None of us are Free until All of us are Free

NEWS (2-6)

FEATURES (7-17)

COMMENTS (18-21)

ARTS & CULTURE (22-26)

First Nations Settlement 2 York: Whose Interests? 18 Political Filmmaking 22 Going to Bolivia 7 U of T Restrictive Policy 3 Contested Spaces 8 Examination of CCLA 19 Conceptual Art in Canada 23 Justice for Junior 5 G20 Features Section 13-16 Bat Signal Politics 20 Revolutions in Public 24 Mine Evades Bank Sanctions 6 Release Tamil Refugees 17 Accessible Manifesto 20 TIFF Review 26

Fall Issue 1, 2010

Your Alternative News Magazine at York

Volume 3, Issue 1

None of us are Free until All of us are Free

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Editorial None of us are Free until All of us are Free The YU Free Press is pleased to present to you our first issue of the 2010-2011 academic year! Originally, we called for articles for this issue that revolved around the theme ‘Alternative Visions: Strategies and Suggestions for Change.’

In our Comments Section, Denis G. Rancourt questions how the CCLA (Canadian Civil Liberties Association) is handling their investigation into the civil rights violations committed during that infamous weekend.

While this theme is important, and articles pertaining to this theme are still featured, our focus has shifted in light of events that transpired over our summer hiatus. During the weekend of the G8/ G20 Summit in Toronto Jun. 26-27 2010, protestors were subject to the suspension of civil liberties, police intimidation and brutality, and mass arrests. Months later, organizations continue to mobilize so as to raise funds for bail and trials for those G20 protestors who are still dealing with the effects of that weekend.

In honour of our original theme, our Features Section contains ‘Going to Bolivia,’ in which Janine MacLeod explains new water legislation in the city of Cochabamba. In a keynote address printed in the Features article ‘Contested Spaces,’ Justin Podur suggests that activist communities take more action rather than be bogged down by the seemingly impossible responsibility of checking one’s privilege.

We received an influx of articles regarding G20 protests and the police crackdown on protestors. While mainstream media since June has been focusing on burning cars, we critically look at the issues of importance that were highlighted by various community groups, organizations, and people who came out in the streets or did the work from afar. With that in mind, we have entitled this issue, ‘None of us are Free until All of us are Free.’

In ‘Safety and Rights of Journalists in Canada,’anarticleinourFeaturesSection, Vidya Kauri describes the experiences of the Free Press 4 and argues that the violation of journalists’ rights on such a large scale is unprecedented in Canadian history. Peter Gelderloos in ‘Supporting the Prisoners of the G20 State’ considers the 19 people recently released on bail conditions for their involvement in the G20 protests; unlike Kauri, he holds that systemic exclusion and violence, police brutality and oppression, are all par for the course in global politics.

The News Section presents an article focusing on police oppression and brutality: Jesse Zimmerman’s ‘Justice for Junior’ gives a first-hand account of the Jane-Finch community mobilizing against the death of Junior Manon at the hands of the police. Jesse Rosenfeld’s ‘Partners in Occupation’looks at the most recent round of peace talks between the Palestinian Authority and Israel, focusing on the difficulties and contradictions that remain at the heart of them.

In our Comments Section, Kutuk and Grover criticize the Vari Hall renovations, the administrative-led investigation into the YFS election, the inadequate response to on-campus sexual assaults, and the funding allocated for lobbying government.

Sarah Sackville McLauchlan reviews the Climate Change and Public Policy Conference 2010, noting the urgency in responding to climate change.

Our Arts Section covers events that have taken place throughout the city of Toronto. Lee Knuttila reviews the Toronto International Film Festival

ADVERTISE, WRITE FOR AND CONTRIBUTE TO US: If you are interested in writing for the YU Free Press, editing, advertising, volunteering or anything else realted to the

CORRECTIONS

Vol. 2, Issue 4

paper, you can always send us an email at: info@yufreepress.org.

COVER IMAGE Artwork by Danyelle Color/Style by Victoria Barnett

Page 18: The photo for the article “Debunking Excalibur’s Objectivity” was accredited to Erykah Turner, the author of the article.

The graphic was originally created by Don Wilkinson for Excalibur, and modified

by Erykah Turner for printing in the YU Free Press. The graphic should have been accreddited in this way.

(TIFF); while Hadiyya Mwapachu writes on a TIFF event--a roundtable featuring political film director Ken Loach and partner Paul Laverty. In ‘Review: Creative Time Summit 2: Revolutions in Public Practice,’ Karie Liao discusses a conference on political art and more broadly considers what makes art political.

As we move into our third year of publication, the YUFP Editorial Collective has gone through much

transition. We would like to recognize the hard work of Collective members who have now moved on to bigger and better things--you will be missed. Returning members include Victoria Barnett, Raji Choudury, Nathan Nun, and Jen Rinaldi; and Canova Kutuk, erstwhile Assistant Editor, is our latest Comments Editor. We are happy to welcome onto the Collective the following new Editors: Rebecca Granovsky-Larsen, Ashley Grover, Amelia Jazienicki, Evan Johnston, Amee Le, and Vida Setoudeh.

The new YU Free Press team looks forward to bringing a new perspective and continued energy to the valued work of its contributors, readers, and those doing the work that our writers write about. Alternative media is here to stay at York University, and the YU Free Press will continue to thrive! Thanks for reading, and enjoy!

The YU Free Press Editorial Collective

Mississaugas of New Credit First Nation Sign Settlement with Government of Canada The Mississaugas of New Credit First Nation, who once lived along the Credit River in Mississauga, and the government of Canada have signed an historic $145 million settlement. The settlement resolves an outstanding dispute over a land claim encompassing more than 100,000 hectares in the Greater Toronto Area.

{ Theme: None of us are Free until All of us are Free

DROP the Charges Historians suggest the Mississaugas were not properly apprised of what they were agreeing to in the socalled Toronto Purchase of 1787.

Land stretching from Etobicoke Creek to Ashbridges Bay and 28 miles north was turned over for just 10 shillings, about $60 in today’s terms. A similar stretch encompassing presentday Mississauga “Land stretching from went for the same amount.

Etobicoke Creek to

Ashbridges Bay and 28 miles north was turned over for just 10 shillings, about $60 in today’s terms.”

The First Nation signed away the land in two treaties written 200 years ago, before agreeing in the 1840s to move to their current 2,900-hectare reserve in Hagersville, near the Six Nations.

The $145 million settlement is based roughly on estimates of proper land values at the time of the original agreement, extrapolated to today’s dollars.

“Our First Nation has a long history of seeking input and guidance from our members,”

said Chief Bryan LaForme. “We conducted a series of meetings last spring and our members gave us clear direction on the settlement offer and the Trust Agreement. In our ratification referendum held on May 29 this year, an overwhelming percentage of our members voted ‘yes’ to this settlement. The First Nation membership has charted our path and we ill now move toward a brighter future for our people, a future filled with economic opportunity, growth and prosperity.”

The bulk of the money will be put in trust for the community, but the agreement gives each adult band member $20,000. The band has about 1,842 members.

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

News

U of T Governing Council in Contempt, Restricitive Policy Passed Despite Unanimous Student Opposition U of T Students Raising Deeply Disturbing Questions Fifty students and their elected representatives filled the chambers of the University of Toronto’s Governing Council on Thursday, October 28 to oppose policy revisions that will further restrict student access to campus space. In blatant disregard of democratic procedure and vibrant student opposition-which included direct lobbying of individual governors, a large rally that afternoon endorsed by more than 150 recognized campus clubs and students’ unions, and collective singing intended to stall the vote in the Council meeting—U of T Governors approved the policy revisions.

The controversial policy revisions include provisions to increase the cost of booking space on campus, restrict external groups and speakers from participating in on-campus events, and prohibit the use of the University’s name on promotional material. The policy also gives the senior U of T administration unfettered discretion to deny room bookings. “The approval of this proposal, like the implementation of flat program fees, demonstrates that the University’s gover-

nance is undemocratic and unaccountable,” explains Joeita Gupta, University of Toronto student governor. “We are demanding parity on all governing bodies of the University.”

The revisions were crafted without consultation with students or faculty--a fact admitted

by Provost Cheryl Misak and strongly criticized by the President of the U of T Muslim

{

“U of T needs a new space use policy that is developed and administered by students, staff and faculty, not by an Administration captured by commercial interests and a demonstrated intent to suppress dissent.”

Students’ Association, Mueen Hakak. “It is coming to us as a surprise since student clubs were not consulted before drafting this policy,” says Hakak, adding that “Higher booking rates and discretionary acceptance or rejection of booking requests will more so limit students’ ability to engage on this campus.”

U of T needs a new space use policy that

Partners in Occupation Jesse Rosenfeld

Lacking popular legitimacy amongst Palestinians, de-facto control in Gaza and dependent on American and European aid to stay afloat, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is without a base to find strength in a negotiations process that most of his constituents view skeptically.

As a result, the continued series of PA concessions illustrates the context of the Aug. 31 settler assassinations, intended to derail talks before they began. Although these attacks were carried out by Hamas’s military wings, they received support from a wide coalition spanning the Palestinian political spectrum, including leftist PLO factions like the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP).

However, this approach to derailment is different in reason and context to Hamas’s suicide bombing campaign of the Oslo period, which sought to send the message that the PLO lacked a monopoly on resistance. This target--against Hebron settler communities, especially known for violence and cruelty to Palestinians--was one of broad appeal, stating that resistance can still be mustered despite the continuous Israeli and PA security force crackdowns in the West Bank.

Although tit-for-tat internal reprisal and repression between PA forces in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza colours PA West Bank reprsion, it does not explain the depth of the crackdown which again climaxed during the lead up and commencement to negotiations. Even before the assassinations, a public meeting in Ramallah of civil society and political organizations opposing the talks, primarily from the Palestinian Left, was infiltrated by PA general intelligence and violently dispersed before it could get underway.

Following the settler assassinations, PA forces swept through the West Bank arresting hundreds suspected of involvement with Hamas and Islamic Jihad--a move condemned by the Palestinian human rights organization, Al Haq. On the night of the assassinations, PA forces reportedly entered the Deheisha refugee camp--regularly invaded by Israeli forces and one of the few remaining PFLP stronghold camps--shooting. Clashes with residents throwing stones then ensued and 13 people connected to the Popular Front were later arrested by the PA. The website Electronic Intifada has reported that the PFLP in the camp has since decided to move political activities underground and

is developed and administered by students, staff, and faculty, not by an administration captured by commercial interests and a demonstrated intent to suppress dissent. “These policy revisions are politically motivated,” says Danielle Sandhu, Vice-President Equity for the University of Toronto Students’ Union.

PA forces now patrol the camp, painting over gratified PFLP, Hamas and anti-negotiations slogans.

“The PA problem is [that] their program matches Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia,” former Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades leader turned cultural activist with Jenin’s Freedom Theatre, Zakaria Zubeidi says, referring to the largest US military aid recipients in the Middle East after Israel. “They are all beholden,” he continues, contending that Iran sets Hamas’s program. Formerly topping Israel’s assassination list, Zubeidi says he gave up armed resistance after the internal split which he believes set back the Palestinian struggle 50 years. “The Palestinian yard is now empty of resistance,” he adds, overlooking the Jenin refugee camp from his porch--which was an Israeli army lookout point during the last Intifada.

In the West Bank it has been more than a two-year process of blanket Israeli repression followed by PA security force clean up and behind-the-scenes debilitating of resistance. A prime example is the town of Ni’lin-located near the 1967 green line and waging popular demonstrations since 2008 against Israeli land annexation stemming from the Wall. Once a forceful and broad struggle that was an example for national unity, it now faces consistently shrinking participation.

“When [the Israelis] kill five people, shoot 45 with live ammunition and arrest 150, people start to ask who will look after my family if I go to jail or am killed,” says Ni’lin resident Saeed Ibrahim Amira, a young man who spent four and half months in an Israeli jail for activism against the Wall. Accord-

“U of T administrators do not like it when students voice dissent on campus, whether regarding the G20 and police violence or Canadian militarism and the Israel/Palestine conflict. But U of T is mandated to promote debate, not stifle it. In response to U of T’s repressive space use policy, administrators can expect very loud and very public debate.” ing to Amira, the PA has also fallen short in supporting those injured by Israeli soldiers and done nothing to deal with spiralling unemployment stemming from denials of work permits to Israel for town residents because of the anti-Wall campaign. As the wall construction was completed, unity began to break down and in June PA general intelligence began summoning residents suspected of Hamas affiliation and then arresting 15, including people involved in the popular struggle.

Like Ni’lin and Deheisha, Jenin has also experienced the impact of duel Israeli and PA force presence, starting in 2008 with an unpopular mass policing operation in the city and refugee camp. Yet, when the Israeli army enters, the PA security forces disappear from sight (as they do across the West Bank). “The PA come in and [have a] ‘peaceful’ occupation of the camp. Since this started, Zakariah [Zubeidi] and the resistance has been losing power,” says Mustafa Staiti, a local resident who grew up in the refugee camp and now lives in the city. “People are not close with the PA and most people are skeptical about the negotiations,” he adds contending that Fatah’s internal resistance was broken at its last conference in Bethlehem.

With Israelis clearly looking to use these negotiations as cover for expanding occupation--as all governments since Rabin have done--the PA presence can only be that of an unpopular authority openly embracing its only remaining source of marginal power: Israel and the US. Where an ability to convince Palestinians that this style of talks will lead to freedom has failed, a systematic campaign to break resistance so the status quo can continue has emerged.

Article and photo originally published on the Daily Nuisance; www.thedailynuisance.com

The YU Free Press is a free alternative monthly newspaper at York University.

Our principal objectives are to challenge the mainstream corporate media model and provide a fundamental space for critical analysis at York University and wider community.

ADDRESS York University 4700 Keele Street Toronto, Canada EMAIL info@yufreepress.org WEBSITE http://www.yufreepress.org EDITORIAL COLLECTIVE Victoria Barnett Raji Choudhury Rebecca Granovsky-Larsen Ashley Grover Amelia Jazienicki Evan Johnston Canova Kutuk Amee Le Nathan Nun Jen Rinaldi Vida Setoudeh

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Run—Hebron, Occupied Palestinian Territory: Demonstrators running from tear gas released by the Israeli army in Hebron.

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News

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News in Brief Evan Johnston Austerity Measures in Europe Met with Strikes, Protests Austerity measures introduced in many EU countries have been met with protests, strikes, and popular opposition, resulting in a 100,000 strong march on Wed. Sept. 29, on the European Union buildings in Brussels, Belgium. In Spain, close to 10 million workers took part in a general strike in response to major cuts and labour reforms that make it easier for employers to fire their employees. Similar protests took place in other EU member countries, such as Greece, Ireland, Lithuania, Portugal, Poland, and Slovenia. On Tues. Oct. 12, over three million workers went on a one-day strike in France in protest of a pension reform bill introduced by French President Nicolas Sarkozy. The bill will raise the age the retirement age on a full pension from 65 to 67, and lift the minimum retirement age in France to 62 years from 60. These follow a string of protests across Europe that began in June.

Mineral Deposits Afghanistan

Found

in

The United States announced in June that it had “discovered” nearly $1 trillion in untapped mineral deposits in Afghanistan. General David

Petraeus, who replaced General Stanley McChrystal on Jun. 23 as the Commander of US Forces in Afghanistan, described the situation in a New York Times interview as one with “stunning potential.” The mineral deposits include iron, copper, cobalt, gold, and lithium, the latter leading the Pentagon to describe Afghanistan in a memo as the future “Saudi Arabia of lithium.” However, other sources claim that the mineral deposits have been known about since the 1970s by the Soviet Union, the United Nations, the World Bank, and the United States. Some observers have called the timing of the announcement a little too convenient, given the fall in public support for the continuing occupation of Afghanistan.

Israel Broke International Law: UN Fact-Finding Mission The UN Fact-Finding Mission into the Israeli attack on the Gaza-bound aid flotilla has concluded that Israel broke international law, calling the actions of the Israeli commandos “disproportionate,” and “betray[ing] an unacceptable level of brutality.”

Nine activists were killed and dozens more were wounded on board the Mavi Marmara, one of the six Gazabound aid flotillas attempting to break the illegal Israeli siege of the Gaza Strip, when Israeli commandos raided the ship on May 31. In July, the United Nations Human Rights Council

appointed a team to investigate Israel’s deadly raid, and on Sept. 23, the UN Fact-Finding Mission issued the 56page report.

China Overtakes the US as World’s Largest Energy Consumer The International Energy Agency (IEA) announced in October that China has overtaken the United States as the world’s largest energy consumer.

The executive director of the IEA, Nobuo Tanaka, told a conference that “probably half of the oil demand increase comes from China.” Given the country’s low per-capita consumption level and its 1.3 billion population, the IEA expects China’s energy use to continue to grow.

Far North Act Threatens First Nations Treaty Rights The McGuinty Liberals passed the controversial Far North Act through legislature on Sept. 23 in a 46 to 26 vote, despite strong opposition from First Nations communities and other northern Ontario community groups.

The provincial government claims the Far North Act, or Bill 191, is designed to protect “at least half of the Far North in an interconnected network of conservation lands,” and to establish “a leadership role for Far North First Nations in land use planning.”

However, the Chiefs of Nishnawbe Aski Nation (NAN) argue that the Minister of Natural Resources will end up having the final say in development, thereby overriding treaty rights, and have promised to continue fighting

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 against the introduction of the bill.

“The act gives the government blanket powers to override local First Nations’ land use decisions,” claims NDP Aboriginal Affairs Critic Gilles Bisson, “and does not respect Aboriginal rights to accommodation.”

Harper Government Commits $18 Billion for Fighter Jets The Harper government announced in July that it will spend upwards of $18 billion on 65 new F-35 Lightning II fighter jets from Lockheed Martin, the world’s largest military corporation.

The jets themselves will cost $9 billion, but an additional $7 to 9 billion will be required for their maintenance over the next 20 years. Despite opposition from all other federal parties, and from the majority of the Canadian public, Harper defends his purchase as “the best deal for Canada.”

UN General Assembly Passes Resolution on Safe and Clean Water On Jul. 28, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution which declaring “safe and clean drinking water and sanitation” a “human right essential to the full enjoyment of life and all other human rights.” The assembly resolution, presented by the Bolivian government, had 122 countries vote in its favour, while 41 countries--including Canada and the United States--abstained.

US Lifts Deepwater Drilling Ban

earlier this month that it has lifted its moratorium on deepwater oil drilling in the Gulf of Mexico. According to Interior Secretary Ken Salazar, the Gulf is once again “open for business.”

The moratorium came into effect shortly after the Deepwater Horizon rig exploded in April, killing 11 workers and causing one of the worst environmental disasters in US history.

The moratorium has been lifted six weeks earlier than its original Nov. 30 end date, despite reports warning of the amount of oil and toxic dispersants that remain in the waters, as well as criticisms of the lack of changes made to safety standards for the workers of the rigs.

Export Development Canada lends $1 Billion to Vale Export Development Canada (EDC), a Crown corporation that provides risk management and financial support for Canadian exports, has lent $1 billion to Vale Inc., the Brazilian mining corporation. EDC claim that their relationship with Vale “provides for significant potential benefits for Canada, both in Canadian mining and processing projects and in international opportunities for Canadian equipment suppliers and engineering firms.”

The United Steelworkers (USW) has called the deal an “insult to workers,” especially after the tumultuous yearlong strike with Vale by USW Local 6500 in Sudbury, and the ongoing strike by USW Local 9508 in Labrador.

The Obama administration announced

Ray of Hope for Internally Action Alert: Oppose New Immigration Act Stephen Harper and Jason Kenney have proposed a new Immigration Act, Displaced Children in Somalia Bill C-49. It would allow the Minister of Public Safety to declare any Maheen A. Rashdi “When I come home from school, there is no food at home,” says little Mohammad Ibrahim, who lives in a camp for displaced people in Mogadishu, Somalia. Ibrahim and others like him have to walk a long distance for any available food. “My father tells me to work before I can eat anything,” Mohammad tells the aid worker at his camp in Beledwyn.

funding education of the IDPs of Somalia.

The aim of the IDRF led project is to create education opportunities for marginalized internally displaced children in Somalia. The project will ensure equal access to girls and boys and will reduce the illiteracy level among their parents by providing them with literacy classes (reading, writing, and numeracy skills).

There are many others where he lives who share the same plight.

These are the young innocents who have been displaced because of years of conflict and civil wars in Somalia. The only hope these children have is the help that outside aid can give them.

By involving parents and other adult relatives in the project the reluctance to allow children (especially girls) access to school is overcome. Parents will be able to experience the value of education for themselves and will in effect create a supportive network at home for their children.

The humanitarian situation in Somalia has been one of the worst in the world since the start of the civil war in 1991. For 19 years, there has not been an effective government to provide security and basic services, such as health care and education, to the people of Somalia. As a result, thousands of families have been displaced from their homes, many of whom are from the nation’s capital, Mogadishu.

IDRF’s partner, HIRDA, has chosen the schools to be built in Beledwyne where the most vulnerable internally displaced people are currently living. The existing schools in Somalia are run by local NGOs and charge children school fees to cover the running expenses and teachers’ salaries.

Of the families in main cities, 85% cannot afford school fees and accessing the schools is difficult.

The International Development and Relief Foundation (IDRF) a Canadian non-profit organization is leading a project to create education opportunities for marginalized internally displaced children in Somalia. To achieve its goal of building two classrooms to provide education to 160 children and 160 parents, IDRF held a BBQ and Walkathon on Jun. 19, the proceeds of which went toward

IDRF hopes to overcome these barriers and provide the means to a better standard of living to the peoples of Beledwyne. The lack of government institutions in the region has meant that most funding is through voluntary donations, this is why events like the Walk in the Park are crucial for raising the much needed funds for the marginalized people of the world.

group of migrants coming in to Canada a ‘smuggling incident.’ There is no definition of a ‘smuggler’ in this Act.

For the asylum seekers who are declared part of an incident (which could be anyone making a refugee claim in a group of two or more), the Conservative government wants to: -Jail them for a minimum of one year -Deny access to health services -Deny monthly detention reviews, allowing migrants in jail a chance to gain freedom only once every six months -Be able to revoke people’s refugee status after it has been granted by the refugee determination process -Ban applications for permanent residence for five years after gaining refugee status -Bar people from reuniting with their families for five years after gaining refugee status -Stop people from leaving Canada for five years after gaining refugee status -Deny the right of appeal to a rejected refugee claim -Put in an ex-CSIS director and the man responsible for police brutality during the G20 as a special advisor on human migration This is an absolute outrage. This Act is now at second reading in Parliament and must be stopped.

It is imperative that people across Canada are aware of this bill and its implications. Please call, fax, and email your Member of Parliament (details follow) and ask your friends and colleagues to do the same.

Insist that: -Jailing refugee claimants is ruthless, punitive and absolutely unjust -We want refugee claimants, asylum seekers and migrants to come to Canada -Cancelling a refugee claim after it has been granted is absurd and illegal -Ministers having absolute power to call anyone a criminal will give rise to absolute corruption -This Act contravenes the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and breaks the objectives of family reunification within the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act -This Act is also in violation of the 1951 Refugee Convention, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, all international treaties to which Canada is a signatory.

With Canadian and other Western economies responsible for displacement of millions of people through war, economic turmoil, and environmental havoc, there has been an intense spike in people migrating in search for physical and economic security. As movements struggle to stop war, cease capitalist exploitation, and halt environmental degradation, it is imperative that we resist the militarization and closing of borders that will limit the ability of communities in turmoil to seek safety.

For more information on this, and further information on how you can stop this, please read more at: http://toronto.nooneisillegal.org

Justice for Junior Jesse M. Zimmerman On May 9, 2010 (Mother’s Day) one hundred or so people--students, community members, and activists-converged at Shoreham Dr. and made their way down to the police station for the 31st Division at 40 Norfinch Dr. They arrived at the station around 2:00pm, where mainstream media reporters awaited their arrival: a cameraman from CityTv and a reporter from the Toronto Sun. Once there, the crowd chanted in front of the station, keeping a fair distance on the sidewalk, conveying feelings of frustration and anger. Some bore signs, others roses. Their chants were directed at the station’s exterior walls, shouting things like “No Justice, No Peace,” “Nobody has the right to take a baby from his mother,” and “Touch one, touch all.” Various signs read “Justice for Junior” and “Time 4 Change” while others had pictures of Junior Alexander Manon.

