TRANSFORMING OUR DEMOCRACY
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TRANSFORMING OUR DEMOCRACY YOUNG FINE GAEL POLICY STATEMENT MARCH 2010
TRANSFORMING OUR DEMOCRACY
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INTRODUCTION “I consider that a country which has reached that stage of degradation, not to speak of a party that is prepared to submit to be dragooned . . . speaks ill of democratic institutions”. James Dillon Leader of Fine Gael 1959-1965
Irish Democracy is in crisis. Our political system simply isn’t working. An outdated and outmoded structure of Government, together with decades of inaction by Governments of all parties, have been brought into sharp focus by two years of political and economic crisis.
In the face of this crisis, our political system is not fit for its purpose. The public has lost faith with our democratic system and young people in particular want real change to the way politics works. Fine Gael must present itself as being the forefront of that change.
There is grave concern among the YFG membership that the proposals put forward to date by Fine Gael, together with other proposals which have been the subject of recent media speculation, do not represent the kind of change which is required.
Many of the Fine Gael policies unveiled to date seem to be primarily on cost savings to the exchequer, while others seem to be a knee-jerk response to public anger. In most cases, however, there seems to have been little consideration of how the proposed changes will impact on the workings of our democratic structures.
Our democratic institutions were founded by the same men and women who founded the Fine Gael Party, and YFG members have a strong sense of pride in this fact. In the past it
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was these institutions which helped to get Ireland out of crisis, yet now our democratic institutions are likely to become casualties of the current economic crisis.
The ideas contained in this document are based on three fundamental principles:-
The people of Ireland deserve real and lasting reforms which can allow them to put faith in their democracy once again None of our democratic institutions are irretrievably damaged or broken beyond repair No price can be placed on democracy, and cost savings cannot be a justification for reforms to the very fabric of our country
The proposals outlined in this document are not a definitive set of proposals which the YFG organisation has settled on. Rather they are a list of options on which there is broad agreement within the organisation, many of which seem not to have featured in the thinking of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party to date.
Young Fine Gael National Executive March 2010
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SEANAD REFORM
Having consulted widely with the YFG membership, it is clear that there is a deep sense of unease in respect of the decision by the Fine Gael party to propose the abolition of the Seanad.
We would estimate that a clear majority of YFG members are opposed to this policy.
At a time when public scrutiny of the performance of the Oireachtas is at an all-time low, it is a cause of concern to YFG that Fine Gael has proposed abolish a part of the Oireachtas that has the potential to work so well.
To the extent that the Party has given any justification for this policy decision, the rationale seems to be twofold:- Firstly, that Ireland is out of step with other countries in having a bicameral parliament, and secondly that the cost of maintaining the Seanad warrant its abolition.1 It is regrettable that little consideration seems to have been given to the most important consideration of all, namely the potential impact of the abolition of the Seanad on our democracy and legislative process.
The abolition of the Seanad would save the Exchequer €30 million over the course of a Dáil term, versus an Exchequer deficit of €25 Billion.
1
This dual reasoning was outlined by the Party Leader in his speech at the Presidential Dinner 2009 and in a piece written for the Irish Times on 21 October 2009.
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Can it seriously be suggested that cost-savings are legitimate grounds for abolishing one-half of our parliamentary system, when the annual cost savings will represent just 0.12% of the total Government deficit?
No price placed on democracy, and this consideration in particular cannot be accorded the importance which it has been in current Fine Gael policies.
Having spent 40 years examining how it can work better, the political system should now act on reforming the Seanad as a body, rather than abolishing it.
Role of the Seanad
YFG believes that our democracy can be invigorated and deepened by radical reform of the Seanad. Given the vast range of regional, generational, social and economic differences which divide Irish society, we do not believe that a single chamber of representation can fully realise the ideal of democracy.
We have an opportunity to change the very nature of the Seanad, and transform it into a crucible of ideas where the long term planning of the nation can be discussed – a true “Citizen’s Assembly”.
YFG believes that the Seanad has the potential to become a “Chamber of all the talents”, with cross-party co-operation coming more to the fore, as in the US Senate, where members can take policy positions which are about more than blind party loyalty and the prodding of whips.. This could involve an entirely new focus for the Seanad, including for example:-
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A focus on issues of long-term national policy
A special focus on European Affairs and Ireland’s place in the World
No remit to discuss day-to-day issues or controversies, in the way that the Dáil does at present
Interview and vet appointees to important State positions – State Boards, C&AG, Ombudsman
An all-party agreement to abolish the whip system for the Seanad.
