageously pad bills, who says there are no Yankee traders south of the border? And so on, ad nauseam.

This masochistic humility persists even on occasions where "Un-Americans" find themselves not only cheated in minor ways but beaten, robbed at knife point, and blackmailed; like the lover who refuses to acknowledge rejection, their admiration for Latin America's "non-materialistic" civilization continues undimmed in the face of all slights, insults, and provocations.

The arrogant chauvinist who chuckled patronizingly at "those poor old foreign countries" died in the pages of Sinclair Lewis; the "Un-American" is, par excellence, the Apologetic American, who reserves all his scorn for fellow countrymen.

My own most memorable experience with one of these inverted jingos took place about three years ago on the island of Cozumel. I was new to Mexico at the time and after several racking bouts with the turista disease I ventured a few timid criticisms of Mexican cooking. I had the misfortune of making these comments in the presence of one of the island's American residents, a grim though youthful harpy from New York, and she turned on me with the fury of a wounded cobra. ("What do you expect. Pavilion service?" My meek rejoinder was that I had no loftier ambition than to be able to get through one day without clutching my stomach and making the usual undignified series of dashes for comfort.)

Today my criticisms are no longer timid and I can unflinchingly state

that native Mexican cooking is among the world's worst. True, certain American clubwomen's salads — featuring anchovies in whipped cream and crowned with a maraschino cherrywould make Escoffier spin in his grave but at least we have never gone to the extent of smearing mole sauce (a stomach-churning concoction of which the principal ingredinet is chocolate!) over chicken or turkey.

One of the most classic statements reflecting the mentality of the Apologetic American appeared in an article in the August, 1961, issue of Harpers, entfled "Our National Talent for Offending People." The author, a Mr. D. H . Radler who makes his home in Honduras, tilts a bold lance at-among other things—what he considers our "hysterical" preoccupation with cleanliness. To set things in proper perspective, it would be a boorish Babbitt indeed who indiscriminately sneered at all Latin Americans as "dirty"; considering their primitive facilities, many poor Mexicans —and Hondurans —do marvelously well at keeping clean and there is no reason to believe that they have any more innate aversion to soap and water than we do.

Another unpleasant aspect of the "Un-American" presence is the strong gravitational pull our undesirables exercise on their Mexican opposite numbers. Our beatniks attract their beatniks; the remittance men, generally too lazy to do anything but reach for a bottle, find themselves surrounded and bled white by a scroungy crew of hangers-on; the homosexuals draw in the usual quota of "trade," and the expatriate Communists make common cause with Mexico's noisy, pseudointellectual, Castro-Cardenas claque.

A final observation. We have mentioned that these soundings were taken in four areas that yield to few in the world for natural beauty: the enchanted jungle island of Cozumel, the picture postcard mountain village of San Miguel Allende, and the breathtakingly scenic ports of Puerto Vallarta and Acapulco. And it is a melancholy fact that as long as these natureblessed localities continue as havens for scruffy beatniks, seedy remittance men, sex deviates, refugee traitors, and their Mexican counterparts, then they wfll in vivid reality remain places "where every prospect pleases and only man is vile."

THE N E W

GUARD

VICTORY (Continued from page 2) Americans is formed in homes, schools and churches before he enters military service and that the Army has a difficult task inculcating willingness to fight for what one believes in a male who has failed to develop self-reliance and initiative in his earlier development.

The question was posed: why did 30% of the 7,000 American soldiers captured in the Korean War passively accept Chinese Communist control and "collaborate" to the extent of engaging in Red propaganda or informing on their fellow soldiers?

General Marshall opined that this was not significant and that 30% of the human race are "stinkers" under adversity.

Colonel Mayer depicted a society, disrupted by depressions, and wars, and the growth of "welfare state" programs, in which the government assumed responsibihty for every citizen's health, security and comfort, as the answer.

The result, said the colonel, is that a substantial proportion of young Americans are like "overprotected" children, impotent or unwilling to deal with daily problems. They regard themselves as exempt from the duties and labors which are a part of life.

Next on the subcommittee's agenda is to be the issue of whether military men should participate in public or civilian seminars. During this phase the controversial ex-Major General Edwin A. Walker is certain to testify as are other individuals of the socalled Radical Right.

It is probable that not even Senator Thurmond knew before hand just how far-ranging or how vital the subcommittee's investigation would become as it probes the very heart and soul of the United States. More red herrings, more ridicule, more executive privilege are certain to follow, but the hearings will proceed in their attempt to find the answer to the question: do we want to win and if we don't, why not?