{

became outraged; this rally was one of many events that have followed and one of many more to come.

Members of various organizations were at the rally, including many reporters from grassroots media outlets: CHRY 105.5 FM and JaneFinch.com. Many in the crowd were also students, some from nearby York University. Members of Junior’s immediate family were present in the youth-dominated rally, many of whom addressed the crowd on speakerphone in Spanish.

Everyone present applauded when activist speaker passionately exclaimed at the speakerphone, “People who are supposed to uphold the law; break the law…the whole community needs to mobilize! [It] could have been any of us!”

“We have to stick together; together we are strong,” said a community member who was hesitant to give his name. During the speeches some members of the crowd slowly made their way toward the station,

“This was not the first instance of police brutality at Jane and Finch, only the most recent, but it has evoked a response from community members that will most likely not fade away any time soon.”

Junior Manon died on May 5 near Steeles Ave. W. and Founders Rd., at the far northern end of the sprawling Keele campus of York University.

He had allegedly been running from police who had pulled him over.

The police officers claimed that the 18-year old collapsed during the ensuing chase and they further asserted that he had suffered a heart attack. A witness on the scene and the other passenger in the car, though, explained that seven police officers jumped him and continued to beat him until he died: “They beat him up, he was on the floor, he wasn’t resisting. Two officers on him, punching him in the face, one kicking him in the ribs… and then five more come and jump on him. …He’s not that big for seven boy’dem [cops] to be on him like that.”

Many members of the community

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News

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

but backed off shortly after. There was talk of entering the station among people in the crowd, but the suggestions never germinated into action. Others were hesitant for fear of being arrested.

A few police cars sat across the street at a school’s parking lot. I had the opportunity to approach a police officer sitting in one of the cruisers.

The officer did not give his name, as it is generally not customary for them to do so with such a contentious issue at hand.

When inquired what his thoughts were on the rally, he responded, “Their democratic right to protest.”

He explained that an SIU (Special Investigations Unit) had been assigned to the case and that the outcome will decide what exactly took place on May 5. When asked who was in the SIU the officer explained that they were trained investigators, mostly ex-cops

themselves.

One member of the crowd, a freelance journalist and activist, was not satisfied with this response. He felt there was a direct conflict of interest, as police officers are inevitably a fraternity and may be more interested in ‘looking out for one another.’

He felt an independent body may be better suited for this task.

When the officer was questioned on this, he replied, “I don’t want someone at Wal-Mart,” and added when I mentioned the idea of having law-experts on the SIU that while “Osgoode Hall was a nice place to learn law” cops actually know it.

The young man on the other side of the road was unconvinced.

According to BASICS magazine: “Not a single officer has ever been convicted of criminal charges for the killing of persons in their custody, despite handling more than 30 such cases since its inception.”

“Racism is pervasive within the police force. There is a need for the law enforcement to embrace [the] whole notion of pluralism,” said Solomon Saifo, a student activist.

Members of York University Black Students Association and the recently formed Black Youth Coalition Against Violence were also present.

After about an hour or so, the rally moved along down Norfinch Ave. to Finch Ave. W., where they made their way up Finch Ave. toward Jane St..

By this time the mainstream media representatives had left, but many alternative media outlets remained.

The crowd received much support in the form of honking horns from cars passing by on the street, until they reached the intersection of Jane and Finch.

A speaker addressed the crowd again: “Provide jobs, give kids access to education. …We’re going to demand an end to police brutality.

Junior Alexander Manon

If the system can’t do it, our community has the responsibility to get justice!”

Junior was a rapper and they proceeded to play some of his tracks while the crowd started to disperse.

Many participants claimed this was just the beginning of community action. The family thanked all the people for coming and the day was out.

This was not the first instance of police brutality at Jane and Finch, only the most recent, but it has evoked a response from community members that will most likely not fade away any time soon. On Dec. 10, 2008 a crowd of demonstrators entered the 31 Division Police Station where community members came forth and expressed their frustration and concern about police brutality in their community. One community member claimed he had seen a police officer strip search a young woman for no clear reason, and another threaten to choke a youth. He mentioned his fears that something terrible may happen if these trends continue. This has been a concern for activists for quite a long time now in many impoverished parts of Toronto. Elsewhere in the city activists in the community set up CopWatch programs.

It is unclear at this point what exactly happened, although community members and activists present on May 9 do not accept the official

police explanation--that an 18-year old man simply collapsed of a heart attack. It is also unclear as to why Junior had this altercation and why he started fleeing from the police.

Many people present at the rally claimed neither drugs nor weapons were found on the scene, and that even if Junior had done something wrong, it remains an injustice that he died as a result.

An activist and freelance reporter by the name of CJ made this statement on the matter: “I expect many people will focus on the question of why Junior Alexander Manon (and others in similar positions) chose to run, rather than why ‘peace’ officers choose to brutalize. However, we must remember that the history of police brutality has deep roots in upholding the contradictory social process of dehumanizing (demonizing) disenfranchised populations. Whether or not Junior A. Manon was guilty of a public offense, his life was unjustly taken by a force that has been burdened and privileged with the task of maintaining a social order. If the police force continues to be immune from sincere public evaluation and sincere discipline, I hope the next citizens running for their lives win the race.”

At least one thing remains clear: this issue is not going away anytime soon.

Emergency aid for Floods in Pakistan Maheen A. Rashdi IDRF (International Development & Relief Foundation) calls upon all Canadians to join the efforts to help the people of Pakistan who are reeling as they contend with yet another crisis. Monsoon rains lashing out in Pakistan have caused the worst floods there in over 80 years. Close to two thousand people have already died and many more are feared dead in the heavily populated towns and villages that now lie submerged underwater. Roofs of homes have caved in and roads and other infrastructure, including bridges that have been landmarks for centuries, have collapsed, marooning large numbers of inhabitants.

The UN reports that millions of people have been dislocated

by the floods in all parts of Pakistan, primarily in the Swat and Shangla Districts and in the Province of KhyberPakhtoonkwa. With their belongings destroyed and littered under open skies, families are making desperate attempts to reach safer ground and access food, water, clothes, and shelter. There is grave concern that this disaster will cause an outbreak of diseases such as cholera, malaria, and dysentery.

News

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Ivanhoe Monywa mine Evades Sanctions via Singaporean bank Thomas Maung Shwe Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper, the blacklisted joint venture that runs Burma’s largest mine, uses Singaporean bankers to evade Western sanctions against Burma when it receives payments for copper from the controversial Monywa mine, a copy of a copper sales contract reveals. Monywa, a city in Burma’s northwestern division of Sagaing, is about 140 kilometres from Mandalay on the eastern bank of the Chindwin River.

An Apr. 2010 contract for the sale of copper produced at the Monywa copper mine obtained by Mizzima shows that the Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper Company Limited (MICCL), which runs Burma’s largest mine, uses a Singaporean bank account to circumvent Western sanctions against Burma when it receives overseas funds used to purchase copper produced at the controversial mine.

The document shows that funds for the purchases are to be sent to “the account of Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) with Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation, Singapore, a beneficiary MICCL account at MICB.” Like MICCL, MICB (aka Myanmar Investment and Commercial Bank) is also on the US government’s list of entities blacklisted for their links to the Burmese ruling junta.

Critics have accused the Singaporebased Overseas Chinese Banking Corporation (OCBC) of assisting the Burmese regime in hiding the tremendous wealth it receives from natural gas sales.

Citing confidential sources, the legal rights NGO, Earth Rights International (ERI), first reported last year that OCBC is one of two Singaporean banks with which the Burmese regime deposits the billions of dollars it receives from the lucrative Yadana natural gas project involving France’s Total, the American giant Chevron and Thailand’s state-owned oil firm PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP).

In a follow-up report released last month, ERI, citing a recently documented testimony of Sai Thein Win, a military scientist who defected from Burma, said the hard-currency proceeds stored in Singapore, instead of being used to pay for desperately needed health care or education “enabled the country’s autocratic junta to maintain power and pursue an expensive, illegal nuclear weapons programme while participating in illicit weapons trade in collaboration with North Korea, threatening the domestic and regional security balance.”

Sean Turnell, an economist at Sydney’s Macquarie University and editor of Burma Economic Watch, told Mizzima his internationally recognized research had found that natural gas revenues from state-owned or co-owned mining projects were inaccurately recorded in Burma’s national budget using a deliberately flawed exchange rate.

Turnell said: “All foreign-exchange

revenues accruing to state-owned entities in Burma are recorded at the country’s grossly overvalued exchange rate. This has the effect of hiding the vast part of these revenues [more than 90%] from Burma’s public accounts, and allows foreign exchange to be secreted away offshore for the regime’s private use, and at the expense of the people they exploit and misrule. It is difficult to conceive of a worse example of large-scale state larceny, anywhere in the world.”

Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB) executive director Tin Maung Htoo,

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the firm or entities it controlled have committed.”

The activist said that as the Canadian government was a supporter of the people of Burma, he looked forward to a thorough investigation of Ivanhoe adding, “we hope that Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon and his colleague International Trade Minister Peter Van Loan conduct a thorough probe of this matter as soon as possible.”

As evidence of what he called Ivanhoe’s “total disregard for human rights,” Tin Maung Htoo brought

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 wave of privatizations confirmed to Mizzima that this was indeed what happened late last year.

Last month the exiled news service Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) reported that Norinco will give the Burmese mobile military howitzers (artillery pieces) in exchange for copper from the Monywa mine, something Khun Myint Tun, a senior member of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy called “deeply disturbing.” Khun Myint Tun and the NLD also called on the Canadian government to investigate the allegations surrounding Ivanhoe’s departure from Monywa.

If Ivanhoe’s 50% stake in MICCL was indeed sold or given to cronies of the junta this was a violation of Canadian sanctions against Burma.

Canada’s financial and investment restrictions targeting Senior General Than Shwe’s regime were

“Tin Maung Htoo said the documented evidence of MICCL’s using a Singaporean bank to skirt Western sanctions was yet one more reason why the Canadian Government of Stephen Harper should investigate Ivanhoe Mines’ Burmese operations and their controversial exit from Burma.”

a long-time critic of Ivanhoe’s activities in Burma agreed with Turnell’s assessment. The exiled activist and survivor of the August 1988 anti-junta protests told Mizzima he was not surprised to see definitive evidence of what he had long suspected.

“Now we have absolute proof that Ivanhoe’s Burmese operations have resulted in millions of dollars going to a secret offshore junta-controlled hard-currency fund,” Tin Maung Htoo said. “We’re certain that this money is not being used for badly needed social services but instead going for the Burmese generals’ personal use, military weapons buying sprees and clandestine missile and nuclear programmes.”

Mizzima has also found evidence that supports Tin Maung Htoo’s belief that funds from the Monywa mine have been diverted to offshore Singapore accounts since Ivanhoe’s joint venture with the Burmese regime first started producing copper in 1998. A 1999 paper written and presented by then-Indochina Goldfields (previous name for Ivanhoe Mines) president Daniel Kunz stated that MICCL used a Singaporean bank to facilitate the sale of copper produced at the Monywa mine. Kunz also stated that the MICCL bank account in Singapore was overseen by unnamed “trustees;” Kunz again repeated this information in a similar 2001 paper presented at a Colorado mining conference.

Tin Maung Htoo said the documented evidence of MICCL’s using a Singaporean bank to skirt Western sanctions was yet one more reason why the Canadian Government of Stephen Harper should investigate Ivanhoe Mines’ Burmese operations and their controversial exit from Burma. He said “Ivanhoe Mines has conducted themselves in a thoroughly disgraceful manner for many years, Ivanhoe’s senior executives, several of whom were on the board of MICCL, were clearly in a position to be aware that their joint venture was deliberately evading sanctions. Ivanhoe must be investigated for its actions and punished for any legal violations

up what he calls the “despicable pro-junta comments” made by thenIvanhoe president Kunz in Sept.

2000.

significantly strengthened following the crushing of the Sept. 2007 popular uprising led by Burmese monks.

In an interview with a Canadian journalist, Kunz defended the junta, describing the situation in Burma as such: “There are 146 different ethnic groups that have been at civil war for decades and decades. It’s complicated. The military government, unfortunately, is probably the only form of government that can deal with such a complex problem.”

In Feb. 2007, Ivanhoe placed its 50% stake in MICCL under the direction of an ostensibly ‘independent trust,’ which was given the task of selling Ivanhoe’s Burmese assets. Despite repeated requests from media and human rights groups Ivanhoe has so far refused to disclose the individuals or firms that operate or oversee the trust.

Ownership of Ivanhoe’s 50% Stake in MICCL still Mired in Controversy Ivanhoe Mines and its controversial chairman Robert Friedland, aka ‘Toxic Bob,’ are accused by CFOB of secretly selling its 50% stake in MICCL, the joint venture that operated Burma’s Monywa copper mine to cronies of the Burmese regime linked to Chinese weapon’s firm Nornico and mining giant Chinalco. A trusted source with insider knowledge of Burma’s recent

In a statement posted on the Ivanhoe’s website on Jun. 30, Ivanhoe denied the trust had sold its stake in MICCL. The firm however refused to show any proof the stake had not been sold, something Tin Maung Htoo told Mizzima “is a clear sign Ivanhoe is deceiving the Canadian public about what happened to its stake in Burma’s largest mine.”

revelations surrounding Ivanhoe Mines, Khun Myint Tun, an exiled NLD member of the parliament elected in 1990 and close ally of Suu Kyi, called on the Quebec pension plan, the Caisse de dépôt, one of Ivanhoe’s five biggest shareholders at 7%, to use its significant holdings to force Ivanhoe Mines to fully disclose what had happened to its Burmese assets. He also urged the Caisse to probe details surrounding the Dec. 2003 arrest of Ivanhoe’s Burmese driver.

Ko Thet Lwin, a driver employed

by Ivanhoe Mines was jailed and sentenced to a lengthy prison term after his boss, Andrew Mitchell, a senior Ivanhoe geologist in Burma, demanded to be driven to Suu Kyi’s home.

After driving to Suu Kyi’s lakeside residence both Ko Thet Lwin and Mitchell were detained by the soldiers who act as her jailers.

Mitchell, a British national was quickly released, but Ko Thet Lwin, according to his family, was sentenced to seven years in prison for doing what his superior had foolishly ordered him to do. Burma’s New Light of Myanmar later published a story claiming that Ko Thet Lwin was on drugs and had kidnapped his boss; something Khun Myint Tun calls “a total fabrication.”

Ko Thet Lwin was last known to be jailed in Burma’s notorious Insein prison in early 2007. Khun Myint Tun, himself a former political prisoner, and other human rights activists fear Ko Thet Lwin died in the May 2007 massacre of more than a dozen prisoners at Insein by jail guards after the roof blew off the prison during Cyclone Nargis.

Khun Myin Tun told Mizzima: “I urge Quebec Premier Jean Charest and Michael Sabia [Caisse chief executive] and the other trustees of the Caisse de dépôt to use their significant stake in the firm to force Ivanhoe to reveal all they know about the events involving Ko Thet Lwin’s arrest and what has since become of him.”

NLD urge Quebec Pension plan to Probe Ivanhoe’s Burmese Activities

“I’m sure the people of Quebec would be astonished to learn that their hard-earned wages were being invested in Ivanhoe Mines, a ruthless and unprincipled firm run by the notorious Robert Friedland,” he said.

Reached for comment on the latest

Originally printed in Mizzima News.

Photo of villagers sifting through toxic mining waste leftover by the operations of Monywa’s Myanmar Ivanhoe Copper Company Ltd. (MICCL).

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

The High Fin Sperm Whale (wikimedia commons)

Features

Janine MacLeod

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“ re you going to Bolivia?”

The question made its way around our large, crowded table at the Red Room bar on Spadina. Gradually a group of us disengaged from conversations, found our scarves and jackets, and began our short walk to Cochabamba. As we strolled along through the mild breezes of early May, someone joked that she hoped the trip would not be as long as her last trip to Bolivia, which had taken her sixteen hours by bus from Peru. Our destination was not South, however, but West along Cecil street to the nearby Steelworkers Hall, where a number of local activists were reporting back from the recent Cochabamba climate conference.

I was floored by what I learned there. The World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth, a response to the failed Copenhagen talks, brought together civil society organizations, indigenous leaders, leaders of several Latin American nations and representatives from over forty other governments to discuss an alternative global approach to climate change.

Returning activists spoke with great animation about what they had witnessed in Bolivia, and read from both the People’s Agreement on climate change and the Proposed Declaration on the Rights of Mother Earth –documents refined and discussed at the conference.

(To access these documents, see http://pwccc.wordpress.com).

I had known previously that under the presidency of Evo Morales, Bolivia has rejected neoliberal models of development. I knew that this alternative conference would constitute, among other things, an attempt to decolonize the global response to climate change, rejecting ‘solutions’ that would neglect the needs and priorities of indigenous peoples, as well as nations of the global South.

However, it was astonishing to hear a document bound for global negotiation overtly declaring the incompatibility of capitalism with ecological well-being. Equally so, the assertion that the Earth is a living being which should be accorded rights; that human rights are in fact predicated on the well-being of waters, soils, and other species.

It seemed brave and exciting, unhindered by cynicism. As I listened in my blue plastic chair, nibbling at cookies and listening to the enthusiastic delegates talk about this alternative framework of values, principles and directions

for global cooperation, I realized that I had to go to Bolivia. For real this time.

access to clean water –one based on local control and participatory processes of governance.

I am not really an ideal correspondent on the Bolivian political climate. I am not fluent in Spanish. Neither am I a specialist in Latin American history or politics.

I am not even much of a traveller.

However, I went to Bolivia with a great desire to see what it feels like to be in a place where a majority of the population is both politically engaged and committed to proving Margaret Thatcher’s famous diagnosis, “there is no alternative” spectacularly wrong.

Oscar told us that until quite recently, Bolivia had no legal framework to control industrial uses of water. They were operating with water laws that had not been updated since 1879. As such, he explained, their recent project has been one of creating, rather than transforming, state policies around water. Crafted with the close participation of organizations such as FEDECOR –a federation of small farmers, and other community groups, the new water laws grant priority to local ‘usos y costombres’ (uses and customs) when these came into conflict with water demands of mining projects and other developments.

As I wandered the streets of Cochabamba after my morning Spanish class, I would try to piece together the political graffiti around me. “Take the factories!” said one (this was deciphered after pausing to look up the word ‘fabricas’ in my dictionary). Another spray-painted scrawl, perhaps dating from the famous ‘water wars’ of the year 2000, read: “The water is ours!” On my walks I would often come across parades or demonstrations.

In a central placa, large groups of Cochabambinos might be gathered, reading and debating, around a set of displays covered with press articles and about regional trade agreements. People were selling copies of Bolivia’s new Constitution in the street.

Perhaps I was especially primed to see them, but the vital signs of political engagement around me were making Canadian cities look moribund indeed.

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Like many North American water activists, I’d first heard about Cochabamba in connection with the dramatic expulsion of Bechtel Corporation from its IMFmandated position of control over the city’s water supply in 2000. I was interested to learn what kinds of water politics had evolved in Bolivia in the decade following this dramatic rejection of privatization.

With the help of a Spanishspeaking friend, I was lucky enough to arrange an interview with Oscar Campanini, regional director of water and health at the organization Agua Sustentable.

Formed just after the departure of Bechtel from Cochabamba, the organization provided technical advice and support to other Bolivian communities struggling against privatization. Now, as Bolivia shifts away from neoliberal models of development, Agua Sustentable has been collaborating with the Evo Morales administration to develop an alternate approach to ensuring

A new water ministry (subject to oversight by prominent small farmer’s organizations) takes over jurisdiction from the mining, hydroelectric and other bureaucracies previously charged with monitoring water use. Under the new laws, water in Bolivia cannot be owned or traded as a commodity, or governed by publicprivate partnerships. It cannot be included in any commercial treaties. In theory, the laws provide a mechanism by which communities could take industrial users to court for contaminating or appropriating water sources in a way that interferes with traditional uses. However, as Oscar explained, the laws have yet to be tested in practice. They have been effective in resolving situations of smallscale conflict, but have not yet

“…Cooperatives administer most of the country’s drinking water and irrigation systems. In effect, the new water laws now legitimize these communal water distribution systems, giving legal recognition to local decision-making processes.”

been tried in conflicts involving more powerful interests.

I was excited to hear about Bolivia’s new water legislation, not least because some of these provisions, such as the prohibition of private ownership and commercialization and the exclusion of water from international trade agreements, have been sought after by Canadian water activists for decades.

However, I was equally intrigued by the community cooperatives –neither public nor private –that govern much of Bolivia’s water.

While portions of Bolivia’s urban centers are served by publicly owned and operated utilities, cooperatives administer most of the country’s drinking water and irrigation systems. In effect, the new water laws now legitimize these communal water distribution systems, giving legal recognition to local decision-making processes.

Many irrigation cooperatives operate through traditional Andean processes of communal deliberation. Local ‘water judges’ distribute water to each household in rotation.

Communities maintained this traditional system of usos y costombres in an act of resistance to colonial lawmaking.

Other cooperatives have more contemporary origins. The Bolivian city of Santa Cruz is home to the largest urban water cooperative in the world. Started in 1979, SAGUAPAC now has 96,000 members, who elect their officials in biannual district assemblies.

In Santa Cruz, cooperatives like SAGUAPAC use profits from their water supply systems to fund local health clinics and other community projects. Throughout Bolivia, systems of mutual aid extend not only within but between communities as cooperatives offer one another loans, help each other to dig trenches, share pipes and tools and expertise.

In many cases, drinking water cooperatives have emerged in the absence of adequate public water and sewer systems. In Cochabamba, for example, the official water supply system only serves half of the city’s residents.

The peripheral zones of the city, especially the neighbourhoods to the South, have been forced to buy water from vendors who sell them city water –at dramatically inflated prices –from trucks. Families pool their resources to drill wells, build tanks and run pipes between their homes. Unfortunately, many of these wells are contaminated to one degree or another, and often can only be used for cooking and cleaning. However, this additional water, while of inferior quality, provides a measure of autonomy from the water vendors. Volunteers check the lines regularly for leaks.

Decisions are made collectively in assemblies, sometimes involving 6,000 or more participants. At these meetings, neighbourhoods often discuss not only the management of their water, but other topical political issues as well.

Treesftf (wikimedia commons) Irrigation in Bolivia. Neoliberal policies of water control have been rejected in favor of local and participatory alternatives.

Cochabamba’s southern zone now has 140 water cooperatives, which have organized themselves into a larger Association of Communal Systems of the South.

They agitate collectively for the

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FEATURES

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Contested Spaces Worth Defending Justin Podur The Sociology and Equity Studies in Education (SESE) at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) Graduate Student Conference this year took place on Apr. 3, 2010. It had the theme ‘Contested Spaces: The (Re)Organization of Schooling Under Neoliberalism.’

From the conference program: “Contested Spaces’ point of departure is that schooling and education in Canada are inscribed in histories of settler-colonialism, imperialism, and (neo)liberalism. We will consider these terms broadly to provide a space for dialogue on the regulation of bodies and the production of knowledge, and for the imagining and practicing of alternate possibilities.”

Also, this conference responds to the increased attack on disciplines and programming that critically interrogate the state, institutions, systems of power, and social relations. Recent eliminations of programs such as Women’s Studies at the University of Guelph, History and Philosophy at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), and cuts to equity programs such as Disability Studies and the Transitional Year Program (TYP) at the University of Toronto, are only a few examples. Further, the intervention of the Conservative government into the governing of Social Sciences Humanities and Research Council (SSHRC) grants/scholarships, its consequent requisite to make research legible to business and state interests, and scrutiny of the organization of conferences such as ‘Israel/Palestine: Mapping Models of Statehood and Paths to Peace,’ reveal the ways in which the academy is being actively reshaped by security and corporate interests linked to the state and shifts in this geo-political moment.

Justin Podur was one of the keynote speakers at the conference (Radhika Mongia was the other keynote). Below is Podur’s talk.

H

ere’s a premise: it’s actually worse than we think. Worse not just in terms of how powerful the system is or how deep oppression goes or how far the process of social and environmental destruction has advanced, but actually worse even in the narrow terms that we’re discussing, of academic freedom and the neoliberal education system. We cannot actually get away with saying and doing things that would directly challenge the system on the job. We cannot do that and keep our jobs.

