Phoebe Zhang thesis prep book

FROM EXACERBATED DIFFERENCE TO PRODUCTIVE DIFFERENCE Phoebe Zhang | Fall 2011| Syracuse University Primary_Anne Munly | Secondary_Susan Henderson

On Boundary enclosed space gated Communities

historical significance of gates

caiwuwei’s situation

8

12

20

28 32

38

enclosed green space enclosed vs the outside intensity of flow Urban Village as the adhesion

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Attributes of the urban village temporality location/ organization/ structure/ material parasitic relationship & the dissolve of boundary Covent Garden comparison (organization, structure) vibrancy Spilling over -- mapping of private activities

Infiltration

non-differentiated flow converted spaces connection to the city serial sections

3D model on non-differentiated flow mobility catalogue of mobile devices on tricycles subversion duality

56

Crisis

90

Site

UVs to be demolished & Shenzhen’s scope of demolition Caiwuwei in 2005 vs Caiwuwei in 2011

circulation

Opera House & Kingkey 100 Response missing programs operation Precedents

94 103 106

Bibliography

108 Person

6

52 55

Block

Intro to the Region Guangdong Province-PRD The Mega-City PRD infrastructure plan urbanized landscape “Exacerbated Difference” Shenzhen google map + panorama picture size & population density distribution comparison Exacerbated Difference & Shenzhen’s linear development Caiwuwei Intro location - to other CBDs/ in-between ideologies

pictorial walk-through

program diagrams( entertainment-offices-residential) Chronology -Reform, Shenzhen, Caiwuwei, Deng Xiaoping Typologies mega-blocks

Danwei blocks urban Village - Urban Village generic block

summary: 3-D stratification & the Chinese Dream

list o businesses the smell of the culinary spaces Interviews in the village (video snap shots) Summary: Customized Response

City

2 3 4

Regional

Contention Conceptual Framework On Mega-block/ On Urban Village

15 years ago, Rem Koolhaas led a research project into China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta (PRD), in which he gave the region a new definition, “City of Exacerbated Difference”, meaning that every city in this region defines itself through brutal opposition of the others, but at same time forming a holistic system. He said, “It is a region whose urbanism emphasizes the greatest possible difference between its parts, whose infrastructure both enables and prevents a functioning whole, whose fabric is neither urban nor rural…”(Koolhass 1996) From a region-scale of the PRD to a block-scale in the city of Shenzhen (PRD’s showcase city), the “Exacerbated Difference” manifests itself through a series of contested relations between the urban villages and the mega-blocks – surveilled but subversive; gated and monumental versus mobile, temporal and vibrant.

The mega-blocks are surveilled under state control for better security and cleaner city image but the villages are subversive in the practice of informal vending by the people. The mega-blocks are gated to foster certain sociability of selected groups, but the villages are free to flow through. The mobile informal vending assemblage is temporal as it gathers and disappears at different hours of the day. The villages are vibrant in the conditions of infiltration and spilling-over between public-making and private activities. The megablocks and the villages are mutually inclusive, both preventing and enabling the open flow of traffic, commercial exchange and social encounters.

I contend that the urban villages are a customized response to what the mega-block urbanism cannot offer. In the crisis of demolition, these unique attributes that urban villages offer need to be re-conceptualized into the necessities of the mega-block urbanism, creating an urban system between the two that is coherent and spontaneous. – a translation from “Exacerbated Difference” to “Productive Difference”.

CONTENTION

2

indicates a cross reference elsewhere in the book

Exacerbated Difference 120 km

g. 6-11 region p

layered exploitation between HK, SZ &DG

Crisis 27 km

Response

g. 12-19 city p

tabula rasa vs hierachical grid vs garden city

Mega-block

Urban Village

52 pg. 28-

response

102 pg. 90-

1 surrounding development and policy changes 2 need for affordable housing

1.5 km

mega-block vs urban village

Top-Down

4 rejection of physical boundaries

7 . 20-2 block pg

3 the missing ephemeral qualities

Bottom-Up over-power vulnerabilities

limited in what offers

Infrastructure

vs

Informal Activities

89 pg. 56-

parasitic surveilled

subversive

monumental

mobile

-105 pg. 103 regulates

Urban Village

Mega-block Infrastructure

Informal Activities

Top-Down

Bottom-Up

(upgrade)

to be demolished informal vending to be cleaned up

feedback

re-conceptualize

temporal vibrant

System of Difference

effect on flow

coherent, spontaneous

Conceptual Framework

3

On Mega-block Shenzhen’s capitalistic endeavors have led to increasing privatization of urban fabric -- the building of walled, fenced and gated mega-blocks. Each mega-block is a singularly designed object with minimum regard for circulatory ramifications or urban linkages to the surroundings. They sometimes form suburban bubbles within the downtown, sometimes stark high rise at the fringe. Their shear scale makes them urban elements, and the sum of them come to define the city. Urban design is reduced to the sum of architecture.

The gated communities together with the glittering shopping malls make up a public realm that is highly exclusive, surveilled and discontinuous. Their spatial exclusion offers a secure environment to foster a certain sociability of an exclusive group of people. But at same time, it contributes to a process of gentrification and social segregation. In addition, their sky-scraping height in close juxtaposition to the adjacent low-rise buildings creates a 3-D stratification effect.

4

On Urban Village With a speed of urbanization unseen in human history, urban substance gobbled up farmlands and submerged the rural villages. Without moving an inch, farmers found their homes in the center of a densely populated metropolis. The villages become isolated islands in the sea of mega-block architecture. They become “urban villages”, the left-overs of China’s rapid urbanization.

China’s over-heating economy has caused a soaring price of the real estate -- home ownership become increasing un-affordable with a median housing price-income ratio of 16 (6.5 in the US). The urban villages, built by individual farmers, filled the blank for affordable housing. They are China’s contemporary political condition.

The villages are often rented by a floating population of migrant workers seeking their fortune in this brand-new city. They brought with them the taste of their hometowns into the villages, composing a mixing-and-matching culture and identity for the enclaves.

The villages are primarily residential but they also foster the growth of informal urbanities - shops, markets and street vending. The public making and private activities are highly mingled with conditions of infiltration and spilling-over. They are vibrant, temporal and dualistic. They are the sites that enable the open flow of traffic, commercial exchange and social encounters.

The villages are constantly being built and re-built in response to the surrounding developments and policy changes. Caiwuwei village’s first construction wave took place after the government granted the right for land use transfer in 1987 and the subsequent demolition-and-rebuilt took place simultaneously when the government launched the Caiwuwei CBD re-development blueprint in 2001.

The urban villages are a customized response to what the mega-block urbanism cannot offer, they grow side by side with the mega-block development, responding to 5 various needs and external forces.

Guangdong province, which the region is located in, has a GDP over 4 trillion yuan (US$519.4 billion) in 2011, roughly the same size as that of Indonesia’s, and contributing approximately 12% of China’s national economic output.