SINCERELY, NIKITA (Continued from page 8) life rather than submit to discipline.

I have even heard of an illicit organization called Young Russians for Freedom, which I am told has more than a hundred chapters throughout the Soviet Union with a membership running into several thousand.

"We are, of course, taking appropriate steps to 'disorganize' this group and I want you to make similar efforts in the U.S. against these Young Americans and any other group which resists the glorious and certain revolution of the proletariat.

"Yours for world communism, Sincerely, Nikita Khrushchev "P.S. Will you please ask Col. Glenn to autograph the enclosed rocket model for my grandson, Igor?

Thanks.

NK."

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George K . Boggs Hollywood, California Mrs. Leo Brady Baltimore, Md. E a r l J . Brennan Dallas, Texas Mr. & Mrs. C . A. Bruce Jr. Tigard, Oregon Ernest J . Buckles Middletown, Ohio Thomas C. B u r n h a m Miami, Florida John A. Carter Los Angeles, Calif ornia Dean P. Cary Troy, Ohio Mrs. Harold B . Chait Baltimore, Md. Pauline Chestnut Brooklyn, New Y o r k R. F . Connor Dayton, Ohio Lammat Copeland Jr. Hillsborough, California Mr. & Mrs. Douglas Coppin Los Angeles 49, California Catalina De Andres New Y o r k , New Y o r k Mrs. L . K . Dierce Westfield, N. J .

12

Mrs. James M. Dignon New Y o r k , New Y o r k George A. Doyle Manhasset, New Y o r k Dr. James H . F o r d Downey, California Captain E . Friedrick San Diego, California Dr. B . A. Gar side New Y o r k , New Y o r k Dr. John P. Ghigleri Spokane, Washington Mrs. Tatiana Gidaspow Brooklyn, New Y o r k Benjamin D . Gilbert New Y o r k , N . Y .

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Mrs. Mary Hesson Laurelton, New Y o r k Ralph Horween Keswick, V a .

Henry Hottinger New Y o r k , N . Y .

James H . Huddleson Portland, Oregon John E . Johnson Brooklyn, New Y o r k Mrs. A. Kohlberg New Y o r k , N. Y .

Mrs. Ernest K r a m e r Greenwich, Conn.

A. E . Larson Lusk, Wyoming Long Island Engraving College Point, New Y o r k L . Lorenson Newport Beach, California Dr. John Barlow Lovell Philadelphia, Pa. Malcolm P. McNair Cambridge, Mass.

C. H . MacLean San Mateo, California Mrs. Edith A. Mather Thowaston, Conn.

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Mrs. Marion C . Miller Riverside, California Mrs. Kate Gordon Moore LaCrescenta, California

Robert A. Nordskog Tarzana, California Mrs. J . W . Olvey Shreveport, L a .

Morris B . Pendleton Los Angeles, California Mrs. James A. Reed Kansas City, Missouri W. T . Reed Villanova, P a .

DeAlton J . Ridings Cazenovia, New Y o r k Joan Rodman Detroit, Michigan Mamie F . Rohr Lynchburg, V a .

Archibald B . Roosevelt New Y o r k , New Y o r k Hubbard S. Russell Maricopa, California Major M. L . Shulman Brooklyn, New Y o r k A. W . Seitz New Y o r k , New Y o r k Mrs. Frederick Shedd Columbus, Ohio Mrs. Alan B . Sheldon Seattle, Washington Frank L . Small New Y o r k , N. Y .

Sue Stevens Denver City, Texas Charles R. Stevenson New Y o r k , New Y o r k Sara Stewart New Y o r k , New Y o r k Mercantile Store New York, New Y o r k George W . Strake, Jr. Houston, Texas Dan R. Sutherland Dallas, Texas James C . Sweeney Upper Darby, P a .

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THE N E W

GUARD

VAftivities

Report from Moscow In the one short year since its establishment, the University of Idaho YAF chapter at Moscow, Idaho, has: (1) captured five of six offices in the U of I Young Republicans, including the Presidency; (2) published its own magazine, The New Liberal; (3) sponsored films and debates; and (4) fought an increase in the State debt limit, which subsequently failed passage.

Gary L. Bennett, Chairman of the Idaho group, reports that the YAF chapter in Moscow is not resting on its laurels. I t has taken the leadership in recommending a "Mock Congress" to be held on campus. The event would, said Bennett, provide Young Republicans and Young Democrats a chance to play the part of national committees, while each fraternity or living group would represent a state with Senators and Representatives. Young

Americans for Freedom would no doubt play a significant role in such an affair, and the Idaho YAFers hope that the resultant expression of political feeling of the university students will impress Idaho politicians.