This is anecdotal, but I have several friends who are intense, academically inclined researchers who work full-time doing freedom-of-information requests, studying primary sources, digging in official documents,

Bolivia

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 7 extension of piped city water into their neighbourhoods, hoping at the same time to retain control over the management of the water when it arrives. In the model favoured by the cooperatives, city water would be delivered to the community’s tanks, at which point the cooperatives would attend to its distribution. Oscar explained that Agua Sustentable has been advocating for a form of integration between Cochabamba’s water cooperatives and the public system, in which the state would provide technical assistance, among other forms of support, to the cooperatives.

Critics point out that cooperatives are not immune to inequitable practices.

Under traditional usos y custombres, families can sometimes be denied access to water for political reasons. Further, in places like Cochabamba, the relative success of the cooperatives in addressing the needs of people in unserviced areas might take pressure off of the local government

interviewing people, and trying to analyze things like foreign policy, democracy promotion, the relationship between military and media operations. Other friends theorize about economic and social matters and I’ve learned more from their theorizing than from any university-based theorist. They are among the best researchers I know and I cannot imagine them being able to do their work at any university in Canada. I might be proven wrong, but I think they are going to have to make their work a little less accessible and a little less hard-hitting if they want a place in the academy today. Some of the best and most influential academic studies of the past few years were not done at universities or by people at universities, and again, I couldn’t imagine them passing to actually extend infrastructure to those neighbourhoods. Some critics argue that in their focus on local concerns, water cooperatives might be less likely to invest in environmental initiatives, or to attend to their impacts on communities downstream.

Cochabamba’s failure to extend water to neighbourhoods like Zona Sur is routinely blamed on a lack of supply. For years, the favoured solution has been a very capital intensive project to bring new water in from a lake on the other side of a mountain. I asked Oscar if conservation, including small scale technologies like rainwater harvesting, greywater recycling, and composting toilets? He responded that conservation seems like it would have great potential to address water shortages in Cochabamba.

However, aside from scattered NGO projects, such initiatives don’t make much of an appearance.

Agua Sustentable, along with some irrigator’s cooperatives, works to

in the academy--not because they’re not good enough, but because they’re too good.

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“I think that these spaces are under attack not because of what we are doing, but because we might one day do something with them and those we might one day oppose can't stand that idea, can't stand that potential, and have to destroy it.”

So, we protect ourselves. We all do it. There are many ways to do it. Here’s mine: I am not a radical on the job. While I like to think that my research on forest fires and climate change isn’t harmful, and has social value, I work according to scientific criteria, not political ones, when I’m working on that. What I do as an activist I do not as part of my job.

That’s one protection. There are others. One other is to use obscure language, which means that anyone watching would conclude you’re irrelevant and therefore no threat. I have heard it many times.

Colleagues of mine that I respect a lot saying things that are true and very radical but are basically incomprehensible because they are phrased in in-group language.

Certain things can’t be talked about except in abstract language--I understand that. But look at the program for this conference.

Look at the titles of the talks. Many, maybe most, are incomprehensible to non-specialists.

This would be true at a mathematics conference too, or a computer science conference, but isn’t what we are doing different from that?

What is it that we’re doing, exactly?

What role do activists at universities have?

What is our role at universities, the role that we know is under protect forested recharge areas from urban sprawl, but in general, source protection has not been a priority either. More broadly, he explained to us that social movements in Bolivia have not

attack? What is it that is under attack? What is it we’re defending?

Is it worth defending?

It seems to me that what we have at the university is one of three things. #1: A comfortable job that allows time and resources to do things off the job, whether that’s activism or vacations. #2: A job pursuing knowledge for its intrinsic value, as one would in any other field from biology to classics to astronomy. #3: A base from which to pursue profound change in the society, to think through what needs to be changed and how to do it--in other words, a base of opposition to

power.

Number three gets you into trouble.

Opposing power gets you into trouble. I would argue we aren’t actually doing very much of three.

Perhaps that is because we can’t, because things are already so bad that the universities are closed and you can’t do actual opposition on the job. I think that might be true.

I don’t know. I think that these spaces are under attack not because of what we are doing, but because we might one day do something with them and those we might one day oppose can’t stand that idea, can’t stand that potential, and have to destroy it. I haven’t found a way to do number three myself. Not on the job, at any rate. But if we start from the premise that we aren’t doing it, then we might think about how we could do it. If, on the other hand, we think we are doing it now, when we are actually just enjoying comfortable situations (in relative terms), we have no reason to think hard about how to do it.

If you accept my premise that we aren’t actually doing effective opposition to power, and that we are under attack more because of potential than reality, then it follows that we should try to increase our effectiveness. I have my own thoughts about that which I will share, but first I want to say a few things about the consequences of our ineffectiveness.

Leftists used to be the smartest people around. They were the source of original ideas of all

CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE traditionally concerned themselves with the environment. While there is a widespread and deeply rooted cultural reverence for Pachamama (Mother Earth) this has not yet manifested itself in the political life of the country.

Oscar Olivera, a prominent leader in Cochabamba’s water protests, has noted that Bolivia has made great gains in its struggle to expel multinationals and break free from the neoliberal model of development. He explains that its next struggle, made possible by the first, is to establish a society “in balance with nature” where well-being and democracy can flourish. This second struggle occurs in a space of great tension: between rival factions within MAS, the ruling party; between MAS and traditional elites attempting to regain control of the country’s central government; between the Simon Wedege (wikimedia) country’s urgent need to Bolivian President Evo Morales at the failed climate develop economically talks in Copenhagen 2009. Bolivia responded to the and its desire to cultivate failed talks with The World People’s Conference on respectful relations with its Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth. lands and waters.

However Bolivia manages to negotiate these conflicts, it is providing examples for the rest of us of social organizations based on mutual aid, rather than cut-throat competition. While I was in Cochabamba, the UN General Assembly finally adopted a resolution recognizing access to clean water and sanitation as a human right –a resolution put forward by the Bolivian government. Whether or not its anti-capitalist and bio-centric language may be betrayed to some degree by its domestic policies and practices, I think it is important that Bolivia is introducing such ideals into international discourse such as within the UN and International Climate Change negotiations. The country’s current presence on the global stage broadcasts that there is not, in fact, an international consensus on the desirability or inevitability of capitalism. From its neighbourhood cooperatives to its progressive national water laws, from its triumphant social uprisings to its bravely radical global presence, Bolivia makes it more difficult to maintain an attitude of defeat about the possibility of systemic change.

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Norman Finkelstein’s Reflections on the Turkish Flotilla Incident and Canadian Discourse on Israel/Palestine Compiled by Jesse Zimmerman

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orman Finkelstein is an American political scientist and an author and commentator on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

He has published many books that have been deemed controversial such as ‘The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering’, ‘Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of AntiSemitism and the Abuse of History’, and his latest ‘This Time We Went too Far: Truth and Consequences of the Gaza Invasion’. Finkelstein was denied tenure at DePaul University, which he has attributed to bias against his views. His mother survived the Warsaw Ghetto, the Majdanek concentration camp and two slave labour camps, while his father survived the Warsaw Ghetto and the Auschwitz concentration camp. Finkelstein has cited the ordeals of his parents as being the reasons why he speaks out to condemn the policies of the state of Israel and Zionist ideology–I managed to conduct an interview with Norman Finkelstein in his home in Brooklyn, New York in the summer of 2010.

Could you introduce for our audience what your last publications were?

‘The Holocaust Industry’ and what exactly is meant when you say the “Holocaust Industry”?

‘The Holocaust Industry’ is a little old now. It came out literally one decade ago. It was mostly as the subtitle says; it was personal reflections on the exploitation of Jewish suffering. I was pretending to write a scholarly tome. Mostly it was about the misuses of the Nazi Holocaust–it’s being used as a political weapon to immunize Israel from criticism of its policies and at the time it was also being used as a financial weapon to extract what were called “Holocaust compensation for needy Holocaust victims” and I think I was able to document that that was simply a shake-down racket, an extortion racket by some Jewish organizations which made false claims against the Swiss Banks and then false claims against Germany in order to extract monies which they said would be earmarked for Holocaust victims but which actually never reached the victims of the Nazi Holocaust but were kept by these crooked organizations.

And after that I wrote the book—I can’t remember the sequence of the books but I think the next major book was ‘Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History’ and basically I focused there on what’s called “the new anti-Semitism”, trying to show that “the new anti-Semitism” was neither new nor was it about

Contested Space CONTINUED FROM PAGE 8 kinds, from science to health to reformist policy to revolutionary strategy and organizational models.

Major debates that were being had in societies had leftists deeply involved. Today, we’re much more marginalized. We live in a bubble and talk to each other. Our society is a little different today, I think-everybody’s in a bubble and talking to each other--there are music scenes, technology fan scenes, parenting scenes--all that have their own blogs and facebook and twitter groups and books and youtubes.

But without really thinking about it, we’ve accepted that we’re just another such bubble--and not a very pleasant one, not a bubble many people can stand to be in for very long. And major debates that do go on, go on without us. Major innovations in many fields are happening without us. People don’t look to us for answers in crises.

Part of that is that we have been marginalized--but I think part of it is we’re not really trying; we’re not really in the fight.

Another consequence of not being in the fight is an inward focus. That’s one of the buzzwords of today’s activists, self-reflexivity. You’re supposed to be ‘self-reflexive,’ and if you’re not you must be ‘held accountable’;’ if you fail to ‘check yourself’ or ‘check your privilege,’ you must be ‘called on your shit.’

You might be ‘called on your shit’ if you are ‘taking up too much space’ (incidentally, ‘taking up space’ is an

impoverished metaphor, assuming as it does that ‘space’ is a scarce commodity). All these buzzwords, if you count the number of times that you hear them at any activist meeting it’ll be in the dozens at least, have in common an intense focus on the internal dynamics of the group and the feelings of the people involved. It is quite possible to focus on them while the world burns, which is more or less what is happening.

I can’t count the number of times I’ve heard, in defense of this kind of thing, the question: how can we change the world if our own organizations reproduce some of the same dynamics that we are against? But that seems to me to be a real question, and not a rhetorical one. And as a response, I have two suggestions. First, the reverse might be the case. If oppression has more to do with structures than with individual behavior, as I believe it does, then it might be impossible to have perfect behavior without changing the social structures. It is important to have high standards of conduct, certainly, but it is also important not to have impossible standards. I have a second response to the question, and that’s a question of my own: how can we change the world if all we care about is our own feelings?

This isn’t an argument for being racist or sexist in activist groups.

It is an argument that the internal focus has supplanted the external, fighting focus far too much, and

anti-Semitism. Israel periodically orchestrates these public relations campaigns, or I should say Israel supporters—Israel and its supporters orchestrate these public relations extravaganzas about a new anti-Semitism whenever Israel comes under international pressure to settle the conflict with the Palestinians diplomatically, or whenever Israel commits some sort of horrendous human rights violation, or sequence of violations, they start playing the anti-Semitism card.

Sort of like the attack on the Turkish flotilla that happened recently?

week of the attack. In the case of Gaza they sealed off Gaza to any foreign journalists. In the case of the Flotilla bloodbath, what they did was they imprisoned all the witnesses, took all of their photographic evidence and then simply bombarded the media with a monopoly on visual images and testimony as to what happened.

Your latest book, that’s already hit the bookshelves?

Well it hasn’t hit the bookshelves because it’s only available online.

Well, the attack on the Turkish flotilla, they didn’t really play the antiSemitism card very much, but they did at least in the initial phase is what they did during the initial attack on Gaza which is that they controlled all news dissemination for the most Miguel de Icaza (Wikimedia) important days, namely the first Normal Finkelstein giving a talk at Suffolk University that the result isn’t very interesting, especially since so much of it has become clichés.

our fellow leftists, which drives people away and leaves us talking only to ourselves.

It’s definitely possible to act without being reflective about it.

But it’s also possible to be selfreflective and irrelevant, and I am afraid that we err toward principled irrelevance over unreflective action. Indeed, unreflective action or speech is swiftly punished--that is the one thing that today’s activists are extremely swift and disciplined about, is punishing one another for not meeting high standards of speech that fit theoretical notions of self-reflexivity or anti-oppression.

In any activist space you go to you will find this policing of behavior, and it is actually very oppressive psychological and power dynamics that go on in the name of antioppression. It seems that because we can’t say what we want to, to the enemy, we turn on each other.

I think this has become an orthodoxy: a set of implicit assumptions about why we are here, what we are doing, who we are, what we have in common, what makes us human, what we should care about. Before the current orthodoxy on identity politics and anti-oppression, there were orthodoxies about democratic centralism and the dictatorship of the proletariat, guerrilla focos and armed struggle, protracted people’s war. Like all orthodoxies, it has plenty that’s valuable in it, it met the needs of a certain situation, and that is why people gravitated to it.

But it loses value when it becomes the tool for all situations, and it loses value when it becomes a cliché, which it has.

It’s almost fortunate that we don’t have any actual power, that the only enforcement of these impossible standards is relatively weak social sanction in a small and marginalized ‘scene.’ I sometimes shudder about what would happen if we did have more power. But the result in today’s world is that we’re simply repulsive. People who come and witness these dynamics quickly move on, and it acts as a huge check on growth. Of course we should always be having internal conversations--talking amongst ourselves is how we share with each other, persuade each other, and strengthen each other--but that’s very different from thinking that the focus of our political struggles is to chastise, sanction, and purge

Maybe it’s impossible to work without some set of assumptions, and maybe I am doing what all academics do: attacking one set of assumptions and trying to replace them with another, and argue that everyone should work according to my assumptions instead. If that’s what I’m doing, I hope you won’t listen to me, because it isn’t what I am trying to do. What I am trying to do is point out that living by an orthodoxy leads to an unhelpful rigidity in thinking and to an inhumane lack of compassion, because you respond to rules and not to people.

So, what to do about it? The danger of a talk like this is that I’ll tell you that everyone should be doing what I think is important.

But if you aren’t already taking

It’s not going to be available through bookstores. The actual title is “This Time We Went too Far: Truth and Consequences of the Gaza Invasion” and mostly that’s about trying to give an accurate depiction of why Israel attacked Gaza between Dec. 27 2008 and Jan. 18, 2009–why Israel attacked, what actually happened during the Israel massacre of Gaza, and then the aftermath, the political repercussions, most importantly the breakup of American, and actually Jewish support for Israel.

Would you say that the Jewish support for Israel’s more divided than some people think?

I think Jewish support for Israel is drying up now, in particular among the younger generations. If you go to the Israel Day parades it consists mostly in the United States, at any rate, it consists mostly of Orthodox Jews and senior citizens. Orthodox Jews are only 10% of total American Jewry and so it’s only a tiny component of American Jewry which is any longer willing to rally or publicly commit itself to Israel.

Could you give us some reflections on the situation in Canada, the political situation and the political parties? As I’m sure you know our Prime Minister Stephen Harper is a big-time Israel supporter. Do you see any alternatives in Liberal’s Michael Ignatieff, the NDP’s Jack Layton, or anybody else?

I follow the Canadian scene fairly closely. I have a lot of Canadian friends and they forward me quite a lot of the material on what’s happening in Canada. As in most

CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE what I have to say with a grain of salt, then start now. As a research program, I would want to see researchers interested in social change working with an external focus. I would want to see more research on how the system works and where the cracks might be in it, than research on internal dynamics and movement organizations. More research on methods and models of organizing--that might come from anywhere--and less on the contradictions and paradoxes of activist scholarship. I would want to see less of a leftist bubble and more leftists in every single bubble that is out there. More plans and analyses of campaigns that could win reforms today and less about how much oppression hurts.

I have no idea if we can win everything that I think we need to.

But I am convinced that we could limit Canada’s capacity to support destruction, whether of people in Afghanistan and Palestine and Colombia and the DRC or of the atmosphere. If we were doing that from the universities, we would probably be facing much worse consequences than we are now at the universities, but there must be a way of doing it that makes repressing us difficult too. If we are in the unusual situation of being paid to think--or, at least, being able to pull together enough money to spend some time thinking--maybe we owe it to most of the world who doesn’t have that luxury, to think about that, some of the time.

This article originally was originally posted on http:// killingtrain.com/

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Finkelstein CONTINUED FROM PAGE 9 places, not just in Canada, though in Canada it’s more pronounced, there is a very large discrepancy, or I should say gulf, between public opinion and the opinion of the governing party, or the dominant political parties in Canada. If you actually look at public opinion Israel’s standing in Canada is not very good–the last public opinion poll that was taken “whether Israel has played a more negative or positive role in the world today” the Canadian opinion went against Israel.

Actually I was quite surprised because if you look at the countries where the influence of the pro-Israel lobby is strongest in places like France, Canada and elsewhere (and Germany) where the lobby is strongest actually, public opinion is not strongly supporting Israel and that’s true in Canada as well.

Do you think it might be because a lot of these pro-Israel organizations, their tactics are becoming more noticeable?

Groups like B’Nai Brith Canada and other ones?

Israel is a case of truth in advertising; there’s just so much you can hide and conceal about its policies before people begin to wonder what’s going on –now it’s true that the Canadian press is awful, but there are alternative sources of information. People can get information through the web and even in the awful mainstream media nonetheless some of the truth creeps in and people’s eyebrows begin to get raised and people begin to wonder “well, you know, what’s going on here?” In the case of Israel it seems to be a relentless succession of quite ghastly crimes and so even in the mainstream some of the truth creeps in.

University campuses are where a lot of the battle takes place as well. At York University there’s ‘Students Against Israeli Apartheid’ as well as many other groups including a ‘Not In Our Name’, a Jewish group that’s recently started up at York. But we also face off against groups like Hasbara Fellowships and you’ve heard the case of Hasbara Fellowships where they fabricated an anti-Semitic incident–what do you think the motivation of these groups might be?

The motivation is fairly straight forward; they want to change the subject. They don’t want to talk about what Israel is doing, they want to claim that their opponents or their critics are anti-Semitic, or self-hating Jews, or Holocaust deniers. And they want to turn themselves into the victim and Israel and its supporters have, you might say, mastered the art of selfvictimization. If you take the case, for example, of what happened in the Mavi Marmara, the Turkish vessel that was assaulted by Israel.

It was quite extraordinary how they managed to turn an Israeli commando raid in the dead of night in international waters on a humanitarian convoy bringing aid to a hungry population in which ten people are executed by Israel, they managed to turn themselves into the victims. They claimed that what actually happened that day was some Israeli commandos were en route to a Hebrew Halloween party, they were carrying these

{

FEATURES “Orthodox Jews are only 10% of total American Jewry and so it’s only a tiny component of American Jewry which is any longer willing to rally or publicly commit itself to Israel.”

paintball pistols and by some twist of fate they found themselves on this boat, and the people on this boat consisted of Muslims who wanted to lynch them. If you read the Israeli press that is literally how it’s being depicted, that there were these poor, innocent commandos who somehow b y

serendipity found themselves on the deck of these Muslims praying for martyrdom and that they were tricked, duped into a lunch party.

And it’s the same thing at Canadian Universities trying to turn things on their head and turning themselves into the victims.

Could you give us some of your reflection on Michael Ignatieff?

And I’m sure you’ve heard about the recent situation within the NDP. Right now Libby Davies, an MP from over in British Columbia, got in trouble for encouraging a boycott on Israel and calling the occupation the longest occupation in the world, which is factually true–can you give us some of your reflections on Ignatieff and the NDP’s behaviour?

Well,

Michael

Ignatieff

is

a

preposterous fraud, he ran the Carr Centre for Human Rights at Harvard University and basically his role was to serve as an apologist for any and all U.S. crimes. He always pretended to be a profound

thinker but his depth of profundity approximated that of a perfectly flat plane – then he went to Canada with this kind of sense of entitlement that coming from what he thinks is a distinguished family and having a Harvard pedigree that he was entitled to be Prime Minister of Canada. It is a perplexity to me that Canadians have such a low opinion of themselves that they would allow this preposterous carpetbagger to become the Prime Minister of their country –he probably couldn’t even find Canada on a map.

Well, some news with that is that Michael Ignatieff isn’t very popular with the Canadian public. We’re in an awkward situation, you know, people on the Left in Canada because we have Stephen Harper and then

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 we have Michael Ignatieff – and those of us who are activists for Palestinian rights are frustrated right now because of the NDP’s behaviour. Do you have any reflections on why a party that sees itself as a Left-wing party and talks about human rights would not take a stance against what’s happening with Israel right now?

In Canada it seems to be a fairly clear cut question of a powerful lobby, which has a lot of money and is well organized. It’s not unusual, in the United States we have

powerful lobbies; we have an oil lobby, we have a gun lobby, we have quite a few powerful lobbies which significantly distort American policy and impose policies which are contrary to the best interests of the rest of our society and in the case of Canada it’s pretty much just chasing after money.

And that includes the New Democratic Party?

Yeah, I assume it’s the same motivations because the factual pictures are just not really complicated. The NDP people are quite smart, they have a good history, I think, and surely they know the facts and they know that what Israel’s doing is completely indefensible.

So to conclude, with everything with the situation with the IHH,

and the Turkish Flotilla attack, what do you see happening in the near future? What are some reflections on where it’s going on right now?

At the popular level there is clearly a breakup of support for Israel. Its stock is plummeting; it’s become an embarrassment, and those who try to defend what it does open themselves up to ridicule –Internationally Israel is pretty isolated now; it’s going to have to do some pretty significant changes in that blockade because international opinion has been put in several cases, even to the British and the Americans the blockade is no longer sustainable.

So that’s going to have to change.

And there is a collision occurring now because the Iranians, and the Turks, and boats from the Lebanese port are heading toward Gaza and international opinion is that the blockade is unacceptable, so Israel has a real problem on its hands. The main cause for concern is the regional level, because Israel bungled yet another operation, and is going to be desperate to prove it is still a fighting force, it is still up to snuff, and so it probably feels a great deal of pressure now to do something spectacular. And also since the Hezbollah has said [that] any new war between Israel and Lebanon will be a tit-for-tat war; your city for our city, your airport for our airport, your port for our port – you could see things very easily getting out of control and I don’t think that we should be indifferent to the fact that Israel is over the cliff. Now Israel is clearly very worried that the Arab world doesn’t fear it anymore, and so even with this looming Iranian, and Turkish, and Lebanese flotilla, it’s very unclear what Israel will do in order to show the Arab world it’s a substantial fighting force. So, in my opinion, there is some very serious trouble looming.

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FreeSkool is a do-it-yourself community learning project that veers away from tuition and bureaucrats to imagine and create the kind of world we want to live in, premised on utopian visions of cooperation and mutual support. FreeSkool is inspired by anarchist philosophy, anti-oppression, consensus and egalitarianism. We believe in sharing skills, ideas and curiosities outside of state and capitalist institutions, free of prohibitive costs, grades, and hierarchy. FreeSkool is a project in liberatory learning fuelled by love.

Come learn with us! We’ve got a whole bunch of amazing classes and workshops starting up this fall—Discuss radical elements in popular fiction, alternative sexualities, animal liberation, cook up delicious vegan meals, and share knitting skills, among other options. For our most up to date list of classes and workshops check out our website: torontofreeskool.wordpress. com/classes… See something you like? Email the facilitator directly for more information or to enroll in the course. Something missing from our class list that you’d like to facilitate? Email us a proposal!

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Campus Accessibility Compiled by Jen Rinaldi May I ask you to identify your role at York and why you take an interest in accessibility?

Dr. Nancy Davis Halifax: I am an Assistant Professor in the MA and PhD Program in Critical Disability Studies at York. I come to the ideas of access from the perspective of lived experience (I live with my own fluid embodiment) as well as from an equity and social justice perspective.

Kaley Roosen: PhD Student in Clinical Psychology, active member of Psychology Graduate Students’ Association, and CoChair for Student Subcommittee Access York (York’s Advisory Board for students, staff, and faculty with disabilities). As a student with a disability, I often find my interests coincide with overall improvements in accessibility.

Sarah Sackville McLauchlan: I am an MA student in Humanities.

I am a Blind student, so most of the services I use are related to printaccess.