-“Comparing Chinese Provinces with Countries: All the Parities in China | The Economist.” The Economist

zhou

Guang

uan

Dongg Foshan

en

Jiangm

PEARL RIVER DELTA – this is where Koolhaas led his Harvard Project on the City, where he is building the Shenzhen Stock Exchange, where Zaha built Guangzhou Opera House, Steven Holl built the Horizontal Skyscraper (which the length exceeds the height of the Empire State Building), and Information Based Architecture built Guangzhou TV tower (tallest TV tower before Tokyo Sky Tree). This is China’s most frontier economic zone.

Location (China - Guangdong Province - Pearl River Delta)

en

Shenzh

han

Zhongs

Zhuhai Macau

ong

HongK

dong Rural and Urban Planning Institute and a senior consultant on the project. Pollution will also be addressed with a united policy, price of petrol and electricity would be unified, and phone bills will fall by 85% percent.

He also added “It will not be like Greater London or Greater Tokyo because there is no one city at the heart of this megalopolis”. (I found this notion really intriguing as it is pushing the definition of Mega-City – not single cored like Beijing, neither dual-cored like London, the Pearl River Delta will have multiple cores and patches.)

The Telegraph, 24 Jan 2011

In January earlier this year, The Telegraph reported China’s new ambitious plan to create the world’s largest mega-city with 42 million people (half of Germany’s entire population), which the size would rank 34th largest country in the world.

At China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta, 9 cities would be merged into one, including Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Dongguan, Zhuhai, Zhongshan, Jiangmen, Zhaoqing and Huizhou. This “Turn the Pearl River Delta Into One” scheme will create a 16,000 sq mile urban area that is 26 times larger than Greater London.

Person

Block

7

City

The World’s Mega-City

Regional

150 major infrastructure projects will be built in the next six years, including energy, water, telecommunications, transport networks, – 29 rail lines (over 3,100 miles), decreasing commute times between the cities. “The idea is that when the cities are integrated, the residents can travel around freely and use the healthcare and other facilities in the different areas. It will help spread industry and jobs more evenly across the region and public services will also be distributed more fairly” said Ma Xiangming, the chief planner at the Guang-

“The southern China metropolis, only vaguely perceived in most of the world at this time, is likely to become the most representative urban face of the twenty-first century.�

Urban Density in the PRD

8

- Manuel Castells, The rise of the network society, Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1996

Guangzhou Zhaoqing

Huizhou

Foshan Dongguan

Huiyang Jiangmen Shenzhen Zhongshan Zhuhai Hong Kong Macau

Highway Expressway Roads Rail Deep ports

PRD Infrastructure Map, jonomaps, 2006

9

Shallow ports

1979

1990

Speed of urbanization in the PRD

2000

10

2006

Rem Koolhaas’ diagram of City of Exacerbated difference.

15 years ago, Rem Koolhaas led a research project into China’s most frontier economic zone – the Pearl River Delta (PRD), in which he gave the region a new definition, “City of Exacerbated Difference”, meaning that every city in this region defines itself through a brutal opposition of the others, but at same time forming a holistic system. He said “It is a region whose urbanism emphasizes the greatest possible difference between its parts, whose infrastructure both enables and prevents a functioning whole, whose fabric is neither urban nor rural ”(Koolhass 1996) Lets first look at the cities on the east side of the river – Hong Kong, Shenzhen and Dongguan. Shenzhen has everything you hate about Hong Kong, crowdedness, lack of green, high living and working expense.

At the same time, Shenzhen offers everything Hong Kong has but cheaper, while Dongguan offers everything Shenzhen has but even cheaper. Shenzhen anticipates the flourishing capitalism of Hong Kong but offers bigger space for lower price. Shenzhen hosts major electronic manufacturers like Foxconn (iPads, iPhones), Huawei (biggest 3G card maker), Skyworth, Konka, ZTE etc. Dongguan, referred by Koolhaas as a “bastard city”, hosts all sorts of second industries, at a much cheaper price than Shenzhen. Shenzhen is only there because Hong Kong is across the river, while Dongguan exploits the presence of Shenzhen. The cities live off one another’s imperfection, exacerbating degrees of differences within the same paradigm.

“Each city in the Pearl River Delta defines itself not as a counterpart but through a kind of brutal opposition, each with the same desire to oppose all the others.

So the west side tends to reject the ruined, overde-

City of Exacerbated Difference

veloped east side, which is vilified as the Wild East, an overdose of speculation: the west side, it was said, would take matters more slowly and carefully.” (Koolhaas, 1996) Guangzhou is the tip end of this urban ring. The capital of province, the most historical, most cultured city of the PRD. Guangzhou has the quality which none of the other PRD cities have – political power, history and culture.

During his research, Koolhaas predicted that the 6 cities operate within one single organism – they live off one another’s imperfections, with a “paradox that the slightest modification of any details requires the readjustment of the whole to reassert the equilibrium of complementary extremes.” If Koolhaas’ hypothesis is right, what will happen when the cities merge into one? Will the unification of energy, water, telecommunication and transport network strip off their surviving differences?

Dongguan has demonstrated a growing interest in attracting technology business, does it threaten Shenzhen as the capital of high-tech products?

Shenzhen was awarded as “Design Capital” by Global Creative City UNESCO Network last year. What does this mean to the other cities in PRD?

Rem Koolhaas Great Leap Forward, Taschen, 2001

11

hou

Guangz

an

Donggu Foshan

n

Jiangme

n

Shenzhe

han

Zhongs

ng

Zhuhai

HongKo

Macau

Shenzhen stretches along the entire border to Hong Kong. Ideologically, Shenzhen is China’s window to Hong Kong, then to the world; Shenzhen is a buffer from communist China to capitalist Hong Kong; The Special Economic Zone is a transition to the Special Administration Zone (Hong Kong).

Person

Block

City

SHENZHEN

Regional

On August 26h, 1980, Shenzhen, a fishing village of 30,000 people, was inaugurated to be one of first four Special Economic Zones by China’s paramount leader of reform, Deng Xiaoping. The zones are designated as territories for accelerated economic development and the testing ground for policy changes before they could be rolled out on a national scale. Within two years, Shenzhen’s population grew to 800,000, the area of the zone grew from 3 km2 to 60, foundations were poured for 300 skyscrapers. In 30 years’ time, Shenzhen grew into a metropolis of 412 km2 with a population of 3.79 million. (administration- 2020 km2 &12million) 12

New York City (10,356)

8, 175, 133

50.000 - 200,000 10,000 - 49,999

人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人

Beijing (7,400)

5,000 - 9,999 1,000 - 4,999 0 - 999

Shenzhen (5,201) London (4,863)

人 人 人 人 人 10,357,938 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 人人人 人 人 = 500 people

size comparison & population density distribution comparison between Shenzhen and New York

Los Angeles (2,940)

Population Density /km2, wikipedia

Qianhai

OCT 3

Luohu 1

Futian 2

n Ave.