Besides electing several of their own members to offices in the campus Young Republican group, Idaho YAF succeeded in passing two sets of conservative, anti-communist resolutions at a YR meeting. The chapter actively promoted the March YAF rally by contacting local newspapers and radio stations, urging them to cover the rally, and by suggesting to other anticommunist groups in Spokane and Boise to do the same.

Issues are important to Idaho YAFers, and they have been following closely the developments in Katanga Province in the Congo. They subscribe to various information services, and

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Designers, Developers, ond of Specialized

The group's members participate in campus debates and panel discussions ranging from broad issues such as "Liberalism vs. Conservatism," to labor monopolies and the Peace Corps. They have even debated S. 174, the Wilderness Bill, an issue of great importance in the far West.

The group has also defended "Operation Abolition," and handed out information on Arthur Schlesingers socialist philosophy when he spoke on campus recently.

Other YAF officers at Idaho are: Robert L. Emmingham, vice-chairman; Norma K. Alton, secretary; and Thomas B. Ledington, treasurer.

The N E W GUARD is proud to report on activities at the University of Idaho, and invites every YAF chapter, campus or community, to submit their own reports for publication.

COMPANY

Manufacturers

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have heard tapes of many leading anti-communists at their study group meetings. They wrote letters to Idaho's Senator Dworshak and to the State Department protesting the U.S. refusal to issue a visa to President Tshombe.

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1962

13

The Underground Conservative

by FRED R. BACHMANN

There are many of us who are not only conservative politically, but who are also conservative i n every other aspect, and though we want a conservative President i n Washington i n nineteen and sixtyfour, our very conservatism prevents us by nature f r o m working actively i n politics.

I personally would abhor being an active party worker, carrying petitions i n my pocket and ringing doorbells—performing all the functions that go along w i t h the party worker. Inwardly I am a shy person—in fact I could best be described as a conservative-introvert. I n past elections I have been satisfied to merely pull the lever i n the voting booth and let i t go at t h a t ; but now, when I think of the liberals i n power i n Washington today, my conservative blood boils . . . well, simmers anyway.

The t u g at my natural conservatism to do something about gett i n g a conservative i n Washington i n sixty-four has given me a real inner conflict. I know that I could never bring myself to walk into the local party headquarters and volunteer my services, and still I wanted to do something active and positive. But what?

I thought, finally, of the French underground fighters of the Second World War and I knew what to do. I decided to form a conservative underground movement of one and harass the enemy f r o m w i t h i n . I found no conflict i n this decision w i t h my natural conservatism, and as a result I have actively engaged the enemy i n combat since Black Tuesday, November, nineteen hundred and sixty.

Of course I don't go around blowing up Democrat headquar-

Are you too shy to ring doorbells?

Fred Bachmann makes his debut in the N E W GUARD with this system for action by the reticent conservative.

14

ters, or sheltering wounded Republicans, but i n my own conservative way I keep the enemy on edge. I n order to strengthen my campaign I resolved i n the beginning that I would never close ranks behind M r . Kennedy i n this ''hour of our Nation's p e r i l . " I ' m a hard loser . . . I ' m a damn hard loser; and by not accepting defeat I never lose sight of the enemy.

My resistance movement of one is composed of two parts: One is to attack the enemy constantly so as to weaken him, and the other, more positive i n nature, is to promulgate the conservative cause.

For example, I attempt to weaken the enemy through group activities. This is done at parties and other social functions—wherever clusters of people are found, martinis i n hand. When the name Kennedy comes up as i t inevitably does, I smile w r y l y and say, *T don't know what i t is about that man, but I just don't like h i m . " Or I may interject something like, ''What's the latest on the recount? Udall been trespassing lately? The danger to the Country today comes from the radical center, don't you agree?" Short utterances made i n groups watching Kennedy on T V are quite effective. Non-specific remarks such as: " I ' l l bet! H o ! A h a ! and Spare M e ! " can i r k a liberal no end. No explanation of such expletives is necessary. They w i l l mean different things to different people—and this is good.

The positive part of my offensive consists of such acts as w r i t ing on walls of buildings or the sides of public conveyances slogans such as: Kennedy go home!

Goldwater yes, Kennedy no! Conservatives of the Nation unite!

By not washing my car I can write out similar slogans i n the dust. I f anybody stares at me as I drive by I just shout to them, "Which way is the road to Socialism — you know, where they wash your car free?"

I n addition to slogan w r i t i n g I no longer greet people i n the cus-

tomary manner, but rather I ask them instead i f they have read The Conscience of a Conservative.