Andrea Smith-Betts: I am a third year PhD student from the Faculty of Education [FOE]. I work as a TA for Human Rights and Equity Studies and the Department of Social Sciences. I am also the YGSE [York Graduate Students in Education] chair for the 2010/2011 academic year.

I am a student with a mental health disability: bipolar, heavy on the depression, with a hint of panic attacks and anxiety thrown in. I am also a student with a physical disability. I have scoliosis, spina bifida, degenerative and herniated disks, pinched nerves, and diffuse degenerative disk disease.

I also am interested in accessibility issues because my daughter has what has been called a severe learning disability. I want to know university services so that when she goes on to higher learning I will be informed and able to help her succeed. As YGSE chair I am also interested in looking at accessibility issues for the FOE.

What does accessibility mean to you?

NDH: Big question--accessibility is many things. We can understand it as a way of framing social, economic, political, geospatial, and cultural rights. Here I understand accessibility from the perspective of disability, though it could mean lots of things for different communities. At least partly it means questioning the dominant

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

meanings applied to the diversity of embodiment.

KR: It means being able to achieve the same level of access to education, resources, opportunities, and events equally across different levels of being/functioning in different individuals. It could mean placing a ramp in a classroom so a student in a wheelchair can access that particular classroom without assistance, or it could mean raising awareness to individuals who run an educational or social event in a venue full of barriers for persons with disabilities.

SSM: It means not having unnecessary obstacles put in the way of my being able to perform ordinary tasks, like reading, getting around the campus, and doing my laundry.

ASB: Accessibility means that anyone and everyone, regardless of those things that distinguish each of us from one another, is supported in their attempt to partake in any and all aspects of university life.

This means full participation in what it is to be a student or staff at York. Physical access, be it to a room or use of that room, access to learning in ways in which they excel or best suit them, or access to working or teaching in the best way that person knows how is what is important. Accessibility should mean not struggling to navigate your environment.

How does York seek to be more accessible? In your opinion, are these provisions adequate?

NDH: York has numerous initiatives and some of these are hidden, while others are being implemented. I am a member of Access York and that feels like a wonderful community within York that works toward changing the attitudes and environments to be more fully inclusive.

KR: York seeks to be more accessible through consultation of individuals on specific committees particular to disability concerns and creating policy to implement these suggestions. In my opinion, these provisions are somewhat adequate. The fact that the majority of suggestions for change come from representatives on committees poses a problem in that the majority of persons with disabilities at York do not know how to voice their concerns for change.

Further, at times, the bureaucratic process of creating policy and having multiple official meetings to approve various accessibility changes can be frustrating. At times, a student’s request is simple. By making a simple request go through multiple channels of authorization, a diffusion of responsibility ultimately occurs and the request becomes backlogged.

SSM: In terms of print-access, York provides all my readings and

books for me in e-text, which is my preferred format. And they’re really great about getting stuff to me even when I ask at the last minute! So I have to say that York has been great about that, especially compared to some of the horror-stories I’ve heard from some of my friends at other universities! With that said, I’ve been in situations where both my home computer has been down and room 134 [in the library, which offers computers with screenreaders] has been unavailable. And as far as I know, none of the other labs, even the other accessible ones, have computers with screenreaders.

ASB: Though I’ve never had to use the service, I was assigned a counsellor who could write letters for me to give to professors in case I needed support in my studies.

There is a body called Access York. I went to a few meetings where issues of accessibility were discussed. I have also just learned about the Access Centre [student support for accommodation provisions and advocacy].

Are there ways in which campus is not accessible?

NDH: Of course--the university cannot help but mirror aspects of culture. For instance in one of the cafés I noted that the passages between tables was really narrow, too narrow for most persons who use wheelchairs. Also there are tensions around the issues of disclosure and services on campus [often students have to disclose their disability to qualify for accommodations]; stigma is still an enormous part of disability/ impairment.

KR: Campus is not accessible in many ways. For one, individuals with disabilities sometimes feel powerless about how to enact change. Given York’s size, communication is difficult between departments. Often, diffusion of responsibility creates an atmosphere where students spend more time finding out how to raise concerns than actually raising them to implement change.

Also, new barriers are being created regularly. For example, new buildings often have inaccessible lecture halls.

Finally, expensive accommodations are frequently not covered.

Individuals who need translation services have access to these; however, a student who requires attendant services for personal care must find these services on their own instead of going through the disability services offices.

SSM: First of all, I find the campus very hard to navigate. I find that there aren’t a lot of good tactile or auditory landmarks to tell you when you’ve found the building you want, or to cue you when you’ve missed it! And it’s very easy, I find, to go off in the wrong direction and not realize it.

It also seems to me that there isn’t any Blind-accessible employment at York, because it’s all either printbased and/or done on computers that require the installation of a screen-reader.

ASB: As a TA, I have been assigned rooms on the same day that are very far apart, which causes me difficulty as I cannot walk that far without pain. One room has hard plastic chairs with the attached writing area. These chairs are an insult to my disability in that there is not a chance in hell that anyone with a back, hip, or any skeletomuscular issue can sit there without harm for any length of time. I am in pain by the time I get there. I must then sit perched in pain for two hours. I am in agony leaving. This is not an accessible space for me.

How have you responded to inaccessibility on campus? What efforts have you undertaken in order to make campus more accessible?

NDH: I do my best and have tried to support student-led and other initiatives. I have been involved in advocating for the benches in Vari Hall, for access to chairs in a classroom. I think access is also something that is done in an

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NEW BOOK

FAST FEMINISM

FAST FEMINISM is a new-old feminism grounded in politics, performance, and philosophy. It is in close proximity to postfeminisms of the poststructuralist variety—third-wave feminism, queer feminism, cyberfeminism, and feminism 3.0.

While FAST FEMINISM operates in proximity to other feminisms, its ‘natural’ home is in queer theory. Queer gets its meaning and its politics from its oppositional relationship to hegemonic norms. To queer something is to disrupt it, to put it under scrutiny, and to attempt to change it. FAST FEMINISM takes the hypermasculine speed of Paul Virilio and makes it feminist. FAST FEMINISM is the bastard offspring and the happy accident of speed theory.

FAST FEMINISM is a philo-porno-political practice—a pragmatic philosophy and politics—enacted by the pornographic sage who moves through the text as “FF.” Fast feminist event sites include female ejaculation, drag-kinging, an infamous child-pornography trial, Bataillean fucking at a women’s bathhouse, posthuman-humachine seduction, and sex organ tissueengineering.

Bell is an associate professor in York University’s Political Science department, Toronto, Canada. She teaches modern and postcontemporary theory, cyberpolitics, postidentity politics, aesthetics and politics, violent philosophy, and fast feminism.

12

Accessibility CONTINUED FROM PAGE 11 intimate and relational manner, and we may forget that at times. I have also been involved in panels and in talking to students.

KR: I have taken accessibility one day at a time at York. I have learned to pick my battles because honestly, it is a full-time job with little benefits and a high burnout rate. At first, I would raise awareness for specific barriers I was facing. With help from York’s CDS [Counselling and Disability Services], I would run through the confusing lines of communication until I heard a response. Sometimes that meant talking to multiple individuals and even going to vice presidents.

As I have become more aware of accessibility at York, I have started campaigning for all types of access, not just my own. One of my initiatives, which I think is most important, is opening the lines of communication between administration and students with disabilities. Through tabling and speaking to students, I have become more aware of other access issues on campus. Also, through holding venues where students can speak to the Vice President at York, I feel the communication barrier is being punctured.

SSM: I’ve spoken to the OPD [Office for Persons with Disabilities] and the building management about the cardoperated laundry system in York Apartments. They’ve gone as far as putting Braille on the buttons, but that won’t help you read the card reader screen. A high-tech solution to the problem isn’t even necessary, when a simple buddy-system with a sighted peer would work fine.

I haven’t done much about getting around the campus and employment because I’m not really sure what to do. Who do I bug and what can they do?

ASB: Currently I am seeking the advice of my friends in the CDS [Critical Disability Studies] program as to how to fight for a more accessible place for me to teach in. A student in the FOE graduate program approached me and asked about how accessible/ inaccessible the FOE is. This is something as YGSE chair I hope to bring up in the Grad Executive and Grad Council within the Grad Program in ED.

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contacted many individuals and everyone was telling me that another person or department handled this.

Another issue in this case was ignorance. The individual who contacted me did not understand why I did not just use the stairs.

This type of treatment makes a person feel dejected and powerless, which is partly why I gave up that particular cause.

SSM: With employment there are a lot of issues: the cost of screenreading software, compatibility issues with the software used by employers, employers’ unwillingness to invest in such things for part-time workers, and not knowing who to bug.

ASB: So far I have been having a hard time receiving accommodations for me, such as a room relocation for my tutorial.

They switched me, without telling or informing me, to a room that could be considered even less accessible.

Have you found York administrative bodies and the York community (students, faculty, and staff) are receptive to calls for accommodations?

NDH: Yes, and there is a great deal of hidden labour that is related to the calls for accommodation from students, staff, and faculty. I think some of us reach the end of the day and we want to have the changes implemented, but we know we have to wait--that can be frustrating because the need can be so urgent.

KR: Yes, I have found this to be true. I think the problems arise in diffusion of responsibility. I don’t know how many times I heard “yes, I agree that is a problem, but that is a (fill in blank: ministry problem, funding problem, policy problem).” I think there is a general lack of information and awareness within the York community.

SSM: On-campus employers, no.

But York Apartments and OPD have been very understanding and helpful about the laundry issue, if

FEATURES

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 this fight. If I was just your average student I would be in misery, not knowing where to go, that I have a right to make it different, and that things did not have to be this way.

“Be aware--of your own attitudes, those of others. Be sensitive. Respectful. Remember that access is only part of the larger horizon of creating a culture of social justice and equity.”

see our need for accessibility as a pain or nuisance, something that has to be done by law. I want to see a true adherence to the belief that we all deserve, unquestioningly, the right to be able to move about unimpeded.

somewhat slow acting. But I find the York administration rather opaque. It’s hard to know who’s in charge of what and where to find them. I think a lot of the York community are still not aware of what accommodations are needed.

How might members of the York community help as allies?

ASB: I feel a strong support from the CDS program even though I am in the FOE. Unfortunately it seems that only those who have firsthand knowledge, work with people with disabilities, or live with someone with a disability seem to listen and care. Other students/staff may be sympathetic but it is usually a concerned nod and then on to the next item on the agenda.

How do you feel about having to push for change as one person or a small group of people?

NDH: There is a strong community at York that is advocating for change and I feel I am part of that community. I think that we need to learn from each other and to act as advocates for each other as necessary.

KR: I find it exhausting at times.

Sometimes it feels like you are the only one noticing these issues, even though I know that is not true.

SSM: I find it annoying. So much of what we need would, I think, be pretty self-evident if people would just take two seconds to think about it in a non-stereotyped way. And it really bugs me when people refuse accommodations because they don’t want to spend the money.

ASB: I am tired and frustrated and feel unwell. I feel like people think that my concerns are not legitimate. I suspect that because my disabilities are largely invisible, there is an assumption that if I can make it through, I don’t need the assistance. I am tired that the push still has to be so big. I am disappointed in that the only support I really got was because I know people who know how to do

What, in your opinion, should be done to make campus more accessible?

NDH: I wonder what would happen if there were a central site that could list the initiatives that are ongoing at York. It would raise awareness of what is being done, what needs to be done, and the importance of community in making it happen.

KR: I think more communication needs to occur between persons with disabilities and individuals making decisions. Somebody at York makes decisions and approves new buildings. But, every time a new building is erected, there are barriers. More money is wasted when these new buildings are retrofitted after the fact.

These retrofits can be prevented through simple communication and implementation of Universal Design. It is not enough to put buttons on doors and grab bars besides toilets; there is more to accessibility than this.

SSM: First, whenever they’re going to upgrade to a new system, they should think in advance about whether or not it’s going to be accessible and to whom it might present barriers, rather than trying to retrofit accommodations after the fact when complaints arise.

Second, they can require and help all on-campus employers to have accommodations available to nonprint-reading people. So, workstations with screen-readers, e-text options for paper-work, etc.

Have you encountered obstacles in your efforts?

“All jhr programs promote ‘Rights Media’ -- the process of writing, collecting, editing, producing and distributing media that creates societal dialogue on human rights issues”

KR: Yes, there are many times when I have fought for removal of barriers that I gave up on. Access to the front of lecture halls in the Tel Building requires use of a locked elevator which is either broken or the student does not know how to access the key. I wanted access one day when the key was missing.

When they did find it, I was told it didn’t work. By the time all this communication occurred, my class was over and I dropped the issue.

This is unfortunate given likely another student faced the same hurdle after me.

– jhr website

It can be frustrating. The main frustration: who to contact? I

Qasim Ali Nihang echnology, especially media, has made it possible for us to be constantly aware of global and domestic affairs. However, what use is media and the power to express oneself if we do not use it to strive toward a state of being that is based upon equality, respect, and justice?

We have at our disposal the tools to make the world aware of what we think, what we know and what

we wish to do; the tools at our disposal are diverse yet powerful.

Journalists for Human Rights (jhr) is a non-profit NGO whosegoal is simply to make everyone in the world “fully aware of their rights. By mobilizing the media to spread human rights awareness, jhr informs people about human rights and empowering marginalized communities to stand up, speak out and protect themselves.”

KR: I think York members should speak out against barriers and educate themselves on barriers.

It can be isolating to be the only individual to speak up when a professor wants to hold class or a social event in an inaccessible location.

SSM: I think the most important thing is to take those two seconds to stop and think, in a non-stereotyped way, about what people really need. And then, when you offer to help, offer it from that space.

Beyond that, when you hear about an accommodation that’s needed, help lobby York Admin to get it!

ASB: On-campus groups who support disability rights need to keep fighting for attention. Those of us who struggle need to keep seeing each disappointment that we face as an educative moment.

The more we interact and talk, and educate, the more likely we are to build allies at York.

Are there any closing remarks you would like to make?

NDH: This is a great initiative.

Thanks for asking these questions, and inviting me to take part. It is an important part of community dialogue.

KR: I have seen improvements at York and none of those would have been possible unless individuals and groups spoke out and made efforts to change. It is rewarding, despite the challenges.

ASB: We have to continue to make people’s attitudes more accessible.

People without disabilities seem to

Media Justice T

NDH: Be aware--of your own attitudes, those of others. Be sensitive. Respectful. Remember that access is only part of the larger horizon of creating a culture of social justice and equity.

jhr has many university and high school chapters throughout Canada, and also York University chapter, whose main purpose is to spread awareness and to empower students to use media outlets to make their communities, and ultimately the world, more aware of their rights.

As the world changes, so does the way to talk about rights and injustices. We have at our disposal the tools to change our world.

African journalists directly trained by jhr: over 2000 Human Rights stories jhr has directly helped to produce: more than 3000 Reach of jhr's African media partners: over 20 million people weekly Countries jhr has worked in: 16 -jhr website

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batteries into the perimeter. The flow of food and other essential supplies was also limited, thereby endangering the journalists’ health.

The Canadian Association of Journalists described the censorship as “one of the worst attacks ever on the Canadian public’s right to know.”

While the police tried to manipulate what the journalists could report and how well they could report, intimidations were never as overt as seen during the G20 Summit, nor was there any physical violence, verbal abuse, or discrimination.

Safety and Rights of Journalists in Canada Vidya Kauri

Following the Toronto G20 protests last June, four journalists

filed complaints with the Office of Independent Police Review Director, Ontario’s police watchdog.

The complaints by Amy Miller, Daniel McIsaac, Jesse Rosenfeld, and Lisa Walter include allegations of physical assaults, verbal abuse, gender discrimination, and threats of sexual violence by Toronto police. All four journalists, now known as the ‘Free Press 4’ group, claim that they did not break any laws and that police knew that they were journalists.

Miller was threatened with gang rape and police allegedly told that she would never want to “act” as a journalist again after they were done with her. Rosenfeld was physically beaten several times when police mistook him for someone else and kept punching him even though

he was not resisting arrest. Walter was thrown to the ground and arrested, called a “fuking dyke” and a “douche bag,” handcuffed with plastic ties for 13 hours, denied her medication for nine, and segregated in the G20’s makeshift prison for possibly being a queer.

As well, her video camera’s hard drive was erased and the memory card confiscated. McIsaac was also assaulted and arrested.

The scale of physical violence and intimidation in these reporters appears to be unprecedented in Canadian history. The Committee to Protect Journalists, which keeps a record of violations against journalists and suppression of the freedom of the press, has no incidents in its files that resemble what took place at the G20. The lawyers representing the Free Press 4 are not aware of such extreme policing actions in Canada’s history

either.

Certainly, journalists in Canada have been barred from, and threatened with danger for, doing their job in the past. However, it is unheard of for police to intimidate, harass, arrest, and abuse without any warning and at the drop of a hat.

The incident that comes closest to this is the Oka Crisis of 1990, a land dispute between the Mohawks and the town of Oka, Quebec.

In addition to seizing footage of a confrontation between the Mohawks and police, the Canadian Armed Forces erected a razor wire perimeter which journalists were prevented from crossing. The perimeter was intended to isolate the Mohawks. However, journalists were trapped inside the perimeter as well and the police barred the supply of notebooks, tapes, and

Jackie Esmonde, one of the lawyers advocating for the Free Press 4, highlights the fact that all the members of the Free Press 4 are reporters for alternative media. When police saw their alternative media accreditation, they essentially told these reporters that they did not consider them to be real journalists, that their accreditation was “garbage” or “fake” and that they should get “real” jobs.” “These are new forms of media. It’s of concern that they are not seen as legitimate especially since media and ways of reporting are changing. These new frontiers serve a very important function and there has to be protection for that,” says Esmonde.

There are reports of several other journalists, many of whom work for alternative media, who faced the same fate as the Free Press 4. The experience of CTV field producer Farzad Fatholahzadeh, also arrested during the Summit, is slightly different. Once police realized who they had arrested, they fast-tracked his release and dropped the charges.

So, what does all this mean for Canadian society as a democracy?

“It’s fundamental to democracy that the public has information about the state. Journalists and media are essential to that,” says Esmonde. On the other hand, Neil Thomlinson, an associate professor in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Ryerson University, offers a different

The G2O: Ordinary People, Doing Extraordinary Things Jacqueline Bergen

A

fter the police managed to dissolve the marches, violently break up peaceful gatherings at Queen’s Park, incarcerate hundreds without charge, and extinguish the flames from the police cars, I found it rather interesting to see people, rather quickly, continue on with their daily lives. When we were no longer dancing, screaming, and marching on the road, but were now walking on the sidewalk, it became clearer that the G20 was not an assembly of ‘protesters,’ but just ordinary people, doing extraordinary things.

It’s not that I didn’t know that the movement consists of simply ‘regular’ people; I simply marvel at how quickly a political movement consisting of ordinary people can grow when the need exists. When the time comes to speak out, people

come out in droves--people know that there is something wrong with not just this government, but any political organization that neither represents the needs of the people, nor respects human life and dignity, and seeks to silence those whom it supposedly serves.

Perhaps the biggest myth from that weekend is that the G20 ‘radical protesters’ were a bunch of ‘out of towners’ as Mayor Miller sadly referenced, or ‘criminals’ here to cause trouble.

When Miller referenced the ‘foreign’ element of the debate, did he forget that Obama is also not from Toronto? It seems quite reasonable that an international congregation of people would come to protest the policies of the G20 which

{

are resisted on a global scale?

The processes of globalization legitimize the ability of the rich to fly around the world to make huge decisions that affect millions of people--was Mayor Miller suggesting that poor people should just stay where they are, silent, and suffer? Considering that the processes of globalization have laid the foundations for the conditions that have caused war, famine, imprisonment, and massive

destruction to environment, what did the leaders attending the G20 think we are supposed to do--just sit back and watch? I mean really, what did they expect?

In this land of so called ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy,’ when do citizens get the opportunity to speak out? To get mad about the bullshit that consumes our daily lives, such as the BP oil spill caused by corporate greed and neglect. If dissent continues to be

“People know that there is something wrong with not just this government, but any political organization that does not represent the needs of the people, respect human life and dignity, and seek to silence those whom it supposedly serves.”

perspective.

“Freedom of the press is important so that journalists are able to do their job. However, I don’t think anybody should have the responsibility to ensure that journalists are able to do their job,” says Thomlinson who feels very strongly that journalists do not have a higher calling. “What happened is that they got treated the same as everybody else. The point is nobody should be treated that way.”

Thomlinson says that Canadians have a dangerously complacent attitude in believing that such victimization by the police is always somebody else’s problem until they themselves get arrested.

“It is this attitude that elects a government that can trample over citizen’s rights that are already included in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The current federal government does not respect these rights. We need to change this attitude. ” In the meantime, Ontario’s police watchdog is conducting a systemic review of policing during the G20 Summit. The Office of Independent Review Director was created in Oct. 2009 as an arms-length agency reporting to the Attorney-General.

The review is significant because a systemic review of policing has never been done before. Typically, when the Director’s Office receives a complaint against Toronto Police, they forward the complaint to Toronto Police Services who deal with the complaints on an individual basis and then report their results to the Director’s Office.

It is not known how long it will take the Office to review the complaints. Esmonde says they appear to be moving as fast as they can: “Our hope is that there will be recommendations not only addressing the policing at G20, but there needs to be acknowledgement of alternate media.”

Reprinted from Toronto Media Coop: http://toronto.mediacoop. ca/ infiltrated by the state during our protests, does that not effectively constitute the illegitimacy of free speech by the same state that supposedly promotes democracy?

Where do we have these opportunities to speak out in a meaningful way? The reality is becoming increasingly clear that ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’ are simply poisoned meaningless words --the truth of any right legitimized by the state is tantamount to no rights at all. When that which is supposed to be legal is now illegal, does that not effectively dismantle the illusion of all of our civil rights?

I think if most Canadians knew how undemocratic our democracy is, more would protest. The only answer is building a massive social movement that demands change.

When our rights as citizens to organize and march were taken away at the G20 Summit, it became clear that we no longer live in the democracy that we once did. Rather, the term entails an elusive narrative that continues to be espoused both domestically and abroad as an exemplary form of government while it is not sincerely practiced.

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Activist Spends 83 days in jail and Counting Krystalline Kraus Ryan Rainville--an Indigenous rights activist from the Sakimay nation--has been behind bars since Aug. 5 2010 for his alleged involvement in the G20 Summit protests. That’s 83 days and counting.

Waterloo Regional Police, working in collaboration with officers from the Toronto Police Service, arrived where Rainville was staying in Waterloo to re-arrest him. He was out on bail at the time for other G20-related charges after originally spending six days in jail.

At his arrest, he was taken to 52 Division and is now charged with causing mischief and assaulting a police officer.

On Tues. Oct. 26, Rainville returned to an Ontario Superior Court to argue for his release on bail. He had already been denied bail once before in September.

and has spoken out without fear. He is honest, humble, and respectful toward his family and people around him. He has also honoured his role as a man in the community by standing beside Indigenous women when we needed support.”

A recent press release stated: “As native people, our bodies and our minds are constantly under attack from the state. Their power rests on our degradation, and their violent exploitation of the land and water feeds and profits the colonization of every poor and oppressed person.

There is nothing new or unusual about Indigenous people--whether Haudenoshonee or Mapuche, Anishinaabe or Palestinian--being targeted, violated and locked up under racist, classist, and sexist guises of ‘law and order’ or ‘justice.’”

“We

denounce

the

ongoing

state repression of all people resisting the austerity measures which are designed to force our relations, friends, and allies into enslavement to a faltering system, to assimilate those of us coerced into submission, and exterminate those of us who refuse to bend to colonial terms. Freedom for all prisoners and detainees, including the Tamil women and children still held behind the walls of a detention centre, and who are now subjected to the same four walls which face Ryan.”

Rainville appears in court again on Thurs. Nov. 4, at 9:30am at 361 University Ave. His supporters are requesting people to attend court on Thursday morning to show their support for Rainville and for all who are being targeted by the state.

As I began covering the grim G20

the dominant assumption that land is to be exploited for profit,” says Indigenous sovereigntist, Jen Meunier.

I challenge everyone reading this, not to forget Ryan Rainville’s name. They cannot jail our hearts.

related arrests, I noticed a pattern emerging where the government-through the court system-was targeting Indigenous rights activists. I brought this pattern to Harsha Walia’s attention hoping it was not true but knowing that it was. As I see now, my theory seems to unfortunately be playing out.