Shenna

2010

urbanized area in Shenzhen from 1985 to 2010

Exacerbated Difference in Shenzhen and its linear development

1985

Urban URB, Shenzhen Urban Ideas, 2011

3

2

garden city

1

hierachical grid

tabula rasa

It is not from Garnier’s utopian vision that Shenzhen should be built into a linear city. Shenzhen grew along the border to Hong Kong, connecting several ports and stretching the entire length – from Luohu on the east side to Shekou on the west side. The first 15 years of development in Shenzhen was the building of Luohu area, then the city expanded west, built Futian CBD and the civic center, and not long ago, a new plan was launched to relaim land at the bay on the west end of QIanhai, which will eventually turn in to the future CBD on water.

The chronological development from east to west offers planners an opportunity to reflect from the old and to build something new. The west is always a brave new world. The map on the right is Luhuo CBD, showing a degree of disorderness. No clear grid, roads with dead ends, and three metro lines intersecting around a small region. The shopping area around Laojie Station almost grew organically – major shopping spaces grew along the major streets but there is no clear connection between them.

Reflecting upon the disorderedness of Luohu, Futian CBD has a clear gridded structure with the civic center at the geographical center (middle map).

Two metro lines running east and west and two lines running north and south. However the civic center of Shenzhen is a enormous empty plaza, barely used by anybody. Underneath the plaza there is an underground parking space, but barely anyone knows its existence.

Person

Block

City

15

Regional

If Futian represents a 1960s utopia with its universal grid and enormous infrastructure, OCT, an area west of Futian, is exactly the anti-thesis of Futian.

OCT is a garden city. From the map on the left, you can see the abundant green space and winding streets. Sidewalks, bike lanes and vehicle lanes, each lane is separated with a strip of trees in-between . And each strip is of a different species, from palm trees, mango trees to banyan trees.The trees are so tall that sometimes I feel like I was walking in a forest. The villas of Dongfang garden, seeing from my bedroom window on the 21st floor(picture next page), are literally situated within a forest, something so rare to see in China, something belongs more to a rural/suburbia landscape.

my apartment

It is a landscape neither urban nor rural...

view from my apartment

It is a landscape neither urban nor rural...

view of Caiwuwei CBD

a landscape neither monolithic nor informal...

view of Caiwuwei CBD

a landscape neither monolithic nor informal...

深南大道 Shennan R oad

L uohu C B D

Futian CBD Future Qianhai CBD

Luohu Port

C aiw uw ei A rea Futian Port

香港

H ong K ong

CAIWUWEI location, in-between the tabula rasa and the hierachical grid

Urbanus URB, Shenzhen Urban Ideas, 2011

pg.18

pg.19

in-between Luohu’s tabula rasa and Futian’s hierachical grid21

COMMERCIAL RESIDENTIAL CIVIC 6

1 6 3 2

4 5 6

2 Deng Xiaoping Portrait Square 3 Shenzhen Opera House 4 Office Towers 5 The Mix Mall 6 Caiwuwei Urban Village 7 Mega-block housing 8 Danwei housing

Person

9 Middle school Block

7

City

9

Regional

6 8

1 Lychee Park

1

Lychee Park

2

Deng Xiaoping Portrait Square

4

Office Towers

5

The Mix Mall

7

Mega-block housing

8

Danwei housing

3

6

9

Shenzhen Opera House

Caiwuwei Urban Village

Middle school

current

6

means to let

Inside Mix Mall

Kingkey 100 Tower upon completion in summer 2011

residential middle class residential mixed-use residential education/healthcare cultural/entertainment

Entertainment& Education Entertainment & Education

offices

25

greenery

Offices

Offices

26

Residential

residential

27

1976

1978

1980

1990

1985

1995

2000

2015

2010

2005

Bank of China

China Merchants Bank

Shenzhen Development bank

Deng Xiaoping Portrait Square

Huarun Group

Xiongguzu Ltd. (HK)

Zhangguoyan design consultent

First starred hotel caiwuwei plaza

OCT theme parks

Ccaiwuwei Plz, Lijing Plz, Batong Plz broke ground simutanouesly

Shenzhen Opera

establishment of SEZs

ARUP

The Mix Mall phase I, Huarun Plaza

Caiwuwei CBD formed

Diwang Plaza

Shenzhen Huashen Design

The Mix Mall phase II

Shenzhen Stock Exchange Caiwuwei CBD redesign construction starts

Caiwuwei Ltd. individuals have shares

?

Caiwuwei village rebuilt to 7 stories

land value increment tax

land use reform

Kingkey100 tower & KK mall

People’s Bank Shenzhen Branch Plz

Poeple’s Bank, Farmer’s Bank, Commerce Bank, Construction Bank moved in CBD

caiwuwei villagers collectively transfer their lands for development

open door policy

TFP

Shenzhen Development Bank, Shenzhen Book City

Guomang Plaza completed

Shenzhen Kingkey Real Estate China Urban Design Research Institute Shenzhen Office

HongKong’s hand-over

legal protection of private properties

law of Transfer of land-use rights Tiananmen Square incident

first Shenzhen masterplan

second Shenzhen masterplan

Caiwuwei CBD redesign blueprint published

third Shenzhen masterplan

Caiwuwei CBD redesign international competition Urban deisgn Research

Deng’s 2nd toured to PRD

Person

Block

Deng’s death

City

Deng retired but power remained

Regional

Chronology diagram

Deng toured the PRD

National

Deng re-appointed Party chairman

1978

At the Third Plentum of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CCP in December, Deng Xiaoping, the vice-chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), introduces the Open Door Policy, a comprehensive program to modernize the (socialist) Chinese economy relative to the (capitalist) global market. The policy calls for increased contacts to foreign trade and investment, the decentralization of economic decision-making to allow greater response to market forces, and gradual legalization and transfer of land to promote economic development. Deng states that “China needs to expand its contacts with foreign countries”. In Guangdong, this means opening its doors to Hong Kong. Before the end of the conference, China announces corporate agreements with Boeing and CocaCola.

1979

On January 1, China and the United States announce the opening of full diplomatic relations. Deng Xiaoping visited the United States on January 28th. “The beautiful imperialist”. images of Deng greeted by cheering crowds in Washington, D.C., are beamed back to China.

1980

The Open Door Policy is inaugurated in China by the establishment of four Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in Guangdong Province: Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen. The zones are designated as territories for accelerated economic development and the controlled importation of foreign technology and capital.

Many policy experiment takes place in the zone before they could be implanted on a national scale. The SEZs offer skilled, non-unionized labor, preferential tax rates, and other financial incentives. The SEZs are strategically located near anticipated source of foreign capital: In the Pearl River Delta, Shenzhen borders Hong Kong and Zhuai borders Macau; meanwhile, Shantou and Xiamen lie across the channel to Taiwan.