I f they haven't, I hand them one.

These tactics, performed during the next four years, w i l l help to

build a most favorable image of Conservatism and Barry Goldwater—at least i n my small sphere of influence. A t any rate, my conscience as a Conservative w i l l be placated by doing these things.

Foreign Policy and You . . under our form of government,

the

effectiveness

of

foreign policy d e p e n d s in l a r g e measure

upon

public

under-

s t a n d i n g a n d support of i t . " So stated

the

late

John

Foster

Dulles.

Give

foreign

policy —

Victory

R e s o l u t i o n , H.

J . Res.

Congressman

Donald

444

of

Bruce, n o w Foreign Urge

direction to

before

Affairs

the

support

the

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House

Committee.

chairman,

Cong.

T h o m a s M o r g a n , to help insure w o r l d p e a c e by striving for victory over the W o r l d C o m m u n i s t Movement.

THE N E W

GUARD

Books

The Man Who SIX CRISES, by Richard M. Nixon by

Would Rather Be President

(Doubleday, Ben

$5.95).

Stoker

The millions who supported Richard Nixon in 1960 might have preferred that the man who "got" Alger Hiss, the man who turned "the fund" from disaster into a political asset, the man who conducted himself superbly during the severe illness of the President, the man who would not be cowed by Communist thugs in Caracas, the man who talked back to Khrushchev and the man who visited 50 states in the Union only to lose by a few thousand votes the closest presidential election of the century, had not written this book at all.

Those who do read Six Crises will learn that what his opponents have been saying for years is apparently true: Richard Nixon is a calculating measurer of men who tries to be as many different things to as many different people as possible.

Six Crises is, in a way, a casual history of the last 15 years for Nixon participated in some of the most significant events since the Second World War. The book is divided into six parts which discuss, in chronological order, the Alger Hiss case, the Nixon "fund" and the 1952 election, the 1955 heart attack of Dwight Eisenhower and his two succeeding illnesses, the 1958 Nixon trip to South America and the Communist attempts to sabotage it, the 1959 Nixon trip to obsessed with public opinion that they the Soviet Union and Poland, and the always allow possible reaction to 1960 campaign. determine their course.

In the sections describing the EisenIn "The Hiss Case," Nixon is at his hower illnesses, the South American best as he displays analytical skill, trip and the Russian visit (during all tempered skepticism and passion for of which Nixon performed admirably), documentation. In 1948 Dick Nixon the pattern becomes clearer. Don't sit was just another Congressman who in the President's seat at a National didn't have to worry too much about Security Council meeting or someone what people or the press said. But will think you are trying to take over. with the revelation of the "secret" Don't rush your wife from under a personal fund in the '52 campaign (it shower of spittle in Caracas because was neither secret nor personally used they would say you're running away. by the-then Senator), Nixon begins to Don't be impolite to badgering Soviet weigh his life in terms of headlines newsmen because they would accuse and huzzahs. you of being a poor guest.

Rarely if ever does he describe a Much the longest section of the speech or a visit and allow the reader book is "The Campaign of 1960," in to judge its worth for himself. Instead which Nixon carefully lists all the reaNixon immediately details the press sons why the "experts" say he lost, and public reaction, as though he did then proceeds to admit his errors and not trust the reader to make up his defend what he considers to have been own mind. While all men in public correct decisions. He admits that he life are concerned about their image, miscalculated on the first TV debate few allow themselves to become so APRIL

1962

(seen by some 80 million viewers compared with the 60 to 40 million who viewed the succeeding three programs), hut he states that his basic mistake was that he "had concentrated too much on substance and not enough on appearance."

Granted that Nixon looked tired and ill (which he was) but has the former vice president forgotten so soon how many times he said, " I agree with Senator Kennedy but . . ." ? The first TV debate saw the birth of the complaint that Nixon was conducting a "me-too campaign," which Nixon points out to be an unfair charge but then declines to blame on an obviously prejudiced press, apparently because he does not wish to offend them.

The author has several excellent recommendations to make about our foreign policy, particularly about Berlin, demonstrating once again the high value of his intellect and experience.

He also pokes a few stiff jabs into JFK's midsection about Cuba.

Ben Stoker has always been one of the most stubborn defenders of Richard Nixon that we know. He now admits, however, that his hero has some faults.

After 426 pages of self-analysis, Nixon emerges as an astute, perceptive politician verging on the thinskinned about certain parts of the press; he is clearly courageous, shorttempered but long-suffering, homespun and indefatigable, an able if somewhat pedestrian writer and blessed with a remarkable wife, Pat. He is a man who wanted to be and, one must conclude, still wants to be President. Perhaps, somewhere along the way between the California campaign in which he is presently engaged (his seventh crisis?) and his next presidential campaign, Richard M. Nixon will perceive that you sometimes lose precisely because you want to win so badly.