Election and Operation
YFG agrees that the Seanad cannot continue to be elected in the current elitist manner. However, it is not an option to simply open up its electorate in order to transform it into a “Dáil Mark II”. The Seanad needs a clean break with the past.
We suggest the following:-
The Seanad would be elected on a national list system “Top-up” seats to ensure the inclusion of smaller parties and independents2 The Taoiseach’s eleven nominations should be abolished. Senators elected by graduates should be abolished. This elitism can no longer be justified Set term of 5 years regardless of changes of Government Senators could serve a maximum of two consecutive terms, No sitting Senator should be permitted to run for the Dáil or the European Parliament There should be no constituency support for Senators in terms of offices etc. outside of Dublin, since all Senators would represent one national constituency. The size of the Seanad should be reduced alongside the size of the Dáil once fundamental Local Government reform has been implemented. 2
As is the case with the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh and London Assemblies
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These changes would together bring about significant changes to the features of the Seanad:-
The “parish pump” would be banished from the Seanad A turnover of fresh blood and new ideas would be guaranteed The revolving door between the Seanad and the Dáil would be closed
Rather than reserve a meagre 15 seats in the Dáil for people with experience from outside politics, why not transform the Seanad in this way so that our innovators, academics, entrepreneurs, creative thinkers and artistic talent – aligned to all parties and to none – canhave a direct say
Given the rather unique manner in which it was decided to announce the Fine Gael stance on the abolition of the Seanad, and the rather limited consultative process employed, any change to this policy will not be easy.
DÁIL REFORM
Number of Members
YFG supports, in principle, calls to reduce the size of the Dáil. However this should only be implemented once meaningful and large-scale reforms of Local Government have taken
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place, with significant powers devolved from national to local level. In this way, powers will be placed in the hands of a greater number of people.
The Fine Gael plans reportedly propose a referendum on this and other issues within 12 months of a Fine Gael government coming to office3. Clearly, no such review of Local Government powers can be implemented within 12 months of a new Government,
A simple reduction in the number of national politicians in an unreformed political system will have the effect of placing even greater power in the hands of a fewer number of people, and risks damaging the fabric of our democracy even further.
Election
The Front Bench has reportedly proposed a system whereby 15 members of a reduced Dรกil of 146 members would be elected by a list system. (10% of the total) When viewed against other Parliaments which operate a mix of constituency and list systems, this proposal seems meaningless and tokenistic4.
YFG favours the retention of a system of election whereby all members of the Dรกil are elected on a constituency basis. Rather than implementing a partial list system.
We favour the use of a party list system in the Seanad, as outlined above.
3
As reported in The Irish Times, March 13th 2010 For example, Germany elects 50% of its Lower House on a list system; New Zealand 40%; and Scotland 43%. Proposals for the introduction of a list system in Canada feature 33% of its lower house being elected on a list system. 4
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Workings
Recent reforms implemented by the British House of Commons illustrate some issues which could be addressed in reforming the workings of the Dáil.
The number of Oireachtas Committees ought to be drastically reduced, with extensive powers of oversight given to the remaining committees
Chairs, Vice Chairs and the membership of these Committees should be elected in a free vote by secret ballot, rather than Government patronage
Dáil business should be arranged by an all all-party committee of backbench TDs, rather than by Government diktat.
PRESIDENCY
Of all of the offices at State at the present time, the office of President is the only one which retains any degree of widespread public trust and support.
However there has been virtually unanimous agreement for decades that the office of President is purely ceremonial, with no meaningful role or powers of any kind. While this may have been acceptable in 1937, it is certainly not acceptable in a modern country crying out for change.
It has been reported that Fine Gael will propose cutting the Presidential term of office from 7 years to 5, and set the date of a Presidential election to coincide with Local and European
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Elections. As with the proposed changes to the Dรกil and Seanad, cost savings have been mentioned as its rationale.
These proposed changes will, of themselves, have no real impact on the office of President.
Setting term-limits and fixed dates for elections are utterly meaningless to the people on the street. Furthermore, the Fine Gael proposals in this area are cited a cost-saving measure. Considering that there have been only six Presidential Elections in the 73 years the Presidency has existed, this rationale rings rather hollow.
Looking across the EU, it is clear that no other country has a Head of State who has a direct mandate from the people, yet has virtually no powers of any kind.
Fine Gael in Government should aim to bring about fundamental reform in the nature of the office of President. Its status as an office of trust and its non-partisan nature should be taken advantage of, and used to transform it into a meaningful office which could act as a beacon of trust and strength of our democracy, personifying the strength of the Nation and State.