1982

First master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone drafted, by the Guangdong Planning Institute. In two years, the city’s population grows from 30,000 to 300,000 and finally, 800,000. The area of the zone is adjusted from 3 square kilometers to 10, then to 60. Foundations are poured for 300 skyscrapers.

1984

In January, Deng tours Guangdong Province as a gesture of support for the fledging Special Economic Zones. The visit provides a huge boost to the development of the SEZs: the volume of building construction in Shenzhen nearly doubles over the following year. The Pearl River Delta is named one of three “development triangles” targeted for expanded economic development. They will act as “filter” for science and technology, helping China to “discard the dross and select the essentials”.

Foundation poured for Shenzhen Opera House. Completion of Guomang Plaza, the first skyscraper in China, the first symbol of Shenzhen’s development.

1985

Second master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, by the China Academy of Planning in Beijing. The size of the SEZ is doubled to 122 square kilometers, and the population has reached over 1 million.

1986

The building of three theme parks (Splendid China, Folk Culture Village and Window of the World) in Oversea Chinese Town. All three theme parked were finished within a decade with a fourth one - Happy Valley. The theme parks become a metaphor of Shenzhen’s identity - China’s window to the World.

1987

Land-use reform is initiated in Guangdong province to deregulate property development within the confines of the socialist property system. Under the reforms, the state retains ownership of land, but the right to use land is transferred or leased to developers through negotiation, tendering or auction. It responds to the anticipated tension built up between investor/ developers and the government and triggered a new wave of development. Thus urban land is owned by the state, but leased and controlled by the Planning Bureau; agricultural land is owned collectively by their residents, enabling peasants to join together and sell land-use rights to developers, turning many into millionaires overnight. The government can still expropriate or demand rights to use collectively owned land, but must reasonably compensate peasants.

1989

Caiwuwei villager collectively transferred their land use right for the construction of Caiwuwei Grand Hotel.

Deng formally retires from all government positions, but remains the paramount leader of the CCP. The CCP issues the Law of Transfer of Land-Use Rights in Shenzhen, furthering the split between ownership and land use. Within the system of collective

Chronology - Reform, Pearl River Delta, Shenzhen, Caiwuwei & Deng Xiaoping

ownership, the law allocates the land-use right for one hectare of land to each household, prompting a burst of speculative real-estate development. with proximity to the Special Economic Zones as its prime asset, the value of farmland in the Pearl River Delta immediately skyrockets.

The Pearl River Delta achieves a 27 percent annual growth rate, becoming the “Golden Coast” of China. The area of Special Economic Zone in Shenzhen is expanded to 150 square kilometers, with a population approached 1.5 million.

Tiananmen Square incident, which Deng orders the crack-down of the protest resulting death of hundreds. China receives the worlds’ condemnation, considerable amount of foreign investment withdrew, and foreign loan to China was suspended by the World Bank.

1992

Deng’s second tour of the Pearl River Delta - an effort to curtail free market reform and reinstitute administrative economic controls. His visit reaffirms the importance and status of the SEZs in realizing the goals of the Open Door Policy. The visit sparks a renewed surge in development throughout the region.

Caiwuwei Plaza, Lijing Plaza, Batong Plaza, Shenzhen Development Bank brake ground simultaneously.

Caiwuwei villagers found Caiwuwei Ltd. for dealing with future collective land use transfer. All villagers take share.

1993

Introduction of land value increment tax. Under the new legislation parties and individuals involved in transaction of land-use rights gains a net profit of more than 20%, effectively encouraging the transfer of land-use rights and prompting economic development.

Construction starts on the world’s largest bookstore -- Shenzhen Book City.

1995

Completion of Diwang Plaza, Aisa’s tallest building at the time.

1996

Third master plan of the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, by the Shenzhen Institute of Urban Planning, inaugurated with six new areas of development spiraling out of the original territory.

1997

Hong Kong is handed over back to China, administrated autonomously as as Special Administrative Zone. Hong Kong’s handing over further facilitates its connections to Shenzhen, Guangdong and China’s hinterland, but at same time casted an identity crisis for Shenzhen of loosing its privilege as the Special Economic Zone.

Shenzhen SEZ has become a metropolis of 2,020 square kilometers and 3.79 million people.

Deng xiaoping’s death is mourned across China, especially in Shenzhen. He is considered “the Chief Architect of China’s Modernization”.

2001

Caiwuwei village rebuilt to 6-7 stories.

2002

Planning of Caiwuwei CBD re-design.

2004

The Mix Mall opened.

2007

Citizens are finally awarded the same legal protection of their property as the state. real estate price increased by 10%.

Construction begins on Shenzhen Stock Exchange, designed by OMA.

2011

2011 Shenzhen hosts the 26th World’s University Games.

30

reworked from:

Yuyang Liu, Great Leap Forward, Taschen, 2001 Urban URB, Caiwuwei Redevelopment Urban Design, 2011

Caiwuwei village is a response to surrounding development and policy changes.

7

7

Mega-blocks

The Mega-blocks

32

The mega-blocks are singularly designed objects with minimum regard for circulatory ramifications or urban linkages, forming suburban bubbles with the downtown , and stark high rise at the city fringe.

Their shear scale makes them urban elements, and the sum of them come to define the city, to form the master-plan of the city. Urban design is reduced to the sum of architecture.

-- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008

8

8

Danwei blocks

Danwei Blocks

33

Danwei means “work unit”, Danwei blocks refer to a building typology developed during China’s communist era -- bar shape buildings with uneven facade to maximize ventilation, it has been wellintegrated into China’s contemporary building traditions.

demolished village

6

As the city gobbles up farmlands, the villages found themselves submerged in the sea of urban substance. The villages become isolated islands within the city, while the mega-blocks take over to form the fabric of the city.

Urban Villages

Urban Village

34

China’s hukou system specifies the urban land is owned by the state while the rural land is owned collectively by the farmers.

The government does not have a ownership power over these lands, which is the main reasons why these villages were not developed in the same way as the rest of the city. However, the government can demand to use the land for development if a proper compensation is offered to the villagers. The dashed circle indicates the demolished village, which now hosts Shenzhen’s tallest skyscraper -- Kingkey 100.

2800

2800

2800

2800

2800

2800

6

3000

14m

7000

14000

19m 13m

3500

site area: 42875 m2 construction: 174,900 m2 FAR: 2.67 building density: 53.1%

- mostly built in 2001 in response to policy change - 6-7stories with very low floor to ceiling height - most rented by migrant workers, a bedroom can be shared up to 4 people - ground floor for commercial use

Person

Block

35

City

Urban Village generic block

Regional

pg.52-54 on who lives in the village

The Chinese Dream’s preface article A Society Under Construction by Neville Mars best outlined the dominant values bubbled to top of the Chinese society since the 1980s. Comparable to an American dream, the Chinese dream is also largely bundled with home ownership. For a young couple with one child, the dream could be a small two-bedroom condominium in a city. The mega-blocks in a gated community are the symbol of a new shinny dream. Architecture becomes the dream to be purchased after years of saving and squatting in rental homes.