15

Fears, Suspicions and Aberrations M A Y M A N P R E V A I L ? An inquiry into the Facts and Fictions of Foreign Policy, by Erich Fromm (Doubleday Anchor Paperback, 95c)

by HARRY WOODRUFF TURNER

The unfortunate incidence of psycho-neurotic behavior among many who style themselves "conservatives'' should lead responsible conservatives to welcome efforts to apply the results of psychoanalytic investigation to the v i t a l questions of international politics. Considering the imperfection of the tools of psychoanalysis, i t is not astonishing that Dr. Fromm has made no con-

â&#x20AC;˘

t r i b u t i o n to this end, but i t is unfortunate that he attempts to strengthen an account of his personal political views by attributing some scientific superiority to them.

Whatever May Man Prevail? is not, i t is a clear and interesting exposition of a point of view which may be more widely accepted i n the United States than is often realized. Dr. Fromm begins by asserting that there is a considerable amount of pathological thinking clouding the realities of the East-West conflict. This is no doubt true, but i t is not justifiable to move f r o m this premise to Dr. Fromm's conclusion that all Western fears and suspicions of the Soviet Union are mental aberrations.

16

The author's belief that the West misunderstands Russia is based upon his view of the changes which have taken place w i t h i n the Soviet Union, such as those described by David Granck in The Red Executive. While i t is true that the growing role of the managerial specialists w i l l require adjustments of a predictable nature w i t h i n Russia, i t is presently impossible to estimate its effect, i f any, on the goals of Soviet foreign policy. There is no more reason to believe that i t has forced Russia to reform than there is to believe Fromm's similar contention that Khrushchev's goals differ significantly f r o m Stalin's.

T u r n i n g his attention directly to Soviet foreign policy, Dr. Fromm attempts to demonstrate that the Soviet Union has no i m perialistic aims. I t is necessary to read this chapter i n order to believe i t has been w r i t t e n : a man of obvious talent arguing that not only do the Communists presently entertain no hopes of expanding their conquests, but also that they have never had imperialistic aims.

This last defiance of history is accomplished by adducing reasons for the Soviet t e r r i t o r i a l acquisitions since World War I I .

Now one does not doubt that reasons can be brought forward for the Russians' aggressive actions, but what nation has not had a structure of rationalization for its conquests. One might as well maintain that the cry of Lebensraum removed the criminality from Hitler's invasions.

Dr. Fromm admits that South Korea was not necessary for Russia's "security," but suggests that i t was invaded because the Soviets believed i t was not w i t h i n the American defense perimeter. Russia, therefore, was not imperialistic because she thought she could get away w i t h her plan for i m perialism. Cuba is not indicative of Russian imperialism because "Castro was never a Communist."

I n his chapter on China, Fromm seriously overestimates the extent

and implications of the Sino-Soviet dispute. Indeed the whole chapter seems to be wish-fulfillment. I t may be that some day the Soviet Union w i l l look to us for aid against China, but when i t does we shall know i t by actions, not by the pronouncements of the Party Congress. The author lends his voice to the anti-German chorus that is presently being raised

by Linus Pauling, T. H . Tetens,

Formerly active in politics in the Keystone state, ''Woody* Turner is now studying law at Harvard.

the Soviet Union, and others. He evidences much more concern over the " t h r e a t " from Chancellor Adenauer and his generals than from the Soviet Union as i t has "reformed" under Khrushchev.

Dr. Fromm's solutions are not only dangerous, but are also contradictory. The featured recommendations are for unilateral initiation of disarmament, an American-Russian ratification of the status quo, and an eventual American-Russian alliance against China. He does not demonstrate that the Soviets would follow the lead of the West and disarm, but even i f they did what sanctions would be employed by the alliance against China? And would not the alliance itself be a destruction of the status quo? I n short, i f many Americans are bamboozled by May Man Prevail?, i t may become necessary to respond to the title i n the negative.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

IVar in Katanga

Professor Ernest van den Hoag's excellent report on the War in Katanga is now available.

Thoroughly documented, the 45-page booklet contains heretofore unpublished photos of U.N. atrocities a g a i n s t i n n o c e n t Katanganese civilians.