As actions speak louder than words, we see the state adjourn the application for Rainville to be released to a First Nations Bail Program citing ‘inadequate supervision.’ We also see the refusal to take into account Gladue factors for his trial.

“It is a travesty that Ryan, as an Indigenous man deeply committed to protecting the land, has been targeted by the G20 security apparatus. This is part of the ongoing criminalization of Indigenous people who challenge

For more information please contact: thesheelephant@yahoo. com or mcorbiere@hotmail.com or hwalia8@gmail.com Fundraising request: There is an urgent need for defence-related funds for Ryan by next week.

You can mail cheques to: No One Is Illegal-Toronto, 90C Beverley St., Toronto, M5T 1Y1. Please be sure to indicate ‘Ryan Rainville’ in the memo.

You can also make a secure donation online through Paypal on the No One Is Illegal-Toronto website (http://toronto.nooneisillegal.org).

Please be sure to send an email to nooneisillegal@riseup.net and let us know you have donated and what amount.

Originally published on Rabble.ca

The judge adjourned the application for Rainville to be released to a First Nations Bail Program citing ‘inadequate supervision.’ Further, when considering Ryan’s bail application, the judge did not take into account Gladue factors, which force the judicial system to consider the systemic marginalization and over-incarceration of Indigenous people as a result of colonialism and poverty.

According to Indigenous supporters of Rainville: “Ryan has been strong in his denouncements of injustice

G20 Legal Defence Fundraising Community Solidarity Network The G20 has come and gone; the heads of state and finance ministers of the world’s 20 richest countries and central bank governors have left Toronto to further their policies of systematic exploitation and destruction elsewhere. However, our communities are still very much reeling in the aftermath of the G20 Summit.

Following the wave of brutal police repression that swept down upon the streets of Toronto, we are mobilizing in response to this blatant and ongoing criminalization of dissent. Over the course of the Summit weekend 1,105 people were arrested--a number unprecedented in Canadian history.

Community organizers were picked up in preemptive morning raids and others were picked up by snatch squads of plain clothed police in unmarked vehicles. Others still were picked up in one of the countless rounds of mass arrests.

Of these 1,105, many were and are still

facing criminal charges (some have been dropped already), dozens of whom are facing severe conspiracy charges. The legal battle that now awaits these respected community activists will be incredibly long and costly.

By conservative estimates, legal costs will be in the ballpark of a quarter of a million dollars. In light of this fact, we desperately need your support! We need our friends freed, we need all of their charges dropped, and unfortunately within this capitalist dystopia we will require substantial funds to make this happen.

There are several ways in which you can support our fundraising efforts!

1) You can donate directly to the G20 legal defence fund. a) To transfer funds, transfer to: OPIRG York transit number 00646 institution number 842 account number 3542240

b) Use your online bank account or contact your bank directly to transfer funds. Please put ‘G20 legal defence’ in the memo. Write a cheque: Toronto Community Mobilization Network 360A Bloor St. W. PO Box 68557 Toronto, ON M5S 1X0 * Please make the check payable to the TCMN (Toronto Community Mobilization Network).

3) Organize a fundraising event of some sort.

Film screenings, house parties, concerts, bake sales, and panel discussions are just some examples of potential fundraising activities. Use your imagination! * If you are organizing an event please let us know! We can help with promotion and provide fundraising merch (t-shirts, buttons, and posters) for the event.

4) Last, but certainly not least, get involved with the CSN Fundraising and Events Committee. Help us plan events, design merch and strategy fundraising initiatives. To c) You can also donate directly by using get involved with the fundraising committee, PayPal. The link to this is on: www.g20. to let us know about your upcoming event, torontomobilize.org. or if you have any questions please feel free to contact us: 2) Help us spread the word! We understand that not everyone has the resources at their events.g20solidarity@gmail.com and, disposal to make a cash donation. That’s community.mobilize@resist.ca. ok! Reach out to your contacts, your email listservs, websites etc. to spread the call for support.

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community groups you admire, set up the alternative media you rely on, arrange housing and logistics for the protests you attend, carry out the direct actions that revitalize the campaigns that are important to you. It should be safe to assume that at least sometimes we could manage to commit a little property destruction without the help of police infiltrators.

Peter Gelderloos My mind is with the 19 people who were held in prison until trial or released on extremely restrictive bail conditions. They are accused of organizing the protests against the elite G20 Summit of world leaders that took place in Toronto at the end of June. At these protests, thousands of people took to the streets in opposition to specific policies of these 20 leading world governments or in negation of the global political and economic system in its entirety. Protestors enacted their disagreement and outrage in a variety of ways that included protest, counterinformation, and property destruction targeting the Summit security forces and several major corporations.

In all, over 1,000 people were arrested during three days of protest, many of them detained based on their appearance, put in cages, sexually harassed or assaulted, injured, denied food, water, legal and medical attention, and otherwise abused.

Of those thousand plus detainees, these 19 are facing the heaviest charges, accused of conspiracy as the supposed ringleaders of the mayhem.

Some of them were arrested in early morning raids, forced half-naked out of bed at gunpoint, assembled on their lawns and handcuffed in the pre-dawn darkness, and hauled off to jail. Others were picked up while biking or walking around town, sometimes by plainclothes cops making lightning grabs, a tactic perfected by the Stalinist police; the cops are internationalists, you see, and their methods for control travel across borders with much greater ease than they allow the rest of us.

None of this should be surprising.

Powerful men in suits convening to discuss world problems; heavily armed police kicking down a door and sticking a gun in your face--this is the most ordinary juxtaposition imaginable in a democratic society.

The G20, just like the G8 and just like the International Monetary Fund or World Trade Organization, and just like capitalism as a whole, is an act of exclusion; when the stakes are this high, exclusion is always a violent thing. The governments that compose the G20, like all governments everywhere, base their power on forcibly excluding anyone else from making decisions that affect their lives. When the G20 convene to talk about global warming or financial crises--problems which they largely created, from which

they profit immensely, and of which they will escape the worst effects-they are not making decisions in any positive sense, so much as preventing all the rest of us from addressing those problems.

Unfortunately, the policies of the G20, and the tactical question of the protests against it, generally appear as separate issues in the progressive alternative media.

But in reality, it is impossible to draw a line between the harmful consequences of governmental and corporate policy, the elitist way in which they determine that policy, and the extreme level of police control that accompany their Summits.

The fact that the global economy functions simply to keep capital moving, regardless of who is harmed in the process, the fact that elite institutions and politicians can respond to capitalist crisis by funneling billions to the banks and kicking normal people out of their houses, and the fact that people who protest this are surveilled and brutalized through a program of counterterrorism, are all aspects of the same truth: being robbed of our ability to live with health and dignity and being prohibited from intervening in our own lives are the same thing. The gun in the face and the televised speech are two motions in the same process.

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claimed by homicides, but if protestors smash a bank window or light a cop car on fire, they are denounced as violent.

Yet curiously, a chorus of liberals are reproducing the tired lie that only agent provocateurs could possibly be audacious enough to attack the system, that the Black Bloc is comprised partially or entirely of infiltrators.

North America who would love to trash a police car or a bank. There are millions of other people who would love to do these things as well. The fact that so many liberals denounced these actions would suggest that liberals, along with rich people, are one of the few demographics who don’t harbor any rancor for cops or banks, or that they are the political equivalent of Victorians, suppressing their appreciation of something that is both healthy and necessary. This level of denial reminds me of the hacks who decried the violence in the Canadian newspapers, speaking of provocations by an irresponsible minority, while the accompanying photographs, careful to always to show only individuals or small groups damaging property, could not hide the huge crowds gathering around the delinquents, composed of unmasked, normally dressed people, taking pictures and smiling as they watched the destruction.

Those bystanders knew what anyone who is still human knows well: that a burning cop car is a beautiful thing.

I can assure these liberals that there are thousands of anarchists in

Anarchists are great organizers: some of us participate in the

And above all, this operation is carried out by fellow protestors, who echo the media and Canadian politicians in describing the property destruction that occurred in downtown Toronto as a tragedy.

But downtown Toronto already was a tragedy. What more human response could there be to a financial district--an urban space devoid of life, deprived of affordable rents, scoured of autonomous livelihoods, subordinated to the needs of traffic and commerce, held under the eye of surveillance cameras, occupied by police, and plagued with corporate outlets and banks--than to destroy it?

“To talk about broken windows when the G20 comes to town is to participate in a policing operation that has our doors broken in and guns pointed in our faces, regardless of whether we justify this collaboration with a discourse of nonviolence or one of security.”

Because this kind of authority always provokes resistance, another fundamental process of authority is not to beat down resistance so much as to discipline resistors to follow the rules.

So, RBC can fund gentrification and oil drilling, British Petroleum can kill their workers and destroy the Gulf of Mexico, border guards can murder immigrants, cops can torture youths, the normal functioning of the Canadian economy can murder over three times as Kate Raynes-Goldie (flickr, creative commons) many people through workplace ‘accidents’ as are Police form barricade on the weekend of the G20 Summit, June 26-27 2010.

It might also be safe to suggest that those dissidents who mirror the police and politicians in their sycophantic denunciation of ‘violence’ share some other points in common with the authorities.

Namely, they assist in the same project of democratic government, which is to convince people to participate in their own exploitation, whether through elections or profitsharing or whatever other gimmick, and to insist on the validity of rules that will always be applied more harshly to us than to the elite.

The pragmatic justification is that the violence distracts from the real issues, but it is long past the point where we have to recognize that the media will never talk about the issues, except to allow them to be reframed for the benefit of the economy and the government.

This police operation only works if dissidents participate. If we continue to focus on the reasons for fighting back against the system by whatever means, and there will always be an uncontrollable diversity of means in a diverse struggle, then there will be no distraction, except for the distraction of the corporate media, which is ever present. Either the media will pull their hair out about our violence, or they will turn the spotlight on the latest celebrity news, the latest politician’s speech.

To talk about anything else, anything real, is up to us.

To talk about broken windows when the G20 comes to town is to participate in a policing operation that has our doors broken in and guns pointed in our faces, regardless of whether we justify this collaboration with a discourse of nonviolence or one of security.

It is to contradict even that most

CONTINUED ON PAGE 16

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Know your Rights-- Protesters’ Edition Canadian Civil Liberties Association The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects your right to protest by guaranteeing your freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of peaceful assembly. There are, however, limits to these rights. The most common limits restrict where and how you can express your dissenting views.

Particularly during high-security events, police presence will be very visible. Police-protesters interactions vary; they may be friendly, intimidating, or at times lead to arrests or even violence.

For the most part, the best time to seriously address rights violations is after they happen--NOT while they are happening. If you are concerned that your rights may be or are being violated, politely tell the officer what your rights are.

Do not fight or struggle; this will only make things worse.

In order to help you make a complaint afterward: • Calmly ask for information about what is happening; • Make sure to remember the police officer’s name, badge number, and/or division; • Focus on remembering everything that happened, and exactly what the police officer said; • Get the names and numbers of any witnesses; • Write down everything that happened as soon as you can.

What are my rights if the police are asking me questions?

The police may approach you to ask questions or try to have a conversation. In general, you do not have to talk to the police or answer their questions if you don’t want to, and you do not have to identify yourself or give them any information. If you lie to them, however, you may be charged with obstruction. There are some situations in which you have to give the police basic information about yourself. If you are under arrest or the police are trying to

Supporting Prisoners CONTINUED FROM PAGE 15 tepid of progressive people over profit.

clichés:

To consider questions of guilt or innocence in the case of these 19 people facing conspiracy charges is to indulge in all the hypocrisy of a judge, a prosecutor, or a cop.

It doesn’t matter that most of these people were already arrested when the property destruction occurred, and it doesn’t matter that they didn’t lead any conspiracies because we anarchists don’t have leaders, and we certainly don’t need them to carry out a little bit of vandalism.

What matters is that when all those workers died, when all those people were evicted, when all that money was taken from us by the banks, when all those bombs fell, when all that air and water were poisoned, no one in power was punished and it didn’t matter whether rules were broken

give you a ticket or appearance notice, you have to provide your name and address. If the police stop you while you are driving a vehicle, you have to show your driver’s license, car registration, and insurance. If you are in a bar, you can be asked to prove your age.

If the police stop you, you can ask politely whether you are free to go. You can also ask whether you are being detained or arrested. If you are being neither detained nor arrested, you can just walk away.

Even if you are being detained, you do not have to answer any questions. If you have been arrested or are being ticketed for something, you have to give your name and address.

Can the police search me?

In most cases, the police can only search you if you give them permission. The police can’t legally threaten or force you to agree to a search. If they ask to look in your bag, or ask you to empty your pockets, you can say no.

offence (as opposed to a summary conviction offence which is less serious); • there are reasonable grounds to believe that there is a warrant for your arrest; • you have broken a law (including provincial laws and city bylaws) and you won’t give the police your name and address; • you have breached the peace or are about to breach the peace; • you are drunk or high in public and are putting the safety of yourself or others at risk; • a police officer has reasonable grounds to think you are a terrorist about to commit a terrorist act.

What can the police arrest me for?

There are a number of ‘common’ offences that protesters can be arrested for, including the following: • Mischief

• they have a warrant; • you are being detained; • you have been arrested; or • there are reasonable grounds to believe you have evidence, and there are ‘exigent circumstances’ that would make it impracticable to get a warrant. Exigent circumstances can include police safety or the need to secure and protect evidence.

This is a broad category of criminal offences that includes willfully destroying or damaging property (e.g. graffiti). You can also be charged if you interfere with the lawful use or enjoyment of property by intentionally blocking an entrance to a building, or chaining yourself to something so that it can’t be used. Merely communicating information (e.g. picketing) is not enough to be convicted of mischief. The offence requires proof of some physical act on your part which operates as, or has the effect of causing, some sort of obstruction, interruption or interference with the use or enjoyment of the property.

When can the police arrest me?

• Weapons offences

A police officer can legally arrest you if: • the officer has a warrant for your arrest; • the officer sees you committing a criminal offence; • there are reasonable grounds to believe you have committed, or are about to commit an indictable

A weapon can be anything that is used, designed to be used, or intended for use in hurting, threatening, or intimidating a person. It is a criminal offence to possess a weapon for a purpose that is dangerous to the public peace. It is also illegal to carry a concealed weapon. If the ‘weapon’ is an object that could be used for

or followed. To speak of rules and laws is to perpetuate one of the greatest lies of our society.

masks or spray paint or eye wash for the teargas being treated as terrorists.

What matters is that a great many more banks and cop cars will have to be thrown on the trash fire of history before we can talk about a new world, so we’d better stop getting so upset by such a modest show of resistance.

We can either get used to this future, and continue to believe in the validity of their rules, or we can fight back. For just as there is no difference between dispossession and disempowerment, there can be no line between opposing what the G20 stand for and showing solidarity to those who have been arrested for fighting against it.

The police can search you without your permission if:

What matters is that the $1.3 billion security budget that accompanied the G20 Summit is not a concern of the past. The police still have all that new crowd control weaponry and training, and they still have yet another experience of grinding their boot in our face and getting rewarded for it, while we have yet another experience of putting up with total surveillance and control, of being disciplined to get used to it.

This is their vision of the future: cops and security cameras everywhere, preemptive arrests for simply planning or talking about resistance, people with

One of the best ways to keep up the pressure on the banks, the oil companies, the war profiteers, the media, and the politicians, is to support those who are facing charges for organizing resistance.

Because none of us are free until all of us are free.

This article is originally from: http://www.g20.torontomobilize. org/node/423.

a peaceful purpose (e.g. a steak knife) the prosecution must prove that the object is being hidden for an illegal purpose--i.e. that it was intended to be used as a weapon.

• Unlawful Assembly and Riot A gathering of people can become unlawful when three or more people assemble with a common purpose, and behave in a way that causes others to fear that they will disturb the peace tumultuously, or needlessly provoke others to do so. Tumultuous means more than just noisy or boisterous. To be unlawful, an assembly must be chaotic, disorderly, clamorous, or uproarious--having an atmosphere of force or violence. Once the assembly actually begins to threaten or exhibit force or violence, it has become a riot.

Even if you are not directly contributing to the violence or a chaotic atmosphere, you can still be guilty of participating in an unlawful assembly or riot by staying once the assembly has turned unlawful.

• Blocking a road or highway You can be charged with this offence if you block a road without authority to do so, in order to stop someone else from doing something that person has a right to do.

• Assault A person commits an assault by intentionally applying force to another person without that person’s consent. Threatening or attempting to apply force is also an assault. The level of force does not have to be high--spitting on someone, for example, can be an assault.

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FEATURES

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Myths and Realities about 490 Tamil Refugees on MV Sun Sea No-one is Illegal Vancouver

MYTH 1

: THEY ARE ILLEGALS WHO ARE JUMPING THE QUEUE There is no ‘queue’ for refugee claimants. Refugees are forced from their homes in emergency situations due to human rights abuses committed during wars, military occupations, or persecution against a minority group. We cannot expect refugees to wait for Canada to select them from overseas. We must understand that they undertake long and dangerous journeys to protect their lives and the lives of their families. According to the 1951 UN Convention on Refugees, to which Canada is a party, there are no penalties on refugees who arrive irregularly and without preauthorization.

MYTH 2: THEY ARE TERRORISTS There is no evidence to substantiate this. Rohan Gunaratna, the government’s primary source, has already been discredited by lawyers as well as an Immigration and Refugee Board adjudicator forbeing uncredible.

Last October, when the 76 Tamil asylum seekers came on Ocean Lady they were similarly labeled as terrorists and security threats. However by Jan. 2010, they were all released from detention when Canadian Border Services Agency admitted they had no evidence of a terrorist connection.

Furthermore, officials are just relying on stereotypes of Tamils as all being associated with the Tamil Tigers to create unnecessary racist hostilityand mistrust of asylum seekers.

National security laws in the post911 climate have directly targeted and marginalized immigrants, refugees, and racialized people. These laws and policies are less about protecting society than creating a culture of fear.

MYTH 3

: THE SITUATION IS GETTING BETTER IN SRI LANKA According to a 2010 Amnesty International report, in the past 12 months the Sri Lankan government has continued to jail critics and clamped down on dissent. Some 80,000 Tamils remain in refugee camps, while 400,000 displaced Tamils survive in communities where homes and infrastructure were destroyed.

The government continues to extend a state of emergency, restricting many basic human rights, and thousands of arbitrary detentions are justified under the guise of detainees being suspected Tamil Tigers. This past month, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon appointed a panel to investigate war crimes and genocidal acts committed by the Sri Lankan government against Tamils.

Many of these policies--such as Security Certificates--have been struck down in the courts after years of human rights and anti racist campaigning. The rhetoric of the ‘War on Terror’ serves as a convenient distraction from the reality that people’s daily lives are increasingly unsafe and insecure due to global neoliberal economics and warmongering that leads to mass displacement, poverty, and human rights atrocities.

NOII Vancouver Ottawa Says "Let them Stay." National Day of Action to Support Tamil Refugees on MV Sun Sea

MYTH 4: THEY ARE A BURDEN ON TAX PAYERS The biggest resource expenditure has been the government’s choice to spend thousands of dollars in an unnecessary security operation, including resources spent on incarcerating women and children. Only a tiny fraction has been spent on the health and well-being of the migrants, whose lives are worth more than dollars. Furthermore, scapegoating migrants for being a financial burden lets the government off the hook.

All residents continue to receive inadequate access to necessary social services because of misplaced government priorities-choosing to bail out banks and sink billions : CANADA HAS A GENEROUS REFUGEE SYSTEM; into the police and military--not because WE CANNOT KEEP ACCEPTING PEOPLE of the lack of resources to provide a social safety net for all in need.

Despite border panics, only a small minority of asylum seekers make claims in the Western world. There are about 20 million refugees worldwide and most migrate into neighboring countries of Africa, Middle East, and South : IT IS NOT OUR Asia. Canada accepts fewer than 20,000 refugees per year, which is less PROBLEM than 0.1 per cent of the world’s displaced population.

The Canadian government has recently Furthermore, Canada’s system is not generous. Deportations from Canada been forced to apologize for racist have skyrocketed 50% over the last decade, with 13,000 deportations in and exclusionary historical measures the past year. With the Conservatives, the number of approved asylum including the Chinese Exclusion Act and claims has dropped by 56%. Minister of Immigration Jason Kenney’s recent Komagatamaru incident. These apologies refugee reforms create two tiers of refugees, establishing a hierarchy based and the rhetoric of multiculturalism are on nationality. There are countless structural flaws in the system, designed hollow when current policies and practices to make it near impossible to claim asylum. Immigration and Refugee Board perpetuate racism and exclusion. The members are political appointees; certain avenues such as the Pre Removal recent backlash that repeats the tired-old Risk Assessment have acceptance rates of 3-5% while others such as the refrain about ‘illegals’ and ‘criminals’ has Humanitarian and Compassionate claim do not have to be processed prior meant that right wing neo-nazis such as to deportation. In addition, the refugee system has been termed a ‘lottery Paul Fromm and the Aryan Guard have system’ because acceptance rates can vary from 0-80% depending on the resurfaced publicly and are being given a judge. The Safe Third Country Agreement between the US and Canada platform to spew their hate about sending creates a ‘Fortress Canada’ by disallowing up to 40% of asylum seekers. the boat back. Is this really the side that we are on?

MYTH 5

MYTH 6

LET THE TAMIL REFUGEES STAY! NO HUMAN IS ILLEGAL, THE SYSTEM IS ILLEGAL!

Immigration and refugee issues are not simply about Canadian benevolence or charity. We need to rethink what function and whose interests the state border actually serves. The current trends of global migration reveal the ways in which patterns of Western domination and corporate globalization have enriched some countries by creating economic and political insecurity that forces people indigenous to their lands to migrate.

The Canadian government continues to maintain economic and diplomatic ties with the government of Sri Lanka, instead of supporting those who have survived the brutality of that government, which makes us complicit in their displacement.

~ Visit us at www. nooneisllegal. org or email noiivan@resist.ca ~

Also, we must always remember that Canada is a settler country, built on the theft of Indigenous lands and the forced assimilation of Indigenous communities. On what basis is a colonial government denying colonized people their right to livelihood? Finally, we must challenge the idea that some are more worthy than others to a life of dignity; instead we should reaffirm the universal value that people have the freedom to move in order to seek safety and to flourish.

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

COMMENTS York University: Serving Whose Interests?

Canova Kutuk & Ashley Grover The year 2010 marks a year of new beginnings for York University; unfortunately, many of those beginnings are endings for York students. Firstly, the end of democratic space on campus seems near as York has gone ahead with some renovations to Vari Hall. An installation of an information kiosk right in the centre of Vari is supposed to commence this December.

York has also released a report conducted by Ombudsperson John McCamus on the previous student elections, and we think the very act of commissioning such a report threatens student autonomy.

This year also saw the release of the METRAC safety audit after it was commissioned in 2007. We hope this report can provide an opportunity for York members to reassess the issues of safety and sexual assault on campus as being part of a larger community concern.

A concern that has also been voiced recently is the administration’s frivolous spending habits of public money on unnecessary

of the conflict over Vari Hall. Vari Hall’s architect Raymond Moriyama describes the motives behind the architecture of Vari with the following: “One of the issues explored in the building’s design was how architecture can support and even encourage the learning process. In Vari Hall learning is not confined to classrooms and lecture halls.

Rather, it spills out into stairways, corridors, under stairs, wherever students can gather informally and spontaneously to discuss and debate.”

Vari Hall has always been an environment that fosters education and learning outside the classroom. It is a symbol of our rights (or shall we say privileges?) as students on a campus to utilize an open area for assembly, education, outreach, and recreation.

There is no equivalent space to Vari Hall on Keele campus. If York administration really cared about class disruptions, they wouldn’t install a kiosk right in the center of

“It seems that as a university York has much more money than they let on, especially if they can afford to pay current and former administrators ridiculous amounts of money in addition to government and corporate lobbying.” private lobbyists. Although there is a full time government relations lobbyist working for the university, York saw it fit to spend half a million dollars of student money on lobbying mostly the government.

The issues and events that we discuss in brief below are a tiny fraction of the developments occurring on campus, but nevertheless, they are the most important to us.