On a larger societal level, the vision is to be urbanized. Construction attracts work force into cities, real estate generates considerable revenue and governments receive fiscal taxation; urban developments push the land ownership policies to change and evolve, which consequentially relating to property right disputes and unrest across the country; culturally pushing the consensus of individual rights and privacy. Urbanization is at the heart of China’s reform and still is the engine of China’s growing economy. Every aspect of change, whether culturally, environmentally or socially, all in one way or another, related to the changes in China’s built environment.

However the pressure to purchase a property is an increasing burden on the young generation. The average housing price across the country rose up by over 30% in four years from 2002 to 2006. Last year (2010) the average housing price is 8856 yuan/sm, and 15892 yuan/sqm in the top 10 cities. It means for a college graduate earning 50,000 yuan in China, to buy a condominium of 970 square ft and 800,000 yuan would take him 16 years (if he doesn’t eat, pay rents or tax), while the US comparative model is about 6.25 years.

“Mega-blocks, danwei buildings and urban villages often form “a bewildering juxtaposition of dilapidation, wealth density, and communist history.

With such contexts, new expensive multi-story compounds disserver themselves from the nearby lower buildings by height and access ways, leading to a 3-D stratification effect”

-- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008

Person

Block

City

Regional

ON BOUNDARY

Enclosed Spaces

Enclosed Space

39

Enclosed Spaces Context Enclosure Context

40

The walls, fences and gates around each residential compounds are intended for better public security and prevention of petty crime. Generally, the richer the property is, the tighter the security is. For example, Linked Hybrid in Beijing has an excessive level of security. It is completely walled off from adjacent streets and properties. There are two major gates and a side gate leading directly to the underground parking level. All gates are guarded and equipped with card-swiping system. There are 24-hour security patron and CCTV cameras installed in the public areas as well as in the elevators. On my first visit there, I was stopped three times within 50 meters of walk, by the gate security, patron security and block security. They stop any un-familiar face until a proper reason for visiting is presented. In Daxing area, Beijing, it was reported that crime dropped by 73 percent from April to July this year after the authority walled off some residential villages.

Generally, the urban villages are on the loose end of security due to the fact that are mostly occupied by a floating population of lower income. In the picture we see half of a car-stopping barrier, only the card swiping machine but not the barrier bar. In the lower image, there is a security pavilion but the guard is absent.

spent my early years in a danwei community when my mother was working for a state-owned weaving factory. It was a big community of over 10,000 people on a 173,000 sm2 (17.3 hectare) of land, within the walls, there was an elementary school and middle school, a hospital and a very small soccer field. There was everything from cradle to grave. The apartments were not purchased or rented by the residents but distributed from the factory to its workers, so all residents are either directly associated with the factory (the danwei) or the family of the worker.

The gated communities provide a secure environment to foster certain sociabilities of a selective group of people, for example, the mothers would feel safe leaving their children play within the gates knowing all residents are from her danwei. However, as middleclass compounds and lower class ones are becoming more and more differentiated, mega-block, freeways and shopping malls are stratifying the urban existence in one way while derelict urban villages are going the other direction. The walls, fences and gates become a physical manifestation of social segregation and gentrification.

Are you looking for anyone here?

From a deeper ideological aspect, the gated communities are a carry-over of China’s communist mentality from the 1960s. Each danwei (work unit) should supply its workers with all the amenities needed to live comfortably so that there is no need to travel outside. And a deeper intention is for the government to keep track of the people. I

gated communities

Linked Hybrid property

building security

Are you a guest of a resident?

patron security Are you a resident here?

gate security m

50

41

- 24 hr police patron - CCTV cameras - card-swiping system - guards at gates and every block

Shuttle bus Underground parking Kindergarden Playground Supermarket Post office Laundromat Beauty salon Fitness center Indoor & Outdoor swimming pool Tennis court Basketball court Bowling room restaurant cafe Greenhouse Bookstore Pharmacy every danwei supplies its workers with all the amenities needed to live comfortably so that there is no need to travel outside

The walls offer a secure environment to foster certain sociability of a selective group of people, but also contributes to a process of gentrification and social segregation. images by Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008

42

Gates have differentiated functions in ancient China. To illustrate this, let us travel to historical Beijing.

Zhengyangmen, the gatehouse proper to Beijing’s inner city. It was connected with the old city wall that used to fence around the inner city. Outside the walls was the moat that gave another layer of protection. Zhengyangmen is at the center of Beijing’s north-south axis, in line with Tian’anmen, Hall of Supreme Harmony, and the city’s Drum and Bell Tower.

Jianlou, the archery tower that connects to Zhengyangmen, forming a double gate. The courtyard in-between was used for archery storage and stationed militants. This tower has thick wars and 94 small windows for shooting enemies.

Beijing’s Wupailou Gate is a symbol of Qianmen Avenue

Zhengyangmen

Jianlou

Wupailou

History of Gates in China

43

Wupailou, entrance to Qianmen Avenue. It is a decorative monument, carry no function of security or defense, but merely a marking of Qianmen shopping street. It is also an example of Paifang, seen in Chinatowns across the world.

Gates in Caiwuwei Village - Security? Monument?

But rather seems incomplete.

44

Enclosed Green spaces Enclosed Green

45

semi-public space within the walls, for example, gardens within a gated community.

2

2

7

犺

3

6

7

pg.60-67 on the dissolve of boundaries 8

Enclosed vs the Outside Enclosed & In-between

8

46

public space outside the walls is very limited, mostly public streets

intensity of traffic flowFlow Lines

47

The walled, gated and fenced enclosures break down the urban fabric, however, the urban villages are seen to have more traffic flow that branches into different gated communities. In other words, the urban villages serve to stitch the urban fabric together.

Caiwuwei villages stitch the fragmented urban fabric Village Mixed-use Commercial

48

2

2

7

犺

3

6

7

8

fragmented urban fabric Adhesion to the fabric

8

49

1

7 restaurants: 2 Hunan, 2 Sichuan, 2 Cantonese pharmacy 2 hotels hair salon mobile phone store leisure&fitness center

1

2

2

7

犺

2 3

6

3 7

8

8

The reasons for visiting - Informal businesses

50

2

13 restaurants: 5 Hunan, 2 Sichuan, 2 Cantonese 2 cafes 2 ice-cream shops 2 bakeries convenient store super market massage beauty salon print shop photo developer photography studio computer repair stastionary’s Home decoration/ accessories plumbing materials shop some small offices (retail, technology related)

3

11 restaurants: 4 Hunan, 4 Northern, tea house bakery diary shop convenient store 3 pharmacies 3 flower/plant shops message hotel lottery stands investment/pledger service motor-bike repair offices: restaurant managemnt, soft-drink brand retail management

The smell of the informal culinary spaces

51

Interview with Caiwuwwei village by Urbanus URB

Person

52

Vendor sells corns in Lychee Park Block

Moving business, from Chongqing Has been in Shenzhen for 13 years

City

Vendor, from Jiangxi Has been coming to this spot for 16 years, observed the changes of the areas. (The villages used to be 3-story buildings, rebuilt in 2000).