1 copy-$1.50 10 copies-$10

American Committee to Aid Katanga Freedom Fighters

79 Madison Ave., New York 16, N.Y. THE N E W

GUARD

PROSPERITY THROUGH FREEDOM, Lawrence Fertig (Henry Regnery Co., $3.95) Mr. Fertig might well have called his book, Variations on an Anti-Statist Theme, the theme being the great t r u t h that people thrive most when let alone by their governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that is, when they enjoy economic freedom. I n this broad survey of the current scene he points out case after case of government interference endangering prosperity, not promoting i t as is supposedly intended by its advocates.

As M r . Fertig sees i t , we can increase our prosperity by working harder and better; i t is that simple. T r y i n g to increase our wealth by p r i n t i n g more money (inflating the currency) or by placing more and more controls on the economic affairs of the country w i l l have just the opposite effect. M r . Fertig comes down pretty hard on the fallacy that we must have inflation i f we are to enjoy prosperity and also chides the "liberals" who have the itch to reform the public's spending habits, chiefly by taking most of their money away from them.

This is a fine primer for anyone who is just becoming aware of the growing power of the central government, its increasing interference i n the lives of the citizens of this nation. Then w i t h the facts of this casebook well i n hand, he might go to other works that deal directly w i t h the idea underlying all the many government interventions: the idea that the State is supreme, the individual nothing, that the State should support its citizens and assume all individual responsibilities. This is the idea that must be refuted i f we are going to have the freedom through which we w i l l enjoy prosperity.

into the existing American educational system.

Most important i n this program, he argues, is the selection of students for this advanced education. Professor Copley suggests students w i t h IQ's of 120 or above, SAT scores i n the 600's, and constant A's and B's are "ideal."

Assuming these students are satisfactorily selected, the next question is, what to do w i t h them.

The Advanced Placement Program, now under the direction of the College Entrance Examination Board, affords the exceptionally able student the opportunity of pursuing courses of college level i n his high school and under his high school teachers.

The basic intent of this program is to provide the superior student w i t h a deeper, broader education and to enable h i m to earn college credit.

Several plans for introducing the APP are offered. The choice is up to the high schools themselves, and i t is suggested that the plan that least interferes w i t h normal operation be chosen.

A must for high-school teachers, principals and administrators, Professor Copley's informative report should be read by all in those schools considering adopting the APP. Charles McDonnell Charles McDonnell is a senior at Mt. Vernon High School, Fairfax County, Virginia.

I n this short book, Frank 0.

Copley, professor of Latin, outlines the method of introducing the Advanced Placement Program APRIL

1962

( C o n t i n u e d from F e b . issue)

Eliot, T. S. Notes Towards a Definition of Culture; The Idea of a Christian Society.

Evans, M . Stanton. Revolt on the Campus.

Federahst Papers.

Haraszti, Zoltan. John Adams and the Prophets of Progress.

Hoffman, Ross J. S. The Spirit of Politics and the Future of Freedom.

Kirk, Russell. Beyond the Dreams of Avarice; Conservative Mind: From Burke to Santayana; Randolph of Roanoke; Selected Essays of Orestes Brownson, ed.

Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Erik von.

Liberty or Equality.

Labaree, Leonard W. Conservatism in Early American History.

Leopold, Richard W. Elihu Root and the Conservative Tradition.

Maine, Henry S. Popular Government.

Maistre, Joseph de. On God and Society.

More, Paul Elmer. Shelburne Essays.

Morley, Felix. Freedom and Federalism.

Newman, John Henry. Apologia Pro Vita Sua. Nietzsche, Friedrich. Beyond Good and Evil.

Nisbet, Robert A. The Quest for Community.

W E NEED Y O U R The

editors of the

HELP

N E W G U A R D hope you h'ked our special

rally

issue.

Although the 48-page magazine was for a special event, we are hopeful that we can expand to a monthly book of just about that size. However, before we can realize that dream, we must increase circidation, advertising, and in general, increase our funds.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;ROBERT M . THORNTON

THE A M E R I C A N H I G H SCHOOL A N D T H E T A L E N T E D STUDENT, by Frank O. Copley.

(University of Michigan Press, $3.95).

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17

Letters to the Editor The Conservative

Party

DEAR SIR:

In the March issue of T H E N E W GUARD, Douglas Caddy wrote that the Conservative Party movement in New York is likely to "seal the fate of many of the Empire State's most conservative congressmen" by "wooing their support away to a Conservative Party ticket." Mr. Caddy should have done his homework. The Conservative Party, Inc., has no intention of running candidates against the many splendid conservative congressmen from New York State, and will probably not engage in any congressional contests at all in 1962. Had Mr. Caddy taken the trouble to look at the back cover of the issue for which he wrote, he would have seen an advertisement announcing our 1962 program: "to run independent conservative candidates of national stature for Governor and Senator."