York Admin Threatens our Charter Rights: Vari Hall renovations a threat to student assembly and academic freedom We see the coming ‘renovations’ to Vari Hall as being part of a larger pattern to repress student assembly and dissent on behalf of the administration. It is saddening for us to see that most students are apathetic in regards to the recent developments, which can be attributed to a lack of awareness about history

Vari as the very presence of an information booth will generate extra traffic and extra noise.

Krisna Saravanamuttu, President of the York Federation of Students, has noted that the YFS is in the process of having direct negotiations with the administration regarding protection of student space on campus. He agrees with us that the destruction of Vari Hall as we know it compromises our right to freedom of assembly. He notes, “what is uncompromisable are our charter rights to peaceful public assembly” and that taking away student space is a violation.

Since talks of renovating Vari Hall emerged only after the controversial Israeli Apartheid Week protests in 2009, and were influenced by the many other demonstrations that took place in the past few years, it is fairly obvious whose interests such renovations serve. Changing the structure and purpose of Vari

Hall sends a clear message to students, faculty and staff that there is no room for dissent on campus.

York Threatens Student Autonomy: student election process investigated Along with other interferences on their part this year,York administration has succeeded in undermining student autonomy by commissioning York University Ombudsperson John McCamus to conduct an independent review of the YFS elections.

Okay, fine. But we do not understand the purpose of the report insofar as a similar independent review was conducted by Davis LLP. Why did the administration feel the need to commission its own review when an independent review would have been conducted by a third party law firm through the YFS? In light of John McCamus’s comments that President Shoukri requested the review only after receiving “a number of complaints concerning alleged unfairness in the YFS elections procedures,” it is apparent that the administration meddled in the student elections as a result of direct pressure from students and external parties--not because of an inherent flaw in the elections code and procedures.

Although there were some similar recommendations made by both the Davis LLP and John McCamus reports, the administration’s report recommends that the Elections Committee include a member appointed by the Provost (currently Patrick Monahan) on behalf of President Mamdouh Shoukri. We think not.

The reports released by John McCamus and Davis LLP do not call into question the results of the past election and both are available online.

York Falls Behind on Student Safety: METRAC safety audit released after three years After the assault on two women in Vanier College in 2007, resulting in a lawsuit against York, the administration hired the Metropolitan Action Committee on Violence Against Women and Children (METRAC) to perform a safety audit of the York campuses. The report finally came out this year and there are 91 recommendations

Photo Courtesy of York Federation of Students made to York University regarding how to make campus a safer environment. Accessibility, maintenance, proper lighting, and advances to York’s goSAFE program are all mentioned as areas in need of improvement on campus. We dearly hope that the administration will consider these recommendations and work together with groups and organizations on and off campus to carry them out.

Sexual assault is a complex and deeply rooted issue making it a community concern, rather than only the concern and fault of the victim. Not only are we as individuals responsible for safety, but so is our community at large, and this includes York University. So it is totally unacceptable if Alex Bilyk, York’s media spokesperson, says that the lesson learned from these assaults was to “lock your doors.” The lock-your-door logic is the same excuse used by rapist Daniel Katsnelson in court this year. Sexual assault does not happen because someone doesn’t lock their door and it is high time that we realize that.

The METRAC report is available online at: http://www.yorku.ca/ safety/audit/ York Throws Money Away: the ridiculous pay checks to ‘administrators’ and private lobbyists On Tues. Oct. 5, the NDP revealed that York University spent close to $500,000 of public money on hiring private lobbyists. Thirtyone thousand and five hundred dollars were spent lobbying Pan Am games so York can host tennis; $217,135 was spent hiring the Counsel of Public Affairs (CPA) to gather community input about a potential medical school at York. Interestingly the CPA “also provided

Climate Change and Public Policy Conference 2010 Sarah Sackville McLauchlan In August my mother and I had the privilege of attending a twoand-a-half day conference on climate change and public policy. It was held at Hart House, and was sponsored by the Green Party of Canada, the Campus Greens of

the University of Toronto, and the Danforth Greens. It was an intense weekend, which alternated between being truly inspiring and utterly terrifying. See http://www. ccc-2010.ca/ , under ‘resources’ and read some of the presentations, all of which are posted there, and you’ll see what I mean!

The many topics covered included dealing with climate change deniers, the challenges of providing modern transportation and energy in light of depleting fossil fuels, health impacts of climate change, dangers to food production and distribution, the state of polar icecaps, current international negotiations on emissions, the work of NGOs and faith communities to raise awareness and generate political will, and the dangers to all life on the planet posed by acidification of the oceans.

Speakers included long-time activists such as Adriana MugnattoHamu, United Church of Canada Moderator Mardi Tindal, public service workers, people working in the renewable energies industry, and respected scientists such as Richard Pelletier.

The highlights of the weekend were the many talks on what we can do and are doing to try to change our practices and avert di-

saster. Particularly inspiring were presentations on the viability of wind and solar power, the potential of biochar to revitalize depleted soil, the Passive Building standard for construction of zero-emissions

assistance with regard to labour relations during... [2008]”--the very year CUPE 3903 went on strike.

York also spent $188,700 to “to assess the interests and expertise of York faculty in climate change and environmental research.” The project was lead by Karen Kraft Sloan who is a federally registered lobbyist and was a Liberal MP for 11 years.

The result of all that money? York gets to host a tennis game, York gets an idea about what community members feel about a medical school, and York learns who is interested in researching climate change. This very administration hid behind the excuse of an economic recession when faculty and staff went on strike three years ago.

In addition to York’s obviously wasteful spending habits on lobbying, according to the Ontario Ministry of Finance, former York President Lorna Marsden was paid a salary of $394,980 last year, which is a mere $83,093 less than the salary of York’s current president for the same year. The records this year show no courses taught by Lorna Marsden, although she is in the academic faculty. Even as a member of faculty, how is it that she was paid almost four times more than other professors or course administrators? And since when did past Presidents (President Emeritas) receive such large pay cheques? It seems that as a university York has much more money than they let on, especially if they can afford to pay current and former administrators ridiculous amounts of money in addition to government and corporate lobbying. The real question is, who pays for all of this?

speakers agreed that we may still have time to mitigate, but that we have at most the next 10 to 15 years in which to do so if temperatures are to keep from triggering feedback mechanisms, causing runaway warming.

“The overwhelming message from all who spoke was that we have very little time, if any, in which to act if we are to prevent the worst impacts of climate change.” buildings, how modern transportation can be achieved without fossil fuels, the Transition Towns Movement, the achievements of the World People’s Summit in Cochabamba, and Rev. Mardi Tindal’s talk on climate-change as a moral and spiritual issue.

The overwhelming message from all who spoke was that we have very little time, if any, in which to act if we are to prevent the worst impacts of climate change. Most

The good news, though, is that they also agreed that we don’t need to wait for the invention of miracle technologies to save us. We have the capacity now to deal with this crisis. The greatest obstacle by far is the lack of political will, especially here in North America. And what had everyone at the conference concerned, presenters and audience alike, was how far we are from changing that particular climate.

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

19

COMMENTS

G20-Toronto and Lost Sovereignty: A Critical Examination of the role of the CCLA Denis G. Rancourt Police violence at G20-Toronto, like the economic violence engineered by G20 itself, are windows into Canada’s loss of sovereignty as it continues to integrate the US military economy and military culture at breakneck speed. Loss of economic and security sovereignty and the associated planned plundering (so-called austerity) must be attended by loss of democracy and civil rights.

Within the same logic the G20Toronto paramilitary force was ordered to indiscriminately actuate mass intimidations and roundups of target groups (based on profiling), knowing that mostly authentic protesters and many bystanders would be subjected to the same illegal violence, for the double purpose of gathering personal information and intimidating citizens away from participation.

What is clear to any observer who reads the victim testimonies, watches the many videos, reads the civil society association statements, reports and petitions and follows the corporate and independent media broadcasts is that the cops and their bosses profiled activists and demonstrators and targeted them for surveillance, intimidation, interrogations, and assaults as if these actions were enemies of the state in a war.

This included turning over select targets to non-uniformed thugs in unmarked vans for what can only be described as torture and it included extensive use of embedded agents and hyper surveillance; all the most repulsive tactics that Canadians have always denounced in totalitarian states.

Either the G20-Toronto paramilitary force was trained and ordered to enact its anti-democracy com-

What has been revealed by G20Toronto cannot be covered up by a broad-in-name-only federal inquiry operating under the false premise that “mistakes” may have been made that may lead to the formulation of recommendations for new procedures and protocols. These were not mistakes.

What happened at G20-Toronto was planned and runs deep in Canada’s newfound militaristic and police culture. Canadian civil rights icon Ursula Franklin recently explained in the national media that Canada is advancing towards fascism.

This is not business as usual for the CCLA (C for Canadian; Canadian Civil Liberties Association). The CCLA must not play its establishment role of aiding the cover up. It must distinguish itself. As maybe Canada’s leading civil liberties

“The CCLA has put much of its efforts in attempting to secure an official and “sufficiently broad” federal inquiry. The CCLA should now further and directly publicly pressure the Harper government and Parliament for the needed federal inquiry, which will in-principle only benefit from the OIPRD review.”

What is clear is that the police and its bosses function under a police state paradigm in which lawful democratic participation in the form of organizing and protesting is considered domestic terrorism. This paradigm is well known in the Latin American (and other) client states of the USA where the dissident members of civil society (teachers, union organizers, independent journalists, community organizers, priests, etc.) are systematically rooted out and murdered

by US-trained government-sponsored commandos.

In addition, it has become routine in Canada’s geopolitical war of aggression in Afghanistan to disregard the Geneva Conventions and accept civilian ‘collateral damage’ as a ‘fact of war’ in pursuing suspected militants; not to mention turning them over to allied factions for torture.

mando strategy witnessed by all or we live in a fucking fairy tale where less broken windows and smashed cars than after a hockey game in Montreal can justify an ad hoc billion-dollar military budget and where the best road to national security is a US-insanity-led murderous war against a nation on the other side of the planet.

The point is that the 10,000 police officers who participated in G20Toronto and did not prevent their colleagues from performing massive, sustained and indiscriminate verbal and physical attacks against citizens and citizens’ rights disregarded their professional oaths of service and acted in line with received and accepted police training and instructions which are those of a police state – where citizens who speak out are the enemy.

What is the CCLA (and other recognized human and civil rights groups) doing about it?

lawyer group, the CCLA has been working overtime to show leadership in responding to the G20-Toronto mass police aggression.

Anything else would have been anomalous since the CCLA was founded in response to a similarly large mass violation of civil liberties: The Quebec War Measures Act mass arrests of the 1970s. In addition the CCLA office is in Toronto.

The CCLA had many observers on the ground at G20-Toronto, has vigilantly collected individual complaints and available data about the arrests, has coordinated tentative legal actions, and has sent several letters to key officials pressuring for inquiries. It has also made several media communications to further pressure responsible bodies to enact measures of accountability.

Its most significant political success to date is that Ontario’s Office of the Independent Police Review Director (OIPRD) announced that “systemic issues” arising from police behaviour at G20-Toronto would be “investigated thoroughly and in a way that is accountable, transparent, efficient and fair to both the public and the police.”

ple only benefit from the OIPRD review.

This came in response to a CCLA letter to the OIPRD calling for such an investigation and detailing mass “systemic” violations; that is, incorrectly using the word “systemic” to mean incidents involving large groups of victims.

Why does the OIPRD feel the need to express that it will be “fair to both the public and the police?”

Is it not fair to a criminal to be punished for his/her crime? The OIPRD statement appears to be intended to announce that its report will be a compromise between justice and police immunity, between civil rights and police state advancement.

And what’s with the use of the word “efficient” used by both the CCLA and OIPRD? Sounds like ‘no replication of analysis’ and ‘not too deep.’ On the contrary, no expense should be spared and plenty of divergent and complementary reports would be fine. (Is it too late to hold off that order for another sound canon? What is the cost of lost sovereignty?)

The National Post’s celebration of the OIPRD review as an “unprecedented investigation by a powerful provincial agency…[with] the power to conduct searches and seizures, summon documents and summon witnesses, including officers and police chiefs” suggests that the establishment will use the OIPRD review to avoid a federal inquiry.

The OIPRD investigation does not have the mandate to examine the role of political leaders or to examine federal police. The OIPRD investigation is not enough for the CCLA. Its chief, Nathalie Des Rosiers, has called for a federal inquiry because the RCMP and CSIS were involved and because such issues as “national intelligence gathering,” police “baiting,” and high level “orders” are involved.

The CCLA has put much of its efforts in attempting to secure an official and “sufficiently broad” federal inquiry. The CCLA should now further and directly publicly pressure the Harper government and Parliament for the needed federal inquiry, which will in-princi-

The CCLA must also learn the proper definition of the word systemic and focus attention on the training and culture of the police and its bosses. It must sound the alarm: The canary in the coal mine is dead.

What will be the CCLA’s next push? Will it be placated by the OIPRD review?

It is also of concern that the CCLA appeared to be threatening the federal government with more lawsuits if a federal inquiry is not ordered – in the words of Des Rosiers: “if the federal government does not do anything, individuals who have been wronged should use the possibilities that exist. Many avenues of redress will rightly be undertaken to get answers and relief…”

This horse trading attitude indicates that the CCLA might not as vigorously pursue support for individual and group lawsuits if a sufficiently broad federal inquiry is called. The CCLA needs to provide support for as much redress as possible for individuals within the limits of the law, irrespective of inquiries.

In addition, the investigations, inquiries, and lawsuits must lead to police and their bosses being rightly disciplined with formal reprimands, fines, suspensions, demotions, and firings, in proportion to their violations and lapses of duty.

The police who witnessed their colleagues acting unprofessionally and illegally and who did nothing to stop their colleagues must also be disciplined. And political orders must lead to resignations.

A shakedown is needed to avert this next consolidation step towards fascism. What role will the CCLA play in the continued destruction of Canada?

We don’t need a G20driven-US-integrationestablishment-preserving inquiry. We need organizations like the CCLA to read the writing on the wall and to stand for more than just business as usual. This is about Canada’s integration into the US military economy. It is about desperately needed sovereignty, the opposite of US-led G8 and G20.

[This article was also posted at: http://activistteacher.blogspot. com/2010/07/g20-toronto-and-lost-sovereignty.html]

Nick Kozak/Torontoist

COMMENTS

20

The Problem with Bat Signal Politics Jen Rinaldi Rob Ford promised my friend a job.

Ford, recently elected mayor of Toronto, argues against bicycle lanes and street cars (says Ford, “What I compare bike lanes to, is swimming with the sharks”), AIDS prevention programs (“If you are not doing needles and you are not gay, you wouldn’t get AIDS probably, that’s the bottom line”), funding related to the LGBT community (“I don’t understand a transgender...Is it a guy that dresses up like a girl or a girl that dresses up like a guy? And we’re funding this?”), as well as affordable housing and homeless shelters (“People do not want...more government housing that will depreciate the value of

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having to use Wheeltrans because I can’t get anywhere and I live in Etobicoke.” Ford’s response: he understands accessibility is an issue because he spent a day in a wheelchair once, and anyone who has a problem with Wheeltrans can call him personally so that Ford can put you in touch with his good friend, TTC representative Dean Milton.

Calling Ford at the Oct. debate, then-candidate Rocco Rossi (whose politics are just as inimical to me as Ford’s, but I love all super hero references) countered “running a city the size of Toronto cannot be done by bat signal. You send the signal out, you phone Robin, and it’s going to be solved.” Ford is quite the fan of bat signal politics: if you have a problem, call him up,

“Politicians should not be regarded as super heroes coming to the rescue, nor saviours granting individual prayers. Those who seek to identify with voters by resolving political problems individually, with a wink and smile, are practicing a sort of populism that should insult their voting public.”

their property”--which people, Mr. Ford?). He is also known for racist comments and allegations that he beat his wife.

But my friend Des, he promised her a job when she attended a mayoral debate on Sept. 16. When told that disabled people are underrepresented in the Toronto labour force, instead of discussing why that might be the case, Ford offered a phone number and a promise that he would set something up for anyone fitting the bill who called.

This is not an uncommon response from Ford. At the Oct. 5 mayoral debate, a woman named Emily, who identified as blind and disabled, posed a related question: “How are you going to make transit more accessible for us? It doesn’t just mean elevators. I’m stuck

come to his backyard barbecue, and he’ll see what he can do.

Relaying calls to Dean Milton, however, is not going to fix Wheeltrans, Toronto’s para-transit system which is known for being underfunded and backlogged, resulting in hours’ long delays; nor is it going to solve the access issues related to subway stations, street cars, and buses that are either in the works or already in use. Inaccessible transit contributes to the under-representation of disabled people in the workforce; you can’t do a job if you can’t get to it easily.

Personal calls and commitments are no doubt inadequate in the face of systemic problems that require attention, reorganization, and dare I say financial investment.

But as polls demonstrate, bat sig-

nal politics is popular, as is Ford’s attitude. Known for being brash in public meetings, for antagonizing colleagues, for demonstrating vulgarity and ignorance when interviewed, he appears to be connecting with Toronto citizens. That his popularity is unaffected when he compares Asian people to dogs seems to indicate that political correctness is falling out of fashion.

This is not a phenomenon that is limited to Ford alone, though so far he has been the star of this article (mostly because I find cartoonish mayoral candidates mesmerizing). Runner-up in Toronto’s municipal elections, George Smitherman seeks to connect with his audience by relating his history with substance use, and is just as notorious as Ford for his abrasive personality. Politicians seek out photo ops with babies and in sweater vests in order to charm voters. They speak colloquially, they argue from anecdotes, they campaign at barbecues, and they make personal promises in response to tough questions posed by people in dead end situations.

These tactics are meant to render politicians more populist, populism being a political strategy by which one comes to represent or champion the interests of ‘ordinary people.’ Bolivian President Evo Morales may be considered populist based on his Indigenous ancestry, his strong support for unions and rural workers, even his casual clothing and mannerisms. Sometimes populism works, and people like Morales are elected into office by landslide victories based on promises to challenge class privilege and exploitation.

Sometimes, though, populist strategies can be ineffective, and even inauthentic. The Tea Parties that

Excerpts from RAPLIQ’s Manifesto Laurence Parent

We’re fighting for public acknowledgement of the fact that ableism is a system that favours certain abilities over others. Ableism must be known. Ableism must be fought against.

We’re aware of the fact that

members of marginalized groups have historically been looked upon as being disabled. We remember that these groups have rejected the stigma of disability, for disability reasonably leads to exclusion and marginalisation. We come together because we are often marginalized among other mar-

Participants of the Day of Accessibility, Masson Street Sept. 12, 2010

ginalized groups, and because we strongly believe that there is a need for the creation of a truly socially inclusive movement for the elimination of all forms of oppression and discrimination.

We acknowledge and are grateful for the achievements and progress achieved during the last 40 years. We have come out at last. We are still experiencing countless obstacles through our daily lives. Despite any current achievements and progress, we have no choice but to realize that our basic rights are still being infringed upon and that our right to participate in community life and social

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 have cropped up throughout the US have been heralded as populist inasmuch as they represent the interests of the (white, conservative, racist) people, but they are fuelled

by Fox News and Koch Industries.

Despite all efforts they make to connect with their voting public, politicians like Ford are nevertheless members of the elite from

which they seek to extricate themselves; they reflect their ignorance regarding popular problems when they propose to resolve problems one complaint at a time. Such an approach only works for the people who manage to find Ford, whose calls get through, who are the beneficiaries of his generosity.

And when the opportunity is made available, there is an expectation that the person will be fine, that their problems have been solved.

Des may eventually have a job, though she may struggle to keep her job when an underfunded, inaccessible transit system fails her, even if Emily’s experiences with Wheeltrans improve.

Politicians should not be regarded as super heroes coming to the rescue, nor saviours granting individual prayers. Those who seek to identify with voters by resolving political problems individually,

with a wink and smile, are practicing a sort of populism that should insult their voting public. We should expect more from our politicians than the promise that they will call in favours for those who have the wherewithal to ask. We should instead expect meaningful efforts to redress institutional ableism, sexism, racism, classism, and heteronormativity that continue

to exclude and disadvantage the not-so-ordinary people. We should further expect political representatives not to re-produce oppression (those Orientals work like dogs, what is a transgender, et cetera) in an effort to sound more accessible.

And if we want populism, perhaps we should look to the actual populous, to grassroots initiatives that might gain ground and garner political attention with enough support.

I do hope Ford finds a job for my friend. Given that our current social, economic, and political institutions and ideologies will likely continue to present barriers to her fully functioning within her community, it may be that the best she can hope for at this point is someone with connections and a messiah complex hoping to curry favour.

activities is constantly being our turn, in a governmental threatened and often hanging spending cut environment.

We come together to chalby a thread. lenge all forms segregation Our dreams no longer have and exclusion that are keep-

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“We refuse to standardize our bodies and our minds. We mean to foster the emergence of a culture that values diversity rather than stigmatize disability experiences as negative and tragic.”

the same boundaries. Our ing us in inferior positions. duty is simple. We stand to- It is becoming imperative for gether in our refusal. us to act because we strongly feel an urgent need to unite We refuse to be knowingly our efforts. segregated in separate systems. We refuse to standard- We have chosen to no longer ize our bodies and our minds. condone the intolerable.

We mean to foster the emer- The Regroupement des acgence of a culture that values tivistes pour l’inclusion au diversity rather than stigma- Quebec (RAPLIQ), founded tize disability experiences in 2009, is an organization as negative and tragic. We that advocates for the derefuse to patiently and na- fence of the rights of people ïvely bide our time waiting with disabilities.

Comments

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Faculty for Palestine Statement on York University and the Iacobucci Report Faculty for Palestine The conduct of the York University administration around the conference ‘Israel/Palestine: Mapping Models of Statehood and Paths to Peace’ clearly constituted a serious attack on academic freedom. We look forward to a full report on this attack which is currently being investigated by the Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT).

The ‘Israel/Palestine: Mapping Models of Statehood and Paths to Peace’ was a scholarly conference designed to elucidate current debates about potential solutions to the current situation in Israel/ Palestine. Pro-Israeli advocacy organizations protested against the conference in a manner consistent with their overall strategy of shutting down free expression around Palestine on Canadian campuses. These protests were given undue attention by the York administration, which responded in a way that undermined academic freedom. The conference did go ahead, but organizers were subjected to undue pressure before, during, and after the conference.

This pressure, and the thinking behind it, is now documented in e-mail correspondence (see links below).

We are deeply concerned that the internal process initiated by the York Administration and presided over by Mr. Frank Iacobucci, former Supreme Court of Canada Judge, does not address these issues properly. We note, in particular, the report’s inattention to the role of the administration in attempting to reshape the conference, despite evidence presented which clearly demonstrates those breaches. Moreover, the Report’s recommendations put special emphasis on “professional responsibility” of faculty members, “civil discourse,” and “respect”, which go beyond the generally accepted standards of assessing scholarship, i.e. peer review. These recommendations constitute prior restraint on academic freedom, and as such are a threat to academic freedom. This is all the more so because the Iacobucci Report ignores the context of discussions about academic freedom regarding scholarship on the Middle East, and fails to situate its findings or recommendations in this broader political and intellectual context.

This unique context pertaining to Middle Eastern scholarship is one in which scholars are routinely silenced if they are perceived to be critical of Israeli policies.

We urge faculty at York University and across the country to inform

themselves about this threat to academic freedom and to take action against it. We encourage scrutiny of the Report from its Terms of Reference through to the Recommendations, and have provided key links below. Frankly, York University administration is setting a precedent for direct interference in scholarly activities on campus which threatens all of us, and which threatens debate and academic discussion around Palestine in particular. We look forward to working with others to initiate protest actions around this attack on academic freedom.

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21 “Frankly, the York University administration is setting a precedent for direct interference in scholarly activities on campus that threatens all of us, and which threatens debate and academic discussion around Palestine in particular.”

For the article in the Globe and Mail: http://www.theglobeandmail. com/news/national/toronto/ controversy-brews-over-yorkshandling-of-conference-onmideast/article1531004/ For details about the violations of academic freedom (including emails that were obtained through FIPPA): http://www.fragilefreedomatyorku. ca/academic-freedom/field-notes/ For the Iacobucci Report: http://www.yorku.ca/ylife/index. asp?Article=2937 For the ‘Israel/Palestine’ conference website: www.yorku. ca/ipconf

Faculty for Palestine are concerned over the administration’s response to the conference ‘Mapping Models of Statehood and Paths to Peace,’ a response they suggest that constitutes a threat to academic freedom.