Nuts vendor, Uighur (ethnical minority), from Vendors moved to Caiwuwei last year from another village Xinjiang learnt Mandarin after moving to Shenzhen

Regional

Tenants Have been living in the village for 3 years, moved to Shenzhen 6 years ago.

Dumpling restaurant chef Rent is 1500 yuan per apartment, the owner collects 50,000 yuan per months.

Hairdresser’s assistant Life is boring becasue it is only about work and sleep

Waitress, Has been in Shenzhen for almost 3 years Sandwich shop owner, from Hubei Lives in the comoany dormitory, a 3-bedroom Just moved to Shenzhen a few days ago apartment in the villages, sharing a room with 3 53 other workmates

Water dilevery, Has been in Shenzhen for 5-6 years, met her husband here then started a family business

Pedestrian, in his 70s Moved to Shenzhen in his 50s

Locksmith, Hakka (ethnical minority), from Meizhou (Guangdong) Has been in Shenzhen for 7-8 years

Pedestrain, from Harbin (Heilongjiang) on long holiday in Shenzhen to escape the coldness of Harbin, hotels are too expansive

Public Inspector (Chengguan), from Hunan has been in Shenzhen for more than 10 years Came to Shenzhen because everybody came here after China’s reform “Not long after Deng’s edict, stories about this new land of opportunities started to travel across the country. Somewhere in the south, it was whispered, there was a brand new city with plenty of jobs. A city with gold colored high-rise and moving stairs.

Soon people started talking about Shenzhen Speed - the until then unheard pace of development - or the Shenzhen Generation - those who had taken advantage of this speed and got rich fast...”

Office employee, works in Diwang building Lives in urban village because rent is too expansive in gated residential componds.

Urban life in Lychee Park 54

“Toddy himself remembered when he was a little boy, he heard the grown-ups talk about this city.

“There”, they said. “is a place where you can become rich.” There stories were fueled by recruiters who travelled to remote villages to hire farmers for the new factories. And by migrants who returned to their villages with both stories of success and their trophies of modernity -- watches, TV sets, money.”

-- Neville Mars, The Chinese Dream, Rotterdam 010 Publishers, 2008

The village houses were built and re-built by individual farmers to be rented out to migrant workers at an affordable price. Informal urban activities -- temporal markets and street vending grow within these villages, offering convenient shopping and cheap life-style. These villages of “informal� become a customized response to what the mega-blocks cannot offer.

Urban Village

Mega-block response

1 surrounding development and policy changes 2 need for affordable housing 4 rejection of physical boundaries 3 the missing ephemeral qualities

ATTRIBUTES OF THE URBAN VILLAGE subversive, mobile, dualistic, temporal, vibrant & open flow

TEMPORALITY Person

Block

City

Regional

57

Location The temporal market locates along the main street through the village, at where there is most traffic flow.

Organization It is organized linearly along the street and facing the street. It diverges the traffic flow into two lines, one for commercial exchange and one for accessing the shops.

Structure It has a location but not any permanent structure. For an average vendor, he has a sunshade, stalls that made from cardboard boxes, wooden boards or plastic tubs. These “informal structure� always grab onto an edge of a formal structure. In the case of Caiwuwei village(diagram), the market locates at the edge of the street, where the street touches the steps to the buildings, leaving some space both on the front and behind for circulation through or into the shops. In Hubei village(picture), the market grabs to the edge of the boundary wall so the wall becomes a backdrop of the market. In a similar market near Linked Hybrid, Beijing, the market gathers under the shadows of a highway. In all cases, the market itself has no established structure but utilizes an existing piece of infrastructure.

Material The sunshades, either plastic, nylon or fabric, has been the material used repeatedly for temporal markets, from Shenzhen to London, from 200 years ago to today. The sunshade stretches out a piece of fabric above head to shelter people underneath from rain and strong sunshine. It seems that the tensile appearance of the material has become a recognizable feature of a temporal market.

58

The fresh vegetables sold on these markets

59

Market in Hubei village, Shenzhen

In Hubei Village, the vegetable market spreads against a long blank wall; In Beijing, the morning flee market takes the shadows under an elevated highway. It seems that the informal businesses are always parasitic to a piece of infrastructure. pg.38-49 on boundary

parasitic relationship and the dissolve of boundary

60

Market in Hubei village, Shenzhen

parasitic relationship and the dissolve of boundary

61

A mornig market under a Highway in Beijing’s downtown area near Linked Hybrid

The diagram illustrates the wall’s/ highway’s original effect to divide, however, as the market brings more flow, it becomes a place of concentration. The process, in a way, dissolves the boundary.

62

A mornig market under a Highway in Beijing’s downtown area near Linked Hybrid

63

lady selling roasted sweet potatoes

64

20s/ young prefessional

second-hand products fabric

entrance to lychee park 8:00pm - 10:00pm

40s/ Hakka from Guangdong

morning groceries 50s/ lady with two younger assistants

steamed dumplings

hobby

20s/ young prefessional

hand-made crafts DIY stalls and shelf

outside a gated community 8:00pm - 10:00pm

30s/ vender

accesories

groceries

fabric, bike

on sidewalk along main street 7:00pm - 10:00pm

catogories of informal businesses

basic steamer cookware

outside a gated community 6:00am - 10:00am

40s/ farmer

vegetables fabric, cart

inside urban village 7:00am - 11:00am

50s/ farmer

corns tricycle+cart

in lychee park 6:00am - 10:00am

65

locksmith

table with wheels and drawer

along major street 9:00am - 5:00pm

40s/ couple to be close to their son

pineapples&chestnuts assembly table boxes

near subway entrance 7:00am - 5:00pm

50s/ from Jiangxi

fix bikes

a luggage of tools

near street intersection 9:00am - 6:00pm

services

snacks 20s/ Uighur from Xinjiang

walnuts

tricycle with a cart

near street intersection 1:00pm - 7:00pm

50s/ female migrant worker

roasted sweet potatoes oven in a cart

on the side walk

9:00am - 5:00pm

time

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

22

24 (h)

0

wall

sunshades

2

snacks stalls

lunch queue

6

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

22

0

4 6

8

8

10

10

dist. (m)

dist. (m)

informality has no permanent forms but changes its shape during the course of the day 0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

22

effect - “thickening” the wall, the slits indicate when the informal vendors are expelled by chengguan 24 (h)

-2 wall

4

2

vegetables market

4

time

2

-2

-2 wall

0

time

0 2 4 6 8 10

dist. (m)

a street with informal businesses on both sides and traffic flows in between

informality’s effect on the wall

66

24(h)

comparative study to Covent Garden, London

67

There are three different commercial spaces -- mobile structure outside the market hall, market stalls inside the market and shops within the built cells. The shops and stalls are layed out in alternating strips with the mobile structure scattered around.