Mr. Caddy also warned that our efforts might replace Governor Rockefeller with "a Mayor Wagner who is answerable only to Herbert Lehman and Eleanor Roosevelt." Any New York governor, however, must answer to a statewide constituency and a Repubhcan - controlled legislature.

Given these factors. Nelson Rockefeller has gone about as far to the left as any New York governor can travel.

The strong support which The Conservative Party, Inc., has received from Y.A.F. members across New York State convinces us that Mr. Caddy's views do not command any broad allegiance in the ranks of Young Americans For Freedom. New York conservatives generally agree, we believe, that they can become a respected political force only by registering a protest vote against the ultra-liberal Rockefeller-Javits leadership of the New York Republican Party in November, 1962.

J. D A N I E L MAHONEY,

Vice Chairman, The Conservative Party, Inc. New York City 18

DEAR SIR:

In a letter published in the Wall Street Journal on March 9th, Douglas Caddy, National Director of Young Americans for Freedom, takes issue with conseivatives who splinter from the Republican Party to support independent causes. In this connection, he alludes to the formation of the Conservative Party of New York, and makes the point that nothing can be gained by opposing Gov. Rockefeller.

Since, at present. Rockefeller considers the conservative vote "captive," the gain is to be had in applying the same sort of pressure that the Liberal Party exerts on the Democratic Party. More importantly, the conservative will be able to vote for candidates whose principles are in consonance with their own. Finally, the articulate conservative candidate will give the heretofore apathetic citizen, who now stays home on election day rather than making a choice between tweedledum and tweedledee, a chance to vote for candidates on the basis of clear cut difference in issues.

SYLVESTER J. BRADY, JR.

Brooklyn, New York

DEAR SIR:

In the March issue of T H E N E W GUARD, Mr. Douglas Caddy proposed that the conservatives must gain political sophistication if they are to further their philosophy of government. He points to the conservatives in New York and suggests that it would be better to direct their vitality through the Republican Party lest, through their independent political action, a Wagner is elected over a Rockefeller.

Although I can appreciate such preference I cannot agree with his theory that the conservatives' interest is best served by voting Republican in such areas as New York, especially so when a Jacob Javits is presented to the electorate. The Senator can no more represent the conservative than can a Hubert Humphrey. In so far as the interests of the Republican voter, he needs only to note the recent vote of Senator Javits in support of the Urban

Affairs Department. As in the past, the Senator deserted the GOP command in favor of his liberal counterparts.

Again, and again, he has performed in like manner until one must ask if he has chosen to ride the elephant sidesaddle while placing his feet in the donkey's stirrups.

I do not advocate the creation of a national third party, but I think it behooves the conservatives in certain areas to form as strong a vote bloc as possible. Either his independent vote will cause the replacement of one liberal by another, a neglible loss, or what is more important will cause the political parties to offer candidates more agreeable to his conservative beliefs. To verify the possibility of such a political result one needs only to observe the continued Democratic "flip-flop" over the Liberal Block in New York City.

KENNETH E . W Y M A N

Whippany, New Jersey

Erratum DEAR SIR:

The current issue of NG wrongly states that I have contributed to New Individualist Review. I never have.

I DO write for young William Regnery's Individualist, and told you so in one of my letters to you. Apparently you confused the latter with NIR. I would greatly appreciate your correcting this error in your next issue, as I imagine Mr. Regnery would.

GEORGE MCMURRAY, JR.

Plainfield, New Jersey

Heredity

and

Environment

DEAR SIR:

I was to the great Madison Square Garden meeting and found on my seat T H E N E W GUARD. I was elated and hopeful at the meeting, and when I returned home and read the contents of T H E N E W GUARD, March, it enhanced my hope and buttressed my trust that intelligence through Conservatism was making strides!

However, a sombre note was struck when I read the letter of Mrs. Norman C. Smith of Virginia. Her letter hurts because she equates Hitler ideologically with Conservatism upon the preTHE N E W GUARD

sumed common belief that "intelligence is primarily hereditary." Then she says, "Our fight with Communism is basically ideological and we are losing." She then equates the Liberals with Khrushchev on the ground that they have one idea in common, namely, that the "improvement of the human race is environmental." She says, "We are helpless and frustrated in our present fight, but after the physical conquest over Communism the Liberals and Conservatives will eventually arrive at something near the truth."