Letter to York University President Shoukri Regarding Hillel@York Dr. Mamdouh Shoukri Office of the President York University Dear Dr. Shoukri, The attached document produced by Hillel@York indicates that this student organization advocates explicitly on behalf of the State of Israel. While many other student organizations at York actively support a diversity of cultures, religions, and national identities, none besides Hillel serves as, in effect, an agent of a foreign government. York’s policies with regard to student organizations appear to be silent on the matter of such agency, and, hence, sanction it by default and, indeed, invite other foreign governments to establish similar student advocacy organizations on their own behalf. I am sure you would agree that such a situation would corrupt the educational mission of the university.

In the case of Hillel@York such corruption is already well underway, with York University’s tacit approval.

This is totally unacceptable. York University must insist that Hillel@York end its advocacy activities on behalf of the State of Israel at once. As well, York University must formulate and adopt policies that would prohibit all such activities on behalf of foreign governments on this campus.

Please let me know at your earliest convenience how you will respond to this serious matter.

Sincerely, David F. Noble Professor cc. Editor, Excalibur.

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FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Arts & Culture

Political Filmmaking and the Left: An Alliance of Necessity Hadiyya Mwapachu

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n Sept. 16, the Toronto International Film Festival featured a talk with director Ken Loach and his frequent writing partner, journalist, and screenwriter Paul Laverty, who discussed the challenges of creating political films. The discussion was moderated by documentary filmmaker Michael Moore. Ken Loach and Paul Laverty were at the festival to present their film Route Irish, which examines the implications of states’ increasing reliance on private contractors in the Iraq war. Loach is recognized as being one of the most fervent and consistent political filmmakers within contemporary cinema whose films include polemic critiques on class discrimination and the effect of governmental corruption and abuses of power. One of the striking aspects of his oeuvre is the emphasis on how individuals can organize to articulate their rights and collectively work to challenge oppressive structures.

Loach addressed his belief that the dominant social tension of our time lies in the “antagonism between classes,” which is evident in “every workplace and field of battle.”

When asked what the impetus was for participating within social struggle, Loach noted that groups are often “forced into conflict” when faced with the realization that rights could be dismantled.

The filmmakers emphasized the importance of organizing and working as a collective. It was evident within the discussion that the most ardent difficulties are present within constructing strategies for coupling theory with practice.

Moore also addressed the frustration of seeing mass organizations as in international protests against

the Iraq war which on one hand highlighted the views of many, but ultimately failed to prevent the United States-led military invasion. One example of how film can be combined with social movements by placing focus on organizations and the individuals involved in social struggle was highlighted when Paul Laverty invited a member of the Toronto ‘Justice for Janitors’ group to speak onstage. The representative discussed the poverty wages which were being offered to the janitors and how companies such as the Toronto International Film Festival group were choosing to employ the cleaning company Impact, which has been accused of paying workers wages below the minimum wage.

The representative called for pressure on the Toronto Film Festival to hire equitable cleaning companies. Justice for Janitors collaborates with workers to support fighting for better work conditions.

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Moore asked what the filmmakers could do to support the campaign; Loach and Laverty noted the importance of speaking to the leadership within the festival.

Moore argued for not including films in future film festivals in order to pressure the festival to make responsible decisions. Moore cited the difficulty of organizing a solution in which everyone could be involved.

The tensions within facilitating ways to mobilize collectively in terms of cinematic viewing were put forth. The question ‘how do we organize cinema?’ is a pressing issue as it calls into question how contemporary audiences are becoming more excluded from participating within collective viewing practices that support independent films and not the dominant Hollywood features.

Loach argued that the difficulties of encouraging theatrical chains to include independent features are as a result of the reliance on commerce. Loach cited that theatre owners are mostly interested in where to purchase, present and preserve fast food due to the income generated from including fast food chains.

Loach suggested that a solution that would counter the marginalization of smaller films within theatre chains would be for municipalities to own their own cinemas and

However, it is easier to envision how these theatres would function than how to wrestle control away from the corporate structures

“Loach argued against didacticism and noted the importance of writing stories with nuanced characters thus this strengthened Laverty’s claim that “art has to come before politics.” design their own programs. Moore critiqued the oppressive qualities of Cineplex and deplored how filmmakers in comparison to art and theatre practitioners “have no say” over how and where their work is presented. Moore supported Loach’s claim that cinemas should be controlled within the community.

This solution was posed as a manner in which to “remove capitalism from the process” of theatrical distribution. This solution would be transformative as it would remove control and autonomy from corporations that control which films are presented to large audiences and which ones are excluded, often leading to political, independent features, art films, and world cinema offerings to be rendered nonvisible for commercial audiences.

If films were chosen by specific communities, this would lead to the propagation of works that highlighted the interests of many.

This would lead to more tangible ways for films that place emphasis on specific concerns to be seen

Amee Lê Ken Loach (right) and his longtime collaborator, screenwriter Paul Laverty

widely. These films can also serve as blueprints for communities on how to mobilize around their ideas to progress social changes. Hence serving as a platform to see their political ideas reflected in a manner which provokes dialogue, rather than within the existing paradigm which often restricts protesting against the ideological frameworks presented within dominant cinema

that currently run them. Moore discussed how his theatre in Detroit serves the community; the presence of directors running their own cinemas which offer alternatives to commercial distribution is a viable solution, but it is one that is still hierarchical in nature. This can be reconciled by placing a large portion of control to community representatives that are given independence to articulate which films should be included and in what forms they should be presented, within the wider community.

Loach’s film Route Irish offers a critique of the partnership between government and corporate structures which is often silent within contemporary cinema. Moore noted how films which discuss the Iraq war often become commercial failures. A present challenge is the perception that the Iraq war is now over. Loach articulated how the term ‘Iraq fatigue’ is ironic considering that “people in Iraq still have to talk about the war.”

Route Irish discusses the long term implications of soldiers returning from the war and having to deal with combat stress, often without support from government. Laverty and Loach cited that 10% of the prison populations in the United Kingdom are ex-soldiers; this coupled with the issue of homeless veteran’s displays the lack of governmental accountability for veterans.

The increasing use of privatizing war leads to the erasure of soldiers who served within private companies as records are not kept. Loach decried how accountability is placed within the hands of shareholders and corporations whose emphasis on large scale profit precludes them from meeting the demands which protect citizens from abuses and prevents organizations from making inquiries into how these corporations conduct military practices during war.

Laverty critiqued the lack of large

scale investigations into war crimes that were committed during the Iraq war. Loach addressed how in Route Irish, the use of waterboarding is referred to as drowning. He argued that the term waterboarding serves as an “Orwellian term” as the use of the word often prevents the acknowledgment of what is precisely involved within the act and serves to mask the brutality of such practices. The filmmakers cited how the media uses language to conjure specific responses from audiences which leads to their support for political positions.

When asked by an audience member whether the filmmakers displayed political bias within their films, Loach argued that the media’s use of bias is “far more dangerous” due to the construction of language within news items.

Loach’s deconstruction of terms such as waterboarding displays how films can serve as a medium which reveals the ideological function of language by placing emphasis on how it is continually used as a propaganda tool. These tools are often used by dominant structures to constitute responses within the audience that cohere with specific political messages; film can serve as powerful counter response to these structures. Moore argued that humor can also serve as a useful political weapon. He noted the use of it within Route Irish despite the film’s serious content. Loach responded that it would have been false to exclude humor as “there is comedy everywhere” and cited how reality often mirrors parody.

Both Loach and Laverty used the example of Tony Blair’s recently been awarded the congressional medal of honor despite his government’s conduct within the Iraq war, to display how everyday politics involve irony and what can only appear to an act of a cruel joke in the minds of those struggling for equality.

In terms of strategies to create stories that foreground the complexity of contemporary geopolitics, Laverty cited the importance of constructing an accessible cinematic language.

Loach argued against didacticism and noted the importance of writing stories with nuanced characters thus this strengthened Laverty’s claim that “art has to come before politics.”

All the filmmakers stressed the necessity of supporting the use of leftist critiques within cinema, thought this often results in smaller audiences. They noted that the communities that support these films serve as “building blocs” and that seeing these films serves as a way to maintain and consolidate social power. The panel’s most potent message is how the multiplicity of audience perspectives can function to promote collective responses against the singular nature of state power.

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Arts & Culture

Conceptual Art in Canada 1965-1980 Meghan Bissonnette

I

n Artforum (1967), Sol LeWitt defined Conceptual Art as that in which “the idea or concept is the most important aspect of the work…all of the planning and decisions are made beforehand and the execution is a perfunctory affair.”

Out of this came a variety of practices, typically language and photo-based works, which must have been shocking to the art world, then dominated by the large paintings of saturated colour or energetic brushstrokes done by Jackson Pollock and the other Abstract Expressionists.

Conceptual artists used materials not traditionally associated with high art-- index cards, photographs, books, typescript on paper, charts, diagrams, maps, and slides-- and declared that art could be almost anything: a walk, photographs of a trip, a set of instructions, or a line placed on the gallery floor.

Conceptual Art was a global phenomenon and seemed to arise under very different circumstances almost simultaneously around the world; however, no major survey of Conceptual Art in Canada exists.

Traffic: Conceptual Art in Canada 1965-1980, an exhibition currently showing at the four University of Toronto art galleries (Justina M. Barnicke Gallery, University of Toronto Art Centre, Doris McCarthy Gallery, and Blackwood Gallery), aims to address this.

Part of a larger project that includes a database, conference, and exhibition catalogue, it is the result of a collaboration between five curators from across the country: Barbara Fischer (Justina M. Barnicke Gallery), Jayne Wark (NSCAD University), Michèle Thériault (Leonard and Bina Ellen Art Gallery, Concordia University), Catherine Crowston (Art Gallery of Alberta), and Grant Arnold (Vancouver Art Gallery).

considered some of the most preeminent artists in Canada: Michael Snow, Ian Carr-Harris, Joyce Wieland, Rodney Graham, Clive Robertson, Bill Vazan, Suzy Lake, and Ian Wallace to name a few. It reads like a who’s who of the Canadian art world.

Yet the show is not without its weaknesses. One notable shortcoming is the geographical organization of the exhibition: the Halifax portion of the exhibition is at Blackwood Gallery; Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, and Winnipeg at the University of Toronto Art Centre; Montreal at the Justina M. Barnicke Gallery; and Toronto at the Doris McCarthy Gallery.

Common issues that run throughout Conceptual Art practices can be intriguing, but they get lost and overlooked in an exhibition that has a regional framework. In this article I want to focus on a few of these issues.

In Conceptual Art the notion that the idea comes first led to many works that took the form of a set of instructions to be carried out by the artist, assistants, or students.

For example, two lithographs

by Sol LeWitt on display at Blackwood Gallery were carried out by students at NSCAD’s Lithography Workshop based on his instructions. Consisting of short black lines layered to various degrees of density, they are about a visually exciting as a placemat, yet the rejection of the aesthetically beautiful object is fundamental to Conceptual Art. Lighter in tone is John Baldessari’s I will not make any more boring art.

Not being able to travel to Halifax for his exhibition at NSCAD’s Mezzanine Gallery, a small experimental space, he instructed

the director Charlotte Townsend to have students write the statement “I will not make any more boring art” from floor to ceiling on the gallery floors. His “punishment piece” as he called it, no longer exists, and we can only experience this work through Baldessari’s letter, a few photographs, and the corresponding lithograph he did for the Lithography Workshop.

Because the idea enjoys an elevated status in Conceptual Art, these instructions, whether they are in the form of letters, index cards, or diagrams on paper, become worthy of display in the gallery.

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Also based in Montreal, Françoise Sullivan’s Promenade entre le Musée d’art contemporain et le Musée des beaux-arts de Montréal, is a series of photographs taken along a walk between the two institutions. The photographs are displayed in a line in chronological order, with a map at the end outlining her walk. Despite the fact that the photographs were simply documentation of a process-- in this case a walk-- the images capture the feeling of the city, its moments of energy broken by moments of calm.

advertising in ironic and satirical ways. For example, Vancouverbased N.E. Thing Co. was a registered corporation comprised of then husband and wife Iain and Ingrid Baxter. They ran their art practice as if it was a business, and many of the resulting products can be seen in this exhibition: dishes from their Eye Scream restaurant, the photograph of the peewee hockey team they sponsored, and documentation of their activities on company letterhead with official seals and signatures.

Calgary-based Paul Woodrow started the Bureau of Imaginary Exchange, and on display are questionnaires that were published as well as photographs of their office. His Imaginair Travel poster, an advertisement for a fake travel company, promotes the ability of the imagination to take you anywhere.

In the initial phase of Conceptual Art, many works were text-based, but as it developed, artists began using their own bodies as the basis

"In the context of the increasing commercialization of the art market in the 1960s and ‘70s, the use of banal materials not associated with high art...or the creation of works that were completely ephemeral, represented a critique of the art object and a rejection of the art market."

Conceptual artists made works that challenged prevailing beliefs about art.

That included taking on subjects important to Canadian art, such as the landscape, and approaching it in new ways.

Intriguing and mesmerizing is Vancouver-based Roy Kiyooka’s Long Beach to Peggy’s Cove, made up of panels of small black and white photographs documenting a road trip across Canada. There is nothing extraordinary about any one photograph; in fact they are rather banal--silos, highways, cars, diners, friends--but as a collection the feeling of traveling that they evoke is quite appealing.

Montreal artist Bill Vazan’s Canada Line project, a complex work which involved placing lines on the floor of various galleries across the country, creating a virtual line across Canada, can now only be experienced through the documentation: a map with photographs of the installed lines.

The relationship between art and capitalism within Conceptual Art is complicated. In the context of the increasing commercialization of the art market in the 1960s and ‘70s, the use of banal materials not associated with high art such as Polaroid photographs, index cards, and notebook paper, or the creation of works that were completely ephemeral, represented a critique of the art object and a rejection of the art market.

of their works. Toronto-based Lisa Steele’s video Birthday Suit - with scars and defects, where the artist points out various scars accumulated over her life on the occasion of her birthday, and Joyce Wieland’s Oh Canada, a lithograph created by pressing her lips on the lithograph stone while mouthing the words of the national anthem, were both part of a developing attention to feminism in the art practices of the 1970s.

Some artists, such as Hans Haacke, used their works to reveal direct links between art institutions, their funders or boards of directors, and the larger social and political sphere.

Theodore Wan’s Bridine Scrub for General Surgery, is a series of photographs of the artist’s nude body covered in a bridine surgical scrub. Part of a larger body of work that Wan did at the faculties of medicine and dentistry at Dalhousie University, one is not sure if these are meant to be information or art.

These photographs also strangely foreshadowed his early death from cancer in the late 1980s.

Still other artists addressed the relationship between art and capitalism by adopting the practices of businesses, bureaucracies, and

The exhibition draws attention to artists and works that have been previously overlooked. But despite the comprehensive account of Conceptual Art in Canada that this exhibition aims to provide, we are only able to see the history of this movement in pieces. This is perhaps due to the limitations inherent in the exhibition as a format for conveying knowledge. Text panels help to contextualize these objects, but the historian in me begs for the kind of chronological account provided by a text. The exhibition does however foreground the need for a greater understanding of this period.

Ambitious in scale and scope with over 400 works and objects by approximately a hundred artists, this project aims to research, document, and understand Canada’s contribution to this movement and the specific conditions that led numerous artists to turn to conceptual practices across the country during this period. When initially approached to write a review, I felt hesitant given that I have worked on the project both as a research assistant and as a curatorial assistant. I hope that here I am able to provide an insider’s look at this show based on my experience.

Traffic contains many of the major works of Conceptual Art done in Canada by both Canadian and international artists. There are also many early works by artists who, then less known, are now

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Traffic: Conceptual Art in Canada 1965-1980 will be at the University of Toronto Art Galleries Sep. 11-Nov. 28, 2010.

Courtesy of the Justina M. Barnicke Gallery, Toronto Installation view, John Baldessari, I will not make any more boring art, 1971

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Arts & Culture

REVIEW:

Creative Time Summit 2 Revolutions in Public Practice

Karie Liao

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an art be political? What distinguishes the world of art from the world of politics?

More importantly, is political art effective? Many would argue that politically and socially engaged art practices prevailed throughout the US and Europe prior to the 1960s before falling into a great slumber in the 1970s; however, if that is the case, then what is left after the avant-garde?

These were just some of the issues being addressed at the second annual Creative Time Summit, Revolutions in Public Practice.

More than 40 cultural producers gathered together in the Great Hall of the Cooper Union School of Art in New York City to discuss how their work engaged with practices of art, public engagement, social justice, and change. In the short span of a two-day conference, presenters covered pressing topics such as Markets, Schools, Food, Geographies, Governments, Institutions, Plausible Art Worlds, and Regional Reports.

The conference commenced with the keynote speaker Julia BryanWilson, who began her presentation with a personal anecdote about her hometown in southeast Houston, a few miles from Texas City. She described the trials and tribulations of Texas’s Oil refinery, its toxic effects on the air, the rise of poor health conditions, and the BP explosion in 2005, one of the deadliest industrial disasters in history.

Through her portrayal, BryanWilson tactfully articulated that “talking about the market…is like talking about air. We coexist inside it. It both enables and limits our activities and often, it eludes our precise investigation. Capitalism expands to fill the space around us.”

Bryan-Wilson like the other presenters on this panel (Superflex,

J.Morgan Puett, Anton Vidokle, and Surasi Kusolwong) are not only concerned with condemning corporate profits, exposing policies, and questioning state interests but rather, they are also hopeful that such catastrophes may serve as a fertile incubator for alternative economies and self-organized markets.

For instance, Bryan-Wilson provides the example of Gordon Matta-Clark and Juan Downey’s 1972 performance/installation piece, Fresh Air Cart, in which both artists rigged up a mobile oxygen tank in New York and offered passer-bys puffs of fumefree air. This work was also recently reconceived in 2008 by a collective called Katalog Study Group in Shanghai, a city that is notorious, like Houston, for its sometimespoisonous air.

“Air like art,” suggested by BryanWilson, “circulates unbounded by temporal and national borders.”

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removed. In response to these restrictions, Superflex negotiated censorship conventions in its favour. By using the universally known black censorship bar (often used to black out the eyes of criminals), this act of censorship only proved to excite more curiosity from the public, who questioned the crimes being committed. Along with product distribution, a series of low-budget commercials were made, which featured the farmers narrating fantastical stories about their guarana drinks. These commercials imbued the product with a sense of the local, and created greater connections between the worker, product, and consumer.

Art projects like Guarana Power and Fresh Air Cart make the

yet this needs to happen for if the affirmation were content to…wash its hands of the institution in order to remain at a distance…then [it] would deny itself. Affirmation… requires that one move to action and…do something even if it is imperfect.”

Keenan explained that Derrida was not only interested in deconstruction and criticism but also in the investigation of possibilities, the new alternative forms of “unexpected things to come.” Keenan conveyed that his work on ‘Anti-photojournalism’ investigates such instances of critique and affirmation. He argued, while the practice of photojournalism has long been said to be dying, “it seems incorrect” to affirm its death. “Photojournalism,” he cautioned, “is [an] almost invisible institutional power. All the talk about its death, conceals its omnipresence and in particular its truth relations to contemporary and political reality.”

To avoid throwing the baby out with the bathwater, Keenan advised that it is more productive to criticize the institution of photojournalism

“Art projects like Guarana Power and Fresh Air Cart make the complexities of economic market and social structures more visible to the public eye.

Their recreations time and time again demonstrate the necessity and desire for an alternative to the crippling logic of market capitalism.”

Superflex, another Markets panel speaker, is a Danish artist collaborative that engages with practices of democratic productions of materials and modes of self-organization. In their ongoing project Guarana Power (2004), the artists worked with Brazillian Guarana farmers to develop an energy soft drink that would compete with leading Guarana brands as a response to the corporate monopoly on the purchase of raw materials. By using similar corporate product designs, the Guarana farmers were able to use the strategies of their exploiters to sell their product on their own terms. While trademark lawsuits emerged and other legal discretions were imposed, the independently produced guarana drinks were still available on grocery store shelves, in museums, and on the street under the precondition that any noticeably similar corporate branding be

complexities of economic market and social structures more visible to the public eye. Their recreations time and time again demonstrate the necessity and desire for an alternative to the crippling logic of market capitalism.

The panel on Institutions (with speakers W.A.G.E., Otabenga Jones & Associations, Danielle Abrams, Thomas Keenan, and Andrea Fraser) proposed alternatives to the systems and activities of institutions, and investigated institutional critique itself.

Political theory scholar, Thomas Keenan began his presentation on ‘Anti-photojournalism’ with a pragmatic quotation by poststructuralist, Jacques Derrida, who once said to interviewers, “One must not be content with affirmation…[rather] one must create institutions. [O]f course, institutionalization in its very success threatens the movement of unconditional affirmation, and

and affirm the possibility of something different. He provided many alternative practices of antiphotojournalism as exemplified by the works of artists Phil Collins and Hito Steryl, self-critical journalists Gilles Perez and Paul Lowe, Jihadi videos--the extraordinary imagedatabase of destroyed buildings compiled by the Palestinian planning ministry in the Gaza strip--and Google maps of Iranian protests. “Anti-photojournalism” he claims, frees the image from the demands of this tradition “to ask questions, tell other stories and make other claims.” Certainly, this is a socio-political freedom that we instill and value in all forms of art, whether explicitly political or not.

Though all the sessions at the summit were enlightening and inspiring, one of the most noteworthy panels was Plausible Art Worlds. This panel featured international artist collectives and initiatives such as BaseKamp (Pennsylvania, PA), Eating in Public (O’ahu, HI), Chto

Sam Horine (Courtesy of Creative Time) Panel Discussion: Markets

FALL ISSUE 1 2010 Delat/What is to be Done (St. Petersburg, Russia), who presented their alternative art practices and art worlds.

Borrowed from the field of Open Source philosophy to explain the notion of ‘Plausible Art Worlds,’ keynote speaker, Basekamp likened its process to the development of computer software. Quoting a software developer, he explained, “When you start community building, you need to be able to present a plausible promise. Your program doesn’t have to work particularly well…[but] what it must not fail to do is run and convince others of its potential and…that can evolve into something…important in the foreseeable future.” Varying from ideas such as contemporary sociopolitical operas to the revival of 19th century cultural and community values of ‘The Diggers,’ the work of these artists is a demonstration of the multitude of nuanced art worlds that are emerging everyday.

The International Errorist is an example of such a world. This global movement of artist-activist use dark humor, absurdity, and theatre to organize symbolic street actions that claim ‘error’ as a fundamental human condition in the capitalist world. Established in 2005 by the Buenos Aires-based collective Etcetera, the Errorist movement sought to protest against the political agendas of George W. Bush and the Summits of America.

Specifically, they were enraged by the violations and hypocrisies of the ongoing international campaign of ‘The War on Terrorism.’ The group has since then expanded globally.

One of their projects was a big demonstration and performance, in which they appropriated terrorist stereotypes, paraded around with hand-painted cardboard cutout Kalashnikovs (AK-47s), and waved a large flag with the word ‘errorista’ written on it. When accused of being terrorists, the Errorists simply replied, “there must be some mistake, we are Errorists… [and this is an] artistic action.” The Errorists claimed that “error” was what rescued them that day. Lightly contextualized in reactionary postmodern politics, The Errorists suggested that postmodernism has closed the possibility to imagine new kinds of movements or ‘-isms.’ In contrast with that belief, The Errorist movement encourages citizens of the world to break free from the chains of the postmodern institution and embrace error as a positive action. “Show us our movement,” they insisted, “your participation is needed.”

The creative projects I have chosen to discuss in this review, though extraordinary in accomplishment, represent only a small fragment of the vast mosaic of artwork being produced in our contemporary art worlds. The timeless, boundless, and critical yet embracive artworks and creative initiatives highlighted by the cultural producers at this conference affirm the potential for new possibilities and change.

Whether that change is concerned with creating tangible efficacy, producing alternative economies, or (re-)discovering sustainable forms and environments, it is certain that social change and justice through culture is not only possible but will persist in the present and future as we continue to see and experience its robust impact.