Covent Garden temporality

pg.88 on Covent Garden’s duality

Covent Garden temporality - mobile structure

69

Structure is the regulating device.

Covent Garden temporality

70

Context.

Covent Garden temporality

71

vibrancy - spill over vs infiltration

Person

Block

City

Regional

Vibrancy is the contested relationship between public-making and private activities. It is the condition of publicmaking infiltrated into private structures and the condition of private activities spilled over to the public space.

Private activities occurance mapping -- Spilling over

73

Spilling over This diagram maps the private activities occurred in the public space according to my observation. The most common one is clothes-drying, found everywhere in the village, along the major street, in the side streets, sometimes even above the entrance to a shop. The less common ones are the shop assistants eating, watching TV or reading newspaper in their shops.

The transformed their work place into their living rooms. I also found a kid writing his homework with a pull-out table in a side street.

Most private activities occur around the built blocks, sometimes right inside a shop. Clothes-drying happens anywhere and everywhere, while some others are slighted concentrated along the main commercial street.

Private activities occurance mapping

74

There is not much internal organization within the distribution of the dots.

Infiltration

non-differentiated flow

In this diagram, the blue is the accessible space, which includes the streets and the infiltrated space. It shows the infiltrated space expands over the dimension of the street, the street is no longer a line, but a zone that is sometimes wide sometimes narrow.

75

pg.47 on flow intensity

converted space for commercial exchange -- Infiltration

76

A lot of the private blocks have been infiltrated on the ground floor by commercial activities, especially along the main street.

The blue marks the amount of infiltration.

The infiltration loosely follows the traffic flow in and out of the village, connecting to the streets outside the village.

connection to the city

77

Context

78

A

A

16300

serial section_01

9900

9300

15700

5700

A serial section along the main street shows the changes in the width of the street, degree of infiltration and height difference of the public space. The degree of infiltration varies from block to block, and some blocks are more elevated than others. But the street gets narrower from east to west, and the infiltration loosely reduces as the street gets narrower.

B

B

5000

serial section_02

9700

12000

12000

80

C

C

9700

serial section_03

15200

9100

81

D

D

12600

serial section_04

13000

13400

82

E

E

13600

serial section_05

5030

83

13670

Model shots

84

Person

Block

City

Regional

MOBILITY the devices that enables the commercial activities to be mobile

I documented the mobile devices that I saw in the urban village. Here I am mostly interested in the tricycles. For an average vegetable vendor, he bikes his tricycle to the wholesale market every morning to load his tricycle with fresh vegetables. Then he bikes to his spot of sale, uses boxes and boards to unpack and display the vegetables on his tricycle.

When a street police comes, he can hop on his tricycle and cycle away as fast as he can.

86

It is a bike with a trunk in a simple assembly. The wheels make it movable and the triangular position makes it stable. It has a hierachy of one front wheel and two backs.

In China, law and policy are often interpreted and practiced differently by the people. There always seems to be a tendency to breach between the words of laws and policy. The policy says each villager can build his house up to “san jian fang” (three rooms in its literal meaning). But they each built 3-story buildings with double height ceilings, and convert them into lofts, so 3 stories become 6 stories.

The government tries to control informal vending along the streets because they don’t pay tax, they block the roads and mostly importantly, they are an eye sore in the eyes of the authority, they stain the image of “modernization”. First “Chengguan” (lower than police patron) was formed in the 1990s to expel street vending and “clean” the image of the city. The vendors, lift their plastic bags, hop on their tricycles or run away as fast as they can when they see a “chengguan” approaching. After the Chengguan is gone, they come back, layout their goods like nothing ever happened. They come and go in groups so everybody can watch for one another.

Person

Block

City

Regional

SUBVERSION

National

In Chinese there is a saying roughly translated to - for every measure from the top, a countermeasure at the bottom. It is exactly this countermeasure that made up the informal urbanism, that responds to the need of the people. The practice is subversive in its nature, coming out of an ambivalence between the individual and the state, rooted from the ancient time and still is present in contemporary China. Unlike the west, which law is the framework that shadows everybody’s interaction, in China, law is viewed as an invention from a group of privileged people. The supremacy of the rituals, on the other hand, forms the undertone order in Chinese society.

In the late imperial time(late 1800s), there was a vegetable market outside the forbidden walls in Beijing (Caishikou).

It was famous not for the fruits or vegetables, but famous because it was the monarchy’s place of execution. The felon would be dragged from the one end of the market street to the other end - the execution ground, while people threw rotten vegetable at the felon. The everyday market became a promenade sequence for the event place.

Person

Block

88

City

pg.67-71 on Covent Garden’s temporality

Regional

DUALITY the everyday vs the event at Covent Garden

I chose not to show any disturbing images of Caishikou, but picked up a similar condition at Convent Garden in London.

The church front is the backdrop of the stage while the market’s front and two side form the viewing boundary.

Duality- the everyday vs the event at Covent Garden

89

There is another performance space inside the market and under ground. This one is dedicated to vocal and instrument performances. In section, the everyday and the event alternates.

CRISIS

caiwuwei

Total 890 1150 2590 2215 90 285 3370 Person

Block

City

Regional

villages to be “re-developed” according to Shenzhen Planning Bureau

Shenzhen’s urban village re-developement in the past 5 years (unit - 10,000 km2) Luohu Futian Nanshan Yantian Bao’an Longgang 30 410 300 40 80 30 land demolished 400 300 200 40 80 130 construction demolished re-developement construction 145 1030 750 190 365 110 670 125 310 90 920 100 residential 10 5 35 20 5 15 offices commercial 75 30 30 35 15 100 60 860 820 570 540 520 total re-developement

2011

2005

Top-Down

Bottom-Up over-power vulnerabilities

limited in what offer

to be demolished informal vending to be cleaned up

42.7

64.4

48.8

92

36.8

150.4

Shenzhen has demolished land that is equal to 2.6 Central Parks in the past 5 years, and rebuilt it to 7.6 Central Parks. According to the new Re-development Plan, Caiwuwei villages are expected to disappear. Caiwuwei South Village has already been demolished for the construction of Kingkey 100 tower (441m) and KK mall. The demolition and re-development is a transformation process from intimate urban village scale to enormous mega-block scale, it is also a gentrification process from informal businesses to glittering shopping malls.

12.0

11.9

15.7 (m)

93

Person

13.0

Block

4.3

City

12.2

Regional

is the sign on buildings to be demolished.

SITE 2005

94

100m

SITE 2011

95

Commerce chamber court

School for television Kingkey100 development Police headquarter Diwang Plz. Shenzhen Opera House Gucci flagship store Shenzhen book city Lijing Plz. The Mix Mall Hospital

pg.25-27 on program categories

important programs

96

major bus stop subway stop walkable area, 250m radius

site circulation

97

underground tunnel

Shennan Ave.