(1) Was Hitlers main idea that intelligence is hereditary? Was he concerned with intelligance at all? Was he intelligent? Wasn't his entire advent an abberation? Was he not an abominable idol of a lot of idolators? We Conservatives have nothing to do with him in the least! God blotted out him, his kind and his dominion. Thanks for that! Intellectual heredity is God's providence and was known since the rise of civilization. I t is the burden of each individual to be aware in his or her selections in marriage. That's as far as we can take it.

(2) Now as to Environment; by this we understand the "Economy." Should it be "Proprietary" or "Expropriated"?

We Conservatives recognize that our civilization, our morals, and our freedom flow from the deepest human need and are based on the supports that the proprietary system alone offers. When that system is expropriated, as all socialisms propose to do, tyranny and barbarism must ensue, as has already been amply demonstrated.

The Liberals are in the category of Socialists and Communists because these are their works. They are like the so-called Neutrals of today, who always favor the Communists and oppose us.

Let us keep the banner of Conservatism clear and clean. We believe in the property and free enterprise system of the economy and all those who oppose us are plotting our demise.

Neither Hitler, nor Khrushchev, nor the Socialists under whatever name are any part of us. We walk with the code of Civilization: The Ten Commandments and the Great Hebrew Prophets who were every bit Conservative.

GEORGE NESIN

Bronx, New York APRIL 1 9 6 2

'em what for. But then he went on to become a sort of Pontius Pilate, DEAR SIR: washing his hands of all us ultra ultras. I n the present or any fray, I would like to express my sincere rd like to see our leaders stand disappointment and downright disgust their ground and fight. But to our over "An Open Letter to Mr. Salinger" shame, most of our articulate found in the February issue. As conleadership is presently engaged i n servatives who are attempting to make only one pursuit, taking a jet plane an impact upon America we are capto safety. able, I trust, of expressing ourselves in respectable English without using such Statisticswise, just a small fracvulgarities as taking the name of tion of any population can propChrist and God in vain. Besides being erly be considered radical or even very poor journalism for a periodical extreme, about 2 % on each end of of this calibre such adjectives are the probability curve. Of course repulsive to your thinking Christian we have our own 2%, of which any constituency.

Nazi remnant cannot logically be a part. Now why don't we on the I really hope we'll be able to be Right stand together and fight f o r above this in the future. our beliefs and f o r each other?

ROBERT S. S M I T H This is what the L e f t Wing does Gordon College and w i t h stunning success. Their Gordon Divinity School 2 % is more vulnerable than our Beverly Farms, Mass.

2% and theirs is the one we should t r a i n our guns on. We should atA Dynamic Philosophy tack their vulnerabilities as Senator Goldwater has done so ably i n SIR: the January 20 Saturday Evening As a new subscriber, I would like Post. Instead, our leaders are atto send a few honeyed words to the tacking ours. The Gentlemen of N E W GUARD and YAF. I n these "enthe L e f t do not make such a mislightened" days with the psuedotake. They embrace and make use liberals riding through Washington on of their dedicated ones. They rea pflgrimage to the Holy City of spectfully put them i n the saddle Geneva bearing slightly withered and then mount and follow them. olive-branches and very withered platIs i t possible to attain 100% itudes, i t is most refreshing to see agreement between any two memyoung academicians throw a resoundbers of any movement? One of the ing rejection in the face of Schlesingertwo, i n an area or so, may hold Galbraith sophistries. I t is not enough what seems to the other to be an for conservatives to throw up our extreme position. No doubt the two hands and cry "O Tempora, O Mores." w i l l concur i n a l l other areas.

An active, dynamic philosophy like Should these two denounce each that set forth so lucidly in the N E W other and i n public yet?

GUARD is necessary if conservatives We need our f r o n t line, our are to pull the country back on the dedicated ones. We have an oblipath from which i t has strayed. gation to comfort their wounded, If I may express a pet idea, did anynot revile them i n any hour of one ever consider Wflliam F. Buckley, attack. Not only w i l l the members Jr., for President? of this f r o n t line gadfly us into ARTHUR R. GLASS action when we prefer lethargy, Hillside, New Jersey but we need them f o r another more immediate reason. I n general, M r . and Mrs. Voter w i l l not vote f o r anyone thought to be an ultra-ultra, so we need our 2 % to Dear S i r : stand visibly to the r i g h t of the This is the first time I have had anything b u t orchids to p i n on men we nominate f o r office. Vive la 2 % ! your lapel. I was disappointed Mrs. Gladys Gfuschus when I read M r . Lyons' article i n Silver City, New Mexico your January issue. I t started off w i t h a bang and I thought to mys e l f â&#x20AC;&#x201D; N o w we are going to give

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