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Natural disaster versus societal fractures Environmental geographers usually agree that there is nothing known as a natural catastrophe. However, whether a natural occurrence turns into a disaster is ultimately determined by its location. A major earthquake in the Himalayas may perhaps spawn no calamity, yet an event of the same magnitude in California might be disastrous.
prepare beforehand and absorb natural disasters, and how they can/should rebuild afterward. Nevertheless, even among climatic disasters, socioeconomic factors are not divorced from natural causes. Earth has lately witnessed rapid warming, which scientists are increasingly attributing to carbon emissions in the atmosphere. An unusual tornado outbreak late in the season, even events as strong as Hurricane Ida, are not definitive proof of human-caused global warming. It would, however, be irresponsible to disregard such signs. Recent natural calamities such as tornado outbreaks, Hurricane Ida, landslides, and flooding are largely regarded as proof of socially driven climate change. The ability of an individual or household to foresee, oppose, cope with, and recuperate from the effects of natural disasters is primarily dependent on their adaptability and resilience. Davis (1983) explained in his research that to integrate innovations in danger-resistant construction and architectural designs, disasters habitually operate as agents of change.
Above Most vulnerable groups to natural disasters. Image created by Sharika Tasnim
The boundaries of catastrophe and the distinction between who survives and who dies are to a greater or lesser degree a communal calculus in all phases and facets of a disaster — causes, susceptibility, preparedness, effects and reaction, and reconstruction. This places an emphasis on how communities
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Conversely, in many climates, the affluent prefer to grab the higher ground, leaving the poor and working-class people with property that is more prone to environmental plagues and flooding. For example, oceanfront property is a notable exception, and La Paz, Bolivia, wealthier populations dwell in the cooler valley below 13,000 feet. Topographic gradients, on the other hand, increase as race and class gradients in New Orleans. The relationship between elevation, race and class grew more pronounced as natural disasters struck. Elevated areas were reserved for the privileged and flat areas for the vulnerable ones. Furthermore, as the Hurricane Katrina evacuation disconcertingly showed, those who were well-off had automobiles to evacuate, financial resources for hotels, access to close family with presumably financial resources to enable their evacuation, and insurance plans to recoup losses and/or reconstruct damaged property. This left the deprived populations of New Orleans the most vulnerable by both the market and successive political administrations, from the federal to the municipal level.