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Arts & Culture

w e i v e R F F I The T Lee Knuttila

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love the Toronto International Film Festival (TIFF), despite itself. On the one hand, there are always amazing films. Last year I saw Gaspar Noé’s Enter the Void, a viscerally imposing film that should only be experienced on large theatre screens. I will never watch westerns the same way after my 2008 screening of Ji-woon Kim’s The Good, The Bad and the Weird.

In my first year at the festival, I saw Guy Maddin’s My Winnipeg, which remains one my favorite Canadian films. Yet on the other hand, for every great theatrical experience, unexpected gem, and canon-expanding treasure, there is a line-up.

I understand arguments that the server traffic is only high one day a year. But still, it seems unacceptable that any major festival, let alone a festival that brags about being the largest festival open to the public, would not have a functional online ticket sales system. Other film festivals, New York’s Tribeca Film Festival for example, have printable online sales. I would love to see TIFF offer such features, not only for convenience, but for people who simply want to attend a couple screenings without spending a night sleeping on King St. (where TIFF’s box office is located). Moreover, an overhaul of ticket sales would open the festival to all the people who live out of town and must order online or over the phone. I heard these complaints in my multitude of lines and each time someone would counter with, “if you don’t like it, don’t go to TIFF;” this, though, seems to be a poor acceptance of the state of things.

Logistical issues aside, I saw some superb films this year. My favourite of the festival was Michael Winterbottom’s The Trip. Steve Coogan and Rob Brydon reprise the ‘loose version of themselves’ they played in the hilarious Tristram Shandy: A Cock and Bull Story, but this time in a road trip comedy.

The premise is simple: Brydon joins Coogan on a cross-country culinary review circuit. The result is grand: competing Michael Canne impressions are just one of many improvised running jokes which keep the film lively, bright, and delightful. In the end, the film delivers an uncomplicated message on the importance of friendship and caring for those around you, but the real pleasures come in the astoundingly humorous, yet subdued and relaxed, back-andforth of Coogan and Brydon.

Two divisive films, which I adored, were Kelly Reichardt’s Meek’s Cutoff and Romain Gavras’s

Notre Jour Viendra (Our Day Will Come). Although I will concede, the elements of pacing and plot, which I cite as selling points, are likely the same qualities many viewers loathed. Meek’s Cutoff is a slow, contemplative work that follows a group of settlers traveling along the Oregon Trail in 1894. Like Reichardt’s 2008 film Wendy and Lucy, the film has an anxious and precarious tone. As the characters follow their guide, Meek, one cannot help but feel disoriented and apprehensive about the situation, which is the film’s great strength. Critics toss the term anti-western around quite liberally, usually to describe dark westerns like Unforgiven or white-enabler fantasies like Dances with Wolves, but with Meek’s Cutoff, the term fits. The film evokes all the classic troupes: dry parched landscapes, Meek as gruff frontiersman, and pioneers as over-civilized easterners who encounter a nameless noble savage. However, it refuses to indulge. There is no oscillation or rebirth with the wilds, there is no great revealing, and there is no closure. Meek comes off as cold and indifferent, neither wise nor heroic. The Indigenous character is not simply a means to settler illumination. Rather he becomes a constant reminder of the genocidal subtext of the frontier myth.

When the opening credits began, the choice to shoot the film in academy standard 4:3 surprised me, but it makes sense. The westerns of the fifties helped pioneer widescreen ratios like cinemascope with the frequent use of panoramic wideopen frames. However, Reichardt obstructs any vantage points on the character and environment.

Her congested, claustrophobic aesthetic really propel the film’s critical tone. It is the complete lack of indulgence that makes the film so surprisingly satisfying.

Many will know Gavras for his controversial M.I.A. Born Free video and his first feature, Notre Jour Viendra (Our Day Will Come), charts similar territory: outcast redheads. However, whereas the earlier video is heavy-handed and ultimately silly, his later film is delightful. Frustrated teen Remy finds comfort in his bitter guidance council Olivier Barthelemy Patrick (played by Vincent Cassel), as the two travel the country, hedonistically satisfying any whim. However, underneath all the hot tub urination and speeding car theatrics is an apt take on American Tea Party culture. Gavras never justifies the two characters’ forlorn state, which speaks volumes to a culture of overwhelmingly privileged people protesting from an alleged despondent and dejected position. The alwaysgreat Cassel is fantastic as Patrick, and by the end of the film we see two characters so wrapped in their illusions of oppression that one

cannot help but think of the woe-isme bawls of right wing protesters.

Like a red-headed stepchild of Buñuel’s Le Charme Discret de la Bourgeoisie (The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie) the film mixes bizarre and absurd moments to ask serious questions about entitlement and power.

One other highlight of the festival was Michael Dowse’s Fubar II. Dowse again follows dirt bags Terry and Dean in the follow-up the 2002 Canadian cult mockumentary Fubar. The story, which revolves around two prairie hosers heading to northern Alberta in hopes of gainful employment, is done well because you laugh at their antics rather than the characters themselves. The story, the jokes, and the sober take on oil sands culture all click in this sincerely fun film.

Of course, for every good film there are bad films. Brad Anderson’s Vanishing on 7th Street was like watching an undeveloped and dreary version of 90s Outer Limits.

Although it just won awards at Fantastic Fest, Adam Wingard’s A Horrible Way to Die was plodding, unfeeling, and flat. I understand that Wingard wanted a hardhearted form given the morbid story, but a purposely miserable film is still a miserable film.

For every bad film or good film, there is a large swath of mediocre films. Given my love for John Cameron Mitchell’s Hedwig and the Angry Inch, I was very excited to see Rabbit Hole, his adaptation of David Lindsay-Abaire’s Pulitzer Prize winning drama. It works as a straightforward drama about two traumatized characters, but lacks the energy of his earlier projects.

Casey Affleck’s I’m Still Here,

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the faked documentary on Joaquin Phoenix’s breakdown, was both an interesting experiment on the boundaries of acting and celebrity, and an uncouth sneer at those with psychiatric disabilities.

Over the 11 days of TIFF, I watched 26 films and attended one great Ken Loach talk. As much as I would like to claim that the lines and so-so films ruined the festival because it would mean that I could avoid it all next year, I cannot. TIFF remains for me one the great things about living in Toronto. I always smile during the open credits of the films because the next two hours of my life could be filled with great characters, stories, experiments, sensations, or ideas. The majority of the films out there do not deliver on this hope, but there are those few that do, and in the last couple of years I have seen them at TIFF.

Third TPFF Leaves Audience Inspired and Wanting More Toronto Palestine Film Festival

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ast night (Oct. 8) marked the close of the third and most successful Toronto Palestine Film Festival (TPFF). Bloor Cinema was nearly packed and was full with film-goers in attendance to watch the inspirational and riveting documentary Budrus (Julia Bacha).

The audience cheered, jeered, laughed, and cried as they watched the film about a father and daughter who work together to unite their village to resist the construction of the Israeli Wall on their lands.

“We loved this movie because it shows the unwavering spirit of the Palestinians,” Dania Majid, festival organizer, told the audience. “It is this spirit that we celebrate through film; TPFF is our local act of solidarity with the Palestinians in Palestine and in the diaspora.”

Through the festival, TPFF aims to share the diverse stories of Palestine and Palestinians. Among the many stories told this year, TPFF screened films about Palestinian Olympians, a filmmaker with a headache, and a Palestinian student in an Israeli university. Over the course of the week, TPFF screened 23 films, more than half of which were premieres; sold more than 3,200 tickets; had a third straight sold-out opening night; enjoyed a delicious brunch catered by 93 Harbord; and spent an amazing night with the eminent Palestinian filmmaker Michel Khleifi.

Although TPFF is one of Canada’s largest Palestinian cultural events, it was organized by a small, dedicated, volunteer-based

executive team. Majid attributed the success of TPFF to the generous support of sponsors, advisory board members, co-presenters, and volunteers who all made the festival possible. She especially thanked the diverse, supportive, and enthusiastic audience. “You are the second F in TPFF, without you there is no festival,” stated Majid. “For us to continue to grow next year and beyond, we need your support to continue to grow with us.”

After the screening, the audience was invited to join TPFF to celebrate the festival’s success at the closing night party held at The

Pilot. TPFF committee members and revellers enjoyed an evening of music and debke (traditional Palestinian folkdance). “A truly incredible night and experience at the Toronto Palestine Film Festival!

Already looking forward to next year!” tweeted one TPFF fan.

Established in 2008, TPFF celebrates film as an art form and means of expression by showcasing the vibrant heritage, resilience, and collective identity of the Palestinian people.

TPFF Contact: Dania Majid, media liaison, media@tpff.ca (preferred) or 647-865-4090.

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Arts & Culture

FALL ISSUE 1 2010

Successful Cultural Event Called on all FilipinoCanadian Youth to step up and Stand out Magkaisa Centre Armed with the spirit of cultural resistance, more than 170 FilipinoCanadian youth, women, and workers filled the Arbor Room on the night of Jul. 16, 2010 for ‘Roots, Rhymes and Resistance,’ an annual cultural event hosted by the Ugnayan ng Kabataang Pilipino sa Canada/Filipino Canadian Youth Alliance-Ontario (UKPC/FCYAON). With this year’s theme, ‘Panahon Natin, Our Moment!

Step Out, Stand Out!’ the youth took centre stage to reaffirm their active role in shaping the FilipinoCanadian community’s future in Canada.

Showcasing multimedia presentations, song, theatre, and dance from individual artists and collectives, these 20 performances depicted and celebrated the history and the resiliency of a community that strives for their just and genuine settlement and integration in Canada. Filipino-Canadians continue to face worsening conditions as they currently make up the 4th largest visible minority group in Canada.

“It is the younger generation that inherits the marginalization of our community--we see this as our youth are pushed out of high schools, remain under/unemployed, and experience poverty and racism,” says Alleben Purugganan, a member of UKPC/FCYA-ON and the Philippine Women Centre of Ontario. For her, RRR is about the youth seizing the opportunity to change this path. “We’ve never

really had a moment,” she states, “as we’ve always followed a conservative tradition that either denies our reality or merely accepts the stereotypes imposed on our community. We are tired of this and we are creating a new culture that will make us youth count.”

One of the highlights of the night was a song entitled, Inay, performed

by Vince Ledesma and Liphayette Hilado, the youngest members of UKPC/FCYA-ON. Their song about a child yearning for a mom who left home to work abroad was performed simultaneously with photos of their loved ones being projected in the background.

As well, Veronica Abrenica shared her newly-produced short film Anak. Using a monologue first performed at last Dec.’s RRR, the film exposed conditions of family separation, non-accreditation of professionals, and economic marginalization.

The night also featured the skill and talent of nine young and emerging emcees through a collective rap song on what it means for them to step out and stand out.

Filipino Canadian Youth Alliance – Ontario Roots, Rhymes and Resistance", Jul. 16 2010 night with an adrenaline-pumped performance.

Qara Clemente, Angela Abrenica, and Walter Sanchez performed the song All on You, their remake of B.o.B’s Nothin’ on You, a fun and upbeat narration of the transnational lives of Filipino women around the world.

“I had the great pleasure of sharing the stage with very talented performers, as well as truly genuine and focused individuals,” says Marcus Lomboy, on his experience in performing in RRR. “Those rare kind of people are hard to find, and I’m glad I was able to meet them,” he adds.

UKPC/FCYA-ON also had the honour of having D.R.E.A.M. Dance Cru in this year’s line-up, as they rocked the second half of the

Kitt Azores, a UKPC/FCYAON member, echoes Lomboy’s comments by saying that “It is having to share moments with

people that are concerned with the establishment of a real and distinct Filipino-Canadian identity through collective struggle, that distinguishes RRR from other cultural events.”

The night ended with the performers, organizers, and volunteers all on stage singing the lines, “Ngayon, never give up the fight!” with their fists raised as they performed a remake of Bob Marley’s Get Up, Stand Up. Upon reigniting the community’s legacy of resistance through RRR,

all participants were left with more than souvenirs and are filled with a feeling of genuine militancy. “This is only the beginning,” declares Aila Comilang, one of the emcees and member of UKPC/FCYAON. Steeped in an awareness of their own history and current situation, Filipino-Canadian youth are more than ready to take their community’s future into their own hands. RRR was a celebration of the continuous growth of a dynamic youth movement and is a testament of what is to come for the FilipinoCanadian community’s history in Canada.

Where are my People? (Floods in Pakistan) Sarah Usmani My name is Sarah, And I was born in Pakistan, But since unemployment rates were sky high, My family and I flew away when I was nine.

Now 19, the country that I proudly call mine is 63 years old with a crucial leak in its main plumb line, But since corrupt politicians make the basis of my country’s spine, And on the world map, being anywhere but the west is just not fine, Most multinationals have decided to decline, The help that they are surely capable to provide.

But from my duty I refuse to resign, So here I am with a world plan I have devised, Hoping that most of you will listen, So the oppressed 14 million may survive.

Now imagine, Imagine the roofs of your homes torn off from above your heads.

A situation where agony is neck high, And in a flood of pain you are drenched wet.

Imagine looking to your left and right and finding floating bodies of loved ones who are now dead.

And if that wasn’t enough, Can you imagine not being able to find the smallest piece of dry land, to bury your deceased friends?

So you’re forced to walk away, Because the next wave of flood, You might not withstand.

Now imagine having to swim over your now flooded farmland, Knowing that to put bread on table,

You will now have to make new plans all over again.

All your year’s work washed away in a few minutes time span.

These are the thoughts of the 14 million people drowning in pain, So don’t just sit there and watch in vain.

Now picture a queue of sick and hungry children, women, and men, Waiting cautiously to hear the noise of the aid helicopter’s fans.

Seven seas away they sit and wait, Wondering why everyone’s asleep, To wake you up, how long will it take?

And once the noise is heard and that daily flying machine of hope is seen, The rush begins.

Nothing’s getting better, They keep sinking deeper and deeper, And whose door should they knock on if not yours?

Their president’s not even home.

Little orphaned feet are caught up in a stampede, Widowed women fight to save their infants struck by a terminal disease, And burdened fathers fight to get a bite to eat.

Where are my people?

Where are my friends?

Is there anyone out there willing to give me a hand?

Where are my people?

Where are my friends?

Is there anyone out there willing to give me a hand?

Now I know that your name and country might not be the same as mine, But I also know that unlike

most multinationals, you have a heart deep down inside.

So help those whose world has turned upside down, So give them a little more than just a frown.

A little more love, A little more care, Show them they’re not alone, Prove to them you still care.

What are you waiting for?

What is that you fear?

Why do you keep pretending that their screams you can’t hear?

Are you waiting for the ones still alive to drown in their own tears?

They are your people, They are your friends, So to lift them up from their suffering, won’t you please give them a hand?

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WINTER ISSUE 4 2010

EVENTS NOVEMBER Regent Park Film Festival When: Nov. 3-6, 6:00pm-10:00pm Where: Lord Dufferin Public School, 350 Parliament St. Contact: manager@regentparkfilmfestival.com or call 416 599 7733 Cost: Free, with complimentary child care Details: Regent Park Film Festival is Toronto’s only free-of-charge community film festival dedicated to showcasing independent multicultural works relevant to residents of the largest and oldest public housing in Canada.

Performing Feminist Culture Symposium When: Nov. 5, 6:00pm-8:00pm & Nov. 6, 10:00am6:00pm Where: Xpace, 58 Ossington Avenue Contact: info@wiaprojects.com Cost: Free Details: Performing Feminist Culture as symposium seeks to perform feminist culture in the postmodern.

The misinformed clarity of the modernist feminist agenda has been splintered into a myriad of practices, concerns, and communities. Such a shift has unquestionably created a more inclusive feminisms in which intersecting oppressions, privileges, and needs speak across communities of difference.

Rendezvous with Madness Film Festival When: Nov.5-13 (full listing of times and events TBA) Where: Various Locations (see website for details) Contact: http://www.rendezvouswithmadness.com/ program/ Cost: TBA, visit https://app.etapestry.com/cart/ WorkmanArts/default/index.php Details: Workman Arts presents the 18th Annual Rendezvous with Madness Film Festival (RWM), a nine-day festival presenting over 20 programs of feature and short films. Each program includes a thematic, moderated post-screening panel discussion with filmmakers, people living with experience of the issue explored, a health care professional, and a special interest person.

Film Screening and Discussion: South of the Border When: Nov. 5, 7:00pm Where: OISE, Rms. 2-212, 252 Bloor St. W. Contact: 416-535-8779 Cost: $4 Details: Celebrated American director Oliver Stone undertakes a road trip across South America exploring the myths behind the movements leading the cultural, social, and political transformation that is sweeping across the South American continent. As well he delves into the American corporate media’s intentional misrepresentation of South America while interviewing many of its democratically elected presidents.

PWC & SIKLAB Dinner Dance When: Nov. 6, 7:00pm-12:00am Where: Prestige Restaurant, 4544 Dufferin St. Contact: visit www.magkaisacentre.org Cost: $20 (includes dinner and dance with gift raffle) Details: Dress up and dance to a new tune as FilipinoCanadian workers celebrate SIKLAB Ontario’s history of creating a new rhythm & fashioning a new world! (SIKLAB-Ontario is an organization of Filipino migrant workers in the Greater Toronto area).

Toronto-2011 Political Prisoners Calendar & 4strugglemag Launch Party When: Nov. 6, 7:00pm-11:30pm Where: Beit Zatoun, 612 Markham St. Contact: jaanlaaman@gmail.com Cost: $5 door, $15 with a calendar, $20 with a calendar and 4strugglemag Details: Mega-fun launch party for two awesome projects with political prisoners, plus cheap drinks and awesome snacks. The calendar is a fundraiser for The G20 Legal Defense Fund, The New York State Task Force on Political Prisoners, and Addameer Prisoners Support and Human Rights Association.

Queer Film Classics: Fire and Montreal Main When: Nov. 8, 8:00pm Where: Gladstone Hotel Ballroom, 1214 Queen St. W. Contact: 416-531-4635 Cost: $5 Details: Author/queer rights pioneer Tom Waugh and film/video artist John Greyson discuss the influence of cinema and screen clips from Deepa Mehta’s Fire and Frank Vitale’s Montreal Main.

Film Screening: Secure Freedom When: Nov. 9, 7:00pm Where: Bloor Street United Church upstairs Chapel, 300 Bloor St. W. Contact: Social Justice Committee at 416-966- 2815 Cost: Pay What You Can Details: Reel Activism will present Sacha Trudeau’s film on Security Certificates, Secure Freedom, followed by a discussion with Matthew Behrens on the future of secret trials and deportation in Canada.

Conscious Activism Doc Festival: I Know I’m Not Alone When: Nov. 10, 6:30pm Where: Hart House, 7 Hart House Circle, University of Toronto Contact: day.milman@utoronto.ca or 416 946 7323 Cost: Free Details: This fall, Hart House continues its tradition of free programming that engages the mind, awakens the spirit, and acts as an incubator of thoughtful exchange.

Directed by Michael Franti, I Know I’m Not Alone follows the director’s journey to Iraq, Palestine, and Israel as he explores the human cost of war.

G20 Legal Defense Fundraiser When: Pre-event: Nov. 11, 7:00pm; main event: 8:00pm Where: The Great Hall, 1087 Queen St. W. Contact: nov11fundraiser@gmail.com Cost: $100 (pre-event and main event) $50-60 (main event only) Details: During the G20 summit in June this year, the residents of Toronto bore witness to the largest mass arrest in Canadian history as approximately 1200 people were assaulted, harassed, beaten, and arrested by the police. Please join us for a evening of song and speech to defend the G20 arrestees and raise money for the defense fund.

From Cochabamba to Cancún: Building a Movement for Climate Justice When: Nov. 13, 10:00am-5:00pm Where: Sidney Smith Hall, 100 St. George St. Contact: torontoboliviasolidarity@gmail.com Cost: Free Details: Keynote Speaker Erika Dueñas; Presentations and working groups on ‘The Challenge of the Cochabamba Conference,’ ‘Environmental (In)Justice in Our Communities,’ and ‘Moving Toward Cancún: Building an Alternative.’

Happy Birthday Nasrudin When: Nov. 13, 7:30pm-10:30pm Where: Emmanuel Howard Park United Church, 214 Wright Avenue Contact: Larry McCabe @ 519-272-6559 Cost: $25 Details: Mulla Nasrudin, the centuries-old star of countless jokes in Afghanistan and other countries throughout Central Asia and the Middle East, will be the guest of honor at a zany cross-cultural extravaganza in Toronto to benefit needy children in Afghanistan. Proceeds from this event will provide beautifully illustrated Dari-Pashto versions of Afghan folk tales to Afghan children in need.

Greater Toronto Workers’ Assembly Coffeehouse: After the Municiple Elections When: Nov. 19, 7:00pm-10:00pm Where: Reagal Beagle Pub, 335 Bloor West We will meet in the back room of the pub.

The Reagle Beagle is an accessible. space.

The GTWA holds regular coffee house discussions where members and those interested in the GTWA can gather over drinks and discuss politics in an informal setting. The Workers’ Assembly is already organizing post-election drinking so we can commiserate about the new Fordism and try to make sense of the elections. Save the date!

Speakers: Jonah Schein (City Councillor Candidate in Ward 17 Davenport) Desmond Cole (Torontoist, City Idol) Helen Kennedy (CUPE 79) Stefan Kipfer (York University) Book Talk: The Jew is Not My Enemy: Unveiling the Myths that Fuel Muslim Anti-Semitism When: Nov. 22, 7:00pm-10:00pm Where: Barbara Frum Library, 20 Covington Rd. Contact: 415-395-5440 Cost: Free Details: Tarek Fatah speaks on his new book, The Jew is Not My Enemy: Unveiling the Myths that Fuel Muslim Anti-Semitism. Debunking the anti-Jewish writings of Islamic literature and Arab supremacist doctrines, Fatah argues that hating Jews is against the essence of the Islamic spirit.

Human Rights Forum: Racial Profiling and Accountability When: Nov. 27, 7:30pm-9:30pm Where: Sheraton Centre Hotel, Civic Ballroom, 123 Queen St. W. Contact: jgairey@ofl.ca or call 416-443-7687 Cost: Free Details: The Ontario Federation of Labour is holding a Human Rights Forum on Racial Profiling and Accountability: Labour and the Community’s Proactive Role in Advocating for Fair and Equitable Legislation.

A Tribute to Nelson Mandela When: Nov. 30, 6:00pm-8:30pm Where: Reference Library, 789 Yonge St. Contact: 416-395-5577 Cost: Free Details: Readings and reminiscences in honour of the publication of Nelson Mandela’s memoir, Conversations with Myself. With news anchor Suhanna Meharchand, actor and playwright Andrew Moodie, and author M.G. Vassanji.

Compiled by Stefan Lazov SEND YOUR EVENTS TO: info@yufreepress.org

Excited about possibilites of action on campus?

Want to get involved in an exciting organization?

Have a burning issue that you want to see addressed?

Looking to connect with other activists/like minded peoples?

Hoping to find a community that challenges and questions the status quo?

Want to take action? Do social justice research?

Engage others in thinking critically?

Join OPIRG! There is SO much to do on the York campus, and lots of exciting event and organizing opportunities!!

The Ontario Public Interest Research Group (OPIRG) at York University is a student funded, student-run, nonpartisan organization on campus that conducts research, advocacy, organizing, lobbying, as well as educational and media campaigns. Over the years OPIRG York has stood at the forefront of social justice mobilization at York University, operating a dynamic space that acts as one of the main activist hubs on campus.

Check out one of our working groups: * No One Is Illegal * Books to Prisoners Project * PrOPIRGanda radio show * G20 Legal Defense/Solidarity Committee * YU Free Press * Students Against Israeli Apartheid * Fair Trade Coalition * Food Justice Coalition

Or check out www.opirgyork.ca/working-groups for an application to start your own working group!

We will be scheduling a series of skill-sharing workshops, speaker series and trainings open to everyone! Check out www.opirgyork.ca or email aruna@opirgyork.ca for the full schedule.

Come visit us in the office in room 449C in the student centre, check out our website: www.opirgyork.ca or email aruna@opirgyork.ca to get involved/to get more info!

Rm. C449 Student Centre, 416-736-5724