Road Layout

98

Shenzhen’s road network has a functional hierarchy, from major motor-ways to secondary streets branching off the primary streets. This is where Luohu’s tabula rasa touches Futian’s hierarchical grid, where we see spaghetti-like streets merges into an orthogonal system.

Shenzhen Opera House and Opera House Plaza

99

The Grand Music Hall in the Opera House is 2/3 of times empty no ground-level pedestrian transpass but only underground tunnels

The smaller hall is used up to 80%

theaters

under utilized empty plaza

2688m2

office + back stage

lounge

1560m

2

432m

2

Commercial 432m2

Shenzhen Opera House situates in the center of the Opera House Square, which is currently under-utilized. It has a grand music hall and a smaller hall, the big hall is empty 2/3 of the year while the small hall has been used up to 80%.

There are a lot of under-utilized spaces while there is a need for smaller performance space.

site analysis: Shenzhen Opera House

100

from FAR 2.67 to 14, 220,000sqm of offices hold 30,000 workers

1755 new condos for 6000 people

but no informal businesses 441m

120m where do they eat for lunch?

5m

27

12

5m

office hotel commercial residential

two big luxury shopping malls on either side of the street

175,000m2 46,000m2

83,500m2 110,000m2

The new Kingkey100 development will bring 30,000 more workers and 6000 residents onto this concentrated site.

There is no informal business within the property, but two luxury shopping malls on either side of the street.

site analysis: Kingkey100 developemnt

101

pg.24 facade of the tower

site analysis: Boundary

102

The empty plaza surrounding the opera house is a boundary that isolates the opera house from the rest of the city. The vertical facades of the Kingkey100 development is its boundary that encloses the development.

h

c al lun inform ss e busin 2 860m

small performance space

music shops

lunch time lounge

g

dinnin

en

kitch

e

loung

e loung 2 m 0 43

music

s shop

music 2 860m

music

e

loung

s

shop

ge

stora

e

utilized public space

e

c rman perfo e c spa 2 m 1540

informal lunch business

c rman perfo e c spa

studio

ing dress s m roo stage back e offic 2 m 1340

RESPONSE missing programs

103

es

servic

The informals dissolve the boundary of the megablocks while the mega-blocks contain the informals.

The boundary is dissolved into a field that allows for program exchange and traffic flow.

The field manifests the ephemeral qualities of the urban villages, it has no permanent form but changes its shapes according to external forces.

mega-blocks

MANIFESTO

104

the boundaries thickened to form a field

informal businesses are regulated within this field

The field has no permanent form but changes its form accordingly

105

the field allows for program exchange and traffic flow

能

了 系统

，

不

的 个

， 的公

的 层 系统。

Subcenters

Guangming Smart-city, Shenzhen By: CJ Lim, 2007

IInterlaced

The project arranges housing/farming suburbs into human-scale clusters, with each one is self-sufficient with its own high street, squares and individual character. There is a vertical floral garden sit alongside the vertical kitchen garden farms around which people can socialize. There is also an artificial beach and a canal leading into the local river where a reed bed water filtration system is introduced. Lychee orchards border acts as a air filter of the city.

* SEE REFERENCE DOCUMENTATION FOR DETAILS ON MONORAIL SYSTEMS

我们发展了一个能够完全实现南北朝向的路网，一个能 够自然融合多种街区模式的线性系统，这个线性系统有 不同的南北向宽度。能够适于插入办公中心，商业地区 和各种高低层类型的居住区。作为一个线性系统，不同 我们发展了一个能够完全实现南北朝向的路网，一个能 够自然融合多种街区模式的线性系统，这个线性系统有 的功能都呈现水平的带状排布。 不同的南北向宽度。能够适于插入办公中心，商业地区 和各种高低层类型的居住区。作为一个线性系统，不同 的功能都呈现水平的带状排布。 36 M

TYPE A

144 M

LOW RISE - VILLA SCALE

TYPE B 216 M

LOW RISE - VILLA SCALE

TOWN HOUSE-HIGH-RISE SCALE TYPE B

1 KM

72 M

288 M

36 M

TYPE A

144 M

216 M

72 M

TOWN HOUSE-HIGH-RISE SCALE 288 M

1 KM

TYPE C

144 M

TYPE C

144 M

RBAN

RBAN

地

线性网格 Linear grid

线性网格 Linear grid

CBD SCALE CBD SCALE

CBD URBAN

500 M

500 M

500 M

HIGH RISE URBAN

500 M

LOW RISE URBAN

地 LA N D U S E N E W

各种 地向

The bigger circle defines the walkable area from each subway stop.

The smaller ones are bikable one and walkable ones. The smaller ones fill into the residual spaces between the big circles and a light rail system is designed to link them all.

Green spaces fill even smaller gaps.

Within each circle, there are different levels of program mixture.

The density of the linear distribution is determined to three different scales -- villa scale, town house scale and CBD scale. The striation maximizes the social encounters of people living in different typologies.

A R E A S

功能的 业

地平 。

中，

C u rrent indu s t ry : h o u s ing 2 : 1 P ro p o s ed indu s t ry : h o u s ing : u niv ers it y

我们

心

1 : 2 : 1

* G reen corridors / reed beds * Industry *R & D

6 .5 K M2 2 .4 K M2 1 .0 K M2

3 3 % 1 2 % 5 %

* H ousing * University * Commerce / office * Service / leisure * G reen / leisure

4 .0 K M2 1.9 KM2 1.6 KM2 1.9 KM2 0 .8 K M2

2 0 % 10% 7% 10% 3 %

PRECEDENTS

Pingding new city, Shenzhen

by Neville Mars, 2010

106

Qianhai CBD, Shenzhen

by Urbanus URB, 2011

FAR

4 11 13

公共交通中 Relocation Hospital

13

动 4

及 4

13

公共交通中 13

0.5

地

商住 业

及

Towers are clustered within the walkable radius around each metro station. They are shaped and spaced to better facilitate natural sunlight and ventilation. The blue indicates metro lines and the orange indicates road system. All tower within each cluster are connected with a meta-plane which the metro stops on, so the ground floor is free for vehicle traffic. All amenities, entertainment and cultural programs are located on meta-plane level.

54 垂直升降机系统 步行及自行车 公共交通系统 机动车系统

高密度住宅

空中连廊 商住层 综合平台 商业 公共交通层 商业 交通层 地下停车层

107

Caiwuwei village new design, Shenzhen

by Urbanus URB 2011 The village is lifted up to form the meta-plane around the mega-blocks. The intimate scale is reserved and each villager still owns his plot of land, which he can rent out for commercial uses. The ground floor is clear for vehicle traffic while the village in the air received better ventilation. The metro stops on meta-plane level, strengthening a pedestrian-use only meta-plane.

Allen, Stan. Points Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City. New York: Princeton “Canton Tower.” Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Web. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canton_Tower>.

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special thanks to Wu Di, Fu Na & Michael Marsh for site picture contribution