We would like the Party to consider two options:
A) Expand the Powers of the Presidency
The powers of the office of President could be expanded to reflect the direct mandate given to it by voters. Such powers could include many of the powers currently held by directlyelected Heads of State in other EU countries, particularly in the new democracies of Eastern Europe. These could include:-
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Legislative initiative5
The power to refuse to sign Bills and to send them back to the Oireachtas for further review6
A veto over legislation, which could be overturned by a two-thirds majority in the Oireachtas7
The power to propose Constitutional Amendments8
Meet with the Cabinet periodically9
An expanded role in foreign affairs and the conclusion of international treaties10
To act as a mediator between the political parties in times of political crisis11
ELECTORAL SYSTEM
Voting Age
The 2007 Fine Gael Election Manifesto proposed that the voting age should be reduced to 17. Many other political parties and pressure groups have argued for a reduction to 16, on the grounds that an earlier introduction to voting may foster an increased commitment to participation in later life.
YFG does not accept the widespread consensus that has been reached that the voting age should be lowered.
5
Lithuania Lithuania, Bulgaria 7 Slovakia 8 Bulgaria 9 Poland 10 Bulgaria, Poland, Finland, Lithuania 11 Austria, Romania 6
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Only six countries in the world allow voting at the age of 16, and there is little – if any – empirical data to suggest that this has been the case. A recent Oireachtas Committee presentation on this issue by advocates of a change to the age was remarkable for its lack of evidence in support of this claim.
The single greatest barrier to young people voting has consistently been found to be the fact that they are not registered. This is a product of an archaic system of voter registration. Its replacement with a system of automatic voter registration would have a dramatic impact on the numbers of young people voting. Age Qualifications
Fine Gael has proposed the reduction of the age qualification for election to the office of President to 18 and we commend and support this proposal. However it ought to be followed by a reduction in the age of candidacy for Dáil and Seanad Éireann from 21 to 18.
Gender Quotas
YFG is strongly opposed to the imposition of gender quotas, both at a candidate selection level within Fine Gael, and as it may apply to national elections. We were dismayed to read that the Party Leadership had attempted to adopt such a policy in respect of national elections – particularly since the Fine Gael Executive Council has effectively ruled it out as an option for selecting our own candidates in the short to medium term. If gender quotas not good enough for the Fine Gael party, then why should it be good enough for the country?
We commend the Parliamentary Party for its decision on this issue.
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The imposition of gender quotas would, of its very nature, represent a gross distortion of the electoral process, with candidates who would otherwise have been unsuccessful being elected at the expense of candidates who had more support from the electorate.12
Gender inequality in politics is not being caused by the manner in which we elect our politicians, but rather by the nature of our political structures, which have fallen significantly behind all other professions in terms of support structures for female employees and professionals.
On a pro-rata basis, young people are far more under-represented in the Oireachtas than women.13 In spite of this, YFG has never advocated any kind of quota system for young candidates, for the same reasons as we oppose gender quotas.
YFG’s representatives at the Fine Gael Executive Council will continue to support any measures to increase the number of females candidates running on Fine Gael tickets, however any attempt to rig these rules in their favour will be strongly resisted. Ability and experience must always come before gender.
The problem of gender applies not only to elected representatives in Fine Gael, but also to staff. For example, it is extraordinary that there are no women occupying senior management roles within Fine Gael apparatus, be it in National Office, the Party Leaders’ Office, or the Press Office in Leinster House. 12
58 female candidates were unsuccessful in 2007, 21 of whom represented one of the three major parties. If a 50/50 gender quota system were to be implemented, virtually all of these candidates would have been elected at the expense of sitting TDs. 13 At present only one member of the Oireachtas is under the age of 30.
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What other national organisation could make such an ignominious boast? If a State company or private enterprise found itself in this position, it would prompt internal outrage, and yet in Fine Gael it is the accepted reality.
Citizens Abroad
There is considerable scope for allowing Irish citizens resident in Northern Ireland or abroad to have a say in our democratic process. We would support, in particular, an extension of the right to vote to Irish citizens in Presidential Elections.
The Irish Nation does not stop at its borders, and particularly now at a time of high emigration, it is important that we try to strengthen the connection that Irish people abroad feel with our democracy. In the years to come, they may again be pivotal to Ireland’s
CONCLUSION
The blame for the failings of our democratic institutions lies with the politicians who have abused and neglected them over successive Governments and over several decades, particularly in an age of media-driven politics where the weakness. This is the fault of successive Governments – not the democratic institutions themselves. Why, then, ought Fine Gael propose any changes which aim to restrict these institutions?
It is difficult to see how YFG members could campaign in favour of a referendum implementing changes which they are so completely divided on.